,this is an authorized facsimile of the 
original book1 and was produced in #aiga
 by microfilm-xerography by ,university 
,microfilms1 ,a ,xerox ,company1 ,ann   
,arbor1 ,michigan1 ,u4,s4,a4     ,,an   
,,essay on the ,,history ,,of ,,civil   
,,society4         99       99       99 
99       99  ,,by ,,adam ,,ferguson1 ,l4
 ,l4 ,d4    ,,contents         99       
99       99       99       99  ,,part   
,i4 ,,of ,,the ,,general                
,,characteristics ,,of ,,human ,,nature4
  ,,section ,i4 ,of the question        
relating to the ,state of ,nature       
,,section ,,ii4 ,of the principles of   
,self ,preservation  ,,section ,,iii4   
,of the principles of ,union among      
,mankind  ,,section ,,iv4 ,of the       
principles of ,war and ,dissention      
,,section ,v4 ,of ,intellectual ,powers 
,,section ,,vi4 ,of ,moral ,sentiment   
,,section ,,vii4 ,of ,happiness         
,,section ,,viii4 ,the same subject     
continued  ,,section ,,ix4 ,of ,national
 ,felicity  ,,section ,x4 ,the same     

subject continued  ,,part ,,ii4 ,,of    
,,the ,,history ,,of ,,rude ,,nations4  
,,section ,i4 ,of the informations on   
this subject1 which are derived from    
,antiquity  ,,section ,,ii4 ,of ,rude   
,nations prior to the ,establishment of 
,property  ,,section ,,iii4 ,of rude    
,nations1 under the impressions of      
,property and ,interest         99      
99       99       99       99  ,,part   
,,iii4 ,,of ,,the ,,history ,,of        
,,policy ,,and ,,arts4  ,,section ,i4   
,of the ,influences of ,climate and     
,situation  ,,section ,,ii4 ,the        
,history of ,political ,establishments  
,,section ,,iii4 ,of ,national ,objects 
in general1 and of ,establishments and  
,manners relating to them  ,,section    
,,iv4 ,of ,population and ,wealth       
,,section ,v4 ,of ,national ,defence and
 ,conquest  ,,section ,,vi4 ,of ,civil  
,liberty  ,,section ,,vii4 ,of the      
,history of ,arts  ,,section ,,viii4 ,of
 the ,history of ,literature  ,,part    
,,iv4 ,,of ,,consequences ,,that        

,,result ,,from ,,the ,,advancement ,,of
 ,,civil ,,and ,,commercial ,,arts4     
,,section ,i4 ,of the ,separation of    
,arts and ,professions  ,,section ,,ii4 
,of the ,subordination consequent to the
 ,separation of ,arts and ,professions  
,,section ,,iii4 ,of the ,manners of    
,polished and ,commercial ,nations      
,,section ,,iv4 ,the same subject       
continued         99       99       99  
99       99  ,,part ,v4 ,,of ,,the      
,,decline ,,of ,,nations4  ,,section ,i4
 ,of supposed ,national ,eminence1 and  
of the ,vicissitudes of ,human ,affairs 
,,section ,,ii4 ,of the ,temporary      
,efforts and ,relaxations of the        
,national ,spirit  ,,section ,,iii4 ,of 
,relaxations in the ,national ,spirit   
incident to ,polished ,nations          
,,section ,,iv4 ,the same subject       
continued  ,,section ,v4 ,of ,national  
,waste  ,,part ,,vi4 ,,of ,,corruption  
,,and ,,political ,,slavery4  ,,section 
,i4 ,of corruption in general  ,,section
 ,,ii4 ,of ,luxury  ,,section ,,iii4 ,of

 the ,corruption incident to ,polished  
,nations  ,,section ,,iv4 ,the same     
subject continued  ,,section ,v4 ,of    
,corruption1 as it tends to ,political  
,slavery  ,,section ,,vi4 ,of the       
,progress and ,termination of ,despotism
  ,,an ,,essay  ,,on ,,the  ,,history   
,,of ,,civil ,,society4         99      
99       99       99       99           
,,part ,,first4  ,,of ,,the ,,general   
,,characteristics ,,of ,,human ,,nature4
          99       99       99       99 
99      ,,section ,i4  ,,of ,,the       
,,question ,,relating ,,to ,,the ,,state
 ,,of ,,nature4   ,natural productions  
are generally formed by degrees4        
,vegetables are raised from a tender    
shoot1 and animals from an infant state4
 ,the latter1 being active1 extend      
together their operations and their     
powers1 and have a progress in what they
 perform1 as well as in the faculties   
they acquire4 ,this progress in the case
 of man is continued to a greater extent
 than in that of any other animal4 ,not 

only the individual advances from       
infancy to manhood1 but the species     
itself from rudeness to civilization4   
,hence the supposed departure of mankind
 from the state of their nature2 hence  
our conjectures and different opinions  
of what man must have been in the first 
age of his being4 ,the poet1 the        
historian1 and the moralist frequently  
allude to this ancient time2 and under  
the emblems of gold1 or of iron1        
represent a condition1 and a manner of  
life1 from which mankind have either    
degenerated1 or on which they have      
greatly improved4 ,on either            
supposition1 the first state of our     
nature must have borne no resemblance to
 what men have exhibited in any         
subsequent period2 historical monuments1
 even of the earliest date1 are to be   
considered as novelties2 and the most   
common establishments of human society  
are to be classed among the             
encroachments which fraud1 oppression1  
or a busy invention1 have made upon the 

reign of nature1 by which the chief of  
our grievances or blessings were equally
 withheld4  ,among the writers who have 
attempted to distinguish1 in the human  
character1 its original qualities1 and  
to point out the limits between nature  
and art1 some have represented mankind  
in their first condition1 as possessed  
of mere animal sensibility1 without any 
exercise of the faculties that render   
them superior to the brutes1 without any
 political union1 without any means of  
explaining their sentiments1 and even   
without possessing any of the           
apprehensions and passions which the    
voice and the gesture are so well fitted
 to express4 ,others have made the state
 of nature to consist in perpetual wars 
kindled by competition for dominion and 
interest1 where every individual had a  
separate quarrel with his kind1 and     
where the presence of a fellow creature 
was the signal of battle4  ,the desire  
of laying the foundation of a favourite 
system1 or a fond expectation1 perhaps1 

that we may be able to penetrate the    
secrets of nature1 to the very source of
 existence1 have1 on this subject1 led  
to many fruitless inquiries1 and given  
rise to many wild suppositions4 ,among  
the various qualities which mankind     
possess1 we select one or a few         
particulars on which to establish a     
theory1 and in framing our account of   
what man was in some imaginary state of 
nature1 we overlook what he has always  
appeared within the reach of our own    
observation1 and in the records of      
history4  ,in every other instance1     
however1 the natural historian thinks   
himself obliged to collect facts1 not to
 offer conjectures4 ,when he treats of  
any particular species of animals1 he   
supposes that their present dispositions
 and instincts are the same which they  
originally had1 and that their present  
manner of life is a continuance of their
 first destination4 ,he admits1 that his
 knowledge of the material system of the
 world consists in a collection of      

facts1 or at most1 in general tenets    
derived from particular observations and
 experiments4 ,it is only in what       
relates to himself1 and in matters the  
most important and the most easily      
known1 that he substitutes hypothesis   
instead of reality1 and confounds the   
provinces of imagination and reason1 of 
poetry and science4  ,but without       
entering any further on questions either
 in moral or physical subjects1 relating
 to the manner or to the origin of our  
knowledge2 without any disparagement to 
that subtilty which would analyze every 
sentiment1 and trace every mode of being
 to its source2 it may be safely        
affirmed1 that the character of man1 as 
he now exists1 that the laws of his     
animal and intellectual system1 on which
 his happiness now depends1 deserve our 
principal study2 and that general       
principles relating to this or any other
 subject1 are useful only so far as they
 are founded on just observation1 and   
lead to the knowledge of important      

consequences1 or so far as they enable  
us to act with success when we would    
apply either the intellectual or the    
physical powers of nature1 to the       
purposes of human life4  ,if both the   
earliest and the latest accounts        
collected from every quarter of the     
earth1 represent mankind as assembled in
 troops and companies2 and the          
individual always joined by affection to
 one party1 while he is possibly opposed
 to another2 employed in the exercise of
 recollection and foresight2 inclined to
 communicate his own sentiments1 and to 
be made acquainted with those of others2
 these facts must be admitted as the    
foundation of all our reasoning relative
 to man4 ,his mixed disposition to      
friendship or enmity1 his reason1 his   
use of language and articulate sounds1  
like the shape and the erect position of
 his body1 are to be considered as so   
many attributes of his nature3 they are 
to be retained in his description1 as   
the wing and the paw are in that of the 

eagle and the lion1 and as different    
degrees of fierceness1 vigilance1       
timidity1 or speed1 have a place in the 
natural history of different animals4   
,if the question be put1 ,what the mind 
of man could perform1 when left to      
itself1 and without the aid of any      
foreign direction8 we are to look for   
our answer in the history of mankind4   
,particular experiments which have been 
found so useful in establishing the     
principles of other sciences1 could     
probably1 on this subject1 teach us     
nothing important1 or new3 we are to    
take the history of every active being  
from his conduct in the situation to    
which he is formed1 not from his        
appearance in any forced or uncommon    
condition2 a wild man therefore1 caught 
in the woods1 where he had always lived 
apart from his species1 is a singular   
instance1 not a specimen of any general 
character4 ,as the anatomy of an eye    
which had never received the impressions
 of light1 or that of an ear which had  

never felt the impulse of sounds1 would 
probably exhibit defects in the very    
structure of the organs themselves1     
arising from their not being applied to 
their proper functions2 so any          
particular case of this sort would only 
show in what degree the powers of       
apprehension and sentiment could exist  
where they had not been employed1 and   
what would be the defects and           
imbecilities of a heart in which the    
emotions that arise in society had never
 been felt4  ,mankind are to be taken in
 groupes1 as they have always subsisted4
 ,the history of the individual is but a
 detail of the sentiments and the       
thoughts he has entertained in the view 
of his species3 and every experiment    
relative to this subject should be made 
with entire societies1 not with single  
men4 ,we have every reason1 however1 to 
believe1 that in the case of such an    
experiment made1 we shall suppose1 with 
a colony of children transplanted from  
the nursery1 and left to form a society 

apart1 untaught1 and undisciplined1 we  
should only have the same things        
repeated1 which1 in so many different   
parts of the earth1 have been transacted
 already4 ,the members of our little    
society would feed and sleep1 would herd
 together and play1 would have a        
language of their own1 would quarrel and
 divide1 would be to one another the    
most important objects of the scene1    
and1 in the ardour of their friendships 
and competitions1 would overlook their  
personal danger1 and suspend the care of
 their self-preservation4 ,has not the  
human race been planted like the colony 
in question8 ,who has directed their    
course8 whose instruction have they     
heard8 or whose example have they       
followed8  ,nature1 therefore1 we shall 
presume1 having given to every animal   
its mode of existence1 its dispositions 
and manner of life1 has dealt equally   
with the human race2 and the natural    
historian who would collect the         
properties of this species1 may fill up 

every article now as well as he could   
have done in any former age4 ,the       
attainments of the parent do not descend
 in the blood of his children1 nor is   
the progress of man to be considered as 
a physical mutation of the species4 ,the
 individual1 in every age1 has the same 
race to run from infancy to manhood1 and
 every infant1 or ignorant person1 now1 
is a model of what man was in his       
original state4 ,he enters on his career
 with advantages peculiar to his age2   
but his natural talent is probably the  
same4 ,the use and application of this  
talent is changing1 and men continue    
their works in progression through many 
ages together3 they build on foundations
 laid by their ancestors2 and in a      
succession of years1 tend to a          
perfection in the application of their  
faculties1 to which the aid of long     
experience is required1 and to which    
many generations must have combined     
their endeavours4 ,we observe the       
progress they have made2 we distinctly  

enumerate many of its steps2 we can     
trace them back to a distant antiquity1 
of which no record remains1 nor any     
monument is preserved1 to inform us what
 were the openings of this wonderful    
scene4 ,the consequence is1 that instead
 of attending to the character of our   
species1 where the particulars are      
vouched by the surest authority1 we     
endeavour to trace it through ages and  
scenes unknown2 and1 instead of         
supposing that the beginning of our     
story was nearly of a piece with the    
sequel1 we think ourselves warranted to 
reject every circumstance of our present
 condition and frame1 as adventitious1  
and foreign to our nature4 ,the progress
 of mankind1 from a supposed state of   
animal sensibility1 to the attainment of
 reason1 to the use of language1 and to 
the habit of society1 has been          
accordingly painted with a force of     
imagination1 and its steps have been    
marked with a boldness of invention1    
that would tempt us to admit1 among the 

materials of history1 the suggestions of
 fancy1 and to receive1 perhaps1 as the 
model of our nature in its original     
state1 some of the animals whose shape  
has the greatest resemblance to ours4   
,footnote3 ,rousseau sur l'origine de   
l'inegalit parmi les hommes4  ,it would 
be ridiculous to affirm1 as a discovery1
 that the species of the horse was      
probably never the same with that of the
 lion2 yet1 in opposition to what has   
dropped from the pens of eminent        
writers1 we are obliged to observe1 that
 men have always appeared among animals 
a distinct and a superior race2 that    
neither the possession of similar       
organs1 nor the approximation of shape1 
nor the use of the hand1 ,footnote3     
,trait de l'esprit4 nor the continued   
intercourse with this sovereign artist1 
has enabled any other species to blend  
their nature or their inventions with   
his2 that1 in his rudest state1 he is   
found to be above them2 and in his      
greatest degeneracy1 never descends to  

their level4 ,he is1 in short1 a man in 
every condition2 and we can learn       
nothing of his nature from the analogy  
of other animals4 ,if we would know him1
 we must attend to himself1 to the      
course of his life1 and the tenor of his
 conduct4 ,with him the society appears 
to be as old as the individual1 and the 
use of the tongue as universal as that  
of the hand or the foot4 ,if there was a
 time in which he had his acquaintance  
with his own species to make1 and his   
faculties to acquire1 it is a time of   
which we have no record1 and in relation
 to which our opinions can serve no     
purpose1 and are supported by no        
evidence4  ,we are often tempted into   
these boundless regions of ignorance or 
conjecture1 by a fancy which delights in
 creating rather than in merely         
retaining the forms which are presented 
before it3 we are the dupes of a        
subtilty1 which promises to supply every
 defect of our knowledge1 and1 by       
filling up a few blanks in the story of 

nature1 pretends to conduct our         
apprehension nearer to the source of    
existence4 ,on the credit of a few      
observations1 we are apt to presume1    
that the secret may soon be laid open1  
and that what is termed wisdom in       
nature1 may be referred to the operation
 of physical powers4 ,we forget that    
physical powers employed in succession  
or together1 and combined to a salutary 
purpose1 constitute those very proofs of
 design from which we infer the         
existence of ,god2 and that this truth  
being once admitted1 we are no longer to
 search for the source of existence2 we 
can only collect the laws which the     
,author of nature has established2 and  
in our latest as well as our earliest   
discoveries1 only perceive a mode of    
creation or providence before unknown4  
,we speak of art as distinguished from  
nature2 but art itself is natural to    
man4 ,he is in some measure the         
artificer of his own frame1 as well as  
of his fortune1 and is destined1 from   

the first age of his being1 to invent   
and contrive4 ,he applies the same      
talents to a variety of purposes1 and   
acts nearly the same part in very       
different scenes4 ,he would be always   
improving on his subject1 and he carries
 this intention wherever he moves1      
through the streets of the populous     
city1 or the wilds of the forest4 ,while
 he appears equally fitted to every     
condition1 he is upon this account      
unable to settle in any4 ,at once       
obstinate and fickle1 he complains of   
innovations1 and is never sated with    
novelty4 ,he is perpetually busied in   
reformations1 and is continually wedded 
to his errors4 ,if he dwells in a cave1 
he would improve it into a cottage2 if  
he has already built1 he would still    
build to a greater extent4 ,but he does 
not propose to make rapid and hasty     
transitions2 his steps are progressive  
and slow2 and his force1 like the power 
of a spring1 silently presses on every  
resistance2 an effect is sometimes      

produced before the cause is perceived2 
and with all his talent for projects1   
his work is often accomplished before   
the plan is devised4 ,it appears1       
perhaps1 equally difficult to retard or 
to quicken his pace2 if the projector   
complain he is tardy1 the moralist      
thinks him unstable2 and whether his    
motions be rapid or slow1 the scenes of 
human affairs perpetually change in his 
management3 his emblem is a passing     
stream1 not a stagnating pool4 ,we may  
desire to direct his love of improvement
 to its proper object1 we may wish for  
stability of conduct2 but we mistake    
human nature1 if we wish for a          
termination of labour1 or a scene of    
repose4  ,the occupations of men1 in    
every condition1 bespeak their freedom  
of choice1 their various opinions1 and  
the multiplicity of wants by which they 
are urged3 but they enjoy1 or endure1   
with a sensibility1 or a phlegm1 which  
are nearly the same in every situation4 
,they possess the shores of the         

,caspian1 or the ,atlantic1 by a        
different tenure1 but with equal ease4  
,on the one they are fixed to the soil1 
and seem to be formed for settlement1   
and the accommodation of cities3 the    
names they bestow on a nation1 and on   
its territory1 are the same4 ,on the    
other they are mere animals of passage1 
prepared to roam on the face of the     
earth1 and with their herds1 in search  
of new pasture and favourable seasons1  
to follow the sun in his annual course4 
,man finds his lodgment alike in the    
cave1 the cottage1 and the palace2 and  
his subsistence equally in the woods1 in
 the dairy1 or the farm4 ,he assumes the
 distinction of titles1 equipage1 and   
dress2 he devises regular systems of    
government1 and a complicated body of   
laws2 or naked in the woods has no badge
 of superiority but the strength of his 
limbs and the sagacity of his mind2 no  
rule of conduct but choice2 no tie with 
his fellow creatures but affection1 the 
love of company1 and the desire of      

safety4 ,capable of a great variety of  
arts1 yet dependent on none in          
particular for the preservation of his  
being2 to whatever length he has carried
 his artifice1 there he seems to enjoy  
the conveniences that suit his nature1  
and to have found the condition to which
 he is destined4 ,the tree which an     
,american1 on the banks of the ,oroonoko
 ,footnote3 ,lafitau1 moeurs des        
sauvages41 has chosen to climb for the  
retreat1 and the lodgment of his family1
 is to him a convenient dwelling4 ,the  
sopha1 the vaulted dome1 and the        
colonade1 do not more effectually       
content their native inhabitant4  ,if we
 are asked therefore1 where the state of
 nature is to be found8 we may answer1  
it is here2 and it matters not whether  
we are understood to speak in the island
 of ,great ,britain1 at the ,cape of    
,good ,hope1 or the ,straits of         
,magellan4 ,while this active being is  
in the train of employing his talents1  
and of operating on the subjects around 

him1 all situations are equally natural4
 ,if we are told1 that vice1 at least1  
is contrary to nature2 we may answer1 it
 is worse2 it is folly and wretchedness4
 ,but if nature is only opposed to art1 
in what situation of the human race are 
the footsteps of art unknown8 ,in the   
condition of the savage1 as well as in  
that of the citizen1 are many proofs of 
human invention2 and in either is not   
any permanent station1 but a mere stage 
through which this travelling being is  
destined to pass4 ,if the palace be     
unnatural1 the cottage is so no less2   
and the highest refinements of political
 and moral apprehension1 are not more   
artificial in their kind1 than the first
 operations of sentiment and reason4    
,if we admit that man is susceptible of 
improvement1 and has in himself a       
principle of progression1 and a desire  
of perfection1 it appears improper to   
say1 that he has quitted the state of   
his nature1 when he has begun to        
proceed2 or that he finds a station for 

which he was not intended1 while1 like  
other animals1 he only follows the      
disposition1 and employs the powers that
 nature has given4  ,the latest efforts 
of human invention are but a            
continuation of certain devices which   
were practised in the earliest ages of  
the world1 and in the rudest state of   
mankind4 ,what the savage projects1 or  
observes1 in the forest1 are the steps  
which led nations1 more advanced1 from  
the architecture of the cottage to that 
of the palace1 and conducted the human  
mind from the perceptions of sense1 to  
the general conclusions of science4     
,acknowledged defects are to man in     
every condition matter of dislike4      
,ignorance and imbecility are objects of
 contempt3 penetration and conduct give 
eminence and procure esteem4 ,whither   
should his feelings and apprehensions on
 these subjects lead him8 ,to a         
progress1 no doubt1 in which the savage1
 as well as the philosopher1 is engaged2
 in which they have made different      

advances1 but in which their ends are   
the same4 ,the admiration which ,cicero 
entertained for literature1 eloquence1  
and civil accomplishments1 was not more 
real than that of a ,scythian for such a
 measure of similar endowments as his   
own apprehension could reach4 ,were ,i  
to boast1 says a ,tartar prince1        
,footnote3 ,abulgaze ,bahadur ,chan2    
,history of the ,tartars4 it would be of
 that wisdom ,i have received from ,god4
 ,for as1 on the one hand1 ,i yield to  
none in the conduct of war1 in the      
disposition of armies1 whether of horse 
or of foot1 and in directing the        
movements of great or small bodies2 so1 
on the other1 ,i have my talent in      
writing1 inferior perhaps only to those 
who inhabit the great cities of ,persia 
or ,india4 ,of other nations1 unknown to
 me1 ,i do not speak4  ,man may mistake 
the objects of his pursuit2 he may      
misapply his industry1 and misplace his 
improvements3 ,if1 under a sense of such
 possible errors1 he would find a       

standard by which to judge of his own   
proceedings1 and arrive at the best     
state of his nature1 he cannot find it  
perhaps in the practice of any          
individual2 or of any nation whatever2  
not even in the sense of the majority1  
or the prevailing opinion of his kind4  
,he must look for it in the best        
conceptions of his understanding1 in the
 best movements of his heart2 he must   
thence discover what is the perfection  
and the happiness of which he is        
capable4 ,he will find1 on the scrutiny1
 that the proper state of his nature1   
taken in this sense1 is not a condition 
from which mankind are for ever removed1
 but one to which they may now attain2  
not prior to the exercise of their      
faculties1 but procured by their just   
application4  ,of all the terms that we 
employ in treating of human affairs1    
those of natural and unnatural are the  
least determinate in their meaning4     
,opposed to affectation1 frowardness1 or
 any other defect of the temper or      

character1 the natural is an epithet of 
praise2 but employed to specify a       
conduct which proceeds from the nature  
of man1 can serve to distinguish        
nothing2 for all the actions of men are 
equally the result of their nature4 ,at 
most1 this language can only refer to   
the general and prevailing sense or     
practice of mankind2 and the purpose of 
every important enquiry on this subject 
may be served by the use of a language  
equally familiar and more precise4 ,what
 is just1 or unjust8 ,what is happy or  
wretched1 in the manners of men8 ,what1 
in their various situations1 is         
favourable or adverse to their amiable  
qualities8 are questions to which we may
 expect a satisfactory answer2 and      
whatever may have been the original     
state of our species1 it is of more     
importance to know the condition to     
which we ourselves should aspire1 than  
that which our ancestors may be supposed
 to have left4     ,,section ,,ii4  ,,of
 ,,the ,,principles ,,of ,,self         

,,preservation4   ,if in human nature   
there are qualities by which it is      
distinguished from every other part of  
the animal creation1 this nature itself 
is in different climates and in         
different ages greatly diversified4 ,the
 varieties merit our attention1 and the 
course of every stream into which this  
mighty current divides1 deserves to be  
followed to its source4 ,it appears     
necessary1 however1 that we attend to   
the universal qualities of our nature1  
before we regard its varieties1 or      
attempt to explain differences          
consisting in the unequal possession or 
application of dispositions and powers  
that are in some measure common to all  
mankind4  ,man1 like the other animals1 
has certain instinctive propensities1   
which2 prior to the perception of       
pleasure or pain1 and prior to the      
experience of what is pernicious or     
useful1 lead him to perform many        
functions which terminate in himself1 or
 have a relation to his fellow          

creatures4 ,he has one set of           
dispositions which tend to his animal   
preservation1 and to the continuance of 
his race2 another which lead to society1
 and by inlisting him on the side of one
 tribe or community1 frequently engage  
him in war and contention with the rest 
of mankind4 ,his powers of discernment1 
or his intellectual faculties1 which1   
under the appellation of reason1 are    
distinguished from the analogous        
endowments of other animals1 refer to   
the objects around him1 either as they  
are subjects of mere knowledge1 or as   
they are subjects of approbation or     
censure4 ,he is formed not only to know1
 but likewise to admire and to contemn2 
and these proceedings of his mind have a
 principal reference to his own         
character1 and to that of his fellow    
creatures1 as being the subjects on     
which he is chiefly concerned to        
distinguish what is right from what is  
wrong4 ,he enjoys his felicity likewise 
on certain fixed and determinate        

conditions2 and either as an individual 
apart1 or as a member of civil society1 
must take a particular course1 in order 
to reap the advantages of his nature4   
,he is1 withal1 in a very high degree   
susceptible of habits2 and can1 by      
forbearance or exercise1 so far weaken1 
confirm1 or even diversify his talents1 
and his dispositions1 as to appear1 in a
 great measure1 the arbiter of his own  
rank in nature1 and the author of all   
the varieties which are exhibited in the
 actual history of his species4 ,the    
universal characteristics1 in the mean  
time1 to which we have now referred1    
must1 when we would treat of any part of
 this history1 constitute the first     
subject of our attention2 and they      
require not only to be enumerated1 but  
to be distinctly considered4  ,the      
dispositions which tend to the          
preservation of the individual1 while   
they continue to operate in the manner  
of instinctive desires2 are nearly the  
same in man that they are in the other  

animals2 but in him they are sooner or  
later combined with reflection and      
foresight2 they give rise to his        
apprehensions on the subject of         
property1 and make him acquainted with  
that object of care which he calls his  
interest4 ,without the instincts which  
teach the beaver and the squirrel1 the  
ant and the bee1 to make up their little
 hoards for winter1 at first            
improvident1 and where no immediate     
object of passion is near1 addicted to  
sloth1 he becomes1 in process of time1  
the great storemaster among animals4 ,he
 finds in a provision of wealth1 which  
he is probably never to employ1 an      
object of his greatest solicitude1 and  
the principal idol of his mind4 ,he     
apprehends a relation between his person
 and his property1 which renders what he
 calls his own in a manner a part of    
himself1 a constituent of his rank1 his 
condition1 and his character2 in which1 
independent of any real enjoyment1 he   
may be fortunate or unhappy2 and1       

independent of any personal merit1 he   
may be an object of consideration or    
neglect2 and in which he may be wounded 
and injured1 while his person is safe1  
and every want of his nature is         
completely supplied4  ,in these         
apprehensions1 while other passions only
 operate occasionally1 the interested   
find the object of their ordinary cares2
 their motive to the practice of        
mechanic and commercial arts2 their     
temptation to trespass on the laws of   
justice2 and1 when extremely corrupted1 
the price of their prostitutions1 and   
the standard of their opinions on the   
subject of good and of evil4 ,under this
 influence1 they would enter1 if not    
restrained by the laws of civil society1
 on a scene of violence or meanness1    
which would exhibit our species1 by     
turns1 under an aspect more terrible and
 odious1 or more vile and contemptible1 
than that of any animal which inherits  
the earth4  ,although the consideration 
of interest is founded on the experience

 of animal wants and desires1 its object
 is not to gratify any particular       
appetite1 but to secure the means of    
gratifying all2 and it imposes          
frequently a restraint on the very      
desires from which it arose1 more       
powerful and more severe than those of  
religion or duty4 ,it arises from the   
principles of self preservation in the  
human frame2 but is a corruption1 or at 
least a partial result1 of those        
principles1 and is upon many accounts   
very improperly termed self-love4  ,love
 is an affection which carries the      
attention of the mind beyond itself1 and
 is the sense of a relation to some     
fellow creature as to its object4 ,being
 a complacency and a continued          
satisfaction in this object1 it has1    
independent of any external event1 and  
in the midst of disappointment and      
sorrow1 pleasures and triumphs unknown  
to those who are guided by mere         
considerations of interest2 in every    
change of condition1 it continues       

entirely distinct from the sentiments   
which we feel on the subject of personal
 success or adversity4 ,but as the care 
a man entertains for his own interest1  
and the attention his affection makes   
him pay to that of another1 may have    
similar effects1 the one on his own     
fortune1 the other on that of his       
friend1 we confound the principles from 
which he acts2 we suppose that they are 
the same in kind1 only referred to      
different objects2 and we not only      
misapply the name of love1 in           
conjunction with self1 but1 in a manner 
tending to degrade our nature1 we limit 
the aim of this supposed selfish        
affection to the securing or            
accumulating the constituents of        
interest1 of the means of mere animal   
life4  ,it is somewhat remarkable1 that 
notwithstanding men value themselves so 
much on qualities of the mind1 on parts1
 learning1 and wit1 on courage1         
generosity1 and honour1 those men are   
still supposed to be in the highest     

degree selfish or attentive to          
themselves1 who are most careful of     
animal life1 and who are least mindful  
of rendering that life an object worthy 
of care4 ,it will be difficult1 however1
 to tell why a good understanding1 a    
resolute and generous mind1 should not1 
by every man in his senses1 be reckoned 
as much parts of himself1 as either his 
stomach or his palate1 and much more    
than his estate or his dress4 ,the      
epicure1 who consults his physician1 how
 he may restore his relish for food1    
and1 by creating an appetite1 renew his 
enjoyment1 might at least with an equal 
regard to himself1 consult how he might 
strengthen his affection to a parent or 
a child1 to his country or to mankind2  
and it is probable that an appetite of  
this sort would prove a source of       
enjoyment not less than the former4  ,by
 our supposed selfish maxims1           
notwithstanding1 we generally exclude   
from among the objects of our personal  
cares1 many of the happier and more     

respectable qualities of human nature4  
,we consider affection and courage as   
mere follies1 that lead us to neglect1  
or expose ourselves2 we make wisdom     
consist in a regard to our interest2 and
 without explaining what interest means1
 we would have it understood as the only
 reasonable motive of action with       
mankind4 ,there is even a system of     
philosophy founded upon tenets of this  
sort1 and such is our opinion of what   
men are likely to do upon selfish       
principles1 that we think it must have a
 tendency very dangerous to virtue4 ,but
 the errors of this system do not       
consist so much in general principles1  
as in their particular applications2 not
 so much in teaching men to regard      
themselves1 as in leading them to       
forget1 that their happiest affections1 
their candour1 and their independence of
 mind1 are in reality parts of          
themselves4 ,and the adversaries of this
 supposed selfish philosophy1 where it  
makes self-love the ruling passion with 

mankind1 have had reason to find fault1 
not so much with its general            
representations of human nature1 as with
 the obtrusion of a mere innovation in  
language for a discovery in science4    
,when the vulgar speak of their         
different motives1 they are satisfied   
with ordinary names1 which refer to     
known and obvious distinctions4 ,of this
 kind are the terms benevolence and     
selfishness1 by the first of which they 
express their friendly affections1 and  
by the second their interest4 ,the      
speculative are not always satisfied    
with this proceeding2 they would        
analyze1 as well as enumerate the       
principles of nature2 and the chance is1
 that1 merely to gain the appearance of 
something new1 without any prospect of  
real advantage1 they will attempt to    
change the application of words4 ,in the
 case before us1 they have actually     
found1 that benevolence is no more than 
a species of self-love2 and would oblige
 us1 if possible1 to look out for a new 

set of names1 by which we may           
distinguish the selfishness of the      
parent when he takes care of his child1 
from his selfishness when he only takes 
care of himself4 ,for1 according to this
 philosophy1 as in both cases he only   
means to gratify a desire of his own1 he
 is in both cases equally selfish4 ,the 
term benevolent1 in the mean time1 is   
not employed to characterize persons who
 have no desires of their own1 but      
persons whose own desires prompt them to
 procure the welfare of others4 ,the    
fact is1 that we should need only a     
fresh supply of language1 instead of    
that which by this seeming discovery we 
should have lost1 in order to make our  
reasonings proceed as they formerly did4
 ,but it is certainly impossible to live
 and to act with men1 without employing 
different names to distinguish the      
humane from the cruel1 and the          
benevolent from the selfish4  ,these    
terms have their equivalents in every   
tongue2 they were invented by men of no 

refinement1 who only meant to express   
what they distinctly perceived1 or      
strongly felt4 ,and if a man of         
speculation should prove1 that we are   
selfish in a sense of his own1 it does  
not follow that we are so in the sense  
of the vulgar2 or1 as ordinary men would
 understand his conclusion1 that we are 
condemned in every instance to act on   
motives of interest1 covetousness1      
pusillanimity1 and cowardice2 for such  
is conceived to be the ordinary import  
of selfishness in the character of man4 
,an affection or passion of any kind is 
sometimes said to give us an interest in
 its object2 and humanity itself gives  
an interest in the welfare of mankind4  
,this term interest1 which commonly     
implies little more than our property1  
is sometimes put for utility in general1
 and this for happiness2 insomuch1 that1
 under these ambiguities1 it is not     
surprising we are still unable to       
determine1 whether interest is the only 
motive of human action1 and the standard

 by which to distinguish our good from  
our ill4  ,so much is said in this      
place1 not from a desire to partake in  
any such controversy1 but merely to     
confine the meaning of the term interest
 to its most common acceptation1 and to 
intimate a design to employ it in       
expressing those objects of care which  
refer to our external condition1 and the
 preservation of our animal nature4     
,when taken in this sense1 it will not  
surely be thought to comprehend at once 
all the motives of human conduct4 ,if   
men be not allowed to have disinterested
 benevolence1 they will not be denied to
 have disinterested passions of another 
kind4 ,hatred1 indignation1 and rage1   
frequently urge them to act in          
opposition to their known interest1 and 
even to hazard their lives1 without any 
hopes of compensation in any future     
returns of preferment or profit4        
,,section ,,iii4  ,,of ,,the            
,,principles ,,of ,,union ,,among       
,,mankind4   ,mankind have always       

wandered or settled1 agreed or          
quarrelled1 in troops and companies4    
,the cause of their assembling1 whatever
 it be1 is the principle of their       
alliance or union4  ,in collecting the  
materials of history1 we are seldom     
willing to put up with our subject      
merely as we find it4 ,we are loth to be
 embarrassed with a multiplicity of     
particulars1 and apparent               
inconsistencies4 ,in theory we profess  
the investigation of general principles2
 and in order to bring the matter of our
 inquiries within the reach of our      
comprehension1 are disposed to adopt any
 system4 ,thus1 in treating of human    
affairs1 we would draw every consequence
 from a principle of union1 or a        
principle of dissention4 ,the state of  
nature is a state of war1 or of amity1  
and men are made to unite from a        
principle of affection1 or from a       
principle of fear1 as is most suitable  
to the system of different writers4 ,the
 history of our species indeed          

abundantly shows1 that they are to one  
another mutual objects both of fear and 
of love2 and they who would prove them  
to have been originally either in a     
state of alliance1 or of war1 have      
arguments in store to maintain their    
assertions4 ,our attachment to one      
division1 or to one sect1 seems often to
 derive much of its force from an       
animosity conceived to an opposite one3 
and this animosity in its turn1 as often
 arises from a zeal in behalf of the    
side we espouse1 and from a desire to   
vindicate the rights of our party4  ,man
 is born in society1 says ,montesquieu1 
and there he remains4 ,the charms that  
detain him are known to be manifold4    
,together with the parental affection1  
which1 instead of deserting the adult1  
as among the brutes1 embraces more      
close1 as it becomes mixed with esteem1 
and the memory of its early effects2 we 
may reckon a propensity common to man   
and other animals1 to mix with the herd1
 and1 without reflection1 to follow the 

crowd of his species4 ,what this        
propensity was in the first moment of   
its operation1 we know not2 but with men
 accustomed to company1 its enjoyments  
and disappointments are reckoned among  
the principal pleasures or pains of     
human life4 ,sadness and melancholy are 
connected with solitude2 gladness and   
pleasure with the concourse of men4 ,the
 track of a ,laplander on the snowy     
shore1 gives joy to the lonely mariner2 
and the mute signs of cordiality and    
kindness which are made to him1 awaken  
the memory of pleasures which he felt in
 society4 ,in fine1 says the writer of a
 voyage to the ,north1 after describing 
a mute scene of this sort1 ,we were     
extremely pleased to converse with men1 
since in thirteen months we had seen no 
human creature4 ,footnote3 ,collection  
of ,dutch voyages4  ,but we need no     
remote observation to confirm this      
position3 the wailings of the infant1   
and the languors of the adult1 when     
alone2 the lively joys of the one1 and  

the cheerfulness of the other1 upon the 
return of company1 are a sufficient     
proof of its solid foundations in the   
frame of our nature4  ,in accounting for
 actions we often forget that we        
ourselves have acted2 and instead of the
 sentiments which stimulate the mind in 
the presence of its object1 we assign as
 the motives of conduct with men1 those 
considerations which occur in the hours 
of retirement and cold reflection4 ,in  
this mood frequently we can find nothing
 important1 besides the deliberate      
prospects of interest2 and a great work1
 like that of forming society1 must in  
our apprehension arise from deep        
reflections1 and be carried on with a   
view to the advantages which mankind    
derive from commerce and mutual support4
 ,but neither a propensity to mix with  
the herd1 nor the sense of advantages   
enjoyed in that condition1 comprehend   
all the principles by which men are     
united together4 ,those bands are even  
of a feeble texture1 when compared to   

the resolute ardour with which a man    
adheres to his friend1 or to his tribe1 
after they have for some time run the   
career of fortune together4 ,mutual     
discoveries of generosity1 joint trials 
of fortitude redouble the ardours of    
friendship1 and kindle a flame in the   
human breast1 which the considerations  
of personal interest or safety cannot   
suppress4 ,the most lively transports of
 joy are seen1 and the loudest shrieks  
of despair are heard1 when the objects  
of a tender affection are beheld in a   
state of triumph or of suffering4 ,an   
,indian recovered his friend            
unexpectedly on the island of ,juan     
,fernandes3 he prostrated himself on the
 ground1 at his feet4 ,we stood gazing  
in silence1 says ,dampier1 at this      
tender scene4 ,if we would know what is 
the religion of a wild ,american1 what  
it is in his heart that most resembles  
devotion2 it is not his fear of the     
sorcerer1 nor his hope of protection    
from the spirits of the air or the wood3

 it is the ardent affection with which  
he selects and embraces his friend2 with
 which he clings to his side in every   
season of peril2 and with which he      
invokes his spirit from a distance1 when
 dangers surprise him alone4 ,footnote3 
,charlevoix1 ,hist4 of ,canada4         
,whatever proofs we may have of the     
social disposition of man in familiar   
and contiguous scenes1 it is possibly of
 importance1 to draw our observations   
from the examples of men who live in the
 simplest condition1 and who have not   
learned to affect what they do not      
actually feel4  ,mere acquaintance and  
habitude nourish affection1 and the     
experience of society brings every      
passion of the human mind upon its side4
 ,its triumphs and prosperities1 its    
calamities and distresses1 bring a      
variety and a force of emotion1 which   
can only have place in the company of   
our fellow creatures4 ,it is here that a
 man is made to forget his weakness1 his
 cares of safety1 and his subsistence2  

and to act from those passions which    
make him discover his force4 ,it is here
 he finds that his arrows fly swifter   
than the eagle1 and his weapons wound   
deeper than the paw of the lion1 or the 
tooth of the boar4 ,it is not alone his 
sense of a support which is near1 nor   
the love of distinction in the opinion  
of his tribe1 that inspire his courage1 
or swell his heart with a confidence    
that exceeds what his natural force     
should bestow4 ,vehement passions of    
animosity or attachment are the first   
exertions of vigour in his breast2 under
 their influence every consideration1   
but that of his object1 is forgotten2   
dangers and difficulties only excite him
 the more4  ,that condition is surely   
favourable to the nature of any being1  
in which his force is increased2 and if 
courage be the gift of society to man1  
we have reason to consider his union    
with his species as the noblest part of 
his fortune4 ,from this source are      
derived1 not only the force1 but the    

very existence of his happiest emotions2
 not only the better part1 but almost   
the whole of his rational character4    
,send him to the desert alone1 he is a  
plant torn from his roots3 the form     
indeed may remain1 but every faculty    
droops and withers2 the human personage 
and the human character cease to exist4 
,men are so far from valuing society on 
account of its mere external            
conveniencies1 that they are commonly   
most attached where those conveniencies 
are least frequent2 and are there most  
faithful1 where the tribute of their    
allegiance is paid in blood4 ,affection 
operates with the greatest force1 where 
it meets with the greatest difficulties3
 in the breast of the parent1 it is most
 solicitous amidst the dangers and      
distresses of the child2 in the breast  
of a man1 its flame redoubles where the 
wrongs or sufferings of his friend1 or  
his country1 require his aid4 ,it is1 in
 short1 from this principle alone that  
we can account for the obstinate        

attachment of a savage to his unsettled 
and defenceless tribe1 when temptations 
on the side of ease and of safety might 
induce him to fly from famine and       
danger1 to a station more affluent1 and 
more secure4 ,hence the sanguine        
affection which every ,greek bore to his
 country1 and hence the devoted         
patriotism of an early ,roman4 ,let     
those examples be compared with the     
spirit which reigns in a commercial     
state1 where men may be supposed to have
 experienced1 in its full extent1 the   
interest which individuals have in the  
preservation of their country4 ,it is   
here indeed1 if ever1 that man is       
sometimes found a detached and a        
solitary being3 he has found an object  
which sets him in competition with his  
fellow creatures1 and he deals with them
 as he does with his cattle and his     
soil1 for the sake of the profits they  
bring4 ,the mighty engine which we      
suppose to have formed society1 only    
tends to set its members at variance1 or

 to continue their intercourse after the
 bands of affection are broken4         
,,section ,,iv4  ,,of ,,the ,,principles
 ,,of ,,war ,,and ,,dissention4   ,there
 are some circumstances in the lot of   
mankind1 says ,socrates1 that show them 
to be destined to friendship and amity3 
,those are1 their mutual need of each   
other2 their mutual compassion2 their   
sense of mutual benefit2 and the        
pleasures arising in company4 ,there are
 other circumstances which prompt them  
to war and dissention2 the admiration   
and the desire which they entertain for 
the same subjects2 their opposite       
pretensions2 and the provocations which 
they mutually offer in the course of    
their competitions4  ,when we endeavour 
to apply the maxims of natural justice  
to the solution of difficult questions1 
we find that some cases may be supposed1
 and actually happen1 where oppositions 
take place1 and are lawful1 prior to any
 provocation1 or act of injustice2 that 
where the safety and preservation of    

numbers are mutually inconsistent1 one  
party may employ his right of defence1  
before the other has begun an attack4   
,and when we join with such examples1   
the instances of mistake1 and           
misunderstanding1 to which mankind are  
exposed1 we may be satisfied that war   
does not always proceed from an         
intention to injure2 and that even the  
best qualities of men1 their candour1 as
 well as their resolution1 may operate  
in the midst of their quarrels4  ,there 
is still more to be observed on this    
subject4 ,mankind not only find in their
 condition the sources of variance and  
dissention2 they appear to have in their
 minds the seeds of animosity1 and to   
embrace the occasions of mutual         
opposition1 with alacrity and pleasure4 
,in the most pacific situation1 there   
are few who have not their enemies1 as  
well as their friends2 and who are not  
pleased with opposing the proceedings of
 one1 as much as with favouring the     
designs of another4 ,small and simple   

tribes1 who in their domestic society   
have the firmest union1 are in their    
state of opposition as separate nations1
 frequently animated with the most      
implacable hatred4 ,among the citizens  
of ,rome1 in the early ages of that     
republic1 the name of a foreigner1 and  
that of an enemy1 were the same4 ,among 
the ,greeks1 the name of ,barbarian1    
under which that people comprehended    
every nation that was of a race1 and    
spoke a language1 different from their  
own1 became a term of indiscriminate    
contempt and aversion4 ,even where no   
particular claim to superiority is      
formed1 the repugnance to union1 the    
frequent wars1 or rather the perpetual  
hostilities which take place among rude 
nations and separate clans1 discover how
 much our species is disposed to        
opposition1 as well as to concert4      
,late discoveries have brought to our   
knowledge almost every situation in     
which mankind are placed4 ,we have found
 them spread over large and extensive   

continents1 where communications are    
open1 and where national confederacy    
might be easily formed4 ,we have found  
them in narrower districts1             
circumscribed by mountains1 great       
rivers1 and arms of the sea4 ,they have 
been found in small islands1 where the  
inhabitants might be easily assembled1  
and derive an advantage from their      
union4 ,but in all those situations1    
alike1 they were broke into cantons1 and
 affected a distinction of name and     
community4 ,the titles of fellow citizen
 and countrymen1 unopposed to those of  
alien and foreigner1 to which they      
refer1 would fall into disuse1 and lose 
their meaning4 ,we love individuals on  
account of personal qualities2 but we   
love our country1 as it is a party in   
the divisions of mankind2 and our zeal  
for its interest1 is a predilection in  
behalf of the side we maintain4  ,in the
 promiscuous concourse of men1 it is    
sufficient that we have an opportunity  
of selecting our company4 ,we turn away 

from those who do not engage us1 and we 
fix our resort where the society is more
 to our mind4 ,we are fond of           
distinctions2 we place ourselves in     
opposition1 and quarrel under the       
denominations of faction and party1     
without any material subject of         
controversy4 ,aversion1 like affection1 
is fostered by a continued direction to 
its particular object4 ,separation and  
estrangement1 as well as opposition1    
widen a breach which did not owe its    
beginnings to any offence4 ,and it would
 seem1 that till we have reduced mankind
 to the state of a family1 or found some
 external consideration to maintain     
their connection in greater numbers1    
they will be for ever separated into    
bands1 and form a plurality of nations4 
,the sense of a common danger1 and the  
assaults of an enemy1 have been         
frequently useful to nations1 by uniting
 their members more firmly together1 and
 by preventing the secessions and actual
 separations in which their civil       

discord might otherwise terminate4 ,and 
this motive to union which is offered   
from abroad1 may be necessary1 not only 
in the case of large and extensive      
nations1 where coalitions are weakened  
by distance1 and the distinction of     
provincial names2 but even in the narrow
 society of the smallest states4 ,rome  
itself was founded by a small party     
which took its flight from ,alba2 her   
citizens were often in danger of        
separating2 and if the villages and     
cantons of the ,volsci had been further 
removed from the scene of their         
dissentions1 the ,mons ,sacer might have
 received a new colony before the mother
 country was ripe for such a discharge4 
,she continued long to feel the quarrels
 of her nobles and her people2 and kept 
open the gates of ,janus1 to remind     
those parties of the duties they owed to
 their country4  ,societies1 as well as 
individuals1 being charged with the care
 of their own preservation1 and having  
separate interests1 which give rise to  

jealousies and competitions1 we cannot  
be surprised to find hostilities arise  
from this source4 ,but were there no    
angry passions of a different sort1 the 
animosities which attend an opposition  
of interest1 should bear a proportion to
 the supposed value of the subject4 ,the
 ,hottentot nations1 says ,kolben1      
trespass on each other by thefts of     
cattle and of women2 but such injuries  
are seldom committed1 except with a view
 to exasperate their neighbours1 and    
bring them to a war4 ,such depredations 
then1 are not the foundation of a war1  
but the effects of a hostile intention  
already conceived4 ,the nations of      
,north ,america1 who have no herds to   
preserve1 nor settlements to defend1 are
 yet engaged in almost perpetual wars1  
for which they can assign no reason1 but
 the point of honour1 and a desire to   
continue the struggle their fathers     
maintained4 ,they do not regard the     
spoils of an enemy2 and the warrior who 
has seized any booty1 easily parts with 

it to the first person who comes in his 
way4 ,footnote3 ,see ,charlevoix's      
,history of ,canada4  ,but we need not  
cross the ,atlantic to find proofs of   
animosity1 and to observe1 in the       
collision of separate societies1 the    
influence of angry passions1 that do not
 arise from an opposition of interest4  
,human nature has no part of its        
character of which more flagrant        
examples are given on this side of the  
globe4 ,what is it that stirs in the    
breasts of ordinary men when the enemies
 of their country are named8 ,whence are
 the prejudices that subsist between    
different provinces1 cantons1 and       
villages1 of the same empire and        
territory8 ,what is it that excites one 
half of the nations of ,europe against  
the other8 ,the statesman may explain   
his conduct on motives of national      
jealousy and caution1 but the people    
have dislikes and antipathies1 for which
 they cannot account4 ,their mutual     
reproaches of perfidy and injustice1    

like the ,hottentot depredations1 are   
but symptoms of an animosity1 and the   
language of a hostile disposition1      
already conceived4 ,the charge of       
cowardice and pusillanimity1 qualities  
which the interested and cautious enemy 
should1 of all others1 like best to find
 in his rival1 is urged with aversion1  
and made the ground of dislike4 ,hear   
the peasants on different sides of the  
,alps1 and the ,pyrenees1 the ,rhine1 or
 the ,british channel1 give vent to     
their prejudices and national passions2 
it is among them that we find the       
materials of war and dissention laid    
without the direction of government1 and
 sparks ready to kindle into a flame1   
which the statesman is frequently       
disposed to extinguish4 ,the fire will  
not always catch where his reasons of   
state would direct1 nor stop where the  
concurrence of interest has produced an 
alliance4 ,my father1 said a ,spanish   
peasant1 would rise from his grave1 if  
he could foresee a war with ,france4    

,what interest had he1 or the bones of  
his father1 in the quarrels of princes8 
,these observations seem to arraign our 
species1 and to give an unfavourable    
picture of mankind2 and yet the         
particulars we have mentioned are       
consistent with the most amiable        
qualities of our nature1 and often      
furnish a scene for the exercise of our 
greatest abilities4 ,they are sentiments
 of generosity and self denial that     
animate the warrior in defence of his   
country2 and they are dispositions most 
favourable to mankind1 that become the  
principles of apparent hostility to men4
 ,every animal is made to delight in the
 exercise of his natural talents and    
forces4 ,the lion and the tyger sport   
with the paw2 the horse delights to     
commit his mane to the wind1 and forgets
 his pasture to try his speed in the    
field2 the bull even before his brow is 
armed1 and the lamb while yet an emblem 
of innocence1 have a disposition to     
strike with the forehead1 and           

anticipate1 in play1 the conflicts they 
are doomed to sustain4 ,man too is      
disposed to opposition1 and to employ   
the forces of his nature against an     
equal antagonist2 he loves to bring his 
reason1 his eloquence1 his courage1 even
 his bodily strength to the proof4 ,his 
sports are frequently an image of war2  
sweat and blood are freely expended in  
play2 and fractures or death are often  
made to terminate the pastime of        
idleness and festivity4 ,he was not made
 to live for ever1 and even his love of 
amusement has opened a way to the grave4
  ,without the rivalship of nations1 and
 the practice of war1 civil society     
itself could scarcely have found an     
object1 or a form4 ,mankind might have  
traded without any formal convention1   
but they cannot be safe without a       
national concert4 ,the necessity of a   
public defence1 has given rise to many  
departments of state1 and the           
intellectual talents of men have found  
their busiest scene in wielding their   

national forces4 ,to overawe1 or        
intimidate1 or1 when we cannot persuade 
with reason1 to resist with fortitude1  
are the occupations which give its most 
animating exercise1 and its greatest    
triumphs1 to a vigorous mind2 and he who
 has never struggled with his fellow    
creatures1 is a stranger to half the    
sentiments of mankind4  ,the quarrels of
 individuals1 indeed1 are frequently the
 operations of unhappy and detestable   
passions1 malice1 hatred1 and rage4 ,if 
such passions alone possess the breast1 
the scene of dissention becomes an      
object of horror2 but a common          
opposition maintained by numbers1 is    
always allayed by passions of another   
sort4 ,sentiments of affection and      
friendship mix with animosity2 the      
active and strenuous become the         
guardians of their society2 and violence
 itself is1 in their case1 an exertion  
of generosity1 as well as of courage4   
,we applaud1 as proceeding from a       
national or party spirit1 what we could 

not endure as the effect of a private   
dislike2 and1 amidst the competitions of
 rival states1 think we have found1 for 
the patriot and the warrior1 in the     
practice of violence and stratagem1 the 
most illustrious career of human virtue4
 ,even personal opposition here does not
 divide our judgment on the merits of   
men4 ,the rival names of ,agesilaus and 
,epaminondas1 of ,scipio and ,hannibal1 
are repeated with equal praise2 and war 
itself1 which in one view appears so    
fatal1 in another is the exercise of a  
liberal spirit2 and in the very effects 
which we regret1 is but one distemper   
more1 by which the ,author of nature has
 appointed our exit from human life4    
,these reflections may open our view    
into the state of mankind2 but they tend
 to reconcile us to the conduct of      
,providence1 rather than to make us     
change our own2 where1 from a regard to 
the welfare of our fellow creatures1 we 
endeavour to pacify their animosities1  
and unite them by the ties of affection4

 ,in the pursuit of this amiable        
intention1 we may hope1 in some         
instances1 to disarm the angry passions 
of jealousy and envy2 we may hope to    
instil into the breasts of private men  
sentiments of candour towards their     
fellow creatures1 and a disposition to  
humanity and justice4 ,but it is vain to
 expect that we can give to the         
multitude of a people a sense of union  
among themselves1 without admitting     
hostility to those who oppose them4     
,could we at once1 in the case of any   
nation1 extinguish the emulation which  
is excited from abroad1 we should       
probably break or weaken the bands of   
society at home1 and close the busiest  
scenes of national occupations and      
virtues4     ,,section ,v4  ,,of        
,,intellectual ,,powers4   ,many        
attempts have been made to analyze the  
dispositions which we have now          
enumerated2 but one purpose of science1 
perhaps the most important1 is served1  
when the existence of a disposition is  

established4 ,we are more concerned in  
its reality1 and in its consequences1   
than we are in its origin1 or manner of 
formation4  ,the same observation may be
 applied to the other powers and        
faculties of our nature4 ,their         
existence and use are the principal     
objects of our study4 ,thinking and     
reasoning1 we say1 are the operations of
 some faculty2 but in what manner the   
faculties of thought or reason remain1  
when they are not exerted1 or by what   
difference in the frame they are unequal
 in different persons1 are questions    
which we cannot resolve4 ,their         
operations alone discover them2 when    
unapplied1 they lie hid even from the   
person to whom they pertain2 and their  
action is so much a part of their       
nature1 that the faculty itself1 in many
 cases1 is scarcely to be distinguished 
from a habit acquired in its frequent   
exertion4  ,persons who are occupied    
with different subjects1 who act in     
different scenes1 generally appear to   

have different talents1 or at least to  
have the same faculties variously       
formed1 and suited to different         
purposes4 ,the peculiar genius of       
nations1 as well as of individuals1 may 
in this manner arise from the state of  
their fortunes4 ,and it is proper that  
we endeavour to find some rule1 by which
 to judge of what is admirable in the   
capacities of men1 or fortunate in the  
application of their faculties1 before  
we venture to pass a judgment on this   
branch of their merits1 or pretend to   
measure the degree of respect they may  
claim by their different attainments4   
,to receive the informations of sense1  
is perhaps the earliest function of an  
animal combined with an intellectual    
nature2 and one great accomplishment of 
the living agent consists in the force  
and sensibility of his animal organs4   
,the pleasures or pains to which he is  
exposed from this quarter1 constitute to
 him an important difference between the
 objects which are thus brought to his  

knowledge2 and it concerns him to       
distinguish well1 before he commits     
himself to the direction of appetite4   
,he must scrutinize the objects of one  
sense1 by the perceptions of another2   
examine with the eye1 before he ventures
 to touch2 and employ every means of    
observation1 before he gratifies the    
appetites of thirst and of hunger4 ,a   
discernment acquired by experience1     
becomes a faculty of his mind2 and the  
inferences of thought are sometimes not 
to be distinguished from the perceptions
 of sense4  ,the objects around us1     
beside their separate appearances1 have 
their relations to each other4 ,they    
suggest1 when compared1 what would not  
occur when they are considered apart2   
they have their effects1 and mutual     
influences2 they exhibit1 in like       
circumstances1 similar operations1 and  
uniform consequences4 ,when we have     
found and expressed the points in which 
the uniformity of their operations      
consists1 we have ascertained a physical

 law4 ,many such laws1 and even the most
 important1 are known to the vulgar1 and
 occur upon the smallest degrees of     
reflection2 but others are hid under a  
seeming confusion1 which ordinary       
talents cannot remove2 and are therefore
 the objects of study1 long observation1
 and superior capacity4 ,the faculties  
of penetration and judgment1 are1 by men
 of business1 as well as of science1    
employed to unravel intricacies of this 
sort2 and the degree of sagacity with   
which either is endowed1 is to be       
measured by the success with which they 
are able to find general rules1         
applicable to a variety of cases that   
seemed to have nothing in common1 and to
 discover important distinctions between
 subjects which the vulgar are apt to   
confound4  ,to collect a multiplicity of
 particulars under general heads1 and to
 refer a variety of operations to their 
common principle1 is the object of      
science4 ,to do the same thing1 at least
 within the range of his active         

engagements1 is requisite to the man of 
pleasure1 or business2 and it would     
seem1 that the studious and the active  
are so far employed in the same task1   
from observation and experience1 to find
 the general views under which their    
objects may be considered1 and the rules
 which may be usefully applied in the   
detail of their conduct4 ,they do not   
always apply their talents to different 
subjects2 and they seem to be           
distinguished chiefly by the unequal    
reach and variety of their remarks1 or  
by the intentions which they severally  
have in collecting them4  ,whilst men   
continue to act from appetites and      
passions1 leading to the attainment of  
external ends1 they seldom quit the view
 of their objects in detail1 to go far  
in the road of general inquiries4 ,they 
measure the extent of their own         
abilities1 by the promptitude with which
 they apprehend what is important in    
every subject1 and the facility with    
which they extricate themselves on every

 trying occasion4 ,and these1 it must be
 confessed1 to a being who is destined  
to act in the midst of difficulties1 are
 the proper test of capacity and force4 
,the parade of words and general        
reasonings1 which sometimes carry an    
appearance of so much learning and      
knowledge1 are of little avail in the   
conduct of life4 ,the talents from which
 they proceed1 terminate in mere        
ostentation1 and are seldom connected   
with that superior discernment which the
 active apply in times of perplexity2   
much less with that intrepidity and     
force of mind which are required in     
passing through difficult scenes4  ,the 
abilities of active men1 however1 have a
 variety corresponding to that of the   
subjects on which they are occupied4 ,a 
sagacity applied to external and        
inanimate nature1 forms one species of  
capacity2 that which is turned to       
society and human affairs1 another4     
,reputation for parts in any scene is   
equivocal1 till we know by what kind of 

exertion that reputation is gained4 ,no 
more can be said1 in commending men of  
the greatest abilities1 than that they  
understand well the subjects to which   
they have applied2 and every department1
 every profession1 would have its great 
men1 if there were not a choice of      
objects for the understanding1 and of   
talents for the mind1 as well as of     
sentiments for the heart1 and of habits 
for the active character4  ,the meanest 
professions1 indeed1 so far sometimes   
forget themselves1 or the rest of       
mankind1 as to arrogate1 in commending  
what is distinguished in their own way1 
every epithet the most respectable claim
 as the right of superior abilities4    
,every mechanic is a great man with the 
learner1 and the humble admirer1 in his 
particular calling3 and we can1 perhaps 
with more assurance pronounce what it is
 that should make a man happy and       
amiable1 than what should make his      
abilities respected1 and his genius     
admired4 ,this1 upon a view of the      

talents themselves1 may perhaps be      
impossible4 ,the effect1 however1 will  
point out the rule and the standard of  
our judgment4 ,to be admired and        
respected1 is to have an ascendant among
 men4 ,the talents which most directly  
procure that ascendant1 are those which 
operate on mankind1 penetrate their     
views1 prevent their wishes1 or         
frustrate their designs4 ,the superior  
capacity leads with a superior energy1  
where every individual would go1 and    
shews the hesitating and irresolute a   
clear passage to the attainment of their
 ends4  ,this description does not      
pertain to any particular craft or      
profession2 or perhaps it implies a kind
 of ability1 which the separate         
application of men to particular        
callings1 only tends to suppress or to  
weaken4 ,where shall we find the talents
 which are fit to act with men in a     
collective body1 if we break that body  
into parts1 and confine the observation 
of each to a separate track8  ,to act in

 the view of his fellow creatures1 to   
produce his mind in public1 to give it  
all the exercise of sentiment and       
thought1 which pertain to man as a      
member of society1 as a friend1 or an   
enemy1 seems to be the principal calling
 and occupation of his nature4 ,if he   
must labour1 that he may subsist1 he can
 subsist for no better purpose than the 
good of mankind2 nor can he have better 
talents than those which qualify him to 
act with men4 ,here1 indeed1 the        
understanding appears to borrow very    
much from the passions2 and there is a  
felicity of conduct in human affairs1 in
 which it is difficult to distinguish   
the promptitude of the head from the    
ardour and sensibility of the heart4    
,where both are united1 they constitute 
that superiority of mind1 the frequency 
of which among men1 in particular ages  
and nations1 much more than the progress
 they have made in speculation1 or in   
the practice of mechanic and liberal    
arts1 should determine the rate of their

 genius1 and assign the palm of         
distinction and honour4  ,when nations  
succeed one another in the career of    
discoveries and inquiries1 the last is  
always the most knowing4 ,systems of    
science are gradually formed4 ,the globe
 itself is traversed by degrees1 and the
 history of every age1 when past1 is an 
accession of knowledge to those who     
succeed4 ,the ,romans were more knowing 
than the ,greeks2 and every scholar of  
modern ,europe is1 in this sense1 more  
learned than the most accomplished      
person that ever bore either of those   
celebrated names4 ,but is he on that    
account their superior8  ,men are to be 
estimated1 not from what they know1 but 
from what they are able to perform2 from
 their skill in adapting materials to   
the several purposes of life2 from their
 vigour and conduct in pursuing the     
objects of policy1 and in finding the   
expedients of war and national defence4 
,even in literature1 they are to be     
estimated from the works of their       

genius1 not from the extent of their    
knowledge4 ,the scene of mere           
observation was extremely limited in a  
,grecian republic2 and the bustle of an 
active life appeared inconsistent with  
study3 but there the human mind1        
notwithstanding1 collected its greatest 
abilities1 and received its best        
informations1 in the midst of sweat and 
of dust4  ,it is peculiar to modern     
,europe1 to rest so much of the human   
character on what may be learned in     
retirement1 and from the information of 
books4 ,a just admiration of ancient    
literature1 an opinion that human       
sentiment1 and human reason1 without    
this aid1 were to have vanished from the
 societies of men1 have led us into the 
shade1 where we endeavour to derive from
 imagination and study what is in       
reality matter of experience and        
sentiment2 and we endeavour1 through the
 grammar of dead languages1 and the     
channel of commentators1 to arrive at   
the beauties of thought and elocution1  

which sprang from the animated spirit of
 society1 and were taken from the living
 impressions of an active life4 ,our    
attainments are frequently limited to   
the elements of every science1 and      
seldom reach to that enlargement of     
ability and power1 which useful         
knowledge should give4 ,like            
mathematicians1 who study the ,elements 
of ,euclid1 but1 never think of         
mensuration2 we read of societies1 but  
do not propose to act with men2 we      
repeat the language of politics1 but    
feel not the spirit of nations2 we      
attend to the formalities of a military 
discipline1 but know not how to employ  
numbers of men to obtain any purpose by 
stratagem or force4  ,but for what end1 
it may be said1 point out an evil that  
cannot be remedied8 ,if national affairs
 called for exertion1 the genius of men 
would awake2 but in the recess of better
 employment1 the time which is bestowed 
on study1 if even attended with no other
 advantage1 serves to occupy with       

innocence the hours of leisure1 and set 
bounds to the pursuit of ruinous and    
frivolous amusements4 ,from no better   
reason than this1 we employ so many of  
our early years1 under the rod1 to      
acquire1 what it is not expected we     
should retain beyond the threshold of   
the school2 and whilst we carry the same
 frivolous character in our studies that
 we do in our amusements1 the human mind
 could not suffer more from a contempt  
of letters1 than it does from the false 
importance which is given to literature1
 as a business for life1 not as a help  
to our conduct1 and the means of forming
 a character that may be happy in       
itself1 and useful to mankind4  ,if that
 time which is passed in relaxing the   
powers of the mind1 and in withholding  
every object but what tends to weaken   
and to corrupt1 were employed in        
fortifying those powers1 and in teaching
 the mind to recognize its objects1 and 
its strength1 we should not1 at the     
years of maturity1 be so much at a loss 

for occupation2 nor1 in attending the   
chances of a gaming table1 misemploy our
 talents1 or waste the fire which       
remains in the breast4 ,they1 at least1 
who by their stations have a share in   
the government of their country1 might  
believe themselves capable of business2 
and1 while the state had its armies and 
councils1 might find objects enough to  
amuse1 without throwing a personal      
fortune into hazard1 merely to cure the 
yawnings of a listless and insignificant
 life4 ,it is impossible for ever to    
maintain the tone of speculation2 it is 
impossible not sometimes to feel that we
 live among men4     ,,section ,,vi4    
,,of ,,moral ,,sentiment4   ,upon a     
slight observation of what passes in    
human life1 we should be apt to         
conclude1 that the care of subsistence  
is the principal spring of human        
actions4 ,this consideration leads to   
the invention and practice of mechanical
 arts2 it serves to distinguish         
amusement from business2 and1 with many1

 scarcely admits into competition any   
other subject of pursuit or attention4  
,the mighty advantages of property and  
fortune1 when stript of the             
recommendations they derive from vanity1
 or the more serious regards to         
independence and power1 only mean a     
provision that is made for animal       
enjoyment2 and if our solicitude on this
 subject were removed1 not only the     
toils of the mechanic1 but the studies  
of the learned1 would cease2 every      
department of public business would     
become unnecessary2 every senate house  
would be shut up1 and every palace      
deserted4  ,is man therefore1 in respect
 to his object1 to be classed with the  
mere brutes1 and only to be             
distinguished by faculties that qualify 
him to multiply contrivances for the    
support and convenience of animal life1 
and by the extent of a fancy that       
renders the care of animal preservation 
to him more burthensome than it is to   
the herd with which he shares in the    

bounty of nature8 ,if this were his     
case1 the joy which attends on success1 
or the griefs which arise from          
disappointment1 would make the sum of   
his passions4 ,the torrent that wasted1 
or the inundation that enriched1 his    
possessions1 would give him all the     
emotion with which he is seized1 on the 
occasion of a wrong by which his        
fortunes are impaired1 or of a benefit  
by which they are preserved and         
enlarged4 ,his fellow creatures would be
 considered merely as they affected his 
interest4 ,profit or loss would serve to
 mark the event of every transaction2   
and the epithets useful or detrimental  
would serve to distinguish his mates in 
society1 as they do the tree which bears
 plenty of fruit1 from that which only  
cumbers the ground1 or intercepts his   
view4  ,this1 however1 is not the       
history of our species4 ,what comes from
 a fellow creature is received with     
peculiar emotion2 and every language    
abounds with terms that express somewhat

 in the transactions of men1 different  
from success and disappointment4 ,the   
bosom kindles in company1 while the     
point of interest in view has nothing to
 inflame2 and a matter frivolous in     
itself1 becomes important1 when it      
serves to bring to light the intentions 
and characters of men4 ,the foreigner1  
who believed that ,othello1 on the      
stage1 was enraged for the loss of his  
handkerchief1 was not more mistaken1    
than the reasoner who imputes any of the
 more vehement passions of men to the   
impressions of mere profit or loss4     
,men assemble to deliberate on business2
 they separate from jealousies of       
interest2 but in their several          
collisions1 whether as friends or as    
enemies1 a fire is struck out which the 
regards to interest or safety cannot    
confine4 ,the value of a favour is not  
measured when sentiments of kindness are
 perceived2 and the term misfortune has 
but a feeble meaning1 when compared to  
that of insult and wrong4  ,as actors or

 spectators1 we are perpetually made to 
feel the difference of human conduct1   
and from a bare recital of transactions1
 which have passed in ages and countries
 remote from our own1 are moved with    
admiration and pity1 or transported with
 indignation and rage4 ,our sensibility 
on this subject gives their charm in    
retirement1 to the relations of history 
and to the fictions of poetry2 sends    
forth the tear of compassion1 gives to  
the blood its briskest movement1 and to 
the eye its liveliest glances of        
displeasure or joy4 ,it turns human life
 into an interesting spectacle1 and     
perpetually solicits even the indolent  
to mix1 as opponents or friends1 in the 
scenes which are acted before them4     
,joined to the powers of deliberation   
and reason1 it constitutes the basis of 
a moral nature2 and1 whilst it dictates 
the terms of praise and of blame1 serves
 to class our fellow creatures1 by the  
most admirable and engaging1 or the most
 odious and contemptible denominations4 

,it is pleasant to find men1 who in     
their speculations deny the reality of  
moral distinctions1 forget in detail the
 general positions they maintain1 and   
give loose to ridicule1 indignation1 and
 scorn1 as if any of these sentiments   
could have place1 were the actions of   
men indifferent2 or with acrimony       
pretend to detect the fraud by which    
moral restraints have been imposed1 as  
if to censure a fraud were not already  
to take a part on the side of morality4 
,footnote3 ,mandeville4  ,can we explain
 the principles upon which mankind      
adjudge the preference of characters1   
and upon which they indulge such        
vehement emotions of admiration or      
contempt8 ,if it be admitted that we    
cannot1 are the facts less true8 ,or    
must we suspend the movements of the    
heart1 until they who are employed in   
framing systems of science have         
discovered the principle from which     
those movements proceed8 ,if a finger   
burn1 we care not for information on the

 properties of fire3 if the heart be    
torn1 or the mind overjoyed1 we have not
 leisure for speculations on the        
subjects of moral sensibility4  ,it is  
fortunate in this1 as in other articles 
to which speculation and theory are     
applied1 that nature proceeds in her    
course1 whilst the curious are busied in
 the search of her principles4 ,the     
peasant1 or the child1 can reason1 and  
judge1 and speak his language with a    
discernment1 a consistency1 and a regard
 to analogy1 which perplex the logician1
 the moralist1 and the grammarian1 when 
they would find the principle upon which
 the proceeding is founded1 or when they
 would bring to general rule1 what is so
 familiar1 and so well sustained in     
particular cases4 ,the felicity of our  
conduct is more owing to the talent we  
possess for detail1 and to the          
suggestion of particular occasions1 than
 it is to any direction we can find in  
theory and general speculations4  ,we   
must1 in the result of every inquiry1   

encounter with facts which we cannot    
explain2 and to bear with this          
mortification would save us frequently a
 great deal of fruitless trouble4       
,together with the sense of our         
existence1 we must admit many           
circumstances which come to our         
knowledge at the same time1 and in the  
same manner2 and which do1 in reality1  
constitute the mode of our being4 ,every
 peasant will tell us1 that a man hath  
his rights2 and that to trespass on     
those rights is injustice4 ,if we ask   
him farther1 what he means by the term  
right8 we probably force him to         
substitute a less significant1 or less  
proper term1 in the place of this2 or   
require him to account for what is an   
original mode of his mind1 and a        
sentiment to which he ultimately refers1
 when he would explain himself upon any 
particular application of his language4 
,the rights of individuals may relate to
 a variety of subjects1 and be          
comprehended under different heads4     

,prior to the establishment of property1
 and the distinction of ranks1 men have 
a right to defend their persons1 and to 
act with freedom2 they have a right to  
maintain the apprehensions of reason1   
and the feelings of the heart2 and they 
cannot for a moment associate together1 
without feeling that the treatment they 
give or receive may be just or unjust4  
,it is not1 however1 our business here  
to carry the notion of a right into its 
several applications1 but to reason on  
the sentiment of favour with which that 
notion is entertained in the mind4 ,if  
it be true1 that men are united by      
instinct1 that they act in society from 
affections of kindness and friendship2  
if it be true1 that even prior to       
acquaintance and habitude1 men1 as such1
 are commonly to each other objects of  
attention1 and some degree of regard2   
that while their prosperity is beheld   
with indifference1 their afflictions are
 considered with commiseration2 if      
calamities be measured by the numbers   

and the qualities of men they involve2  
and if every suffering of a fellow      
creature draws a crowd of attentive     
spectators2 if1 even in the case of     
those to whom we do not habitually wish 
any positive good1 we are still averse  
to be the instruments of harm2 it should
 seem1 that in these various appearances
 of an amicable disposition1 the        
foundations of a moral apprehension are 
sufficiently laid1 and the sense of a   
right which we maintain for ourselves1  
is by a movement of humanity and candour
 extended to our fellow creatures4      
,what is it that prompts the tongue when
 we censure an act of cruelty or        
oppression8 ,what is it that constitutes
 our restraint from offences that tend  
to distress our fellow creatures8 ,it is
 probably1 in both cases1 a particular  
application of that principle1 which1 in
 presence of the sorrowful1 sends forth 
the tear of compassion2 and a           
combination of all those sentiments1    
which constitute a benevolent           

disposition2 and if not a resolution to 
do good1 at least an aversion to be the 
instrument of harm4 ,footnote3 ,mankind1
 we are told1 are devoted to interest2  
and this1 in all commercial nations1 is 
undoubtedly true4 ,but it does not      
follow1 that they are1 by their natural 
dispositions1 averse to society and     
mutual affection3 proofs of the contrary
 remain1 even where interest triumphs   
most4 ,what must we think of the force  
of that disposition to compassion1 to   
candour1 and good will1 which1          
notwithstanding the prevailing opinion  
that the happiness of a man consists in 
possessing the greatest possible share  
of riches1 preferments1 and honours1    
still keeps the parties who are in      
competition for those objects1 on a     
tolerable footing of amity1 and leads   
them to abstain even from their own     
supposed good1 when their seizing it    
appears in the light of a detriment to  
others8 ,what might we not expect from  
the human heart in circumstances which  

prevented this apprehension on the      
subject of fortune1 or under the        
influence of an opinion as steady and   
general as the former1 that human       
felicity does not consist in the        
indulgences of animal appetite1 but in  
those of a benevolent heart2 not in     
fortune or interest1 but in the contempt
 of this very object1 in the courage and
 freedom which arise from this contempt1
 joined to a resolute choice of conduct1
 directed to the good of mankind1 or to 
the good of that particular society to  
which the party belongs8  ,it may be    
difficult1 however1 to enumerate the    
motives of all the censures and         
commendations which are applied to the  
actions of men4 ,even while we moralize1
 every disposition of the human mind may
 have its share in forming the judgment1
 and in prompting the tongue4 ,as       
jealousy is often the most watchful     
guardian of chastity1 so malice is often
 the quickest to spy the failings of our
 neighbour4 ,envy1 affectation1 and     

vanity1 may dictate the verdicts we     
give1 and the worst principles of our   
nature may be at the bottom of our      
pretended zeal for morality2 but if we  
only mean to inquire1 why they who are  
well disposed to mankind apprehend1 in  
every instance1 certain rights          
pertaining to their fellow creatures1   
and why they applaud the consideration  
that is paid to those rights1 we cannot 
assign a better reason1 than that the   
person who applauds1 is well disposed to
 the welfare of the parties to whom his 
applauses refer4 ,applause1 however1 is 
the expression of a peculiar sentiment2 
an expression of esteem the reverse of  
contempt4 ,its object is perfection1 the
 reverse of defect4 ,this sentiment is  
not the love of mankind2 it is that by  
which we estimate the qualities of men1 
and the objects of our pursuit2 that    
which doubles the force of every desire 
or aversion1 when we consider its object
 as tending to raise or to sink our     
nature4  ,when we consider1 that the    

reality of any amicable propensity in   
the human mind has been frequently      
contested2 when we recollect the        
prevalence of interested competitions1  
with their attendant passions of        
jealousy1 envy1 and malice2 it may seem 
strange to allege1 that love and        
compassion are1 next to the desire of   
elevation1 the most powerful motives in 
the human breast3 ,that they urge1 on   
many occasions1 with the most           
irresistible vehemence2 and if the      
desire of self preservation be more     
constant1 and more uniform1 these are a 
more plentiful source of enthusiasm1    
satisfaction1 and joy4 ,with a power not
 inferior to that of resentment and     
rage1 they hurry the mind into every    
sacrifice of interest1 and bear it      
undismayed through every hardship and   
danger4  ,the disposition on which      
friendship is grafted1 glows with       
satisfaction in the hours of            
tranquillity1 and is pleasant1 not only 
in its triumphs1 but even in its        

sorrows4 ,it throws a grace on the      
external air1 and1 by its expression on 
the countenance1 compensates for the    
want of beauty1 or gives a charm which  
no complexion or features can equal4    
,from this source the scenes of human   
life derive their principal felicity2   
and their imitations in poetry1 their   
principal ornament4 ,descriptions of    
nature1 even representations of a       
vigorous conduct1 and a manly courage1  
do not engage the heart1 if they be not 
mixed with the exhibition of generous   
sentiments1 and the pathetic1 which is  
found to arise in the struggles1 the    
triumphs1 or the misfortunes of a tender
 affection4 ,the death of ,polites1 in  
the ,aeneid1 is not more affecting than 
that of many others who perished in the 
ruins of ,troy2 but the aged ,priam was 
present when this last of his sons was  
slain2 and the agonies of grief and     
sorrow force the parent from his        
retreat1 to fall by the hand that shed  
the blood of his child4 ,the pathetic of

 ,homer consists in exhibiting the force
 of affections1 not in exciting mere    
terror and pity2 passions he has never  
perhaps1 in any instance1 attempted to  
raise4  ,with this tendency to kindle   
into enthusiasm1 with this command over 
the heart1 with the pleasure that       
attends its emotions1 and with all its  
effects in meriting confidence and      
procuring esteem1 it is not surprising1 
that a principle of humanity should give
 the tone to our commendations and our  
censures1 and even where it is hindered 
from directing our conduct1 should still
 give to the mind1 on reflection1 its   
knowledge of what is desirable in the   
human character4 ,what hast thou done   
with thy brother ,abel8 was the first   
expostulation in behalf of morality2 and
 if the first answer has been often     
repeated1 mankind have notwithstanding1 
in one sense1 sufficiently acknowledged 
the charge of their nature4 ,they have  
felt1 they have talked1 and even acted1 
as the keepers of their fellow          

creatures3 they have made the           
indications of candour and mutual       
affection the test of what is           
meritorious and amiable in the          
characters of men3 they have made       
cruelty and oppression the principal    
objects of their indignation and rage3  
even while the head is occupied with    
projects of interest1 the heart is often
 seduced into friendship2 and while     
business proceeds on the maxims of self 
preservation1 the careless hour is      
employed in generosity and kindness4    
,hence the rule by which men commonly   
judge of external actions1 is taken from
 the supposed influence of such actions 
on the general good4 ,to abstain from   
harm1 is the great law of natural       
justice2 to diffuse happiness1 is the   
law of morality2 and when we censure the
 conferring a favour on one or a few at 
the expense of many1 we refer to public 
utility1 as the great object at which   
the actions of men should be aimed4     
,after all1 it must be confessed1 that  

if a principle of affection to mankind  
be the basis of our moral approbation   
and dislike1 we sometimes proceed in    
distributing applause or censure1       
without precisely attending to the      
degree in which our fellow creatures are
 hurt or obliged2 and that1 besides the 
virtues of candour1 friendship1         
generosity1 and public spirit1 which    
bear an immediate reference to this     
principle1 there are others which may   
seem to derive their commendation from a
 different source4 ,temperance1         
prudence1 fortitude1 are those qualities
 likewise admired from a principle of   
regard to our fellow creatures8 ,why    
not1 since they render men happy in     
themselves1 and useful to others8 ,he   
who is qualified to promote the welfare 
of mankind1 is neither a sot1 a fool1   
nor a coward4 ,can it be more clearly   
expressed1 that temperance1 prudence1   
and fortitude1 are necessary to the     
character we love and admire8 ,i know   
well why ,i should wish for them in     

myself2 and why likewise ,i should wish 
for them in my friend1 and in every     
person who is an object of my affection4
 ,but to what purpose seek for reasons  
of approbation1 where qualities are so  
necessary to our happiness1 and so great
 a part in the perfection of our nature8
 ,we must cease to esteem ourselves1 and
 to distinguish what is excellent1 when 
such qualifications incur our neglect4  
,a person of an affectionate mind1      
possessed of a maxim1 that he himself1  
as an individual1 is no more than a part
 of the whole that demands his regard1  
has found1 in that principle1 a         
sufficient foundation for all the       
virtues2 for a contempt of animal       
pleasures1 that would supplant his      
principal enjoyment2 for an equal       
contempt of danger or pain1 that come to
 stop his pursuits of public good4 ,a   
vehement and steady affection magnifies 
its object1 and lessens every difficulty
 or danger that stands in the way4 ,ask 
those who have been in love1 says       

,epictetus1 they will know that ,i speak
 the truth4  ,i have before me1 says    
another eminent moralist1 ,footnote3    
,persian ,letters4 an idea of justice1  
which if ,i could follow in every       
instance1 ,i should think myself the    
most happy of men4 ,and it is of        
consequence to their happiness1 as well 
as to their conduct1 if those can be    
disjoined1 that men should have this    
idea properly formed4 ,it is perhaps but
 another name for that good of mankind1 
which the virtuous are engaged to       
promote4 ,if virtue be the supreme good1
 its best and most signal effect is1 to 
communicate and diffuse itself4  ,to    
distinguish men by the difference of    
their moral qualities1 to espouse one   
party from a sense of justice1 to oppose
 another even with indignation when     
excited by iniquity1 are the common     
indications of probity1 and the         
operations of an animated1 upright1 and 
generous spirit4 ,to guard against      
unjust partialities1 and ill grounded   

antipathies2 to maintain that composure 
of mind1 which1 without impairing its   
sensibility or ardour1 proceeds in every
 instance with discernment and          
penetration1 are the marks of a vigorous
 and cultivated spirit4 ,to be able to  
follow the dictates of such a spirit    
through all the varieties of human life1
 and with a mind always master of       
itself1 in prosperity or adversity1 and 
possessed of all its abilities1 when the
 subjects in hazard are life1 or        
freedom1 as much as in treating simple  
questions of interest1 are the triumphs 
of magnanimity1 and true elevation of   
mind4 ,the event of the day is decided4 
,draw this javelin from my body now1    
said ,epaminondas1 and let me bleed4    
,in what situation1 or by what          
instruction1 is this wonderful character
 to be formed8 ,is it found in the      
nurseries of affectation1 pertness1 and 
vanity1 from which fashion is           
propagated1 and the genteel is          
announced8 ,in great and opulent cities1

 where men vie with each other in       
equipage1 dress1 and the reputation of  
fortune8 ,is it within the admired      
precincts of a court1 where we may learn
 to smile without being pleased1 to     
caress without affection1 to wound with 
the secret weapons of envy and jealousy1
 and to rest our personal importance on 
circumstances which we cannot always    
with honour command8 ,no3 but in a      
situation where the great sentiments of 
the heart are awakened2 where the       
characters of men1 not their situations 
and fortunes1 are the principal         
distinction2 where the anxieties of     
interest1 or vanity1 perish in the blaze
 of more vigorous emotions2 and where   
the human soul1 having felt and         
recognised its objects1 like an animal  
who has tasted the blood of his prey1   
cannot descend to pursuits that leave   
its talents and its force unemployed4   
,proper occasions alone operating on a  
raised and a happy disposition1 may     
produce this admirable effect1 whilst   

mere instruction may always find mankind
 at a loss to comprehend its meaning1 or
 insensible to its dictates4 ,the case1 
however1 is not desperate1 till we have 
formed our system of politics1 as well  
as manners2 till we have sold our       
freedom for titles1 equipage1 and       
distinctions2 till we see no merit but  
prosperity and power1 no disgrace but   
poverty and neglect4 ,what charm of     
instruction can cure the mind that is   
stained with this disorder8 ,what syren 
voice can awaken a desire of freedom1   
that is held to be meanness and a want  
of ambition8 ,or what persuasion can    
turn the grimace of politeness into real
 sentiments of humanity and candour8    
,,section ,,vii4  ,,of ,,happiness4     
,having had under our consideration the 
active powers and the moral qualities   
which distinguish the nature of man1 is 
it still necessary that we should treat 
of his happiness apart8 ,this           
significant term1 the most frequent1 and
 the most familiar1 in our conversation1

 is1 perhaps1 on reflection1 the least  
understood4 ,it serves to express our   
satisfaction1 when any desire is        
gratified2 it is pronounced with a sigh1
 when our object is distant3 it means   
what we wish to obtain1 and what we     
seldom stay to examine4 ,we estimate the
 value of every subject by its utility1 
and its influence on happiness2 but we  
think that utility itself1 and          
happiness1 require no explanation4      
,those men are commonly esteemed the    
happiest1 whose desires are most        
frequently ratified4 ,but if1 in        
reality1 the possession of what they    
desire1 and a continued fruition1 were  
requisite to happiness1 mankind for the 
most part would have reason to complain 
of their lot4 ,what they call their     
enjoyments1 are generally momentary2 and
 the object of sanguine expectation1    
when obtained1 no longer continues to   
occupy the mind3 a new passion succeeds1
 and the imagination1 as before1 is     
intent on a distant felicity4  ,how many

 reflections of this sort are suggested 
by melancholy1 or by the effects of that
 very languor and inoccupation into     
which we would willingly sink1 under the
 notion of freedom from care and        
trouble8  ,when we enter on a formal    
computation of the enjoyments or        
sufferings which are prepared for       
mankind1 it is a chance but we find that
 pain1 by its intenseness1 its duration1
 or frequency1 is greatly predominant4  
,the activity and eagerness with which  
we press from one stage of life to      
another1 our unwillingness to return on 
the paths we have trod1 our aversion in 
age to renew the frolics of youth1 or to
 repeat in manhood the amusements of    
children1 have been accordingly stated  
as proofs1 that our memory of the past1 
and our feeling of the present1 are     
equal subjects of dislike and           
displeasure4 ,footnote3 ,maupertuis2    
,essai de ,morale4  ,this conclusion1   
however1 like many others1 drawn from   
our supposed knowledge of causes1 does  

not correspond with experience in every 
street1 in every village1 in every      
field1 the greater number of persons we 
meet1 carry an aspect that is cheerful  
or thoughtless1 indifferent1 composed1  
busy or animated4 ,the labourer whistles
 to his team1 and the mechanic is at    
ease in his calling2 the frolicksome and
 gay feel a series of pleasures1 of     
which we know not the source2 even they 
who demonstrate the miseries of human   
life1 when intent on their argument1    
escape from their sorrows1 and find a   
tolerable pastime in proving that men   
are unhappy4  ,the very terms pleasure  
and pain1 perhaps1 are equivocal2 but if
 they are confined1 as they appear to be
 in many of our reasonings1 to the mere 
sensations which have a reference to    
external objects1 either in the memory  
of the past1 the feeling of the present1
 or the apprehension of the future1 it  
is a great error to suppose1 that they  
comprehend all the constituents of      
happiness or misery2 or that the good   

humour of an ordinary life is maintained
 by the prevalence of those pleasures1  
which have their separate names1 and    
are1 on reflection1 distinctly          
remembered4  ,the mind1 during the      
greater part of its existence1 is       
employed in active exertions1 not in    
merely attending to its own feelings of 
pleasure or pain2 and the list of its   
faculties1 understanding1 memory1       
foresight1 sentiment1 will1 and         
intention1 only contains the names of   
its different operations4  ,if1 in the  
absence of every sensation to which we  
commonly give the names either of       
enjoyment or suffering1 our very        
existence may have its opposite         
qualities of happiness or misery2 and if
 what we call pleasure or pain1 occupies
 but a small part of human life1        
compared to what passes in contrivance  
and execution1 in pursuits and          
expectations1 in conduct1 reflection1   
and social engagements2 it must appear1 
that our active pursuits1 at least on   

account of their duration1 deserve the  
greater part of our attention4 ,when    
their occasions have failed1 the demand 
is not for pleasure1 but for something  
to do2 and the very complaints of a     
sufferer are not so sure a mark of      
distress1 as the stare of the languid4  
,we seldom1 however1 reckon any task1   
which we are bound to perform1 among the
 blessings of life4 ,we always aim at a 
period of pure enjoyment1 or a          
termination of trouble2 and overlook the
 source from which most of our present  
satisfactions are really drawn4 ,ask the
 busy1 where is the happiness to which  
they aspire8 they will answer1 perhaps1 
that it is to be found in the object of 
some present pursuit4 ,if we ask1 why   
they are not miserable in the absence of
 that happiness8 they will say1 that    
they hope to attain it4 ,but is it hope 
alone that supports the mind is the     
midst of precarious and uncertain       
prospects8 ,and would assurance of      
success fill the intervals of           

expectation with more pleasing emotions8
 ,give the huntsman his prey1 give the  
gamester the gold which is staked on the
 game1 that the one may not need to     
fatigue his person1 nor the other to    
perplex his mind1 and both will probably
 laugh at our folly3 the one will stake 
his money anew1 that he may be          
perplexed2 the other will turn his stag 
to the field1 that he may hear the cry  
of the dogs1 and follow through danger  
and hardship4 ,withdraw the occupations 
of men1 terminate their desires1        
existence is a burden1 and the iteration
 of memory is a torment4  ,the men of   
this country1 says one lady1 should     
learn to sew and to knit2 it would      
hinder their time from being a burden to
 themselves1 and to other people4 ,that 
is true1 says another2 for my part1     
though ,i never look abroad1 ,i tremble 
at the prospect of bad weather2 for then
 the gentlemen come moping to us for    
entertainment2 and the sight of a       
husband in distress1 is but a melancholy

 spectacle4  ,the difficulties and      
hardships of human life are supposed to 
detract from the goodness of ,god2 yet  
many of the pastimes men devise for     
themselves are fraught with difficulty  
and danger4 ,the great inventor of the  
game of human life1 knew well how to    
accommodate the players4 ,the chances   
are matter of complaint2 but if these   
were removed1 the game itself would no  
longer amuse the parties4 ,in devising1 
or in executing a plan1 in being carried
 on the tide of emotion and sentiment1  
the mind seems to unfold its being1 and 
to enjoy itself4 ,even where the end and
 the object are known to be of little   
avail1 the talents and the fancy are    
often intensely applied1 and business or
 play may amuse them alike4 ,we only    
desire repose to recruit our limited and
 our wasting force3 when business       
fatigues1 amusement is often but a      
change of occupation4 ,we are not always
 unhappy1 even when we complain4 ,there 
is a kind of affliction which makes an  

agreeable state of the mind2 and        
lamentation itself is sometimes an      
expression of pleasure4 ,the painter and
 the poet have laid hold of this handle1
 and find1 among the means of           
entertainment1 a favourable reception   
for works that are composed to awaken   
our sorrows4  ,to a being of this       
description1 therefore1 it is a blessing
 to meet with incentives to action1     
whether in the desire of pleasure1 or   
the aversion to pain4 ,his activity is  
of more importance than the very        
pleasure he seeks1 and languor a greater
 evil than the suffering he shuns4  ,the
 gratifications of animal appetite are  
of short duration2 and sensuality is but
 a distemper of the mind1 which ought to
 be cured by remembrance1 if it were not
 perpetually inflamed by hope4 ,the     
chase is not more surely terminated by  
the death of the game1 than the joys of 
the voluptuary by the means of          
completing his debauch4 ,as a band of   
society1 as a matter of distant pursuit1

 the objects of sense make an important 
part in the system of human life4 ,they 
lead us to fulfil the purposes of       
nature1 in preserving the individual1   
and in perpetuating the species2 but to 
rely on their use as a principal        
constituent of happiness1 were an error 
in speculation1 and would be still more 
an error in practice4 ,even the master  
of the seraglio1 for whom all the       
treasures of empire are extorted from   
the hoards of its frighted inhabitants1 
for whom alone the choicest emerald and 
the diamond are drawn from the mine1 for
 whom every breeze is enriched with     
perfumes1 for whom beauty is assembled  
from every quarter1 and1 animated by    
passions that ripen under the vertical  
sun1 is confined to the grate for his   
use1 is still1 perhaps1 more wretched   
than the very herd of the people1 whose 
labours and properties are devoted to   
relieve him of trouble1 and to procure  
him enjoyment4  ,sensuality is easily   
overcome by any of the habits of pursuit

 which usually engage an active mind4   
,when curiosity is awake1 or when       
passion is excited1 even in the midst of
 the feast when conversation grows warm1
 grows jovial1 or serious1 the pleasures
 of the table we know are forgotten4    
,the boy contemns them for play1 and the
 man of age declines them for business4 
,when we reckon the circumstances that  
correspond to the nature of any animal1 
or to that of man in particular1 such as
 safety1 shelter1 food1 and the other   
means of enjoyment1 or preservation1 we 
sometimes think that we have found a    
sensible and a solid foundation on which
 to rest his felicity4 ,but those who   
are least disposed to moralize1 observe1
 that happiness is not connected with   
fortune1 although fortune includes at   
once all the means of subsistence1 and  
the means of sensual indulgence4 ,the   
circumstances that require abstinence1  
courage1 and conduct1 expose us to      
hazard1 and are in description of the   
painful kind2 yet the able1 the brave1  

and the ardent1 seem most to enjoy      
themselves when placed in the midst of  
difficulties1 and obliged to employ the 
powers they possess4  ,spinola being    
told1 that ,sir ,francis ,vere died of  
having nothing to do1 said1 ,that was   
enough to kill a general4 ,footnote3    
,life of ,lord ,herbert4 ,how many are  
there to whom war itself is a pastime1  
who choose the life of a soldier1       
exposed to dangers and continued        
fatigues2 of a mariner1 in conflict with
 every hardship1 and bereft of every    
conveniency2 of a politician1 whose     
sport is the conduct of parties and     
factions2 and who1 rather than be idle1 
will do the business of men and of      
nations for whom he has not the smallest
 regard8 ,such men do not choose pain as
 preferable to pleasure1 but they are   
incited by a restless disposition to    
make continued exertions of capacity and
 resolution2 they triumph in the midst  
of their struggles2 they droop1 and they
 languish1 when the occasion of their   

labour has ceased4  ,what was enjoyment1
 in the sense of that youth1 who1       
according to ,tacitus1 loved danger     
itself1 not the rewards of courage8     
,what is the prospect of pleasure1 when 
the sound of the horn or the trumpet1   
the cry of the dogs1 or the shout of    
war1 awaken the ardour of the sportsman 
and the soldier8 ,the most animating    
occasions of human life1 are calls to   
danger and hardship1 not invitations to 
safety and ease3 and man himself1 in his
 excellence1 is not an animal of        
pleasure1 nor destined merely to enjoy  
what the elements bring to his use2 but 
like his associates1 the dog and the    
horse1 to follow the exercises of his   
nature1 in preference to what are called
 its enjoyments2 to pine in the lap of  
ease and of affluence1 and to exult in  
the midst of alarms that seem to        
threaten his being1 in all which1 his   
disposition to action only keeps pace   
with the variety of powers with which he
 is furnished2 and the most respectable 

attributes of his nature1 magnanimity1  
fortitude1 and wisdom1 carry a manifest 
reference to the difficulties with which
 he is destined to struggle4  ,if animal
 pleasure becomes insipid when the      
spirit is roused by a different object1 
it is well known1 likewise1 that the    
sense of pain is prevented by any       
vehement affection of the soul4 ,wounds 
received in a heat of passion1 in the   
hurry1 the ardour1 or consternation of  
battle1 are never felt till the ferment 
of the mind subsides4 ,even torments1   
deliberately applied1 and industriously 
prolonged1 are borne with firmness1 and 
with an appearance of ease1 when the    
mind is possessed with some vigorous    
sentiment1 whether of religion1         
enthusiasm1 or love to mankind4 ,the    
continued mortifications of             
superstitious devotees in several ages  
of the ,christian church2 the wild      
penances1 still voluntarily borne1      
during many years1 by the religionists  
of the east2 the contempt in which      

famine and torture are held by most     
savage nations2 the cheerful or         
obstinate patience of the soldier in the
 field2 the hardships endured by the    
sportsman in his pastime1 show how much 
we may err in computing the miseries of 
men1 from the measures of trouble and of
 suffering they seem to incur4 ,and if  
there be a refinement in affirming that 
their happiness is not to be measured by
 the contrary enjoyments1 it is a       
refinement which was made by ,regulus   
and ,cincinnatus before the date of     
philosophy4 ,fabricius knew it while he 
had heard arguments only on the opposite
 side4 ,footnote3 ,plutarch in ,vit4    
,pyrrh4 ,it is a refinement1 which every
 boy knows at his play1 and every savage
 confirms1 when he looks from his forest
 on the pacific city1 and scorns the    
plantation1 whose master he cares not to
 imitate4  ,man1 it must be confessed1  
notwithstanding all this activity of his
 mind1 is an animal in the full extent  
of that designation4 ,when the body     

sickens1 the mind droops2 and when the  
blood ceases to flow1 the soul takes its
 departure4 ,charged with the care of   
his preservation1 admonished by a sense 
of pleasure or pain1 and guarded by an  
instinctive fear of death1 nature has   
not intrusted his safety to the mere    
vigilance of his understanding1 nor to  
the government of his uncertain         
reflections4  ,the distinction betwixt  
mind and body is followed by            
consequences of the greatest importance2
 but the facts to which we now refer1   
are not founded on any tenets whatever4 
,they are equally true1 whether we admit
 or reject1 the distinction in question1
 or whether we suppose1 that this living
 agent is formed of one1 or is an       
assemblage of separate natures4 ,and the
 materialist1 by treating of man as of  
an engine1 cannot make any change in the
 state of his history4 ,he is a being1  
who1 by a multiplicity of visible       
organs1 performs a variety of functions4
 ,he bends his joints1 contracts or     

relaxes his muscles in our sight4 ,he   
continues the beating of the heart in   
his breast1 and the flowing of the blood
 to every part of his frame4 ,he        
performs other operations which we      
cannot refer to any corporeal organ4 ,he
 perceives1 he recollects1 and          
forecasts2 he desires1 and he shuns2 he 
admires1 and contemns4 ,he enjoys his   
pleasures1 or he endures his pain4 ,all 
these different functions1 in some      
measure1 go well or ill together4 ,when 
the motion of the blood is languid1 the 
muscles relax1 the understanding is     
tardy1 and the fancy is dull3 when      
distemper assails him1 the physician    
must attend no less to what he thinks1  
than1 to what he eats1 and examine the  
returns of his passion1 together with   
the strokes of his pulse4  ,with all his
 sagacity1 his precautions1 and his     
instincts1 which are given to preserve  
his being1 he partakes in the fate of   
other animals1 and seems to be formed   
only that he may die4 ,myriads perish   

before they reach the perfection of     
their kind2 and the individual1 with an 
option to owe the prolongation of his   
temporary course to resolution and      
conduct1 or to abject fear1 frequently  
chooses the latter1 and1 by a habit of  
timidity1 embitters the life he is so   
intent to preserve4  ,man1 however1 at  
times1 exempted from this mortifying    
lot1 seems to act without any regard to 
the length of his period4 ,when he      
thinks intensely1 or desires with       
ardour1 pleasures and pains from any    
other quarter assail him in vain4 ,even 
in his dying hour1 the muscles acquire a
 tone from his spirit1 and the mind     
seems to depart in its vigour1 and in   
the midst of a struggle to obtain the   
recent aim of its toil4 ,muley ,moluck1 
borne on his litter1 and spent with     
disease1 still fought the battle1 in the
 midst of which he expired2 and the last
 effort he made1 with a finger on his   
lips1 was a signal to conceal his death2
 ,footnote3 ,verlot's ,revolutions of   

,portugal the precaution1 perhaps1 of   
all which he had hitherto taken1 the    
most necessary to prevent a defeat4     
,can no reflections aid us in acquiring 
this habit of the soul1 so useful in    
carrying us through many of the ordinary
 scenes of life8 ,if we say1 that they  
cannot1 the reality of its happiness is 
not the less evident4 ,the ,greeks and  
the ,romans considered contempt of      
pleasure1 endurance of pain1 and neglect
 of life1 as eminent qualities of a man1
 and a principal subject of discipline4 
,they trusted1 that the vigorous spirit 
would find worthy objects on which to   
employ its force2 and that the first    
step towards a resolute choice of such  
objects1 was to shake off the meanness  
of a solicitous and timorous mind4      
,mankind1 in general1 have courted      
occasions to display their courage1 and 
frequently1 in search of admiration1    
have presented a spectacle1 which to    
those who have ceased to regard         
fortitude on its own account1 becomes a 

subject of horror4 ,scevola held his arm
 in the fire1 to shake the soul of      
,porsenna4 ,the savage inures his body  
to the torture1 that in the hour of     
trial he may exult over his enemy4 ,even
 the ,mussulman tears his flesh to win  
the heart of his mistress1 and comes in 
gaiety streaming with blood1 to shew    
that he deserves her esteem4 ,footnote3 
,letters of the ,right ,honourable ,lady
 ,mary ,wortley ,montagu4  ,some nations
 carry the practice of inflicting1 or of
 sporting with pain1 to a degree that is
 either cruel or absurd2 others regard  
every prospect of bodily suffering as   
the greatest of evils2 and in the midst 
of their troubles1 embitter every real  
affliction1 with the terrors of a feeble
 and dejected imagination4 ,we are not  
bound to answer for the follies of      
either1 nor1 in treating a question     
which relates to the nature of man1 make
 an estimate of its strength or its     
weakness1 from the habits or            
apprehensions peculiar to any nation or 

age4     ,,section ,,viii4  ,,the ,,same
 ,,subject ,,continued4   ,whoever has  
compared together the different         
conditions and manners of men1 under    
varieties of education or fortune1 will 
be satisfied1 that mere situation does  
not constitute their happiness or       
misery2 nor a diversity of external     
observances imply any opposition of     
sentiments on the subject of morality4  
,they express their kindness and their  
enmity1 in different actions2 but       
kindness or enmity is still the         
principal article of consideration in   
human life4 ,they engage in different   
pursuits1 or acquiesce in different     
conditions2 but act from passions nearly
 the same4 ,there is no precise measure 
of accommodation required to suit their 
conveniency1 nor any degree of danger or
 safety under which they are peculiarly 
fitted to act4 ,courage and generosity1 
fear and envy1 are not peculiar to any  
station or order of men2 nor is there   
any condition in which some of the human

 race have not shown1 that it is        
possible to employ1 with propriety1 the 
talents and virtues of their species4   
,what1 then1 is that mysterious thing   
called ,happiness which may have place  
in such a variety of stations1 and to   
which circumstances1 in one age or      
nation thought necessary1 are in another
 held to be destructive or of no effect8
 ,it is not the succession of mere      
animal pleasures1 which1 apart from the 
occupation or the company in which they 
engage us1 can fill up but a few moments
 in human life4 ,on too frequent a      
repetition1 those pleasures turn to     
satiety and disgust2 they tear the      
constitution to which they are applied  
in excess1 and1 like the lightning of   
night1 only serve to darken the gloom   
through which they occasionally break4  
,happiness is not that state of repose1 
or that imaginary freedom from care1    
which at a distance is so frequent an   
object of desire1 but with its approach 
brings a tedium1 or a languor1 more     

unsupportable than pain itself4 ,if the 
preceding observations on this subject  
be just1 it arises more from the        
pursuit1 than from the attainment of any
 end whatever2 and in every new         
situation to which we arrive1 even in   
the course of a prosperous life1 it     
depends more on the degree in which our 
minds are properly employed1 than it    
does on the circumstances in which we   
are destined to act1 on the materials   
which are placed in our hands1 or the   
tools with which we are furnished4  ,if 
this be confessed in respect to that    
class of pursuits which are             
distinguished by the name of amusement1 
and which1 in the case of men who are   
commonly deemed the most happy1 occupy  
the greater part of human life1 we may  
apprehend1 that it holds1 much more than
 is commonly suspected1 in many cases of
 business1 where the end to be gained1  
and not the occupation1 is supposed to  
have the principal value4  ,the miser   
himself1 we are told1 can sometimes     

consider the care of his wealth as a    
pastime1 and has challenged his heir1 to
 have more pleasure in spending1 than he
 in amassing his fortune4 ,with this    
degree of indifference to what may be   
the conduct of others2 with this        
confinement of his care to what he has  
chosen as his own province1 more        
especially if he has conquered in       
himself the passions of jealousy and    
envy1 which tear the covetous mind2 why 
may not the man whose object is money1  
be understood to lead a life of         
amusement and pleasure1 not only more   
entire than that of the spendthrift1 but
 even as much as the virtuoso1 the      
scholar1 the man of taste1 or any of    
that class of persons who have found out
 a method of passing their leisure      
without offence1 and to whom the        
acquisitions made1 or the works         
produced1 in their several ways1        
perhaps1 are as useless as the bag to   
the miser1 or the counter to those who  
play from mere dissipation at any game  

of skill or of chance8  ,we are soon    
tired of diversions that do not approach
 to the nature of business2 that is1    
that do not engage some passion1 or give
 an exercise proportioned to our        
talents1 and our faculties4 ,the chace  
and the gaming table have each their    
dangers and difficulties1 to excite and 
employ the mind4 ,all games of          
contention animate our emulation1 and   
give a species of party zeal4 ,the      
mathematician is only to be amused with 
intricate problems1 the lawyer and the  
casuist with cases that try their       
subtilty1 and occupy their judgment4    
,the desire of active engagements1 like 
every other natural appetite1 may be    
carried to excess2 and men may debauch  
in amusements1 as well as in the use of 
wine1 or other intoxicating liquors4 ,at
 first1 a trifling stake1 and the       
occupation of a moderate passion1 may   
have served to amuse the gamester2 but  
when the drug becomes familiar1 it fails
 to produce its effect3 ,the play is    

made deep1 and the interest increased1  
to awaken his attention2 he is carried  
on by degrees1 and in the end comes to  
seek for amusement1 and to find it only 
in those passions of anxiety1 hope1 and 
despair1 which are roused by the hazard 
into which he has thrown the whole of   
his fortunes4  ,if men can thus turn    
their amusements into a scene more      
serious and interesting than that of    
business itself1 it will be difficult to
 assign a reason why business1 and many 
of the occupations of human life1       
independent of any distant consequences 
of future events1 may not be chosen as  
an amusement1 and adopted on account of 
the pastime they bring4 ,this is1       
perhaps1 the foundation1 on which1      
without the aid of reflection1 the      
contented and the cheerful have rested  
the gaiety of their tempers4 ,it is1    
perhaps1 the most solid basis of        
fortitude which any reflection can lay2 
and happiness itself is secured by      
making a certain species of conduct our 

amusements2 and1 by considering life in 
the general estimate of its value1 as   
well on every particular occasion1 as a 
mere scene for the exercise of the mind1
 and the engagements of the heart4 ,i   
will try and attempt every thing1 says  
,brutus2 ,i will never cease to recal my
 country from this state of servility4  
,if the event be favourable1 it will    
prove matter of joy to us all2 if not1  
yet ,i1 notwithstanding1 shall rejoice4 
,why rejoice in a disappointment8 ,why  
not be dejected1 when his country was   
overwhelmed8 ,because sorrow1 perhaps1  
and dejection1 can do no good4 ,nay1 but
 they must be endured when they come4   
,and whence should they come to me8     
might the ,roman say3 ,i have followed  
my mind1 and can follow it still4       
,events may have changed the situation  
in which ,i am destined to act2 but can 
they hinder my acting the part of a man8
 ,shew me a situation in which a man can
 neither act nor die1 and ,i will own he
 is wretched4  ,whoever has the force of

 mind steadily to view human life under 
this aspect1 has only to choose well his
 occupations1 in order to command that  
state of enjoyment1 and freedom of soul1
 which probably constitute the peculiar 
felicity to which his active nature is  
destined4  ,the dispositions of men1 and
 consequently their occupations1 are    
commonly divided into two principal     
classes2 the selfish1 and the social4   
,the first are indulged in solitude2 and
 if they carry a reference to mankind1  
it is that of emulation1 competition1   
and enmity4 ,the second incline us to   
live with our fellow creatures1 and to  
do them good2 they tend to unite the    
members of society together2 they       
terminate in a mutual participation of  
their cares and enjoyments1 and render  
the presence of men an occasion of joy4 
,under this class may be enumerated the 
passions of the sexes1 the affections of
 parents and children1 general humanity1
 or singular attachments2 above all1    
that habit of the soul by which we      

consider ourselves as but a part of some
 beloved community1 and as but          
individual members of some society1     
whose general welfare is to us the      
supreme object of zeal1 and the great   
rule of our conduct4 ,this affection is 
a principle of candour1 which knows no  
partial distinctions1 and is confined to
 no bounds2 it may extend its effects   
beyond our personal acquaintance2 it    
may1 in the mind1 and in thought1 at    
least1 make us feel a relation to the   
universe1 and to the whole creation of  
,god4 ,shall any one1 says ,antoninus1  
love the city of ,cecrops1 and you not  
love the city of ,god8  ,no emotion of  
the heart is indifferent4 ,it is either 
an act of vivacity and joy1 or a feeling
 of sadness2 a transport of pleasure1 or
 a convulsion of anguish2 and the       
exercises of our different dispositions1
 as well as their gratifications1 are   
likely to prove matter of the greatest  
importance to our happiness or misery4  
,the individual is charged with the care

 of his animal preservation4 ,he may    
exist in solitude1 and1 far removed from
 society1 perform many functions of     
sense1 imagination1 and reason4 ,he is  
even rewarded for the proper discharge  
of those functions2 and all the natural 
exercises which relate to himself1 as   
well as to his fellow creatures1 not    
only occupy without distressing him1    
but1 in many instances1 are attended    
with positive pleasures1 and fill up the
 hours of life with agreeable           
occupation4  ,there is a degree1        
however1 in which we suppose that the   
care of ourselves becomes a source of   
painful anxiety and cruel passions2 in  
which it degenerates into avarice1      
vanity1 or pride2 and in which1 by      
fostering habits of jealousy and envy1  
of fear and malice1 it becomes as       
destructive of our own enjoyments1 as it
 is hostile to the welfare of mankind4  
,this evil1 however1 is not to be       
charged upon any excess in the care of  
ourselves1 but upon a mere mistake in   

the choice of our objects4 ,we look     
abroad for a happiness which is to be   
found only in the qualities of the      
heart3 we think ourselves dependent on  
accidents2 and are therefore kept in    
suspense and solicitude4 ,we think      
ourselves dependent on the will of other
 men2 and are therefore servile and     
timid3 we think our felicity is placed  
in subjects for which our fellow        
creatures are rivals and competitors2   
and in pursuit of happiness1 we engage  
in those scenes of emulation1 envy1     
hatred1 animosity1 and revenge1 that    
lead to the highest pitch of distress4  
,we act1 in short1 as if to preserve    
ourselves were to retain our weakness1  
and perpetuate our sufferings4 ,we      
charge the ills of a distempered        
imagination1 and a corrupt heart1 to the
 account of our fellow creatures1 to    
whom we refer the pangs of our          
disappointment or malice2 and while we  
foster our misery1 are surprised that   
the care of ourselves is attended with  

no better effects4 ,but he who remembers
 that he is by nature a rational being1 
and a member of society2 that to        
preserve himself1 is to preserve his    
reason1 and to preserve the best        
feelings of his heart2 will encounter   
with none of these inconveniencies2 and 
in the care of himself1 will find       
subjects only of satisfaction and       
triumph4  ,the division of our appetites
 into benevolent and selfish1 has       
probably1 in some degree1 helped to     
mislead our apprehension on the subject 
of personal enjoyment and private good2 
and our zeal to prove that virtue is    
disinterested1 has not greatly promoted 
its cause4 ,the gratification of a      
selfish desire1 it is thought1 brings   
advantage or pleasure to ourselves2 that
 of benevolence terminates in the       
pleasure or advantage of others3        
whereas1 in reality1 the gratification  
of every desire is a personal enjoyment1
 and its value being proportioned to the
 particular quality or force of the     

sentiment1 it may happen that the same  
person may reap a greater advantage from
 the good fortune he has procured to    
another1 than from that he has obtained 
for himself4  ,while the gratifications 
of benevolence1 therefore1 are as much  
our own as those of any other desire    
whatever1 the mere exercises of this    
disposition are1 on many accounts1 to be
 considered as the first and the        
principal constituent of human          
happiness4 ,every act of kindness1 or of
 care1 in the parent to his child2 every
 emotion of the heart1 in friendship or 
in love1 in public zeal1 or general     
humanity1 are so many acts of enjoyment 
and satisfaction4 ,pity itself1 and     
compassion1 even grief and melancholy1  
when grafted on some tender affection1  
partake of the nature of the stock2 and 
if they are not positive pleasures1 are 
at least pains of a peculiar nature1    
which we do not even wish to exchange   
but for a very real enjoyment1 obtained 
in relieving our object4 ,even extremes 

in this class of our dispositions1 as   
they are the reverse of hatred1 envy1   
and malice1 so they are never attended  
with those excruciating anxieties1      
jealousies1 and fears1 which tear the   
interested mind2 or if1 in reality1 any 
ill passion arise from a pretended      
attachment to our fellow creatures1 that
 attachment may be safely condemned1 as 
not genuine4 ,if we be distrustful or   
jealous1 our pretended affection is     
probably no more than a desire of       
attention and personal consideration2 a 
motive which frequently inclines us to  
be connected with our fellow creatures2 
but to which we are as frequently       
willing to sacrifice their happiness4   
,we consider them as the tools of our   
vanity1 pleasure1 or interest2 not as   
the parties on whom we may bestow the   
effects of our good will1 and our love4 
,a mind devoted to this class of its    
affections1 being occupied with an      
object that may engage it habitually1 is
 not reduced to court the amusements or 

pleasures with which persons of an ill  
temper are obliged to repair their      
disgusts3 and temperance becomes an easy
 task when gratifications of sense are  
supplanted by those of the heart4       
,courage1 too1 is most easily assumed1  
or is rather inseparable from that      
ardour of the mind1 in society1         
friendship1 or in public action1 which  
makes us forget subjects of personal    
anxiety or fear1 and attend chiefly to  
the object of our zeal or affection1 not
 to the trifling inconveniences1        
dangers1 or hardships1 which we         
ourselves may encounter in striving to  
maintain it4  ,it should seem1          
therefore1 to be the happiness of man1  
to make his social dispositions the     
ruling spring of his occupations2 to    
state himself as the member of a        
community1 for whose general good his   
heart may glow with an ardent zeal1 to  
the suppression of those personal cares 
which are the foundation of painful     
anxieties1 fear1 jealousy1 and envy2 or1

 as ,mr4 ,pope expresses the same       
sentiment4    ,man1 like the generous   
vine1 supported lives2   ,the strength  
he gains1 is from th' embrace he gives4 
,footnote3 ,the same maxim will apply   
throughout every part of   nature4 ,to  
love1 is to enjoy pleasure3 to hate1 is 
to be   in pain4  ,we commonly          
apprehend1 that it is our duty to do    
kindnesses1 and our happiness to receive
 them2 but if1 in reality1 courage1 and 
a heart devoted to the good of mankind1 
are the constituents of human felicity1 
the kindness which is done infers a     
happiness in the person from whom it    
proceeds1 not in him on whom it is      
bestowed2 and the greatest good which   
men possessed of fortitude and          
generosity can procure to their fellow  
creatures1 is a participation of this   
happy character4  ,if this be the good  
of the individual1 it is likewise that  
of mankind2 and virtue no longer imposes
 a task by which we are obliged to      
bestow upon others that good from which 

we ourselves refrain2 but supposes1 in  
the highest degree1 as possessed by     
ourselves1 that state of felicity which 
we are required to promote in the world4
 ,you will confer the greatest benefit  
on your city1 says ,epictetus1 not by   
raising the roofs1 but by exalting the  
souls of your fellow citizens2 for it is
 better that great souls should live in 
small habitations1 than that abject     
slaves should burrow in great houses4   
,footnote3 ,mrs4 ,carter's translation  
of the works of ,epictetus4  ,to the    
benevolent1 the satisfaction of others  
is a ground of enjoyment2 and existence 
itself1 in a world that is governed by  
the wisdom of ,god1 is a blessing4 ,the 
mind1 freed from cares that lead to     
pusillanimity and meanness1 becomes     
calm1 active1 fearless1 and bold2       
capable of every enterprise1 and        
vigorous in the exercise of every       
talent1 by which the nature of man is   
adorned4 ,on this foundation was raised 
the admirable character1 which1 during a

 certain period of their story1         
distinguished the celebrated nations of 
antiquity1 and rendered familiar and    
ordinary in their manners1 examples of  
magnanimity1 which1 under governments   
less favourable to the public           
affections1 rarely occur2 or which1     
without being much practised1 or even   
understood1 are made subjects of        
admiration and swelling panegyric4      
,thus1 says ,xenophon1 died             
,thrasybulus2 who indeed appears to have
 been a good man4 ,what valuable praise1
 and how significant to those who know  
the story of this admirable person6 ,the
 members of those illustrious states1   
from the habit of considering themselves
 as part of a community1 or at least as 
deeply involved with some order of men  
in the state1 were regardless of        
personal considerations3 they had a     
perpetual view to objects which excite a
 great ardour in the soul2 which led    
them to act perpetually in the view of  
their fellow citizens1 and to practise  

those arts of deliberation1 elocution1  
policy1 and war1 on which the fortunes  
of nations1 or of men1 in their         
collective body1 depend4 ,to the force  
of mind collected in this career1 and to
 the improvements of wit which were made
 in pursuing it1 these nations owed1 not
 only their magnanimity1 and the        
superiority of their political and      
military conduct1 but even the arts of  
poetry and literature1 which among them 
were only the inferior appendages of a  
genius otherwise excited1 cultivated1   
and refined4  ,to the ancient ,greek1 or
 the ,roman1 the individual was nothing1
 and the public every thing4 ,to the    
modern1 in too many nations of ,europe1 
the individual is every thing1 and the  
public nothing4 ,the state is merely a  
combination of departments1 in which    
consideration1 wealth1 eminence1 or     
power1 are offered as the reward of     
service4 ,it was the nature of modern   
government1 even in its first           
institution1 to bestow on every         

individual a fixed station and dignity1 
which he was to maintain for himself4   
,our ancestors1 in rude ages1 during the
 recess of wars from abroad1 fought for 
their personal claims at home1 and by   
their competitions1 and the balance of  
their powers1 maintained a kind of      
political freedom in the state1 while   
private parties were subject to         
continual wrongs and oppressions4 ,their
 posterity1 in times more polished1 have
 repressed the civil disorders in which 
the activity of earlier ages chiefly    
consisted2 but they employ the calm they
 have gained1 not in fostering a zeal   
for those laws1 and that constitution of
 government1 to which they owe their    
protection1 but in practising apart1 and
 each for himself1 the several arts of  
personal advancement1 or profit1 which  
their political establishments may      
enable them to pursue with success4     
,commerce1 which may be supposed to     
comprehend every lucrative art1 is      
accordingly considered as the great     

object of nations1 and the principal    
study of mankind4  ,so much are we      
accustomed to consider personal fortune 
as the sole object of care1 that even   
under popular establishments1 and in    
states where different orders of men are
 summoned to partake in the government  
of their country1 and where the         
liberties they enjoy cannot be long     
preserved1 without vigilance and        
activity on the part of the subject2    
still they1 who1 in the vulgar phrase1  
have not their fortunes to make1 are    
supposed to be at a loss for occupation1
 and betake themselves to solitary      
pastimes1 or cultivate what they are    
pleased to call a taste for gardening1  
building1 drawing1 or music4 ,with this 
aid1 they endeavour to fill up the      
blanks of a listless life1 and avoid the
 necessity of curing their languors by  
any positive service to their country1  
or to mankind4  ,the weak or the        
malicious are well employed in any thing
 that is innocent1 and are fortunate in 

finding any occupation which prevents   
the effects of a temper that would prey 
upon themselves1 or upon their fellow   
creatures4 ,but they who are blessed    
with a happy disposition1 with capacity 
and vigour1 incur a real debauchery1 by 
having any amusement that occupies an   
improper share of their time2 and are   
really cheated of their happiness1 in   
being made to believe1 that any         
occupation or pastime is better fitted  
to amuse themselves1 than that which at 
the same time produces some real good to
 their fellow creatures4  ,this sort of 
entertainment1 indeed1 cannot be the    
choice of the mercenary1 the envious1 or
 the malicious4 ,its value is known only
 to persons of an opposite temper2 and  
to their experience alone1 we appeal4   
,guided by mere disposition1 and without
 the aid of reflection1 in business1 in 
friendship1 and in public life1 they    
often acquit themselves well2 and borne 
with satisfaction on the tide of their  
emotions and sentiments1 enjoy the      

present hour1 without recollection of   
the past1 or hopes of the future4 ,it is
 in speculation1 not in practice1 they  
are made to discover1 that virtue is a  
task of severity and self denial4       
,,section ,,ix4  ,,of ,,national        
,,felicity4   ,man is1 by nature1 the   
member of a community2 and when         
considered in this capacity1 the        
individual appears to be no longer made 
for himself4 ,he must forego his        
happiness and his freedom1 where these  
interfere with the good of society4 ,he 
is only part of a whole2 and the praise 
we think due to his virtue1 is but a    
branch of that more general commendation
 we bestow on the member of a body1 on  
the part of a fabric1 or engine1 for    
being well fitted to occupy its place1  
and to produce its effect4  ,if this    
follow from the relation of a part to   
its whole1 and if the public good be the
 principal object with individuals1 it  
is likewise true1 that the happiness of 
individuals is the great end of civil   

society2 for1 in what sense can a public
 enjoy any good1 if its members1        
considered apart1 be unhappy8  ,the     
interests of society1 however1 and of   
its members1 are easily reconciled4 ,if 
the individual owe every degree of      
consideration to the public1 he         
receives1 in paying that very           
consideration1 the greatest happiness of
 which his nature is capable2 and the   
greatest blessing the public can bestow 
on its members1 is to keep them attached
 to itself4 ,that is the most happy     
state1 which is most beloved by its     
subjects2 and they are the most happy   
men1 whose hearts are engaged to a      
community1 in which they find every     
object of generosity and zeal1 and a    
scope to the exercise of every talent1  
and of every virtuous disposition4      
,after we have thus found general       
maxims1 the greater part of our trouble 
remains1 their just application to      
particular cases4 ,nations are different
 in respect to their extent1 numbers of 

people1 and wealth2 in respect to the   
arts they practise1 and the             
accommodations they have procured4      
,these circumstances may not only affect
 the manners of men2 they even1 in our  
esteem1 come into competition with the  
article of manners itself2 are supposed 
to constitute a national felicity1      
independent of virtue2 and give a title1
 upon which we indulge our own vanity1  
and that of other nations1 as we do that
 of private men1 on the score of their  
fortunes and honours4  ,but if this way 
of measuring happiness1 when applied to 
private men1 be ruinous and false1 it is
 so no less when applied to nations4    
,wealth1 commerce1 extent of territory1 
and the knowledge of arts1 are1 when    
properly employed1 the means of         
preservation1 and the foundations of    
power4 ,if they fail in part1 the nation
 is weakened2 if they were entirely     
withheld1 the race would perish3 ,their 
tendency is to maintain numbers of men1 
but not to constitute happiness4 ,they  

will accordingly maintain the wretched  
as well as the happy4 ,they answer one  
purpose1 but are not therefore          
sufficient for all2 and are of little   
significance1 when only employed to     
maintain a timid1 dejected1 and servile 
people4  ,great and powerful states are 
able to overcome and subdue the weak2   
polished and commercial nations have    
more wealth1 and practise a greater     
variety of arts1 than the rude3 but the 
happiness of men1 in all cases alike1   
consists in the blessings of a candid1  
an active1 and strenuous mind4 ,and if  
we consider the state of society merely 
as that into which mankind are led by   
their propensities1 as a state to be    
valued from its effect in preserving the
 species1 in ripening their talents1 and
 exciting their virtues1 we need not    
enlarge our communities1 in order to    
enjoy these advantages4 ,we frequently  
obtain them in the most remarkable      
degree1 where nations remain            
independent1 and are of a small extent4 

,to increase the numbers of mankind1 may
 be admitted as a great and important   
object2 but to extend the limits of any 
particular state1 is not1 perhaps1 the  
way to obtain it3 while we desire that  
our fellow creatures should multiply1 it
 does not follow1 that the whole should1
 if possible1 be united under one head4 
,we are apt to admire the empire of the 
,romans1 as a model of national         
greatness and splendour2 but the        
greatness we admire1 in this case1 was  
ruinous to the virtue and the happiness 
of mankind2 it was found to be          
inconsistent with all the advantages    
which that conquering people had        
formerly enjoyed in the articles of     
government and manners4  ,the emulation 
of nations proceeds from their division4
 ,a cluster of states1 like a company of
 men1 find the exercise of their reason1
 and the test of their virtues1 in the  
affairs they transact1 upon a foot of   
equality1 and of separate interest4 ,the
 measures taken for safety1 including   

great part of the national policy1 are  
relative in every state to what is      
apprehended from abroad4 ,athens was    
necessary to ,sparta in the exercise of 
her virtue1 as steel is to flint in the 
production of fire2 and if the cities of
 ,greece had been united under one head1
 we should never have heard of          
,epaminondas or ,thrasybulus1 of        
,lycurgus or ,solon4  ,when we reason in
 behalf of our species1 therefore1      
although we may lament the abuses which 
sometimes arise from independence1 and  
opposition of interest2 yet1 whilst any 
degrees of virtue remain with mankind1  
we cannot wish to crowd1 under one      
establishment1 numbers of men who may   
serve to constitute several2 or to      
commit affairs to the conduct of one    
senate1 one legislative or executive    
power1 which1 upon a distinct and       
separate footing1 might furnish an      
exercise of ability1 and a theatre of   
glory to many4  ,this may be a subject  
upon which no determinate rule can be   

given2 but the admiration of boundless  
dominion is a ruinous error2 and in no  
instance1 perhaps1 is the real interest 
of mankind more entirely mistaken4  ,the
 measure of enlargement to be wished for
 in any particular state1 is often to be
 taken from the condition of its        
neighbours4 ,where a number of states   
are contiguous1 they should be near an  
equality1 in order that they may be     
mutually objects of respect and         
consideration1 and in order that they   
may possess that independence in which  
the political life of a nation consists4
 ,when the kingdoms of ,spain were      
united1 when the great fiefs in ,france 
were annexed to the crown1 it was no    
longer expedient for the nations of     
,great ,britain to continue disjoined4  
,the small republics of ,greece1 indeed1
 by their subdivisions1 and the balance 
of their power1 found almost in every   
village the object of nations4 ,every   
little district was a nursery of        
excellent men1 and what is now the      

wretched corner of a great empire1 was  
the field on which mankind have reaped  
their principal honours4 ,but in modern 
,europe1 republics of a similar extent  
are like shrubs1 under the shade of a   
taller wood1 choaked by the             
neighbourhood of more powerful states4  
,in their case1 a certain disproportion 
of force frustrates1 in a great measure1
 the advantage of separation4 ,they are 
like the trader in ,poland1 who is the  
more despicable1 and the less secure1   
that he is neither master nor slave4    
,independent communities1 in the mean   
time1 however weak1 are averse to a     
coalition1 not only where it comes with 
an air of imposition1 or unequal treaty1
 but even where it implies no more than 
the admission of new members to an equal
 share of consideration with the old4   
,the citizen has no interest in the     
annexation of kingdoms2 he must find his
 importance diminished1 as the state is 
enlarged4 ,but ambitious men1 under the 
enlargement of territory1 find a more   

plentiful harvest of power1 and of      
wealth1 while government itself is an   
easier task4 ,hence the ruinous progress
 of empire2 and hence free nations1     
under the show of acquiring dominion1   
suffer themselves1 in the end1 to be    
yoked with the slaves they had          
conquered4  ,our desire to augment the  
force of a nation is the only pretext   
for enlarging its territory2 but this   
measure1 when pursued to extremes1      
seldom fails to frustrate itself4       
,notwithstanding the advantage of       
numbers1 and superior resources in war1 
the strength of a nation is derived from
 the character1 not from the wealth1 nor
 from the multitude of its people4 ,if  
the treasure of a state can hire numbers
 of men1 erect ramparts1 and furnish the
 implements of war2 the possessions of  
the fearful are easily seized2 a        
timorous multitude falls into rout of   
itself2 ramparts may be scaled where    
they are not defended by valour2 and    
arms are of consequence only in the     

hands of the brave4 ,the band to which  
,agesilaus pointed as the wall of his   
city1 made a defence for their country  
more permanent1 and more effectual1 than
 the rock and the cement with which     
other cities were fortified4  ,we should
 owe little to that statesman1 who were 
to contrive a defence that might        
supersede the external uses of virtue4  
,it is wisely ordered for man1 as a     
rational being1 that the employment of  
reason is necessary to his preservation2
 it is fortunate for him1 in the pursuit
 of distinction1 that his personal      
consideration depends on his character2 
and it is fortunate for nations1 that1  
in order to be powerful and safe1 they  
must strive to maintain the courage1 and
 cultivate the virtues1 of their people4
 ,by the use of such means1 they at once
 gain their external ends1 and are      
happy4  ,peace and unanimity are        
commonly considered as the principal    
foundations of public felicity2 yet the 
rivalship of separate communities1 and  

the agitations of a free people1 are the
 principles of political life1 and the  
school of men4 ,how shall we reconcile  
these jarring and opposite tenets8 ,it  
is1 perhaps1 not necessary to reconcile 
them4 ,the pacific may do what they can 
to allay the animosities1 and to        
reconcile the opinions1 of men2 and it  
will be happy if they can succeed in    
repressing their crimes1 and in calming 
the worst of their passions4 ,nothing1  
in the mean time1 but corruption or     
slavery can suppress the debates that   
subsist among men of integrity1 who bear
 an equal part in the administration of 
state4  ,a perfect agreement in matters 
of opinion is not to be obtained in the 
most select company2 and if it were1    
what would become of society8 ,the      
,spartan legislator1 says ,plutarch1    
appears to have sown the seeds of       
variance and dissention among his       
countrymen3 he meant that good citizens 
should be led to dispute2 he considered 
emulation as the brand by which their   

virtues were kindled2 and seemed to     
apprehend1 that a complaisance1 by which
 men submit their opinions without      
examination1 is a principal source of   
corruption4  ,forms of government are   
supposed to decide of the happiness or  
misery of mankind4 ,but forms of        
government must be varied1 in order to  
suit the extent1 the way of subsistence1
 the character1 and the manners of      
different nations4 ,in some cases1 the  
multitude may be suffered to govern     
themselves2 in others they must be      
severely restrained4 ,the inhabitants of
 a village1 in some primitive age1 may  
have been safely entrusted to the       
conduct of reason1 and to the suggestion
 of their innocent views2 but the       
tenants of ,newgate can scarcely be     
trusted1 with chains locked to their    
bodies1 and bars of iron fixed to their 
legs4 ,how is it possible1 therefore1 to
 find any single form of government that
 would suit mankind in every condition8 
,we proceed1 however1 in the following  

section1 to point out the distinctions1 
and to explain the language which occurs
 in this place1 on the head of different
 models for subordination and           
government4     ,,section ,x4  ,,the    
,,same ,,subject ,,continued4   ,it is a
 common observation1 that mankind were  
originally equal4 ,they have indeed by  
nature equal right to their             
preservation1 and to the use of their   
talents2 but they are fitted for        
different stations2 and when they are   
classed by a rule taken from this       
circumstance1 they suffer no injustice  
on the side of their natural rights4 ,it
 is obvious1 that some mode of          
subordination is as necessary to men as 
society itself2 and this1 not only to   
attain the ends of government1 but to   
comply with an order established by     
nature4  ,prior to any political        
institution whatever1 men are qualified 
by a great diversity of talents1 by a   
different tone of the soul1 and ardour  
of the passions1 to act a variety of    

parts4 ,bring them together1 each will  
find his place4 ,they censure or applaud
 in a body2 they consult and deliberate 
in more select parties2 they take or    
give an ascendant as individuals2 and   
numbers are by this means fitted to act 
in company1 and to preserve their       
communities1 before any formal          
distribution of office is made4 ,we are 
formed to act in this manner2 and if we 
have any doubts with relation to the    
rights of government in general1 we owe 
our perplexity more to the subtilties of
 the speculative1 than to any           
uncertainty in the feelings of the      
heart4 ,involved in the resolutions of  
our company1 we move with the crowd     
before we have determined the rule by   
which its will is collected4 ,we follow 
a leader1 before we have settled the    
ground of his pretensions1 or adjusted  
the form of his election2 and it is not 
till after mankind have committed many  
errors in the capacities of magistrate  
and subject1 that they think of making  

government itself a subject of rules4   
,if1 therefore1 in considering the      
variety of forms under which societies  
subsist1 the casuist is pleased to      
inquire1 what title one man1 or any     
number of men1 have to control his      
actions8 he may be answered1 none at    
all1 provided that his actions have no  
effect to the prejudice of his fellow   
creatures2 but if they have1 the rights 
of defence1 and the obligation to       
repress the commission of wrongs1 belong
 to collective bodies1 as well as to    
individuals4 ,many rude nations1 having 
no formal tribunals for the judgment of 
crimes1 assemble1 when alarmed by any   
flagrant offence1 and take their        
measures with the criminal as they would
 with an enemy4 ,but will this          
consideration1 which confirms the title 
to sovereignty1 where it is exercised by
 the society in its collective capacity1
 or by those to whom the powers of the  
whole are committed1 likewise support   
the claim to dominion1 wherever it is   

casually lodged1 or even where it is    
only maintained by force8  ,this        
question may be sufficiently answered1  
by observing1 that a right to do        
justice1 and to do good1 is competent to
 every individual1 or order of men2 and 
that the exercise of this right has no  
limits but in the defect of power4      
,whoever1 therefore1 has power1 may     
employ it to this extent2 and no        
previous convention is required to      
justify his conduct4 ,but a right to do 
wrong1 or to commit injustice1 is an    
abuse of language1 and a contradiction  
in terms4 ,it is no more competent to   
the collective body of a people1 than it
 is to any single usurper4 ,when we     
admit such a prerogative in the case of 
any sovereign1 we can only mean to      
express the extent of his power1 and the
 force with which he is enabled to      
execute his pleasure4 ,such a           
prerogative is assumed by the leader of 
banditti at the head of his gang1 or by 
a despotic prince at the head of his    

troops4 ,when the sword is presented by 
either1 the traveller or the inhabitant 
may submit from a sense of necessity or 
fear2 but he lies under no obligation   
from a motive of duty or justice4  ,the 
multiplicity of forms1 in the mean time1
 which different societies offer to our 
view1 is almost infinite4 ,the classes  
into which they distribute their        
members1 the manner in which they       
establish the legislative and executive 
powers1 the imperceptible circumstances 
by which they are led to have different 
customs1 and to confer on their         
governors unequal measures of power and 
authority1 give rise to perpetual       
distinctions between constitutions the  
most nearly resembling each other1 and  
give to human affairs a variety in      
detail1 which1 in its full extent1 no   
understanding can comprehend1 and no    
memory retain4  ,in order to have a     
general and comprehensive knowledge of  
the whole1 we must be determined on     
this1 as on every other subject1 to     

overlook many particulars and           
singularities1 distinguishing different 
governments2 to fix our attention on    
certain points1 in which many agree2 and
 thereby establish a few general heads1 
under which the subject may be          
distinctly considered4 ,when we have    
marked the characteristics which form   
the general points of coincidence2 when 
we have pursued them to their           
consequences in the several modes of    
legislation1 execution1 and judicature1 
in the establishments which relate to   
police1 commerce1 religion1 or domestic 
life2 we have made an acquisition of    
knowledge1 which1 though it does not    
supersede the necessity of experience1  
may serve to direct our inquiries1 and1 
in the midst of affairs1 give an order  
and a method for the arrangement of     
particulars that occur to our           
observation4  ,when ,i recollect what   
the ,president ,montesquieu has written1
 ,i am at a loss to tell1 why ,i should 
treat of human affairs2 but ,i too am   

instigated by my reflections1 and my    
sentiments2 and ,i may utter them more  
to the comprehension of ordinary        
capacities1 because ,i am more on the   
level of ordinary men4 ,if it be        
necessary to pave the way for what      
follows on the general history of       
nations1 by giving some account of the  
heads under which various forms of      
government may be conveniently ranged1  
the reader should perhaps be referred to
 what has been already delivered on the 
subject by this profound politician and 
amiable moralist4 ,in his writings will 
be found1 not only the original of what 
,i am now1 for the sake of order1 to    
copy from him1 but likewise probably the
 source of many observations1 which1 in 
different places1 ,i may1 under the     
belief of invention1 have repeated1     
without quoting their author4  ,the     
ancient philosophers treated of         
government commonly under three heads2  
the ,democratic1 the ,aristocratic1 and 
the ,despotic4 ,their attention was     

chiefly occupied with the varieties of  
republican government1 and they paid    
little regard to a very important       
distinction1 which ,mr4 ,montesquieu has
 made1 between despotism and monarchy4  
,he too has considered government as    
reducible to three general forms2 and1  
to understand the nature of each1 he    
observes1 it is sufficient to recal     
ideas which are familiar with men of the
 least reflection1 who admit three      
definitions1 or rather three facts3 that
 a republic is a state in which the     
people in a collective body1 or a part  
of the people1 possess the sovereign    
power2 that monarchy is that in which   
one man governs1 according to fixed and 
determinate laws2 and a despotism is    
that in which one man1 without law1 or  
rule of administration1 by the mere     
impulse of will or caprice1 decides1 and
 carries every thing before him4        
,republics admit of a very material     
distinction1 which is pointed out in the
 general definition2 that between       

democracy and aristocracy4 ,in the      
first1 supreme power remains in the     
hands of the collective body4 ,every    
office of magistracy1 at the nomination 
of this sovereign1 is open to every     
citizen2 who1 in the discharge of his   
duty1 becomes the minister of the       
people1 and accountable to them for     
every object of his trust4  ,in the     
second1 the sovereignty is lodged in a  
particular class1 or order of men2 who1 
being once named1 continue for life2 or1
 by the hereditary distinctions of birth
 and fortune1 are advanced to a station 
of permanent superiority4 ,from this    
order1 and by their nomination1 all the 
offices of magistracy are filled2 and in
 the different assemblies which they    
constitute1 whatever relates to the     
legislation1 the execution1 or          
jurisdiction1 is finally determined4    
,mr4 ,montesquieu has pointed out the   
sentiments or maxims from which men must
 be supposed to act under these         
different governments4  ,in democracy1  

they must love equality2 they must      
respect the rights of their fellow      
citizens2 they must unite by the common 
ties of affection to the state4  ,in    
forming personal pretensions1 they must 
be satisfied with that degree of        
consideration they can procure by their 
abilities fairly measured with those of 
an opponent2 they must labour for the   
public without hope of profit2 they must
 reject every attempt to create a       
personal dependence4 ,candour1 force1   
and elevation of mind1 in short1 are the
 props of democracy2 and virtue is the  
principle of conduct required to its    
preservation4  ,how beautiful a         
pre-eminence on the side of popular     
government6 ,and how ardently should    
mankind wish for the form1 if it tended 
to establish the principle1 or were1 in 
every instance1 a sure indication of its
 presence6  ,but perhaps we must have   
possessed the principle1 in order1 with 
any hopes of advantage1 to receive the  
form2 and where the first is entirely   

extinguished1 the other may be fraught  
with evil1 if any additional evil       
deserves to be shunned where men are    
already unhappy4  ,at ,constantinople or
 ,algiers1 it is a miserable spectacle  
when men pretend to act on a foot of    
equality3 they only mean to shake off   
the restraints of government1 and to    
seize as much as they can of that spoil1
 which1 in ordinary times1 is engrossed 
by the master they serve4  ,it is one   
advantage of democracy1 that the        
principal ground of distinction being   
personal qualities1 men are classed     
according to their abilities1 and to the
 merit of their actions4 ,though all    
have equal pretensions to power1 yet the
 state is actually governed by a few4   
,the majority of the people1 even in    
their capacity of sovereign1 only       
pretend to employ their senses2 to feel1
 when pressed by national               
inconveniencies1 or threatened by public
 dangers2 and with the ardour which is  
apt to arise in crowded assemblies1 to  

urge the pursuits in which they are     
engaged1 or to repel the attacks with   
which they are menaced4  ,the most      
perfect equality of rights can never    
exclude the ascendant of superior minds1
 nor the assemblies of a collective body
 govern without the direction of select 
councils4 ,on this as account1 popular  
government may be confounded with       
aristocracy4 ,but this alone does not   
constitute the character of             
aristocratical government4 ,here the    
members of the state are divided1 at    
least1 into two classes2 of which one is
 destined to command1 the other to obey4
 ,no merits or defects can raise or sink
 a person from one class to the other4  
,the only effect of personal character  
is1 to procure to the individual a      
suitable degree of consideration with   
his own order1 not to vary his rank4 ,in
 one situation he is taught to assume1  
in another to yield the pre-eminence4   
,he occupies the station of patron or   
client1 and is either the sovereign or  

the subject of his country4 ,the whole  
citizens may unite in executing the     
plans of state1 but never in            
deliberating on its measures1 or        
enacting its laws4 ,what belongs to the 
whole people under democracy1 is here   
confined to a part4 ,members of the     
superior order1 are among themselves1   
possibly1 classed according to their    
abilities1 but retain a perpetual       
ascendant over those of inferior        
station4 ,they are at once the servants 
and the masters of the state1 and pay1  
with their personal attendance and with 
their blood1 for the civil or military  
honours they enjoy4  ,to maintain for   
himself1 and to admit in his fellow     
citizen1 a perfect equality of privilege
 and station1 is no longer the leading  
maxim of the member of such a community4
 ,the rights of men are modified by     
their condition4 ,one order claims more 
than it is willing to yield2 the other  
must be ready to yield what it does not 
assume to itself2 and it is with good   

reason that ,mr4 ,montesquieu gives to  
the principle of such governments the   
name of moderation1 not of virtue4  ,the
 elevation of one class is a moderated  
arrogance2 the submission of the other a
 limited deference4 ,the first must be  
careful1 by concealing the invidious    
part of their distinction1 to palliate  
what is grievous in the public          
arrangement1 and by their education1    
their cultivated manners1 and improved  
talents1 to appear qualified for the    
stations they occupy4 ,the other1 must  
be taught to yield1 from respect and    
personal attachment1 what could not     
otherwise be extorted by force4 ,when   
this moderation fails on either side1   
the constitution totters4 ,a populace   
enraged to mutiny1 may claim the right  
of equality to which they are admitted  
in democratical states2 or a nobility   
bent on dominion1 may choose among      
themselves1 or find already pointed out 
to them1 a sovereign1 who1 by advantages
 of fortune1 popularity1 or abilities1  

is ready to seize for his own family1   
that envied power which has already     
carried his order beyond the limits of  
moderation1 and infected particular men 
with a boundless ambition4 ,monarchies  
have accordingly been found with the    
recent marks of aristocracy4 ,there1    
however1 the monarch is only the first  
among the nobles2 he must be satisfied  
with a limited power2 his subjects are  
ranged into classes2 he finds on every  
quarter a pretence to privilege that    
circumscribes his authority2 and he     
finds a force sufficient to confine his 
administration within certain bounds of 
equity and determinate laws4 ,under such
 governments1 however1 the love of      
equality is preposterous1 and moderation
 itself is unnecessary4 ,the object of  
every rank is precedency1 and every     
order may display its advantages to     
their full extent4 ,the sovereign       
himself owes great part of his authority
 to the sounding titles and the dazzling
 equipage which he exhibits in public4  

,the subordinate ranks lay claim to     
importance by a like exhibition1 and for
 that purpose carry in every instant the
 ensigns of their birth1 or the         
ornaments of their fortune4 ,what else  
could mark out to the individual the    
relation in which he stands to his      
fellow subjects1 or distinguish the     
numberless ranks that fill up the       
interval between the state of the       
sovereign and that of the peasant8 ,or  
what else could1 in states of a great   
extent1 preserve any appearance of      
order1 among members disunited by       
ambition and interest1 and destined to  
form a community1 without the sense of  
any common concern8  ,monarchies are    
generally found where the state is      
enlarged1 in population and in          
territory1 beyond the numbers and       
dimensions that are consistent with     
republican government4 ,together with   
these circumstances1 great inequalities 
arise in the distribution of property2  
and the desire of pre-eminence becomes  

the predominant passion4 ,every rank    
would exercise its prerogative1 and the 
sovereign is perpetually tempted to     
enlarge his own2 if subjects1 who       
despair of precedence1 plead for        
equality1 he is willing to favour their 
claims1 and to aid them in reducing     
pretensions1 with which he himself is1  
on many occasions1 obliged to contend4  
,in the event of such a policy1 many    
invidious distinctions and grievances   
peculiar to monarchical government1 may1
 in appearance1 be removed2 but the     
state of equality to which the subjects 
approach is that of slaves1 equally     
dependent on the will of a master1 not  
that of freemen1 in a condition to      
maintain their own4  ,the principle of  
monarchy1 according to ,montesquieu1 is 
honour4 ,men may possess good qualities1
 elevation of mind1 and fortitude2 but  
the sense of equality1 that will hear no
 encroachment on the personal rights of 
the meanest citizen2 the indignant      
spirit1 that will not court a           

protection1 nor accept as a favour what 
is due as a right2 the public affection1
 which is founded on the neglect of     
personal considerations1 are neither    
consistent with the preservation of the 
constitution1 nor agreeable to the      
habits acquired in any station assigned 
to its members4  ,every condition is    
possessed of peculiar dignity1 and      
points out a propriety of conduct1 which
 men of station are obliged to maintain4
 ,in the commerce of superiors and      
inferiors1 it is the object of ambition1
 and of vanity1 to refine on the        
advantages of rank2 while1 to facilitate
 the intercourse of polite society1 it  
is the aim of good breeding to disguise1
 or reject them4  ,though the objects of
 consideration are rather the dignities 
of station than personal qualities2     
though friendship cannot be formed by   
mere inclination1 nor alliances by the  
mere choice of the heart2 yet men so    
united1 and even without changing their 
order1 are highly susceptible of moral  

excellence1 or liable to many different 
degrees of corruption4 ,they may act a  
vigorous part as members of the state1  
an amiable one in the commerce of       
private society2 or they may yield up   
their dignity as citizens1 even while   
they raise their arrogance and          
presumption as private parties4  ,in    
monarchy1 all orders of men derive their
 honours from the crown2 but they       
continue to hold them as a right1 and   
they exercise a subordinate power in the
 state1 founded on the permanent rank   
they enjoy1 and on the attachment of    
those whom they are appointed to lead   
and protect4 ,though they do not force  
themselves into national councils and   
public assemblies1 and though the name  
of senate is unknown1 yet the sentiments
 they adopt must have weight with the   
sovereign2 and every individual1 in his 
separate capacity1 in some measure1     
deliberates for his country4 ,in        
whatever does not derogate from his     
rank1 he has an arm ready to serve the  

community2 in whatever alarms his sense 
of honour1 he has aversions and         
dislikes1 which amount to a negative on 
the will of his prince4  ,entangled     
together by the reciprocal ties of      
dependence and protection1 though not   
combined by the sense of a common       
interest1 the subjects of monarchy1 like
 those of republics1 find themselves    
occupied as the members of an active    
society1 and engaged to treat with their
 fellow creatures on a liberal footing4 
,if those principles of honour which    
save the individual from servility in   
his own person1 or from becoming an     
engine of oppression in the hands of    
another1 should fail2 if they should    
give way to the maxims of commerce1 to  
the refinements of a supposed           
philosophy1 or to the misplaced ardours 
of a republican spirit2 if they are     
betrayed by the cowardice of subjects1  
or subdued by the ambition of princes2  
what must become of the nations of      
,europe8  ,despotism is monarchy        

corrupted1 in which a court and a prince
 in appearance remain1 but in which     
every subordinate rank is destroyed2 in 
which the subject is told1 that he has  
no rights2 that he cannot possess any   
property1 nor fill any station          
independent of the momentary will of his
 prince4 ,these doctrines are founded on
 the maxims of conquest2 they must be   
inculcated with the whip and the sword2 
and are best received under the terror  
of chains and imprisonment4 ,fear1      
therefore1 is the principle which       
qualifies the subject to occupy his     
station2 and the sovereign1 who holds   
out the ensigns of terror so freely to  
others1 has abundant reason to give this
 passion a principal place with himself4
 ,that tenure which he has devised for  
the rights of others1 is soon applied to
 his own2 and from his eager desire to  
secure1 or to extend his power1 he finds
 it become1 like the fortunes of his    
people1 a creature of mere imagination  
and unsettled caprice4  ,whilst we thus1

 with so much accuracy1 can assign the  
ideal limits that may distinguish       
constitutions of government1 we find    
them1 in reality1 both in respect to the
 principle and the form1 variously      
blended together4 ,in what society are  
not men classed by external             
distinctions1 as well as personal       
qualities8 ,in what state are they not  
actuated by a variety of principles2    
justice1 honour1 moderation1 and fear8  
,it is the purpose of science not to    
disguise this confusion in its object1  
but1 in the multiplicity and combination
 of particulars1 to find the principal  
points which deserve our attention2 and 
which1 being well understood1 save us   
from the embarrassment which the        
varieties of singular cases might       
otherwise create4 ,in the same degree in
 which governments require men to act   
from principles of virtue1 of honour1 or
 of fear1 they are more or less fully   
comprised under the heads of republic1  
monarchy1 or despotism1 and the general 

theory is more or less applicable to    
their particular case4  ,forms of       
government1 in fact1 mutually approach  
or recede by many1 and often insensible 
gradations4 ,democracy1 by admitting    
certain inequalities of rank1 approaches
 to aristocracy4 ,in popular1 as well as
 aristocratical governments1 particular 
men2 by their personal authority1 and   
sometimes by the credit of their family1
 have maintained a species of           
monarchical power4 ,the monarch is      
limited in different degrees3 even the  
despotic prince is only that monarch    
whose subjects claim the fewest         
privileges1 or who is himself best      
prepared to subdue them by force4 ,all  
these varieties are but steps in the    
history of mankind1 and1 mark the       
fleeting and transient situations       
through which they have passed2 while   
supported by virtue1 or depressed by    
vice4  ,perfect democracy and despotism 
appear to be the opposite extremes at   
which constitutions of government       

farthest recede from each other4 ,under 
the first1 a perfect virtue is required2
 under the second1 a total corruption is
 supposed3 yet1 in point of mere form1  
there being nothing fixed in the ranks  
and distinctions of men beyond the      
casual and temporary possession of      
power1 societies easily pass from a     
condition in which every individual has 
an equal title to reign1 into one in    
which they are equally destined to      
serve4 ,the same qualities in both1     
courage1 popularity1 address1 and       
military conduct1 raise the ambitious to
 eminence4 ,with these qualities1 the   
citizen or the slave easily passes from 
the ranks to the command of an army1    
from an obscure to an illustrious       
station4 ,in either1 a single person may
 rule with unlimited sway2 and in both1 
the populace may break down every       
barrier of order1 and restraint of law4 
,if we suppose that the equality        
established among the subjects of a     
despotic state has inspired its members 

with confidence1 intrepidity1 and the   
love of justice2 the despotic prince1   
having ceased to be an object of fear1  
must sink among the crowd4 ,if1 on the  
contrary1 the personal equality which is
 enjoyed by the members of a            
democratical state1 should be valued    
merely as an equal pretension to the    
objects of avarice and ambition1 the    
monarch may start up anew1 and be       
supported by those who mean to share in 
his profits4 ,when the rapacious and    
mercenary assemble in parties1 it is of 
no consequence under what leader they   
inlist1 whether ,csar or ,pompey2 the   
hopes of rapine or pay are the only     
motives from which they become attached 
to either4  ,in the disorder of         
corrupted societies1 the scene has been 
frequently changed from democracy to    
despotism1 and from the last too1 in its
 turn1 to the first4 ,from amidst the   
democracy of corrupt men1 and from a    
scene of lawless confusion1 the tyrant  
ascends a throne with arms reeking in   

blood4 ,but his abuses1 or his          
weaknesses1 in the station he has       
gained1 in their turn awaken and give   
way to the spirit of mutiny and revenge4
 ,the cries of murder and desolation1   
which in the ordinary course of military
 government terrified the subject in his
 private retreat1 sound through the     
vaults1 and pierce the grates and iron  
doors of the seraglio4 ,democracy seems 
to revive in a scene of wild disorder   
and tumult2 but both the extremes are   
but the transient fits of paroxysm or   
languor in a distempered state4  ,if men
 be anywhere arrived at this measure of 
depravity1 there appears no immediate   
hope of redress4 ,neither the ascendancy
 of the multitude1 nor that of the      
tyrant1 will secure the administration  
of justice2 neither the license of mere 
tumult1 nor the calm of dejection and   
servitude1 will teach the citizen that  
he was born for candour and affection to
 his fellow creatures4 ,and if the      
speculative would find that habitual    

state of war which they are sometimes   
pleased to honour with the name of the  
state of nature1 they will find it in   
the contest that subsists between the   
despotical prince and his subjects1 not 
in the first approaches of a rude and   
simple tribe to the condition and the   
domestic arrangement of nations4    ,,an
 ,,essay ,,on ,,the ,,history ,,of      
,,civil ,,society4          99       99 
99       99       99     ,,part         
,,second4  ,,of ,,the ,,history ,,of    
,,rude ,,nations4          99       99  
99       99       99      ,,section ,i4 
,,of ,,the ,,informations ,,on ,,this   
,,subject ,,which ,,are ,,derived ,,from
 ,,antiquity4   ,the history of mankind 
is confined within a limited period1 and
 from every quarter brings an intimation
 that human affairs have had a          
beginning4 ,nations1 distinguished by   
the possession of arts1 and the felicity
 of their political establishments1 have
 been derived from a feeble original1   
and still preserve in their story the   

indications of a slow and gradual       
progress1 by which this distinction was 
gained4 ,the antiquities of every       
people1 however diversified1 and however
 disguised1 contain the same information
 on this point4  ,in sacred history1 we 
find the parents of the species1 as yet 
a single pair1 sent forth to inherit the
 earth1 and to force a subsistence for  
themselves amidst the briars and thorns 
which were made to abound on its        
surface4 ,their race1 which was again   
reduced to a few1 had to struggle with  
the dangers that await a weak and infant
 species2 and after many ages elapsed1  
the most respectable nations took their 
rise from one or a few families that had
 pastured their flocks in the desert4   
,the ,grecians derive their own origin  
from unsettled tribes1 whose frequent   
migrations are a proof of the rude and  
infant state of their communities2 and  
whose warlike exploits1 so much         
celebrated in story1 only exhibit the   
struggles with which they disputed the  

possession of a country they afterwards1
 by their talent for fable1 by their    
arts1 and their policy1 rendered so     
famous in the history of mankind4       
,italy must have been divided into many 
rude and feeble cantons1 when a band of 
robbers1 as we are taught to consider   
them1 found a secure settlement on the  
banks of the ,tiber1 and when a people1 
yet composed only of one sex1 sustained 
the character of a nation4 ,rome1 for   
many ages1 saw1 from her walls1 on every
 side1 the territory of her enemies1 and
 found as little to check or to stifle  
the weakness of her infant power1 as she
 did afterwards to restrain the progress
 of her extended empire4 ,like a ,tartar
 or a ,scythian horde1 which had pitched
 on a settlement1 this nascent community
 was equal1 if not superior1 to every   
tribe in its neighbourhood2 and the oak 
which has covered the field with its    
shade1 was once a feeble plant in the   
nursery1 and not to be distinguished    
from the weeds by which its early growth

 was restrained4  ,the ,gauls and the   
,germans are come to our knowledge with 
the marks of a similar condition2 and   
the inhabitants of ,britain1 at the time
 of the first ,roman invasions2         
resembled1 in many things1 the present  
natives of ,north ,america3 they were   
ignorant of agriculture2 they painted   
their bodies2 and used for clothing the 
skins of beasts4  ,such1 therefore1     
appears to have been the commencement of
 history with all nations1 and in such  
circumstances are we to look for the    
original character of mankind4 ,the     
inquiry refers to a distant period1 and 
every conclusion should build on the    
facts which are preserved for our use4  
,our method1 notwithstanding1 too       
frequently1 is to rest the whole on     
conjecture2 to impute every advantage of
 our nature to those arts which we      
ourselves possess2 and to imagine1 that 
a mere negation of all our virtues is a 
sufficient description of man in his    
original state4 ,we are ourselves the   

supposed standards of politeness and    
civilization2 and where our own features
 do not appear1 we apprehend1 that there
 is nothing which deserves to be known4 
,but it is probable that here1 as in    
many other cases1 we are ill qualified1 
from our supposed knowledge of causes1  
to prognosticate effects1 or to         
determine what must have been the       
properties and operations1 even of our  
own nature1 in the absence of those     
circumstances in which we have seen it  
engaged4 ,who would1 from mere          
conjecture1 suppose1 that the naked     
savage would be a coxcomb and a         
gamester8 that he would be proud or     
vain1 without the distinctions of title 
and fortune8 and that his principal care
 would be to adorn his person1 and to   
find an amusement8 ,even if it could be 
supposed that he would thus share in our
 vices1 and1 in the midst of his forest1
 vie with the follies which are         
practised in the town2 yet no one would 
be so bold as to affirm1 that he would  

likewise1 in any instance1 excel us in  
talents and virtues2 that he would have 
a penetration1 a force of imagination   
and elocution1 an ardour of mind1 an    
affection and courage1 which the arts1  
the discipline1 and the policy of few   
nations would be able to improve4 ,yet  
these particulars are a part in the     
description which is delivered by those 
who have had opportunities of seeing    
mankind in their rudest condition2 and  
beyond the reach of such testimony1 we  
can neither safely take1 nor pretend to 
give1 information on the subject4  ,if  
conjectures and opinions formed at a    
distance1 have not sufficient authority 
in the history of mankind1 the domestic 
antiquities of every nation must1 for   
this very reason1 be received with      
caution4 ,they are1 for the most part1  
the mere conjectures or the fictions of 
subsequent ages2 and even where at first
 they contained some resemblance of     
truth1 they still vary with the         
imagination of those by whom they are   

transmitted1 and in every generation    
receive a different form4 ,they are made
 to bear the stamp of the times through 
which they have passed in the form of   
tradition1 not of the ages to which     
their pretended descriptions relate4    
,the information they bring1 is not like
 the light reflected from a mirror1     
which delineates the object from which  
it originally came2 but1 like rays that 
come broken and dispersed from an opaque
 or unpolished surface1 only give the   
colours and features of the body from   
which they were last reflected4  ,when  
traditionary fables are rehearsed by the
 vulgar1 they bear the marks of a       
national character2 and though mixed    
with absurdities1 often raise the       
imagination1 and move the heart3 when   
made the materials of poetry1 and       
adorned by the skill and the eloquence  
of an ardent and superior mind1 they    
instruct the understanding1 as well as  
engage the passions4 ,it is only in the 
management of mere antiquaries1 or      

stript of the ornaments which the laws  
of history forbid them to wear1 that    
they become even unfit to amuse the     
fancy1 or to serve any purpose whatever4
  ,it were absurd to quote the fable of 
the ,iliad or the ,odyssey1 the legends 
of ,hercules1 ,theseus1 or ,oedipus1 as 
authorities in matter of fact relating  
to the history of mankind2 but they may1
 with great justice1 be cited to        
ascertain what were the conceptions and 
sentiments1 of the age in which they    
were composed1 or to characterize the   
genius of that people1 with whose       
imaginations they were blended1 and by  
whom they were fondly rehearsed and     
admired4  ,in this manner fiction may be
 admitted to vouch for the genius of    
nations1 while history has nothing to   
offer that is entitled to credit4 ,the  
,greek fable accordingly conveying a    
character of its authors1 throws light  
on some ages of which no other record   
remains4 ,the superiority of this people
 is indeed in no circumstance more      

evident than in the strain of their     
fictions1 and in the story of those     
fabulous heroes1 poets1 and sages1 whose
 tales1 being invented or embellished by
 an imagination already filled with the 
subject for which the hero was          
celebrated1 served to inflame that      
ardent enthusiasm1 with which so many   
different republics afterwards proceeded
 in the pursuit of every national       
object4  ,it was no doubt of great      
advantage to those nations1 that their  
system of fable was original1 and being 
already received in popular traditions1 
served to diffuse those improvements of 
reason1 imagination1 and sentiment1     
which were afterwards1 by men of the    
finest talents1 made on the fable       
itself1 or conveyed in its moral4 ,the  
passions of the poet pervaded the minds 
of the people1 and the conceptions of   
men of genius1 being communicated to the
 vulgar1 became the incentives of a     
national spirit4  ,a mythology borrowed 
from abroad1 a literature founded on    

references to a strange country1 and    
fraught with foreign allusions1 are much
 more confined in their use3 they speak 
to the learned alone2 and though        
intended to inform the understanding1   
and to mend the heart1 may1 by being    
confined to a few1 have an opposite     
effect4 ,they may foster conceit on the 
ruins of common sense1 and render what  
was1 at least innocently1 sung by the   
,athenian mariner at his oar1 or        
rehearsed by the shepherd in attending  
his flock1 an occasion of vice1 or the  
foundation of pedantry and scholastic   
pride4  ,our very learning1 perhaps1    
where its influence extends1 serves1 in 
some measure1 to depress our national   
spirit4 ,our literature being derived   
from nations of a different race1 who   
flourished at a time when our ancestors 
were in a state of barbarity1 and       
consequently1 when they were despised by
 those who had attained to the literary 
arts1 has given rise to a humbling      
opinion1 that we ourselves are the      

offspring of mean and contemptible      
nations1 with whom the human imagination
 and sentiment had no effect1 till the  
genius was in a manner inspired by      
examples1 and directed by lessons that  
were brought from abroad4 ,the ,romans1 
from whom our accounts are chiefly      
derived1 have admitted1 in the rudeness 
of their own ancestors1 a system of     
virtues1 which all simple nations       
perhaps equally possess2 a contempt of  
riches2 love of their country1 patience 
of hardship1 danger1 and fatigue4 ,they 
have1 notwithstanding1 vilified our     
ancestors for having resembled their    
own2 at least1 in the defect of their   
arts1 and in the neglect of             
conveniencies which those arts are      
employed to procure4  ,it is from the   
,greek and the ,roman historians1       
however1 that we have not only the most 
authentic and instructive1 but even the 
most engaging representations of the    
tribes from whom we descend4 ,those     
sublime and intelligent writers         

understood human nature1 and could      
collect its features1 and exhibit its   
characters1 in every situation4 ,they   
were ill succeeded in this task by the  
early historians of modern ,europe2 who1
 generally bred to the profession of    
monks1 and confined to the monastic     
life1 applied themselves to record what 
they were pleased to denominate facts1  
while they suffered the productions of  
genius to perish1 and were unable1      
either by the matter they selected1 or  
the style of their compositions1 to give
 any representation of the active spirit
 of mankind in any condition4 ,with     
them1 a narration was supposed to       
constitute history1 whilst it did not   
convey any knowledge of men2 and history
 itself was allowed to be complete1     
while1 amidst the events and the        
succession of princes that are recorded 
in the order of time1 we are left to    
look in vain for those characteristics  
of the understanding and the heart1     
which alone1 in every human transaction1

 render the story either engaging or    
useful4  ,we therefore willingly quit   
the history of our early ancestors1     
where ,csar and ,tacitus have dropped   
them2 and perhaps till we come within   
the reach of what is connected with     
present affairs1 and makes a part in the
 system on which we now proceed1 have   
little reason to expect any subject to  
interest or inform the mind4 ,we have no
 reason1 however1 from hence to         
conclude1 that the matter itself was    
more barren1 or the scene of human      
affairs less interesting1 in modern     
,europe1 than it has been on every stage
 where mankind were engaged to exhibit  
the movements of the heart1 the efforts 
of generosity1 magnanimity1 and courage4
  ,the trial of what those ages         
contained1 is not even fairly made1 when
 men of genius and distinguished        
abilities1 with the accomplishments of a
 learned and a polished age1 collect the
 materials they have found1 and1 with   
the greatest success1 connect the story 

of illiterate ages with transactions of 
a later date4 ,it is difficult even for 
them1 under the names which are applied 
in a new state of society1 to convey a  
just apprehension of what mankind were1 
in situations so different1 and in times
 so remote from their own4  ,in deriving
 from historians of this character the  
instruction which their writings are fit
 to bestow1 we are frequently to forget 
the general terms that are employed1 in 
order to collect the real manners of any
 age from the minute circumstances that 
are occasionally presented4 ,the titles 
of ,royal and ,noble were applicable to 
the families of ,tarquin1 ,collatinus1  
and ,cincinnatus2 but ,lucretia was     
employed in domestic industry with her  
maids1 and ,cincinnatus followed the    
plough4 ,the dignities1 and even the    
offices1 of civil society1 were known   
many ages ago1 in ,europe1 by their     
present appellations2 but we find in the
 history of ,england1 that a king and   
his court being assembled to solemnize a

 festival1 an outlaw1 who had subsisted 
by robbery1 came to share in the feast4 
,the king himself arose to force this   
unworthy guest from the company2 a      
scuffle ensued between them2 and the    
king was killed4 ,footnote3 ,hume's     
,history1 chap4 #h4 p4 #bgh ,a          
chancellor and prime minister1 whose    
magnificence and sumptuous furniture    
were the subject of admiration and envy1
 had his apartments covered every day in
 winter with clean straw and hay1 and in
 summer with green rushes or boughs4    
,even the sovereign himself1 in those   
ages1 was provided with forage for his  
bed4 ,footnote3 ,hume's ,history1 chap4 
#h4 p4#gc ,these picturesque features1  
and characteristical strokes of the     
times1 recal the imagination from the   
supposed distinction of monarch and     
subject1 to that state of rough         
familiarity in which our ancestors      
lived1 and under which they acted1 with 
a view to objects1 and on principles of 
conduct1 which we seldom comprehend1    

when we are employed to record their    
transactions1 or to study their         
characters4  ,thucydides1               
notwithstanding the prejudice of his    
country against the name of ,barbarian1 
understood that it was in the customs of
 barbarous nations he was to study the  
more ancient manners of ,greece4  ,the  
,romans might have found an image of    
their own ancestors1 in the             
representations they have given of ours2
 and if ever an ,arab clan shall become 
a civilized nation1 or any ,american    
tribe escape the poison which is        
administered by our traders of ,europe1 
it may be from the relations of the     
present times1 and the descriptions     
which are now given by travellers1 that 
such a people1 in after ages1 may best  
collect the accounts of their origin4   
,it is in their present condition that  
we are to behold1 as in a mirror1 the   
features of our own progenitors2 and    
from thence we are to draw our          
conclusions with respect to the         

influence of situations1 in which we    
have reason to believe that our fathers 
were placed4  ,what should distinguish a
 ,german or a ,briton1 in the habits of 
his mind or his body1 in his manners or 
apprehensions1 from an ,american1 who1  
like him1 with his bow and his dart1 is 
left to traverse the forest2 and in a   
like severe or variable climate1 is     
obliged to subsist by the chase8  ,if1  
in advanced years1 we would form a just 
notion of our progress from the cradle1 
we must have recourse to the nursery2   
and from the example of those who are   
still in the period of life we mean to  
describe1 take our representation of    
past manners1 that cannot1 in any other 
way1 be recalled4     ,,section ,,ii4   
,,of ,,rude ,,nations ,,prior ,,to ,,the
 ,,establishment ,,of ,,property4       
,from one to the other extremity of     
,america2 from ,kamtschatka westward to 
the river ,oby2 and from the ,northern  
,sea1 over that length of country1 to   
the confines of ,china1 of ,india1 and  

,persia2 from the ,caspian to the ,red  
,sea1 with little exception1 and from   
thence over the inland continent and the
 western shores of ,africa2 we every    
where meet with nations on whom we      
bestow the appellations of barbarous or 
savage4 ,that extensive tract of the    
earth1 containing so great a variety of 
situation1 climate1 and soil1 should1 in
 the manners of its inhabitants1 exhibit
 all the diversities which arise from   
the unequal influence of the sun1 joined
 to a different nourishment and manner  
of life4 ,every question1 however1 on   
this subject1 is premature1 till we have
 first endeavoured to form some general 
conception of our species in its rude   
state1 and have learned to distinguish  
mere ignorance from dulness1 and the    
want of arts from the want of capacity4 
,of the nations who dwell in those1 or  
any other of the less cultivated parts  
of the earth1 some entrust their        
subsistence chiefly to hunting1 fishing1
 or the natural produce of the soil4    

,they have little attention to property1
 and scarcely any beginnings of         
subordination or government4 ,others1   
having possessed themselves of herds1   
and depending for their provision on    
pasture1 know what it is to be poor and 
rich4 ,they know the relations of patron
 and client1 of servant and master1 and 
by the measures of fortune determine    
their station4 ,this distinction must   
create a material difference of         
character1 and may furnish two separate 
heads1 under which to consider the      
history of mankind in their rudest      
state2 that of the savage1 who is not   
yet acquainted with property2 and that  
of the barbarian1 to whom it is1        
although not ascertained by laws1 a     
principal object of care and desire4    
,it must appear very evident1 that      
property is a matter of progress4 ,it   
requires1 among other particulars1 which
 are the effects of time1 some method of
 defining possession4 ,the very desire  
of it proceeds from experience2 and the 

industry by which it is gained1 or      
improved1 requires such a habit of      
acting with a view to distant objects1  
as may overcome the present disposition 
either to sloth or to enjoyment4 ,this  
habit is slowly acquired1 and is in     
reality a principal distinction of      
nations in the advanced state of        
mechanic and commercial arts4  ,in a    
tribe which subsists by hunting and     
fishing1 the arms1 the utensils1 and the
 fur1 which the individual carries1 are 
to him the only subjects of property4   
,the food of to-morrow is yet wild in   
the forest1 or hid in the lake2 it      
cannot be appropriated before it is     
caught2 and even then1 being the        
purchase of numbers1 who fish or hunt in
 a body1 it accrues to the community1   
and is applied to immediate use1 or     
becomes an accession to the stores of   
the public4  ,where savage nations1 as  
in most parts of ,america1 mix with the 
practice of hunting some species of rude
 agriculture1 they still follow1 with   

respect to the soil and the fruits of   
the earth1 the analogy of their         
principal object4 ,as the men hunt1 so  
the women labour together2 and1 after   
they have shared the toils of the seed  
time1 they enjoy the fruits of the      
harvest in common4 ,the field in which  
they have planted1 like the district    
over which they are accustomed to hunt1 
is claimed as a property by the nation1 
but is not parcelled in lots to its     
members4 ,they go forth in parties to   
prepare the ground1 to plant and to     
reap4 ,the harvest is gathered into the 
public granary1 and from thence1 at     
stated times1 is divided into shares for
 the maintenance of separate families4  
,footnote3 ,history of the ,caribbees4  
,even the returns of the market1 when   
they trade with foreigners1 are brought 
home to the stock of the nation4        
,footnote3 ,charlevoix4 ,this account of
 ,rude ,nations1 in most points of      
importance1 so far as it relates to the 
original ,north ,americans1 is not      

founded so much on the testimony of this
 or the other writers cited1 as it is on
 the concurring representations of      
living witnesses1 who1 in the course of 
trade1 of war1 and of treaties1 have had
 ample occasion to observe the manners  
of that people4 ,it is necessary        
however1 for the sake of those who may  
not have conversed with the living      
witnesses1 to refer to printed          
authorities4  ,as the fur and the bow   
pertain to the individual1 the cabin and
 its utensils are appropriated to the   
family2 and as the domestic cares are   
committed to the women1 so the property 
of the household seems likewise to be   
vested in them4 ,the children are       
considered as pertaining to the mother1 
with little regard to descent on the    
father's side4 ,the males1 before they  
are married1 remain in the cabin in     
which they are born2 but after they have
 formed a new connection with the other 
sex1 they change their habitation1 and  
become an accession to the family in    

which they have found their wives4 ,the 
hunter and the warrior are numbered by  
the matron as a part of her treasure2   
they are reserved for perils and trying 
occasions2 and in the recess of public  
councils1 in the intervals of hunting or
 war1 are maintained by the cares of the
 women1 and loiter about in mere        
amusement or sloth4 ,footnote3 ,lafitau4
  ,while one sex continue to value      
themselves chiefly on their courage1    
their talent for policy1 and their      
warlike achievements1 this species of   
property which is bestowed on the other1
 is1 in reality1 a mark of subjection2  
not1 as some writers allege1 of their   
having acquired an ascendant4 ,footnote3
 ,ibid4 ,it is the care and trouble of a
 subject with which the warrior does not
 choose to be embarrassed4 ,it is a     
servitude1 and a continual toil1 where  
no honours are won2 and they whose      
province it is1 are in fact the slaves  
and the helots of their country4 ,if in 
this destination of the sexes1 while the

 men continue to indulge themselves in  
the contempt of sordid and mercenary    
arts1 the cruel establishment of slavery
 is for some ages deferred2 if1 in this 
tender1 though unequal alliance1 the    
affections of the heart prevent the     
severities practised on slaves2 we have 
in the custom itself1 as perhaps in many
 other instances1 reason to prefer the  
first suggestions of nature1 to many of 
her after refinements4  ,if mankind1 in 
any instance1 continue the article of   
property on the footing we have now     
represented1 we may easily credit what  
is further reported by travellers2 that 
they admit of no distinctions of rank or
 condition2 and that they have in fact  
no degree of subordination different    
from the distribution of function1 which
 follows the differences of age1        
talents1 and dispositions4 ,personal    
qualities give an ascendant in the midst
 of occasions which require their       
exertion2 but in times of relaxation1   
leave no vestige of power or            

prerogative4 ,a warrior who has led the 
youth of his nation to the slaughter of 
their enemies1 or who has been foremost 
in the chase1 returns upon a level with 
the rest of his tribe2 and when the only
 business is to sleep1 or to feed1 can  
enjoy no pre-eminence2 for he sleeps and
 he feeds no better than they4  ,where  
no profit attends dominion1 one party is
 as much averse to the trouble of       
perpetual command1 as the other is to   
the mortification of perpetual          
submission4 ,i love victory1 ,i love    
great actions1 says ,montesquieu1 in the
 character of ,sylla2 but have no relish
 for the languid detail of pacific      
government1 or the pageantry of high    
station4 ,he has touched perhaps what is
 a prevailing sentiment in the simplest 
state of society1 when the weakness of  
motive suggested by interest1 and the   
ignorance of any elevation not founded  
on merit1 supplies the place of disdain4
  ,the character of the mind1 however1  
in this state1 is not founded on        

ignorance alone4 ,men are conscious of  
their equality1 and are tenacious of its
 rights4 ,even when they follow a leader
 to the field1 they cannot brook the    
pretensions to a formal command3 they   
listen to no orders2 and they come under
 no military engagements1 but those of  
mutual fidelity1 and equal ardour in the
 enterprise4 ,footnote3 ,charlevoix4    
,this description1 we may believe1 is   
unequally applicable to different       
nations1 who have made unequal advances 
in the establishment of property4 ,among
 the ,caribbees1 and the other natives  
of the warmer climates in ,america1 the 
dignity of chieftain is hereditary1 or  
elective1 and continued for life3 the   
unequal distribution of property creates
 a visible subordination4 ,footnote3    
,wafer's ,account of the ,isthmus of    
,darien4 ,but among the ,iroquois1 and  
other nations of the temperate zone1 the
 titles of magistrate and subject1 of   
noble and mean1 are as little known as  
those of rich and poor4 ,the old men1   

without being invested with any coercive
 power1 employ their natural authority  
in advising or in prompting the         
resolutions of their tribe3 the military
 leader is pointed out by the           
superiority of his manhood and valour2  
the statesman is distinguished only by  
the attention with which his counsel is 
heard2 the warrior by the confidence    
with which the youth of his nation      
follow him to the field2 and if their   
concerts must be supposed to constitute 
a species of political government1 it is
 one to which no language of ours can be
 applied4 ,power is no more than the    
natural ascendancy of the mind2 the     
discharge of office no more than a      
natural exercise of the personal        
character2 and while the community acts 
with an appearance of order1 there is no
 sense of disparity in the breast of any
 of its members4 ,footnote3 ,colden's   
,history of the ,five ,nations4  ,in    
these happy1 though informal            
proceedings1 where age alone gives a    

place in the council2 where youth1      
ardour1 and valour in the field1 give a 
title to the station of leader2 where   
the whole community is assembled on any 
alarming occasion1 we may venture to    
say1 that we have found the origin of   
the senate1 the executive power1 and the
 assembly of the people2 institutions   
for which ancient legislators have been 
so much renowned4 ,the senate among the 
,greeks1 as well as the ,latins1        
appears1 from the etymology of its name1
 to have been originally composed of    
elderly men4 ,the military leader at    
,rome1 in a manner not unlike to that of
 the ,american warrior1 proclaimed his  
levies1 and the citizen prepared for the
 field1 in consequence of a voluntary   
engagement4 ,the suggestions of nature1 
which directed the policy of nations in 
the wilds of ,america1 were followed    
before on the banks of the ,eurotas and 
the ,tyber2 and ,lycurgus and ,romulus  
found the model of their institutions1  
where the members of every rude nation  

find the earliest mode of uniting their 
talents1 and combining their forces4    
,among the ,north ,american nations1    
every individual is independent2 but he 
is engaged by his affections and his    
habits in the cares of a family4        
,families1 like so many separate tribes1
 are subject to no inspection or        
government from abroad2 whatever passes 
at home1 even bloodshed and murder1 are 
only supposed to concern themselves4    
,they are1 in the mean time1 the parts  
of a canton2 the women assemble to plant
 their maize2 the old men go to council2
 the huntsman and the warrior joins the 
youth of his village in the field4 ,many
 such cantons assemble to constitute a  
national council1 or to execute a       
national enterprise4 ,when the          
,europeans made their first settlements 
in ,america1 six such nations had formed
 a league1 had their amphyctiones or    
states general1 and1 by the firmness of 
their union and the ability of their    
councils1 had obtained an ascendant from

 the mouth of ,st4 ,lawrence to that of 
the ,mississippi4 ,footnote3 ,lafitau1  
,charlevoix1 ,colden1 c4 ,they appeared 
to understand the objects of the        
confederacy1 as well as those of the    
separate nation2 they studied a balance 
of power2 the statesman of one country  
watched the designs and proceedings of  
another2 and occasionally threw the     
weight of his tribe into a different    
scale4 ,they had their alliances and    
their treaties1 which1 like the nations 
of ,europe1 they maintained1 or they    
broke1 upon reasons of state2 and       
remained at peace from a sense of       
necessity or expediency1 and went to war
 upon any emergence of provocation or   
jealousy4  ,thus1 without any settled   
form of government1 or any bond of      
union1 but what resembled more the      
suggestion of instinct1 than the        
invention of reason1 they conducted     
themselves with the concert and the     
force of nations4 ,foreigners1 without  
being able to discover who is the       

magistrate1 or in what manner the senate
 is composed1 always find a council with
 whom they may treat1 or a band of      
warriors with whom they may fight4      
,without police or compulsory laws1     
their domestic society is conducted with
 order1 and the absence of vicious      
dispositions1 is a better security than 
any public establishment for the        
suppression of crimes4  ,disorders1     
however1 sometimes occur1 especially in 
times of debauch1 when the immoderate   
use of intoxicating liquors1 to which   
they are extremely addicted1 suspends   
the ordinary caution of their demeanour1
 and1 inflaming their violent passions1 
engages them in quarrels and bloodshed4 
,when a person is slain1 his murderer is
 seldom called to an immediate account2 
but he has a quarrel to sustain with the
 family and the friends2 or1 if a       
stranger1 with the countrymen of the    
deceased2 sometimes even with his own   
nation at home1 if the injury committed 
be of a kind to alarm the society4 ,the 

nation1 the canton1 or the family       
endeavour1 by presents1 to atone for the
 offence of any of their members2 and1  
by pacifying the parties aggrieved1     
endeavour to prevent what alarms the    
community more than the first disorder1 
the subsequent effects of revenge and   
animosity4 ,footnote3 ,lafitau4 ,the    
shedding of blood1 however1 if the      
guilty person remain where he has       
committed the crime1 seldom escapes     
unpunished3 the friend of the deceased  
knows how to disguise1 though not to    
suppress1 his resentment2 and even after
 many years have elapsed1 is sure to    
repay the injury that was done to his   
kindred or his house4  ,these           
considerations render them cautious and 
circumspect1 put them on their guard    
against their passions1 and give to     
their ordinary deportment an air of     
phlegm and composure superior to what is
 possessed among polished nations4 ,they
 are1 in the mean time1 affectionate in 
their carriage1 and in their            

conversations1 pay a mutual attention   
and regard1 says ,charlevoix1 more      
tender and more engaging1 than what we  
profess in the ceremonial of polished   
societies4  ,this writer has observed1  
that the nations among whom he travelled
 in ,north ,america1 never mentioned    
acts of generosity or kindness under the
 notion of duty4 ,they acted from       
affection1 as they acted from appetite1 
without regard to its consequences4     
,when they had done a kindness1 they had
 gratified a desire2 the business was   
finished1 and it passed from the memory4
 ,when they received a favour1 it might1
 or it might not1 prove the occasion of 
friendship3 if it did not1 the parties  
appeared to have no apprehensions of    
gratitude1 as a duty by which the one   
was bound to make a return1 or the other
 entitled to reproach the person who had
 failed in his part4 ,the spirit with   
which they give or receive presents1 is 
the same which1 ,tacitus observed among 
the ancient ,germans2 they delight in   

them1 but do not consider them as matter
 of obligation4 ,footnote3 ,muneribus   
gaudent1 sed nec data imputant1 nec     
acceptis obligantur4 ,such gifts are of 
little consequence1 except when employed
 as the seal of a bargain or treaty4    
,it was their favourite maxim1 that no  
man is naturally indebted to another2   
that he is not1 therefore1 obliged to   
bear with any imposition1 or unequal    
treatment4 ,footnote3 ,charlevoix ,thus1
 in a principle apparently sullen and   
inhospitable1 they have discovered the  
foundation of justice1 and observe its  
rules1 with a steadiness and candour    
which no cultivation has been found to  
improve4 ,the freedom which they give in
 what relates to the supposed duties of 
kindness and friendship1 serves only to 
engage the heart more entirely1 where it
 is once possessed with affection4 ,we  
love to choose our object without any   
restraint1 and we consider kindness     
itself as a task1 when the duties of    
friendship are exacted by rule4 ,we     

therefore1 by our demand for attentions1
 rather corrupt than improve the system 
of morality2 and by our exactions of    
gratitude1 and out frequent proposals to
 enforce its observance1 we only shew   
that we have mistaken its nature2 we    
only give symptoms of that growing      
sensibility to interest1 from which we  
measure the expediency of friendship and
 generosity itself2 and by which we     
would introduce the spirit of traffic   
into the commerce of affection4 ,in     
consequence of this proceeding1 we are  
often obliged to decline a favour1 with 
the same spirit that we throw off a     
servile engagement1 or reject a bribe4  
,to the unrefined savage every favour is
 welcome1 and every present received    
without reserve or reflection4  ,the    
love of equality1 and the love of       
justice1 were originally the same2 and  
although1 by the constitution of        
different societies1 unequal privileges 
are bestowed on their members2 and      
although justice itself requires a      

proper regard to be paid to such        
privileges2 yet he who has forgotten    
that men were originally equal1 easily  
degenerates into a slave2 or1 in the    
capacity of a master1 is not to be      
trusted with the rights of his fellow   
creatures4 ,this happy principle gives  
to the mind its sense of independence1  
renders it indifferent to the favours   
which are in the power of other men1    
checks it in the commission of injuries1
 and leaves the heart open to the       
affections of generosity and kindness4  
,it gives to the untutored ,american    
that sentiment of candour1 and of regard
 to the welfare of others1 which1 in    
some degree1 softens the arrogant pride 
of his carriage1 and in times of        
confidence and peace1 without the       
assistance of government or law1 renders
 the approach and commerce of strangers 
secure4  ,among this people1 the        
foundations of honour are eminent       
abilities1 and great fortitude2 not the 
distinctions of equipage and fortune3   

the talents in esteem are such as their 
situation leads them to employ1 the     
exact knowledge of a country1 and       
stratagem in war4 ,on these             
qualifications1 a captain among the     
,caribbees underwent an examination4    
,when a new leader was to be chosen1 a  
scout was sent forth to traverse the    
forests which led to the enemy's        
country1 and upon his return1 the       
candidate was desired to find the track 
in which he had travelled4 ,a brook1 or 
a fountain1 was named to him on the     
frontier1 and he was desired to find the
 nearest path to a particular station1  
and to plant a stake in the place4      
,footnote3 ,lafitau ,they can1          
accordingly1 trace a wild beast1 or the 
human foot1 over many leagues of a      
pathless forest1 and find their way     
across a woody and uninhabited          
continent1 by means of refined          
observations1 which escape the traveller
 who has been accustomed to different   
aids4 ,they steer in slender canoes1    

across stormy seas1 with a dexterity    
equal to that of the most experienced   
pilot4 ,footnote3 ,charlevoix4 ,they    
carry a penetrating eye for the thoughts
 and intentions of those with whom they 
have to deal2 and when they mean to     
deceive1 they cover themselves with arts
 which the most subtile can seldom      
elude4 ,they harangue in their public   
councils with a nervous and a figurative
 elocution2 and conduct themselves in   
the management of their treaties with a 
perfect discernment of their national   
interests4  ,thus being able masters in 
the detail of their own affairs1 and    
well qualified to acquit themselves on  
particular occasions1 they study no     
science1 and go in pursuit of no general
 principles4 ,they even seem incapable  
of attending to any distant             
consequences1 beyond those they have    
experienced in hunting or war4 ,they    
entrust the provision of every season to
 itself2 consume the fruits of the earth
 in summer2 and1 in winter1 are driven  

in quest of their prey1 through woods1  
and over deserts covered with snow4     
,they do not form in one hour those     
maxims which may prevent the errors of  
the next2 and they fail in those        
apprehensions1 which1 in the intervals  
of passion1 produce ingenuous shame1    
compassion1 remorse1 or a command of    
appetite4 ,they are seldom made to      
repent of any violence2 nor is a person1
 indeed1 thought accountable in his     
sober mood1 for what he did in the heat 
of a passion1 or in a time of debauch4  
,their superstitions are groveling and  
mean2 and did this happen among rude    
nations alone1 we could not sufficiently
 admire the effects of politeness2 but  
it is a subject on which few nations are
 entitled to censure their neighbours4  
,when we have considered the            
superstitions of one people1 we find    
little variety in those of another4     
,they are but a repetition of similar   
weaknesses and absurdities1 derived from
 a common source1 a perplexed           

apprehension of invisible agents1 that  
are supposed to guide all precarious    
events to which human foresight cannot  
extend4  ,in what depends on the known  
or the regular course of nature1 the    
mind trusts to itself2 but in strange   
and uncommon situations1 it is the dupe 
of its own perplexity1 and1 instead of  
relying on its prudence or courage1 has 
recourse to divination1 and a variety of
 observances1 that1 for being           
irrational1 are always the more revered4
 ,superstition being founded in doubts  
and anxiety1 is fostered by ignorance   
and mystery4 ,its maxims1 in the mean   
time1 are not always confounded with    
those of common life2 nor does its      
weakness or folly always prevent the    
watchfulness1 penetration1 and courage1 
men are accustomed to employ in the     
management of common affairs4 ,a ,roman 
consulting futurity by the pecking of   
birds1 or a king of ,sparta inspecting  
the entrails of a beast1 ,mithridates   
consulting his women on the             

interpretation of his dreams1 are       
examples sufficient to prove1 that a    
childish imbecility on this subject is  
consistent with the greatest military   
and political conduct4  ,confidence in  
the effect of charms is not peculiar to 
any age or nation4 ,few1 even of the    
accomplished ,greeks and ,romans1 were  
able to shake off this weakness4 ,in    
their case1 it was not removed by the   
highest measures of civilization4 ,it   
has yielded only to the light of true   
religion1 or to the study of nature1 by 
which we are led to substitute a wise   
providence operating by physical causes1
 in the place of phantoms that terrify  
or amuse the ignorant4  ,the principal  
point of honour among the rude nations  
of ,america1 as indeed in every instance
 where mankind are not greatly          
corrupted1 is fortitude4 ,yet their way 
of maintaining this point of honour1 is 
very different from that of the nations 
of ,europe4 ,their ordinary method of   
making war is by ambuscade2 and they    

strive1 by overreaching an enemy1 to    
commit the greatest slaughter1 or to    
make the greatest number of prisoners1  
with the least hazard to themselves4    
,they deem it a folly to expose their   
own persons in assaulting an enemy1 and 
do not rejoice in victories which are   
stained with the blood of their own     
people4 ,they do not value themselves1  
as in ,europe1 on defying their enemy   
upon equal terms4 ,they even boast1 that
 they approach like foxes1 or that they 
fly like birds1 not less than they      
devour like lions4 ,in ,europe1 to fall 
in battle is accounted an honour2 among 
the natives of ,america it is reckoned  
disgraceful4 ,footnote3 ,charlevoix4    
,they reserve their fortitude for the   
trials they abide when attacked by      
surprise1 or when fallen into their     
enemies' hands2 and when they are       
obliged to maintain their own honour1   
and that of their own nation1 in the    
midst of torments that require efforts  
of patience more than of valour4  ,on   

these occasions1 they are far from      
allowing it to be supposed that they    
wish to decline the conflict4 ,it is    
held infamous to avoid it1 even by a    
voluntary death2 and the greatest       
affront which can be offered to a       
prisoner1 is to refuse him the honours  
of a man1 in the manner of his          
execution4 ,withhold1 says an old man1  
in the midst of his torture1 the stabs  
of your knife2 rather let me die by     
fire1 that those dogs1 your allies1 from
 beyond the seas1 may learn to suffer   
like men4 ,footnote3 ,colden4 ,with     
terms of defiance1 the victim1 in those 
solemn trials1 commonly excites the     
animosities of his tormentors1 as well  
as his own2 and whilst we suffer for    
human nature1 under the effect of its   
errors1 we must admire its force4  ,the 
people with whom this practice          
prevailed1 were commonly desirous of    
repairing their own losses1 by adopting 
prisoners of war into their families2   
and even1 in the last moment1 the hand  

which was raised to torment1 frequently 
gave the sign of adoption1 by which the 
prisoner became the child or the brother
 of his enemy1 and came to share in all 
the privileges of a citizen4 ,in their  
treatment of those who suffered1 they   
did not appear to be guided by          
principles of hatred or revenge2 they   
observed the point of honour in applying
 as well as in bearing their torments2  
and1 by a strange kind of affection and 
tenderness1 were directed to be most    
cruel where they intend the highest     
respect2 the coward was put to immediate
 death by the hands of women2 the       
valiant was supposed to be entitled to  
all the trials of fortitude that men    
could invent or employ4 ,it gave me joy1
 says an old man to his captive1 that so
 gallant a youth was allotted to my     
share2 ,i proposed to have placed you on
 the couch of my nephew1 who was slain  
by your countrymen2 to have transferred 
all my tenderness to you2 and to have   
solaced my age in your company2 but1    

maimed and mutilated as you now appear1 
death is better than life2 prepare      
yourself therefore to die like a man4   
,footnote3 ,charlevoix4  ,it is perhaps 
with a view to these exhibitions1 or    
rather in admiration of fortitude1 the  
principle from which they proceed1 that 
the ,americans are so attentive1 in     
their earliest years1 to harden their   
nerves4 ,footnote3 ,ib4 ,this writer    
says1 that he has seen a boy and a girl1
 having bound their naked arms together1
 place a burning coal between them1 to  
try who could endure it longest4 ,the   
children are taught to vie with each    
other in bearing the sharpest torments2 
the youth are admitted into the class of
 manhood1 after violent proofs of their 
patience2 and leaders are put to the    
test by famine1 burning1 and            
suffocation4 ,footnote3 ,lafitau4  ,it  
might be apprehended1 that among rude   
nations1 where the means of subsistence 
are procured with so much difficulty1   
the mind could never raise itself above 

the consideration of this subject2 and  
that man would1 in this condition1 give 
examples of the meanest and most        
mercenary spirit4 ,the reverse1 however1
 is true4 ,directed in this particular  
by the desires of nature1 men1 in their 
simplest state1 attend to the objects of
 appetite no further than appetite      
requires2 and their desires of fortune  
extend no further than the meal which   
gratifies their hunger3 they apprehend  
no superiority of rank in the possession
 of wealth1 such as might inspire any   
habitual principle of covetousness1     
vanity1 or ambition3 they can apply to  
no task that engages no immediate       
passion1 and take pleasure in no        
occupation that affords no dangers to be
 braved1 and no honours to be won4  ,it 
was not among the ancient ,romans alone 
that commercial arts1 or a sordid mind1 
were held in contempt4 ,a like spirit   
prevails in every rude and independent  
society4 ,i am a warrior1 and not a     
merchant1 said an ,american to the      

governor of ,canada1 who proposed to    
give him goods in exchange for some     
prisoners he had taken2 your clothes and
 utensils do not tempt me2 but my       
prisoners are now in your power1 and you
 may seize them3 if you do1 ,i must go  
forth and take more prisoners1 or perish
 in the attempt2 and if that chance     
should befal me1 ,i shall die like a    
man2 but remember1 that our nation will 
charge you as the cause of my death4    
,footnote3 ,charlevoix4 ,with these     
apprehensions1 they have an elevation1  
and a stateliness of carriage1 which the
 pride of nobility1 where it is most    
revered by polished nations1 seldom     
bestows4  ,they are attentive to their  
persons1 and employ much time1 as well  
as endure great pain1 in the methods    
they take to adorn their bodies1 to give
 the permanent stains with which they   
are coloured1 or preserve the paint1    
which they are perpetually repairing1 in
 order to appear with advantage4  ,their
 aversion to every sort of employment   

which they hold to be mean1 makes them  
pass great part of their time in        
idleness or sleep2 and a man who1 in    
pursuit of a wild beast1 or to surprise 
his enemy1 will traverse a hundred      
leagues on snow1 will not1 to procure   
his food1 submit to any species of      
ordinary labour4 ,strange1 says         
,tacitus1 that the same person should be
 so much averse to repose1 and so much  
addicted to sloth4 ,footnote3 ,mira     
diversitas naturae1 ut idem homines sic 
ament intertiam et oderint quietem4     
,games of hazard are not the invention  
of polished ages2 men of curiosity have 
looked for their origin in vain1 among  
the monuments of an obscure antiquity2  
and it is probable that they belonged to
 times too remote and too rude even for 
the conjectures of antiquarians to      
reach4 ,the very savage brings his furs1
 his utensils1 and his beads1 to the    
hazard table3 he finds here the passions
 and agitations which the applications  
of a tedious industry could not excite2 

and while the throw is depending1 he    
tears his hair1 and beats his breast1   
with a rage which the more accomplished 
gamester has sometimes learned to       
repress3 he often quits the party naked 
and stripped of all his possessions2 or 
where slavery is in use1 stakes his     
freedom to have one chance more to      
recover his former loss4 ,footnote3     
,tacitus1 ,lafitau1 ,charlevoix4  ,with 
all these infirmities1 vices1 or        
respectable qualities1 belonging to the 
human species in its rudest state2 the  
love of society1 friendship1 and public 
affection1 penetration1 eloquence1 and  
courage1 appear to have been its        
original properties1 not the subsequent 
effects of device or invention4 ,if     
mankind are qualified to improve their  
manners1 the materials to be improved   
were furnished by nature2 and the effect
 of this improvement is not to inspire  
the sentiments of tenderness and        
generosity1 nor to bestow the principal 
constituents of a respectable character1

 but to obviate the casual abuses of    
passion2 and to prevent a mind1 which   
feels the best dispositions in their    
greatest force1 from being at times     
likewise the sport of brutal appetite1  
and of ungovernable violence4  ,were    
,lycurgus employed anew to find a plan  
of government for the people we have    
described1 he would find them1 in many  
important particulars1 prepared by      
nature herself to receive his           
institutions4 ,his equality in matters  
of property being already established1  
he would have no faction to apprehend   
from the opposite interests of the poor 
and the rich2 his senate1 his assembly  
of the people1 is constituted2 his      
discipline is in some measure adopted1  
and the place of his helots is supplied 
by the task allotted to one of the      
sexes4 ,with all these advantages1 he   
would still have had a very important   
lesson for civil society to teach1 that 
by which a few learn to command1 and the
 many are taught to obey3 he would have 

all his precautions to take against the 
future intrusion of mercenary arts1 the 
admiration of luxury1 and the passion   
for interest3 he would still perhaps    
have a more difficult task than any of  
the former1 in teaching his citizens the
 command of appetite1 and an            
indifference to pleasure1 as well as a  
contempt of pain2 in teaching them to   
maintain in the field the formality of  
uniform precautions1 and as much to     
avoid being themselves surprised1 as    
they endeavour to surprise their enemy4 
,for want of these advantages1 rude     
nations in general1 though they are     
patient of hardship and fatigue1 though 
they are addicted to war1 and are       
qualified by their stratagem and valour 
to throw terror into the armies of a    
more regular enemy2 yet1 in the course  
of a continual struggle1 always yield to
 the superior arts1 and the discipline  
of more civilized nations4 ,hence the   
,romans were able to overrun the        
provinces of ,gaul1 ,germany1 and       

,britain2 and hence the ,europeans have 
a growing ascendancy over the nations of
 ,africa and ,america4  ,on the credit  
of a superiority which certain nations  
possess1 they think that they have a    
claim to dominion2 and even ,caesar     
appears to have forgotten what were the 
passions1 as well as the rights of      
mankind1 when he complained1 that the   
,britons1 after having sent him a       
submissive message to ,gaul1 perhaps to 
prevent his invasion1 still pretended to
 fight for their liberties1 and to      
oppose his descent on their island4     
,footnote3 ,caesar questus1 quod quum   
ultro in continentem legatis missis     
pacem a se petissent1 bellum sine causa 
intulissent4 ,lib4 #d4  ,there is not1  
perhaps1 in the whole description of    
mankind1 a circumstance more remarkable 
than that mutual contempt and aversion  
which nations1 under a different state  
of commercial arts1 bestow on each      
other4 ,addicted to their own pursuits1 
and considering their own condition as  

the standard of human felicity1 all     
nations pretend to the preference1 and  
in their practice give sufficient proof 
of sincerity4 ,even the savage1 still   
less than the citizen1 can be made to   
quit that manner of life in which he is 
trained3 he loves that freedom of mind  
which will not be bound to any task1 and
 which owns no superior3 however tempted
 to mix with polished nations1 and to   
better his fortune1 the first moment of 
liberty brings him back to the woods    
again2 he droops and he pines in the    
streets of the populous city2 he wanders
 dissatisfied over the open and the     
cultivated field2 he seeks the frontier 
and the forest1 where1 with a           
constitution prepared to undergo the    
hardships and the difficulties of the   
situation1 he enjoys a delicious freedom
 from care1 and a seducing society1     
where no rules of behaviour are         
prescribed1 but the simple dictates of  
the heart4     ,,section ,,iii4  ,,of   
,,rude ,,nations ,,under ,,the          

,,impressions ,,of ,,property ,,and     
,,interest4   ,it was a proverbial      
imprecation in use among the hunting    
nations on the confines of ,siberia1    
that their enemy might be obliged to    
live like a ,tartar1 and have the folly 
of troubling himself with the charge of 
cattle4 ,footnote3 ,abulgaze's          
,genealogical ,history of the ,tartars  
,nature1 it seems1 in their             
apprehension1 by storing the woods and  
desert with game1 rendered the task of  
the herdsman unnecessary1 and left to   
man only the trouble of selecting and of
 seizing his prey4  ,the indolence of   
mankind1 or rather their aversion to any
 application in which they are not      
engaged by immediate instinct and       
passion1 retards the progress of        
industry and of impropriation4 ,it has  
been found1 however1 even while the     
means of subsistence are left in common1
 and the stock of the public is yet     
undivided1 that property is apprehended 
in different subjects2 that the fur and 

the bow belong to the individual2 that  
the cottage1 with its furniture1 are    
appropriated to the family4  ,when the  
parent begins to desire a better        
provision for his children than is found
 under the promiscuous management of    
many co-partners1 when he has applied   
his labour and his skill apart1 he aims 
at an exclusive possession1 and seeks   
the property of the soil1 as well as the
 use of its fruits4  ,when the          
individual no longer finds among his    
associates the same inclination to      
commit every subject to public use1 he  
is seized with concern for his personal 
fortune2 and is alarmed by the cares    
which every person entertains for       
himself4 ,he is urged as much by        
emulation and jealousy1 as by the sense 
of necessity4 ,he suffers considerations
 of interest to rest on his mind1 and   
when every present appetite is          
sufficiently gratified1 he can act with 
a view to futurity1 or1 rather finds an 
object of vanity in having amassed what 

is become a subject of competition1 and 
a matter of universal esteem4 ,upon this
 motive1 where violence is restrained1  
he can apply his hand to lucrative arts1
 confine himself to a tedious task1 and 
wait with patience for the distant      
returns of his labour4  ,thus mankind   
acquire industry by many and by slow    
degrees4 ,they are taught to regard     
their interest2 they are restrained from
 rapine2 and they are secured in the    
possession of what they fairly obtain2  
by these methods the habits of the      
labourer1 the mechanic1 and the trader1 
are gradually formed4 ,a hoard1         
collected from the simple productions of
 nature1 or a herd of cattle1 are1 in   
every rude nation1 the first species of 
wealth4 ,the circumstances of the soil1 
and the climate1 determine whether the  
inhabitant shall apply himself chiefly  
to agriculture or pasture2 whether he   
shall fix his residence1 or be moving   
continually about with all his          
possessions4  ,in the west of ,europe2  

in ,america1 from south to north1 with a
 few exceptions2 in the torrid zone1 and
 every where within the warmer climates2
 mankind have generally applied         
themselves to some species of           
agriculture1 and have been disposed to  
settlement4 ,in the north and middle    
region of ,asia1 they depended entirely 
on their herds1 and were perpetually    
shifting their ground in search of new  
pasture4 ,the arts which pertain to     
settlement have been practised1 and     
variously cultivated1 by the inhabitants
 of ,europe4 ,those which are consistent
 with perpetual migration1 have1 from   
the earliest accounts of history1       
remained nearly the same1 with the      
,scythian or ,tartar4 ,the tent pitched 
on a moveable carriage1 the horse       
applied to every purpose of labour1 and 
of war1 of the dairy1 and of the        
butcher's stall1 from the earliest to   
the latest accounts1 have made up the   
riches and equipage of this wandering   
people4  ,but in whatever way rude      

nations subsist1 there are certain      
points in which1 under the first        
impressions of property1 they nearly    
agree4 ,homer either lived with a people
 in this stage of their progress1 or    
found himself engaged to exhibit their  
character4 ,tacitus had made them the   
subject of a particular treatise2 and if
 this be an aspect under which mankind  
deserve to be viewed1 it must be        
confessed1 that we have singular        
advantages in collecting their features4
 ,the portrait has already been drawn by
 the ablest hands1 and gives1 at one    
view1 in the writings of these          
celebrated authors1 whatever has been   
scattered in the relations of           
historians1 or whatever we have         
opportunities to observe in the actual  
manners of men1 who still remain in a   
similar state4  ,in passing from the    
condition we have described1 to this we 
have at present in view1 mankind still  
retain many marks of their earliest     
character4 ,they are still averse to    

labour1 addicted to war1 admirers of    
fortitude1 and in the language of       
,tacitus1 more lavish of their blood    
than of their sweat4 ,footnote3 ,pigrum 
quin immo et iners videtur1 sudore      
acquirere quod possis sanguine parare4  
,they are fond of fantastic ornaments in
 their dress1 and endeavour to fill up  
the listless intervals of a life        
addicted to violence1 with hazardous    
sports1 and with games of chance4 ,every
 servile occupation they commit to women
 or slaves4 ,but we may apprehend1 that 
the individual having now found a       
separate interest1 the bands of society 
must become less firm1 and domestic     
disorders more frequent4 ,the members of
 every community1 being distinguished   
among themselves by unequal possessions1
 the ground of a permanent and palpable 
subordination is laid4  ,these          
particulars accordingly take place among
 mankind1 in passing from the savage to 
what may be called the barbarous state4 
,members of the same community enter    

into quarrels of competition or revenge4
 ,they unite in following leaders1 who  
are distinguished by their fortunes1 and
 by the lustre of their birth4 ,they    
join the desire of spoil with the love  
of glory2 and from an opinion1 that what
 is acquired by force justly pertains to
 the victor1 they become hunters of men1
 and bring every contest to the decision
 of the sword4  ,every nation is a band 
of robbers1 who prey without restraint1 
or remorse1 on their neighbours4        
,cattle1 says ,achilles1 may be seized  
in every field2 and the coasts of the   
,aegean were accordingly pillaged by the
 heroes of ,homer1 for no other reason  
than because those heroes chose to      
possess themselves of the brass and     
iron1 the cattle1 the slaves1 and the   
women1 which were found among the       
nations around them4  ,a ,tartar mounted
 on his horse1 is an animal of prey1 who
 only enquires where cattle are to be   
found1 and how far he must go to possess
 them4 ,the monk1 who had fallen under  

the displeasure of ,mangu ,chan1 made   
his peace1 by promising1 that the pope1 
and the ,christian princes1 should make 
a surrender of all their herds4         
,footnote3 ,rubruquis4  ,a similar      
spirit reigned1 without exception1 in   
all the barbarous nations of ,europe1   
,asia1 and ,africa4 ,the antiquities of 
,greece and ,italy1 and the fables of   
every ancient poet1 contain examples of 
its force4 ,it was this spirit that     
brought our ancestors first into the    
provinces of the ,roman empire2 and that
 afterward1 more perhaps than their     
reverence for the cross1 led them to the
 east1 to share with the ,tartars in the
 spoils of the ,saracen empire4   ,from 
the descriptions contained in the last  
section1 we may incline to believe1 that
 mankind1 in their simplest state2 are  
on the eve of erecting republics4 ,their
 love of equality1 their habit of       
assembling in public councils1 and their
 zeal for the tribe to which they       
belong1 are qualifications that fit them

 to act under that species of           
government2 and they seem to have but a 
few steps to make in order to reach its 
establishment4 ,they have only to define
 the numbers of which their councils    
shall consist1 and to settle the forms  
of their meeting3 they have only to     
bestow a permanent authority for        
repressing disorders1 and to enact a few
 rules in favour of that justice they   
have already acknowledged1 and from     
inclination so strictly observe4  ,but  
these steps are far from being so easily
 made1 as they appear on a slight or a  
transient view4 ,the resolution of      
choosing1 from among their equals1 the  
magistrate to whom they give from       
thenceforward a right to control their  
own actions1 is far from the thoughts of
 simple men2 and no persuasion1 perhaps1
 could make them adopt this measure1 or 
give them any sense of its use4  ,even  
after nations have chosen a military    
leader1 they do not entrust him with any
 species of civil authority4 ,the       

captain among the ,caribbees did not    
pretend to decide in domestic disputes2 
the terms jurisdiction and government   
were unknown in their tongue4 ,footnote3
 ,history of the ,caribbees4  ,before   
this important change was admitted1 men 
must be accustomed to the distinction of
 ranks2 and before they are sensible    
that subordination is requisite1 they   
must have arrived at unequal conditions 
by chance4 ,in desiring property1 they  
only mean to secure their subsistence2  
but the brave who lead in war1 have     
likewise the largest share in its       
spoils4 ,the eminent are fond of        
devising hereditary honours2 and the    
multitude1 who admire the parent1 are   
ready to extend their esteem to his     
offspring4  ,possessions descend1 and   
the lustre of family grows brighter with
 age4 ,hercules1 who perhaps was an     
eminent warrior1 became a god with      
posterity1 and his race was set apart   
for royalty and sovereign power4 ,when  
the distinctions of fortune and those of

 birth are conjoined1 the chieftain     
enjoys a pre-eminence1 as well at the   
feast as in the field4 ,his followers   
take their place in subordinate         
stations2 and instead of considering    
themselves as parts of a community1 they
 rank as the followers of a chief1 and  
take their designation from the name of 
their leader4 ,they find a new object of
 public affection in defending his      
person1 and in supporting his station2  
they lend of their substance to form his
 estate2 they are guided by his smiles  
and his frowns2 and court as the highest
 distinction1 a share in the feast which
 their own contributions have furnished4
  ,as the former state of mankind seemed
 to point at democracy1 this seems to   
exhibit the rudiments of monarchical    
government4 ,but it is yet far short of 
that establishment which is known in    
after ages by the name of monarchy4 ,the
 distinction between the leader and the 
follower1 the prince and the subject1 is
 still but imperfectly marked3 their    

pursuits and occupations are not        
different2 their minds are not unequally
 cultivated2 they feed from the same    
dish2 they sleep together on the ground2
 the children of the king1 as well as   
those of the subject1 are employed in   
tending the flock2 and the keeper of the
 swine was a prime counsellor at the    
court of ,ulysses4  ,the chieftain1     
sufficiently distinguished from his     
tribe1 to excite their admiration1 and  
to flatter their vanity by a supposed   
affinity to his noble descent1 is the   
object of their veneration1 not of their
 envy3 he is considered as the common   
bond of connection1 not as their common 
master2 is foremost in danger1 and has a
 principal share in their troubles3 his 
glory is placed in the number of his    
attendants1 in his superior magnanimity 
and valour2 that of his followers1 in   
being ready to shed their blood in his  
service4 ,footnote3 ,tacitus de moribus 
,germanorum4  ,the frequent practice of 
war tends to strengthen the bands of    

society1 and the practice of depredation
 itself engages men in trials of mutual 
attachment and courage4 ,what threatened
 to ruin and overset every good         
disposition in the human breast1 what   
seemed to banish justice from the       
societies of men1 tends to unite the    
species in clans and fraternities2      
formidable indeed1 and hostile to one   
another1 but1 in the domestic society of
 each1 faithful1 disinterested1 and     
generous4 ,frequent dangers1 and the    
experience of fidelity and valour1      
awaken the love of those virtues1 render
 them a subject of admiration1 and      
endear their possessors4  ,actuated by  
great passions1 the love of glory1 and  
the desire of victory2 roused by the    
menaces of an enemy1 or stung with      
revenge2 in suspense between the        
prospects of ruin or conquest1 the      
barbarian spends every moment of        
relaxation in sloth4 ,he cannot descend 
to the pursuits of industry or          
mechanical labour3 the beast of prey is 

a sluggard2 the hunter and the warrior  
sleeps1 while women or slaves are made  
to toil for his bread4 ,but shew him a  
quarry at a distance1 he is bold1       
impetuous1 artful1 and rapacious2 no bar
 can withstand his violence1 and no     
fatigue can allay his activity4  ,even  
under this description1 mankind are     
generous and hospitable to strangers1 as
 well as kind1 affectionate1 and gentle1
 in their domestic society4 ,footnote3  
,jean du ,plan ,carpen4 ,rubruquis1     
,caesar1 ,tacit4 ,friendship and enmity 
are to them terms of the greatest       
importance3 they mingle not their       
functions together2 they have singled   
out their enemy1 and they have chosen   
their friend4 ,even in depredation1 the 
principal object is glory2 and spoil is 
considered as the badge of victory4     
,nations and tribes are their prey3 the 
solitary traveller1 by whom they can    
acquire only the reputation of          
generosity1 is suffered to pass unhurt1 
or is treated with splendid munificence4

  ,though distinguished into small      
cantons under their several chieftains1 
and for the most part separated by      
jealousy and animosity2 yet when pressed
 by wars and formidable enemies1 they   
sometimes unite in greater bodies4 ,like
 the ,greeks in their expedition to     
,troy1 they follow some remarkable      
leader1 and compose a kingdom of many   
separate tribes4 ,but such coalitions   
are merely occasional2 and even during  
their continuance1 more resemble a      
republic than monarchy4 ,the inferior   
chieftains reserve their importance1 and
 intrude1 with an air of equality1 into 
the councils of their leader1 as the    
people of their several clans commonly  
intrude upon them4 ,footnote3 ,kolbe3   
,description of the ,cape of ,good      
,hope4 ,upon what motive indeed could we
 suppose1 that men who live together in 
the greatest familiarity1 and amongst   
whom the distinctions of rank are so    
obscurely marked1 would resign their    
personal sentiments and inclinations1 or

 pay an implicit submission to a leader 
who can neither overawe nor corrupt8    
,military force must be employed to     
extort1 or the hire of the venal to buy1
 that engagement which the ,tartar comes
 under to his prince1 when he promises1 
,that he will go where he shall be      
commanded2 that he will come when he    
shall be called2 that he will kill      
whoever is pointed out to him2 and1 for 
the future1 that he will consider the   
voice of the ,king as a sword4          
,footnote3 ,simon de ,st4 ,quintin4     
,these are the terms to which even the  
stubborn heart of the barbarian has been
 reduced1 in consequence of a despotism 
he himself had established2 and men have
 in that low state of the commercial    
arts1 in ,europe1 as well as in ,asia1  
tasted of political slavery4 ,when      
interest prevails in every breast1 the  
sovereign and his party cannot escape   
the infection3 he employs the force with
 which he is intrusted to turn his      
people into a property1 and to command  

their possessions for his profit or his 
pleasure4 ,if riches are by any people  
made the standard of good or of evil1   
let them beware of the powers they      
intrust to their prince4 ,with the      
,suiones1 says ,tacitus1 riches are in  
high esteem2 and this people are        
accordingly disarmed1 and reduced to    
slavery4 ,footnote3 ,de moribus         
,germanorum4  ,it is in this woful      
condition that mankind1 being slavish1  
interested1 insidious1 deceitful1 and   
bloody1 bear marks1 if not of the least 
curable1 surely of the most lamentable  
sort of corruption4 ,footnote3          
,chardin's ,travels4 ,among them1 war is
 the mere practice of rapine1 to enrich 
the individual2 commerce is turned into 
a system of snares and impositions2 and 
government by turns oppressive or weak4 
,it were happy for the human race1 when 
guided by interest1 and not governed by 
laws1 that being split into nations of a
 moderate extent1 they found in every   
canton some natural bar to its farther  

enlargement1 and met with occupation    
enough in maintaining their             
independence1 without being able to     
extend their dominion4  ,there is not   
disparity of rank1 among men in rude    
ages1 sufficient to give their          
communities the form of legal monarchy2 
and in a territory of considerable      
extent1 when united under one head1 the 
warlike and turbulent spirit of its     
inhabitants seems to require the bridle 
of despotism and military force4 ,where 
any degree of freedom remains1 the      
powers of the prince are1 as they were  
in most of the rude monarchies of       
,europe1 extremely precarious1 and      
depend chiefly on his personal          
character3 where1 on the contrary1 the  
powers of the prince are above the      
control of his people1 they are likewise
 above the restrictions of justice4     
,rapacity and terror become the         
predominant motives of conduct1 and form
 the character of the only parties into 
which mankind are divided2 that of the  

oppressor1 and that of the oppressed4   
,this calamity threatened ,europe for   
ages1 under the conquest and settlement 
of its new inhabitants4 ,footnote3 ,see 
,hume's ,history of the ,tudors4 ,there 
seemed to be nothing wanting to         
establish a perfect despotism in that   
house1 but a few regiments of troops    
under the command of the crown4 ,it has 
actually taken place in ,asia1 where    
similar conquests have been made2 and   
even without the ordinary opiates of    
effeminacy1 or a servile weakness1      
founded on luxury1 it has surprised the 
,tartar on his wain1 in the rear of his 
herds4 ,among this people1 in the heart 
of a great continent1 bold and          
enterprising warriors arose2 they       
subdued by surprise1 or superior        
abilities1 the contiguous hordes2 they  
gained1 in their progress1 accessions of
 numbers and of strength2 and1 like a   
torrent increasing as it descends1      
became too strong for any bar that could
 be opposed to their passage4 ,the      

conquering tribe1 during a succession of
 ages1 furnished the prince with his    
guards2 and while they themselves were  
allowed to share in its spoils1 were the
 voluntary tools of oppression4 ,in this
 manner has despotism and corruption    
found their way into regions so much    
renowned for the wild freedom of nature3
 a power which was the terror of every  
effeminate province is disarmed1 and the
 nursery of nations is itself gone to   
decay4 ,footnote3 ,see the ,history of  
the ,huns4  ,where rude nations escape  
this calamity1 they require the exercise
 of foreign wars to maintain domestic   
peace2 when no enemy appears from       
abroad1 they have leisure for private   
feud1 and employ that courage in their  
dissentions at home1 which in time of   
war is employed in defence of their     
country4  ,among the ,gauls1 says       
,caesar1 there are subdivisions1 not    
only in every nation1 and in every      
district and village1 but almost in     
every house1 every one must fly to some 

patron for protection4 ,footnote3 ,de   
,bello ,gallico1 lib4 #f4 ,in this      
distribution of parties1 not only the   
feuds of clans1 but the quarrels of     
families1 even the differences and      
competitions of individuals1 are decided
 by force4 ,the sovereign1 when         
unassisted by superstition1 endeavours  
in vain to employ his jurisdiction1 or  
to procure a submission to the decisions
 of law4 ,by a people who are accustomed
 to owe their possessions to violence1  
and who despise fortune itself without  
the reputation of courage1 no umpire is 
admitted but the sword4 ,scipio offered 
his arbitration to terminate the        
competition of two ,spaniards in a      
disputed succession3 ,that1 said they1  
we have already refused to our          
relations3 we do not submit our         
difference to the judgment of men2 and  
even among the gods1 we appeal to ,mars 
alone4 ,footnote3 ,livy4  ,it is well   
known that the nations of ,europe       
carried this mode of proceeding to a    

degree of formality unheard of in other 
parts of the world3 the civil and       
criminal judge could1 in most cases1 do 
no more than appoint the lists1 and     
leave the parties to decide their cause 
by the combat3 they apprehended that the
 victor had a verdict of the gods in his
 favour3 and when they dropped in any   
instance this extraordinary form of     
process1 they substituted in its place  
some other more capricious appeal to    
chance2 in which they likewise thought  
that the judgment of the gods was       
declared4  ,the fierce nations of       
,europe were even fond of the combat1 as
 an exercise and a sport4 ,in the       
absence of real quarrels1 companions    
challenged each other to a trial of     
skill1 in which one of them frequently  
perished4 ,when ,scipio celebrated the  
funeral of his father and his uncle1 the
 ,spaniards came in pairs to fight1 and 
by a public exhibition of their duels1  
to increase the solemnity4 ,footnote3   
,livy1 lib4 #c4  ,in this wild and      

lawless state1 where the effects of true
 religion would have been so desirable1 
and so salutary1 superstition frequently
 disputes the ascendant even with the   
admiration of valour2 and an order of   
men1 like the ,druids among the ancient 
,gauls and ,britons1 ,footnote3 ,caesar4
 or some pretender to divination1 as at 
the ,cape of ,good ,hope1 finds1 in the 
credit which is paid to his sorcery1 a  
way to the possession of power3 his     
magic wand comes in competition with the
 sword itself2 and1 in the manner of the
 ,druids1 gives the first rudiments of  
civil government to some1 or1 like the  
supposed descendant of the sun among the
 ,natchez1 and the ,lama among the      
,tartars1 to others1 an early taste of  
despotism and absolute slavery4  ,we are
 generally at a loss to conceive how    
mankind can subsist under customs and   
manners extremely different from our    
own2 and we are apt to exaggerate the   
misery of barbarous times1 by an        
imagination of what we ourselves should 

suffer in a situation to which we are   
not accustomed4 ,but every age hath its 
consolations1 as well as its sufferings4
 ,footnote3 ,priscus1 when employed on  
an embassy to ,attila1 was accosted in  
,greek1 by a person who wore the dress  
of a ,scythian4 ,having expressed       
surprise1 and being desirous to know the
 cause of his stay in so wild a company1
 was told1 that this ,greek had been a  
captive1 and for some time a slave1 till
 he obtained his liberty in reward of   
some remarkable action4 ,i live more    
happily here1 says he1 than ever ,i did 
under the ,roman government3 for they   
who live with the ,scythians1 if they   
can endure the fatigues of war1 have    
nothing else to molest them2 they enjoy 
their possessions undisturbed2 whereas  
you are continually a prey to foreign   
enemies1 or to bad government2 you are  
forbid to carry arms in your own        
defence2 you suffer from the remissness 
and ill conduct of those who are        
appointed to protect you2 the evils of  

peace are even worse than those of war2 
no punishment is ever inflicted on the  
powerful or the rich2 no mercy is shown 
to the poor2 although your institutions 
were wisely devised1 yet1 in the        
management of corrupted men1 their      
effects are pernicious and cruel4       
,excerpta de legationibus4 ,in the      
interval of occasional outrages1 the    
friendly intercourse of men1 even in    
their rudest condition1 is affectionate 
and happy4 ,footnote3 ,d',arvieux's     
,history of the wild ,arabs4 ,in rude   
ages the persons and properties of      
individuals are secure2 because each has
 a friend1 as well as an enemy2 and if  
the one is disposed to molest1 the other
 is ready to protect2 and the very      
admiration of valour1 which in some     
instances tends to sanctify violence1   
inspires likewise certain maxims of     
generosity and honour1 that tend to     
prevent the commission of wrongs4  ,men 
bear with the defects of their policy1  
as they do with hardships and           

inconveniencies in their manner of      
living4 ,the alarms and the fatigues of 
war become a necessary recreation to    
those who are accustomed to them1 and   
who have the tone of their passions     
raised above less animating or trying   
occasions4 ,old men1 among the courtiers
 of ,attila1 wept when they heard of    
heroic deeds1 which they themselves     
could no longer perform4 ,footnote3     
,ibid4 ,and among the ,celtic nations1  
when age rendered the warrior unfit for 
his former toils1 it was the custom1 in 
order to abridge the languors of a      
listless and inactive life1 to sue for  
death at the hands of his friends4      
,footnote3   ,ubi transcendit florentes 
viribus annos1   ,impatiens aevi spernit
 novisse senectam4 ,silius1 lib4 i4     
#bbe4  ,with all this ferocity of       
spirit1 the rude nations of the west    
were subdued by the policy and more     
regular warfare of the ,romans4 ,the    
point of honour which the barbarians of 
,europe adopted as individuals1 exposed 

them to a peculiar disadvantage1 by     
rendering them1 even in their national  
wars1 averse to assailing their enemy by
 surprise1 or taking the benefit of     
stratagem2 and though separately bold   
and intrepid1 yet1 like other rude      
nations1 they were1 when assembled in   
great bodies1 addicted to superstition1 
and subject to panics4  ,they were1 from
 a consciousness of their personal      
courage and force1 sanguine on the eve  
of battle2 they were1 beyond the bounds 
of moderation1 elated on success1 and   
dejected in adversity2 and being        
disposed to consider every event as a   
judgment of the gods1 they were never   
qualified by an uniform application or  
prudence to make the most of their      
forces1 to repair their misfortunes1 or 
to improve their advantages4  ,resigned 
to the government of affection and      
passion1 they were generous and faithful
 where they had fixed an attachment2    
implacable1 froward1 and cruel1 where   
they had conceived a dislike3 addicted  

to debauchery1 and the immoderate use of
 intoxicating liquors1 they deliberated 
on the affairs of state in the heat of  
their riot2 and in the same dangerous   
moments1 conceived the designs of       
military enterprise1 or terminated their
 domestic dissentions by the dagger or  
the sword4  ,in their wars they         
preferred death to captivity4 ,the      
victorious armies of the ,romans1 in    
entering a town by assault1 or in       
forcing an encampment1 have found the   
mother in the act of destroying her     
children1 that they might not be taken2 
and the dagger of the parent1 red with  
the blood of his family1 ready to be    
plunged at last into his own breast4    
,footnote3 ,liv4 lib4 xli4 #aa4 ,dio    
,cass4  ,in all these particulars1 we   
perceive that vigour of spirit1 which   
renders disorder itself respectable1 and
 which qualifies men1 if fortunate in   
their situation1 to lay the basis of    
domestic liberty1 as well as to maintain
 against foreign enemies their national 

independence and freedom4   ,,an ,,essay
 ,,on ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,civil      
,,society          99       99       99 
99       99     ,,part ,,third4  ,,of   
,,the ,,history ,,of ,,policy ,,and     
,,arts4          99       99       99   
99       99     ,,section ,i4  ,,of     
,,the ,,influences ,,of ,,climate ,,and 
,,situation   ,what we have hitherto    
observed on the condition and manners of
 nations1 though chiefly derived from   
what has passed in the temperate        
climates1 may1 in some measure1 be      
applied to the rude state of mankind ,in
 every part of the earth3 but if we     
intend to pursue the history of our     
species in its further attainments1 we  
may soon enter on subjects which will   
confine our observation to narrower     
limits4 ,the genius of political wisdom1
 and of civil arts1 appears to have     
chosen his seats in particular tracts of
 the earth1 and to have selected his    
favourites in particular races of men4  
,man1 in his animal capacity1 is        

qualified to subsist in every climate4  
,he reigns with the lion and the tyger  
under the equatorial heats of the sun1  
or he associates with the bear and the  
reindeer beyond the polar system4 ,his  
versatile disposition fits him to assume
 the habits of either condition1 or his 
talent for arts enables him to supply   
its defects4 ,the intermediate climates1
 however1 appear most to favour his     
nature2 and in whatever manner we       
account for the fact1 it cannot be      
doubted1 that this animal has always    
attained to the principal honours of his
 species within the temperate zone4 ,the
 arts1 which he has on this scene       
repeatedly invented1 the extent of his  
reason1 the fertility of his fancy1 and 
the force of his genius in literature1  
commerce1 policy1 and war1 sufficiently 
declare either a distinguished advantage
 of situation1 or a natural superiority 
of mind4  ,the most remarkable races of 
men1 it is true1 have been rude before  
they were polished4 ,they have in some  

cases returned to rudeness again2 and it
 is not from the actual possession of   
arts1 science1 or policy1 that we are to
 pronounce of their genius4  ,there is a
 vigour1 a reach of capacity1 and a     
sensibility of mind1 which may          
characterize as well the savage as the  
citizen1 the slave as well as the       
master2 and the same powers of the mind 
may be turned to a variety of purposes4 
,a modern ,greek1 perhaps1 is           
mischievous1 slavish1 and cunning1 from 
the same animated temperament that made 
his ancestor ardent1 ingenious1 and     
bold1 in the camp1 or in the council of 
his nation4 ,a modern ,italian is       
distinguished by sensibility1 quickness1
 and art1 while he employs on trifles   
the capacity of an ancient ,roman2 and  
exhibits now1 in the scene of amusement1
 and in the search of a frivolous       
applause1 that fire1 and those passions1
 with which ,gracchus burned in the     
forum1 and shook the assemblies of a    
severer people4  ,the commercial and    

lucrative arts have been1 in some       
climates1 the principal object of       
mankind1 and have been retained through 
every disaster2 in others1 even under   
all the fluctuations of fortune1 they   
have still been neglected2 while in the 
temperate climates of ,europe and ,asia1
 they have had their ages of admiration 
as well as contempt4  ,in one state of  
society arts are slighted1 from that    
very ardour of mind1 and principle of   
activity1 by which1 in another1 they are
 practised with the greatest success4   
,while men are engrossed by their       
passions1 heated and roused by the      
struggles and dangers of their country2 
while the trumpet sounds or the alarm of
 social engagement is rung1 and the     
heart beats high1 it were a mark of     
dulness1 or of an abject spirit1 to find
 leisure for the study of ease1 or the  
pursuit of improvements1 which have mere
 convenience or ease for their object4  
,the frequent vicissitudes and reverses 
of fortune1 which nations have          

experienced on that very ground where   
the arts have prospered1 are probably   
the effects of a busy1 inventive1 and   
versatile spirit1 by which men have     
carried every national change to        
extremes4 ,they have raised the fabric  
of despotic empire to its greatest      
height1 where they had best understood  
the foundations of freedom4 ,they       
perished in the flames which they       
themselves had kindled2 and they only1  
perhaps1 were capable of displaying1 by 
turns1 the greatest improvements1 or the
 lowest corruptions1 to which the human 
mind can be brought4  ,on this scene1   
mankind have twice1 within the compass  
of history1 ascended from rude          
beginnings to very high degrees of      
refinement4 ,in every age1 whether      
destined by its temporary disposition to
 build1 or to destroy1 they have left   
the vestiges of an active and vehement  
spirit4 ,the pavement and the ruins of  
,rome are buried in dust1 shaken from   
the feet of barbarians1 who trod with   

contempt on the refinements of luxury1  
and spurned those arts1 the use of which
 it was reserved for the posterity of   
the same people to discover and to      
admire4 ,the tents of the wild ,arab are
 even now pitched among the ruins of    
magnificent cities2 and the waste fields
 which border on ,palestine and ,syria1 
are perhaps become again the nursery of 
infant nations4 ,the chieftain of an    
,arab tribe1 like the founder of ,rome1 
may have already fixed the roots of a   
plant that is to flourish in some future
 period1 or laid the foundations of a   
fabric1 that will attain to its grandeur
 in some distant age4  ,great part of   
,africa has been always unknown2 but the
 silence of fame1 on the subject of its 
revolutions1 is an argument1 where no   
other proof can be found1 of weakness in
 the genius of its people4 ,the torrid  
zone1 every where round the globe1      
however known to the geographer1 has    
furnished few materials for history2 and
 though in many places supplied with the

 arts of life in no contemptible degree1
 has no where matured the more important
 projects of political wisdom1 nor      
inspired the virtues which are connected
 with freedom1 and which are required in
 the conduct of civil affairs4  ,it was 
indeed in the torrid zone that mere arts
 of mechanism and manufacture were      
found1 among the inhabitants of the new 
world1 to have made the greatest        
advance3 it is in ,india1 and in the    
regions of this hemisphere1 which are   
visited by the vertical sun1 that the   
arts of manufacture1 and the practice of
 commerce1 are of the greatest          
antiquity1 and have survived1 with the  
smallest diminution1 the ruins of time1 
and the revolutions of empire4  ,the    
sun1 it seems1 which ripens the         
pineapple and the tamarind1 inspires a  
degree of mildness that can even assuage
 the rigours of despotical government3  
and such is the effect of a gentle and  
pacific disposition in the natives of   
the east1 that no conquest1 no irruption

 of barbarians1 terminates1 as they did 
among the stubborn natives of ,europe1  
by a total destruction of what the love 
of ease and of pleasure had produced4   
,transferred1 without any great         
struggle1 from one master to another1   
the natives of ,india are ready1 upon   
every change1 to pursue their industry1 
to acquiesce in the enjoyment of life1  
and the hopes of animal pleasure3 the   
wars of conquest are not prolonged to   
exasperate the parties engaged in them1 
or to desolate the land for which those 
parties contend3 even the barbarous     
invader leaves untouched the commercial 
settlement which has not provoked his   
rage3 though master of opulent cities1  
he only encamps1 in their neighbourhood1
 and leaves to his heirs the option of  
entering1 by degrees1 on the pleasures1 
the vices1 and the pageantries which his
 acquisitions afford3 his successors1   
still more than himself1 are disposed to
 foster the hive1 in proportion as they 
taste more of its sweets2 and they spare

 the inhabitant1 together with his      
dwelling1 as they spare the herd or the 
stall1 of which they are become the     
proprietors4  ,the modern description of
 ,india is a repetition of the ancient1 
and the present state of ,china is      
derived from a distant antiquity1 to    
which there is no parallel in the       
history of mankind4 ,the succession of  
monarchs has been changed2 but no       
revolutions have affected the state4    
,the ,african and the ,samoiede are not 
more uniform in their ignorance and     
barbarity1 than the ,chinese and the    
,indian1 if we may credit their own     
story1 have been in the practice of     
manufacture1 and in the observance of a 
certain police1 which was calculated    
only to regulate their traffic1 and to  
protect them in their application to    
servile or lucrative arts4  ,if we pass 
from these general representations of   
what mankind have done1 to the more     
minute description of the animal        
himself1 as he has occupied different   

climates1 and is diversified in his     
temper1 complexion1 and character1 we   
shall find a variety of genius          
corresponding to the effects of his     
conduct1 and the result of his story4   
,man1 in the perfection of his natural  
faculties1 is quick and delicate in his 
sensibility2 extensive and various in   
his imaginations and reflections2       
attentive1 penetrating1 and subtile1 in 
what relates to his fellow creatures2   
firm and ardent in his purposes2 devoted
 to friendship or to enmity2 jealous of 
his independence and his honour1 which  
he will not relinquish for safety or for
 profit3 under all his corruptions or   
improvements1 he retains his natural    
sensibility1 if not his force2 and his  
commerce is a blessing or a curse1      
according to the direction his mind has 
received4  ,but under the extremes of   
heat or of cold1 the active range of the
 human soul appears to be limited2 and  
men are of inferior importance1 either  
as friends1 or as enemies4 ,in the one  

extreme1 they are dull and slow1        
moderate in their desires1 regular1 and 
pacific in their manner of life2 in the 
other1 they are feverish in their       
passions1 weak in their judgments1 and  
addicted by temperament1 to animal      
pleasure4 ,in both the heart is         
mercenary1 and makes important          
concessions for childish bribes3 in both
 the spirit is prepared for servitude3  
in the one it is subdued by fear of the 
future2 in the other it is not roused   
even by its sense of the present4  ,the 
nations of ,europe who would settle or  
conquer on the south or the north of    
their own happier climates1 find little 
resistance3 they extend their dominion  
at pleasure1 and find no where a limit  
but in the ocean1 and in the satiety of 
conquest4 ,with few of the pangs and the
 struggles that precede the reduction of
 nations1 mighty provinces have been    
successively annexed to the territory of
 ,russia2 and its sovereign1 who        
accounts within his domain1 entire      

tribes1 with whom perhaps none of his   
emissaries have ever conversed1         
despatched a few geometers to extend his
 empire1 and thus to execute a project1 
in which the ,romans were obliged to    
employ their consuls and their legions4 
,footnote3 ,see ,russian ,atlas4 ,these 
modern conquerors complain of rebellion1
 where they meet with repugnance2 and   
are surprised at being treated as       
enemies1 where they come to impose their
 tribute4  ,it appears1 however1 that on
 the shores of the ,eastern sea1 they   
have met with nations ,footnote3 ,the   
,tchutzi4 who have questioned their     
title to reign1 and who have considered 
the requisition of a tax as the demand  
of effects for nothing4 ,here perhaps   
may be found the genius of ancient      
,europe2 and under its name of ferocity1
 the spirit of national independence2   
,footnote3 ,notes to the ,genealogical  
,history of the ,tartars1 vouched by    
,strahlenberg4 that spirit which        
disputed its ground in the west with the

 victorious armies of ,rome1 and baffled
 the attempts of the ,persian monarchs  
to comprehend the villages of ,greece   
within the bounds of their extensive    
dominion4  ,the great and striking      
diversities which obtain betwixt the    
inhabitants of climates far removed from
 each other1 are1 like the varieties of 
other animals in different regions1     
easily observed4 ,the horse and the     
reindeer are just emblems of the ,arab  
and the ,laplander3 the native of       
,arabia1 like the animal for whose race 
his country is famed1 whether wild in   
the woods1 or tutored by art1 is lively1
 active1 and fervent in the exercise on 
which he is bent4 ,this race of men1 in 
their rude state1 fly to the desert for 
freedom1 and in roving bands alarm the  
frontiers of empire1 and strike a terror
 in the province to which their moving  
encampments advance4 ,footnote3         
,d',arvieux4 ,when roused by the        
prospect of conquest1 or disposed to act
 on a plan1 they spread their dominion1 

and their system of imagination1 over   
mighty tracts of the earth3 when        
possessed of property and of settlement1
 they set the example of a lively       
invention1 and superior ingenuity1 in   
the practice of arts1 and the study of  
science4 ,the ,laplander1 on the        
contrary1 like the associate of his     
climate1 is hardy1 indefatigable1 and   
patient of famine2 dull rather than     
tame2 serviceable in a particular tract2
 and incapable of change4 ,whole nations
 continue from age to age in the same   
condition1 and1 with immoveable phlegm1 
submit to the appellations of ,dane1 of 
,swede1 or of ,muscovite1 according to  
the land they inhabit2 and suffer their 
country to be severed like a common1 by 
the line on which those nations have    
traced their limits of empire4  ,it is  
not in the extremes alone that these    
varieties of genius may be clearly      
distinguished4 ,their continual change  
keeps pace with the variations of       
climate with which we suppose them      

connected3 and though certain degrees of
 capacity1 penetration1 and ardour1 are 
not the lot of entire nations1 nor the  
vulgar properties of any people2 yet    
their unequal frequency1 and unequal    
measure1 in different countries1 are    
sufficiently manifest from the manners1 
the tone of conversation1 the talent for
 business1 amusement1 and the literary  
composition1 which predominate in each4 
,it is to the southern nations of       
,europe1 both ancient and modern1 that  
we owe the invention and embellishment  
of that mythology1 and those early      
traditions1 which continue to furnish   
the materials of fancy1 and the field of
 poetic allusion4 ,to them we owe the   
romantic tales of chivalry1 as well as  
the subsequent models of a more rational
 style1 by which the heart and the      
imagination are kindled1 and the        
understanding informed4  ,the fruits of 
industry have abounded most in the      
north1 and the study of science has here
 received its most solid improvements3  

the efforts of imagination and sentiment
 were most frequent and most successful 
in the south4 ,while the shores of the  
,baltic became famed for the studies of 
,copernicus1 ,tycho ,brahe1 and ,kepler1
 those of the ,mediterranean were       
celebrated for giving birth to men of   
genius in all its variety1 and for      
having abounded with poets and          
historians1 as well as with men of      
science4  ,on one side1 learning took   
its rise from the heart and the fancy2  
on the other1 it is still confined to   
the judgment and the memory4 ,a faithful
 detail of public transactions1 with    
little discernment of their comparative 
importance2 the treaties and the claims 
of nations1 the births and genealogies  
of princes1 are1 in the literature of   
northern nations1 amply preserved2 while
 the lights of the understanding1 and   
the feelings of the heart1 are suffered 
to perish4 ,the history of the human    
character2 the interesting memoir1      
founded no less on the careless         

proceedings of a private life1 than on  
the formal transactions of a public     
station2 the ingenious pleasantry1 the  
piercing ridicule1 the tender1 pathetic1
 or the elevated strain of elocution1   
have been confined in modern1 as well as
 ancient times1 with a few exceptions1  
to the same latitudes with the fig and  
the vine4  ,these diversities of natural
 genius1 if real1 must have great part  
of their foundation in the animal frame2
 and it has been often observed1 that   
the vine flourishes1 where1 to quicken  
the ferments of the human blood1 its    
aids are the least required4 ,while     
spirituous liquors are1 among southern  
nations1 from a sense of their ruinous  
effects1 prohibited2 or from a love of  
decency1 and the possession of a        
temperament sufficiently warm1 not      
greatly desired2 they carry in the north
 a peculiar charm1 while they awaken the
 mind1 and give a taste of that lively  
fancy and ardour of passion1 which the  
climate is found to deny4  ,the melting 

desires1 or the fiery passions1 which in
 one climate take place between the     
sexes1 are in another changed into a    
sober consideration1 or a patience of   
mutual disgust4 ,this change is remarked
 in crossing the ,mediterranean1 in     
following the course of the             
,mississippi1 in ascending the mountains
 of ,caucasus1 and in passing from the  
,alps and the ,pyrenees to the shores of
 the ,baltic4  ,the female sex domineers
 on the frontier of ,louisiana1 by the  
double engine of superstition1 and of   
passion4 ,they are slaves among the     
native inhabitants of ,canada1 and are  
chiefly valued for the toils they       
endure1 and the domestic service they   
yield4 ,footnote3 ,charlevoix4  ,the    
burning ardours1 and the torturing      
jealousies of the seraglio and the      
haram1 which have reigned so long in    
,asia and ,africa1 and which1 in the    
southern parts of ,europe1 have scarcely
 given way to the difference of religion
 and civil establishments1 are found1   

however1 with an abatement of heat in   
the climate1 to be more easily changed  
in one latitude1 into a temporary       
passion which engrosses the mind1       
without enfeebling it1 and excites to   
romantic achievements3 by a farther     
progress to the north1 it is changed    
into a spirit of gallantry1 which       
employs the wit and the fancy more than 
the heart2 which prefers intrigue to    
enjoyment2 and substitutes affectation  
and vanity where sentiment and desire   
have failed4 ,as it departs from the    
sun1 the same passion is farther        
composed into a habit of domestic       
connection1 or frozen into a state of   
insensibility1 under which the sexes at 
freedom scarcely choose to unite their  
society4  ,these variations of          
temperament and character do not indeed 
correspond with the number of degrees   
that are measured from the equator to   
the pole2 nor does the temperature of   
the air itself depend on the latitude4  
,varieties of soil and position1 the    

distance or neighbourhood of the sea1   
are known to affect the atmosphere1 and 
may have signal effects in composing the
 animal frame4  ,the climates of        
,america1 though taken under the same   
parallel1 are observed to differ from   
those of ,europe4 ,there1 extensive     
marshes1 great lakes1 aged1 decayed1 and
 crowded forests1 with the other        
circumstances that mark an uncultivated 
country1 are supposed to replenish the  
air with heavy and noxious vapours1 that
 give a double asperity to the winter2  
and during many months1 by the frequency
 and continuance of fogs1 snow1 and     
frost1 carry the inconveniencies of the 
frigid zone far into the temperate4 ,the
 ,samoiede and the ,laplander1 however1 
have their counterpart1 though on a     
lower latitude1 on the shores of        
,america3 the ,canadian and the         
,iroquois bear a resemblance to the     
ancient inhabitants of the middling     
climates of ,europe4 ,the ,mexican1 like
 the ,asiatic of ,india1 being addicted 

to pleasure1 was sunk in effeminacy2 and
 in the neighbourhood of the wild and   
the free1 had suffered to be raised on  
his weakness a domineering superstition1
 and a permanent fabric of despotical   
government4  ,great part of ,tartary    
lies under the same parallels with      
,greece1 ,italy1 and ,spain2 but the    
climates are found to be different2 and 
while the shores1 not only of the       
,mediterranean1 but even those of the   
,atlantic1 are favoured with a moderate 
change and vicissitude of seasons1 the  
eastern parts of ,europe1 and the       
northern continent of ,asia1 are        
afflicted with all their extremes4 ,in  
one season1 we are told1 that the       
plagues of an ardent summer reach almost
 to the frozen sea2 and that the        
inhabitant is obliged to screen himself 
from noxious vermin in the same clouds  
of smoke in which he must1 at a         
different time of the year1 take shelter
 from the rigours of cold4 ,when winter 
returns1 the transition is rapid1 and   

with an asperity almost equal in every  
latitude1 lays waste the face of the    
earth1 from the northern confines of    
,siberia1 to the descents of ,mount     
,caucasus and the frontier of ,india4   
,with this unequal distribution of      
climate1 by which the lot1 as well as   
the national character1 of the northern 
,asiatic may be deemed inferior to that 
of ,europeans1 who lie under the same   
parallels1 a similar gradation of       
temperament and spirit1 however1 has    
been observed1 in following the meridian
 on either tract2 and the southern      
,tartar has over the ,tonguses and the  
,sanmoiede the same pre-eminence1 that  
certain nations of ,europe are known to 
possess over their northern neighbours1 
in situations more advantageous to both4
  ,the southern hemisphere scarcely     
offers a subject of like observation4   
,the temperate zone is there still      
undiscovered1 or is only known in two   
promontories1 the ,cape of ,good ,hope  
and ,cape ,horn1 which stretch into     

moderate latitudes on that side of the  
line4 ,but the savage of ,south         
,america1 notwithstanding the           
interposition of the nations of ,peru   
and of ,mexico1 is found to resemble his
 counterpart on the north2 and the      
,hottentot1 in many things1 the         
barbarian of ,europe3 he is tenacious of
 freedom1 has rudiments of policy1 and a
 national vigour1 which serve to        
distinguish his race from the other     
,african tribes1 who are exposed to the 
more vertical rays of the sun4  ,while  
we have1 in these observations1 only    
thrown out what must present itself on  
the most cursory view of the history of 
mankind1 or what may be presumed from   
the mere obscurity of some nations1 who 
inhabit great tracts of the earth1 as   
well as from the lustre of others1 we   
are still unable to explain the manner  
in which climate may affect the         
temperament1 or foster the genius of its
 inhabitant4  ,that the temper of the   
heart1 and the intellectual operations  

of the mind1 are1 in some measure1      
dependent on the state of the animal    
organs1 is well known from experience4  
,men differ from themselves in sickness 
and in health2 under a change of diet1  
of air1 and of exercise3 but we are1    
even in these familiar instances1 at a  
loss how to connect the cause with its  
supposed effect3 and though climate1 by 
including a variety of such causes1 may1
 by some regular influence1 affect the  
characters of men1 we can never hope to 
explain the manner of those influences  
till we have understood1 what probably  
we shall never understand1 the structure
 of those finer organs with which the   
operations of the soul are connected4   
,when we point out1 in the situation of 
a people1 circumstances which1 by       
determining their pursuits1 regulate    
their habits1 and their manner of life2 
and when1 instead of referring to the   
supposed physical source of their       
dispositions1 we assign their           
inducements to a determinate conduct2 in

 this we speak of effects and of causes 
whose connection is more familiarly     
known4 ,we can understand1 for instance1
 why a race of men like the ,samoiede1  
confined1 during great part of the year1
 to darkness1 or retired into caverns1  
should differ in their manners and      
apprehensions from those who are at     
liberty in every season2 or who1 instead
 of seeking relief from the extremities 
of cold1 are employed in search of      
precautions against the oppressions of a
 burning sun4 ,fire and exercise are the
 remedies of cold2 repose and shade the 
securities from heat4 ,the ,hollander is
 laborious and industrious in ,europe2  
he becomes more languid and slothful in 
,india4 ,footnote3 ,the ,dutch sailors1 
who were employed in the siege of       
,malaco1 tore or burnt the sail cloth   
which was given them to make tents1 that
 they might not have the trouble of     
making or pitching them4 ,voy4 de       
,matelief4  ,great extremities1 either  
of heat or cold1 are perhaps1 in a moral

 view1 equally unfavourable to the      
active genius of mankind1 and by        
presenting alike insuperable            
difficulties to be overcome1 or strong  
inducements to indolence and sloth1     
equally prevent the first applications  
of ingenuity1 or limit their progress4  
,some intermediate degrees of           
inconvenience in the situation1 at once 
excite the spirit1 and1 with the hopes  
of success1 encourage its efforts4 ,it  
,is in the least favourable situations1 
says ,mr4 ,rousseau1 that the arts have 
flourished the most4 ,i could show them 
in ,egypt1 as they spread with the      
overflowing of the ,nile2 and in        
,attica1 as they mounted up to the      
clouds1 from a rocky soil and from      
barren sands2 while on the fertile banks
 of the ,eurotas1 they were not able to 
fasten their roots4  ,where mankind from
 the first subsist by toil1 and in the  
midst of difficulties1 the defects of   
their situation are supplied by         
industry3 and while dry1 tempting1 and  

healthful lands are left uncultivated1  
,footnote3 ,compare the state of        
,hungary with that of ,holland4 the     
pestilent marsh is drained with great   
labour1 and the sea is fenced off with  
mighty barriers1 the materials and the  
costs of which1 the soil to be gained   
can scarcely afford1 or repay4 ,harbours
 are opened1 and crowded with shipping1 
where vessels of burden1 if they are not
 constructed with a view to the         
situation1 have not water to float4     
,elegant and magnificent edifices are   
raised on foundations of slime2 and all 
the conveniencies of human life are made
 to abound1 where nature does not seem  
to have prepared a reception for men4   
,it is in vain to expect1 that the      
residence of arts and commerce should be
 determined by the possession of natural
 advantages4 ,men do more when they have
 certain difficulties to surmount1 than 
when they have supposed blessings to    
enjoy3 and the shade of the barren oak  
and the pine are more favourable to the 

genius of mankind1 than that of the palm
 or the tamarind4  ,among the advantages
 which enable nations to run the career 
of policy1 as well as of arts1 it may be
 expected1 from the observations already
 made1 that we should reckon every      
circumstance which enable them to divide
 and to maintain themselves in distinct 
and independent communities4 ,the       
society and concourse of other men are  
not more necessary to form the          
individual1 than the rivalship and      
competition of nations are to invigorate
 the principles of political life in a  
state4 ,their wars1 and their treaties1 
their mutual jealousies1 and the        
establishments which they devise with a 
view to each other1 constitute more than
 half the occupations of mankind1 and   
furnish materials for their greatest and
 most improving exertions4 ,for this    
reason1 clusters of islands1 a continent
 divided by many natural barriers1 great
 rivers1 ridges of mountains1 and arms  
of the sea1 are best fitted for becoming

 the nursery of independent and         
respectable nations4 ,the distinction of
 states being clearly maintained1 a     
principle of political life is          
established in every division1 and the  
capital of every district1 like the     
heart of an animal body1 communicates   
with ease the vital blood and the       
national spirit to its members4  ,the   
most respectable nations have always    
been found1 where at least one part of  
the frontier has been washed by the sea4
 ,this barrier1 perhaps the strongest of
 all in the times of ignorance1 does    
not1 however1 even then supersede the   
cares of a national defence2 and in the 
advanced state of arts1 gives the       
greatest scope and facility to commerce4
  ,thriving and independent nations were
 accordingly scattered on the shores of 
the ,pacific and the ,atlantic4 ,they   
surrounded the ,red ,sea1 the           
,mediterranean1 and the ,baltic2 while1 
a few tribes excepted1 who retire among 
the mountains bordering on ,india and   

,persia1 or who have found some rude    
establishment among the creeks and the  
shores of the ,caspian and the ,euxine1 
there is scarcely a people in the vast  
continent of ,asia who deserves the name
 of a nation4 ,the unbounded plain is   
traversed at large by hordes1 who are in
 perpetual motion1 or who are displaced 
and harassed by their mutual            
hostilities4 ,although they are never   
perhaps actually blended together in the
 course of hunting1 or in the search of 
pasture1 they cannot bear one great     
distinction of nations1 which is taken  
from the territory1 and which is deeply 
impressed by an affection to the native 
seat4 ,they move in troops1 without the 
arrangement or the concert of nations2  
they become easy accessions to every new
 empire among themselves1 or to the     
,chinese and the ,muscovite1 with whom  
they hold a traffic for the means of    
subsistence1 and the materials of       
pleasure4  ,where a happy system of     
nations is formed1 they do not rely for 

the continuance of their separate names1
 and for that of their political        
independence1 on the barriers erected by
 nature4 ,mutual jealousies lead to the 
maintenance of a balance of power2 and  
this principle1 more than the ,rhine and
 the ,ocean1 than the ,alps and the     
,pyrenees in modern ,europe2 more than  
the straits of ,thermopylae1 the        
mountains of ,thrace1 or the bays of    
,salamine and ,corinth in ancient       
,greece1 tended to prolong the          
separation1 to which the inhabitants of 
these happy climates have owed their    
felicity as nations1 the lustre of their
 fame1 and their civil accomplishments4 
,if we mean to pursue the history of    
civil society1 our attention must be    
chiefly directed to such examples1 and  
we must here bid farewell to those      
regions of the earth1 on which our      
species1 by the effects of situation or 
climate1 appear to be restrained in     
their national pursuits1 or inferior in 
the powers of the mind4     ,,section   

,,ii4  ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,political 
,,establishments4   ,we have hitherto   
observed mankind1 either united together
 on terms of equality1 or disposed to   
admit of a subordination founded merely 
on the voluntary respect and attachment 
which they paid to their leaders2 but1  
in both cases1 without any concerted    
plan of government1 or system of laws4  
,the savage1 whose fortune is comprised 
in his cabin1 his fur1 and his arms1 is 
satisfied with that provision1 and with 
that degree of security1 he himself can 
procure4 ,he perceives1 in treating with
 his equal1 no subject of discussion    
that should be referred to the decision 
of a judge2 nor does he find in any hand
 the badges of magistracy1 or the       
ensigns of a perpetual command4  ,the   
barbarian1 though induced by his        
admiration of personal qualities1 the   
lustre of a heroic race1 or a           
superiority of fortune1 to follow the   
banners of a leader1 and to act a       
subordinate part in his tribe1 knows    

not1 that what he performs from choice1 
is to be made a subject of obligation4  
,he acts from affections unacquainted   
with forms2 and when provoked1 or when  
engaged in disputes1 he recurs to the   
sword1 as the ultimate means of         
decision1 in all questions of right4    
,human affairs1 in the mean time1       
continue their progress4 ,what was in   
one generation a propensity to herd with
 the species1 becomes in the ages which 
follow1 a principle of natural union4   
,what was originally an alliance for    
common defence1 becomes a concerted plan
 of political force2 the care of        
subsistence becomes an anxiety for      
accumulating wealth1 and the foundation 
of commercial arts4  ,mankind1 in       
following the present sense of their    
minds1 in striving to remove            
inconveniencies1 or to gain apparent and
 contiguous advantages1 arrive at ends  
which even their imagination could not  
anticipate2 and pass on1 like other     
animals1 in the track of their nature1  

without perceiving its end4 ,he who     
first said2 ,i will appropriate this    
field2 ,i will leave it to my heirs2 did
 not perceive1 that he was laying the   
foundation of civil laws and political  
establishments4 ,he who first ranged    
himself under a leader1 did not         
perceive1 that he was setting the       
example of a permanent subordination1   
under the pretence of which1 the        
rapacious were to seize his possessions1
 and the arrogant to lay claim to his   
service4  ,men1 in general1 are         
sufficiently disposed to occupy         
themselves in forming projects and      
schemes2 but he who would scheme and    
project for others1 will find an        
opponent in every person who is disposed
 to scheme for himself4 ,like the winds 
that come we know not whence1 and blow  
whithersoever they list1 the forms of   
society are derived from an obscure and 
distant origin2 they arise1 long before 
the date of philosophy1 from the        
instincts1 not from the speculations of 

men4 ,the crowd of mankind are directed1
 in their establishments and measures1  
by the circumstances in which they are  
placed2 and seldom are turned from their
 way1 to follow the plan of any single  
projector4  ,every step and every       
movement of the multitude1 even in what 
are termed enlightened ages1 are made   
with equal blindness to the future2 and 
nations stumble upon establishments1    
which are indeed the result of human    
action1 but not the execution of any    
human design4 ,footnote3 ,de ,retz's    
,memoirs4 ,if ,cromwell said1 that a man
 never mounts higher1 than when he knows
 not whither he is going2 it may with   
more reason be affirmed of communities1 
that they admit of the greatest         
revolutions where no change is intended1
 and that the most refined politicians  
do not always know whither they are     
leading the state by their projects4    
,if we listen to the testimony of modern
 history1 and to that of the most       
authentic parts of the ancient2 if we   

attend to the practice of nations in    
every quarter of the world1 and in every
 condition1 whether that of the         
barbarian or the polished1 we shall find
 very little reason to retract this     
assertion4 ,no constitution is formed by
 concert1 no government is copied from a
 plan4 ,the members of a small state    
contend for equality2 the members of a  
greater1 find themselves classed in a   
certain manner that lays a foundation   
for monarchy4 ,they proceed from one    
form of government to another1 by easy  
transitions1 and frequently under old   
names adopt a new constitution4 ,the    
seeds of every form are lodged in human 
nature2 they spring up and ripen with   
the season4 ,the prevalence of a        
particular species is often derived from
 an imperceptible ingredient mingled in 
the soil4  ,we are therefore to receive1
 with caution1 the traditionary         
histories of ancient legislators1 and   
founders of states4 ,their names have   
long been celebrated2 their supposed    

plans have been admired2 and what were  
probably the consequences of an early   
situation1 is1 in every instance1       
considered as an effect of design4 ,an  
author and a work1 like cause and       
effect1 are perpetually coupled         
together4 ,this is the simplest form    
under which we can consider the         
establishment of nations3 and we ascribe
 to a previous design1 what came to be  
known only by experience1 what no human 
wisdom could foresee1 and what1 without 
the concurring humour and disposition of
 his age1 no authority could enable an  
individual to execute4  ,if men1 during 
ages of extensive reflection1 and       
employed in the search of improvement1  
are wedded to their institutions2 and1  
labouring under many acknowledged       
inconveniencies1 cannot break loose from
 the trammels of custom2 what shall we  
suppose their humour to have been in the
 times of ,romulus and ,lycurgus8 ,they 
were not surely more disposed to embrace
 the schemes of innovators1 or to shake 

off the impressions of habit3 they were 
not more pliant and ductile1 when their 
knowledge was less2 not more capable of 
refinement1 when their minds were more  
circumscribed4  ,we imagine1 perhaps1   
that rude nations must have so strong a 
sense of the defects under which they   
labour1 and be so conscious that        
reformations are requisite in their     
manners1 that they must be ready to     
adopt1 with joy1 every plan of          
improvement1 and to receive every       
plausible proposal with implicit        
compliance4 ,and we are thus inclined to
 believe1 that the harp of ,orpheus     
could effect1 in one age1 what the      
eloquence of ,plato could not produce in
 another4 ,we mistake1 however1 the     
characteristic of simple ages3 mankind  
then appear to feel the fewest defects1 
and are then least desirous to enter on 
reformations4  ,the reality1 in the mean
 time1 of certain establishments at     
,rome and at ,sparta1 cannot be         
disputed3 but it is probable2 that the  

government of both these states took its
 rise from the situation and genius of  
the people1 not from the projects of    
single men2 that the celebrated warrior 
and statesman1 who are considered as the
 founders of those nations1 only acted a
 superior part among numbers who were   
disposed to the same institutions2 and  
that they left to posterity a renown1   
pointing them out as the inventors of   
many practices which had been already in
 use1 and which helped to form their own
 manners and genius1 as well as those of
 their countrymen4  ,it has been        
formerly observed1 that1 in many        
particulars1 the customs of simple      
nations coincide with what is ascribed  
to the invention of early statesmen2    
that the model of republican government1
 the senate1 and the assembly of the    
people2 that even the equality of       
property1 or the community of goods1    
were not reserved to the invention or   
contrivance of singular men4  ,if we    
consider ,romulus as the founder of the 

,roman state1 certainly he who killed   
his brother1 that he might reign alone1 
did not desire to come under restraints 
from the controling power of the senate1
 nor to refer the councils of his       
sovereignty to the decision of a        
collective body4 ,love of dominion is1  
by its nature1 averse to restraint2 and 
this chieftain1 like every leader in a  
rude age1 probably found a class of men 
ready to intrude on his councils1 and   
without whom he could not proceed4 ,he  
met with occasions1 on which1 as at the 
sound of a trumpet1 the body of the     
people assembled1 and took resolutions1 
which any individual might in vain      
dispute1 or attempt to control2 and     
,rome1 which commenced on the general   
plan of every artless society1 found    
lasting improvements in the pursuit of  
temporary expedients1 and digested her  
political frame in adjusting the        
pretensions of parties which arose in   
the state4  ,mankind1 in very early ages
 of society1 learn to covet riches1 and 

to admire distinction3 they have avarice
 and ambition1 and are occasionally led 
by these passions to depredations and   
conquest3 but in their ordinary conduct1
 are guided or restrained by different  
motives2 by sloth or intemperance2 by   
personal attachments1 or personal       
animosities2 which mislead from the     
attention to interest4 ,these motives or
 habits render mankind1 at times1 remiss
 or outrageous3 they prove the source of
 civil peace or of civil disorder1 but  
disqualify those who are actuated by    
them1 from maintaining any fixed        
usurpation2 slavery and rapine1 in the  
case of every community1 are first      
threatened from abroad1 and war1 either 
offensive or defensive1 is the great    
business of every tribe4 ,the enemy     
occupy their thoughts2 they have no     
leisure for domestic dissentions4 ,it is
 the desire of every separate community1
 however1 to secure itself2 and in      
proportion as it gains this object1 by  
strengthening its barrier1 by weakening 

its enemy1 or by procuring allies1 the  
individual at home bethinks him of what 
he may gain or lose for himself3 the    
leader is disposed to enlarge the       
advantages which belong to his station2 
the follower becomes jealous of rights  
which are open to encroachment2 and     
parties who united before1 from         
affection and habit1 or from a regard to
 their common preservation1 disagree in 
supporting their several claims to      
precedence or profit4  ,when the        
animosities of faction are thus awakened
 at home1 and the pretensions of freedom
 are opposed to those of dominion1 the  
members of every society find a new     
scene upon which to exert their         
activity4 ,they had quarrelled1 perhaps1
 on points of interest2 they had        
balanced between different leaders2 but 
they had never united as citizens1 to   
withstand the encroachments of          
sovereignty1 or to maintain their common
 rights as a people4 ,if the prince1 in 
this contest1 finds numbers to support1 

as well as to oppose his pretensions1   
the sword which was whetted against     
foreign enemies1 may be pointed at the  
bosom of fellow subjects1 and every     
interval of peace from abroad1 be filled
 with domestic war4 ,the sacred names of
 liberty1 justice1 and civil order1 are 
made to resound in public assemblies2   
and1 during the absence of other alarms1
 give to society1 within itself1 an     
abundant subject of ferment and         
animosity4  ,if what is related of the  
little principalities which1 in ancient 
times1 were formed in ,greece1 in       
,italy1 and over all ,europe1 agrees    
with the character we have given of     
mankind under the first impressions of  
property1 of interest1 and of hereditary
 distinctions2 the seditions and        
domestic wars which followed in those   
very states1 the expulsion of their     
kings1 or the questions which arose     
concerning the prerogatives of the      
sovereign1 or privilege of the subject1 
are agreeable to the representation     

which we now give of the first step     
toward political establishment1 and the 
desire of a legal constitution4  ,what  
this constitution may be in its earliest
 form1 depends on a variety of          
circumstances in the condition of       
nations3 it depends on the extent of the
 principality in its rude state2 on the 
degree of disparity to which mankind had
 submitted before they begun to dispute 
the abuses of power3 it depends likewise
 on what we term accidents1 the personal
 character of an individual1 or the     
events of a war4  ,every community is   
originally a small one4 ,that propensity
 by which mankind at first unite1 is not
 the principle from which they          
afterwards act in extending the limits  
of empire4 ,small tribes1 where they are
 not assembled by common objects of     
conquest or safety1 are even averse to a
 coalition4 ,if1 like the real or       
fabulous confederacy of the ,greeks for 
the destruction of ,troy1 many nations  
combine in pursuit of a single object1  

they easily separate again1 and act anew
 on the maxims of rival states4  ,there 
is1 perhaps a certain national extent1  
within which the passions of men are    
easily communicated from one1 or a few1 
to the whole2 and there are certain     
numbers of men who can be assembled1 and
 act in a body4 ,if1 while the society  
is not enlarged beyond this dimension1  
and while its members are easily        
assembled1 political contentions arise1 
the state seldom fails to proceed on    
republican maxims1 and to establish     
democracy4 ,in most rude principalities1
 the leader derived his prerogative from
 the lustre of his race1 and from the   
voluntary attachment of his tribe3 the  
people he commanded were his friends1   
his subjects1 and his troops4 ,if we    
suppose1 upon any change in their       
manners1 that they cease to revere his  
dignity1 that they pretend to equality  
among themselves1 or are seized with a  
jealousy of his assuming too much1 the  
foundations of his power are already    

withdrawn4 ,when the voluntary subject  
becomes refractory2 when considerable   
parties1 or the collective body1 choose 
to act for themselves2 the small        
kingdom1 like that of ,athens1 becomes  
of course a republic4  ,the changes of  
condition1 and of manners1 which1 in the
 progress of mankind1 raise up to       
nations a leader and a prince1 create1  
at the same time1 a nobility and a      
variety of ranks1 who have1 in a        
subordinate degree1 their claim to      
distinction4 ,superstition1 too1 may    
create an order of men1 who1 under the  
title of priesthood1 engage in the      
pursuit of a separate interest2 who1 by 
their union and firmness as a body1 and 
by their incessant ambition1 deserve to 
be reckoned in the list of pretenders to
 power4 ,these different orders of men  
are the elements of whose mixture the   
political body is generally formed2 each
 draws to its side some part from the   
mass of the people4 ,the people         
themselves are a party upon occasion2   

and numbers of men1 however classed and 
distinguished1 become1 by their jarring 
pretensions and separate views1 mutual  
interruptions and checks2 and have1 by  
bringing to the national councils the   
maxims and apprehensions of a particular
 order1 and by guarding a particular    
interest1 a share in adjusting or       
preserving the political form of the    
state4  ,the pretensions of any         
particular order1 if not checked by some
 collateral power1 would terminate in   
tyranny2 those of a prince1 in          
despotism2 those of a nobility or       
priesthood1 in the abuses of            
aristocracy2 of a populace1 in the      
confusions of anarchy4 ,these           
terminations1 as they are never the     
professed1 so are they seldom even the  
disguised object of party3 but the      
measures which any party pursues1 if    
suffered to prevail1 will lead1 by      
degrees1 to every extreme4  ,in their   
way to the ascendant they endeavour to  
gain1 and in the midst of interruptions 

which opposite interests mutually give1 
liberty may have a permanent or a       
transient existence2 and the            
constitution may bear a form and a      
character as various as the casual      
combination of such multiplied parts can
 effect4  ,to bestow on communities some
 degree of political freedom1 it is     
perhaps sufficient1 that their members1 
either singly1 or as they are involved  
with their several orders1 should insist
 on their rights2 that under republics1 
the citizen should either maintain his  
own equality with firmness1 or restrain 
the ambition of his fellow citizen      
within moderate bounds2 that under      
monarchy1 men of every rank should      
maintain the honours of their private or
 their public stations2 and sacrifice   
neither to the impositions of a court1  
nor to the claims of a populace1 those  
dignities which are destined1 in some   
measure1 independent of fortune1 to give
 stability to the throne1 and to procure
 a respect to the subject4  ,amidst the 

contentions of party1 the interests of  
the public1 even the maxims of justice  
and candour1 are sometimes forgotten2   
and yet those fatal consequences which  
such a measure of corruption seems to   
portend1 do not unavoidably follow4 ,the
 public interest is often secure1 not   
because individuals are disposed to     
regard it as the end of their conduct1  
but because each1 in his place1 is      
determined to preserve his own4 ,liberty
 is maintained by the continued         
differences and oppositions of numbers1 
not by their concurring zeal in behalf  
of equitable government4 ,in free       
states1 therefore1 the wisest laws are  
never1 perhaps1 dictated by the interest
 and spirit of any order of men3 they   
are moved1 they are opposed1 or amended1
 by different hands2 and come at last to
 express that medium and composition    
which contending parties have forced one
 another to adopt4  ,when we consider   
the history of mankind in this view1 we 
cannot be at a loss for the causes      

which1 in small communities1 threw the  
balance on the side of democracy2 which1
 in states more enlarged in respect to  
territory and number of people1 gave the
 ascendant to monarchy2 and which1 in a 
variety of conditions and of different  
ages1 enabled mankind to blend and unite
 the characters of different forms2 and1
 instead of any of the simple           
constitutions we have mentioned1        
,footnote3 ,part ,i4 ,sect4 #aj4 to     
exhibit a medley of all4  ,in emerging  
from a state of rudeness and simplicity1
 men must be expected to act from that  
spirit of equality1 or moderate         
subordination1 to which they have been  
accustomed4 ,when crowded together in   
cities1 or within the compass of a small
 territory1 they act by contagious      
passions1 and every individual feels a  
degree of importance proportioned to his
 figure in the crowd1 and the smallness 
of its numbers4 ,the pretenders to power
 and dominion appear in too familiar a  
light to impose upon the multitude1 and 

they have no aids at their call1 by     
which they can bridle the refractory    
humours of a people who resist their    
pretensions4 ,theseus1 king of ,attica1 
we are told1 assembled the inhabitants  
of its twelve cantons into one city4 ,in
 this he took an effectual method to    
unite into one democracy1 what were     
before the separate members of his      
monarchy1 and to hasten the downfall of 
the regal power4  ,the monarch of an    
extensive territory has many advantages 
in maintaining his station4 ,without any
 grievance to his subjects1 he can      
support the magnificence of a royal     
estate1 and dazzle the imagination of   
his people1 by that very wealth which   
themselves have bestowed4 ,he can employ
 the inhabitants of one district against
 those of another2 and while the        
passions that lead to mutiny and        
rebellion1 can at any one time seize    
only on a part of his subjects1 he feels
 himself strong in the possession of a  
general authority4 ,even the distance at

 which he resides from many of those who
 receive his commands1 augments the     
mysterious awe and respect which are    
paid to his government4  ,with these    
different tendencies1 accident and      
corruption1 however1 joined to a variety
 of circumstances1 may throw particular 
states from their bias1 and produce     
exceptions to every general rule4 ,this 
has actually happened in some of the    
later principalities of ,greece1 and    
modern ,italy1 in ,sweden1 ,poland1 and 
the ,german ,empire4 ,but the united    
states of the ,netherlands1 and the     
,swiss cantons1 are1 perhaps1 the most  
extensive communities1 which1           
maintaining the union of nations1 have1 
for any considerable time1 resisted the 
tendency to monarchical government2 and 
,sweden is the only instance of a       
republic established in a great kingdom 
on the ruins of monarchy4  ,the         
sovereign of a petty district1 or a     
single city1 when not supported1 as in  
modern ,europe1 by the contagion of     

monarchical manners1 holds the sceptre  
by a precarious tenure1 and is          
perpetually alarmed by the spirit of    
mutiny in his people1 is guided by      
jealousy1 and supports himself by       
severity1 prevention1 and force4  ,the  
popular and aristocratical powers in a  
great nation1 as in the case of ,germany
 and ,poland1 may meet with equal       
difficulty in maintaining their         
pretensions2 and1 in order to avoid     
their danger on the side of kingly      
usurpation1 are obliged to withhold from
 the supreme magistrate even the        
necessary trust of an executive power4  
,the states of ,europe1 in the manner of
 their first settlement1 laid the       
foundations of monarchy1 and were       
prepared to unite under regular and     
extensive governments4 ,if the ,greeks1 
whose progress at home terminated in the
 establishment of so many independent   
republics1 had under ,agamemnon effected
 a conquest and settlement in ,asia1 it 
is probable that they might have        

furnished an example of the same kind4  
,but the original inhabitants of any    
country1 forming many separate cantons1 
come by slow degrees to that coalition  
and union into which conquering tribes1 
in effecting their conquests1 or in     
securing their possessions1 are hurried 
at once4 ,csar encountered some hundreds
 of independent nations in ,gaul1 whom  
even their common danger did not        
sufficiently unite4 ,the ,german        
invaders1 who settled in the lands of   
the ,romans1 made1 in the same district1
 a number of separate establishments1   
but far more extensive than what the    
ancient ,gauls1 by their conjunction and
 treaties1 or in the result of their    
wars1 could1 after many ages1 have      
reached4  ,the seeds of great           
monarchies1 and the roots of extensive  
dominion1 were every where planted with 
the colonies that divided the ,roman    
empire4 ,we have no exact account of the
 numbers1 who1 with a seeming concert1  
continued1 during some ages1 to invade  

and to seize this tempting prize4 ,where
 they expected resistance1 they         
endeavoured to muster up a proportional 
force2 and when they proposed to settle1
 entire nations removed to share in the 
spoil4 ,scattered over an extensive     
province1 where they could not be       
secure1 without maintaining their union1
 they continued to acknowledge the      
leader under whom they had fought2 and1 
like an army sent by divisions into     
separate stations1 were prepared to     
assemble whenever occasion should       
require their united operations or      
counsels4  ,every separate party had its
 post assigned1 and every subordinate   
chieftain his possessions1 from which he
 was to provide his own subsistence1 and
 that of his followers4 ,the model of   
government was taken from that of a     
military subordination1 and a fief was  
the temporary pay of an officer         
proportioned to his rank4 ,footnote3    
,see ,dr4 ,robertson's ,history of      
,scotland1 ,b4 #a4--;,dalrymple's ,hist4

 of ,feudal ,tenures4 ,there was a class
 of the people destined to military     
service1 another to labour1 and to      
cultivate lands for the benefit of their
 masters4 ,the officer improved his     
tenure by degrees1 first changing a     
temporary grant into a tenure for his   
life2 and this also1 upon the observance
 of certain conditions1 into a grant    
including his heirs4  ,the rank of the  
nobles became hereditary in every       
quarter1 and formed a powerful and      
permanent order of men in every state4  
,while they held the people in          
servitude1 they disputed the claims of  
their sovereign2 they withdrew their    
attendance upon occasion1 or turned     
their arms against him4 ,they formed a  
strong and insurmountable barrier       
against a general despotism in the      
state2 but they were themselves1 by     
means of their warlike retainers1 the   
tyrants of every little district1 and   
prevented the establishment of order1 or
 any regular applications of law4 ,they 

took the advantage of weak reigns or    
minorities1 to push their encroachments 
on the sovereign2 or having made the    
monarchy elective1 they1 by successive  
treaties and stipulations1 at every     
election1 limited or undermined the     
monarchical power4 ,the prerogatives of 
the prince have been1 in some instances1
 as in that of the ,german empire in    
particular1 reduced to a mere title2 and
 the national union itself preserved in 
the observance only of a few            
insignificant formalities4  ,where the  
contest of the sovereign1 and of his    
vassals1 under hereditary and ample     
prerogatives annexed to the crown1 had a
 different issue1 the feudal lordships  
were gradually stript of their powers1  
the nobles were reduced to the state of 
subjects1 and1 obliged to hold their    
honours1 and exercise their             
jurisdictions1 in a dependence on the   
prince4 ,it was his supposed interest to
 reduce them to a state of equal        
subjection with the people1 and to      

extend his own authority1 by rescuing   
the labourer and the dependent from the 
oppressions of their immediate          
superiors4  ,in this project the princes
 of ,europe have variously succeeded4   
,while they protected the people1 and   
thereby encouraged the practice of      
commercial and lucrative arts1 they     
paved the way for despotism in the      
state2 and with the same policy by which
 they relieved the subject from many    
oppressions1 they increased the powers  
of the crown4  ,but where the people    
had1 by the constitution1 a             
representative in the government1 and a 
head1 under which they could avail      
themselves of the wealth they acquired1 
and of the sense of their personal      
importance1 this policy turned against  
the crown2 it formed a new power to     
restrain the prerogative1 to establish  
the government of law1 and to exhibit a 
spectacle new in the history of mankind2
 monarchy mixed with republic1 and      
extensive territory governed1 during    

some ages1 without military force4      
,such were the steps by which the       
nations of ,europe have arrived at their
 present establishments3 in some        
instances they have come to the         
possession of legal constitutions2 in   
others1 to the exercise of a mitigated  
despotism2 or they continue to struggle 
with the tendency which they severally  
have to these different extremes4  ,the 
progress of empire1 in the early ages of
 ,europe1 threatened to be rapid1 and to
 bury the independent spirit of nations 
in a grave like that which the ,ottoman 
conquerors found for themselves1 and for
 the wretched race they had vanquished4 
,the ,romans had by slow degrees        
extended their empire2 they had made    
every new acquisition in the result of a
 tedious war1 and had been obliged to   
plant colonies1 and to employ a variety 
of measures1 to secure every new        
possession4 ,but the feudal superior    
being animated1 from the moment he      
gained an establishment1 with a desire  

of extending his territory1 and of      
enlarging the list of his vassals1      
procured1 by merely bestowing           
investiture1 the annexation of new      
provinces1 and became the master of     
states1 before independent1 without     
making any material innovation in the   
form of their policy4  ,separate        
principalities were1 like the parts of  
an engine1 ready to be joined1 and1 like
 the wrought materials of a building1   
ready to be erected4 ,they were in the  
result of their struggles put together  
or taken asunder with facility4 ,the    
independence of weak states was         
preserved only by the mutual jealousies 
of the strong1 or by the general        
attention of all to maintain a balance  
of power4  ,the happy system of policy  
on which ,european states have proceeded
 in preserving this balance2 the degree 
of moderation which is1 in adjusting    
their treaties1 become habitual even to 
victorious and powerful monarchies1 does
 honour to mankind1 and may give hopes  

of a lasting felicity1 to be derived    
from a prepossession1 never1 perhaps1   
equally strong in any former period1 or 
among any number of nations1 that the   
first conquering people will ruin       
themselves1 as well as their rivals4    
,it is in such states1 perhaps1 as in a 
fabric of a large dimension1 that we can
 perceive most distinctly the several   
parts of which a political body         
consists2 and observe that concurrence  
or opposition of interests1 which serve 
to unite or to separate different orders
 of men1 and lead them1 by maintaining  
their several claims1 to establish a    
variety of political forms4 ,the        
smallest republics1 however1 consist of 
parts similar to these1 and of members  
who are actuated by a similar spirit4   
,they furnish examples of government    
diversified by the casual combinations  
of parties1 and by the different        
advantages with which those parties     
engage in the conflict4  ,in every      
society there is a casual subordination1

 independent of its formal              
establishment1 and frequently adverse to
 its constitution4 ,while the           
administration and the people speak the 
language of a particular form1 and seem 
to admit no pretensions to power1       
without a legal nomination in one       
instance1 or without the advantage of   
hereditary honours in another1 this     
casual subordination1 possibly arising  
from the distribution of property1 or   
from some other circumstance that       
bestows unequal degrees of influence1   
gives the state its tone1 and fixes its 
character4  ,the plebeian order at ,rome
 having been long considered as of an   
inferior condition1 and excluded from   
the higher offices of magistracy1 had   
sufficient force1 as a body1 to get this
 invidious distinction removed2 but the 
individual still acting under the       
impressions of a subordinate rank1 gave 
in every competition his suffrage to a  
patrician1 whose protection he had      
experienced2 and whose personal         

authority he felt4 ,by this means the   
ascendancy of the patrician families    
was1 for a certain period1 as regular as
 it could be made by the avowed maxims  
of aristocracy3 but the higher offices  
of state being gradually shared by      
plebeians1 the effects of former        
distinctions were prevented or weakened4
 ,the laws that were made to adjust the 
pretensions of different orders were    
easily eluded4 ,the populace became a   
faction1 and their alliance was the     
surest road to dominion4 ,clodius1 by a 
pretended adoption into a plebeian      
family1 was qualified to become tribune 
of the people2 and ,caesar1 by espousing
 the cause of this faction1 made his way
 to usurpation and tyranny4  ,in such   
fleeting and transient scenes1 forms of 
government are only modes of proceeding1
 in1 which successive ages differ from  
one another4 ,faction is ever ready to  
seize all occasional advantages2 and    
mankind1 when in hazard from any party1 
seldom find a better protection than    

that of its rival4 ,cato united with    
,pompey in opposition to ,caesar1 and   
guarded against nothing so much as that 
reconciliation of parties1 which was in 
effect to be a combination of different 
leaders against the freedom of the      
republic4 ,this illustrious personage   
stood distinguished in his age like a   
man among children1 and was raised above
 his opponents1 as much by the justness 
of his understanding1 and the extent of 
his penetration1 as he was by the manly 
fortitude and disinterestedness with    
which he strove to baffle the designs of
 a vain and childish ambition1 that was 
operating to the ruin of mankind4       
,although free constitutions of         
government seldom or never take their   
rise from the scheme of any single      
projector1 yet are they often preserved 
by the vigilance1 activity1 and zeal of 
single men4 ,happy are they who         
understand and who choose this object of
 care2 and happy it is for mankind when 
it is not chosen too late4 ,it has been 

reserved to signalize the lives of a    
,cato or a ,brutus1 on the eve of fatal 
revolutions2 to foster in secret the    
indignation of ,thrasea and ,helvidius2 
and to occupy the reflections of        
speculative men in times of corruption4 
,but even in such late and ineffectual  
examples1 it was happy to know1 and to  
value1 an object which is so important  
to mankind4 ,the pursuit1 and the love  
of it1 however unsuccessful1 has thrown 
its principal lustre on human nature4   
,,section ,,iii4  ,,of ,,national       
,,objects ,,in ,,general1 ,,and ,,of    
,,establishments ,,and ,,manners        
,,relating ,,to ,,them4   ,while the    
mode of subordination is casual1 and    
forms of government take their rise1    
chiefly from the manner in which the    
members of a state have been originally 
classed1 and from a variety of          
circumstances that procure to particular
 orders of men a sway in their country1 
there are certain objects that claim the
 attention of every government1 that    

lead the apprehensions and the          
reasonings of mankind in every society1 
and that not only furnish an employment 
to statesmen1 but in some measure direct
 the community to those institutions1   
under the authority of which the        
magistrate holds his power4 ,such are   
the national defence1 the distribution  
of justice1 the preservation and        
internal prosperity of the state4 ,if   
these objects be neglected1 we must     
apprehend that the very scene in which  
parties contend for power1 for          
privilege1 or equality1 must disappear1 
and society itself no longer exist4     
,the consideration due to these objects 
will be pleaded in every public         
assembly1 and will produce1 in every    
political contest1 appeals to that      
common sense and opinion of mankind1    
which1 struggling with the private views
 of individuals1 and the claims of      
party1 may be considered as the great   
legislator of nations4  ,the measures   
required for the attainment of most     

national objects are connected together1
 and must be jointly pursued2 they are  
often the same4 ,the force which is     
prepared for defence against foreign    
enemies1 may be likewise employed to    
keep the peace at home3 the laws made to
 secure the rights and liberties of the 
people1 may serve as encouragements to  
population and commerce2 and every      
community1 without considering how its  
objects may be classed or distinguished 
by speculative men1 is1 in every        
instance1 obliged to assume or to retain
 that form which is best fitted to      
preserve its advantages1 or to avert its
 misfortunes4  ,nations1 however1 like  
private men1 have their favourite ends1 
and their principal pursuits1 which     
diversify their manners1 as well as     
their establishments4 ,they even attain 
to the same ends by different means2    
and1 like men who make their fortune by 
different professions1 retain the habits
 of their principal calling in every    
condition at which they arrive4 ,the    

,romans became wealthy in pursuing their
 conquests2 and probably1 for a certain 
period1 increased the numbers of        
mankind1 while their disposition to war 
seemed to threaten the earth with       
desolation4 ,some modern nations proceed
 to dominion and enlargement on the     
maxims of commerce2 and while they only 
intend to accumulate riches at home1    
continue to gain an imperial ascendant  
abroad4  ,the characters of the warlike 
and the commercial are variously        
combined3 they are formed in different  
degrees by the influence of             
circumstances1 that more or less        
frequently give rise to war1 and excite 
the desire of conquest2 of              
circumstances1 that leave a people in   
quiet to improve their domestic         
resources1 or to purchase1 by the fruits
 of their industry1 from foreigners1    
what their own soil and their climate   
deny4  ,the members of every community  
are more or less occupied with matters  
of state1 in proportion as their        

constitution admits them to share in the
 government1 and summons up their       
attention to objects of a public nature4
 ,a people are cultivated or unimproved 
in their talents1 in proportion as those
 talents are employed in the practice of
 arts1 and in the affairs of society3   
they are improved or corrupted in their 
manners1 in proportion as they are      
encouraged and directed to act on the   
maxims of freedom and justice1 or as    
they as they are degraded into a state  
of meanness and servitude4 ,but whatever
 advantages are obtained1 or whatever   
evils are avoided1 by nations1 in any of
 these important respects1 are generally
 considered as mere occasional          
incidents3 they are seldom admitted     
among the objects of policy1 or entered 
among the reasons of state4  ,we hazard 
being treated with ridicule1 when we    
require political establishments1 merely
 to cultivate the talents of men1 and to
 inspire the sentiments of a liberal    
mind3 we must offer some motive of      

interest1 or some hopes of external     
advantage1 to animate the pursuits1 or  
to direct the measures1 of ordinary men4
 ,they would be brave1 ingenious1 and   
eloquent1 only from necessity1 or for   
the sake of profit3 they magnify the    
uses of wealth1 population1 and the     
other resources of war2 but often forget
 that these are of no consequence       
without the direction of able           
capacities1 and without the supports of 
a national vigour4 ,we may expect1      
therefore1 to find among states the bias
 to a particular policy taken from the  
regards to public safety2 from the      
desire of securing personal freedom or  
private property2 seldom from the       
consideration of moral effects1 or from 
a view to the real improvement of       
mankind4     ,,section ,,iv4  ,,of      
,,population ,,and ,,wealth4   ,when we 
imagine what the ,romans must have felt 
when the tidings came that the flower of
 their city had perished at ,cann2 when 
we think of what the orator had in his  

mind when he said1 ,that the youth among
 the people was like the spring among   
the seasons2 when we hear of the joy    
with which the huntsman and the warrior 
is adopted1 in ,america1 to sustain the 
honours of the family and the nation2 we
 are made to feel the most powerful     
motives to regard the increase and      
preservation of our fellow citizens4    
,interest1 affection1 and views of      
policy1 combine to recommend this       
object2 and it is treated with entire   
neglect only by the tyrant who mistakes 
his own advantage1 by the statesman who 
trifles with the charge committed to his
 care1 or by the people who are become  
corrupted1 and who consider their fellow
 subjects as rivals in interest1 and    
competitors in their lucrative pursuits4
  ,among rude societies1 and among small
 communities in general1 who are engaged
 in frequent struggles and difficulties1
 the preservation and increase of their 
members is a most important object4 ,the
 ,american rates his defeat from the    

numbers of men he has lost1 or he       
estimates his victory from the prisoners
 he has made2 not from his having       
remained the master of a field1 or being
 driven from a ground on which he       
encountered his enemy4 ,a man with whom 
he can associate in all his pursuits1   
whom he can embrace as his friend2 in   
whom he finds an object to his          
affections1 and an aid in his struggles1
 is to him the most precious accession  
of fortune4  ,even where the friendship 
of particular men is out of the         
question1 the society1 being occupied in
 forming a party that may defend itself1
 or annoy its enemy1 finds no object of 
greater moment than the increase of its 
numbers4 ,captives who may be adopted1  
or children of either sex who may be    
reared for the public1 are accordingly  
considered as the richest spoil of an   
enemy4 ,the practice of the ,romans in  
admitting the vanquished to share in the
 privileges of their city1 the rape of  
the ,sabines1 and the subsequent        

coalition with that people1 were not    
singular or uncommon examples in the    
history of mankind4 ,the same policy has
 been followed1 and was natural and     
obvious wherever the strength of a state
 consisted in the arms of a few1 and    
where men were valued in themselves1    
without regard to estate or fortune4    
,in rude ages1 therefore1 while mankind 
subsist in small divisions1 it should   
appear1 that if the earth be thinly     
peopled1 this defect does not arise from
 the negligence of those who ought to   
repair it4 ,it is even probable1 that   
the most effectual course that could be 
taken to increase the species1 would be1
 to prevent the coalition of nations1   
and to oblige mankind to act in such    
small bodies as would make the          
preservation of their numbers a         
principal object of their care4 ,this   
alone1 it is true1 would not be         
sufficient2 we must probably add the    
encouragement for rearing families1     
which mankind enjoy under a favourable  

policy1 and the means of subsistence    
which they owe to the practice of arts4 
,the mother is unwilling to increase her
 offspring1 and is ill provided to rear 
them1 where she herself is obliged to   
undergo great hardships in the search of
 her food4 ,in ,north ,america1 we are  
told1 that she joins to the reserves of 
a cold or a moderate temperament1 the   
abstinencies to which she submits1 from 
the consideration of this difficulty4   
,in her apprehension1 it is matter of   
prudence1 and of conscience1 to bring   
one child to the condition of feeding on
 venison1 and of following on foot1     
before she will hazard a new burden in  
travelling the woods4  ,in warmer       
latitudes1 by the different temperament1
 perhaps1 which the climate bestows1 and
 by a greater facility in procuring     
subsistence1 the numbers of mankind     
increase1 while the object itself is    
neglected2 and the commerce of the      
sexes1 without any concern for          
population1 is made a subject of mere   

debauch4 ,in some places1 we are told1  
it is even made the object of a         
barbarous policy1 to defeat or to       
restrain the intentions of nature4 ,in  
the island of ,formosa1 the males are   
prohibited to marry before the age of   
forty2 and females1 if pregnant before  
the age of thirty six1 have an abortion 
procured by order of the magistrate1 who
 employs a violence that endangers the  
life of the mother1 together with that  
of the child4 ,footnote3 ,collection of 
,dutch ,voyages4  ,in ,china the        
permission given to parents to kill or  
to expose their children1 was probably  
meant as a relief from the burden of a  
numerous offspring4 ,but notwithstanding
 what we hear of a practice so repugnant
 to the human heart1 it has not1        
probably1 the effects in restraining    
population2 which it seems to threaten2 
but1 like many other institutions1 has  
an influence the reverse of what it     
seemed to portend4 ,the parents marry   
with this means of relief in their view1

 and the children are saved4  ,however  
important the object of population may  
be held by mankind1 it will be difficult
 to find1 in the history of civil       
policy1 any wise or effectual           
establishments1 solely calculated to    
obtain it4 ,the practice of rude or     
feeble nations is inadequate1 or cannot 
surmount the obstacles which are found  
in their manner of life4 ,the growth of 
industry1 the endeavours of men to      
improve their arts1 to extend their     
commerce1 to secure their possessions1  
and to establish their rights1 are      
indeed the most effectual means to      
promote population3 but they arise from 
a different motive2 they arise from     
regards to interest and personal safety4
 ,they are intended for the benefit of  
those who exist1 not to procure the     
increase of their numbers4  ,it is1 in  
the mean time1 of importance to know1   
that where a people are fortunate in    
their political establishments1 and     
successful in the pursuits of industry1 

their population is likely to grow in   
proportion4 ,most of the other devices  
thought of for this purpose1 only serve 
to frustrate the expectations of mankind
 or to mislead their attention4  ,in    
planting a colony1 in striving to repair
 the occasional wastes of pestilence or 
war1 the immediate contrivance of       
statesmen may be useful2 but if1 in     
reasoning on the increase of mankind in 
general1 we overlook their freedom and  
their happiness1 our aids to population 
become weak and ineffectual4 ,they only 
lead us to work on the surface1 or to   
pursue a shadow1 while we neglect the   
substantial concern2 and in a decaying  
state1 make us tamper with palliatives1 
while the roots of an evil are suffered 
to remain4 ,octavius revived or enforced
 the laws that related to population at 
,rome2 but it may be said of him1 and of
 many sovereigns in a similar situation1
 that they administer the poison1 while 
they are devising the remedy2 and bring 
a damp and a palsy on the principles of 

life1 while they endeavour1 by external 
applications to the skin2 to restore the
 bloom of a decayed and sickly body4    
,it is indeed happy for mankind1 that   
this important object is not always     
dependent on the wisdom of sovereigns1  
or the policy of single men4 ,a people  
intent on freedom1 find for themselves a
 condition in which they may follow the 
propensities of nature with a more      
signal effect1 than any which the       
councils of state could devise4 ,when   
sovereigns1 or projectors1 are the      
supposed masters of this subject1 the   
best they can do1 is to be cautious of  
hurting an interest they cannot greatly 
promote1 and of making breaches they    
cannot repair4  ,when nations were      
divided into small territories1 and     
petty commonwealths1 where each man had 
his house and his field to himself1 and 
each county had its capital free and    
independent2 what a happy situation for 
mankind1 says ,mr4 ,hume2 how favourable
 to industry and agriculture1 to        

marriage and to population6 ,yet here   
were1 probably no schemes of the        
statesman1 for rewarding the married1 or
 for punishing the single2 for inviting 
foreigners to settle1 or for prohibiting
 the departure of natives4 ,every       
citizen finding a possession secure1 and
 a provision for his heirs1 was not     
discouraged by the gloomy fears of      
oppression or want2 and where every     
other function of nature was free1 that 
which furnished the nursery could not be
 restrained4 ,nature has required the   
powerful to be just2 but she has not    
otherwise intrusted the preservation of 
her works to their visionary plans4     
,what fuel can the statesman add to the 
fires of youth8 ,let him only not       
smother it1 and the effect is secure4   
,where we oppress or degrade mankind    
with one hand1 it is vain1 like         
,octavius1 to hold out in the other1 the
 baits of marriage1 or the whip to      
barrenness4 ,it is vain to invite new   
inhabitants from abroad1 while those we 

already possess are made to hold their  
tenure with uncertainty2 and to tremble1
 not only under the prospect of a       
numerous family1 but even under that of 
a precarious and doubtful subsistence   
for themselves4 ,the arbitrary sovereign
 who has made this the condition of his 
subjects1 owes the remains of his people
 to the powerful instincts of nature1   
not to any device of his own4  ,men will
 crowd where the situation is tempting1 
and1 in a few generations1 will people  
every country to the measure of its     
means of subsistence4 ,they will even   
increase under circumstances that       
portend a decay4 ,the frequent wars of  
the ,romans1 and of many a thriving     
community2 even the pestilence1 and the 
market for slaves1 find their supply1   
if1 without destroying the source1 the  
drain become regular2 and if an issue is
 made for the offspring1 without        
unsettling the families from which they 
arise4 ,where a happier provision is    
made for mankind1 the statesman1 who by 

premiums to marriage1 by allurements to 
foreigners1 or by confining the natives 
at home1 apprehends1 that he has made   
the numbers of his people to grow1 is   
often like the fly in the fable1 who    
admired its success in turning the      
wheel1 and in moving the carriage3 he   
has only accompanied what was already in
 motion2 he has dashed with his oar1 to 
hasten the cataract2 and waved with his 
fan1 to give speed to the winds4        
,projects of mighty settlement1 and of  
sudden population1 however successful in
 the end1 are always expensive to       
mankind4 ,above a hundred thousand      
peasants1 we are told1 were yearly      
driven1 like so many cattle1 to         
,petersburgh1 in the first attempts to  
replenish that settlement1 and yearly   
perished for want of subsistence4       
,footnote3 ,strachlenberg4 ,the ,indian 
only attempts to settle in the          
neighbourhood of the plantain1          
,footnote3 ,dampier4 and while his      
family increases1 he adds a tree to the 

walk4  ,if the plantain1 the cocoa1 or  
the palm1 were sufficient to maintain an
 inhabitant1 the race of men in the     
warmer climates might become as numerous
 as the trees of the forest4 ,but in    
many1 parts of the earth1 from the      
nature of the climate1 and the soil1 the
 spontaneous produce being next to      
nothing1 the means of subsistence are   
the fruits only of labour and skill4 ,if
 a people1 while they retain their      
frugality1 increase their industry1 and 
improve their arts1 their numbers must  
grow in proportion4 ,hence it is1 that  
the cultivated fields of ,europe are    
more peopled than the wilds of ,america1
 or the plains of ,tartary4  ,but even  
the increase of mankind which attends   
the accumulation of wealth1 has its     
limits4 ,the necessary of life is a     
vague and a relative term3 it is one    
thing in the opinion of the savage2     
another in that of the polished citizen3
 it has a reference to the fancy1 and to
 the habits of living4 ,while arts      

improve1 and riches increase2 while the 
possessions of individuals1 or their    
prospects of gain1 come up to their     
opinion of what is required to settle a 
family1 they enter on its cares with    
alacrity4 ,but when the possession1     
however redundant1 falls short of the   
standard1 and a fortune supposed        
sufficient for marriage is attained with
 difficulty1 population is checked1 or  
begins to decline4 ,the citizen1 in his 
own apprehension1 returns to the state  
of the savage2 his children1 he thinks1 
must perish for want2 and he quits a    
scene overflowing with plenty1 because  
he has not the fortune which his        
supposed rank1 or his wishes1 require4  
,no ultimate remedy is applied to this  
evil1 by merely accumulating wealth2 for
 rare and costly materials1 whatever    
these are1 continue to be sought2 and if
 silks and pearl are made common1 men   
will begin to covet some new            
decorations1 which the wealthy alone can
 procure4 ,if they are indulged in their

 humour1 their demands are repeated2 for
 it is the continual increase of riches1
 not any measure attained1 that keeps   
the craving imagination at ease4  ,men  
are tempted to labour1 and to practise  
lucrative arts1 by motives of interest4 
,secure to the workman the fruit of his 
labour1 give him the prospects of       
independence or freedom1 the public has 
found a faithful minister in the        
acquisition of wealth1 and a faithful   
steward in hoarding what he has gained4 
,the statesman1 in this1 as in the case 
of population itself1 can do little more
 than avoid doing mischief4 ,it is well1
 if1 in the beginnings of commerce1 he  
knows how to repress the frauds to which
 it is subject4 ,commerce1 if continued1
 is the branch in which men1 committed  
to the effects of their own experience1 
are least apt to go wrong4  ,the trader1
 in rude ages1 is short sighted1        
fraudulent and mercenary2 but in the    
progress and advanced state of his art1 
his views are enlarged1 his maxims are  

established3 he becomes punctual1       
liberal1 faithful1 and enterprising2 and
 in the period of general corruption1 he
 alone has every virtue1 except the     
force to defend his acquisitions4 ,he   
needs no aid from the state1 but its    
protection2 and is often in himself its 
most intelligent and respectable member4
 ,even in ,china1 we are informed1 where
 pilfering1 fraud1 and corruption1 are  
the reigning practice with all the other
 orders of men1 the great merchant is   
ready to give1 and to procure           
confidence3 while his countrymen act on 
the plans1 and under the restrictions1  
of a police adjusted to knaves1 he acts 
on the reasons of trade1 and the maxims 
of mankind4  ,if population be connected
 with national wealth1 liberty and      
personal security is the great          
foundation of both3 and if this         
foundation be laid in the state1 nature 
has secured the increase and industry of
 its members2 the one by desires the    
most ardent in the human frame1 the     

other by a consideration the most       
uniform and constant of any that        
possesses the mind4 ,the great object of
 policy1 therefore1 with respect to     
both1 is1 to secure to the family its   
means of subsistence and settlement2 to 
protect the industrious in the pursuit  
of his occupation2 to reconcile the     
restrictions of police1 and the social  
affections of mankind1 with their       
separate and interested pursuits4  ,in  
matters of particular profession1       
industry1 and trade1 the experienced    
practitioner is the master1 and every   
general reasoner is a novice4 ,the      
object in commerce is to make the       
individual rich2 the more he gains for  
himself1 the more he augments the wealth
 of his country4 ,if a protection be    
required1 it must be granted2 if crimes 
and frauds be committed1 they must be   
repressed2 and government can pretend to
 no more4 ,when the refined politician  
would lend an active hand1 he only      
multiplies interruptions and grounds of 

complaint2 when the merchant forgets his
 own interest to lay plans for his      
country1 the period of vision and       
chimera is near1 and the solid basis of 
commerce withdrawn4 ,he might be told1  
that while he pursues his advantage1 and
 gives no cause of complaint1 the       
interest of commerce is safe4  ,the     
general police of ,france1 proceeding on
 a supposition1 that the exportation of 
corn must drain the country where it has
 grown1 had1 till of late1 laid that    
branch of commerce under a severe       
prohibition4 ,the ,english landholder   
and the farmer had credit enough to     
obtain a premium for exportation1 to    
favour the sale of their commodity2 and 
the event has shown1 that private       
interest is a better patron of commerce 
and plenty1 than the refinements of     
state4 ,one nation lays the refined plan
 of a settlement on the continent of    
,north ,america1 and trusts little to   
the conduct of traders and shortsighted 
men3 another leaves men to find their   

own position in a state of freedom1 and 
to think for themselves4 ,the active    
industry and the limited views of the   
one1 made a thriving settlement2 the    
great projects of the other were still  
in idea4  ,but ,i willingly quit a      
subject in which ,i am not much         
conversant1 and still less engaged by   
the object for which ,i write4          
,speculations on commerce and wealth    
have been delivered by the ablest       
writers2 and the public will probably   
soon be furnished with a theory of      
national economy1 equal to what has ever
 appeared on any subject of science     
whatever4 ,footnote3 ,mr4 ,smith1 author
 of the ,theory of ,moral ,sentiment    
,but in the view which ,i have taken of 
human affairs1 nothing seems more       
important than the general caution which
 the authors to whom ,i refer so well   
understand1 not to consider these       
articles as making the sum of national  
felicity1 or the principal object of any
 state4 ,in science we consider our     

objects apart2 in practice it were an   
error not to have them all in our view  
at once4  ,one nation1 in search of gold
 and of precious metals1 neglect the    
domestic sources of wealth2 and become  
dependent on their neighbours for the   
necessaries of life3 another so intent  
on improving their internal resources1  
and on increasing their commerce1 that  
they become dependent on foreigners for 
the defence of what they acquire4 ,it is
 even painful in conversation to find   
the interest of merchants give the tone 
to our reasonings1 and to find a subject
 perpetually offered as the great       
business of national councils1 to which 
any interposition of government is      
seldom1 with propriety1 applied1 or     
never1 beyond the protection it affords4
  ,we complain of a want of public      
spirit2 but whatever may be the effect  
of this error in practice1 in           
speculation it is none of our faults3 we
 reason perpetually for the public2 but 
the want of national views were         

frequently better than the possession of
 those we express3 we would have        
nations1 like a company of merchants1   
think of nothing but monopolies1 and the
 profit of trade1 and1 like them too1   
intrust their protection to a force     
which they do not possess in themselves4
  ,because men1 like other animals1 are 
maintained in multitudes1 where the     
necessaries of life are amassed1 and the
 store of wealth is enlarged1 we drop   
our regards for the happiness1 the moral
 and political character of a people2   
and1 anxious for the herd we would      
propagate1 carry our views no farther   
than the stall and the pasture4 ,we     
forget that the few have often made a   
prey of the many2 that to the poor there
 is nothing so enticing as the coffers  
of the rich2 and that when the price of 
freedom comes to be paid1 the heavy     
sword of the victor may fall into the   
opposite scale4  ,whatever be the actual
 conduct of nations in this matter1 it  
is certain1 that many of our arguments  

would hurry us1 for the sake of wealth  
and of population1 into a scene where   
mankind1 being exposed to corruption1   
are unable to defend their possessions2 
and where they are1 in the end1 subject 
to oppression and ruin4 ,we cut off the 
roots1 while we would extend the        
branches1 and thicken the foliage4  ,it 
is possibly from an opinion that the    
virtues of men are secure1 that some1   
who turn their attention to public      
affairs1 think of nothing but the       
numbers and wealth of a people3 it is   
from a dread of corruption1 that others 
think of nothing but how to preserve the
 national virtues4 ,human society has   
great obligations to both4 ,they are    
opposed to one another only by mistake2 
and even when united1 have not strength 
sufficient to combat the wretched party1
 that refers every object to personal   
interest1 and that cares not for the    
safety or increase of any stock but its 
own4     ,,section ,v4  ,,of ,,national 
,,defence ,,and ,,conquest4   ,it is    

impossible to ascertain how much of the 
policy of any state has a reference to  
war1 or to national safety4 ,our        
legislator1 says the ,cretan in ,plato1 
thought that nations were by nature in a
 state of hostility3 he took his        
measures accordingly2 and observing that
 all the possessions of the vanquished  
pertain to the victor1 he held it       
ridiculous to propose any benefit to his
 country1 before he had provided that it
 should not be conquered4  ,crete1 which
 is supposed to have been a model of    
military policy1 is commonly considered 
as the original from which the          
celebrated laws of ,lycurgus were       
copied4 ,mankind1 it seems1 in every    
instance1 must have some palpable object
 to direct their proceedings1 and must  
have a view to some point of external   
utility1 even in the choice of their    
virtues4 ,the discipline of ,sparta was 
military2 and a sense of its use in the 
field1 more than the force of unwritten 
and traditionary laws1 or the supposed  

engagement of the public faith obtained 
by the lawgiver1 may have induced this  
people to persevere in the observance of
 many rules1 which to other nations do  
not appear necessary1 except in the     
presence of an enemy4  ,every           
institution of this singular people gave
 a lesson of obedience1 of fortitude1   
and of zeal for the public3 but it is   
remarkable that they chose to obtain1 by
 their virtues alone1 what other nations
 are fain to buy with their treasure2   
and it is well known1 that1 in the      
course of their history1 they came to   
regard their discipline merely on       
account of its moral effects4 ,they had 
experienced the happiness of a mind     
courageous1 disinterested1 and devoted  
to its best affections2 and they studied
 to preserve this character in          
themselves1 by resigning the interests  
of ambition1 and the hopes of military  
glory1 even by sacrificing the numbers  
of their people4  ,it was the fate of   
,spartans who escaped from the field1   

not of those who perished with          
,cleombrotus at ,leuctra1 that filled   
the cottages of ,lacedemon with mourning
 and serious reflection3 ,footnote3     
,xenophon4 it was the fear of having    
their citizens corrupted abroad1 by     
intercourse with servile and mercenary  
men1 that made them quit the station of 
leaders in the ,persian war1 and leave  
,athens1 during fifty years1 to pursue1 
unrivalled1 that career of ambition and 
profit1 by which she made such          
acquisitions of power and of wealth4    
,footnote3 ,thucydides1 ,book ,i4  ,we  
have had occasion to observe1 that in   
every rude state the great business is  
war2 and that in barbarous times1       
mankind being generally divided into    
small parties1 are engaged in almost    
perpetual hostilities4 ,this            
circumstance gives the military leader a
 continued ascendant in his country1 and
 inclines every people1 during warlike  
ages1 to monarchical government4  ,the  
conduct of an army can least of all     

subjects be divided3 and we may be      
justly surprised to find that the       
,romans1 after many ages of military    
experience1 and after having recently   
felt the arms of ,hannibal in many      
encounters1 associated two leaders at   
the head of the same army1 and left them
 to adjust their pretensions1 by taking 
the command1 each a day in his turn4    
,the same people1 however1 on other     
occasions1 thought it expedient to      
suspend the exercise of every           
subordinate magistracy1 and in the time 
of great alarms1 to intrust all the     
authority of the state in the hands of  
one person4  ,republics have generally  
found it necessary1 in the conduct of   
war1 to place great confidence in the   
executive branch of their government4   
,when a consul at ,rome had proclaimed  
his levies1 and administered the        
military oath1 he became from that      
moment master of the public treasury1   
and of the lives of those who were under
 his command4 ,footnote3 ,polybius4 ,the

 axe and the rods were no longer a mere 
badge of magistracy1 or an empty        
pageant1 in the hands of the lictor2    
they were1 at the command of the father1
 stained with the blood of his own      
children2 and fell1 without appeal1 on  
the mutinous and disobedient of every   
condition4  ,in every free state1 there 
is a perpetual necessity to distinguish 
the maxims of martial law from those of 
the civil2 and he who has not learned to
 give an implicit obedience1 where the  
state has given him a military leader1  
and to resign his personal freedom in   
the field1 from the same magnanimity    
with which he maintains it in the       
political deliberations of his country1 
has yet to learn the most important     
lesson of civil society1 and is only fit
 to occupy a place in a rude1 or in a   
corrupted state1 where the principles of
 mutiny and of servility being joined1  
the one or the other is frequently      
adopted in the wrong place4  ,from a    
regard to what is necessary in war1     

nations inclined to popular or          
aristocratical government1 have had     
recourse to establishments that bordered
 on monarchy4 ,even where the highest   
office of the state was in common times 
administered by a plurality of persons1 
the whole power and authority belonging 
to it was1 on particular occasions1     
committed to one2 and upon great alarms1
 when the political fabric was shaken or
 endangered1 a monarchical power has    
been applied1 like a prop1 to secure the
 state against the rage of the tempest4 
,thus were the dictators occasionally   
named at ,rome1 and the stadtholders in 
the ,united ,provinces2 and thus1 in    
mixed governments1 the royal prerogative
 is occasionally enlarged1 by the       
temporary suspension of laws1 ,footnote3
 ,in ,britain1 by the suspension of the 
,habeas ,corpus4 and the barriers of    
liberty appear to be removed1 in order  
to vest a dictatorial power in the hands
 of the king4  ,had mankind1 therefore1 
no view but to warfare1 it is probable  

that they would continue to prefer      
monarchical government to any other2 or 
at least that every nation1 in order to 
procure secret and united councils1     
would intrust the executive power with  
unlimited authority4 ,but happily for   
civil society1 men have objects of a    
different sort3 and experience has      
taught1 that although the conduct of    
armies requires an absolute and         
undivided command2 yet a national force 
is best formed1 where numbers of men are
 inured to equality2 and where the      
meanest citizen may consider himself1   
upon occasion1 as destined to command as
 well as to obey4 ,it is here that the  
dictator finds a spirit and a force     
prepared to second his councils2 it is  
here too that the dictator himself is   
formed1 and that numbers of leaders are 
presented to the public choice2 it is   
here that the prosperity of a state is  
independent of single men1 and that a   
wisdom which never dies1 with a system  
of military arrangements permanent and  

regular1 can1 even under the greatest   
misfortunes1 prolong the national       
struggle4 ,with this advantage the      
,romans1 finding a number of            
distinguished leaders arise in          
succession1 were at all times almost    
equally prepared to contend with their  
enemies of ,asia or ,africa2 while the  
fortune of those enemies1 on the        
contrary1 depended on the casual        
appearance of singular men1 of a        
,mithridates1 or of a ,hannibal4  ,the  
soldier1 we are told1 has his point of  
honour1 and a fashion of thinking1 which
 he wears with his sword4 ,this point of
 honour1 in free and uncorrupted states1
 is a zeal for the public2 and war to   
them is an operation of passions1 not   
the mere pursuit of a calling4 ,its good
 and its ill effects are felt in        
extremes3 the friend is made to         
experience the warmest proofs of        
attachment1 the enemy the severest      
effects of animosity4 ,on this system   
the celebrated nations of antiquity made

 war under their highest attainments of 
civility1 and under their greatest      
degrees of refinement4  ,in small and   
rude societies1 the individual finds    
himself attacked in every national war2 
and none can propose to devolve his     
defence on another4 ,the king of ,spain 
is a great prince1 said an ,american    
chief to the governor of ,jamaica1 who  
was preparing a body of troops to join  
in an enterprise against the ,spaniards3
 ,do you propose to make war upon so    
great a king with so small a force8     
,being told that the forces he saw were 
to be joined by troops from ,europe1 and
 that the governor could then command no
 more3 ,who are these then1 said the    
,american1 who form this crowd of       
spectators8 ,are they not your people8  
,and why do you not all go forth to so  
great a war8 ,he was answered1 that the 
spectators were merchants1 and other    
inhabitants1 who took no part in the    
service3 ,would they be merchants still1
 continued this statesman1 if the king  

of ,spain1 was to attack you here8 ,for 
my part1 ,i do not think that merchants 
should be permitted to live in any      
country3 when ,i go to war1 ,i leave    
nobody at home but the women4 ,it should
 seem that this simple warrior          
considered merchants as a kind of       
neutral persons1 who took no part in the
 quarrels of their country2 and that he 
did not know how much war itself may be 
made a subject of traffic2 what mighty  
armies may be put in motion from behind 
the counter2 how often human blood is1  
without any national animosity1 bought  
and sold for bills of exchange2 and how 
often the prince1 the nobles1 and the   
statesmen1 in many a polished nation1   
might1 in his account1 be considered as 
merchants4  ,in the progress of arts and
 of policy1 the members of every state  
are divided into classes2 and in the    
commencement of this distribution1 there
 is no distinction more serious than    
that of the warrior and the pacific     
inhabitant2 no more is required to place

 men in the relation of master and      
slave4 ,even when the rigours of an     
established slavery abate1 as they have 
done in modern ,europe1 in consequence  
of a protection1 and a property1 allowed
 to the mechanic and labourer1 this     
distinction serves still to separate the
 noble from the base1 and to point out  
that class of men who are destined to   
reign and to domineer in their country4 
,it was certainty never foreseen by     
mankind1 that1 in the pursuit of        
refinement1 they were to reverse this   
order2 or even that they were to place  
the government1 and the military force  
of nations1 in different hands4 ,but is 
it equally unforeseen1 that the former  
order may again take place8 ,and that   
the pacific citizen1 however            
distinguished by privilege and rank1    
must one day bow to the person with whom
 he has intrusted his sword8 ,if such   
revolutions should actually follow1 will
 this new master revive in his own order
 the spirit of the noble and the free8  

,will he renew the characters of the    
warrior and the statesman8 ,will he     
restore to his country the civil and    
military virtues8 ,i am afraid to reply4
 ,montesquieu observes1 that the        
government of ,rome1 even under the     
emperors1 became1 in the hands of the   
troops1 elective and republican3 but the
 ,fabii or the ,bruti were heard of no  
more after the praetorian bands became  
the republic4  ,we have enumerated some 
of the heads under which a people1 as   
they emerge from barbarity1 may come to 
be classed4 ,such are1 the nobility1 the
 people1 the adherents of the prince2   
and even the priesthood have not been   
forgotten2 when we arrive at times of   
refinement1 the army must be joined to  
the list4 ,the departments of civil     
government and of war being severed1 and
 the pre-eminence being given to the    
statesman1 the ambitious will naturally 
devolve the military service on those   
who are contented with a subordinate    
station4 ,they who have the greatest    

share in the division of fortune1 and   
the greatest interest in defending their
 country1 having resigned the sword1    
must pay for what they have ceased to   
perform2 and armies1 not only at a      
distance from home1 but in the very     
bosom of their country1 are subsisted by
 pay4 ,a discipline is invented to inure
 the soldier to perform1 from habit1 and
 from the fear of punishment1 those     
hazardous duties1 which the love of the 
public1 or a national spirit1 no longer 
inspire4  ,when we consider the breach  
that such an establishment makes in the 
system of national virtues1 it is       
unpleasant to observe1 that most nations
 who have run the career of civil arts1 
have1 in some degree1 adopted this      
measure4 ,not only states1 which either 
have wars to maintain1 or precarious    
possessions to defend at a distance2 not
 only a prince jealous of his authority1
 or in haste to gain the advantage of   
discipline1 are disposed to employ      
foreign troops1 or to keep standing     

armies2 but even republics1 with little 
of the former occasion1 and none of the 
motives which prevail in monarchy1 have 
been found to tread in the same path4   
,if military arrangements occupy so     
considerable a place in the domestic    
policy of nations1 the actual           
consequences of war are equally         
important in the history of mankind4    
,glory and spoil were the earliest      
subject of quarrels3 a concession of    
superiority1 or a ransom1 were the      
prices of peace4 ,the love of safety1   
and the desire of dominion1 equally lead
 mankind to wish for accessions of      
strength4 ,whether as victors or as     
vanquished1 they tend to a coalition2   
and powerful nations considering a      
province1 or a fortress acquired on     
their frontier1 as so much gained1 are  
perpetually intent on extending their   
limits4  ,the maxims of conquest are not
 always to be distinguished from those  
of self defence4 ,if a neighbouring     
state be dangerous1 if it be frequently 

troublesome1 it is a maxim founded in   
the consideration of safety1 as well as 
of conquest1 that it ought to be        
weakened or disarmed3 if1 being once    
reduced1 it be disposed to renew the    
contest1 it must from thenceforward be  
governed in form4 ,rome never avowed any
 other maxims of conquest2 and she every
 where sent her insolent armies under   
the specious pretence of procuring to   
herself and her allies a lasting peace1 
which she alone would reserve the power 
to disturb4  ,the equality of those     
alliances which the ,grecian states     
formed against each other1 maintained1  
for a time1 their independence and      
separation2 and that time was the       
shining and the happy period of their   
story4 ,it was prolonged more by the    
vigilance and conduct which they        
severally applied1 than by the          
moderation of their councils1 or by any 
peculiarities of domestic policy which  
arrested their progress4 ,the victors   
were sometimes contented1 with merely   

changing to a resemblance of their own  
forms1 the government of the states they
 subdued4 ,what the next step might have
 been in the progress of impositions1 is
 hard to determine4 ,but when we        
consider1 that one party fought for the 
imposition of tributes1 another for the 
ascendant in war1 it cannot be doubted1 
that the ,athenians1 from a national    
ambition1 and from the desire of wealth2
 and the ,spartans1 though they         
originally only meant to defend         
themselves1 and their allies1 were both1
 at last1 equally willing to become the 
masters of ,greece2 and were preparing  
for each other at home that yoke1 which 
both1 together with their confederates1 
were obliged to receive from abroad4    
,in the conquests of ,philip1 the desire
 of self-preservation and security      
seemed to be blended with the ambition  
natural to princes4 ,he turned his arms 
successively to the quarters on which he
 found himself hurt1 from which he had  
been alarmed or provoked2 and when he   

had subdued the ,greeks1 he proposed to 
lead them against their ancient enemy of
 ,persia4 ,in this he laid the plan     
which was carried into execution by his 
son4  ,the ,romans1 become the masters  
of ,italy1 and the conquerors of        
,carthage1 had been alarmed on the side 
of ,macedon1 and were led to cross a new
 sea in search of a new field1 on which 
to exercise their military force4 ,in   
prosecution of their wars1 from the     
earliest to the latest date of their    
history1 without intending the very     
conquest they made1 perhaps without     
foreseeing what advantage they were to  
reap from the subjection of distant     
provinces1 or in what manner they were  
to govern their new acquisitions1 they  
still proceeded to seize what came      
successively within their reach2 and1   
stimulated by a policy which engaged    
them in perpetual wars1 which led to    
perpetual victory and accessions of     
territory1 they extended the frontier of
 a state1 which1 but a few centuries    

before1 had been confined within the    
skirts of a village1 to the ,euphrates1 
the ,danube1 the ,weser1 the ,forth1 and
 the ,ocean4  ,it is vain to affirm that
 the genius of any nation is adverse to 
conquest4 ,its real interests indeed    
most commonly are so2 but every state1  
which is prepared to defend itself1 and 
to obtain victories1 is likewise in     
hazard of being tempted to conquer4  ,in
 ,europe1 where mercenary and           
disciplined armies are everywhere       
formed1 and ready to traverse the earth1
 where1 like a flood pent up by slender 
banks1 they are only restrained by      
political forms1 or a temporary balance 
of power2 if the sluices should break1  
what inundations may we not expect to   
behold8 ,effeminate kingdoms and empires
 are spread from the sea of ,corea to   
the ,atlantic ocean4 ,every state1 by   
the defeat of its troops1 may be turned 
into a province2 every army opposed in  
the field today may be hired to-morrow2 
and every victory gained1 may give the  

accession of a new military force to the
 victor4  ,the ,romans1 with inferior   
arts of communication by sea and land1  
maintained their dominion in a          
considerable part of ,europe1 ,asia1 and
 ,africa1 over fierce and intractable   
nations3 what may not the fleets and    
armies of ,europe1 with the access they 
have by commerce to every part of the   
world1 and the facility of their        
conveyance1 effect1 if that ruinous     
maxim should prevail1 that the grandeur 
of a nation is to be estimated from the 
extent of its territory2 or1 that the   
interest of any particular people       
consists in reducing their neighbours to
 servitude8     ,,section ,,vi  ,,of    
,,civil ,,liberty   ,if war1 either for 
depredation or defence1 were the        
principal object of nations1 every tribe
 would1 from its earliest state1 aim at 
the condition of a ,tartar horde2 and in
 all its successes would hasten to the  
grandeur of a ,tartar empire4 ,the      
military leader would supersede the     

civil magistrate2 and preparations to   
fly with all their possessions1 or to   
pursue with all their forces1 would in  
every society make the sum of their     
public arrangements4  ,he who first1 on 
the banks of the ,wolga1 or the         
,jenisca1 had taught the ,scythian to   
mount the horse1 to move his cottage on 
wheels1 to harass his enemy alike by his
 attacks and his flights1 to handle at  
full speed the lance and the bow1 and   
when beat from his ground1 to leave his 
arrows in the wind to meet his pursuer2 
he who had taught his countrymen to use 
the same animal for every purpose of the
 dairy1 the shambles1 and the field of  
battle2 would be esteemed the founder of
 his nation2 or like ,ceres and ,bacchus
 among the ,greeks1 would be invested   
with the honours of a god1 as the reward
 of his useful inventions4 ,amidst such 
institutions1 the names and achievements
 of ,hercules and ,jason might have been
 transmitted to posterity2 but those of 
,lycurgus or ,solon1 the heroes of      

political society1 could have gained no 
reputation1 either fabulous or real1 in 
the records of fame4  ,every tribe of   
warlike barbarians may entertain among  
themselves the strongest sentiments of  
affection and honour1 while they carry  
to the rest of mankind the aspect of    
banditti and robbers4 ,footnote3        
,d',arvieux's ,history of the ,arabs4   
,they may be indifferent to interest1   
and superior to danger2 but our sense of
 humanity1 our regard to the rights of  
nations1 our admiration of civil wisdom 
and justice1 even our effeminacy itself1
 make us turn away with contempt1 or    
with horror1 from a scene which exhibits
 so few of our good qualities1 and which
 serves so much to reproach our         
weakness4  ,it is in conducting the     
affairs of civil society1 that mankind  
find the exercise of their best talents1
 as well as the object of their best    
affections4 ,it is in being grafted on  
the advantages of civil society1 that   
the art of war is brought to perfection2

 that the resources of armies1 and the  
complicated springs to be touched in    
their conduct1 are best understood4 ,the
 most celebrated warriors were also     
citizens3 opposed to a ,roman1 or a     
,greek1 the chieftain of ,thrace1 of    
,germany1 or ,gaul1 was a novice4 ,the  
native of ,pella learned the principles 
of his art from ,epaminondas and        
,pelopidas4  ,if nations1 as hath been  
observed in the preceding section1 must 
adjust their policy on the prospect of  
war from abroad1 they are equally bound 
to provide for the attainment of peace  
at home4 ,but there is no peace in the  
absence of justice4 ,it may subsist with
 divisions1 disputes1 and contrary      
opinions2 but not with the commission of
 wrongs4 ,the injurious1 and the        
injured1 are1 as implied in the very    
meaning of the terms1 in a state of     
hostility4  ,where men enjoy peace1 they
 owe it either to their mutual regards  
and affections1 or to the restraints of 
law4 ,those are the happiest states     

which procure peace to their members by 
the first of these methods3 but it is   
sufficiently uncommon to procure it even
 by the second4 ,the first would        
withhold the occasions of war and of    
competition2 the second adjusts the     
pretensions of men by stipulations and  
treaties4 ,sparta taught her citizens   
not to regard interest3 other free      
nations secure the interest of their    
members1 and consider this as a         
principal part of their rights4  ,law is
 the treaty to which members of the same
 community have agreed1 and under which 
the magistrate and the subject continue 
to enjoy their rights1 and to maintain  
the peace of society4 ,the desire of    
lucre is the great motive to injuries3  
law therefore has a principal reference 
to property4 ,it would ascertain the    
different methods by which property may 
be acquired1 as by prescription1        
conveyance1 and succession2 and it makes
 the necessary provisions for rendering 
the possession of property secure4      

,beside avarice1 there are other motives
 from which men are unjust2 such as     
pride1 malice1 envy1 and revenge4 ,the  
law would eradicate the principles      
themselves1 or at least prevent their   
effects4  ,from whatever motive wrongs  
are committed1 there are different      
particulars in which the injured may    
suffer4 ,he may suffer in his goods1 in 
his person1 or in the freedom of his    
conduct4 ,nature has made him master of 
every action which is not injurious to  
others4 ,the laws of his particular     
society entitle him perhaps to a        
determinate station1 and bestow on1 him 
a certain share in the government of his
 country4 ,an injury1 therefore1 which  
in this respect puts him under any      
unjust restraint1 may be called an      
infringement of his political rights4   
,where the citizen is supposed to have  
rights of property and of station1 and  
is protected in the exercise of them1 he
 is said to be free2 and the very       
restraints by which he is hindered from 

the commission of crimes1 are a part of 
his liberty4 ,no person is free1 where  
any person is suffered to do wrong with 
impunity4 ,even the despotic prince on  
his throne1 is not an exception to this 
general rule4 ,he himself is a slave1   
the moment he pretends that force should
 decide any contest4 ,the disregard he  
throws on the rights of his people      
recoils on himself2 and in the general  
uncertainty of all conditions1 there is 
no tenure more precarious than his own4 
,from the different particulars to which
 men refer1 in speaking of liberty1     
whether to the safety of the person and 
the goods1 the dignity of rank1 or the  
participation of political importance1  
as well as from the different methods by
 which their rights are secured1 they   
are led to differ in the interpretation 
of the very term2 and every free nation 
is apt to suppose1 that freedom is to be
 found only among themselves2 they      
measure it by their own peculiar habits 
and system of manners4  ,some having    

thought1 that the unequal distribution  
of wealth is a grievance1 required a new
 division of property as the foundation 
of public justice4 ,this scheme is      
suited to democratical government2 and  
in such only it has been admitted with  
any degree of effect4  ,new settlements1
 like that of the people of ,israel1 and
 singular establishments1 like those of 
,sparta and ,crete1 have furnished      
examples of its actual execution2 but in
 most other states1 even the            
democratical spirit could attain no more
 than to prolong the struggle for       
,agrarian laws2 to procure1 on occasion1
 the expunging of debts2 and to keep the
 people in mind1 under all the          
distinctions of fortune1 that they still
 had a claim to equality4  ,the citizen 
at ,rome1 at ,athens1 and in many       
republics1 contended for himself1 and   
his order4 ,the ,agrarian law was moved 
and debated for ages3 it served to      
awaken the mind2 it nourished the spirit
 of equality1 and furnished a field on  

which to exert its force2 but was never 
established with any of its other and   
more formal effects4  ,many of the      
establishments which serve to defend the
 weak from oppression1 contribute1 by   
securing the possession of property1 to 
favour its unequal division1 and to     
increase the ascendant of those from    
whom the abuses of power may be feared4 
,those abuses were felt very early both 
at ,athens and ,rome4 ,footnote3        
,plutarch in the ,life of ,solon4 ,livy4
  ,it has been proposed to prevent the  
excessive accumulation of wealth in     
particular hands1 by limiting the       
increase of private fortunes1 by        
prohibiting entails1 and by withholding 
the right of primogeniture in the       
succession of heirs4 ,it has been       
proposed to prevent the ruin of moderate
 estates1 and to restrain the use1 and  
consequently the desire of great ones1  
by sumptuary laws4 ,these different     
methods are more or less consistent with
 the interests of commerce1 and may be  

adopted1 in different degrees1 by a     
people whose national object is wealth3 
and they have their degree of effect1 by
 inspiring moderation1 or a sense of    
equality1 and by stifling the passions  
by which mankind are prompted to mutual 
wrongs4  ,it appears to be1 in a        
particular manner1 the object of        
sumptuary laws1 and of the equal        
division of wealth1 to prevent the      
gratification of vanity1 to check the   
ostentation of superior fortune1 and1 by
 this means1 to weaken the desire of    
riches1 and to preserve1 in the breast  
of the citizen1 that moderation and     
equity which ought to regulate his      
conduct4  ,this end is never perfectly  
attained in any state where the unequal 
division of property is admitted1 and   
where fortune is allowed to bestow      
distinction and rank4 ,it is indeed     
difficult1 by any methods whatever1 to  
shut up this source of corruption4 ,of  
all the nations whose history is known  
with certainty1 the design itself1 and  

the manner of executing it1 appear to   
have been understood in ,sparta alone4  
,there property was indeed acknowledged 
by law2 but in consequence of certain   
regulations and practices1 the most     
effectual1 it seems1 that mankind have  
hitherto found out4 ,the manners that   
prevail among simple nations before the 
establishment of property1 were in some 
measure preserved2 ,footnote3 ,see ,part
 ,,ii4 ,sec4 #b4 the passion for riches 
was1 during many ages1 suppressed2 and  
the citizen was made to consider himself
 as the property of his country1 not as 
the owner of a private estate4  ,it was 
held ignominious either to buy or to    
sell the patrimony of a citizen4 ,slaves
 were1 in every family1 intrusted with  
the care of its effects1 and freemen    
were strangers to lucrative arts2       
justice was established on a contempt of
 the ordinary allurement to crimes2 and 
the preservatives of civil liberty      
applied by the state1 were the          
dispositions that were made to prevail  

in the hearts of its members4  ,the     
individual was relieved from every      
solicitude that could arise on the head 
of his fortune2 he was educated1 and he 
was employed for life in the service of 
the public2 he was fed at a place of    
common resort1 to which he could carry  
no distinction but that of his talents  
and his virtues2 his children were the  
wards and the pupils of the state2 he   
himself was thought to be a parent1 and 
a director to the youth of his country1 
not the anxious father of a separate    
family4  ,this people1 we are told1     
bestowed some care in adorning their    
persons1 and were known from afar by the
 red or the purple they wore2 but could 
not make their equipage1 their          
buildings1 or their furniture1 a subject
 of fancy1 or what we call taste4 ,the  
carpenter and the housebuilder were     
restricted to the use of the axe and the
 saw3 their workmanship must have been  
simple1 and probably1 in respect to its 
form1 continued for ages the same4 ,the 

ingenuity of the artist was employed in 
cultivating his own nature1 not in      
adorning the habitations of his fellow  
citizens4  ,on this plan1 they had      
senators1 magistrates1 leaders of       
armies1 and ministers of state2 but no  
men of fortune4 ,like the heroes of     
,homer1 they distributed honours by the 
measure of the cup and the platter4 ,a  
citizen who1 in his political capacity1 
was the arbiter of ,greece1 thought     
himself honoured by receiving a double  
portion of plain entertainment at       
supper4 ,he was active1 penetrating1    
brave1 disinterested1 and generous2 but 
his estate1 his table1 and his furniture
 might1 in our esteem1 have marred the  
lustre of all his virtues4 ,neighbouring
 nations1 however1 applied for          
commanders to this nursery of statesmen 
and warriors1 as we apply for the       
practitioners of every art to the       
countries in which they excel2 for cooks
 to ,france1 and for musicians to       
,italy4  ,after all1 we are1 perhaps1   

not sufficiently instructed in the      
nature of the ,spartan laws and         
institutions1 to understand in what     
manner all the ends of this singular    
state were obtained2 but the admiration 
paid to its people1 and the constant    
reference of contemporary historians to 
their avowed superiority1 will not allow
 us to question the facts4 ,when ,i     
observed1 says ,xenophon1 that this     
nation1 though not the most populous1   
was the most powerful state of ,greece1 
,i was seized with wonder1 and with an  
earnest desire to know by what arts it  
attained its pre-eminence2 but when ,i  
came to the knowledge of its            
institutions1 my wonder ceased4 ,as one 
man excels another1 and as he who is at 
pains to cultivate his mind1 must       
surpass the person who neglects it2 so  
the ,spartans should excel every1       
nation1 being the only state in which   
virtue is studied as the object of      
government4  ,the subjects of property1 
considered with a view to subsistence1  

or even to enjoyment1 have little effect
 in corrupting mankind1 or in awakening 
the spirit of competition and of        
jealousy2 but considered with a view to 
distinction and honour1 where fortune   
constitutes rank1 they excite the most  
vehement passions1 and absorb all the   
sentiments of the human soul3 they      
reconcile avarice and meanness with     
ambition and vanity2 and lead men       
through the practice of sordid and      
mercenary arts1 to the possession of a  
supposed elevation and dignity4  ,where 
this source of corruption1 on the       
contrary1 is effectually stopped1 the   
citizen is dutiful1 and the magistrate  
upright2 any form of government may be  
wisely1 administered2 places of trust   
are likely to be well supplied2 and by  
whatever rule office and power are      
bestowed1 it is likely that all the     
capacity and force that subsists in the 
state will come to be employed in its   
service3 for on this supposition1       
experience and abilities are the only   

guides1 and the only titles to public   
confidence2 and if citizens be ranged   
into separate classes1 they become      
mutual checks by the difference of their
 opinions1 not by the opposition of     
their interested designs4  ,we may      
easily account for the censures bestowed
 on the government of ,sparta1 by those 
who considered it merely on the side of 
its forms4 ,it was not calculated to    
prevent the practice of crimes1 by      
balancing against each other the selfish
 and partial dispositions of men2 but to
 inspire the virtues of the soul1 to    
procure innocence by the absence of     
criminal inclinations1 and to derive its
 internal peace from the indifference of
 its members to the ordinary motives of 
strife and disorder4 ,it were trifling  
to seek for its analogy to any other    
constitution of state1 in which its     
principal characteristic and            
distinguishing feature is not to be     
found4 ,the collegiate sovereignty1 the 
senate1 and the ephori1 had their       

counterparts in other republics1 and a  
resemblance has been found in particular
 to the government of ,carthage3        
,footnote3 ,aristotle4 but what affinity
 of consequence can be found between a  
state whose sole object was virtue1 and 
another whose principal object was      
wealth2 between a people whose          
associated kings1 being lodged1 in the  
same cottage1 had no fortune but their  
daily food2 and a commercial republic1  
in which a proper estate was required as
 a necessary qualification for the      
higher offices of state8  ,other petty  
commonwealths expelled kings1 when they 
became jealous of their designs1 or     
after having experienced their tyranny2 
here the hereditary succession of kings 
was preserved3 other states were afraid 
of the intrigues and cabals of their    
members in competition for dignities2   
here solicitation was required as the   
only condition upon which a place in the
 senate was obtained4 ,a supreme        
inquisitorial power was1 in the persons 

of the ephori1 safely committed to a few
 men1 who were drawn by lot1 and without
 distinction1 from every order of the   
people3 and if a contrast to this1 as   
well as to many other articles of the   
,spartan policy1 be required1 it may be 
found in the general history of mankind4
  ,but ,sparta1 under every supposed    
error of its form1 prospered for ages1  
by the integrity of its manners1 and by 
the character of its citizens4 ,when    
that integrity was broken1 this people  
did not languish in the weakness of     
nations sunk in effeminacy4 ,they fell  
into the stream by which other states   
had been carried in the torrent of      
violent passions1 and in the outrage of 
barbarous times4 ,they ran the career of
 other nations1 after that of ancient   
,sparta was finished they built walls1  
and began to improve their possessions1 
after they ceased to improve their      
people2 and on this new plan1 in their  
struggle for political life1 they       
survived the system of states that      

perished under the ,macedonian dominion3
 they lived to act with another which   
arose in the ,achan league2 and were the
 last community of ,greece that became a
 village in the empire of ,rome4  ,if it
 should be thought we have dwelt too    
long on the history of this singular    
people1 it may be remembered1 in excuse1
 that they alone1 in the language of    
,xenophon1 made virtue an object of     
state4  ,we must be contented to derive 
our freedom from a different source3 to 
expect justice from the limits which are
 set to the powers of the magistrate1   
and to rely for protection on the laws  
which are made to secure the estate and 
the person of the subject4 ,we live in  
societies1 where men must be rich1 in   
order to be great2 where pleasure itself
 is often pursued from vanity2 where the
 desire of a supposed happiness serves  
to inflame the worst of passions1 and is
 itself the foundation of misery2 where 
public justice1 like fetters applied to 
the body1 may1 without inspiring the    

sentiments of candour and equity1       
prevent the actual commission of crimes4
  ,mankind come under this description  
the moment they are seized with their   
passion for riches and power4 ,but their
 description in every instance is mixed3
 in the best there is an alloy of evil2 
in the worst1 a mixture of good4        
,without any establishments to preserve 
their manners1 besides penal laws1 and  
the restraints of police1 they derive1  
from instinctive feelings1 a love of    
integrity and candour1 and from the very
 contagion of society itself1 an esteem 
for what is honourable and praiseworthy4
 ,they derive1 from their union and     
joint opposition to foreign enemies1 a  
zeal for their own community1 and       
courage to maintain its rights4 ,if the 
frequent neglect of virtue1 as a        
political object1 tend to discredit the 
understandings of men1 its lustre1 and  
its frequency1 as a spontaneous         
offspring of the heart1 will restore the
 honours of our nature4  ,in every      

casual and mixed state of the national  
manners1 the safety of every individual1
 and his political consequence1 depends 
much on himself1 but more on the party  
to which he is joined4 ,for this reason1
 all who feel a common interest1 are apt
 to unite in parties2 and1 as far as    
that interest requires1 mutually support
 each other4  ,where the citizens of any
 free community are of different orders1
 each order has a peculiar set of claims
 and pretensions3 relatively to the     
other members of the state1 it is a     
party2 relatively to the differences of 
interest among its own members1 it may  
admit of numberless subdivisions4 ,but  
in every state there are two interests  
very readily apprehended2 that of a     
prince and his adherents1 that of a     
nobility1 or of any temporary faction1  
opposed to the people4  ,where the      
sovereign power is reserved by the      
collected body1 it appears unnecessary  
to think of additional establishments   
for securing the rights of the citizen4 

,but it is difficult1 if not impossible1
 for the collective body to exercise    
this power in a manner that supersedes  
the necessity of every other political  
caution4  ,if popular assemblies assume 
every function of government2 and if1 in
 the same tumultuous manner in which    
they can1 with great propriety1 express 
their feelings1 the sense of their      
rights1 and their animosity to foreign  
or domestic enemies1 they pretend to    
deliberate on points of national        
conduct1 or to decide questions of      
equity and justice2 the public is       
exposed to manifold inconveniencies2 and
 popular governments would1 of all      
others1 be the most subject to errors in
 administration1 and to weakness in the 
execution of public measures4  ,to avoid
 these disadvantages1 the people are    
always contented to delegate part of    
their power4 ,they establish a senate to
 debate1 and to prepare1 if not to      
determine1 questions that are brought to
 the collective body for a final        

resolution4 ,they commit the executive  
power to some council of this sort1 or  
to a magistrate who presides in their   
meetings4 ,under the use of this        
necessary and common expedient1 even    
while democratical forms are most       
carefully guarded1 there is one party of
 the few1 another of the many4 ,one     
attacks1 the other defends2 and they are
 both ready to assume in their turns4   
,but though1 in reality1 a great danger 
to liberty arises on the part of the    
people themselves1 who1 in times of     
corruption1 are easily made the         
instruments of usurpation and tyranny2  
yet1 in the ordinary aspect of          
government1 the executive carries an air
 of superiority1 and the rights of the  
people seem always exposed to           
encroachment4  ,though1 on the day that 
the ,roman people were assembled1 the   
senators mixed with the crowd1 and the  
consul was no more than the servant of  
the multitude2 yet1 when this awful     
meeting was dissolved1 the senators met 

to prescribe business for their         
sovereign1 and the consul went armed    
with the axe and the rods1 to teach     
every ,roman1 in his separate capacity1 
the submission which he owed to the     
state4  ,thus1 even where the collective
 body is sovereign1 they are assembled  
only occasionally2 and though1 on such  
occasions1 they determine every question
 relative to their rights and their     
interests as a people1 and can assert   
their freedom with irresistible force2  
yet they do not think themselves1 nor   
are they in reality1 safe1 without a    
more constant and more uniform power    
operating in their favour4  ,the        
multitude is every where strong2 but    
requires1 for the safety of its members1
 when separate as well as when          
assembled1 a head to direct and to      
employ its strength4 ,for this purpose1 
the ephori1 we are told1 were           
established at ,sparta1 the council of a
 hundred at ,carthage1 and the tribunes 
at ,rome4 ,so prepared1 the popular     

party has1 in many instances1 been able 
to cope with its adversaries1 and has   
even trampled on the powers1 whether    
aristocratical or monarchical1 with     
which it would have been otherwise      
unable to contend4 ,the state1 in such  
cases1 commonly suffered by the delays1 
interruptions1 and confusions1 which    
popular leaders1 from private envy1 or a
 prevailing jealousy of the great1      
seldom failed to create in the          
proceedings of government4  ,where the  
people1 as in some larger communities1  
have only a share in the legislature1   
they cannot overwhelm the collateral    
powers1 who having likewise a share1 are
 in condition to defend themselves3     
where they act only by their            
representatives1 their force may be     
uniformly employed4 ,and they may make a
 part in a constitution of government   
more lasting than any of those in which 
the people1 possessing or pretending to 
the entire legislature1 are1 when       
assembled1 the tyrants1 and1 when       

dispersed1 the slaves of a distempered  
state4 ,in governments properly mixed1  
the popular interest1 finding a         
counterpoise in that of the prince or of
 the nobles1 a balance is actually      
established between them1 in which the  
public freedom and the public order are 
made to consist4  ,from some such casual
 arrangement of different interests1 all
 the varieties of mixed government      
proceed2 and on that degree of          
consideration which every separate      
interest can procure to itself1 depends 
the equity of the laws they enact1 and  
the necessity they are able to impose1  
of adhering strictly to the terms of law
 in its execution4 ,states are          
accordingly unequally qualified to      
conduct the business of legislation1 and
 unequally fortunate in the             
completeness1 and regular observance1 of
 their civil code4  ,in democratical    
establishments1 citizens1 feeling       
themselves possessed of the sovereignty1
 are not equally anxious1 with the      

subjects of other governments1 to have  
their rights explained1 or secured1 by  
actual statute4 ,they trust to personal 
vigour1 to the support of party1 and to 
the sense of the public4  ,if the       
collective body perform the office of   
judge1 as well as of legislator1 they   
seldom think of devising rules for their
 own direction1 and are found still more
 seldom to follow any determinate rule1 
after it is made4 ,they dispense1 at one
 time1 with what they enacted at        
another2 and in their judicative1       
perhaps even more than in their         
legislative1 capacity1 are guided by    
passions and partialities that arise    
from circumstances of the case before   
them4  ,but under the simplest          
governments of a different sort1 whether
 aristocracy or monarchy1 there is a    
necessity for law1 and there are a      
variety of interests to be adjusted in  
framing every statute4 ,the sovereign   
wishes to give stability and order to   
administration1 by express and          

promulgated rules4 ,the subject wishes  
to know the conditions and limits of his
 duty4 ,he acquiesces or he revolts1    
according as the terms on which he is   
made to live with the sovereign1 or with
 his fellow subjects1 are1 or are not1  
consistent with the sense of his rights4
  ,neither the monarch1 nor the council 
of nobles1 where either is possessed of 
the sovereignty1 can pretend to govern1 
or to judge at discretion4 ,no          
magistrate1 whether temporary or        
hereditary1 can with safety neglect that
 reputation for justice and equity1 from
 which his authority1 and the respect   
that is paid to his person1 are in a    
great measure derived4 ,nations1        
however1 have been fortunate in the     
tenor1 and in the execution of their    
laws1 in proportion as they have        
admitted every order of the people1 by  
representation or otherwise1 to an      
actual share of the legislature4 ,under 
establishments of this sort1 law is     
literally a treaty1 to which the parties

 concerned have agreed1 and have given  
their opinion in settling its terms4    
,the interests to be affected by a law1 
are likewise consulted in making it4    
,every class propounds an objection1    
suggests an addition or an amendment of 
its own4 ,they proceed to adjust1 by    
statute1 every subject of controversy3  
and while they continue to enjoy their  
freedom1 they continue to multiply laws1
 and to accumulate volumes1 as if they  
could remove every possible ground of   
dispute1 and were secure of their       
rights1 merely by having put them in    
writing4  ,rome and ,england1 under     
their mixed governments1 the one        
inclining to democracy1 and the other to
 monarchy1 have proved the great        
legislators among nations4 ,the first   
has left the foundation1 and great part 
of the superstructure of its civil code 
to the continent of ,europe3 the other1 
in its island1 has carried the authority
 and government of law to a point of    
perfection1 which they never before     

attained in the history of mankind4     
,under such favourable establishments1  
known customs1 the practice and         
decisions of courts1 as well as positive
 statutes1 acquire the authority of     
laws2 and every proceeding is conducted 
by some fixed and determinate rule4 ,the
 best and most effectual precautions are
 taken for the impartial application of 
rules to particular cases2 and it is    
remarkable1 that1 in the two examples we
 have mentioned1 a surprising           
coincidence is found in the singular    
methods of their jurisdiction4 ,the     
people in both reserved in a manner the 
office of judgment to themselves1 and   
brought the decision of civil rights1 or
 of criminal questions1 to the tribunal 
of peers1 who1 in judging of their      
fellow citizens1 prescribed a condition 
of life for themselves4  ,it is not in  
mere laws1 after all1 that we are to    
look for the securities to justice1 but 
in the powers by which these laws have  
been obtained1 and without whose        

constant support they must fall to      
disuse4 ,statutes serve to record the   
rights of a people1 and speak the       
intention of parties to defend what the 
letter of the law has expressed2 but    
without the vigour to maintain what is  
acknowledged as a right1 the mere       
record1 or the feeble intention1 is of  
little avail4  ,a populace roused by    
oppression1 or an order of men possessed
 of temporary advantage1 have obtained  
many charters1 concessions1 and         
stipulations1 in favour of their claims2
 but where no adequate preparation was  
made to preserve them1 the written      
articles were often forgotten1 together 
with the occasion on which they were    
framed4  ,the history of ,england1 and  
of every free country1 abounds with the 
example of statutes enacted when the    
people or their representatives         
assembled1 but never executed when the  
crown or the executive was left to      
itself4 ,the most equitable laws on     
paper are consistent with the utmost    

despotism in administration4 ,even the  
form of trial by juries in ,england had 
its authority in law1 while the         
proceedings of courts were arbitrary and
 oppressive4  ,we must admire1 as the   
key stone of civil liberty1 the statute 
which forces the secrets of every prison
 to be revealed1 the cause of every     
commitment to be declared1 and the      
person of the accused to be produced1   
that he may claim his enlargement1 or   
his trial1 within a limited time4 ,no   
wiser form was ever opposed to the      
abuses of power4 ,but it requires a     
fabric no less than the whole political 
constitution of ,great ,britain1 a      
spirit no less than the refractory and  
turbulent zeal of this fortunate people1
 to secure its effects4  ,if even the   
safety of the person1 and the tenure of 
property1 which may be so well defined  
in the words of a statute1 depend1 for  
their preservation1 on the vigour and   
jealousy of a free people1 and on the   
degree of consideration which every     

order of the state maintains for itself2
 it is still more evident1 that what we 
have called the political freedom1 or   
the right of the individual to act in   
his station for himself and the public1 
cannot be made to rest on any other     
foundation4 ,the estate may be saved1   
and the person released1 by the forms of
 a civil procedure2 but the rights of   
the mind cannot be sustained by any     
other force but its own4     ,,section  
,,vii4  ,,of ,,the ,,history ,,of       
,,arts4   ,we have already observed1    
that art is natural to man2 and that the
 skill he acquires after many ages of   
practice1 is only the improvement of a  
talent he possessed at the first4       
,vitruvius finds the rudiments of       
architecture in the form of a ,scythian 
cottage4 ,the armourer may find the     
first productions of his calling in the 
sling and the bow2 and the shipwright of
 his in the canoe of the savage4 ,even  
the historian and the poet may find the 
original essays of their arts in the    

tale1 and the song1 which celebrate the 
wars1 the loves1 and the adventures of  
men in their rudest condition4          
,destined to cultivate his own nature1  
or to mend his situation1 man finds a   
continual subject of attention1         
ingenuity1 and labour4 ,even where he   
does not propose any personal           
improvement1 his faculties are          
strengthened by those very exercises in 
which he seems to forget himself3 his   
reason and his affections are thus      
profitably engaged in the affairs of    
society2 his invention and his skill are
 exercised in procuring his             
accommodations and his food2 his        
particular pursuits are prescribed to   
him by circumstances of the age1 and of 
the country in which he lives3 in one   
situation1 he is occupied with wars and 
political deliberations2 in another1    
with the care of his interest1 of his   
personal ease1 or conveniency4 ,he suits
 his means to the ends he has in view2  
and1 by multiplying contrivances1       

proceeds1 by degrees1 to the perfection 
of his arts4 ,in every step of his      
progress1 if his skill be increased1 his
 desire must likewise have time to      
extend3 and it would be as vain to      
suggest a contrivance of which he       
slighted the use1 as it would be to tell
 him of blessings which he could not    
command4  ,ages are generally supposed  
to have borrowed from those who went    
before them1 and nations to have        
received their portion of learning or of
 art from abroad4 ,the ,romans are      
thought to have learned from the        
,greeks1 and the moderns of ,europe from
 both4 ,from a few examples of this     
sort1 we learn to consider every science
 or art as derived1 and admit of nothing
 original in the practice or manners of 
any people4 ,the ,greek was a copy of   
the ,egyptian1 and even the ,egyptian   
was an imitator1 though we have lost    
sight of the model on which he was      
formed4  ,it is known1 that men improve 
by example and intercourse2 but in the  

case of nations1 whose members excite   
and direct each other1 why seek from    
abroad the origin of arts1 of which     
every society1 having the principles in 
itself1 only requires a favourable      
occasion to bring them to light8 ,when  
such occasion presents itself to any    
people1 they generally seize it2 and    
while it continues1 they improve the    
inventions to which it gave rise among  
themselves1 or they willingly copy from 
others3 but they never employ their own 
invention1 nor look abroad1 for         
instruction on subjects that do not lie 
in the way of their common pursuits2    
they never adopt a refinement of which  
they have not discovered the use4       
,inventions1 we frequently observe1 are 
accidental2 but it is probable1 that an 
accident which escapes the artist in one
 age1 may be seized by one who succeeds 
him1 and who is better apprized of its  
use4 ,where circumstances are           
favourable1 and where a people is intent
 on the objects of any art1 every       

invention is preserved1 by being brought
 into general practice2 every model is  
studied1 and every accident is turned to
 account4 ,if nations actually borrow   
from their neighbours1 they probably    
borrow only what they are nearly in a   
condition to have invented themselves4  
,any singular practice of one country1  
therefore1 is seldom transferred to     
another1 till the way be prepared by the
 introduction of similar circumstances4 
,hence our frequent complaints of the   
dulness or obstinacy of mankind1 and of 
the dilatory communication of arts from 
one place to another4 ,while the ,romans
 adopted the arts of ,greece1 the       
,thracians and ,illyrians continued to  
behold them with indifference4 ,those   
arts were1 during one period1 confined  
to the ,greek colonies1 and during      
another1 to the ,roman4 ,even where they
 were spread by a visible intercourse1  
they were still received by independent 
nations with the slowness of invention4 
,they made a progress not more rapid at 

,rome than they had done at ,athens2 and
 they passed to the extremities of the  
,roman empire1 only in company with new 
colonies1 and joined to ,italian policy4
  ,the modern race1 who came abroad to  
the possession of cultivated provinces1 
retained the arts they had practised at 
home3 the new master hunted the boar1 or
 pastured his herds1 where he might have
 raised a plentiful harvest2 he built a 
cottage in the view of a palace2 he     
buried1 in one common ruin1 the         
edifices1 sculptures1 paintings1 and    
libraries1 of the former inhabitant3 he 
made a settlement upon a plan of his    
own1 be said with assurance1 that       
although the ,roman and the modern      
literature savour alike of the ,greek   
original1 yet mankind1 in either        
instance1 would not have drank of this  
fountain1 unless they had been hastening
 to open springs of their own4          
,sentiment and fancy1 the use of the    
hand or the head1 are not inventions of 
particular men2 and the flourishing of  

arts that depend on them1 are1 in the   
case of any people1 a proof rather of   
political felicity at home1 than of any 
instruction received from abroad1 or of 
any natural superiority in point of     
industry or talents4  ,when the         
attentions of men are turned toward     
particular subjects1 when the           
acquisitions of one age are left entire 
to the next1 when every individual is   
protected in his place1 and left to     
pursue the suggestion of his wants1     
inventions accumulate2 and it is        
difficult to find the original of any   
art4 ,the steps which lead to perfection
 are many2 and we are at a loss on whom 
to bestow the greatest share of our     
praise2 on the first1 or on the last1   
who may have borne a part in the        
progress4     ,,section ,,viii4  ,,of   
,,the ,,history ,,of ,,literature4   ,if
 we may rely on the general observations
 contained in the last section1 the     
literary1 as well as mechanical arts1   
being a natural produce of the human    

mind1 will rise spontaneously wherever  
men are happily placed2 and in certain  
nations it is not more necessary to look
 abroad for the origin of literature1   
than it is for the suggestion of any of 
the pleasures or exercises in which     
mankind1 under a state of prosperity and
 freedom1 are sufficiently inclined to  
indulge themselves4  ,we are apt to     
consider arts as foreign and            
adventitious to the nature of man2 but  
there is no art that did not find its   
occasion in human life1 and that was    
not1 in some one or other of the        
situations in which our species is      
found1 suggested as a means for the     
attainment of some useful end4 ,the     
mechanic and commercial arts took their 
rise from the love of property1 and were
 encouraged by the prospects of safety  
and of gain3 the literary and liberal   
arts took their rise from the           
understanding1 the fancy1 and the heart4
 ,they are mere exercises of the mind in
 search of its peculiar pleasures and   

occupations2 and are promoted by        
circumstances that suffer the mind to   
enjoy itself4  ,men are equally engaged 
by the past1 the present1 and the       
future1 and are prepared for every      
occupation that gives scope to their    
powers4 ,productions1 therefore1 whether
 of narration1 fiction1 or reasoning1   
that tend to employ the imagination1 or 
move the heart2 continue for ages a     
subject of attention1 and a source of   
delight4 ,the memory of human           
transactions being preserved in         
tradition or writing1 is the natural    
gratification of a passion that consists
 of curiosity1 admiration1 and the love 
of amusement4  ,before many books are   
written1 and before science is greatly  
advanced1 the productions of mere genius
 are sometimes complete3 the performer  
requires not the aid of learning where  
his description of story relates to near
 and contiguous objects2 where it       
relates to the conduct and characters of
 men with whom he himself has acted1 and

 in whose occupations and fortunes he   
himself has borne a part4  ,with this   
advantage1 the poet is the first to     
offer the fruits of his genius1 and to  
lead in the career of those arts by     
which the mind is destined to exhibit   
its imaginations1 and to express its    
passions4 ,every tribe of barbarians    
have their passionate or historic       
rhymes1 which contain the superstition1 
the enthusiasm1 and the admiration of   
glory1 with which the breasts of men1 in
 the earliest state of society1 are     
possessed4 ,they delight in             
versification1 either because the       
cadence of numbers is natural to the    
language of sentiment1 or because1 not  
having the advantage of writing1 they   
are obliged to bring the ear in aid of  
the memory1 in order to facilitate the  
repetition1 and ensure the preservation 
of their works4  ,when we attend to the 
language which savages employ on any    
solemn occasion1 it appears that man is 
a poet by nature4 ,whether at first     

obliged by the mere defects of his      
tongue1 and the scantiness of proper    
expressions1 or seduced by a pleasure of
 the fancy in stating the analogy of its
 objects1 he clothes every conception in
 image and metaphor4 ,we have planted   
the tree of peace1 says an ,american    
orator2 we have buried the axe under its
 roots3 we will henceforth repose under 
its shade2 we will join to brighten the 
chain that binds our nations together4  
,such are the collections of metaphor   
which those nations employ in their     
public harangues4 ,they have likewise   
already adopted those lively figures1   
and that daring freedom of language1    
which the learned have afterwards found 
so well fitted to express the rapid     
transitions of the imagination1 and the 
ardours of a passionate mind4  ,if we   
are required to explain1 how men could  
be poets1 or orators1 before they were  
aided by the learning of the scholar and
 the critic8 we may inquire1 in our     
turn1 how bodies could fall by their    

weight1 before the laws of gravitation  
were recorded in books8 ,mind1 as well  
as body1 has laws1 which are exemplified
 in the course of nature1 and which the 
critic collects only after the example  
has shown what they are4  ,occasioned1  
probably1 by the physical connection we 
have mentioned1 between the emotions of 
a heated imagination1 and the           
impressions received from music and     
pathetic sounds1 every tale among rude  
nations is repeated in verse1 and is    
made to take the form of a song4 ,the   
early history of all nations is uniform 
in this particular4 ,priests1 statesmen1
 and philosophers1 in the first ages of 
,greece1 delivered their instructions in
 poetry1 and mixed with the dealers in  
music and heroic fable4  ,it is not so  
surprising1 however1 that poetry should 
be the first species of composition in  
every nation1 as it is that a style1    
apparently so difficult1 and so far     
removed from ordinary use1 should be    
almost as universally the first to      

attain its maturity4 ,the most admired  
of all poets lived beyond the reach of  
history1 almost of tradition4 ,the      
artless song of the savage1 the heroic  
legend of the bard1 have sometimes a    
magnificent beauty1 which no change of  
language can improve1 and no refinements
 of the critic reform4 ,footnote3 ,see  
,translations of ,gallic ,poetry1 by    
,james ,mc,pherson4  ,under the supposed
 disadvantage of a limited knowledge1   
and a rude apprehension1 the simple poet
 has impressions that more than         
compensate the defects of his skill4    
,the best subjects of poetry1 the       
characters of the violent and the brave1
 the generous and the intrepid1 great   
dangers1 trials of fortitude and        
fidelity1 are exhibited within his view1
 or are delivered in traditions which   
animate like truth1 because they are    
equally believed4 ,he is not engaged in 
recalling1 like ,virgil or ,tasso1 the  
sentiments or scenery of an age remote  
from his own2 he needs not be told by   

the critic1 ,footnote3 ,see ,longinus4  
to recollect what another would have    
thought1 or in what manner another would
 have expressed his conception4 ,the    
simple passions1 friendship1 resentment1
 and love1 are the movements of his own 
mind1 and he has no occasion to copy4   
,simple and vehement in his conceptions 
and feelings1 he knows no diversity of  
thought1 or of style1 to mislead or to  
exercise his judgment4 ,he delivers the 
emotions of the heart1 in words         
suggested by the heart2 for he knows no 
other4 ,and hence it is1 that while we  
admire the judgment and invention of    
,virgil1 and of other later poets1 these
 terms appear misapplied to ,homer4     
,though intelligent1 as well as sublime1
 in his conceptions1 we cannot          
anticipate the lights of his            
understanding1 nor the movements of his 
heart2 he appears to speak from         
inspiration1 not from invention2 and to 
be guided in the choice of his thoughts 
and expressions by a supernatural       

instinct1 not by reflection4  ,the      
language of early ages is1 in one       
respect1 simple and confined2 in        
another1 it is varied and free3 it      
allows liberties1 which1 to the poet of 
after-times1 are denied4  ,in rude ages 
men are not separated by distinctions of
 rank or profession4 ,they live in one  
manner1 and speak one dialect4 ,the bard
 is not to choose his expression among  
the singular accents of different       
conditions4 ,he has not to guard his    
language from the peculiar errors of the
 mechanic1 the peasant1 the scholar1 or 
the courtier1 in order to find that     
elegant propriety1 and just elevation1  
which is free from the vulgar of one    
class1 the pedantic of the second1 or   
the flippant of the third4 ,the name of 
every object1 and of every sentiment1 is
 fixed2 and if his conception has the   
dignity of nature1 his expression will  
have a purity which does not depend on  
his choice4  ,with this apparent        
confinement in the choice of his words1 

he is at liberty to break through the   
ordinary modes of construction2 and in  
the form of a language not established  
by rules1 may find for himself a cadence
 agreeable to the tone of his mind4 ,the
 liberty he takes1 while his meaning is 
striking1 and his language is raised1   
appears an improvement1 not a trespass  
on grammar4 ,he delivers a style to the 
ages that follow1 and becomes a model   
from which his posterity judge4  ,but   
whatever may be the early disposition of
 mankind to poetry1 or the advantages   
they possess in cultivating this species
 of literature2 whether the early       
maturity of poetical compositions arise 
from their being the first studied1 or  
from their having a charm to engage     
persons of the liveliest genius1 who are
 best qualified to improve the eloquence
 of their native tongue2 it is a        
remarkable fact1 that1 not only in      
countries where every vein of           
composition was original1 and was opened
 in the order of natural succession2 but

 even at ,rome1 and in modern ,europe1  
where the learned began early to        
practise on foreign models1 we have     
poets of every nation1 who are perused  
with pleasure1 while the prose writers  
of the same ages are neglected4  ,as    
,sophocles and ,euripides preceded the  
historians and moralists of ,greece1 not
 only ,naevius and ,ennius1 who wrote   
the ,roman history in verse1 but        
,lucilius1 ,plautus1 ,terence1 and we   
may add ,lucretius1 were prior to       
,cicero1 ,sallust1 or ,caesar4 ,dante   
and ,petrarch went before any good prose
 writer in ,italy2 ,corneille and       
,racine brought on the fine age of prose
 compositions in ,france2 and we had in 
,england1 not only ,chaucer and         
,spenser1 but ,shakspeare and ,milton1  
while our attempts in history or science
 were yet in their infancy2 and deserve 
our attention1 only for the sake of the 
matter they treat4  ,hellanicus1 who is 
reckoned among the first prose writers  
in ,greece1 and who immediately         

preceded1 or was the contemporary of    
,herodotus1 set out with declaring his  
intention to remove from history the    
wild representations1 and extravagant   
fictions1 with which it had been        
disgraced by the poets4 ,footnote3      
,quoted by ,demetrius ,phalerius4 ,the  
want of records or authorities1 relating
 to any distant transactions1 may have  
hindered him1 as it did his immediate   
successor1 from giving truth all the    
advantage it might have reaped from this
 transition to prose4 ,there are1       
however1 ages in the progress of        
society1 when such a proposition must be
 favourably received4 ,when men become  
occupied on the subjects of policy1 or  
commercial arts1 they wish to be        
informed and instructed1 as well as     
moved4 ,they are interested by what was 
real in past transactions4 ,they build  
on this foundation the reflections and  
reasonings they apply to present        
affairs1 and wish to receive information
 on the subject of different pursuits1  

and of projects in which they begin to  
be engaged4 ,the manners of men1 the    
practice of ordinary life1 and the form 
of society1 furnish their subjects to   
the moral and political writer4 ,mere   
ingenuity1 justness of sentiment1 and   
correct representation1 though conveyed 
in ordinary language1 are understood to 
constitute literary merit1 and by       
applying to reason more than to the     
imagination and passions1 meet with a   
reception that is due to the instruction
 they bring4  ,the talents of men come  
to be employed in a variety of affairs1 
and their inquiries directed to         
different subjects4 ,knowledge is       
important in every department of civil  
society1 and requisite to the practice  
of every art4 ,the science of nature1   
morals1 politics1 and history1 find     
their1 several admirers2 and even poetry
 itself1 which retains its former       
station in the region of warm           
imagination and enthusiastic passion1   
appears in a growing variety of forms4  

,matters have proceeded so far1 without 
the aid of foreign examples1 or the     
direction of schools4 ,the cart of      
,thespis was changed into a theatre1 not
 to gratify the learned1 but to please  
the ,athenian populace2 and the prize of
 poetical merit was decided by this     
populace equally before and after the   
invention of rules4 ,the ,greeks were   
unacquainted with every language but    
their own2 and if they became learned1  
it was only by studying what they       
themselves had produced3 the childish   
mythology1 which they are said to have  
copied from ,asia1 was equally of little
 avail in promoting their love of arts1 
or their success in the practice of     
them4  ,when the historian is struck    
with the events he has witnessed1 or    
heard2 when he is excited to relate them
 by his reflections or his passions2    
when the statesman1 who is required to  
speak in public1 is obliged to prepare  
for every remarkable appearance in      
studied harangues2 when conversation    

becomes extensive and refined2 and when 
the social feelings and reflections of  
men are committed to writing1 a system  
of learning may arise from the bustle of
 an active life4 ,society itself is the 
school1 and its lessons are delivered in
 the practice of real affairs4 ,an      
author writes from observations he has  
made on his subject1 not from the       
suggestion of books2 and every          
production carries the mark of his      
character as a man1 not of his mere     
proficiency as a student or scholar4 ,it
 may be made a question1 whether the    
trouble of seeking for distant models1  
and of wading for instruction1 through  
dark allusions and languages unknown1   
might not have quenched his fire1 and   
rendered him a writer of a very inferior
 class4  ,if society may thus be        
considered as a school for letters1 it  
is probable that its lessons are varied 
in every separate state1 and in every   
age4 ,for a certain period1 the severe  
applications of the ,roman people to    

policy and war suppressed the literary  
arts1 and appear to have stifled the    
genius even of the historian and the    
poet4 ,the institutions of ,sparta gave 
a professed contempt for whatever was   
not connected with the practical virtues
 of a vigorous and resolute spirit3 the 
charms of imagination1 and the parade of
 language1 were by this people classed  
with the arts of the cook and the       
perfumer3 their songs in praise of      
fortitude are mentioned by some writers2
 and collections of their witty sayings 
and repartees are still preserved3 they 
indicate the virtues and the abilities  
of an active people1 not their          
proficiency in science or literary      
taste4 ,possessed of what was essential 
to happiness in the virtues of the      
heart1 they had a discernment of its    
value1 unembarrassed by the numberless  
objects on which mankind in general are 
so much at a loss to adjust their       
esteem3 fixed in their own apprehension1
 they turned a sharp edge on the follies

 of mankind4 ,when will you begin to    
practise it8 was the question of a      
,spartan to a person who1 in an advanced
 age of life1 was still occupied with   
questions on the nature of virtue4      
,while this people confined their       
studies to one question1 how to improve 
and to preserve the courage and         
disinterested affections of the human   
heart2 their rivals1 the ,athenians1    
gave a scope to refinement on every     
object of reflection or passion4 ,by the
 rewards1 either of profit or of        
reputation1 which they bestowed on every
 effort of ingenuity employed in        
ministering to the pleasure1 the        
decoration1 or the conveniency of life2 
by the variety of conditions in which   
their citizens were placed2 by their    
inequalities of fortune1 and their      
several pursuits in war1 politics1      
commerce1 and lucrative arts1 they      
awakened whatever was either good or bad
 in the natural dispositions of men4    
,every road to eminence was opened3     

eloquence1 fortitude1 military skill1   
envy1 detraction1 faction1 and treason1 
even the muse herself1 was courted to   
bestow importance among a busy1 acute1  
and turbulent people4  ,from this       
example1 we may safely conclude1 that   
although business is sometimes a rival  
to study1 retirement and leisure are not
 the principal requisites to the        
improvement1 perhaps not even to the    
exercise1 of literary talents4 ,the most
 striking exertions of imagination and  
sentiment have a reference to mankind3  
they are excited by the presence and    
intercourse of men3 they have most      
vigour when actuated in the mind by the 
operation of its principal springs1 by  
the emulations1 the friendships1 and the
 oppositions which subsist among a      
forward and aspiring people4 ,amidst the
 great occasions which put a free1 and  
even a licentious society in motion1 its
 members become capable of every        
exertion2 and the same scenes which gave
 employment to ,themistocles and        

,thrasybulus1 inspired1 by contagion1   
the genius of ,sophocles and ,plato4    
,the petulant and the ingenious find an 
equal scope to their talents2 and       
literary monuments become the           
repositories of envy and folly1 as well 
as of wisdom and virtue4  ,greece1      
divided into many little states1 and    
agitated1 beyond any spot on the globe1 
by domestic contentions and foreign     
wars1 set the example in every species  
of literature4 ,the fire was            
communicated to ,rome2 not when the     
state ceased to be warlike1 and had     
discontinued her political agitations1  
but when she mixed the love of          
refinement and of pleasure with her     
national pursuits1 and indulged an      
inclination to study in the midst of    
ferments1 occasioned by the wars and    
pretensions of opposite factions4 ,it   
was revived in modern ,europe among the 
turbulent states of ,italy1 and spread  
to the north1 together with the spirit  
which shook the fabric of the ,gothic   

policy3 it rose while men were divided  
into parties1 under civil or religious  
denominations1 and when they were at    
variance on subjects held the most      
important and sacred4  ,we may be       
satisfied1 from the example of many     
ages1 that liberal endowments bestowed  
on learned societies1 and the leisure   
with which they were furnished for      
study1 are not the likeliest means to   
excite the exertions of genius3 even    
science itself1 the supposed offspring  
of leisure1 pined in the shade of       
monastic retirement4 ,men at a distance 
from the objects of useful knowledge1   
untouched by the motives that animate an
 active and a vigorous mind1 could      
produce only the jargon of a technical  
language1 and accumulate the            
impertinence of academical forms4  ,to  
speak or to write justly from an        
observation of nature1 it is necessary  
to have felt the sentiments of nature4  
,he who is penetrating and ardent in the
 conduct of life1 will probably exert a 

proportional force and ingenuity in the 
exercise of his literary talents3 and   
although writing may become a trade1 and
 require all the application and study  
which are bestowed on any other calling2
 yet the principal requisites in this   
calling are1 the spirit and sensibility 
of a vigorous mind4  ,in one period1 the
 school may take its light and direction
 from active life2 in another1 it is    
true1 the remains of an active spirit   
are greatly supported by literary       
monuments1 and by the history of        
transactions that preserve the examples 
and the experience of former and of     
better times4 ,but in whatever manner   
men are formed for great efforts of     
elocution or conduct1 it appears the    
most glaring of all deceptions1 to look 
for the accomplishments of a human      
character in the mere attainments of    
speculation1 whilst we neglect the      
qualities of fortitude and public       
affection1 which are so necessary to    
render our knowledge an article of      

happiness or of use4     ,,part         
,,fourth4  ,,of ,,consequences ,,that   
,,result ,,from ,,the ,,advancement ,,of
 ,,civil ,,and ,,commercial ,,arts4     
99       99       99       99       99  
,,section ,i4  ,,of ,,the ,,separation  
,,of ,,arts ,,and ,,professions4   ,it  
is evident1 that1 however urged by a    
sense of necessity1 and a desire of     
convenience1 or favoured by any         
advantages of situation and policy1 a   
people can make no great progress in    
cultivating the arts of life1 until they
 have separated1 and committed to       
different persons1 the several tasks    
which require a peculiar skill and      
attention4 ,the savage1 or the          
barbarian1 who must build and plant1 and
 fabricate for himself1 prefers1 in the 
interval of great alarms and fatigues1  
the enjoyments of sloth to the          
improvement of his fortune3 he is1      
perhaps1 by the diversity of his wants1 
discouraged from industry2 or1 by his   
divided attention1 prevented from       

acquiring skill in the management of any
 particular subject4  ,the enjoyment of 
peace1 however1 and the prospect of     
being able to exchange one commodity for
 another1 turns1 by degrees1 the hunter 
and the warrior into a tradesman and a  
merchant4 ,the accidents which          
distribute the means of subsistence     
unequally1 inclination1 and favourable  
opportunities1 assign the different     
occupations of men2 and a sense of      
utility leads them1 without end1 to     
subdivide their professions4  ,the      
artist finds1 that the more he can      
confine his attention to a particular   
part of any work1 his productions are   
the more perfect1 and grow under his    
hands in the greater quantities4 ,every 
undertaker in manufacture finds1 that   
the more he can subdivide the tasks of  
his workmen1 and the more hands he can  
employ on separate articles1 the more   
are his expenses diminished1 and his    
profits increased4 ,the consumer too    
requires1 in every kind of commodity1 a 

workmanship more perfect than hands     
employed on a variety of subjects can   
produce2 and the progress of commerce is
 but a continued subdivision of the     
mechanical arts4  ,every craft may      
engross the whole of a man's attention1 
and has a mystery which must be studied 
or learned by a regular apprenticeship4 
,nations of tradesmen come to consist of
 members1 who1 beyond their own         
particular trade1 are ignorant of all   
human affairs1 and who may contribute to
 the preservation and enlargement of    
their commonwealth1 without making its  
interest an object of their regard or   
attention4 ,every individual is         
distinguished by his calling1 and has a 
place to which he is fitted4 ,the       
savage1 who knows no distinction but    
that of his merit1 of his sex1 or of his
 species1 and to whom his community is  
the sovereign object of affection1 is   
astonished to find1 that in a scene of  
this nature1 his being a man does not   
qualify him for any station whatever3 he

 flies to the woods with amazement1     
distaste1 and aversion4  ,by the        
separation of arts and professions1 the 
sources of wealth are laid open2 every  
species of material is wrought up to the
 greatest perfection1 and every         
commodity is produced in the greatest   
abundance4 ,the state may estimate its  
profits and its revenues by the number  
of its people4 ,it may procure1 by its  
treasure1 that national consideration   
and power1 which the savage maintains at
 the expense of his blood4  ,the        
advantage gained in the inferior        
branches of manufacture by the          
separation of their parts1 seem to be   
equalled by those which arise from a    
similar device in the higher departments
 of policy and war4 ,the soldier is     
relieved from every care but that of his
 service2 statesmen divide the business 
of civil government into shares2 and the
 servants of the public1 in every       
office1 without being skilful in the    
affairs of state1 may succeed1 by       

observing forms which are already       
established on the experience of others4
 ,they are made1 like the parts of an   
engine1 to concur to a purpose1 without 
any concert of their own3 and equally   
blind with the trader to any general    
combination1 they unite with him1 in    
furnishing to the state its resources1  
its conduct1 and its force4  ,the       
artifices of the beaver1 the ant1 and   
the bee1 are ascribed to the wisdom of  
nature4 ,those of polished nations are  
ascribed to themselves1 and are supposed
 to indicate a capacity superior to that
 of rude minds4 ,but the establishments 
of men1 like those of every animal1 are 
suggested by nature1 and are the result 
of instinct1 directed by the variety of 
situations in which mankind are placed4 
,those establishments arose from        
successive improvements that were made1 
without any sense of their general      
effect2 and they bring human affairs to 
a state of complication1 which the      
greatest reach of capacity with which   

human nature was ever adorned1 could not
 have projected2 nor even when the whole
 is carried into execution1 can it be   
comprehended in its full extent4  ,who  
could anticipate1 or even enumerate1 the
 separate occupations and professions by
 which the members of any commercial    
state are distinguished2 the variety of 
devices which are practised in separate 
cells1 and which the artist1 attentive  
to his own affair1 has invented1 to     
abridge or to facilitate his separate   
task8 ,in coming to this mighty end1    
every generation1 compared to its       
predecessors1 may have appeared to be   
ingenious2 compared to its followers1   
may have appeared to be dull3 and human 
ingenuity1 whatever heights it may have 
gained in a succession of ages1         
continues to move with an equal pace1   
and to creep in making the last1 as well
 as the first1 step of commercial or    
civil improvement4  ,it may even be     
doubted1 whether the measure of national
 capacity increases with the advancement

 of arts4 ,many mechanical arts1 indeed1
 require no capacity2 they succeed best 
under a total suppression of sentiment  
and reason2 and ignorance is the mother 
of industry as well as of superstition4 
,reflection and fancy are subject to    
err2 but a habit of moving the hand1 or 
the foot1 is independent of either4     
,manufactures1 accordingly1 prosper most
 where the mind is least consulted1 and 
where the workshop may1 without any     
great effort of imagination1 be         
considered as an engine1 the parts of   
which are men4  ,the forest has been    
felled by the savage without the use of 
the axe1 and weights have been raised   
without the aid of the mechanical       
powers4 ,the merit of the inventor1 in  
every branch1 probably deserves a       
preference to that of the performer2 and
 he who invented a tool1 or could work  
without its assistance1 deserved the    
praise of ingenuity in a much higher    
degree than the mere artist1 who1 by its
 assistance1 produces a superior work4  

,but if many parts in the practice of   
every art1 and in the detail of every   
department1 require no abilities1 or    
actually tend to contract and to limit  
the views of the mind1 there are others 
which lead to general reflections1 and  
to enlargement of thought4 ,even in     
manufacture1 the genius of the master1  
perhaps1 is cultivated1 while that of   
the inferior workman lies waste4 ,the   
statesman may have a wide comprehension 
of human affairs1 while the tools he    
employs are ignorant of the system in   
which they are themselves combined4 ,the
 general officer may be a great         
proficient in the knowledge of war1     
while the skill of the soldier is       
confined to a few motions of the hand   
and the foot4 ,the former may have      
gained what the latter has lost2 and    
being occupied in the conduct of        
disciplined armies1 may practise on a   
larger scale all the arts of            
preservation1 of deception1 and of      
stratagem1 which the savage exerts in   

leading a small party1 or merely in     
defending himself4  ,the practitioner of
 every art and profession may afford    
matter of general speculation to the man
 of science2 and thinking itself1 in    
this age of separations1 may become a   
peculiar craft4 ,in the bustle of civil 
pursuits and occupations1 men appear in 
a variety of lights1 and suggest matter 
of inquiry and fancy1 by which          
conversation is enlivened1 and greatly  
enlarged4 ,the productions of ingenuity 
are brought to the market2 and men are  
willing to pay for whatever has a       
tendency to inform or amuse4 ,by this   
means the idle1 as well as the busy1    
contribute to forward the progress of   
arts1 and bestow on polished nations    
that air of superior ingenuity1 under   
which they appear to have gained the    
ends that were pursued by the savage in 
his forest1 knowledge1 order1 and       
wealth4     ,,section ,,ii4  ,,of ,,the 
,,subordination ,,consequent ,,to ,,the 
,,separation ,,of ,,arts ,,and          

,,professions4   ,there is one ground of
 subordination in the difference of     
natural talents and dispositions2 a     
second in the unequal division of       
property2 and a third1 not less         
sensible1 in the habits which are       
acquired by the practice of different   
arts4  ,some employments are liberal1   
others mechanic4 ,they require different
 talents1 and inspire different         
sentiments2 and whether or not this be  
the cause of the preference we actually 
give1 it is certainly reasonable to form
 our opinion of the rank that is due to 
men of certain professions and stations1
 from the influence of their manner of  
life in cultivating the powers of the   
mind1 or in preserving the sentiments of
 the heart4  ,there is an elevation     
natural to man1 by which he would be    
thought1 in his rudest state1 however   
urged by necessity1 to rise above the   
consideration of mere subsistence1 and  
the regards of interest3 he would appear
 to act only1 from the heart1 in its    

engagements of friendship or opposition2
 he would shew himself only upon        
occasions of danger or difficulty1 and  
leave ordinary cares to the weak or the 
servile4  ,the same apprehensions1 in   
every situation1 regulate his notions of
 meanness or of dignity4 ,in that of    
polished society1 his desire to avoid   
the character of sordid1 makes him      
conceal his regard for what relates     
merely to his preservation or his       
livelihood4 ,in his estimation1 the     
beggar1 who depends upon charity2 the   
labourer1 who toils that he may eat2 the
 mechanic1 whose art requires no        
exertion of genius1 are degraded by the 
object they pursue1 and by the means    
they employ to attain it4 ,professions  
requiring more knowledge and study2     
proceeding on the exercise of fancy1 and
 the love of perfection2 leading to     
applause as well as to profit1 place the
 artist in a superior class1 and bring  
him nearer to that station in which men1
 because they are bound to no task1     

because they are left to follow the     
disposition of the mind1 and to take    
that part in society to which they are  
led by the sentiments of the heart1 or  
by the calls of the public1 are supposed
 to be highest4  ,this last was the     
station1 which1 in the distinction      
betwixt freemen and slaves1 the citizens
 of every ancient republic strove to    
gain1 and to maintain for themselves4   
,women1 or slaves1 in the earliest ages1
 had been set apart for the purposes of 
domestic care1 or bodily labour2 and in 
the progress of lucrative arts1 the     
latter were bred to mechanical          
professions1 and were even intrusted    
with merchandise for the benefit of     
their masters4 ,freemen would be        
understood to have no object beside     
those of politics and war4 ,in this     
manner1 the honours of one half of the  
species were sacrificed to those of the 
other2 as stones from the same quarry   
are buried in the foundation1 to sustain
 the blocks which happen to be hewn for 

the superior parts of the pile4 ,in the 
midst of our encomiums bestowed on the  
,greeks and the ,romans1 we are1 by this
 circumstance1 made to remember1 that no
 human institution is perfect4  ,in many
 of the ,grecian states1 the benefits   
arising to the free from this cruel     
distinction1 were not conferred equally 
on all the citizens4 ,wealth being      
unequally divided1 the rich alone were  
exempted from labour2 the poor were     
reduced to work for their own           
subsistence3 interest was a reigning    
passion in both1 and the possession of  
slaves1 like that of any other lucrative
 property1 became an object of avarice1 
not an exemption from sordid attentions4
 ,the entire effects of the institution 
were obtained1 or continued to be       
enjoyed for any considerable time1 at   
,sparta alone4 ,we feel its injustice2  
we suffer for the helot1 under the      
severities and unequal treatment to     
which he was exposed3 but when we think 
only of the superior order of men in    

this state2 when we attend to that      
elevation and magnanimity of spirit1 for
 which danger had no terror1 interest no
 means to corrupt2 when we consider them
 as friends1 or as citizens1 we are apt 
to forget1 like themselves1 that slaves 
have a title to be treated like men4    
,we look for elevation of sentiment1 and
 liberality of mind1 among those orders 
of citizens1 who1 by their condition1   
and their fortunes1 are relieved from   
sordid cares and attentions4 ,this was  
the description of a free man at        
,sparta2 and if the lot of a slave among
 the ancients was really more wretched  
than that of the indigent labourer and  
the mechanic among the moderns1 it may  
be doubted whether the superior orders1 
who are in possession of consideration  
and honours1 do not proportionally fail 
in the dignity which befits their       
condition4 ,if the pretensions to equal 
justice and freedom should terminate in 
rendering every class equally servile   
and mercenary1 we make a nation of      

helots1 and have no free citizens4  ,in 
every commercial state1 notwithstanding 
any pretension to equal rights1 the     
exaltation of a few must depress the    
many4 ,in this arrangement1 we think    
that the extreme meanness of some       
classes must arise chiefly from the     
defect of knowledge1 and of liberal     
education2 and we refer to such classes1
 as to an image of what our species must
 have been in its rude and uncultivated 
state4 ,but we forget how many          
circumstances1 especially in populous   
cities1 tend to corrupt the lowest      
orders of men4 ,ignorance is the least  
of their failings4 ,an admiration of    
wealth unpossessed1 becoming a principle
 of envy1 or of servility2 a habit of   
acting perpetually with a view to       
profit1 and under a sense of subjection2
 the crimes to which they are allured1  
in order to feed their debauch1 or to   
gratify their avarice1 are examples1 not
 of ignorance1 but of corruption and    
baseness4 ,if the savage has not        

received our instructions1 he is        
likewise unacquainted with our vices4   
,he knows no superior1 and cannot be    
servile2 he knows no distinctions of    
fortune1 and cannot be envious2 he acts 
from his talents in the highest station 
which human society can offer1 that of  
the counsellor1 and the soldier of his  
country4 ,toward forming his sentiments1
 he knows all that the heart requires to
 be known2 he can distinguish the friend
 whom he loves1 and the public interest 
which awakens his zeal4  ,the principal 
objections1 to democratical or popular  
government1 are taken from the          
inequalities which arise among men in   
the result of commercial arts4 ,and it  
must be confessed1 that popular         
assemblies1 when composed of men whose  
dispositions are sordid1 and whose      
ordinary applications are illiberal1    
however they may be intrusted with the  
choice of their masters and leaders1 are
 certainly1 in their own persons1 unfit 
to command4 ,how can he who has confined

 his views to his own subsistence or    
preservation1 be intrusted with the     
conduct of nations8 ,such men1 when     
admitted to deliberate on matters of    
state1 bring to its councils confusion  
and tumult1 or servility and corruption2
 and seldom suffer it to repose from    
ruinous factions1 or the effect of      
resolutions ill formed or ill conducted4
  ,the ,athenians retained their popular
 government under all these defects4    
,the mechanic was obliged1 under a      
penalty1 to appear in the public        
market-place1 and to hear debates on the
 subjects of war and of peace4 ,he was  
tempted by pecuniary rewards1 to attend 
on the trial of civil and criminal      
causes4 ,but1 notwithstanding an        
exercise tending so much to cultivate   
their talents1 the indigent came always 
with minds intent upon profit1 or with  
the habits of an illiberal calling4     
,sunk under the sense of their personal 
disparity and weakness1 they were ready 
to resign themselves entirely to the    

influence of some popular leader1 who   
flattered their passions1 and wrought on
 their fears2 or1 actuated by envy1 they
 were ready to banish from the state    
whomsoever was respectable and eminent  
in the superior order of citizens2 and  
whether from their neglect of the public
 at one time1 or their                  
mal-administration at another1 the      
sovereignty was every moment ready to   
drop from their hands4  ,the people1 in 
this case1 are1 in fact1 frequently     
governed by one1 or a few1 who know how 
to conduct them4 ,pericles possessed a  
species of princely authority at        
,athens2 ,crassus1 ,pompey1 and ,caesar1
 either jointly or successively1        
possessed for a considerable period the 
sovereign direction at ,rome4  ,whether 
in great or in small states1 democracy  
is preserved with difficulty1 under the 
disparities of condition1 and the       
unequal cultivation of the mind1 which  
attend the variety of pursuits1 and     
applications1 that separate mankind in  

the advanced state of commercial arts4  
,in this1 however1 we do but plead      
against the form of democracy1 after the
 principle is removed2 and see the      
absurdity of pretensions to equal       
influence and consideration1 after the  
characters of men have ceased to be     
similar4     ,,section ,,iii4  ,,of     
,,the ,,manners ,,of ,,polished ,,and   
,,commercial ,,nations4   ,mankind1 when
 in their rude state1 have a great      
uniformity of manners2 but when         
civilized1 they are engaged in a variety
 of pursuits2 they tread on a larger    
field1 and separate to a greater        
distance4 ,if they be guided1 however1  
by similar dispositions1 and by like    
suggestions of nature1 they will        
probably in the end1 as well as in the  
beginning of their progress1 continue to
 agree in many particulars2 and while   
communities admit1 in their members1    
that diversity of ranks and professions 
which we have already described as the  
consequence or the foundation of        

commerce1 they will resemble each other 
in many effects of this distribution1   
and of other circumstances in which they
 nearly concur4  ,under every form of   
government1 statesmen endeavour to      
remove the dangers by which they are    
threatened from abroad1 and the         
disturbances which molest them at home4 
,by this conduct1 if successful1 they in
 a few ages gain an ascendant for their 
country2 establish a frontier at a      
distance from its capital2 they find1 in
 the mutual desires of tranquillity1    
which come to possess mankind1 and in   
those public establishments which tend  
to keep the peace of society1 a respite 
from foreign wars1 and a relief from    
domestic disorders4 ,they learn to      
decide every contest without tumult1 and
 to secure1 by the authority of law1    
every citizen in the possession of his  
personal rights4  ,in this condition1 to
 which thriving nations aspire1 and     
which they in some measure attain1      
mankind having laid the basis of safety1

 proceed to erect a superstructure      
suitable to their views4 ,the           
consequence is various in different     
states2 even in different orders of men 
of the same community2 and the effect to
 every individual corresponds with his  
station4 ,it enables the statesman and  
the soldier to settle the forms of their
 different procedure2 it enables the    
practitioner in every profession to     
pursue his separate advantage2 it       
affords the man of pleasure a time for  
refinement1 and the speculative1 leisure
 for literary conversation or study4    
,in this scene1 matters that have little
 reference to the active pursuits of    
mankind1 are made subjects of inquiry1  
and the exercise of sentiment and reason
 itself becomes a profession4 ,the songs
 of the bard1 the harangues of the      
statesman and the warrior1 the tradition
 and the story of ancient times1 are    
considered as the models1 or the        
earliest production1 of so many arts1   
which it becomes the object of different

 professions to copy or to improve4 ,the
 works of fancy1 like the subjects of   
natural history1 are distinguished into 
classes and species2 the rules of every 
particular kind are distinctly          
collected2 and the library is stored1   
like the warehouse1 with the finished   
manufacture of different artists1 who1  
with the aids of the grammarian and the 
critic1 aspire1 each in his particular  
way1 to instruct the head1 or to move   
the heart4  ,every nation is a motley   
assemblage of different characters1 and 
contains1 under any political form1 some
 examples of that variety1 which the    
humours1 tempers1 and apprehensions of  
men1 so differently employed1 are likely
 to furnish4 ,every profession has its  
point of honour1 and its system of      
manners2 the merchant his punctuality   
and fair dealing2 the statesman his     
capacity and address2 the man of society
 his good breeding and wit4 ,every      
station has a carriage1 a dress1 a      
ceremonial1 by which it is              

distinguished1 and by which it          
suppresses the national character under 
that of the rank1 or of the individual4 
,this description may be applied equally
 to ,athens and ,rome1 to ,london and   
,paris4 ,the rude1 or the simple        
observer1 would remark the variety he   
saw in the dwellings and in the         
occupations1 of different men1 not in   
the aspect of different nations4 ,he    
would find1 in the streets of the same  
city1 as great a diversity1 as in the   
territory of a separate people4 ,he     
could not pierce through the cloud that 
was gathered before him1 nor see how the
 tradesman1 mechanic1 or scholar1 of one
 country1 should differ from those of   
another4 ,but the native of every       
province can distinguish the foreigner2 
and when he himself travels1 is struck  
with the aspect of a strange country1   
the moment he passes the bounds of his  
own4 ,the air of the person1 the tone of
 the voice1 the idiom of language1 and  
the strain of conversation1 whether     

pathetic or languid1 gay or severe1 are 
no longer the same4  ,many such         
differences may arise among polished    
nations1 from the effects of climate1 or
 from sources of fashion1 that are still
 more hidden or unobserved2 but the     
principal distinctions on which we can  
rest1 are derived from the part a people
 are obliged to act in their national   
capacity2 from the objects placed in    
their view by the state2 or from the    
constitution of government1 which1      
prescribing the terms of society to its 
subjects1 had a great influence in      
forming their apprehensions and habits4 
,the ,roman people1 destined to acquire 
wealth by conquest1 and by the spoil of 
provinces2 the ,carthaginians1 intent on
 the returns of merchandise1 and the    
produce of commercial settlements1 must 
have filled the streets of their several
 capitals with men of a different       
disposition and aspect4 ,the ,roman laid
 hold of his sword when he wished to be 
great1 and the state found her armies   

prepared in the dwellings of her people4
 ,the ,carthaginian retired to his      
counter on a similar project2 and1 when 
the state was alarmed1 or had resolved  
on a war1 lent of his profits to        
purchase an army abroad4  ,the member of
 a republic1 and the subject of a       
monarchy1 must differ2 because they have
 different parts assigned to them by the
 forms of their country3 the one        
destined to live with his equals1 or to 
contend1 by his personal talents and    
character1 for pre-eminence2 the other1 
born to a determinate station1 where any
 pretence to equality creates a         
confusion1 and where nought but         
precedence is studied4 ,each1 when the  
institutions of his country are mature1 
may find in the laws a protection to his
 personal rights2 but those rights      
themselves are differently understood1  
and with a different set of opinions1   
give rise to a different temper of mind4
 ,the republican must act in the state1 
to sustain his pretensions2 he must join

 a party1 in order to be safe2 he must  
lead one1 in order to be great4 ,the    
subject of monarchy refers to his birth 
for the honour he claims2 he waits on a 
court1 to shew his importance2 and holds
 out the ensigns of dependence and      
favour1 to gain him esteem with the     
public4  ,if national institutions1     
calculated for the preservation of      
liberty1 instead of calling upon the    
citizen to act for himself1 and to      
maintain his rights1 should give a      
security1 requiring1 on his part1 no    
personal attention or effort2 this      
seeming perfection of government might  
weaken the bands of society1 and1 upon  
maxims of independence1 separate and    
estrange the different ranks it was     
meant to reconcile4 ,neither the parties
 formed in republics1 nor the courtly   
assemblies1 which meet in monarchical   
governments1 could take place1 where the
 sense of a mutual dependence should    
cease to summon their members together4 
,the resorts for commerce might be      

frequented1 and mere amusement might be 
pursued in the crowd1 while the private 
dwelling became a retreat for reserve1  
averse to the trouble arising from      
regards and attentions1 which it might  
be part of the political creed to       
believe of no consequence1 and a point  
of honour to hold in contempt4  ,this   
humour is not likely to grow either in  
republics or monarchies3 it belongs more
 properly to a mixture of both2 where   
the administration of justice may be    
better secured2 where the subject is    
tempted to look for equality1 but where 
he finds only independence in its place2
 and where he learns1 from a spirit of  
equality1 to hate the very distinctions 
to which1 on account of their real      
importance1 he pays a remarkable        
deference4  ,in either of the separate  
forms of republic or monarchy1 or in    
acting on the principles of either1 men 
are obliged to court their fellow       
citizens1 and to employ parts and       
address to improve their fortunes1 or   

even to be safe4 ,they find in both a   
school for discernment and penetration2 
but in the one1 are taught to overlook  
the merits of a private character for   
the sake of abilities that have weight  
with the public2 and in the other to    
overlook great and respectable talents1 
for the sake of qualities engaging or   
pleasant in the scene of entertainment  
and private society4 ,they are obliged1 
in both1 to adapt themselves with care  
to the fashion and manners of their     
country4 ,they find no place for caprice
 or singular humours4 ,the republican   
must be popular1 and the courtier       
polite4 ,the first must think himself   
well placed in every company2 the other 
must choose his resorts1 and desire to  
be distinguished only where the society 
itself is esteemed4 ,with his inferiors1
 he takes an air of protection2 and     
suffers1 in his turn1 the same air to be
 taken with himself4 ,it did not1       
perhaps1 require in a ,spartan1 who     
feared nothing but a failure in his     

duty1 who loved nothing but his friend  
and the state1 so constant a guard on   
himself to support his character1 as it 
frequently does in the subject of a     
monarchy1 to adjust his expense and his 
fortune to the desires of his vanity1   
and to appear in a rank as high as his  
birth1 or ambition1 can possibly reach4 
,there is no particular1 in the mean    
time1 in which we are more frequently   
unjust1 than in applying to the         
individual the supposed character of his
 country2 or more frequently misled2    
than in taking our notion of a people   
from the example of one1 or a few of    
their members4 ,it belonged to the      
constitution of ,athens1 to have        
produced a ,cleon1 and a ,pericles2 but 
all the ,athenians were not1 therefore1 
like ,cleon1 or ,pericles4 ,themistocles
 and ,aristides lived in the same age2  
the one advised what was profitable1 the
 other told his country what was just4  
,,section ,,iv4  ,,the ,,same ,,subject 
,,continued4   ,the law of nature1 with 

respect to nations1 is the same that it 
is with respect to individuals3 it gives
 to the collective body a right to      
preserve themselves2 to employ          
undisturbed the means of life2 to retain
 the fruits of labour2 to demand the    
observance of stipulations and          
contracts4 ,in the case of violence1 it 
condemns the aggressor1 and establishes1
 on the part of the injured1 the right  
of defence1 and a claim to retribution4 
,its applications1 however1 admit of    
disputes1 and give rise to variety in   
the apprehension1 as well as the        
practice of mankind4  ,nations have     
agreed universally1 in distinguishing   
right from wrong2 in exacting the       
reparation of injuries by consent or by 
force4 ,they have always reposed1 in a  
certain degree1 on the faith of         
treaties2 but have acted as if force    
were the ultimate arbiter in all their  
disputes1 and the power to defend       
themselves1 the surest pledge of their  
safety4 ,guided by these common         

apprehensions1 they have differed from  
one another1 not merely in points of    
form1 but in points of the greatest     
importance1 respecting the usage of war1
 the effects of captivity1 and the      
rights of conquest and victory4  ,when a
 number of independent communities have 
been frequently involved in wars1 and   
have had their stated alliances and     
oppositions1 they adopt customs which   
they make the foundation of rules1 or of
 laws1 to be observed1 or alleged1 in   
all their mutual transactions4 ,even in 
war itself1 they would follow a system1 
and plead for the observance of forms in
 their very operations for mutual       
destruction4  ,the ancient states of    
,greece and ,italy derived their manners
 in war from the nature of their        
republican government2 those of modern  
,europe1 from the influence of monarchy1
 which1 by its prevalence in this part  
of the world1 has a great effect on     
nations1 even where it is not the form  
established4 ,upon the maxims of this   

government1 we apprehend a distinction  
between the state and its members1 as   
that between the king and the people1   
which renders war an operation of       
policy1 not of popular animosity4 ,while
 we strike at the public interest1 we   
would spare the private2 and we carry a 
respect and consideration for           
individuals1 which often stops the      
issues of blood in the ardour of        
victory1 and procures to the prisoner of
 war a hospitable reception in the very 
city which he came to destroy4 ,these   
practices are so well established1 that 
scarcely any provocation on the part of 
an enemy1 or any exigence of service1   
can excuse a trespass on the supposed   
rules of humanity1 or save the leader   
who commits it from becoming an object  
of detestation and horror4  ,to this1   
the general practice of the ,greeks and 
the ,romans was opposite4 ,they         
endeavoured to wound the state by       
destroying its members1 by desolating   
its territory1 and by ruining the       

possessions of its subjects4 ,they      
granted quarter only to enslave1 or to  
bring the prisoner to a more solemn     
execution2 and an enemy1 when disarmed1 
was1 for the most part1 either sold in  
the market or killed1 that he might     
never return to strengthen his party4   
,when this was the issue of war1 it was 
no wonder that battles were fought with 
desperation1 and that every fortress was
 defended to the last extremity4 ,the   
game of human life went upon a high     
stake1 and was played with a            
proportional zeal4  ,the term barbarian1
 in this state of manners1 could not be 
employed by the ,greeks or the ,romans  
in that sense in which we use it3 to    
characterize1 a people regardless of    
commercial arts2 profuse of their own   
lives1 and those of others2 vehement in 
their attachment to one society1 and    
implacable in their antipathy to        
another4 ,this1 in a great and shining  
part of their history1 was their own    
character1 as well as that of some other

 nations1 whom1 upon this very account1 
we distinguish by the appellations of   
barbarous or rude4  ,it has been        
observed1 that those celebrated nations 
are indebted1 for a great part of their 
estimation1 not to the matter of their  
history1 but to the manner in which it  
has been delivered1 and to the capacity 
of their historians1 and other writers4 
,their story has been told by men who   
knew how to draw our attention on the   
proceedings of the understanding and of 
the heart1 more than on external        
effects2 and who could exhibit          
characters to be admired and loved1 in  
the midst of actions which we should now
 universally hate or condemn4 ,like     
,homer1 the model of ,grecian           
literature1 they could make us forget   
the horrors of a vindictive1 cruel1 and 
remorseless treatment of an enemy1 in   
behalf of the strenuous conduct1 the    
courage1 and vehement affections1 with  
which the hero maintained the cause of  
his friend and of his country4  ,our    

manners are so different1 and the system
 upon which we regulate our             
apprehensions1 in many things so        
opposite1 that no less could make us    
endure the practice of ancient nations4 
,were that practice recorded by the mere
 journalist1 who retains only the detail
 of events1 without throwing any light  
on the character of the actors2 who1    
like the ,tartar historian1 tells us    
only what blood was spilt in the field1 
and how many inhabitants were massacred 
in the city2 we should never have       
distinguished the ,greeks from their    
barbarous neighbours1 nor have thought1 
that the character of civility pertained
 even to the ,romans1 till very late in 
their history1 and in the decline of    
their empire4  ,it would1 no doubt1 be  
pleasant to see the remarks of such a   
traveller as we sometimes send abroad to
 inspect the manners of mankind1 left1  
unassisted by history1 to collect the   
character of the ,greeks from the state 
of their country1 or from their practice

 in war4 ,this country1 he might say1   
compared to ours1 has an air of         
barrenness and desolation4 ,i saw upon  
the road troops of labourers1 who were  
employed in the fields2 but no where the
 habitations of the master and the      
landlord4 ,it was unsafe1 ,i was told1  
to reside in the country2 and the people
 of every district crowded into towns to
 find a place of defence4 ,it is1       
indeed1 impossible1 that they can be    
more civilized1 till they have          
established some regular government1 and
 have courts of justice to hear their   
complaints4 ,at present every town1 nay1
 ,i may say1 every village1 acts for    
itself1 and the greatest disorders      
prevail4 ,i was not indeed molested2 for
 you must know1 that they call          
themselves nations1 and do all their    
mischief under the pretence of war4  ,i 
do not mean to take any of the liberties
 of travellers1 nor to vie with the     
celebrated author of the voyage to      
,lilliput2 but cannot help endeavouring 

to communicate what ,i felt on hearing  
them speak of their territory1 their    
armies1 their revenues1 treaties1 and   
alliances4 ,only imagine the            
church-wardens and constables of        
,highgate or ,hampstead turned statesmen
 and generals1 and you will have a      
tolerable conception of this singular   
country4 ,i passed through one state1   
where the best house in the capital     
would not lodge the meanest of your     
labourers1 and where your very beggars  
would not choose to dine with the king2 
and yet they are thought a great nation1
 and have no less than two kings4 ,i saw
 one of them2 but such a potentate6 ,he 
had scarcely clothes to his back2 and   
for his majesty's table1 he was obliged 
to go to the eating-house with his      
subjects4 ,they have not a single       
farthing of money2 and ,i was obliged to
 get food at the public expense1 there  
being none to be had in the market4 ,you
 will imagine1 that there must have been
 a service of plate1 and great          

attendance1 to wait on the illustrious  
stranger2 but my fare was a mess of     
sorry pottage1 brought me by a naked    
slave1 who left me to deal with it as ,i
 thought proper3 and even this ,i was in
 continual danger of having stolen from 
me by the children2 who are as vigilant 
to seize opportunities1 and as dexterous
 in snatching their food1 as any starved
 greyhound you ever saw4 ,the misery of 
the whole people1 in short1 as well as  
my own1 while ,i staid there1 was beyond
 description4 ,you would think that     
their whole attention were to torment   
themselves as much as they can3 they are
 even displeased with one of their kings
 for being well liked4 ,he had made a   
present1 while ,i was there1 of a cow to
 one favourite1 and of a waistcoat to   
another2 ,footnote3 ,plutarch in the    
life of ,agesilaus1 and it was publicly 
said1 that this method of gaining       
friends was robbing the public4 ,my     
landlord told me very gravely1 that a   
man should come under no obligation that

 might weaken the love which he owes to 
his country2 nor form any personal      
attachment beyond the mere habit of     
living with his friend1 and of doing him
 a kindness when he can4  ,i asked him  
once1 why they did not1 for their own   
sakes1 enable their kings to assume a   
little more state8 ,because1 says he1 we
 intend them the happiness of living    
with men4 ,when ,i found fault with     
their houses1 and said1 in particular1  
that ,i was surprised they did not build
 better churches3 ,what would you be    
then1 says he1 if you found religion in 
stone walls8 ,this will suffice for a   
sample of our conversation2 and         
sententious as it was1 you may believe  
,i did not stay long to profit by it4   
,the people of this place are not quite 
so stupid4 ,there is a pretty large     
square of a market-place1 and some      
tolerable buildings2 and1 ,i am told1   
they have some barks and lighters       
employed in trade1 which they likewise1 
upon occasion1 muster into a fleet1 like

 my lord mayor's show4 ,but what pleases
 me most is1 that ,i am likely to get a 
passage from hence1 and bid farewell to 
this wretched country4 ,i have been at  
some pains to observe their ceremonies  
of religion1 and to pick up curiosities4
 ,i have copied some inscriptions1 as   
you will see when you come to peruse my 
journal1 and will then judge1 whether ,i
 have met with enough to compensate the 
fatigues and bad entertainment to which 
,i have submitted4 ,as for the people1  
you will believe1 from the specimen ,i  
have given you1 that they could not be  
very engaging company3 though poor and  
dirty1 they still pretend to be proud2  
and a fellow who is not worth a groat1  
is above working for his livelihood4    
,they come abroad barefooted1 and       
without any cover to the head1 wrapt up 
in the coverlets under which you would  
imagine they had slept4 ,they throw all 
off1 and appear like so many naked      
cannibals1 when they go to violent      
sports and exercises2 at which they     

highly value feats of dexterity and     
strength4 ,brawny limbs1 and muscular   
arms1 the faculty of sleeping out all   
nights1 of fasting long1 and of putting 
up with any kind of food1 are thought   
genteel accomplishments4 ,they have no  
settled government that ,i could learn2 
sometimes the mob1 and sometimes the    
better sort1 do what they please3 they  
meet in great crowds in the open air1   
and seldom agree in any thing4 ,if a    
fellow has presumption enough1 and a    
loud voice1 he can make a great figure4 
,there was a tanner here1 some time ago1
 who1 for a while1 carried every thing  
before him4 ,he censured so loudly what 
others had done1 and talked so big of   
what might be performed1 that he was    
sent out at last to make good his words1
 and to curry the enemy instead of his  
leather4 ,footnote3 ,thucydides1 lib4   
#d4 ,aristophanes ,you will imagine1    
perhaps1 that he was pressed for a      
recruit2 no2 he was sent to command the 
army4 ,they are indeed seldom long of   

one mind1 except in their readiness to  
harass their neighbours4 ,they go out in
 bodies1 and rob1 pillage1 and murder   
wherever they come4 ,so far may we      
suppose our traveller to have written2  
and upon a recollection of the          
reputation which those nations have     
acquired at a distance1 he might have   
added1 perhaps1 ,that he could not      
understand how scholars1 fine gentlemen1
 and even women1 should combine to      
admire a people1 who so little resemble 
themselves4  ,to form a judgment of the 
character from which they acted in the  
field1 and in their competitions with   
neighbouring nations1 we must observe   
them at home4 ,they were bold and       
fearless in their civil dissentions2    
ready to proceed to extremities1 and to 
carry their debates to the decision of  
force4 ,individuals stood distinguished 
by their personal spirit and vigour1 not
 by the valuation of their estates1 or  
the rank of their birth4 ,they had a    
personal elevation founded on the sense 

of equality1 not of precedence4 ,the    
general of one campaign was1 during the 
next1 a private soldier1 and served in  
the ranks4 ,they were solicitous to     
acquire bodily strength2 because1 in the
 use of their weapons1 battles were a   
trial of the soldier's strength1 as well
 as of the leader's conduct4 ,the       
remains of their statuary shows a manly 
grace1 an air of simplicity and ease1   
which being frequent in nature1 were    
familiar to the artist4 ,the mind1      
perhaps1 borrowed a confidence and      
force1 from the vigour and address of   
the body2 their eloquence and style bore
 a resemblance to the carriage of the   
person4 ,the understanding was chiefly  
cultivated in the practice of affairs4  
,the most respectable personages were   
obliged to mix with the crowd1 and      
derived their degree of ascendancy only 
from their conduct1 their eloquence1 and
 personal vigour4 ,they had no forms of 
expression1 to mark a ceremonious and   
guarded respect4 ,invective proceeded to

 railing1 and the grossest terms were   
often employed by the most admired and  
accomplished orators4 ,quarrelling had  
no rules but the immediate dictates of  
passion1 which ended in words of        
reproach1 in violence and blows4 ,they  
fortunately went always unarmed2 and to 
wear a sword in times of peace1 was     
among them the mark of a barbarian4     
,when they took arms in the divisions of
 faction1 the prevailing party supported
 itself by expelling their opponents1 by
 proscriptions1 and bloodshed4 ,the     
usurper endeavoured to maintain his     
station by the most violent and prompt  
executions4 ,he was opposed1 in his     
turn1 by conspiracies and               
assassinations1 in which the most       
respectable citizens were ready to use  
the dagger4  ,such was the character of 
their spirit1 in its occasional ferments
 at home2 and it burst commonly with a  
suitable violence and force1 against    
their foreign rivals and enemies4 ,the  
amiable plea of humanity was little     

regarded by them in the operations of   
war4 ,cities were razed1 or enslaved2   
the captive sold1 mutilated1 or         
condemned to die4  ,when viewed on this 
side1 the ancient nations have but a    
sorry plea for esteem with the          
inhabitants of modern ,europe1 who      
profess to carry the civilities of peace
 into the practice of war2 and who value
 the praise of indiscriminate lenity at 
a higher rate than even that of military
 prowess1 or the love of their country4 
,and yet they have1 in other respects1  
merited and obtained our praise4 ,their 
ardent attachment to their country2     
their contempt of suffering1 and of     
death1 in its cause2 their manly        
apprehensions of personal independence1 
which rendered every individual1 even   
under tottering establishments and      
imperfect laws1 the guardian of freedom 
to his fellow citizens2 their activity  
of mind2 in short1 their penetration1   
the ability of their conduct1 and force 
of their spirit1 have gained them the   

first rank among nations4  ,if their    
animosities were great1 their affections
 were proportionate2 they1 perhaps1     
loved1 where we only pity2 and were     
stern and inexorable1 where we are not  
merciful1 but only irresolute4 ,after   
all1 the merit of a man is determined by
 his candour and generosity to his      
associates1 by his zeal for national    
objects1 and by his vigour in           
maintaining political rights2 not by    
moderation alone1 which proceeds        
frequently from indifference to national
 and public interest1 and which serves  
to relax the nerves on which the force  
of a private1 as well as a public1      
character depends4  ,when under the     
,macedonian and the ,roman monarchies1 a
 nation came to be considered as1 the   
estate of a prince1 and the inhabitants 
of a province to be regarded as a       
lucrative property1 the possession of   
territory1 not the destruction of its   
people1 became the object of conquest4  
,the pacific citizen had little concern 

in the quarrels of sovereigns2 the      
violence of the soldier was restrained  
by discipline4 ,he fought1 because he   
was taught to carry arms1 and to obey3  
he sometimes shed unnecessary blood in  
the ardour of victory2 but1 except in   
the case of civil wars1 had no passions 
to excite his animosity beyond the field
 and the day of battle4 ,leaders judged 
of the objects of an enterprise1 and    
they arrested the sword when these were 
obtained4  ,in the modern nations of    
,europe1 where extent of territory      
admits of a distinction between the     
state and its subjects1 we are          
accustomed to think of the individual   
with compassion1 seldom of the public   
with zeal4 ,we have improved on the laws
 of war1 and on the lenitives which have
 been devised to soften its rigours2 we 
have mingled politeness with the use of 
the sword2 we have learned to make war  
under the stipulations of treaties and  
cartels1 and trust to the faith of an   
enemy whose ruin we meditate4 ,glory is 

more successfully obtained by saving and
 protecting1 than by destroying the     
vanquished3 and the most amiable of all 
objects is1 in appearance1 attained2 the
 employing of force1 only for the       
obtaining of justice1 and for the       
preservation of national rights4  ,this 
is1 perhaps1 the principal              
characteristic1 on which1 among modern  
nations1 we bestow the epithets of      
civilized or of polished4 ,but we have  
seen1 that it did not accompany the     
progress of sorts among the ,greeks1 nor
 keep pace with the advancement of      
policy1 literature1 and philosophy4 ,it 
did not await the returns of learning   
and politeness among the moderns2 it was
 found in an early period of our        
history1 and distinguished1 perhaps more
 than at present2 the manners of the    
ages otherwise rude and undisciplined4  
,a king of ,france1 prisoner in the     
hands of his enemies1 was treated1 about
 four hundred years ago1 with as much   
distinction and courtesy as a crowned   

head1 in the like circumstances1 could  
possibly expect in this age of          
politeness4 ,footnote3 ,hume's ,history 
of ,england4 ,the prince of ,conde1     
defeated and taken in the battle of     
,dreux1 slept at night in the same bed  
with his enemy the duke of ,guise4      
,footnote3 ,davila4  ,if the moral of   
popular traditions1 and the taste of    
fabulous legends1 which are the         
productions or entertainment of         
particular ages1 are likewise sure      
indications of their notions and        
characters1 we may presume1 that the    
foundation of what is now held to be the
 law of war1 and1 of nations1 was laid  
in the manners of ,europe1 together with
 the sentiments which are expressed in  
the tales of chivalry1 and of gallantry4
 ,our system of war differs not more    
from that of the ,greeks1 than the      
favourite characters of our early       
romance differed from those of the      
,iliad1 and of every ancient poem4 ,the 
hero of the ,greek fable1 endued with   

superior force1 courage1 and address1   
takes every advantage of an enemy1 to   
kill with safety to himself2 and1       
actuated by a desire of spoil1 or by a  
principle of revenge1 is never stayed in
 his progress by interruptions of       
remorse or compassion4 ,homer1 who1 of  
all poets1 knew best how to exhibit the 
emotions of a vehement affection1 seldom
 attempts to excite commiseration4      
,hector falls unpitied1 and his body is 
insulted by every ,greek4  ,our modern  
fable1 or romance1 on the contrary1     
generally couples an object of pity1    
weak1 oppressed1 and defenceless1 with  
an object of admiration1 brave1         
generous1 and victorious2 or sends the  
hero abroad in search of mere danger1   
and of occasions to prove his valour4   
,charged with the maxims of a refined   
courtesy1 to be observed even towards an
 enemy2 and of a scrupulous honour1     
which will not suffer him to take any   
advantages by artifice or surprise2     
indifferent to spoil1 he contends only  

for renown1 and employs his valour to   
rescue the distressed1 and to protect   
the innocent4 ,if victorious1 he is made
 to rise above nature as much in his    
generosity and gentleness1 as in his    
military prowess and valour4  ,it may be
 difficult1 upon stating this contrast  
between the system of ancient and modern
 fable1 to assign1 among nations1       
equally rude1 equally addicted to war1  
and equally fond of military glory1 the 
origin of apprehensions on the point of 
honour1 so different1 and so opposite4  
,the hero of ,greek poetry proceeds on  
the maxims of animosity and hostile     
passion4 ,his maxims in war are like    
those which prevail in the woods of     
,america4 ,they require him to be brave1
 but they allow him to practise against 
his enemy every sort of deception4 ,the 
hero of modern romance professes a      
contempt of stratagem1 as well as of    
danger1 and unites in the same person1  
characters and dispositions seemingly   
opposite2 ferocity with gentleness1 and 

the love of blood with sentiments of    
tenderness and pity4  ,the system of    
chivalry1 when completely formed1       
proceeded on a marvellous respect and   
veneration to the fair sex1 on forms of 
combat established1 and on a supposed   
junction of the heroic and sanctified   
character4 ,the formalities of the duel1
 and a kind of judicial challenge1 were 
known among the ancient ,celtic nations 
of ,europe4 ,footnote3 ,liv41 lib4 #bh4 
c4 #ba4 ,the ,germans1 even in their    
native forests1 paid a kind of devotion 
to the female sex4 ,the ,christian      
religion enjoined meekness and          
compassion to barbarous ages4 ,these    
different principles combined together1 
may have served as the foundation of a  
system1 in which courage was directed by
 religion and love1 and the warlike and 
gentle were united together4 ,when the  
characters of the hero and the saint    
were mixed1 the mild spirit of          
,christianity1 though often turned into 
venom by the bigotry of opposite        

parties1 though it could not always     
subdue the ferocity of the warrior1 nor 
suppress the admiration of courage and  
force1 may have confirmed the           
apprehensions of men in what was to be  
held meritorious and splendid in the    
conduct of their quarrels4  ,in the     
early and traditionary history of the   
,greeks and the ,romans1 rapes were     
assigned as the most frequent occasions 
of war2 and the sexes were1 no doubt1 at
 all times1 equally important to each   
other4 ,the enthusiasm of love is most  
powerful in the neighbourhood of ,asia  
and ,africa2 and beauty1 as a           
possession1 was probably more valued by 
the countrymen of ,homer1 than it was by
 those of ,amadis de ,gaul1 or by the   
authors of modern gallantry4 ,what      
wonder1 says the old ,priam1 when ,helen
 appeared1 that nations should contend  
for the possession of so much beauty8   
,this beauty1 indeed1 was possessed by  
different lovers2 a subject on which the
 modern hero had many refinements1 and  

seemed to soar in the clouds4 ,he adored
 at a respectful distance1 and employed 
his valour to captivate the admiration1 
not to gain the possession of his       
mistress4 ,a cold and unconquerable     
chastity was set up1 as an idol to be   
worshipped1 in the toils1 the           
sufferings1 and the combats of the hero 
and the lover4  ,the feudal             
establishments1 by the high rank to     
which they elevated certain families1 no
 doubt1 greatly favoured this romantic  
system4 ,not only the lustre of a noble 
descent1 but the stately castle beset   
with battlements and towers1 served to  
inflame the imagination1 and to create a
 veneration for the daughter and the    
sister of gallant chiefs1 whose point of
 honour it was to be inaccessible and   
chaste1 and who could perceive no merit 
but that of the high minded and the     
brave1 nor be approached in any other   
ascents than those of gentleness and    
respect4  ,what was originally singular 
in these apprehensions1 was1 by the     

writer of romance1 turned to            
extravagance2 and under the title of    
chivalry was offered as a model of      
conduct1 even in common affairs3 the    
fortunes of nations were directed by    
gallantry2 and human life1 on its       
greatest occasions1 became a scene of   
affectation and folly4 ,warriors went   
forth to realize the legends they had   
studied2 princes and leaders of armies  
dedicated their most serious exploits to
 a real or to a fancied mistress4  ,but 
whatever was the origin of notions1     
often so lofty and so ridiculous1 we    
cannot doubt of their lasting effects on
 our manners4 ,the point of honour1 the 
prevalence of gallantry in our          
conversations1 and on our theatres1 many
 of the opinions which the vulgar apply 
even to the conduct of war2 their       
notion1 that the leader of an army1     
being offered battle upon equal terms1  
is dishonoured by declining it1 are     
undoubtedly remains of this antiquated  
system3 and chivalry1 uniting with the  

genius of our policy1 has probably      
suggested those peculiarities in the law
 of nations1 by which modern states are 
distinguished from the ancient4 ,and if 
our rule in measuring degrees of        
politeness and civilization is to be    
taken from hence1 or from the           
advancement of commercial arts1 we shall
 be found to have greatly excelled any  
of the celebrated nations of antiquity4 
,,an ,,essay ,,on ,,the ,,history ,,of  
,,civil ,,society4            99        
99       99       99       99           
,,part ,,fifth4  ,,of ,,the ,,decline   
,,of ,,nations4          99       99    
99       99       99     ,,section ,i4  
,,of ,,supposed ,,national ,,eminence1  
,,and ,,of ,,the ,,vicissitudes ,,of    
,,human ,,affairs4   ,no nation is so   
unfortunate as to think itself inferior 
to the rest of mankind3 few are even    
willing to put up with the claim to     
equality4 ,the greater part having      
chosen themselves1 as at once1 the      
judges and the models of what is        

excellent in their kind1 are first in   
their own opinion1 and give to others   
consideration or eminence1 so far only  
as they approach to their own condition4
 ,one nation is vain of the personal    
character1 or of the learning of a few  
of its members2 another1 of its policy1 
its wealth1 its tradesmen1 its gardens1 
and its buildings2 and they who have    
nothing to boast are vain1 because they 
are ignorant4 ,the ,russians1 before the
 reign of ,peter the ,great1 thought    
themselves possessed of every national  
honour1 and held the ,nemei1 or dumb    
nations1 the name which they bestowed on
 then western neighbours of ,europe1 in 
a proportional degree of contempt4      
,footnote3 ,strahlenberg4 ,the map of   
the world1 in ,china1 was a square      
plate1 the greater part of which was    
occupied by the provinces of this great 
empire1 leaving on its skirts a few     
obscure corners1 into which the wretched
 remainder of mankind were supposed to  
be driven4 ,if you have not the use of  

our letters1 nor the knowledge of our   
books1 said the learned ,chinese to the 
,european missionary1 what literature1  
or what science can you have8 ,footnote3
 ,gemelli ,carceri4  ,the term polished1
 if we may judge from its etymology1    
originally referred to the state of     
nations in respect to their laws and    
government2 and men civilized were men  
practised in the duty of citizens4 ,in  
its later applications1 it refers no    
less to the proficiency of nations in   
the liberal and mechanical arts1 in     
literature1 and in commerce2 and men    
civilized are scholars1 men of fashion  
and traders4 ,but whatever may be its   
application1 it appears1 that if there  
were a name still more respectable than 
this1 every nation1 even the most       
barbarous1 or the most corrupted1 would 
assume it2 and bestow its reverse where 
they conceived a dislike1 or apprehended
 a difference4 ,the names of alien or   
foreigner1 are seldom pronounced without
 some degree of intended reproach4 ,that

 of barbarian1 in use with one arrogant 
people1 and that of gentile1 with       
another1 only served to distinguish the 
stranger1 whose language and pedigree   
differed from theirs4  ,even where we   
pretend to found our opinions on reason1
 and to justify our preference of one   
nation to another1 we frequently bestow 
our esteem on circumstances which do not
 relate to national character1 and which
 have little tendency to promote the    
welfare of mankind4 ,conquest1 or great 
extent of territory1 however peopled1   
and great wealth1 however distributed or
 employed1 are titles upon which we     
indulge our own1 and the vanity of other
 nations1 as we do that of private men  
on the score of their fortunes and      
honours4 ,we even sometimes contend1    
whose capital is the most overgrown2    
whose king has the most absolute power2 
and at whose court the bread of the     
subject is consumed in the most         
senseless riot4 ,these indeed are the   
notions of vulgar minds2 but it is      

impossible to determine1 how far the    
notions of vulgar minds may lead        
mankind4  ,there have certainly1 been   
very few examples of states1 who have1  
by arts of policy1 improved the original
 dispositions of human nature1 or       
endeavoured1 by wise and effectual      
precautions1 to prevent its corruption4 
,affection1 and force of mind1 which are
 the band and the strength of           
communities1 were the inspiration of    
,god1 and original attributes in the    
nature of man4 ,the wisest policy of    
nations1 except in a few instances1 has 
tended1 we may suspect1 rather to       
maintain the peace of society1 and to   
repress the external effects of bad     
passions1 than to strengthen the        
disposition of the heart itself to      
justice and goodness4 ,it has tended1 by
 introducing a variety of arts1 to      
exercise the ingenuity of men1 and by   
engaging them in a variety of pursuits1 
inquiries1 and studies1 to inform1 but  
frequently to corrupt the mind4 ,it has 

tended to furnish matter of distinction 
and vanity2 and by incumbering the      
individual with new subjects of personal
 care1 to substitute the anxiety he     
entertains for a separate fortune1      
instead of the confidence and the       
affection with which he should unite    
with his fellow creatures1 for their    
joint preservation4  ,whether this      
suspicion be just or no1 we are come to 
point at circumstances tending to       
verify1 or to disprove it3 and if to    
understand the real felicity of nations 
be of importance1 it is certainly so    
likewise1 to know what are those        
weaknesses1 and those vices1 by which   
men not only mar this felicity1 but in  
one age forfeit all the external        
advantages they had gained in a former4 
,the wealth1 the aggrandizement1 and    
power of nations1 are commonly the      
effects of virtue2 the loss of these    
advantages is often a consequence of    
vice4 ,were we to suppose men to have   
succeeded in the discovery and          

application of every art by which states
 are preserved and governed2 to have    
attained1 by efforts of wisdom and      
magnanimity1 the admired establishments 
and advantages of a civilized and       
flourishing people2 the subsequent part 
of their history1 containing1 according 
to vulgar apprehension1 a full display  
of those fruits in maturity1 of which   
they had till then carried only the     
blossom1 and the first formation1       
should1 still more than the former1     
merit our attention1 and excite our     
admiration4  ,the event1 however1 has   
not corresponded to this expectation4   
,the virtues of men have shone most     
during their struggles1 not after the   
attainment of their ends4 ,those ends   
themselves1 though attained by virtue1  
are frequently the causes of corruption 
and vice4 ,mankind1 in aspiring to      
national felicity1 have substituted arts
 which increase their riches1 instead of
 those which improve their nature4 ,they
 have entertained admiration of         

themselves1 under the titles of         
civilized and of polished1 where they   
should have been affected with shame2   
and even where they have1 for a while1  
acted on maxims tending to raise1 to    
invigorate1 and to preserve the national
 character1 they have1 sooner or later1 
been diverted from their object1 and    
fallen a prey to misfortune1 or to the  
neglects which prosperity itself had    
encouraged4  ,war1 which furnishes      
mankind with a principal occupation of  
their restless spirit1 serves1 by the   
variety of its events1 to diversify     
their fortunes4 ,while it opens to one  
tribe or society1 the way to eminence1  
and leads to dominion1 it brings another
 to subjection1 and closes the scene of 
their national efforts4 ,the celebrated 
rivalship of ,carthage and ,rome was1 in
 both parties1 the natural exercise of  
an ambitious spirit1 impatient of       
opposition1 or even of equality4 ,the   
conduct and the fortune of leaders held 
the balance for some time in suspense2  

but to which ever side it had inclined1 
a great nation was to fall2 a seat of   
empire1 and of policy1 was to be removed
 from its place2 and it was then to be  
determined1 whether the ,syriac or the  
,latin should contain the erudition that
 was1 in future ages1 to occupy the     
studies of the learned4  ,states have   
been thus conquered from abroad1 before 
they gave any signs of internal decay1  
even in the midst of prosperity1 and in 
the period of their greatest ardour for 
national objects4 ,athens1 in the height
 of her ambition1 and of her glory1     
received a fatal wound1 in striving to  
extend her maritime power beyond the    
,grecian seas4 ,and nations of every    
description1 formidable by their rude   
ferocity1 respected for their discipline
 and military experience1 when          
advancing1 as well as when declining1 in
 their strength1 fell a prey by turns to
 the ambition and arrogant spirit of the
 ,romans4 ,such examples may excite and 
alarm the jealousy and caution of       

states2 the presence of similar dangers 
may exercise the talents of politicians 
and statesmen2 but mere reverses of     
fortune are the common materials of     
history1 and must long since have ceased
 to create our surprise4  ,did we find1 
that nations advancing from small       
beginnings1 and arrived at the          
possession of arts which lead to        
dominion1 became secure of their        
advantages1 in proportion as they were  
qualified to gain them2 that they       
proceeded in a course of uninterrupted  
felicity1 till they were broke by       
external calamities2 and that they      
retained their force1 till a more       
fortunate or vigorous power arose to    
depress them2 the subject in speculation
 could not be attended with many        
difficulties1 nor give rise to many     
reflections4 ,but when we observe1 among
 many nations1 a kind of spontaneous    
return to obscurity and weakness2 when1 
in spite of perpetual admonitions of the
 danger they run1 they suffer themselves

 to be subdued1 in one period1 by powers
 which could not have entered into      
competition with them in a former1 and  
by forces which they had often baffled  
and despised1 the subject becomes more  
curious1 and its explanation more       
difficult4  7,the fact itself is known  
in a variety of different examples4 ,the
 empire of ,asia was1 more than once1   
transferred from the greater to the     
inferior power4 ,the states of ,greece1 
once so warlike1 felt a relaxation of   
their vigour1 and yielded the ascendant 
they had disputed with the monarchs of  
the east1 to the forces of an obscure   
principality1 become formidable in a few
 years1 and raised to eminence under the
 conduct of a single man4 ,the ,roman   
empire1 which stood alone for ages1     
which had brought every rival under     
subjection1 and saw no power from whom a
 competition could be feared1 sunk at   
last before an artless and contemptible 
enemy4 ,abandoned to inroad1 to pillage1
 and at last to conquest1 on her        

frontier1 she decayed in all her        
extremities1 and shrunk on every side4  
,her territory was dismembered1 and     
whole provinces gave way1 like branches 
fallen down with age1 not violently torn
 by superior force4 ,the spirit with    
which ,marius had baffled and repelled  
the attacks of barbarians in a former   
age1 the civil and military force with  
which the consul and his legions had    
extended this empire1 were now no more4 
,the ,roman greatness1 doomed to sink as
 it rose1 by slow degrees1 was impaired 
in every encounter4 ,it was reduced to  
its original dimensions1 within the     
compass of a single city2 and depending 
for its preservation on the fortune of a
 siege1 it was extinguished at a blow2  
and the brand1 which had filled the     
world with its flames1 sunk like a taper
 in the socket4  ,such appearances have 
given rise to a general apprehension1   
that the progress of societies to what  
we call the heights of national         
greatness1 is not more natural1 than    

their return to weakness and obscurity  
is necessary and unavoidable4 ,the      
images of youth1 and of old age1 are    
applied to nations2 and communities1    
like single men1 are supposed to have a 
period of life1 and a length of thread1 
which is spun by the fates in one part  
uniform and strong1 in another weakened 
and shattered by use2 to be cut1 when   
the destined era is come1 and to make   
way for a renewal of the emblem in the  
case of those who arise in succession4  
,carthage being so much older than      
,rome1 had felt her decay1 says         
,polybius1 so much the sooner2 and the  
survivor too1 he foresaw1 carried in her
 bosom the seeds of mortality4  ,the    
image indeed is apposite1 and the       
history of mankind renders the          
application familiar4 ,but it must be   
obvious1 that the case of nations1 and  
that of individuals1 are very different4
 ,the human frame has a general course3 
it has in every individual a frail      
contexture and limited duration2 it is  

worn by exercise1 and exhausted by a    
repetition of its functions3 but in a   
society1 whose constituent members are  
renewed in every generation1 where the  
race seems to enjoy perpetual youth1 and
 accumulating advantages1 we cannot1 by 
any parity of reason1 expect to find    
imbecilities connected with mere age and
 length of days4  ,the subject is not   
new1 and reflections will crowd upon    
every reader4 ,the notions1 in the mean 
time1 which we entertain1 even in       
speculation1 upon a subject so          
important1 cannot be entirely fruitless 
to mankind2 and however little the      
labours of the speculative may influence
 the conduct of men1 one of the most    
pardonable errors a writer can commit1  
is to believe that he is about to do a  
great deal of good4 ,but1 leaving the   
care of effects to others1 we proceed to
 consider the grounds of inconstancy    
among mankind1 the sources of internal  
decay1 and the ruinous corruptions to   
which nations are liable1 in the        

supposed condition of accomplished      
civility4     ,,section ,,ii4  ,,of     
,,the ,,temporary ,,efforts ,,and       
,,relaxations ,,of ,,the ,,national     
,,spirit4   ,from what we have already  
observed on the general characteristics 
of human nature1 it has appeared that   
man is not made for repose4 ,in him     
every amiable and respectable quality1  
is an active power1 and every subject of
 commendation an effort4 ,if his errors 
and his crimes are the movements of an  
active being1 his virtues and his       
happiness consist likewise in the       
employment of his mind2 and all the     
lustre which he casts around him1 to    
captivate or engage the attention of his
 fellow creatures1 like the flame of a  
meteor1 shines only while his motion    
continues2 the moments of rest and      
obscurity are the same4 ,we know1 that  
the tasks assigned him frequently may   
exceed1 as well as come short of1 his   
powers2 that he may be agitated too     
much1 as well as too little2 but cannot 

ascertain a precise medium between the  
situations in which he would be         
harassed1 and those in which he would   
fall into languor4 ,we know that he may 
be employed on a great variety of       
subjects1 which occupy different        
passions2 and that1 in consequence of   
habit1 he becomes reconciled to very    
different scenes4 ,all we can determine 
in general is1 that whatever be the     
subjects with which he is engaged1 the  
frame of his nature requires him to be  
occupied1 and his happiness requires him
 to be just4  ,we are now to inquire1   
why nations cease to be eminent2 and why
 societies which have drawn the         
attention of mankind by great examples  
of magnanimity1 conduct1 and national   
success1 should sink from the height of 
their honours1 and yield1 in one age1   
the palm which they had won in a former4
 ,many reasons will probably occur4 ,one
 may be taken from the fickleness and   
inconstancy of mankind1 who become tired
 of their pursuits and exertions1 even  

while the occasions that gave rise to   
those pursuits2 in some measure1        
continue2 another1 from the change of   
situations1 and the removal of objects  
which served to excite their spirit4    
,the public safety1 and the relative    
interests of states2 political          
establishments1 the pretensions of      
party1 commerce1 and arts1 are subjects 
which engage the attention of nations4  
,the advantages gained in some of these 
particulars1 determine the degree of    
national prosperity4 ,the ardour and    
vigour with which they are at any one   
time pursued1 is the measure of a       
national spirit4 ,when those objects    
cease to animate1 nations may be said to
 languish2 when they are during a       
considerable time neglected1 states must
 decline1 and their people degenerate4  
,in the most forward1 enterprising1     
inventive1 and industrious nations1 this
 spirit is fluctuating2 and they who    
continue longest to gain advantages1 or 
to preserve them1 have periods of       

remissness1 as well as of ardour4 ,the  
desire of public safety1 is1 at all     
times1 a powerful motive of conduct2 but
 it operates most when combined with    
occasional passions1 when provocations  
inflame1 when successes encourage1 or   
mortifications exasperate4  ,a whole    
people1 like the individuals of whom    
they are composed1 act under the        
influence of temporary humours1 sanguine
 hopes1 or vehement animosities4 ,they  
are disposed1 at one time1 to enter on  
national struggles with vehemence2 at   
another1 to drop them from mere         
lassitude and disgust4 ,in their civil  
debates and contentions at home1 they   
are occasionally ardent or remiss4      
,epidemical passions arise or subside on
 trivial as well as important grounds4  
,parties are ready1 at one time1 to take
 their names and the pretence of their  
oppositions1 from mere caprice or       
accident2 at another time1 they suffer  
the most serious occasions to pass in   
silence4 ,if a vein of literary genius  

be casually opened1 or a new subject of 
disquisition be started1 real or        
pretended discoveries suddenly multiply1
 and every conversation is inquisitive  
and animated4 ,if a new source of wealth
 be found1 or a prospect of conquest be 
offered1 the imaginations of men are    
inflamed1 and whole quarters of the     
globe are suddenly engaged in ruinous or
 in successful adventures4  ,could we   
recall the spirit that was exerted1 or  
enter into the views that were          
entertained1 by our ancestors1 when they
 burst1 like a deluge1 from their       
ancient seats1 and poured into the      
,roman empire1 we should probably1 after
 their first success at least1 find a   
ferment in the minds of men1 for which  
no attempt was too arduous1 no          
difficulties insurmountable4  ,the      
subsequent ages of enterprise in        
,europe1 were those in which the alarm  
of enthusiasm was rung1 and the         
followers of the cross invaded the east1
 to plunder a country1 and to recover a 

sepulchre2 those in which the people in 
different states contended for freedom1 
and assaulted the fabric of civil or    
religious usurpation2 that in which1    
having found means to cross the         
,atlantic1 and to double the ,cape of   
,good ,hope1 the inhabitants of one half
 the world were let loose on the other1 
and parties from every quarter1 wading  
in blood1 and at the expense of every   
crime1 and of every danger1 traversed   
the earth in search of gold4  ,even the 
weak and the remiss are roused to       
enterprise1 by the contagion of such    
remarkable ages2 and states1 which have 
not in their form the principles of a   
continued exertion1 either favourable or
 adverse to the welfare of mankind1 may 
have paroxysms of ardour1 and a         
temporary appearance of national vigour4
 ,in the case of such nations1 indeed1  
the returns of moderation are but a     
relapse to obscurity1 and the           
presumption of one age is turned to     
dejection in that which succeeds4  ,but 

in the case of states that are fortunate
 in1 their domestic policy1 even madness
 itself may1 in the result of violent   
convulsions1 subside into wisdom2 and a 
people return to their ordinary mood1   
cured of their follies1 and wiser by    
experience2 or1 with talents improved1  
in conducting the very scenes which     
frenzy had opened1 they may then appear 
best qualified to pursue with success   
the object of nations4 ,like the ancient
 republics1 immediately after some      
alarming sedition1 or like the kingdom  
of ,great ,britain1 at the close of its 
civil wars1 they retain the spirit of   
activity which was recently awakened1   
and are equally vigorous in every       
pursuit1 whether of policy1 learning1 or
 arts4 ,from having appeared on the     
brink of ruin1 they pass to the greatest
 prosperity47  ,men engage in pursuits  
with degrees of ardour not proportioned 
to the importance of their object4 ,when
 they are stated in opposition1 or      
joined in confederacy1 they only wish   

for pretences to act4 ,they forget1 in  
the heat of their animosities1 the      
subject of their controversy2 or they   
seek1 in their formal reasonings        
concerning it1 only a disguise for their
 passions4 ,when the heart is inflamed1 
no consideration can repress its ardour2
 when its fervour subsides1 no reasoning
 can excite1 and no eloquence awaken its
 former emotions4  ,the continuance of  
emulation among states must depend on   
the degree of equality by which their   
forces are balanced2 or on the          
incentives by which either party1 or    
all1 are urged to continue their        
struggles4 ,long intermissions of war1  
suffer1 equally in every period of civil
 society1 the military spirit to        
languish4 7,the reduction of ,athens by 
,lysander1 struck a fatal blow at the   
institutions of ,lycurgus2 and the quiet
 possession of ,italy1 happily perhaps  
for mankind1 had almost put an end to   
the military progress of the ,romans4   
,after some years repose1 ,hannibal     

found ,italy unprepared for his onset1  
and the ,romans in a disposition likely 
to drop1 on the banks of the ,po1 that  
martial ambition1 which being roused by 
the sense of a new danger1 afterwards1  
carried them to the ,euphrates and the  
,rhine47  ,states1 even distinguished   
for military prowess1 sometimes lay down
 their arms from lassitude1 and are     
weary of fruitless contentions2 but if  
they maintain the station of independent
 communities1 they will have frequent   
occasions to recall1 and to exert their 
vigour4 ,even under popular governments1
 men sometimes drop the consideration of
 their political rights1 and appear at  
times remiss or supine2 but if they have
 reserved the power to defend           
themselves1 the intermission of its     
exercise cannot be of long duration4    
,political rights1 when neglected1 are  
always invaded2 and alarms from this    
quarter must frequently come to renew   
the attention of parties4 ,the love of  
learning1 and of arts1 may change its   

pursuits1 or droop for a season2 but    
while men are possessed of freedom1 and 
while the exercises of ingenuity are not
 superseded1 the public may proceed1 at 
different times1 with unequal fervour2  
but its progress is seldom altogether   
discontinued1 or the advantages gained  
in one age are seldom entirely lost to  
the following4 ,if we would find the    
causes of final corruption1 we must     
examine those revolutions of state that 
remove1 or withhold1 the objects of     
every ingenious study or liberal        
pursuit2 that deprive the citizen of    
occasions to act as the member of a     
public2 that crush his spirit2 that     
debase his sentiments1 and disqualify   
his mind for affairs4     ,,section     
,,iii4  ,,of ,,relaxations ,,in ,,the   
,,national ,,spirit ,,incident ,,to     
,,polished ,,nations4   ,improving      
nations1 in the course of their         
advancement1 have to struggle with      
foreign enemies1 to whom they bear an   
extreme animosity1 and with whom1 in    

many conflicts1 they contend for their  
existence as a people4 ,in certain      
periods1 too1 they feel in their        
domestic policy inconveniencies and     
grievances1 which beget an eager        
impatience2 and they apprehend          
reformations and new establishments1    
from which they have sanguine hopes of  
national happiness4 ,in early ages1     
every art is imperfect1 and susceptible 
of many improvements4 ,the first        
principles of every science are yet     
secrets to be discovered1 and to be     
successively published with applause and
 triumph4  ,we may fancy to ourselves1  
that in ages of progress1 the human     
race1 like scouts gone abroad on the    
discovery of fertile lands1 having the  
world open before them1 are presented at
 every step with the appearance of      
novelty4 ,they enter on every new ground
 with expectation and joy3 they engage  
in every enterprise with the ardour of  
men1 who believe they are going to      
arrive at national felicity1 and        

permanent glory2 and forget past        
disappointments amidst the hopes of     
future success4 ,from mere ignorance1   
rude minds are intoxicated with every   
passion2 and1 partial to their own      
condition1 and to their own pursuits1   
they think that every scene is inferior 
to that in which they are placed4       
,roused alike by success and by         
misfortune1 they are sanguine1 ardent1  
and precipitant2 and leave1 to the more 
knowing ages which succeed them1        
monuments of imperfect skill1 and of    
rude execution of every art2 but they   
leave likewise the marks of a vigorous  
and ardent spirit1 which their          
successors are not always qualified to  
sustain1 or to imitate4  ,this may be   
admitted1 perhaps1 as a fair description
 of prosperous societies1 at least      
during certain periods of their         
progress4 ,the spirit with which they   
advance may be unequal in different     
ages1 and may have its paroxysms and    
intermissions1 arising from the         

inconstancy of human passions1 and from 
the casual appearance or removal of     
occasions that excite them4 ,but does   
this spirit1 which for a time continues 
to carry on the project of civil and    
commercial arts1 find a natural pause in
 the termination of its own pursuits8   
,may the business of civil society be   
accomplished1 and may the occasion of   
farther exertion be removed8 ,do        
continued disappointments reduce        
sanguine hopes1 and familiarity with    
objects blunt the edge of novelty8 ,does
 experience itself cool the ardour of   
the mind8 ,may the society be again     
compared to the individual8 ,and may it 
be suspected1 although the vigour of a  
nation1 like that of a natural body1    
does not waste by a physical decay1 that
 yet it may sicken for want of exercise1
 and die in the close of its own        
exertions8 ,may societies1 in the       
completion of all their designs1 like   
men in years1 who disregard the         
amusements1 and are insensible to the   

passions of youth1 become cold and      
indifferent to objects that used to     
animate in a ruder age8 ,and may a      
polished community be compared to a man 
who1 having executed his plan1 built his
 house1 and made his settlement2 who    
having1 in short1 exhausted the charms  
of every subject1 and wasted all his    
ardour1 sinks into languor and listless 
indifference8 ,if so1 we have found at  
least another simile to our purpose4    
,but it is probable1 that here too the  
resemblance is imperfect2 and the       
inference that would follow1 like that  
of most arguments drawn from analogy1   
tends rather to amuse the fancy1 than to
 give any real information on the       
subject to which it refers4  ,the       
materials of human art are never        
entirely exhausted1 and the applications
 of industry are never at an end4 ,the  
national ardour is not1 at any          
particular time1 proportioned to the    
occasion there is for activity2 nor the 
curiosity of the learned to the extent  

of subject that remains to be studied4  
,the ignorant and the artless1 to whom  
objects of science are new1 and whose   
manner of life is most simple1 instead  
of being more active and more curious1  
are commonly more quiescent1 and less   
inquisitive1 than those who are best    
furnished with knowledge and the        
conveniencies of life4 ,when we compare 
the particulars which occupy mankind in 
the beginning and in the advanced age of
 commercial arts1 these particulars will
 be found greatly multiplied and        
enlarged in the last4 ,the questions we 
have put1 however1 deserve to be        
answered2 and if1 in the result of      
commerce1 we do not find the objects of 
human pursuit removed1 or greatly       
diminished1 we may find them at least   
changed2 and in estimating the national 
spirit1 we may find a negligence in one 
part1 but ill compensated by the growing
 attention which is paid to another4    
,it is true1 in general1 that in all our
 pursuits1 there is a termination of    

trouble1 and a point of repose to which 
we aspire4 ,we would remove this        
inconvenience1 or gain that advantage1  
that our labours may cease4 ,when ,i    
have conquered ,italy and ,sicily1 says 
,pyrrhus1 ,i shall then enjoy my repose4
 ,this termination is proposed in our   
national1 as well as in our personal    
exertions2 and1 in spite of frequent    
experience to the contrary1 is          
considered1 at a distance1 as the height
 of felicity4 ,but nature has wisely1 in
 most particulars1 baffled our project2 
and placed no where within our reach    
this visionary blessing of absolute     
ease4 ,the attainment of one end is but 
the beginning of a new pursuit2 and the 
discovery of one art is but a           
prolongation of the thread by which we  
are conducted to further inquiries1 and 
while we hope to escape from the        
labyrinth1 are led to its most intricate
 paths4  ,among the occupations that may
 be enumerated1 as tending to exercise  
the invention1 and to cultivate the     

talents of men1 are the pursuits of     
accommodation and wealth1 including all 
the different contrivances which serve  
to increase manufactures1 and to perfect
 the mechanical arts4 ,but it must be   
owned1 that as the materials of commerce
 may continue to be accumulated without 
any determinate limit1 so the arts which
 are applied to improve them1 may admit 
of perpetual refinements4 ,no measure of
 fortune1 or degree of skill1 is found  
to diminish the supposed necessities of 
human life2 refinement and plenty foster
 new desires1 while they furnish the    
means1 or practise the methods1 to      
gratify them4  ,in the result of        
commercial arts1 inequalities of fortune
 are greatly increased1 and the         
majority1 of every people are obliged by
 necessity1 or at least strongly incited
 by ambition and avarice2 to employ     
every talent they possess4 ,after a     
history of some thousand years employed 
in manufacture and commerce1 the        
inhabitants of ,china are still the most

 laborious and industrious of any people
 on earth4  ,some part of this          
observation may be extended to the      
elegant and literary arts4 ,they too    
have their materials which cannot be    
exhausted1 and proceed from desires     
which cannot be satiated4 ,but the      
respect paid to literary merit is       
fluctuating1 and matter of transient    
fashion4 ,when learned productions      
accumulate1 the acquisition of knowledge
 occupies the time that might be        
bestowed on invention4 ,the object of   
mere learning is attained with moderate 
or inferior talents1 and the growing    
list of pretenders diminishes the lustre
 of the few who are eminent4 ,when we   
only mean to learn what others have     
taught1 it is probable that even our    
knowledge will be less than that of our 
masters4 ,great names continue to be    
repeated with admiration1 after we have 
ceased to examine the foundations of our
 praise2 and new pretenders are         
rejected1 not because they fall short of

 their predecessors1 but because they do
 not excel them2 or because in reality  
we have1 without examination1 taken for 
granted the merit of the first1 and     
cannot judge of either4  ,after         
libraries are furnished1 and every path 
of ingenuity is occupied1 we are1 in    
proportion to our admiration of what is 
already done1 prepossessed against      
farther attempts4 ,we become students   
and admirers1 instead of rivals2 and    
substitute the knowledge of books1      
instead of the inquisitive or animated  
spirit in which they were written4  ,the
 commercial and the lucrative arts may  
continue to prosper1 but they gain an   
ascendant at the expense of other       
pursuits4 ,the desire of profit stifles 
the love of perfection4 ,interest cools 
the imagination1 and hardens the heart2 
and1 recommending employments in        
proportion as they are lucrative1 and   
certain in their gains1 it drives       
ingenuity1 and ambition itself1 to the  
counter and the workshop4 ,but1 apart   

from these considerations1 the          
separation of professions1 while it     
seems to promise improvement of skill1  
and is actually the cause why the       
productions of every art become more    
perfect as commerce advances2 yet1 in   
its termination and ultimate effects1   
serves1 in some measure1 to break the   
bands of society1 to substitute mere    
forms and rules of art in place of      
ingenuity1 and to withdraw individuals  
from the common scene of occupation1 on 
which the sentiments of the heart1 and  
the mind1 are most happily employed4    
,under the distinction of callings1 by  
which the members of polished society   
are separated from each other1 every    
individual is supposed to possess his   
species of talent1 or his peculiar      
skill1 in which the others are          
confessedly ignorant2 and society is    
made to consist of parts1 of which none 
is animated with the spirit that ought  
to prevail in the conduct of nations4   
,we see in the same persons1 said       

,pericles1 an equal attention to private
 and to public affairs2 and in men who  
have turned to separate professions1 a  
competent knowledge of what relates to  
the community2 for we alone consider    
those who are inattentive to the state1 
as perfectly insignificant4 ,this       
encomium on the ,athenians was probably 
offered under an apprehension1 that the 
contrary was likely to be charged by    
their enemies1 or might soon take place4
 ,it happened1 accordingly1 that the    
business of state1 as well as of war1   
came to be worse administered at        
,athens1 when these1 as well as other   
applications1 became the object of      
separate professions2 and the history of
 this people abundantly shewed1 that men
 ceased to be citizens1 even to be good 
poets and orators1 in proportion as they
 came to be distinguished by the        
profession of these1 and other separate 
crafts4  ,animals less honoured than we1
 have sagacity enough to procure their  
food1 and to find the means of their    

solitary pleasures2 but it is reserved  
for man to consult1 to persuade1 to     
oppose1 to kindle in the society of his 
fellow creatures1 and to lose the sense 
of his personal interest or safety1 in  
the ardour of his friendships and his   
oppositions4  ,when we are involved in  
any of the divisions into which mankind 
are separated under the denominations of
 a country1 a tribe1 or an order of men 
any way affected by common interests1   
and guided by communicating passions1   
the mind recognises its natural station2
 the sentiments of the heart1 and the   
talents of the understanding1 find their
 natural exercise4 ,wisdom1 vigilance1  
fidelity1 and fortitude1 are the        
characters requisite in such a scene1   
and the qualities which it tends to     
improve4  ,in simple or barbarous ages1 
when nations are weak1 and beset with   
enemies1 the love of a country1 of a    
party1 or a faction1 are the same4 ,the 
public is a knot of friends1 and its    
enemies are the rest of mankind4 ,death1

 or slavery1 are the ordinary evils     
which they are concerned to ward off2   
victory and dominion1 the objects to    
which they aspire4 ,under the sense of  
what they may suffer from foreign       
invasions1 it is one object1 in every   
prosperous society1 to increase its     
force1 and to extend its limits4 ,in    
proportion as this object is gained1    
security increases4 ,they who possess   
the interior districts1 remote from the 
frontier1 are unused to alarms from     
abroad4 ,they who are placed on the     
extremities1 remote from the seats of   
government1 are unused to hear of       
political interests2 and the public     
becomes an object perhaps too extensive 
for the conceptions of either4 ,they    
enjoy the protection of its laws1 or of 
its armies2 and they boast of its       
splendour1 and its power2 but the       
glowing sentiments of public affection1 
which1 in small states1 mingle with the 
tenderness of the parent and the lover1 
of the friend and the companion1 merely 

by having their object enlarged1 lose   
great part of their force4  ,the manners
 of rude nations require to be reformed4
 ,their foreign quarrels1 and domestic  
dissentions1 are the operations of      
extreme and sanguinary passions4 ,a     
state of greater tranquillity hath many 
happy effects4 ,but if nations pursue   
the plan of enlargement and             
pacification1 till their members can no 
longer apprehend the common ties of     
society1 nor be engaged by affection in 
the cause of their country1 they must   
err on the opposite side1 and by leaving
 too little to agitate the spirits of   
men1 bring on ages of languor1 if not of
 decay4  ,the members of a community    
may1 in this manner1 like the           
inhabitants of a conquered province1 be 
made to lose the sense of every         
connection1 but that of kindred or      
neighbourhood2 and have no common       
affairs to transact1 but those of trade3
 connections1 indeed1 or transactions1  
in which probity and friendship may     

still take place2 but in which the      
national spirit1 whose ebbs and flows we
 are now considering1 cannot be exerted4
  ,what we observe1 however1 on the     
tendency of enlargement to loosen the   
bands of political union1 cannot be     
applied to nations who1 being originally
 narrow1 never greatly extended their   
limits2 nor to those who1 in a rude     
state1 had already the extension of a   
great kingdom4  ,in territories of      
considerable extent1 subject to one     
government1 and possessed of freedom1   
the national union1 in rude ages1 is    
extremely imperfect4 ,every district    
forms a separate party2 and the         
descendants of different families are   
opposed to each other1 under the        
denomination of tribes or of clans3 they
 are seldom brought to act with a steady
 concert2 their feuds and animosities   
give more frequently the appearance of  
so many nations at war1 than of a people
 united by connections of policy4 ,they 
acquire a spirit1 however1 in their     

private divisions1 and in the midst of a
 disorder1 otherwise hurtful1 of which  
the force1 on many occasions1 redounds  
to the power of the state4  ,whatever be
 the national extent1 civil order1 and  
regular government1 are advantages of   
the greatest importance2 but it does not
 follow1 that every arrangement made to 
obtain these ends1 and which may1 in the
 making1 exercise and cultivate the best
 qualities of men1 is therefore of a    
nature to produce permanent effects1 and
 to secure the preservation of that     
national spirit from which it arose4    
,we have reason to dread the political  
refinements of ordinary men1 when we    
consider that repose1 or inaction       
itself1 is in a great measure their     
object2 and that they would frequently  
model their governments1 not merely to  
prevent injustice and error1 but to     
prevent agitation and bustle2 and by the
 barriers they raise against the evil   
actions of men1 would prevent them from 
acting at all4 ,every dispute of a free 

people1 in the opinion of such          
politicians1 amounts to disorder1 and a 
breach of the national peace4 ,what     
heart burnings8 ,what delay to affairs8 
,what want of secrecy and despatch8     
,what defect of police8 ,men of superior
 genius sometimes seem to imagine1 that 
the vulgar have no title to act1 or to  
think4 ,a great prince is pleased to    
ridicule the precaution by which judges 
in a free country are confined to the   
strict interpretation of law4 ,footnote3
 ,memoirs of ,brandenburg4  ,we easily  
learn to contract our opinions of what  
men may1 in consistence with public     
order1 be safely permitted to do4 ,the  
agitations of a republic1 and the       
license of its members1 strike the      
subjects of monarchy with aversion and  
disgust4 ,the freedom with which the    
,european is left to traverse the       
streets and the fields1 would appear to 
a ,chinese a sure prelude to confusion  
and anarchy4 ,can men behold their      
superior and not tremble8 ,can they     

converse without a precise and written  
ceremonial8 ,what hopes of peace1 if1   
the streets are not barricaded at an    
hour8 ,what wild disorder1 if men are   
permitted in any thing to do what they  
please8  ,if the precautions which men  
thus take against each other1 be        
necessary to repress their crimes1 and  
do not arise from a corrupt ambition1 or
 from cruel jealousy in their rulers1   
the proceeding itself must be applauded1
 as the best remedy of which the vices  
of men will admit4 ,the viper must be   
held at a distance1 and the tyger       
chained4 ,but if a rigorous policy1     
applied to enslave1 not to restrain from
 crimes1 has an actual tendency to      
corrupt the manners1 and to extinguish  
the spirit of nations2 if its severities
 be applied to terminate the agitations 
of a free people1 not to remedy their   
corruptions2 if forms be often applauded
 as salutary1 because they tend merely  
to silence the voice of mankind1 or be  
condemned as pernicious1 because they   

allow this voice to be heard2 we may    
expect that many of the boasted         
improvements of civil society1 will be  
mere devices to lay the political spirit
 at rest1 and will chain up the active  
virtues more than the restless disorders
 of men4  ,if to any people it be the   
avowed object of policy in all its      
internal refinements1 to secure only the
 person and the property of the subject1
 without any regard to his political    
character1 the constitution indeed may  
be free1 but its members may likewise   
become unworthy of the freedom they     
possess1 and unfit to preserve it4 ,the 
effects of such a constitution may be to
 immerse all orders of men in their     
separate pursuits of pleasure1 which    
they may on this supposition enjoy with 
little disturbance2 or of gain1 which   
they may preserve without any attention 
to the commonwealth4  ,if this be the   
end of political struggles1 the design1 
when executed1 in securing to the       
individual his estate1 and the means of 

subsistence1 may put an end to the      
exercise of those very virtues that were
 required in conducting its execution4  
,a man who1 in concert with his fellow  
subjects1 contends with usurpation in   
defence of his estate or his person1 may
 in that very struggle have found an    
exertion of great generosity1 and of a  
vigorous spirit2 but he who1 under      
political establishments1 supposed to be
 fully confirmed1 betakes him1 because  
he is safe1 to the mere enjoyment of    
fortune1 has in fact turned to a source 
of corruption the advantages which the  
virtues of the other procured4          
,individuals1 in certain ages1 derive   
their protection chiefly from the       
strength of the party to which they     
adhere2 but in tithes of corruption they
 flatter themselves2 that they may      
continue to derive from the public that 
safety which1 in former ages1 they must 
have owed to their own vigilance and    
spirit1 to the warm attachment of their 
friends1 and to the exercise of every   

talent which could render them          
respected1 feared1 or beloved4 ,in one  
period1 therefore1 mere circumstances   
serve to excite the spirit1 and to      
preserve the manners of men2 in another1
 great wisdom and zeal for the good of  
mankind on the part of their leaders1   
are required for the same purposes4     
,rome1 it may be thought1 did not die of
 a lethargy1 nor perish by the remission
 of her political ardours at home4 ,her 
distemper appeared of a nature more     
violent and acute4 ,yet if the virtues  
of ,cato and of ,brutus found an        
exercise in the dying hour of the       
republic1 the neutrality1 and the       
cautious retirement of ,atticus1 found  
its security in the same tempestuous    
season2 and the great body of the people
 lay undisturbed below the current of a 
storm1 by which the superior ranks of   
men were destroyed4 ,in the minds of the
 people the sense of a public was       
defaced2 and even the animosity of      
faction had subsided3 they only could   

share in the commotion1 who were the    
soldiers of a legion1 or the partisans  
of a leader4 ,but this state fell not   
into obscurity for want of eminent men4 
,if at the time of which we speak1 we   
look only for a few names distinguished 
in the history of mankind1 there is no  
period at which the list was more       
numerous4 ,but those names became       
distinguished in the contest for        
dominion1 not in the exercise of equal  
rights3 the people was corrupted2 so    
great an empire stood in need of a      
master4  ,republican governments1 in    
general1 are in hazard of ruin from the 
ascendant of particular factions1 and   
from the mutinous spirit of a populace1 
who1 being corrupted1 are no longer fit 
to share in the administration of state4
 ,but under other establishments1 where 
liberty may be more successfully        
attained if men are corrupted1 the      
national vigour declines from the abuse 
of that very security which is procured 
by the supposed perfection of public    

order4  ,a distribution of power and    
office2 an execution of law1 by which   
mutual encroachments and molestations   
are brought to an end2 by which the     
person and the property are1 without    
friends1 without cabal1 without         
obligation1 perfectly secured to        
individuals1 does honour to the genius  
of a nation2 and could not have been    
fully established1 without those        
exertions of understanding and          
integrity1 those trials of a resolute   
and vigorous spirit1 which adorn the    
annals of a people1 and leave to future 
ages a subject of just admiration and   
applause4 ,but if we suppose that the   
end is attained1 and that men no longer 
act1 in the enjoyment of liberty from   
liberal sentiments1 or with a view to   
the preservation of public manners2 if  
individuals think themselves secure     
without any attention or effort of their
 own2 this boasted advantage may be     
found only to give them an opportunity  
of enjoying1 at leisure1 the            

conveniencies and necessaries of life2  
or1 in the language of ,cato1 teach them
 to value their houses1 their villas1   
their statues1 and their pictures1 at a 
higher rate than they do the republic4  
,they may be found to grow tired in     
secret of a free constitution1 of which 
they never cease to boast in their      
conversation1 and which they always     
neglect in their conduct4  ,the dangers 
to liberty are not the subject of our   
present consideration2 but they can     
never be greater from any cause than    
they are from the supposed remissness of
 a people1 to whose personal vigour     
every constitution1 as it owed its      
establishment1 so must continue to owe  
its preservation4 ,nor is this blessing 
ever less secure than it is in the      
possession of men who think that they   
enjoy it in safety1 and who therefore   
consider the public only as it presents 
to their avarice a number of lucrative  
employments2 for the sake of which1 they
 may sacrifice those very rights which  

render themselves objects of management 
or of consideration4  ,from the tendency
 of these reflections1 then1 it should  
appear1 that a national spirit is       
frequently transient1 not on account of 
any incurable distemper in the nature of
 mankind1 but on account of their       
voluntary neglects and corruptions4     
,this spirit subsisted solely1 perhaps1 
in the execution of a few projects1     
entered into for the acquisition of     
territory or wealth2 it comes1 like a   
useless weapon1 to be laid aside after  
its end is attained4  ,ordinary         
establishments terminate in a relaxation
 of vigour1 and are ineffectual to the  
preservation of states2 because they    
lead mankind to rely on their arts1     
instead of their virtues2 and to mistake
 for an improvement of human nature1 a  
mere accession of accommodation1 or of  
riches4 ,footnote3   ,adeo in quae      
laboramus sola crevimus   ,divitias     
luxuriamque4 ,liv4 lib4 vii4 c4 #be4    
,institutions that fortify the mind1    

inspire courage1 and promote national   
felicity1 can never tend to national    
ruin4  ,is it not possible1 amidst our  
admiration of arts1 to find some place  
for these8 ,let statesmen1 who are      
intrusted with the government of        
nations1 reply for themselves4 ,it is   
their business to shew1 whether they    
climb into stations of eminence1 merely 
to display a passion of interest1 which 
they had better indulge in obscurity2   
and whether they have capacity to       
understand the happiness of a people1   
the conduct of whose affairs they are so
 willing to undertake4     ,,section    
,,iv4  ,,the ,,same ,,subject           
,,continued   ,men frequently1 while    
they are engaged in what is accounted   
the most selfish of all pursuits1 the   
improvement of fortune1 then most       
neglect themselves2 and while they      
reason for their country1 forget the    
considerations that most deserve their  
attention4 ,numbers1 riches1 and the    
other resources of war1 are highly      

important3 but nations consist of men2  
and a nation consisting of degenerate   
and cowardly men1 is weak2 a nation     
consisting of vigorous1 public spirited1
 and resolute men1 is strong4 ,the      
resources of war1 where other advantages
 are equal1 may decide a contest2 but   
the resources of war1 in hands that     
cannot employ them1 are of no avail4    
,virtue is a necessary constituent of   
national strength3 capacity1 and a      
vigorous understanding1 are no less     
necessary to sustain the fortune of     
states4 ,both are improved by           
discipline1 and by the exercises in     
which men are engaged4 ,we despise1 or  
we pity the lot of mankind1 while they  
lived under uncertain establishments1   
and were obliged to sustain in the same 
person1 the character of the senator1   
the statesman1 and the soldier4         
,commercial nations discover1 that any  
one of these characters is sufficient in
 one person2 and that the ends of each1 
when disjoined1 are more easily         

accomplished4 ,the first1 however1 were 
circumstances under which nations       
advanced and prospered2 the second were 
those in which the spirit relaxed1 and  
the nation went to decay4  ,we may1 with
 good reason1 congratulate our species  
on their having escaped from a state of 
barbarous disorder and violence1 into a 
state of domestic peace and regular     
policy2 when they have sheathed the     
dagger1 and disarmed the animosities of 
civil contention2 when the weapons with 
which they contend are the reasonings of
 the wise1 and the tongue of the        
eloquent4 ,but we cannot1 mean time1    
help to regret1 that they should ever   
proceed1 in search of perfection1 to    
place every branch of administration    
behind the counter1 and come to employ1 
instead of the statesman and warrior1   
the mere clerk and accountant4  ,by     
carrying this system to its height1 men 
are educated1 who could copy for ,caesar
 his military instructions1 or even     
execute a part of his plans2 but none   

who could act in all the different      
scenes for which the leader himself must
 be qualified1 in the state and in the  
field1 in times of order or of tumult1  
in times of division or of unanimity2   
none who could animate the council when 
deliberating on domestic affairs1 or    
when alarmed by attacks from abroad4    
,the policy of ,china is the most       
perfect model of an arrangement at which
 the ordinary refinements of government 
are aimed2 and the inhabitants of that  
empire possess1 in the highest degree1  
those arts on which vulgar minds make   
the felicity and greatness of nations to
 depend4 ,the state has acquired1 in a  
measure unequalled in the history of    
mankind1 numbers of men1 and the other  
resources of war4 ,they have done what  
we are very apt to admire3 they have    
brought national affairs to the level of
 the meanest capacity2 they have broke  
them into parts1 and thrown them into   
separate departments2 they have clothed 
every proceeding with splendid          

ceremonies1 and majestical forms2 and   
where the reverence of forms cannot     
repress disorder1 a rigorous and severe 
police1 armed with every species of     
corporal punishment1 is applied to the  
purpose4 ,the whip1 and the cudgel1 are 
held up to all orders of men2 they are  
at once employed1 and they are dreaded1 
by every magistrate4 ,a mandarine is    
whipped1 for having ordered a pickpocket
 to receive too few or too many blows4  
,every department of state is made the  
object of a separate profession1 and    
every candidate for office must have    
passed through a regular education2 and1
 as in the graduations of the           
university1 must have obtained by his   
proficiency1 or his standing1 the degree
 to which he aspires4 ,the tribunals of 
state1 of war1 and of the revenue1 as   
well as of literature1 are conducted by 
graduates in their different studies2   
but while learning is the great road to 
preferment1 it terminates in being able 
to read1 and to write2 and the great    

object of government consists in        
raising1 and in consuming the fruits of 
the earth4 ,with all these resources1   
and this learned preparation1 which is  
made to turn these resources to use1 the
 state is in reality weak2 has          
repeatedly given the example which we   
seek to explain2 and among the doctors  
of war or of policy1 among the millions 
who are set apart for the military      
profession1 can find none of its members
 who are fit to stand forth in the      
dangers of their country1 or to form a  
defence against the repeated inroads of 
an enemy reputed to be artless and mean4
  ,it is difficult to tell how long the 
decay of states might be suspended1 by  
the cultivation of arts on which their  
real felicity and strength depend2 by   
cultivating in the higher ranks those   
talents for the council and the field1  
which cannot1 without great             
disadvantage1 be separated2 and in the  
body of a people1 that zeal for their   
country1 and that military character1   

which enable them to take a share in    
defending its rights4  ,times may come1 
when every proprietor must defend his   
own possessions1 and every free people  
maintain their own independence4 ,we may
 imagine1 that1 against such an         
extremity1 an army of hired troops is a 
sufficient precaution2 but their own    
troops are the very enemy against which 
a people is sometimes obliged to fight4 
,we may flatter ourselves1 that         
extremities of this sort1 in any        
particular case1 are remote2 but we     
cannot1 in reasoning on the general     
fortunes of mankind1 avoid putting the  
case1 and referring to the examples in  
which it has happened4 ,it has happened 
in every instance where the polished    
have fallen a prey to the rude1 and     
where the pacific inhabitant has been   
reduced to subjection by military force4
  ,if the defence and government of a   
people be made to depend on a few1 who  
make the conduct of state or of war     
their profession2 whether these be      

foreigners or natives2 whether they be  
called away of a sudden1 like the ,roman
 legion from ,britain2 whether they turn
 against their employers1 like the army 
of ,carthage2 or be overpowered and     
dispersed by a stroke of fortune2 the   
multitude of a cowardly and             
undisciplined people must1 upon such an 
emergence2 receive a foreign or a       
domestic enemy1 as they would a plague  
or an earthquake1 with hopeless         
amazement and terror1 and by their      
numbers1 only swell the triumphs1 and   
enrich the spoil of a conqueror4        
,statesmen and leaders of armies1       
accustomed to the mere observance of    
forms1 are disconcerted by a suspension 
of customary rules2 and on slight       
grounds despair of their country4 ,they 
were qualified only to go the rounds of 
a particular track2 and when forced from
 their stations1 are in reality unable  
to act with men4 ,they only took part in
 formalities1 of which they understood  
not the tendency2 and together with the 

modes of procedure1 even the very state 
itself1 in their apprehension1 has      
ceased to exist4 ,the numbers1          
possessions1 and resources of a great   
people1 only serve1 in their view1 to   
constitute a scene of hopeless confusion
 and terror4  ,in rude ages1 under the  
appellations of a community1 a people1  
or a nation1 was understood a number of 
men2 and the state1 while its members   
remained1 was accounted entire4 ,the    
,scythians1 while they fled before      
,darius1 mocked at his childish attempt2
 ,athens survived the devastations of   
,xerxes2 and ,rome1 in its rude state1  
those of the ,gauls4 ,with polished and 
mercantile states1 the case is sometimes
 reversed4 ,the nation is a territory1  
cultivated and improved by its owners2  
destroy the possession1 even while the  
master remains1 the state is undone4    
,the weakness and effeminacy of which   
polished nations are sometimes accused1 
has its place probably in the mind      
alone4 ,the strength of animals1 and    

that of man in particular1 depends on   
his feeding2 and the kind of labour to  
which he is used4 ,wholesome food1 and  
hard labour1 the portion of many in     
every polished and commercial nation1   
secure to the public a number of men    
endued with bodily strength1 and inured 
to hardship and toil4  ,even delicate   
living1 and good accommodation1 are not 
found to enervate the body4 ,the armies 
of ,europe have been obliged to make the
 experiment2 and the children of opulent
 families1 bred in effeminacy1 or nursed
 with tender care1 have been made to    
contend with the savage4 ,by imitating  
his arts1 they have learned1 like him1  
to traverse the forest2 and1 in every   
season1 to subsist in the desert4 ,they 
have1 perhaps1 recovered a lesson1 which
 it has cost civilized nations many ages
 to unlearn1 that the fortune of a man  
is entire while he remains possessed of 
himself4  ,it may be thought1 however1  
that few of the celebrated nations of   
antiquity1 whose fate has given rise to 

so much reflection on the vicissitudes  
of human affairs1 had made any great    
progress in those enervating arts we    
have mentioned2 or made those           
arrangements from which the danger in   
question could be supposed to arise4    
,the ,greeks1 in particular1 at the time
 they received the ,macedonian yoke1 had
 certainly not carried the commercial   
arts to so great a height as is common  
with the most flourishing and prosperous
 nations of ,europe4 ,they had still    
retained the form of independent        
republics2 the people were generally    
admitted to a share in the government2  
and not being able to hire armies1 they 
were obliged1 by necessity1 to bear a   
part in the defence of their country4   
,by their frequent wars and domestic    
commotions1 they were accustomed to     
danger1 and were familiar with alarming 
situations2 they were accordingly still 
accounted the best soldiers and the best
 statesmen of the known world4 ,the     
younger ,cyrus promised himself the     

empire of ,asia by means of their aid2  
and after his fall1 a body of ten       
thousand1 although bereft of their      
leaders1 baffled1 in their retreat1 all 
the military force of the ,persian      
empire4 ,the victor of ,asia did not    
think himself prepared for that         
conquest1 till he had formed an army    
from the subdued republics of ,greece4  
,it is1 however1 true1 that in the age  
of ,philip1 the military and political  
spirit of those nations appears to have 
been considerably impaired1 and to have 
suffered1 perhaps1 from the variety of  
interests and pursuits1 as well as of   
pleasures1 with which their members came
 to be occupied2 they even made a kind  
of separation between the civil and     
military character4 ,phocion1 we are    
told by ,plutarch1 having observed that 
the leading men of his time followed    
different courses1 that some applied    
themselves to civil1 others to military 
affairs1 determined rather to follow the
 examples of ,themistocles1 ,aristides1 

and ,pericles1 the leaders of a former  
age1 who were equally prepared for      
either4  ,we find in the orations of    
,demosthenes1 a perpetual reference to  
this state of manners4 ,we find him     
exhorting the ,athenians not only to    
declare war1 but to arm themselves for  
the execution of their own military     
plans4 ,we find that there was an order 
of military men1 who easily passed from 
the service of one state to that of     
another2 and who1 when they were        
neglected from home1 turned away to     
enterprises on their own account4 ,there
 were not1 perhaps1 better warriors in  
any former age2 but those warriors were 
not attached to any state2 and the      
settled inhabitants of every city       
thought themselves disqualified for     
military service4 ,the discipline of    
armies was perhaps improved2 but the    
vigour of nations was gone to decay4    
,when ,philip1 or ,alexander1 defeated  
the ,grecian armies1 which were chiefly 
composed of soldiers of fortune1 they   

found an easy conquest with the other   
inhabitants2 and when the latter1       
afterwards supported by those soldiers1 
invaded the ,persian empire1 he seems to
 have left little martial spirit behind 
him2 and by removing the military men1  
to have taken precaution enough1 in his 
absence1 to secure his dominion over    
this mutinous and refractory people4    
,the subdivision of arts and            
professions1 in1 certain examples1 tends
 to improve the practice of them1 and to
 promote their ends4 ,by having         
separated the arts of the clothier and  
the tanner1 we are the better supplied  
with shoes and with cloth4 ,but to      
separate the arts which form the citizen
 and the statesman1 the arts of policy  
and war1 is an attempt to dismember the 
human character1 and to destroy those   
very arts we mean to improve4 ,by this  
separation1 we in effect deprive a free 
people of what is necessary to their    
safety2 or we prepare a defence against 
invasions from abroad1 which gives a    

prospect of usurpation1 and threatens   
the establishment of military government
 at home4  ,we may be surprised to find 
the beginning of certain military       
instructions at ,rome1 referred to a    
time no earlier than that of the        
,cimbric war4 ,it was then1 we are told 
by ,valerius ,maximus1 that ,roman      
soldiers were made to learn from        
gladiators the use of a sword3 and the  
antagonists of ,pyrrhus and of ,hannibal
 were1 by the account of this writer1   
still in need of instruction in the     
first rudiments of their trade4 ,they   
had already1 by the order and choice of 
their encampments1 impressed the        
,grecian invader with awe and respect2  
they had already1 not by their          
victories1 but by their national vigour 
and firmness1 under repeated defeats1   
induced him to sue for peace4 ,but the  
haughty ,roman1 perhaps1 knew the       
advantage of order and of union1 without
 having been broke to the inferior arts 
of the mercenary soldier2 and had the   

courage to face the enemies of his      
country1 without having practised the   
use of his weapon under the fear of     
being whipped4 ,he could ill be         
persuaded that a time might come1 when  
refined and intelligent nations would   
make the art of war to consist in a few 
technical forms2 that citizens and      
soldiers might come to be distinguished 
as much as women and men2 that the      
citizen would become possessed of a     
property which he would not be able1 or 
required1 to defend2 that the soldier   
would be appointed to keep for another  
what he would be taught to desire1 and  
what he alone would be enabled to seize 
and to keep for himself2 that1 in short1
 one set of men were to have an interest
 in the preservation of civil           
establishments1 without the power to    
defend them2 that the other were to have
 this power1 without either the         
inclination or the interest4  ,this     
people1 however1 by degrees came to put 
their military force on the very footing

 to which this description alludes4     
,marius made a capital change in the    
manner of levying soldiers at ,rome3 he 
filled his legions with the mean and the
 indigent1 who depended on military pay 
for subsistence2 he created a force     
which rested on mere discipline alone1  
and the skill of the gladiator2 he      
taught his troops to employ their swords
 against the constitution of their      
country1 and set the example of a       
practice which was soon adopted and     
improved by his successors4  ,the       
,romans only meant by their armies to   
encroach on the freedom of other        
nations1 while they preserved their own4
 ,they forgot1 that in assembling       
soldiers of fortune1 and in suffering   
any leader to be master of a disciplined
 army1 they actually resigned their     
political rights1 and suffered a master 
to arise for the state4 ,this people1 in
 short1 whose ruling passion was        
depredation and conquest1 perished by   
the recoil of an engine which they      

themselves had erected against mankind4 
,the boasted refinements1 then1 of the  
polished age1 are not divested of       
danger4 ,they open a door1 perhaps1 to  
disaster1 as wide and accessible as any 
of those they have shut4 ,if they build 
walls and ramparts1 they enervate the   
minds of those who are placed to defend 
them2 if they form disciplined armies1  
they reduce the military spirit of      
entire nations2 and by placing the sword
 where they have given a distaste to    
civil establishments1 they prepare for  
mankind the government of force4  ,it is
 happy for the nations of ,europe1 that 
the disparity between the soldier and   
the pacific citizen can never be so     
great as it became among the ,greeks and
 the ,romans4 ,in the use of modern     
arms1 the novice is made to learn1 and  
to practise with ease1 all that the     
veteran knows2 and if to teach him were 
a matter of real difficulty1 happy are  
they who are not deterred by such       
difficulties1 and who can discover the  

arts which tend to fortify and preserve1
 not to enervate and ruin their country4
     ,,section ,v4  ,,of ,,national     
,,waste4   ,the strength of nations     
consists in the wealth1 the numbers1 and
 the character of their people4 ,the    
history of their progress from a state  
of rudeness1 is1 for the most part1 a   
detail of the struggles they have       
maintained1 and of the arts they have   
practised1 to strengthen1 or to secure  
themselves4 ,their conquests1 their     
population1 and their commerce1 their   
civil and military arrangements1 their  
skill in the construction of weapons1   
and in the methods of attack and        
defence2 the very distribution of tasks1
 whether in private business or in      
public affairs1 either tend to bestow1  
or promise to employ with advantage the 
constituents of a national force1 and   
the resources of war4  ,if we suppose   
that1 together with these advantages1   
the military character of a people      
remains1 or is improved1 it must follow1

 that what is gained in civilization1 is
 a real increase of strength2 and that  
the ruin of nations could never take its
 rise from themselves4 ,where states    
have stopped short in their progress1 or
 have actually gone to decay1 we may    
suspect1 that however disposed to       
advance1 they have found a limit1 beyond
 which they could not proceed2 or from a
 remission of the national spirit1 and a
 weakness of character1 were unable to  
make the most of their resources1 and   
natural advantages4 ,on this            
supposition1 from being stationary1 they
 may begin to relapse1 and by a         
retrograde motion in a succession of    
ages1 arrive at a state of greater      
weakness1 than that which they quitted  
in the beginning of their progress2 and 
with the appearance of better arts1 and 
superior conduct1 expose themselves to  
become a prey to barbarians1 whom1 in   
the attainment1 or the height of their  
glory1 they had easily baffled or       
despised4  ,whatever may be the natural 

wealth of a people1 or whatever may be  
the limits beyond which they cannot     
improve on their stock1 it is probable1 
that no nation has ever reached those   
limits1 or has been able to postpone its
 misfortunes1 and the effects of        
misconduct1 until its fund of materials1
 and the fertility of its soil1 were    
exhausted1 or the numbers of its people 
were greatly reduced4 ,the same errors  
in policy1 and weakness of manners1     
which prevent the proper use of         
resources1 likewise check their         
increase1 or improvement4 ,the wealth of
 the state consists in the fortune of   
its members4 ,the actual revenue of the 
state is that share of every private    
fortune1 which the public has been      
accustomed to demand for national       
purposes4 ,this revenue cannot be always
 proportioned to what may be supposed   
redundant in the private estate1 but to 
what is1 in some measure1 thought so by 
the owner2 and to what he may be made to
 spare1 without intrenching on his      

manner of living1 and without suspending
 his projects of expense1 or of         
commerce4 ,it should appear1 therefore1 
that any immoderate increase of private 
expense is a prelude to national        
weakness3 government1 even while each of
 its subjects consumes a princely       
estate1 may be straitened in point of   
revenue1 and the paradox be explained by
 example1 that the public is poor while 
its members are rich4  ,we are          
frequently led into error by mistaking  
money for riches2 we think that a people
 cannot be impoverished by a waste of   
money which is spent among themselves4  
,the fact is1 that men are impoverished 
only in two ways2 either by having their
 gains suspended1 or by having their    
substance consumed2 and money expended  
at home1 being circulated1 and not      
consumed1 cannot1 any more than the     
exchange of a tally1 or a counter1 among
 a certain number of hands1 tend to     
diminish the wealth of the company among
 whom it is handed about4 ,but while    

money circulates at home1 the           
necessaries of life1 which are the real 
constituents of wealth1 may be idly     
consumed2 the industry which might be   
employed to increase the stock of a     
people1 may be suspended1 or turned to  
abuse4  ,great armies1 maintained either
 at home or abroad1 without any national
 object1 are so many mouths             
unnecessarily opened to waste the stores
 of the public1 and so many hands       
withheld from the arts by which its     
profits are made4 ,unsuccessful         
enterprises are so many ventures thrown 
away1 and losses sustained1 proportioned
 to the capital employed in the service4
 ,the ,helvetii1 in order to invade the 
,roman province of ,gaul1 burnt their   
habitations1 dropt their instruments of 
husbandry1 and consumed in one year the 
savings of many4 ,the enterprise failed 
of success1 and the nation was undone4  
,states have endeavoured1 in some       
instances1 by pawning their credit1     
instead of employing their capital1 to  

disguise the hazards they ran4 ,they    
have found1 in the loans they raised1 a 
casual resource1 which encouraged their 
enterprises4 ,they have seemed1 by their
 manner of erecting transferable funds1 
to leave the capital for purposes of    
trade1 in the hands of the subject1     
while it is actually expended by the    
government4 ,they have1 by these means1 
proceeded to the execution of great     
national projects1 without suspending   
private industry1 and have left future  
ages to answer1 in part1 for debts      
contracted with a view to future        
emolument4 ,so far the expedient is     
plausible1 and appears to be just4 ,the 
growing burden too1 is thus gradually   
laid2 and if a nation be to sink in some
 future age1 every minister hopes it may
 still keep afloat in his own4 ,but the 
measure1 for this very reason1 is1 with 
all its advantages1 extremely dangerous1
 in the hands of a precipitant and      
ambitious administration1 regarding only
 the present occasion1 and imagining a  

state to be inexhaustible1 while a      
capital can be borrowed1 and the        
interest be paid4  ,we are told of a    
nation who1 during a certain period1    
rivalled the glories of the ancient     
world1 threw off the dominion of a      
master armed against them with the      
powers of a great kingdom1 broke the    
yoke with which they had been oppressed1
 and almost within the course of a      
century raised1 by their industry and   
national vigour1 a new and formidable   
power1 which struck the former          
potentates of ,europe with awe and      
suspense1 and turned the badges of      
poverty with which they set out1 into   
the ensigns of war and dominion4 ,this  
end was attained by the great efforts of
 a spirit awakened by oppression1 by a  
successful pursuit of national wealth1  
and by a rapid anticipation of future   
revenue4 ,but this illustrious state is 
supposed not only1 in the language of a 
former section1 to have pre-occupied the
 business2 they have sequestered the    

inheritance of many ages to come4       
,great national expense1 however1 does  
not imply the necessity of any national 
suffering4 ,while revenue is applied    
with success to obtain some valuable    
end1 the profits of every adventure1    
being more than sufficient to repay its 
costs1 the public should gain1 and its  
resources should continue to multiply4  
,but an expense1 whether sustained at   
home or abroad1 whether a waste of the  
present1 or an anticipation of future1  
revenue1 if it bring no proper return1  
is to be reckoned among the causes of   
national ruin4  ,,an ,,essay ,,on ,,the 
,,history ,,of ,,civil ,,society        
99       99       99       99       99  
,,part ,,sixth  ,,of ,,corruption ,,and 
,,political ,,slavery4          99      
99       99       99       99           
,,section ,i4  ,,of ,,corruption ,,in   
,,general4   ,if the fortune of nations1
 and their tendency to aggrandizement1  
or to ruin1 were to be estimated by     
merely balancing1 on the principles of  

the last section1 articles of profit and
 loss1 every argument in politics would 
rest on a comparison of national expense
 with national gain2 on a comparison of 
the numbers who consume1 with those who 
produce or amass the necessaries of     
life4 ,the columns of the industrious1  
and the idle1 would include all orders  
of men2 and the state itself1 being     
allowed as many magistrates1            
politicians1 and warriors1 as were      
barely sufficient for its defence and   
its government1 should place1 on the    
side of its loss1 every name that is    
supernumerary on the civil or the       
military list2 all those orders of men1 
who1 by the possession of fortune1      
subsist on the gains of others1 and by  
the nicety of their choice1 require a   
great expense of time and of labour1 to 
supply their consumption2 all those who 
are idly employed in the train of       
persons of rank2 all those who are      
engaged in the professions of law1      
physic1 or divinity1 together with all  

the learned who do not1 by their        
studies1 promote or improve the practice
 of some lucrative trade4 ,the value of 
every person1 in short1 should be       
computed from his labour2 and that of   
labour itself1 from its tendency to     
procure and amass the means of          
subsistence4 ,the arts employed on mere 
superfluities should be prohibited1     
except when their produce could be      
exchanged with foreign nations1 for     
commodities that might be employed to   
maintain useful men for the public4     
,these appear to be the rules by which a
 miser would examine the state of his   
own affairs1 or those of his country2   
but schemes of perfect corruption are at
 least as impracticable as schemes of   
perfect virtue4 ,men are not universally
 misers2 they will not be satisfied with
 the pleasure of hoarding2 they must be 
suffered to enjoy their wealth1 in order
 that they may take the trouble of      
becoming rich4 ,property1 in the common 
course of human affairs1 is unequally   

divided3 we are therefore obliged to    
suffer the wealthy to squander1 that the
 poor may subsist3 we are obliged to    
tolerate certain orders of men1 who are 
above the necessity of labour1 in order 
that1 in their condition1 there may be  
an object of ambition1 and a rank to    
which the busy aspire4 ,we are not only 
obliged to admit numbers1 who1 in strict
 economy1 may be reckoned superfluous1  
on the civil1 the military1 and the     
political list2 but because we are men1 
and prefer the occupation1 improvement1 
and felicity of our nature1 to its mere 
existence1 we must even wish1 that as   
many members as possible1 of every      
community1 may be admitted to a share of
 its defence and its government4  ,men1 
in fact1 while they pursue in society   
different objects1 or separate views1   
procure a wide distribution of power1   
and by a species of chance1 arrive at a 
posture for civil engagements1 more     
favourable to human nature than what    
human wisdom could ever calmly devise4  

,if the strength of a nation1 in the    
mean-time1 consists in the men on whom  
it may rely1 and who are fortunately or 
wisely combined for its preservation1 it
 follows1 that manners are as important 
as either numbers or wealth2 and that   
corruption is to be accounted a         
principal cause of the national         
declension and ruin4  ,whoever perceives
 what are the qualities of man in his   
excellence1 may easily1 by that         
standard1 distinguish his defects or    
corruptions4 ,if an intelligent1 a      
courageous1 and an affectionate mind1   
constitutes the perfection of his       
nature1 remarkable failings in any of   
those particulars must proportionally   
sink or debase his character4  ,we have 
observed1 that it is the happiness of   
the individual to make a right choice of
 his conduct2 that this choice will lead
 him to lose in society the sense of a  
personal interest2 and1 in the          
consideration of what is due to the     
whole1 to stifle those anxieties which  

relate to himself as a part4  ,the      
natural disposition of man to humanity1 
and the warmth of his temper1 may raise 
his character to this fortunate pitch4  
,his elevation1 in a great measure1     
depends on the form of his society2 but 
he can1 without incurring the charge of 
corruption1 accommodate himself to great
 variations in the constitutions of     
government4 ,the same integrity1 and    
vigorous spirit1 which1 in democratical 
states1 renders him tenacious of his    
equality1 may1 under aristocracy or     
monarchy1 lead him to maintain the      
subordinations established4 ,he may     
entertain1 towards the different ranks  
of men with whom he is yoked in the     
state1 maxims of respect and of candour3
 he may1 in the choice of his actions1  
follow a principle of justice and of    
honour1 which the considerations of     
safety1 preferment1 or profit1 cannot   
efface4  ,from our complaints of        
national depravity1 it should1          
notwithstanding1 appear1 that whole     

bodies of men are sometimes infected    
with an epidemical weakness of the head1
 or corruption of heart1 by which they  
become unfit for the stations they      
occupy1 and threaten the states they    
compose1 however flourishing1 with a    
prospect of decay1 and of ruin4  ,a     
change of national manners for the      
worse1 may arise from a discontinuance  
of the scenes in which the talents of   
men were happily cultivated1 and brought
 into exercise2 or from a change in the 
prevailing opinions relating to the     
constituents of honour or of happiness4 
,when mere riches1 or court favour1 are 
supposed to constitute rank2 the mind is
 misled from the consideration of       
qualities on which it ought to rely4    
,magnanimity1 courage1 and the love of  
mankind1 are sacrificed to avarice and  
vanity2 or suppressed under a sense of  
dependence4 ,the individual considers   
his community so far only as it can be  
rendered subservient to his personal    
advancement or profit3 he states himself

 in competition with his fellow         
creatures2 and1 urged by the passions of
 emulation1 of fear and jealousy1 of    
envy and malice1 he follows the maxims  
of an animal destined to preserve his   
separate existence1 and to indulge his  
caprice or his appetite1 at the expense 
of his species4  ,on this corrupt       
foundation1 men become either rapacious1
 deceitful1 and violent1 ready to       
trespass on the rights of others2 or    
servile1 mercenary1 and base1 prepared  
to relinquish their own4 ,talents1      
capacity1 and force of mind1 possessed  
by a person of the first description1   
serve to plunge him the deeper in       
misery1 and to sharpen the agony of     
cruel passions2 which lead him to wreak 
on his fellow creatures the torments    
that prey on himself4 ,to a person of   
the second1 imagination1 and reason     
itself1 only serve to point out false   
objects of fear and desire1 and to      
multiply the subjects of disappointment 
and of momentary joy4 ,in either case1  

and whether we suppose that corrupt men 
are urged by covetousness1 or betrayed  
by fear1 and without specifying the     
crimes which from either disposition    
they are prepared to commit1 we may     
safely affirm1 with ,socrates1 ,that    
every master should pray he may not meet
 with such a slave2 and every such      
person1 being unfit for liberty1 should 
implore that he may meet with a merciful
 master4  ,man1 under this measure of   
corruption1 although he may be bought   
for a slave by those who know how to    
turn his faculties and his labour to    
profit2 and although1 when kept under   
proper restraints1 his neighbourhood may
 be convenient or useful2 yet is        
certainly unfit to act on the footing of
 a liberal combination or concert with  
his fellow creatures3 his mind is not   
addicted to friendship or confidence2 he
 is not willing to act for the          
preservation of others1 nor deserves    
that any other should hazard his own    
safety for his4  ,the actual character  

of mankind1 mean time1 in the worst as  
well as the best condition1 is          
undoubtedly mixed3 and nations of the   
best description are greatly obliged for
 their preservation1 not only to the    
good disposition of their members1 but  
likewise to those political             
institutions1 by which the violent are  
restrained from the commission of       
crimes1 and the cowardly1 or the        
selfish1 are made to contribute their   
part to the public defence or           
prosperity4 ,by means of such           
institutions1 and the wise precautions  
of government1 nations are enabled to   
subsist1 and even to prosper1 under very
 different degrees of corruption1 or of 
public integrity4  ,so long as the      
majority of a people are supposed to act
 on maxims of probity1 the example of   
the good1 and even the caution of the   
bad1 give a general appearance of       
integrity1 and of innocence4 ,where men 
are to one another objects of affection 
and of confidence1 where they are       

generally disposed not to offend1       
government may be remiss2 and every     
person may be treated as innocent1 till 
he is found to be guilty4 ,as the       
subject1 in this case1 does not hear of 
the crimes1 so he need not be told of   
the punishments inflicted on persons of 
a different character4 ,but where the   
manners of a people are considerably    
changed for the worse1 every subject    
must stand on his guard1 and government 
itself must act on suitable maxims of   
fear and distrust4 ,the individual1 no  
longer fit to be indulged in his        
pretensions to personal consideration1  
independence1 or freedom1 each of which 
he would turn to abuse1 must be taught1 
by external force1 and from motives of  
fear1 to counterfeit those effects of   
innocence1 and of duty1 to which he is  
not disposed3 he must be referred to the
 whip1 or the gibbet1 for arguments in  
support of a caution1 which the state   
now requires him to assume1 on a        
supposition that he is insensible to the

 motives which recommend the practice of
 virtue4  ,the rules of despotism are   
made for the government of corrupted    
men4 ,they were indeed followed on some 
remarkable occasions1 even under the    
,roman commonwealth2 and the bloody axe1
 to terrify the citizen from his crimes1
 and to repel the casual and temporary  
irruptions of vice1 was repeatedly      
committed to the arbitrary will of the  
dictator4 ,they were finally established
 on the ruins of the republic itself1   
when either the people became too       
corrupted for freedom1 or when the      
magistrate became too corrupted to      
resign his dictatorial power4 ,this     
species of government comes naturally in
 the termination of a continued and     
growing corruption2 but has1 no doubt1  
in some instances1 come too soon1 and   
has sacrificed remains of virtue1 that  
deserved a better fate1 to the jealousy 
of tyrants1 who were in haste to augment
 their power4 ,this method of government
 cannot1 in such cases1 fail to         

introduce that measure of corruption1   
against whose external effects it is    
desired as a remedy4 ,when fear is      
suggested as the only motive to duty1   
every art becomes rapacious or base4    
,and this medicine1 if applied to a     
healthy body1 is sure to create the     
distemper2 which in other cases it is   
destined to cure4  ,this is the manner  
of government into which the covetous1  
and the arrogant1 to satiate their      
unhappy desires1 would hurry their      
fellow creatures3 it is a manner of     
government to which the timorous and the
 servile submit at discretion2 and when 
these characters of the rapacious and   
the timid divide mankind1 even the      
virtues of ,antoninus or ,trajan can do 
no more than apply1 with candour and    
with vigour1 the whip and the sword2 and
 endeavour1 by the hopes of reward1 or  
the fear of punishment1 to find a speedy
 and a temporary cure for the crimes1 or
 the imbecilities of men4  ,other states
 may be more or less corrupted3 this has

 corruption for its basis4 ,here justice
 may sometimes direct the arm of the    
despotical sovereign2 but the name of   
justice is most commonly employed to    
signify the interest or the caprice of a
 reigning power4 ,human society1        
susceptible of such a variety of forms1 
here finds the simplest of all4 ,the    
toils and possessions of many are       
destined to assuage the passions of one 
or a few2 and the only parties that     
remain among1 mankind1 are the oppressor
 who demands1 and the oppressed who dare
 not refuse4  ,nations1 while they were 
entitled to a milder fate1 as in the    
case of the ,greeks1 repeatedly         
conquered1 have been reduced to this    
condition by military force4 ,they have 
reached it too in the maturity of their 
own depravations2 when1 like the        
,romans1 returned from the conquest1 and
 loaded with the spoils of the world1   
they give loose to faction1 and to      
crimes too bold and too frequent for the
 correction of ordinary government2 and 

when the sword of justice1 dropping with
 blood1 and perpetually required to     
suppress accumulating disorders on every
 side1 could no longer await the delays 
and precautions of an administration    
fettered by laws4 ,footnote3 ,sallust4  
,bell4 ,catalinarium4  ,it is1 however1 
well known from the history of mankind1 
that corruption of this1 or of any other
 degree1 is not peculiar to nations in  
their decline1 or in the result of      
signal prosperity1 and great advances in
 the arts of commerce4 ,the bands of    
society1 indeed1 in small and infant    
establishments1 are generally strong2   
and their subjects1 either by an ardent 
devotion to to their own tribe1 or a    
vehement animosity against enemies1 and 
by a vigorous courage founded on both1  
are well qualified to urge1 or to       
sustain1 the fortune of a growing       
community4 ,but the savage and the      
barbarian have given1 notwithstanding1  
in the case of entire nations1 some     
examples of a weak and timorous         

character4 ,footnote3 ,the barbarous    
nations of ,siberia1 in general1 are    
servile and timid4 ,they have1 in more  
instances1 fallen into that species of  
corruption which we have already        
described in treating of barbarous      
nations2 they have made rapine their    
trade1 not merely as a species of       
warfare1 or with a view to enrich their 
community1 but to possess1 in property1 
what they learned to prefer even to the 
ties of affection or of blood4  ,in the 
lowest state of commercial arts1 the    
passions for wealth1 and for dominion1  
have exhibited scenes of oppression or  
servility1 which the most finished      
corruption of the arrogant1 the         
cowardly1 and the mercenary1 founded on 
the desire of procuring1 or the fear of 
losing1 a fortune1 could not exceed4 ,in
 such cases1 the vices of men1          
unrestrained by forms1 and unawed by    
police1 are suffered to riot at large1  
and to produce their entire effects4    
,parties accordingly unite1 or separate1

 on the maxims of a gang of robbers2    
they sacrifice to interest the tenderest
 affections of human nature4 ,the parent
 supplies the market for slaves1 even by
 the sale of his own children2 the      
cottage ceases to be a sanctuary for the
 weak and the defenceless stranger2 and 
the rights of hospitality1 often so     
sacred among nations in their primitive 
state1 come to be violated1 like every  
other tie of humanity1 without fear or  
remorse4 ,footnote3 ,chardin's travels  
through ,mingrelia into ,persia4        
,nations which1 in later periods of     
their history1 became eminent for civil 
wisdom and justice1 had1 perhaps1 in a  
former age1 paroxysms of lawless        
disorder1 to which this description     
might in part be applied4 ,the very     
policy by which they arrived at their   
degree of national felicity1 was devised
 as a remedy for outrageous abuse4 ,the 
establishment of order was dated from   
the commission of rapes and murders2    
indignation1 and private revenge1 were  

the principles on which nations         
proceeded to the expulsion of tyrants1  
to the emancipation of mankind1 and the 
full explanation of their political     
rights4  ,defects of government and of  
law may be1 in some cases1 considered as
 a symptom of innocence and of virtue4  
,but where power is already established1
 where the strong are unwilling to      
suffer restraint1 or the weak unable to 
find a protection1 the defects of law   
are marks of the most perfect           
corruption4  ,among rude nations1       
government is often defective2 both     
because men are not yet acquainted with 
all the evils for which polished nations
 have endeavoured to find a redress2 and
 because1 even where evils of the most  
flagrant nature have long afflicted the 
peace of society1 they have not yet been
 able to apply the cure4 ,in the        
progress of civilization1 new distempers
 break forth1 and new remedies are      
applied3 but the remedy is not always   
applied the moment the distemper        

appears2 and laws1 though suggested by  
the commission of crimes1 are not the   
symptom of a recent corruption1 but of a
 desire to find a remedy that may cure1 
perhaps1 some inveterate evil which has 
long afflicted the state4  ,there are   
corruptions1 however1 under which men   
still possess the vigour and the        
resolution to correct themselves4 ,such 
are the violence and the outrage which  
accompany the collision of fierce and   
daring spirits1 occupied in the         
struggles which sometimes precede the   
dawn of civil and commercial            
improvements4 ,in such cases1 men have  
frequently discovered a remedy for      
evils1 of which their own misguided     
impetuosity1 and superior force of mind1
 were the principal causes4 ,but if to a
 depraved disposition1 we suppose to be 
joined a weakness of spirit2 if to an   
admiration and desire of riches1 be     
joined an aversion to danger or         
business2 if those orders of men whose  
valour is required by the public1 cease 

to be brave2 if the members of society  
in general have not those personal      
qualities which are required to fill the
 stations of equality1 or of honour1 to 
which they are invited by the forms of  
the state2 they must sink to a depth    
from which their imbecility1 even more  
than their depraved inclinations1 may   
prevent their rise4     ,,section1 ,,ii 
,,of ,,luxury4   ,we are far from being 
agreed on the application of the term   
luxury1 or on that degree of its meaning
 which is consistent with national      
prosperity1 or with the moral rectitude 
of our nature4 ,it is sometimes employed
 to signify a manner of life which we   
think necessary to civilization1 and    
even to happiness4 ,it is1 in our       
panegyric of polished ages1 the parent  
of arts1 the support of commerce1 and   
the minister of national greatness1 and 
of opulence4 ,it is1 in our censure of  
degenerate manners1 the source of       
corruption1 and the presage of national 
declension and ruin4 ,it is admired1 and

 it is blamed2 it is treated as         
ornamental and useful1 and it is        
proscribed as a vice4  ,with all this   
diversity in our judgments1 we are      
generally uniform in employing the term 
to signify that complicated apparatus   
which mankind devise for the ease and   
convenience of life4 ,their buildings1  
furniture1 equipage1 clothing1 train of 
domestics1 refinement of the table1 and1
 in general1 all that assemblage which  
is rather intended to please the fancy1 
than to obviate real wants1 and which is
 rather ornamental than useful4  ,when  
we are disposed1 therefore1 under the   
appellation of luxury1 to rank the      
enjoyment of these things among the     
vices1 we either tacitly refer to the   
habits of sensuality1 debauchery1       
prodigality1 vanity1 and arrogance1 with
 which the possession of high fortune is
 sometimes attended2 or we apprehend a  
certain measure of what is necessary to 
human life1 beyond which all enjoyments 
are supposed to be excessive and        

vicious4 ,when1 on the contrary1 luxury 
is made an article of national lustre   
and felicity1 we only think of it as an 
innocent consequence of the unequal     
distribution of wealth1 and as a method 
by which different ranks are rendered   
mutually dependent1 and mutually useful4
 ,the poor are made to practise arts1   
and the rich to reward them4 ,the public
 itself is made a gainer by what seems  
to waste its stock1 and it receives a   
perpetual increase of wealth1 from the  
influence of those growing appetites1   
and delicate tastes1 which seem to      
menace consumption and ruin4  ,it is    
certain1 that we must either1 together  
with the commercial arts1 suffer their  
fruits to be enjoyed1 and even in some  
measure admired2 or1 like the ,spartans1
 prohibit the art itself1 while we are  
afraid of its consequences1 or while we 
think that the conveniencies it brings  
exceed what nature requires4 ,but we may
 propose to stop the advancement of arts
 at any stage of their progress1 and    

still incur the censure of luxury from  
those who are not advanced so far4 ,the 
housebuilder and the carpenter at       
,sparta were limited to the use of the  
axe and the saw2 but a ,spartan cottage 
might have passed for a palace in       
,thrace3 and if the dispute were to turn
 on the knowledge of what is physically 
necessary to the preservation of human  
life1 as the standard of what is morally
 lawful1 the faculties of physic1 as    
well as of morality1 would probably     
divide on the subject1 and leave every  
individual1 as at present1 to find some 
rule for himself4 ,the casuist1 for the 
most part1 considers the practice of his
 own age and condition as a standard for
 mankind4 ,if in one age or condition he
 condemn the use of a coach1 in another 
he would have no less censured the      
wearing of shoes2 and the very person   
who exclaims against the first1 would   
probably not have spared the second1 if 
it had not been already familiar in ages
 before his own4 ,a censor born in a    

cottage1 and accustomed to sleep upon   
straw1 does not propose that men should 
return to the woods and the caves for   
shelter2 he admits the reasonableness   
and the utility of what is already      
familiar2 and apprehends an excess and  
corruption1 only in the newest          
refinement of the rising generation4    
,the clergy of ,europe have preached    
successively against every new fashion1 
and every innovation in dress4 ,the     
modes of youth are a subject of censure 
to the old2 and modes of the last age1  
in their turn1 a matter of ridicule to  
the flippant1 and the young4 ,of this   
there is not always a better account to 
be given1 than that the old are disposed
 to be severe1 and the young to be      
merry4  ,the argument against many of   
the conveniencies of life1 drawn from   
the mere consideration of their not     
being necessary1 was equally proper in  
the mouth of the savage1 who dissuaded  
from the first applications of industry1
 as it is in that of the moralist1 who  

insists on the vanity of the last4 ,our 
ancestors1 he might say1 found their    
dwelling under this rock2 they gathered 
their food in the forest2 they allayed  
their thirst from the fountain2 and they
 were clothed in the spoils of the beast
 they had slain4 ,why should we indulge 
a false delicacy1 or require from the   
earth fruits which she is not accustomed
 to yield8 ,the bow of our father is    
already too strong for our arms2 and the
 wild beast begins to lord it in the    
woods4  ,thus the moralist may have     
found1 in the proceedings of every age1 
those topics of blame1 from which he is 
so much disposed to arraign the manners 
of his own2 and our embarrassment on the
 subject is1 perhaps1 but a part of that
 general perplexity which we undergo1 in
 trying to define moral characters by   
external circumstances1 which may1 or   
may not1 be attended with faults in the 
mind and the heart4 ,one man finds a    
vice in the wearing of linen2 another   
does not1 unless the fabric be fine3 and

 if1 meantime1 it be true1 that a person
 may be dressed in manufacture either   
coarse or fine2 that he may sleep in the
 fields1 or lodge in a palace2 tread    
upon carpet1 or plant his foot on the   
ground2 while the mind either retains1  
or has lost its penetration1 and its    
vigour1 and the heart its affection to  
mankind1 it is vain1 under any such     
circumstance1 to seek for the           
distinctions of virtue and vice1 or to  
tax the polished citizen with weakness  
for any part of his equipage1 or for his
 wearing a fur1 in which1 perhaps1 some 
savage was dressed before him4 ,vanity  
is not distinguished by any peculiar    
species of dress4 ,it is betrayed by the
 ,indian in the fantastic assortments of
 his plumes1 his shells1 his party      
coloured furs1 and in the time he       
bestows at the glass and the toilet4    
,its projects in the woods and in the   
town are the same3 in the one1 it seeks1
 with the visage bedaubed1 and with     
teeth artificially stained1 for that    

admiration1 which it courts in the other
 with a gilded equipage1 and liveries of
 state4  ,polished nations1 in their    
progress1 often come to surpass the rude
 in moderation1 and severity of manners4
 ,the ,greeks1 says ,thucydides1 not    
long ago1 like barbarians1 wore golden  
spangles in the hair1 and went armed in 
times of peace4 ,simplicity of dress in 
this people1 became a mark of           
politeness3 and the mere materials with 
which the body is nourished or clothed1 
are probably of little consequence to   
any people4 ,we must look for the       
characters of men in the qualities of   
the mind1 not in the species of their   
food1 or in the mode of their apparel4  
,what are now the ornaments of the grave
 and severe2 what is owned to be a real 
conveniency1 were once the fopperies of 
youth1 or were devised to please the    
effeminate4 ,the new fashion1 indeed1 is
 often the mark of the coxcomb2 but we  
frequently change our fashions without  
multiplying coxcombs1 or increasing the 

measures of our vanity and folly4  ,are 
the apprehensions of the severe1        
therefore1 in every age1 equally        
groundless and unreasonable8 ,are we    
never to dread any error in the article 
of a refinement bestowed on the means of
 subsistence1 or the conveniencies of   
life8 ,the fact is1 that men are        
perpetually exposed to the commission of
 error in this article1 not merely where
 they are accustomed to high measures of
 accommodation1 or to any particular    
species of food1 but wherever these     
objects1 in general1 may come to be     
preferred to their character1 to their  
country1 or to mankind2 they actually   
commit such error1 wherever they admire 
paltry distinctions or frivolous        
advantages2 wherever they shrink from   
small inconveniencies1 and are incapable
 of discharging their duty with vigour4 
,the use of morality on this subject1 is
 not to limit men to any particular     
species of lodging1 diet1 or clothes2   
but to prevent their considering these  

conveniencies as the principal objects  
of human life4 ,and if we are asked1    
where the pursuit of trifling           
accommodations should stop1 in order    
that a man may devote himself entirely  
to the higher engagements of life8 we   
may answer1 that it should stop where it
 is4 ,this was the rule followed at     
,sparta3 the object of the rule was1 to 
preserve the heart entire for the       
public1 and to occupy men in cultivating
 their own nature1 not in accumulating  
wealth1 and external conveniencies4 ,it 
was not expected otherwise1 that the axe
 or the saw should be attended with     
greater political advantage1 than the   
plane and the chisel4 ,when ,cato walked
 the streets of ,rome without his robe1 
and without shoes1 he did so1 most      
probably1 in contempt of what his       
countrymen were so prone to admire2 not 
in hopes of finding a virtue in one     
species of dress1 or a vice in another4 
,luxury1 therefore1 considered as a     
predilection in favour of the objects of

 vanity1 and the costly materials of    
pleasure1 is ruinous to the human       
character2 considered as the mere use of
 accommodations and conveniencies which 
the age has procured1 rather depends on 
the progress which the mechanical arts  
have made1 and on the degree in which   
the fortunes of men are unequally       
parcelled1 than on the dispositions of  
particular men either to vice or to     
virtue4  ,different measures of luxury  
are1 however1 variously suited to       
different constitutions of government4  
,the advancement of arts supposes an    
unequal distribution of fortune2 and the
 means of distinction they bring1 serve 
to render the separation of ranks more  
sensible4 ,luxury is1 upon this account1
 apart from all its moral effects1      
adverse to the form of democratical     
government2 and1 in any state of        
society1 can be safely admitted in that 
degree only in which the members of a   
community are supposed of unequal rank1 
and constitute public order by the      

relations of superior and vassal4 ,high 
degrees of it appear salutary1 and even 
necessary1 in monarchical and mixed     
governments2 where1 besides the         
encouragement to arts and commerce1 it  
serves to give lustre to those          
hereditary or constitutional dignities  
which have a place of importance in the 
political system4 ,whether even here    
luxury leads to abuse peculiar to ages  
of high refinement and opulence1 we     
shall proceed to consider in the        
following sections4     ,,section ,,iii4
  ,,of ,,the ,,corruption ,,incident    
,,to ,,polished ,,nations4   ,luxury and
 corruption are frequently coupled      
together1 and even pass for synonymous  
terms4 ,but1 in order to avoid any      
dispute about words1 by the first we may
 understand that accumulation of wealth1
 and that refinement on the ways of     
enjoying it1 which are the objects of   
industry1 or the fruits of mechanic and 
commercial arts3 and by the second a    
real weakness1 or depravity of the human

 character1 which may accompany any     
state of those arts1 and be found under 
any external circumstances or condition 
whatsoever4 ,it remains to inquire1 what
 are the corruptions incident to        
polished nations1 arrived at certain    
measures of luxury1 and possessed of    
certain advantages1 in which they are   
generally supposed to excel8  ,we need  
not have recourse to a parallel between 
the manners of entire nations1 in the   
extremes of civilization and rudeness1  
in order to be satisfied1 that the vices
 of men are not proportioned to their   
fortunes2 or that the habits of avarice1
 or of sensuality1 are not founded on   
any certain measures of wealth1 or      
determinate kind of enjoyment4 ,where   
the situations of particular men are    
varied as much by their personal        
stations1 as they can be by the state of
 national refinements1 the same passions
 for interest1 or pleasure1 prevail in  
every condition4 ,they arise from       
temperament1 or an acquired admiration  

of property2 not from any particular    
manner of life in which the parties are 
engaged1 nor from any particular species
 of property which may have occupied    
their cares and their wishes4           
,temperance and moderation are1 at      
least1 as frequent among those whom we  
call the superior1 as they are among the
 lower classes of men2 and however we   
may affix the character of sobriety to  
mere cheapness of diet1 and other       
accommodations with which any particular
 age1 or rank of men1 appear to be      
contented1 it is well known1 that costly
 materials are not necessary to         
constitute a debauch1 nor profligacy    
less frequent under the thatched roof1  
than under the lofty ceiling4 ,men grow 
equally familiar with different         
conditions1 receive equal pleasure1 and 
are equally allured to sensuality in the
 palace and in the cave4 ,their         
acquiring in either1 habits of          
intemperance or sloth1 depends on the   
remission of other pursuits1 and on the 

distaste of the mind to other           
engagements4 ,if the affections of the  
heart be awake1 and the passions of     
love1 admiration1 or anger1 be kindled1 
the costly furniture of the palace1 as  
well as the homely accommodations of the
 cottage1 are neglected3 and men1 when  
roused1 reject their repose2 or1 when   
fatigued1 embrace it alike on the silken
 bed1 or on the couch of straw4  ,we are
 not1 however1 from hence to conclude1  
that luxury1 with all its concomitant   
circumstances1 which either serve to    
favour its increase1 or which1 in the   
arrangements of civil society1 follow it
 as consequences1 can have no effect to 
the disadvantage of national manners4   
,if that respite from public dangers and
 troubles which gives a leisure for the 
practice of commercial arts1 be         
continued1 or increased1 into a disuse  
of national efforts2 if the individual1 
not called to unite with his country1 be
 left to pursue his private advantage2  
we may find him become effeminate1      

mercenary1 and sensual2 not because     
pleasures and profits are become more   
alluring1 but because he has fewer calls
 to attend to other objects2 and because
 he has more encouragement to study his 
personal advantages1 and pursue his     
separate interests4  ,if the disparities
 of rank and fortune1 which are         
necessary to the pursuit or enjoyment of
 luxury1 introduce false grounds of     
precedency and estimation2 if1 on the   
mere considerations of being rich or    
poor1 one order of men are1 in their own
 apprehension1 elevated1 another        
debased2 if one be criminally proud1    
another meanly dejected2 and every rank 
in its place1 like the tyrant1 who      
thinks that nations are made for        
himself1 be disposed to assume on the   
rights of mankind3 although1 upon the   
comparison1 the higher order may be     
least corrupted2 or from education1 and 
a sense of personal dignity1 have most  
good qualities remaining2 yet the one   
becoming mercenary and servile2 the     

other imperious and arrogant2 both      
regardless of justice and of merit2 the 
whole mass is corrupted1 and the manners
 of a society changed for the worse1 in 
proportion as its members cease to act  
on principles of equality1 independence1
 or freedom4  ,upon this view1 and      
considering the merits of men in the    
abstract1 a mere change from the habits 
of a republic to those of a monarchy2   
from the love of equality1 to the sense 
of a subordination founded on birth1    
titles1 and fortune1 is a species of    
corruption to mankind4 ,but this degree 
of corruption is still consistent with  
the safety and prosperity of some       
nations2 it admits of a vigorous        
courage1 by which the rights of         
individuals1 and of kingdoms1 may be    
long preserved4  ,under the form of     
monarchy1 while yet in its vigour1      
superior fortune is1 indeed1 one mark by
 which the different orders of men are  
distinguished2 but there are some other 
ingredients1 without which wealth is not

 admitted as a foundation of precedency1
 and in favour of which it is often     
despised1 and lavished away4 ,such are  
birth and titles1 the reputation of     
courage1 courtly manners1 and a certain 
elevation of mind4 ,if we suppose that  
these distinctions are forgotten1 and   
nobility itself only to be known by the 
sumptuous retinue which money alone may 
procure2 and by a lavish expense1 which 
the more recent fortunes can generally  
best sustain2 luxury must then be       
allowed to corrupt the monarchical as   
much as the republican state1 and to    
introduce a fatal dissolution of        
manners1 under which men of every       
condition1 although they are eager to   
acquire1 or to display their wealth1    
have no remains of real ambition4 ,they 
have neither the elevation of nobles1   
nor the fidelity of subjects2 they have 
changed into effeminate vanity1 that    
sense of honour which gave rules to the 
personal courage2 and into a servile    
baseness that loyalty1 which bound each 

in his place to his immediate superior1 
and the whole to the throne4  ,nations  
are most exposed to corruption from this
 quarter1 when the mechanical arts1     
being greatly advanced1 furnish         
numberless articles to be applied in    
ornament to the person1 in furniture1   
entertainment1 or equipage2 when such   
articles as the rich alone can procure  
are admired2 and when consideration1    
precedence1 and rank1 are accordingly   
made to depend on fortune4  ,in a more  
rude state of the arts1 although wealth 
be unequally divided1 the opulent can   
amass only the simple means of          
subsistence3 they can only fill the     
granary1 and furnish the stall2 reap    
from more extended fields1 and drive    
their herds over a larger pasture4 ,to  
enjoy their magnificence1 they must live
 in a crowd2 and to secure their        
possessions1 they must be surrounded    
with friends that espouse their         
quarrels4 ,their honours1 as well as    
their safety1 consist in the numbers who

 attend them2 and their personal        
distinctions are taken from their       
liberality1 and supposed elevation of   
mind4 ,in this manner1 the possession of
 riches serves only to make the owner   
assume a character of magnanimity1 to   
become the guardian of numbers1 or the  
public object of respect and affection4 
,but when the bulky constituents of     
wealth1 and of rustic magnificence1 can 
be exchanged for refinements2 and when  
the produce of the soil may be turned   
into equipage1 and mere decoration2 when
 the combination of many is no longer   
required for personal safety2 the master
 may become the sole consumer of his own
 estate3 he may refer the use of every  
subject to himself2 he may employ the   
materials of generosity to feed a       
personal vanity1 or to indulge a sickly 
and effeminate fancy1 which has learned 
to enumerate the trappings of weakness  
or folly among the necessaries of life4 
,the ,persian satrape1 we are told1 when
 he saw the king of ,sparta at the place

 of their conference stretched on the   
grass with his soldiers1 blushed at the 
provision he made for the accommodation 
of his own person2 he ordered the furs  
and the carpets to be withdrawn2 he felt
 his own inferiority2 and recollected1  
that he was to treat with a man1 not to 
vie with a pageant in costly attire and 
magnificence4  ,when1 amid circumstances
 that make no trial of the virtues or   
talents of men1 we have been accustomed 
to the air of superiority which people  
of fortune derive from their retinue1 we
 are apt to lose every sense of         
distinction arising from merit1 or even 
from abilities4 ,we rate our fellow     
citizens by the figure they are able to 
make2 by their buildings1 their dress1  
their equipage1 and the train of their  
followers4 ,all these circumstances make
 a part in our estimate of what is      
excellent2 and if the master himself is 
known to be a pageant in the midst of   
his fortune1 we nevertheless pay our    
court to his station1 and look up with  

an envious1 servile1 or dejected mind1  
to what is1 in itself1 scarcely fit to  
amuse children2 though1 when it is worn 
as a badge of distinction1 it inflames  
the ambition of those we call the great1
 and strikes the multitude with awe and 
respect4  ,we judge of entire nations by
 the productions of a few mechanical    
arts1 and think we are talking of men1  
while we are boasting of their estates1 
their dress1 and their palaces4 ,the    
sense in which we apply the terms1      
great1 and noble1 high rank1 and high   
life1 show that we have1 on such        
occasions1 transferred the idea of      
perfection from the character to the    
equipage2 and that excellence itself is1
 in our esteem1 a mere pageant1 adorned 
at a great expense by the labours of    
many workmen4  ,to those who overlook   
the subtile transitions of the          
imagination1 it might appear1 since     
wealth can do no more than furnish the  
means of subsistence1 and purchase      
animal pleasures1 that covetousness1 and

 venality itself1 should keep pace with 
our fears of want1 or with our appetite 
for sensual enjoyments2 and that where  
the appetite is satiated1 and the fear  
of want is removed1 the mind should be  
at ease on the subject of fortune4 ,but 
they are not the mere pleasures that    
riches procure1 nor the choice of viands
 which cover the board of the wealthy1  
that inflame the passions of the        
covetous and the mercenary4 ,nature is  
easily satisfied in all her enjoyments4 
,it is an opinion of eminence1 connected
 with fortune2 it is a sense of         
debasement attending on poverty1 which  
renders us blind to every advantage1 but
 that of the rich2 and insensible to    
every disgrace1 but that of the poor4   
,it is this unhappy apprehension1 that  
occasionally prepares us for the        
desertion of every duty1 for a          
submission to every indignity1 and for  
the commission of every crime that can  
be accomplished in safety4  ,aurengzebe 
was not more renowned for sobriety in   

his private station1 and in the conduct 
of a supposed dissimulation1 by which he
 aspired to sovereign power1 than he    
continued to be1 even on the throne of  
,indostan4 ,simple1 abstinent1 and      
severe in his diet1 and other pleasures1
 he still led the life of a hermit1 and 
occupied his time with a seemingly      
painful application to the affairs of a 
great empire4 ,footnote3 ,gemelli       
,careri4 ,he quitted a station in which1
 if pleasure had been his object1 he    
might have indulged his sensuality      
without reserve2 he made his way to a   
scene of disquietude and care2 he aimed 
at the summit of human greatness1 in the
 possession of imperial fortune1 not at 
the gratifications of animal appetite1  
or the enjoyment of ease4 ,superior to  
sensual pleasure1 as well as to the     
feelings of nature1 he dethroned his    
father1 and he murdered his brothers1   
that he might roll on a carriage        
incrusted with diamond and pearl2 that  
his elephants1 his camels1 and his      

horses1 on the march1 might form a line 
extending many leagues2 might present a 
glittering harness to the sun2 and      
loaded with treasure1 usher to the view 
of an abject and admiring crowd that    
awful majesty1 in whose presence they   
were to strike the forehead on the      
ground1 and be overwhelmed with the     
sense of his greatness1 and with that of
 their own debasement4  ,as these are   
the objects which prompt the desire of  
dominion1 and excite the ambitious to   
aim at the mastery of their fellow      
creatures2 so they inspire the ordinary 
race of men with a sense of infirmity   
and meanness1 that prepares them to     
suffer indignities1 and to become the   
property of persons1 whom they consider 
as of a rank and a nature so much       
superior to their own4 ,the chains of   
perpetual slavery1 accordingly1 appear  
to be riveted in the east1 no less by   
the pageantry which is made to accompany
 the possession of power1 than they are 
by the fears of the sword1 and the      

terrors of a military execution4 ,in the
 west1 as well as the east1 we are      
willing to bow to the splendid equipage1
 and stand at an awful distance from the
 pomp of a princely estate4 ,we too may 
be terrified by the frowns1 or won by   
the smiles1 of those whose favour is    
riches and honour1 and whose displeasure
 is poverty and neglect4 ,we too may    
overlook the honours of the human soul1 
from an admiration of the pageantries   
that accompany fortune4 ,the procession 
of elephants harnessed with gold might  
dazzle into slaves1 the people who      
derive corruption and weakness from the 
effect of their own arts and            
contrivances1 as well as those who      
inherit servility from their ancestors1 
and are enfeebled by their natural      
temperament1 and the enervating charms  
of their soil and their climate4  ,it   
appears1 therefore1 that although the   
mere use of materials which constitute  
luxury1 may be distinguished from actual
 vice2 yet nations under a high state of

 the commercial arts1 are exposed to    
corruption1 by their admitting wealth1  
unsupported by personal elevation and   
virtue1 as the great foundation of      
distinction1 and by having their        
attention turned on the side of         
interest1 as the road to consideration  
and honour4  ,with this effect1 luxury  
may serve to corrupt democratical       
states1 by introducing a species of     
monarchical subordination1 without that 
sense of high birth and hereditary      
honours which render the boundaries of  
rank fixed and determinate1 and which   
teach men to act in their stations with 
force and propriety4 ,it may prove the  
occasion of political corruption1 even  
in monarchical governments1 by drawing  
respect towards mere wealth2 by casting 
a shade on the lustre of personal       
qualities1 or family distinctions2 and  
by infecting all orders of men1 with    
equal venality1 servility1 and          
cowardice4     ,,section ,,iv4  ,the    
,same ,subject ,continued4   ,the       

increasing regard with which men appear1
 in the progress of commercial arts1 to 
study their profit1 or the delicacy with
 which they refine on their pleasures2  
even industry itself1 or the habit of   
application to a tedious employment1 in 
which no honours are won1 may1 perhaps1 
be considered as indications of a       
growing attention to interest1 or of    
effeminacy1 contracted in the enjoyment 
of ease and conveniency4 ,every         
successive art1 by which the individual 
is taught to improve on his fortune1 is1
 in reality1 an addition to his private 
engagements1 and a new avocation of his 
mind from the public4  ,corruption1     
however1 does not arise from the abuse  
of commercial arts alone2 it requires   
the aid of political situation2 and is  
not produced by the objects that occupy 
a sordid and a mercenary spirit1 without
 the aid of circumstances that enable   
men to indulge in safety any mean       
disposition they have acquired4         
,providence has fitted mankind for the  

higher engagements which they are       
sometimes obliged to fulfil2 and it is  
in the midst of such engagements that   
they are most likely to acquire or to   
preserve their virtues4 ,the habits of a
 vigorous mind are formed in contending 
with difficulties1 not in enjoying the  
repose of a pacific station2 penetration
 and wisdom are the fruits of           
experience1 not the lessons of          
retirement and leisure2 ardour and      
generosity are the qualities of a mind  
roused and animated in the conduct of   
scenes that engage the heart1 not the   
gifts of reflection or knowledge4 ,the  
mere intermission of national and       
political efforts is1 notwithstanding1  
sometimes mistaken for public good2 and 
there is no mistake more likely to      
foster the vices1 or to flatter the     
weakness1 of feeble and interested men4 
,if the ordinary arts of policy1 or     
rather if a growing indifference to     
objects of a public nature1 should      
prevail1 and1 under any free            

constitution1 put an end to those       
disputes of party1 and silence that     
noise of dissention which generally     
accompany the exercise of freedom1 we   
may venture to prognosticate corruption 
to the national manners1 as well as     
remissness to the national spirit4 ,the 
period is come1 when no engagement1     
remaining on the part of the public1    
private interest1 and animal pleasure1  
become the sovereign objects of care4   
,when men1 being relieved from the      
pressure of great occasions1 bestow     
their attention on trifles2 and having  
carried what they are pleased to call   
sensibility and delicacy1 on the subject
 of ease or molestation1 as far as real 
weakness or folly can go1 have recourse 
to affectation1 in order to enhance the 
pretended demands1 and accumulate the   
anxieties1 of a sickly fancy1 and       
enfeebled mind4  ,in this condition1    
mankind generally flatter their own     
imbecility under the name of politeness4
 ,they are persuaded1 that the          

celebrated ardour1 generosity1 and      
fortitude of former ages bordered on    
frenzy1 or were the mere effects of     
necessity1 on men who had not the means 
of enjoying their ease1 or their        
pleasure4 ,they congratulate themselves 
on having escaped the storm which       
required the exercise of such arduous   
virtues2 and with that vanity which     
accompanies the human race in their     
meanest condition1 they boast of a scene
 of affectation1 of languor1 or of      
folly1 as the standard of human         
felicity1 and as furnishing the         
properest exercise of a rational nature4
  ,it is none of the least menacing     
symptoms of an age prone to degeneracy1 
that the minds of men become perplexed  
in the discernment of merit1 as much as 
the spirit becomes enfeebled in conduct1
 and the heart misled in the choice of  
its objects3 ,the care of mere fortune  
is supposed to constitute wisdom2       
retirement from public affairs1 and real
 indifference to mankind1 receive the   

applauses of moderation1 and of virtue4 
,great fortitude1 and elevation of mind1
 have not always1 indeed1 been employed 
in the attainment of valuable ends2 but 
they are always respectable1 and they   
are always necessary when we would act  
for the good of mankind1 in any of the  
more arduous stations of life4 ,while1  
therefore1 we blame their               
misapplication1 we should beware of     
depreciating their value4 ,men of a     
severe and sententious morality have not
 always sufficiently observed this      
caution2 nor have they been duly aware  
of the corruptions they flattered1 by   
the satire they employed against what is
 aspiring and prominent in the character
 of the human soul4  ,it might have been
 expected1 that1 in an age of hopeless  
debasement1 the talents of ,demosthenes 
and ,tully1 even the ill governed       
magnanimity of a ,macedonian1 or the    
daring enterprise of a ,carthaginian    
leader1 might have escaped the acrimony 
of a satirist1 ,footnote3 ,juvenal's    

tenth satire who had so many objects of 
correction in his view1 and who         
possessed the arts of declamation in so 
high a degree4    ,i1 demens1 et saevos 
curre per ,alpes1   ,ut pueris placeas1 
et declamatio fias1  is part of the     
illiberal censure which is thrown by    
this poet on the person and action of a 
leader1 who1 by his courage and conduct1
 in the very service to which the satire
 referred1 had well nigh saved his      
country from the ruin with which it was 
at last at last overwhelmed4    ,heroes 
are much the same1 the point's agreed1  
,from ,macedonia's madman to the ,swede1
  is a distich1 in which another poet of
 beautiful talents has attempted to     
depreciate a name1 to which1 probably1  
few of his readers are found to aspire4 
,if men must go wrong1 there is a choice
 of their errors1 as well as of their   
virtues4 ,ambition1 the love of personal
 eminence1 and the desire of fame1      
although they sometimes lead to the     
commission of crimes1 yet always engage 

men in pursuits that require to be      
supported by some of the greatest       
qualities of the human soul2 and if     
eminence is the principal object of     
pursuit1 there is at least a            
probability1 that those qualities may be
 studied on which a real elevation of   
mind is raised4 ,but when public alarms 
have ceased1 and contempt of glory is   
recommended as an article of wisdom1 the
 sordid habits1 and mercenary           
dispositions1 to which1 under a general 
indifference to national objects1 the   
members of a polished or commercial     
state are exposed1 must prove at once   
the most effectual suppression of every 
liberal sentiment1 and the most fatal   
reverse of all those principles from    
which communities derive their strength 
and their hopes of preservation4  ,it is
 noble to possess happiness and         
independence1 either in retirement1 or  
in public life4 ,the characteristic of  
the happy1 is to acquit themselves well 
in every condition2 in the court1 or in 

the village2 in the senate1 or in the   
private retreat4 ,but if they affect any
 particular station1 it is surely that  
in which their actions may be rendered  
most extensively useful4 ,our           
considering mere retirement1 therefore1 
as a symptom of moderation and of       
virtue1 is either a remnant of that     
system1 under which monks and anchorets1
 in former ages1 have been canonized2 or
 proceeds from a habit of thinking1     
which appears equally fraught with moral
 corruption1 from our considering public
 life as a scene for the gratification  
of mere vanity1 avarice1 and ambition2  
never as furnishing the best opportunity
 for a just and a happy engagement of   
the mind and the heart4  ,emulation1 and
 the desire of power1 are but sorry     
motives to public conduct2 but if they  
have been1 in any case1 the principal   
inducements from which men have taken   
part in the service of their country1   
any diminution of their prevalence or   
force is a real corruption of national  

manners2 and the pretended moderation   
assumed by the higher orders of men1 has
 a fatal effect in the state4 ,the      
disinterested love of the public is a   
principle1 without which some           
constitutions of government cannot      
subsist3 but when we consider how seldom
 this has appeared a reigning passion1  
we have little reason to impute the     
prosperity or preservation of nations1  
in every case1 to its influence4  ,it is
 sufficient1 perhaps1 under one form of 
government1 that men should be fond of  
their independence2 that they should be 
ready to oppose usurpation1 and to repel
 personal indignities3 under another1 it
 is sufficient1 that they should be     
tenacious of their rank1 and of their   
honours2 and instead of a zeal for the  
public1 entertain a vigilant jealousy of
 the rights which pertain to themselves4
 ,when numbers of men retain a certain  
degree of elevation and fortitude1 they 
are qualified to give a mutual check to 
their several errors1 and are able to   

act in that variety of situations which 
the different constitutions of          
government have prepared for their      
members3 but1 under the disadvantages of
 a feeble spirit1 however directed1 and 
however informed1 no national           
constitution is safe2 nor can any degree
 of enlargement1 to which a state has   
arrived1 secure its political welfare4  
,in states where property1 distinction1 
and pleasure1 are thrown out as baits to
 the imagination1 and incentives to     
passion1 the public seems to rely for   
the preservation of its political life1 
on the degree of emulation and jealousy 
with which parties mutually oppose and  
restrain each other4 ,the desires of    
preferment and profit in the breast of  
the citizen1 are the motives from which 
he excited to enter on public affairs1  
and are the considerations which direct 
his political conduct4 ,the suppression1
 therefore1 of ambition1 of party       
animosity1 and of public envy1 is       
probably1 in every such case1 not a     

reformation1 but a symptom of weakness1 
and a prelude to more sordid pursuits1  
and ruinous amusements4  ,on the eve of 
such a revolution in manners1 the higher
 ranks1 in every mixed or monarchical   
government1 have need to take care of   
themselves4 ,men of business1 and of    
industry1 in the inferior stations of   
life1 retain their occupations1 and are 
secured1 by a kind of necessity1 in the 
possession of those habits on which they
 rely for their quiet2 and for the      
moderate enjoyments of life4 ,but the   
higher orders of men1 if they relinquish
 the state1 if they cease to possess    
that courage and elevation of mind1 and 
to exercise those talents which are     
employed in its defence and in its      
government1 are1 in reality1 by the     
seeming advantages of their station1    
become the refuse of that society of    
which they once were the ornament2 and  
from being the most respectable1 and the
 most happy1 of its members1 are become 
the most wretched and corrupt4 ,in their

 approach to this condition1 and in the 
absence of every manly occupation1 they 
feel a dissatisfaction and languor which
 they cannot explain3 they pine in the  
midst of apparent enjoyment2 or1 by the 
variety and caprice of their different  
pursuits and amusements1 exhibit a state
 of agitation1 which1 like the disquiet 
of sickness1 is not a proof of enjoyment
 or pleasure1 but of suffering and pain4
 ,the care of his buildings1 his        
equipage1 or his table1 is chosen by    
one2 literary amusement1 or some        
frivolous study1 by another4 ,the sports
 of the country1 and the diversions of  
the town2 the gaming table1 ,footnote3  
,these different occupations differ from
 each other1 in respect to their dignity
 and their innocence2 but none of them  
are the schools from which men are      
brought to sustain the tottering fortune
 of nations2 they are equally avocations
 from what ought to be the principal    
pursuit of man1 the good of mankind4    
dogs1 horses1 and wine1 are employed to 

fill up the blank of a listless and     
unprofitable life4 ,they speak of human 
pursuits1 as if the whole difficulty    
were to find something to do2 they fix  
on some frivolous occupation1 as if     
there was nothing that deserved to be   
done3 they consider what tends to the   
good of their fellow creatures1 as a    
disadvantage to themselves3 they fly    
from every scene in which any efforts of
 vigour are required1 or in which they  
might be allured to perform any service 
to their country4 ,we misapply our      
compassion in pitying the poor2 it were 
much more justly applied to the rich1   
who become the first victims of that    
wretched insignificance1 into which the 
members of every corrupted state1 by the
 tendency of their weaknesses and their 
vices1 are in haste to plunge           
themselves4  ,it is in this condition1  
that the sensual invent all those       
refinements on pleasure1 and devise     
those incentives to a satiated appetite1
 which tend to foster the corruptions of

 a dissolute age4 ,the effects of brutal
 appetite1 and the mere debauch1 are    
more flagrant1 and more violent1        
perhaps1 in rude ages1 than they are in 
the later periods of commerce and       
luxury3 but that perpetual habit of     
searching for animal pleasure where it  
is not to be found1 in the              
gratifications of an appetite that is   
cloyed1 and among the ruins of an animal
 constitution1 is not more fatal to the 
virtues of the soul1 than it is even to 
the enjoyment of sloth1 or of pleasure2 
it is not a more certain avocation from 
public affairs1 or a surer prelude to   
national decay1 than it is a            
disappointment to our hopes of private  
felicity4  ,in these reflections1 it has
 been the object not to ascertain a     
precise measure to which corruption has 
risen in any of the nations that have   
attained to eminence1 or that have gone 
to decay2 but to describe that          
remissness of spirit1 that weakness of  
soul1 that state of national debility1  

which is likely to end in political     
slavery2 an evil which remains to be    
considered as the last object of        
caution1 and beyond which there is no   
subject of disquisition1 in the         
perishing fortunes of nations4          
,,section ,v4  ,,of ,,corruption1 ,,as  
,,it ,,tends ,,to ,,political ,,slavery4
   ,liberty1 in one sense1 appears to be
 the portion of polished nations alone4 
,the savage is personally free1 because 
he lives unrestrained1 and acts with the
 members of his tribe on terms of       
equality4 ,the barbarian is frequently  
independent1 from a continuance of the  
same circumstances1 or because he has   
courage and a sword4 ,but good policy   
alone can provide for the regular       
administration of justice1 or constitute
 a force in the state1 which is ready on
 every occasion to defend the rights of 
its members4  ,it has been found1 that1 
except in a few singular cases1 the     
commercial and political arts have      
advanced together4 ,these arts have been

 in modern ,europe so interwoven1 that  
we cannot determine which were prior in 
the order of time1 or derived most      
advantage from the mutual influences    
with which they act and react on each   
other4 ,it has been observed1 that in   
some nations1 the spirit of commerce1   
intent on securing its profits1 has led 
the way to political wisdom4 ,a people1 
possessed of wealth1 and become jealous 
of their properties1 have formed the    
project of emancipation1 and have       
proceeded1 under favour of an importance
 recently gained1 still farther to      
enlarge their pretensions1 and to       
dispute the prerogatives which their    
sovereign had been in use to employ4    
,but it is in vain that we expect in one
 age1 from the possession of wealth1 the
 fruit which it is said to have borne in
 a former4 ,great accessions of fortune1
 when recent1 when accompanied with     
frugality1 and a sense of independence1 
may render the owner confident in his   
strength1 and ready to spurn at         

oppression4 ,the purse which is open1   
not to personal expense1 or to the      
indulgence of vanity1 but to support the
 interests of a faction1 to gratify the 
higher passions of party1 render the    
wealthy citizen formidable to those who 
pretend to dominion2 but it does not    
follow1 that in a time of corruption1   
equal1 or greater1 measures of wealth1  
should operate to the same effect4  ,on 
the contrary1 when wealth is accumulated
 only in the hands of the miser1 and    
runs to waste from those of the         
prodigal2 when heirs of family find     
themselves straitened and poor in the   
midst of affluence2 when the cravings of
 luxury silence even the voice of party 
and faction2 when the hopes of meriting 
the rewards of compliance1 or the fear  
of losing what is held at discretion1   
keep men in a state of suspense and     
anxiety2 when fortune1 in short1 instead
 of being considered as the instrument  
of a vigorous spirit1 becomes the idol  
of a covetous or a profuse1 of a        

rapacious or a timorous mind1 the       
foundation on which freedom was built   
may serve to support a tyranny2 and     
what1 in one age1 raised the            
pretensions1 and fostered the confidence
 of the subject1 may1 in another1       
incline him to servility1 and furnish   
the price to be paid for his            
prostitutions4 ,even those who1 in a    
vigorous age1 gave the example of       
wealth1 in the hands of the people1     
becoming an occasion of freedom1 may1 in
 times of degeneracy1 verify likewise   
the maxim of ,tacitus1 that the         
admiration of riches leads to despotical
 government4 ,footnote3 ,est pud illos  
et opibus honos2 eoque unus imperitat1  
nullis jam exceptionibus1 non precario  
jure parendi4 ,nec arms ut apud ceteros 
,germanos in promiscuo1 sed clausa sub  
custode et quidem servo1 c4 ,,tacitus de
 ,mor4 ,ger4 c4#dd4  ,men who have      
tasted of freedom1 and who have felt    
their personal rights1 are not easily   
taught to bear with encroachments on    

either1 and cannot1 without some        
preparation1 come to submit to          
oppression4 ,they may receive this      
unhappy preparation under different     
forms of government1 from different     
hands1 and arrive at the same end by    
different ways4 ,they follow one        
direction in republics1 another in      
monarchies and in mixed governments4    
,but wherever the state has1 by means   
that do not preserve the virtue of the  
subject1 effectually guarded his safety2
 remissness1 and neglect of the public1 
are likely to follow2 and polished      
nations of every description1 appear to 
encounter a danger1 on this quarter1    
proportioned to the degree in1 which    
they have1 during any continuance1      
enjoyed the uninterrupted possession of 
peace and prosperity4  ,liberty results1
 we say1 from the government of laws2   
and we are apt to consider statutes1 not
 merely as the resolutions and maxims of
 a people determined to be free1 not as 
the writings by which their rights are  

kept on record2 but as a power erected  
to guard them1 and as a barrier which   
the caprice of man cannot transgress4   
,when a basha1 in ,asia1 pretends to    
decide every controversy by the rules of
 natural equity1 we allow that he is    
possessed of discretionary powers4 ,when
 a judge in ,europe is left to decide1  
according to his own interpretation of  
written laws1 is he in any sense more   
restrained than the former8 ,have the   
multiplied words of a statute an        
influence over the conscience and the   
heart1 more powerful than that of reason
 and nature8 ,does the party1 in any    
judicial proceeding1 enjoy a less degree
 of safety1 when his rights are         
discussed1 on the foundation of a rule  
that is open to the understandings of   
mankind1 than when they are referred to 
an intricate system1 which it has become
 the object of a separate profession to 
study and to explain8  ,if forms of     
proceeding1 written statutes1 or other  
constituents of law1 cease to be        

enforced by the very spirit from which  
they arose2 they serve only to cover1   
not to restrain1 the iniquities of      
power3 they are possibly respected even 
by the corrupt magistrate1 when they    
favour his purpose2 but they are        
contemned or evaded1 when they stand in 
his way3 and the influence of laws1     
where they have any real effect in the  
preservation of liberty1 is not any     
magic power descending from shelves that
 are loaded with books1 but is1 in      
reality1 the influence of men resolved  
to be free2 of men who1 having adjusted 
in writing the terms on which they are  
to live with the state1 and with their  
fellow subjects1 are determined1 by     
their vigilance and spirit1 to make     
these terms be fulfilled4  ,we are      
taught1 under every form of government1 
to apprehend usurpations1 from the      
abuse1 or from the extension of the     
executive power4 ,in pure monarchies1   
this power is commonly hereditary1 and  
made to descend in a determinate line4  

,in elective monarchies1 it is held for 
life4 ,in republics1 it is exercised    
during a limited time4 ,where men1 or   
families1 are called by election to the 
possession of temporary dignities1 it is
 more the object of ambition to         
perpetuate1 than to extend their powers4
 ,in hereditary monarchies1 the         
sovereignty is already perpetual2 and   
the aim of every ambitious prince is to 
enlarge his prerogative4 ,republics1    
and1 in times of commotion1 communities 
of every form1 are exposed to hazard1   
not from those only who are formally    
raised to places of1 trust1 but from    
every person whatsoever1 who is incited 
by ambition1 and who is supported by    
faction4  ,it is no advantage to a      
prince1 or other magistrate1 to enjoy   
more power than is consistent with the  
good of mankind2 nor is it of any       
benefit to a man to be unjust3 but these
 maxims are a feeble security against   
the passions and follies of men4 ,those 
who are intrusted with power in any     

degree1 are disposed1 from a mere       
dislike of constraint1 to remove        
opposition4 ,not only the monarch who   
wears a hereditary crown1 but the       
magistrate who holds his office for a   
limited time1 grows fond of his dignity4
 ,the1 very minister1 who depends for   
his place on the momentary will of his  
prince1 and whose personal interests    
are1 in every respect1 those of a       
subject1 still has the weakness to take 
an interest in the growth of            
prerogative1 and to reckon as gain to   
himself the encroachments he has made on
 the rights of a people1 with whom he   
himself and his family are soon to be   
numbered4  ,even with the best          
intentions towards mankind1 we are      
inclined to think that their welfare    
depends1 not on the felicity of their   
own inclinations1 or the happy          
employment of their own talents1 but on 
their ready compliance with what we have
 devised for their good4 ,accordingly1  
the greatest virtue of which any        

sovereign has hitherto shown an example1
 is not a desire of cherishing in his   
people the spirit of freedom and of     
independence1 but what is in itself     
sufficiently rare and highly            
meritorious1 a steady regard to the     
distribution of justice in matters of   
property1 a disposition to protect and  
to oblige1 to redress the grievances1   
and to promote the interest of his      
subjects4 ,it was from a reference to   
these objects1 that ,titus computed the 
value of his time1 and judged of its    
application4 ,but the sword1 which in   
this beneficent hand was drawn to       
protect the subject1 and to procure a   
speedy and effectual distribution of    
justice1 was likewise sufficient1 in the
 hands of a tyrant1 to shed the blood of
 the innocent1 and to cancel the rights 
of men4 ,the temporary proceedings of   
humanity1 though they suspended the     
exercise of oppression1 did not break   
the national chains3 the prince was even
 the better enabled to procure that     

species of good which he studied2       
because there was no freedom remaining1 
and because there was nowhere a force to
 dispute his decrees1 or to interrupt   
their execution4  ,was it in vain that  
,antoninus became acquainted with the   
characters of ,thrasea1 ,helvidius1     
,cato1 ,dion1 and ,brutus8 ,was it in   
vain1 that he learned to understand the 
form of a free community1 raised on the 
basis of equality and justice2 or of a  
monarchy1 under which the liberties of  
the subject were held the most sacred   
object of administration8,footnote3 ,m4 
,antoninus1 lib4 ,i4 ,did he mistake the
 means of procuring to mankind what he  
points out as a blessing8 ,or did the   
absolute power with which he was        
furnished1 in a mighty empire1 only     
disable him from executing what his mind
 had perceived as a national good8 ,in  
such a case1 it were vain to flatter the
 monarch or his people4 ,the first      
cannot bestow liberty without raising a 
spirit1 which may1 on occasion1 stand in

 opposition to his own designs2 nor the 
latter receive this blessing1 while they
 own that it is in the right of a master
 to give or to withhold it4 ,the claim  
of justice is firm and peremptory4 ,we  
receive favours with a sense of         
obligation and kindness2 but we would   
enforce our rights1 and the spirit of   
freedom in this exertion cannot take the
 tone of supplication or of             
thankfulness1 without betraying itself4 
,you have intreated ,octavius1 says     
,brutus to ,cicero1 that he would spare 
those who stand foremost among the      
citizens of ,rome4 ,what if he will not8
 ,must we perish8 ,yes2 rather than owe 
our safety to him4  ,liberty is a right 
which every individual must be ready to 
vindicate for himself1 and which he who 
pretends to bestow as a favour1 has by  
that very act in reality denied4 ,even  
political establishments1 though they   
appear to be independent of the will and
 arbitration of men1 cannot be relied on
 for the preservation of freedom2 they  

may nourish1 but should not supersede   
that firm and resolute spirit1 with     
which the liberal mind is always        
prepared to resist indignities1 and to  
refer its safety to itself4  ,were a    
nation1 therefore1 given to be moulded  
by a sovereign1 as the clay is put into 
the hands of the potter1 this project of
 bestowing liberty on a people who are  
actually servile1 is1 perhaps1 of all   
others the most difficult1 and requires 
most to be executed in silence1 and with
 the deepest reserve4 ,men are qualified
 to receive this blessing only in       
proportion as they are made to apprehend
 their own rights2 and are made to      
respect the just pretensions of mankind2
 in proportion as they are willing to   
sustain1 in their own persons1 the      
burden of government1 and of national   
defence2 and are willing to prefer the  
engagements of a liberal mind to the    
enjoyment of sloth1 or the delusive     
hopes of a safety purchased by          
submission and fear4  ,i speak with     

respect1 and1 if ,i may be allowed the  
expression1 even with indulgence1 to    
those who are intrusted with high       
prerogatives in the political system of 
nations4 ,it is1 indeed1 seldom their   
fault that states are enslaved4 ,what   
should be expected from them1 but that  
being actuated by human desires1 they   
should be averse to disappointment1 or  
even to delay2 and in the ardour with   
which they pursue their object1 that    
they should break through the barriers  
that would stop their career8 ,if       
millions recede before single men1 and  
senates are passive1 as if composed of  
members who had no opinion or sense of  
their own2 on whose side have the       
defences of freedom given way1 or to    
whom shall we impute their fall8 ,to the
 subject1 who has deserted his station2 
or to the sovereign1 who has only       
remained in his own1 and who1 if the    
collateral or subordinate members of    
government shall cease to question his  
power1 must continue to govern without  

restraint8  ,it is well known1 that     
constitutions framed for the            
preservation of liberty1 must consist of
 many parts2 and that senates1 popular  
assemblies1 courts of justice1          
magistrates of different orders1 must   
combine to balance each other1 while    
they exercise1 sustain1 or check the    
executive power4 ,if any part is struck 
out1 the fabric must totter1 or fall2 if
 any member is remiss1 the others must  
encroach4 ,in assemblies constituted by 
men of different talents1 habits1 and   
apprehensions1 it were something more   
than human that could make them agree in
 every point of importance2 having      
different opinions and views1 it were   
want of integrity to abstain from       
disputes3 our very praise of unanimity1 
therefore1 is to be considered as a     
danger to liberty4 ,we wish for it at   
the hazard of taking in its place the   
remissness of men grown indifferent to  
the public2 the venality of those who   
have sold the rights of their country2  

or the servility of others1 who give    
implicit obedience to a leader1 by whom 
their minds are subdued4 ,the love of   
the public1 and respect to its laws1 are
 the points in which mankind are bound  
to agree2 but if1 in matters of         
controversy1 the sense of any individual
 or party is invariably pursued1 the    
cause of freedom is already betrayed4   
,he whose office it is to govern a      
supine or an abject people1 cannot1 for 
a moment1 cease to extend his powers4   
,every execution of law1 every movement 
of the state1 every civil and military  
operation1 in which his power is        
exerted1 must serve to confirm his      
authority1 and present him to the view  
of the public as the sole object of     
consideration1 fear1 and respect4 ,those
 very establishments which were devised1
 in one age1 to limit or to direct the  
exercise of an executive power1 will    
serve1 in another1 to remove            
obstructions1 and to smooth its way2    
they will point out the channels in     

which it may run1 without giving        
offence1 or without exciting alarms1 and
 the very councils which were instituted
 to check its encroachments1 will1 in a 
time of corruption1 furnish an aid to   
its usurpations4  ,the passion for      
independence1 and the love of dominion1 
frequently arise from a common source3  
there is1 in both1 an aversion to       
control2 and he who1 in one situation1  
cannot brook a superior1 may1 in        
another1 dislike to be joined with an   
equal4  ,what the prince1 under a pure  
or limited monarchy1 is1 by the         
constitution of his country1 the leader 
of a faction would willingly become in  
republican governments4 ,if he attains  
to this envied condition1 his own       
inclination1 or the tendency of human   
affairs1 seem to open before him the    
career of a royal ambition3 but the     
circumstances in which he is destined to
 act1 are very different from those of a
 king4 ,he encounters with men who are  
unused to disparity2 he is obliged1 for 

his own security1 to hold the dagger    
continually unsheathed4 ,when he hopes  
to be safe1 he possibly means to be     
just2 but is hurried1 from the first    
moment of his usurpation1 into every    
exercise of despotical power4 ,the heir 
of a crown has no such quarrel to       
maintain with his subjects3 his         
situation is flattering2 and the heart  
must be uncommonly bad that does not    
glow with affection to a people1 who are
 at once his admirers1 his support1 and 
the ornaments of this reign4 ,in him1   
perhaps1 there is no explicit design of 
trespassing on the rights of his        
subjects2 but the forms intended to     
preserve their freedom are not1 on this 
account1 always safe in his hands4      
,slavery has been imposed upon mankind  
in the wantonness of a depraved         
ambition1 and tyrannical cruelties have 
been committed in the gloomy hours of   
jealousy and terror2 yet these demons   
are not necessary to the creation1 or to
 the support of an arbitrary power4     

,although no policy was ever more       
successful than that of the ,roman      
republic in maintaining a national      
fortune2 yet subjects1 as well as their 
princes1 frequently imagine that freedom
 is a clog on the proceedings of        
government3 they imagine1 that          
despotical power is best fitted to      
procure despatch and secrecy in the     
execution of public councils2 to        
maintain what they are pleased to call  
political order1 ,footnote3 ,our notion 
of order in civil society being taken   
from the analogy of subjects inanimate  
and dead1 is frequently false2 we       
consider commotion and action as        
contrary to its nature2 we think that   
obedience1 secrecy1 and the silent      
passing of affairs through the hands of 
a few1 are its real constituents4 ,the  
good order of stones in a wall1 is their
 being properly fixed in the places for 
which they are hewn2 were they to stir1 
the building must fall3 but the good    
order of men in society1 is their being 

placed where they are properly qualified
 to act4 ,the first is a fabric made of 
dead and inanimate parts1 the second is 
made of living and active members4 ,when
 we seek in society for the order of    
mere inaction and tranquillity1 we      
forget the nature of our subject1 and   
find the order of slaves1 not that of   
freemen4 and to give a speedy redress of
 complaints4 ,they even sometimes       
acknowledge1 that if a succession of    
good princes could be found1 despotical 
government is best calculated for the   
happiness of mankind4 ,while they reason
 thus1 they cannot blame a sovereign1   
who1 in the confidence that he is to    
employ his power for good purposes1     
endeavours to extend its limits2 and1 in
 his own apprehension1 strives only to  
shake off the restraints which stand in 
the way of reason1 and which prevent the
 effect of his friendly intentions4     
,thus prepared for usurpation1 let him1 
at the head of a free state1 employ the 
force with which he is armed1 to crush  

the seeds of apparent disorder in every 
corner of his dominions2 let him        
effectually curb the spirit of          
dissention and variance among his       
people2 let him remove the interruptions
 to government1 arising from the        
refractory humours and the private      
interests of his subjects3 let him      
collect the force of the state against  
its enemies1 by availing himself of all 
it can furnish in the way of taxation   
and personal service3 it is extremely   
probable that1 even under the direction 
of wishes for the good of mankind1 he   
may break through every barrier of      
liberty1 and establish a despotism1     
while he flatters himself that he only  
follows the dictates of sense and       
propriety4  ,when we suppose government 
to have bestowed a degree of            
tranquillity which we sometimes hope to 
reap from it1 as the best of its fruits1
 and public affairs to proceed1 in the  
several departments of legislation and  
execution1 with the least possible      

interruption to commerce and lucrative  
arts2 such a state1 like that of ,china1
 by throwing affairs into separate      
offices1 where conduct consists in      
detail1 and in the observance of forms1 
by superseding all the exertions of a   
great or a liberal mind1 is more akin to
 despotism than we are apt to imagine4  
,whether oppression1 injustice1 and     
cruelty1 are the only evils which attend
 on despotical government1 may be       
considered apart4 ,in the mean time it  
is sufficient to observe1 that liberty  
is never in greater danger than it is   
when we measure national felicity by the
 blessings which a prince may bestow1 or
 by the mere tranquillity which may     
attend on equitable administration4 ,the
 sovereign may dazzle with his heroic   
qualities2 he may protect his subjects  
in the enjoyment of every animal        
advantage or pleasure3 but the benefits 
arising from liberty are of a different 
sort2 they are not the fruits of a      
virtue1 and of a goodness1 which operate

 in the breast of one man1 but the      
communication of virtue itself to many2 
and such a distribution of functions in 
civil society1 as gives to numbers the  
exercises and occupations which pertain 
to their nature4  ,the best             
constitutions of government are attended
 with inconvenience2 and the exercise of
 liberty may1 on many occasions1 give   
rise to complaints4 ,when we are intent 
on reforming abuses1 the abuses of      
freedom may lead us to encroach on the  
subject from which they are supposed to 
arise4 ,despotism itself has certain    
advantages1 or at least1 in times of    
civility and moderation1 may proceed    
with so little offence1 as to give no   
public alarm4 ,these circumstances may  
lead mankind1 in the very spirit of     
reformation1 or by mere inattention1 to 
apply or to admit of dangerous          
innovations in the state of their       
policy4  ,slavery1 however1 is not      
always introduced by mistake2 it is     
sometimes imposed in the spirit of      

violence and rapine4 ,princes become    
corrupt as well as their people2 and    
whatever may have been the origin of    
despotical government1 its pretensions1 
when fully declared1 give rise between  
the sovereign and his subjects to a     
contest which force alone can decide4   
,these pretensions have a dangerous     
aspect to the person1 the property1 or  
the life of every subject2 they alarm   
every passion in the human breast2 they 
disturb the supine2 they deprive the    
venal of his hire2 they declare war on  
the corrupt as well as the virtuous2    
they are tamely admitted only by the    
coward2 but even to him must be         
supported by a force that can work on   
his fears4 ,this force the conqueror    
brings from abroad2 and the domestic    
usurper endeavours to find in his       
faction at home4  ,when a people is     
accustomed to arms1 it is1 difficult for
 a part to subdue the whole2 or before  
the establishment of disciplined armies1
 it is difficult for any usurper to     

govern the many by the help of a few4   
,these difficulties1 however1 the policy
 of civilized and commercial nations has
 sometimes removed2 and by forming a    
distinction between civil and military  
professions1 by committing the keeping  
and the enjoyment of liberty to         
different hands1 has prepared the way   
for the dangerous alliance of faction   
with military power1 in opposition to   
mere political forms and the rights of  
mankind4  ,a people who are disarmed in 
compliance with this fatal refinement1  
have rested their safety on the         
pleadings of reason and of justice at   
the tribunal of ambition and of force4  
,in such an extremity laws are quoted   
and senators are assembled in vain4     
,they who compose a legislature1 or who 
occupy the civil departments of state1  
may deliberate on the messages they     
receive from the camp or the court2 but 
if the bearer1 like the centurion who   
brought the petition of ,octavius to the
 ,roman senate1 shew the hilt of his    

sword1 ,footnote3 ,sueton4 they find    
that petitions are become commands1 and 
that they themselves are become the     
pageants1 not the repositories of       
sovereign power4  ,the reflections of   
this section may be unequally applied to
 nations of unequal extent4 ,small      
communities1 however corrupted1 are not 
prepared for despotical government2     
their members1 crowded together and     
contiguous to the seats of power1 never 
forget their relation to the public2    
they pry1 with habits of familiarity and
 freedom1 into the pretensions of those 
who would rule2 and where the love of   
equality1 and the sense of justice1 have
 failed1 they act on motives of faction1
 emulation1 and envy4 ,the exiled       
,tarquin had his adherents at ,rome2 but
 if by their means he had recovered his 
station1 it is probable that1 in the    
exercise of his royalty1 he must have   
entered on a new scene of contention    
with the very party that restored him to
 power4  ,in proportion as territory is 

extended1 its parts lose their relative 
importance to the whole4 ,its           
inhabitants cease to perceive their     
connection with the state1 and are      
seldom united in the execution of any   
national1 or even any factious designs4 
,distance from the seats of             
administration1 and indifference to the 
persons who contend for preferment1     
teach the majority to consider          
themselves as the subjects of a         
sovereignty1 not as the members of a    
political body4 ,it is even remarkable1 
that enlargement of territory1 by       
rendering the individual of less        
consequence to the public1 and less able
 to intrude with his counsel1 actually  
tends to reduce national affairs within 
a narrower compass1 as well as to       
diminish the numbers who are consulted  
in legislation1 or in other matters of  
government4  ,the disorders to which a  
great empire is exposed1 require speedy 
prevention1 vigilance1 and quick        
execution4 ,distant provinces must be   

kept in subjection by military force2   
and the dictatorial powers1 which1 in   
free states1 are sometimes raised to    
quell insurrections1 or to oppose other 
occasional evils1 appear1 under a       
certain extent of dominion1 at all times
 equally necessary to suspend the       
dissolution of a body1 whose parts were 
assembled1 and must be cemented1 by     
measures forcible1 decisive1 and secret4
 ,among the circumstances1 therefore1   
which1 in the event of national         
prosperity1 and in the result of        
commercial arts1 lead to the            
establishment of despotism1 there is    
none1 perhaps1 that arrives at this     
termination with so sure an aim1 as the 
perpetual enlargement of territory4 ,in 
every state1 the freedom of its members 
depends on the balance and adjustment of
 its interior parts2 and the existence  
of any such freedom among mankind1      
depends on the balance of nations4 ,in  
the progress of conquest1 those who are 
subdued are said to have lost their     

liberties2 but from the history of      
mankind1 to conquer1 or to be conquered1
 has appeared1 in effect1 the same4     
,,section ,,vi4  ,,of ,,the ,,progress  
,,and ,,termination ,,of ,,despotism4   
,mankind1 when they degenerate1 and tend
 to their ruin1 as well as when they    
improve1 and gain real advantages1      
frequently proceed by slow1 and almost  
insensible steps4 ,if1 during ages of   
activity and vigour1 they fill up the   
measure of national greatness to a      
height which no human wisdom could at a 
distance foresee2 they actually incur1  
in ages of relaxation and weakness1 many
 evils which their fears did not        
suggest1 and which1 perhaps1 they had   
thought far removed by the tide of      
success and prosperity4  ,we have       
already observed1 that where men are    
remiss or corrupted1 the virtue of their
 leaders1 or the good intention of their
 magistrates1 will not always secure    
them in the possession of political     
freedom4 ,implicit submission to any    

leader1 or the uncontrolled exercise of 
any power1 even when it is intended to  
operate for the good of mankind1 may    
frequently end in the subversion of     
legal establishments4 ,this fatal       
revolution1 by whatever means it is     
accomplished1 terminates in military    
government2 and this1 though the        
simplest of all governments1 is rendered
 complete by degrees4 ,in the first     
period of its exercise over men who have
 acted as members of a free community1  
it can have only laid the foundation1   
not completed the fabric1 of a          
despotical policy4 ,the usurper who has 
possessed1 with an army1 the centre of a
 great empire1 sees around him1 perhaps1
 the shattered remains of a former      
constitution2 he may hear the murmurs of
 a reluctant and unwilling submission2  
he may even see danger in the aspect of 
many1 from whose hands he may have      
wrested the sword1 but whose minds he   
has not subdued1 nor reconciled to his  
power4  ,the sense of personal rights1  

or the pretension to privilege and      
honours1 which remain among certain     
orders of men1 are so many bars in the  
way of a recent usurpation4 ,if they are
 not suffered to decay with age1 and to 
wear away in the progress of a growing  
corruption1 they must be broken with    
violence1 and the entrance to every new 
accession of power must be stained with 
blood4 ,the effect1 even in this case1  
is frequently tardy4 ,the ,roman spirit1
 we know1 was not entirely extinguished 
under a succession of masters1 and under
 a repeated application of bloodshed and
 poison4 ,the noble and respectable     
family still aspired to its original    
honours2 the history of the republic1   
the writings of former times1 the       
monuments of illustrious men1 and the   
lessons of philosophy fraught with      
heroic conceptions1 continued to nourish
 the soul in retirement1 and formed     
those eminent characters1 whose         
elevation1 and whose fate1 are1 perhaps1
 the most affecting subjects of human   

story4 ,though unable to oppose the     
general bent to servility1 they became1 
on account of their supposed            
inclinations1 objects of distrust and   
aversion1 and were made to pay with     
their blood1 the price of a sentiment   
which they fostered in silence1 and     
which glowed only in the heart4  ,while 
despotism proceeds in its progress1 by  
what principle is the sovereign         
conducted in the choice of measures that
 tend to establish his government8 ,by a
 mistaken apprehension of his own good1 
sometimes even that of his people1 and  
by the desire which he feels on every   
particular occasion1 to remove the      
obstructions which impede the execution 
of his will4 ,when he has fixed a       
resolution1 whoever reasons or          
remonstrates against it is an enemy2    
when his mind is elated1 whoever        
pretends to eminence1 and is disposed to
 act for himself1 is a rival4 ,he would 
leave no dignity in the state1 but what 
is dependent on himself2 no active      

power1 but what carries the expression  
of his momentary pleasure4 ,footnote3   
,insurgere paulatim munia senatus1      
magistratuum1 legum in se trahere4      
,guided by a perception as unerring as  
that of instinct1 he never fails to     
select the proper objects of his        
antipathy or of his favour4 ,the aspect 
of independence repels him2 that of     
servility attracts4 ,the tendency of his
 administration is to quiet every       
restless spirit1 and to assume every    
function of government to himself4      
,footnote3 ,it is ridiculous to hear men
 of a restless ambition1 who would be   
the only actors in every scene1         
sometimes complain of a refractory      
spirit in mankind3 as if the same       
disposition1 from which they desire to  
usurp every office1 did not incline     
every other person to reason and to act 
at least for himself4 ,when the power is
 adequate to the end1 it operates as    
much in the hands of those who do not   
perceive the termination1 as it does in 

the hands of others by whom it is best  
understood3 the mandates of either1 when
 just1 should not be disputed2 when     
erroneous or wrong1 they are supported  
by force4  ,you must die1 was the answer
 of ,octavius to every suit from a      
people that implored his mercy4 ,it was 
the sentence which some of his          
successors pronounced against every     
citizen that was eminent for his birth  
or his virtues4 ,but are the evils of   
despotism confined to the cruel and     
sanguinary methods1 by which a recent   
dominion over a refractory and a        
turbulent people is established or      
maintained8 ,and is death the greatest  
calamity which can afflict mankind under
 an establishment by which they are     
divested of all their rights8 ,they are1
 indeed1 frequently suffered to live2   
but distrust and jealousy1 the sense of 
personal meanness1 and the anxieties    
which arise from the care of a wretched 
interest1 are made to possess the soul2 
every citizen is reduced to a slave2 and

 every charm by which the community     
engaged its members1 has ceased to      
exist4 ,obedience is the only duty that 
remains1 and this is exacted by force4  
,if1 under such an establishment1 it be 
necessary to witness scenes of          
debasement and horror1 at the hazard of 
catching the infection1 death becomes a 
relief2 and the libation which ,thrasea 
was made to pour from his arteries1 is  
to be considered as a proper sacrifice  
of gratitude to ,jove the ,deliverer4   
,footnote3 ,porrectisque utriusque      
brachii venis1 postquam cruorem effudit1
 humum super spargens1 proprius vocato  
,quaestore1 ,libemus1 inquit1 ,jovi     
,liberatori4 ,specta juvenis2 et omen   
quidem ,dii prohibeant2 ceterum in ea   
tempora natus es1 quibus firmare animum 
deceat constantibus exemplis4 ,tacit4   
,ann4 lib4 #af4  ,oppression and cruelty
 are not always necessary to despotical 
government2 and even when present1 are  
but a part of its evils4 ,it is founded 
on corruption1 and on the suppression of

 all the civil and the political        
virtues2 it requires its subjects to act
 from motives of fear2 it would assuage 
the passions of a few men at the expense
 of mankind2 and would erect the peace  
of society itself on the ruins of that  
freedom and confidence from which alone 
the enjoyment1 the force1 and the       
elevation of the human mind1 are found  
to arise4  ,during the existence of any 
free constitution1 and whilst every     
individual possessed his rank and his   
privilege1 or had his apprehension of   
personal rights1 the members of every   
community were1 to one another1 objects 
of consideration and of respect2 every  
point to be carried in civil society    
required the exercise of talents1 of    
wisdom1 persuasion1 and vigour1 as well 
as of power4 ,but it is the highest     
refinement of a despotical government1  
to rule by simple commands1 and to      
exclude every art but that of           
compulsion4 ,under the influence of this
 policy1 therefore1 the occasions which 

employed and cultivated the             
understandings of men1 which awakened   
their sentiments1 and kindled their     
imaginations1 are gradually removed2 and
 the progress by which mankind attained 
to the honours of their nature1 in being
 engaged to act in society upon a       
liberal footing1 was not more uniform1  
or less interrupted1 than that by which 
they degenerate in this unhappy         
condition4  ,when we hear of the silence
 which reigns in the seraglio1 we are   
made to believe1 that speech itself is  
become unnecessary2 and that the signs  
of the mute are sufficient to carry the 
most important mandates of government4  
,no arts1 indeed1 are required to       
maintain an ascendant where terror alone
 is opposed to force1 where the powers  
of the sovereign are delegated entire to
 every subordinate officer3 nor can any 
station bestow a liberality of mind in a
 scene of silence and dejection1 where  
every breast is possessed with jealousy 
and caution1 and where no object1 but   

animal pleasure1 remains to balance the 
sufferings of the sovereign himself1 or 
those of his subjects4  ,in other       
states1 the talents of men are sometimes
 improved by the exercises which belong 
to an eminent station2 but here the     
master himself is probably the rudest   
and least cultivated animal of the herd2
 he is inferior to the slave whom he    
raises from a servile office to the     
first places of trust or of dignity in  
his court4 ,the primitive simplicity    
which formed ties of familiarity and    
affection betwixt the sovereign and the 
keeper of his herds1 ,footnote3 ,see    
,odyssey4 appears1 in the absence of all
 affections1 to be restored1 or to be   
counterfeited amidst the ignorance and  
brutality which equally characterize all
 orders of men1 or rather which level   
the ranks1 and destroy the distinction  
of persons in a despotical court4       
,caprice and passion are the rules of   
government with the prince4 ,every      
delegate of power is left to act by the 

same direction2 to strike when he is    
provoked2 to favour when he is pleased4 
,in what relates to revenue1            
jurisdiction1 or police1 every governor 
of a province acts like a leader in an  
enemy's country2 comes armed with the   
terrors of fire and sword2 and instead  
of a tax1 levies a contribution by force
 he ruins or spares as either may serve 
his purpose4 ,when the clamours of the  
oppressed1 or the reputation of a       
treasure amassed at the expense of a    
province1 have reached the ears of the  
sovereign1 the extortioner is indeed    
made to purchase impunity by imparting a
 share1 or by forfeiting the whole of   
his spoil2 but no reparation is made to 
the injured2 nay1 the crimes of the     
minister are first employed to plunder  
the people1 and afterwards punished to  
fill the coffers of the sovereign4  ,in 
this total discontinuance of every art  
that relates to just government and     
national policy1 it is remarkable1 that 
even the trade of the soldier is itself 

great neglected4 ,distrust and jealousy1
 on the part of the prince1 come in aid 
of his ignorance and incapacity2 and    
these causes operating together1 serve  
to destroy the very foundation on which 
his power is established4 ,any          
undisciplined rout of armed men passes  
for an army1 whilst a weak1 dispersed1  
and unarmed people are sacrificed to    
military disorder1 or exposed to        
depredation on the frontier from an     
enemy1 whom the desire of spoil1 or the 
hopes of conquest1 may have drawn to    
their neighbourhood4  ,the ,romans      
extended their empire till they left no 
polished nation to be subdued1 and found
 a frontier which was every where       
surrounded by fierce and barbarous      
tribes2 they even pierced through       
uncultivated deserts1 in order to remove
 to a greater distance the molestation  
of such troublesome neighbours1 and in  
order to possess the avenues through    
which they feared their attacks4 ,but   
this policy put the finishing hand to   

the internal corruption of the state4 ,a
 few years of tranquillity were         
sufficient to make even the government  
forget its danger2 and1 in the          
cultivated province1 prepared for the   
enemy a tempting prize and an easy      
victory4  ,when by the conquest and     
annexation of every rich and cultivated 
province1 the measure of empire is full1
 two parties are sufficient to          
comprehend mankind2 that of the pacific 
and the wealthy1 who dwell within the   
pale of empire2 and that of the poor1   
the rapacious1 and the fierce1 who are  
inured to depredation and war4 ,the last
 bear to the first nearly the same      
relation which the wolf and the lion    
bear to the fold2 and they are naturally
 engaged in a state of hostility4  ,were
 despotic empire1 meantime1 to continue 
for ever unmolested from abroad1 while  
it retains that corruption on which it  
was founded1 it appears to have in      
itself no principle of new life1 and    
presents no hope of restoration to      

freedom and political vigour4 ,that     
which the despotical master has sown1   
cannot quicken unless it die2 it must   
languish and expire by the effect of its
 own abuse1 before the human spirit can 
spring up anew1 or bear those fruits    
which constitute the honour and the     
felicity of human nature4 ,in times of  
the greatest debasement1 indeed1        
commotions are felt2 but very unlike the
 agitations of a free people3 they are  
either the agonies of nature1 under the 
sufferings to which men are exposed2 or 
mere tumults1 confined to a few who     
stand in arms about the prince1 and who1
 by1 their conspiracies1 assassinations1
 and murders1 serve only to plunge the  
pacific inhabitants still deeper in the 
horrors of fear or despair4 ,scattered  
in the provinces1 unarmed1 unacquainted 
with the sentiments of union and        
confederacy1 restricted by habit to a   
wretched economy1 and dragging a        
precarious life on those possessions    
which the extortions of government have 

left2 the people can nowhere1 under     
these circumstances1 assume the spirit  
of a community1 nor form any liberal    
combination for their own defence4 ,the 
injured may complain2 and while he      
cannot obtain the mercy of government1  
he may implore the commiseration of his 
fellow subject4 ,but that fellow subject
 is comforted1 that the hand of         
oppression has not seized on himself3 he
 studies his interest1 or snatches his  
pleasure1 under that degree of safety   
which obscurity and concealment bestow4 
,the commercial arts1 which seem to     
require no foundation in the minds of   
men1 but the regard to interest2 no     
encouragement1 but the hopes of gain1   
and the secure possession of property1  
must perish under the precarious tenure 
of slavery1 and under the apprehension  
of danger arising from the reputation of
 wealth4 ,national poverty1 however1 and
 the suppression of commerce1 are the   
means by which despotism comes to       
accomplish its own destruction4 ,where  

there are no longer any profits to      
corrupt1 or fears to deter1 the charm of
 dominion is broken1 and the naked      
slave1 as awake from a dream1 is        
astonished to find he is free4 ,when the
 fence is destroyed1 the wilds are open1
 and the herd breaks loose4 ,the pasture
 of the cultivated field is no longer   
preferred to that of the desert4 ,the   
sufferer willingly flies where the      
extortions of government cannot overtake
 him2 where even the timid and the      
servile may recollect they are men2     
where the tyrant may threaten1 but where
 he is known to be no more than a fellow
 creature2 where he can take nothing but
 life1 and even this at the hazard of   
his own4  ,agreeably to this            
description1 the vexations of tyranny   
have overcome1 in many parts of the     
,east1 the desire of settlement4 ,the   
inhabitants of a village quit their     
habitations1 and infest the public ways2
 those of the valleys fly to the        
mountains1 and1 equipt for flight1 or   

possessed of a strong hold1 subsist by  
depredation1 and by the war they make on
 their former masters4  ,these disorders
 conspire with the impositions of       
government to render the remaining      
settlements still less secure3 but while
 devastation and ruin appear on every   
side1 mankind are forced anew upon those
 confederacies1 acquire again that      
personal confidence and vigour1 that    
social attachment1 that use of arms1    
which1 in former times1 rendered a small
 tribe the seed of a great nation2 and  
which may again enable the emancipated  
slave to begin the career of civil and  
commercial arts4 ,when human nature     
appears in the utmost state of          
corruption1 it has actually begun to    
reform4  ,in this manner1 the scenes of 
human life have been frequently shifted4
 ,security and presumption forfeit the  
advantages of prosperity2 resolution and
 conduct retrieve the ills of adversity2
 and mankind while they have nothing on 
which to rely but their virtue1 are     

prepared to gain every advantage2 and   
while they confide most in their good   
fortune1 are most exposed to feel its   
reverse4 ,we are apt to draw these      
observations into rule2 and when we are 
no longer willing to act for our        
country1 we plead1 in excuse of our own 
weakness or folly1 a supposed fatality  
in human affairs4  ,the institutions of 
men1 if not calculated for the          
preservation of virtue1 are1 indeed1    
likely to have an end as well as a      
beginning3 but so long as they are      
effectual to this purpose1 they have at 
all times an equal principle of life1   
which nothing but an external force can 
suppress2 no nation ever suffered       
internal decay but from the vice of its 
members4 ,we are sometimes willing to   
acknowledge this vice in our countrymen2
 but who was ever willing to acknowledge
 it in himself8 ,it may be suspected1   
however1 that we do more than           
acknowledge it1 when we cease to oppose 
its effects1 and when we plead a        

fatality1 which1 at least1 in the breast
 of every individual1 is dependent on   
himself4 ,men of real fortitude1        
integrity1 and ability1 are well placed 
in every scene2 they reap1 in every     
condition1 the principal enjoyments of  
their nature2 they are the happy        
instruments of ,providence employed for 
the good of mankind2 or1 if we must     
change this language1 they show1 that   
while they are destined to live1 the    
states they compose are likewise doomed 
by the fates to survive1 and to prosper4
  ,,the ,,end     ,,valuable ,,works    
,,recently ,,published1 ,,by ,,anthony  
,,finley1 ,corner of ,chesnut and       
,fourth ,streets1 ,philadelphia4  ,,the 
,,theory ,,of ,,moral ,,sentiments2     
,,or1 ,,an ,,essay  ,towards an analysis
 of the principles by which men         
naturally judge concerning the conduct  
and character1 first of their           
neighbours1 and afterwards of           
themselves1  ,to which is added1  ,a    
,dissertation on the ,origin of         

,languages4 ,,by ,,adam ,,smith1        
,,ll4,d4 ,f4,r4,b4 ,,first ,,american   
,,from ,,the ,,twelfth ,,edinburgh      
,,edition4         99       99       99 
99       99  ,extract from ,an ,account 
of the ,life and ,writings of ,dr4 ,adam
 ,smith1 by ,dugald ,stewart1 ,f4,r4,s4 
,edinburgh4  7,speaking of ,dr4 ,s4's   
,theory of ,moral ,sentiments1 he says7 
,no work1 undoubtedly1 can be mentioned1
 ancient or modern1 which exhibits so   
complete a view of those facts1 with    
respect to our moral perception1 which  
it is one great object of this branch of
 science to refer to their general laws2
 and upon this account1 it well deserves
 the careful study of all whose taste   
leads them to prosecute similar         
inquiries4 ,these facts are indeed      
frequently expressed in a language which
 involves the author's peculiar         
theories2 but they are always presented 
in the most happy and beautiful light2  
and it is easy for an attentive reader1 
by stripping them of hypothetical terms1

 to state them to himself with that     
logical precision1 which1 in such very  
difficult disquisitions1 can alone      
conduct us with certainty to the truth4 
,it is proper to observe1 farther1 that1
 with the theoretical doctrines of the  
book1 there are every where interwoven1 
with singular taste and address1 the    
purest and most elevated maxims         
concerning the practical conduct of     
life2 and that it abounds throughout    
with interesting and instructive        
delineations of characters and manners4 
,a considerable part of it too is       
employed in collateral inquiries1 which1
 upon every hypothesis that can be      
formed concerning the foundation of     
morals1 are of equal importance4 ,of    
this kind is the speculation with       
respect to the influence of fortune on  
our moral sentiments2 and another       
speculation no less valuable1 with      
respect to the influence of custom and  
fashion on the same part of our         
constitution4  ,when the subject of this

 work leads the author to address the   
imagination and the heart3 the variety  
and felicity of his illustrations--the  
richness and fluency of his             
eloquence--and the skill with which he  
wins the attention and commands the     
passions of his readers1 leave him1     
among our ,english moralists1 without a 
rival4     ,,table ,,of ,,contents4     
,,part ,i4  ,of the ,propriety of       
,action4  ,section ,i4 ,of the ,sense of
 ,propriety4  ,chap4 ,i4 ,of ,sympathy4 
,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of the ,pleasure of       
,mutual ,sympathy4  ,chap4 ,,iii4 ,of   
the manner in which we judge of the     
,propriety or ,impropriety of the       
,affections of other ,men1 by their     
concord or dissonance with our own4     
,chap4 ,,iv4 ,the same subject          
continued4  ,chap4 ,v4 ,of the ,amiable 
and ,respectable ,virtues4   ,section   
,,ii4 ,of the ,degrees of the different 
,passions which are consistent with     
,propriety4  ,introduction4  ,chap4 ,i4 
,of the ,passions which take their      

origin from the body4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of 
those ,passions which take their origin 
from a particular turn or habit of the  
,imagination4  ,chap4 ,,iii4 ,of the    
unsocial ,passions4  ,chap4 ,,iv4 ,of   
the social ,passions4  ,chap4 ,v4 ,of   
the selfish ,passions4   ,section ,,iii4
 ,of the ,effects of ,prosperity and    
,adversity upon the ,judgment of        
,mankind with regard to the ,propriety  
of ,action2 and why it is more easy to  
obtain their approbation in the one     
state than in the other4  ,chap4 ,i4    
,that though our sympathy with sorrow is
 generally a more lively sensation than 
our sympathy with toy1 it commonly falls
 much more short of the violence of what
 is naturally felt by the person        
principally concerned4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of
 the origin of ,ambition1 and of the    
distinction of ,ranks4  ,chap4 ,,iii4   
,of the corruption of our ,moral        
,sentiments1 which is occasioned by this
 disposition to admire the rich and the 
great1 and to despise or neglect persons

 of poor and mean condition4   ,,part   
,,ii4  ,of ,merit and ,demerit2 or of   
the objects of reward and punishment4   
,section ,i4 ,of the ,sense of ,merit   
and ,demerit4  ,introduction4  ,chap4   
,i4 ,that whatever appears to be the    
proper object of gratitude1 appears to  
deserve reward2 and that1 in the same   
manner1 whatever appears to be the      
proper object of resentment1 appears to 
deserve punishment4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of   
the proper objects of gratitude and     
resentment4  ,chap4 ,,iii4 ,that where  
there is no approbation of the conduct  
of the person who confers the benefit1  
there is little sympathy with the       
gratitude of him who receives it3 and   
that on the contrary1 where there is no 
disapprobation of the motives of the    
person who does the mischief1 there is  
no sort of sympathy with the resentment 
of him who suffers it4  ,chap4 ,,iv4    
,recapitulation of the foregoing        
chapters4  ,chap4 ,v4 ,the ,analysis of 
the sense of ,merit and ,demerit4       

,,section ,,ii4 ,of ,justice and        
,beneficence4  ,chap4 ,i4 ,comparison of
 those two virtues4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of   
the sense of ,justice1 of ,remorse1 and 
of the consciousness of ,merit4  ,chap4 
,,iii4 ,of the utility of this          
constitution of ,nature4   ,,section    
,,iii4 ,of the ,influence of ,fortune   
upon the ,sentiments of ,mankind1 with  
regard to the ,merit or ,demerit of     
,actions4  ,introduction4  ,chap4 ,i4   
,of the causes of this influence of     
,fortune4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of the extent  
of this influence of ,fortune4  ,chap4  
,,iii4 ,of the final cause of this      
irregularity of ,sentiments4   ,,part   
,,iii4 ,of the ,foundation our          
,judgments concerning our own sentiments
 and conduct1 and of the sense of ,duty4
  ,chap4 ,i4 ,of the principle of       
,self-approbation and of                
,self-disapprobation4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of 
the love of ,praise1 and of that of     
,praise-worthiness2 and of the dread of 
,blame1 and that of ,blame-worthiness4  

,chap4 ,,iii4 ,of the ,influence and    
,authority of ,conscience4  ,chap4 ,,iv4
 ,of the nature of ,self-deceit1 and of 
the ,origin and ,use of general ,rules4 
,chap4 ,v4 ,of the ,influence and       
,authority of the general ,rules of     
,morality1 and that they are justly     
regarded as the laws of the ,deity4     
,chap4 ,,vi4 ,in what cases the ,sense  
of ,duty ought to be the sole principle 
of our conduct2 and in what cases it    
ought to concur with other motives4     
,,part ,,iv4 ,of the ,effect of ,utility
 upon the ,sentiment of ,approbation4   
,chap4 ,i4 ,of the ,beauty which the    
appearance of ,utility bestows upon all 
the productions of ,art1 and of the     
extensive influence of this species of  
,beauty4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of the ,beauty  
which the appearance of ,utility bestows
 upon the characters and actions of men2
 and how far the perception of this     
beauty may be regarded as one of the    
original principles of approbation4     
,,part ,v4 ,of the ,influence of ,custom

 and ,fashion upon the ,sentiments of   
,moral ,approbation and ,disapprobation4
  ,chap4 ,i4 ,of the ,influence of      
,custom and ,fashion upon our notions of
 ,beauty and ,deformity4  ,chap4 ,,ii4  
,of the ,influence of ,custom and       
,fashion upon ,moral ,sentiments4       
,,part ,,vi4 ,of the ,character of      
,virtue4  ,introduction4 ,section ,i4   
,of the ,character of the ,individual1  
so far as it affects his own ,happiness2
 or of ,prudence4  ,section ,,ii4 ,of   
the ,character of the ,individual1 so   
far as it can affect the happiness of   
other ,people4  ,introduction4  ,chap4  
,i4 ,of the order in which ,individuals 
are recommended by nature to our care   
and attention4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of the    
order in which ,societies are by nature 
recommended to our beneficence4  ,chap4 
,,iii4 ,of ,universal ,benevolence4     
,section ,,iii4 ,of ,self-,command4     
,conclusion of the ,sixth ,part4        
,,part ,,vii4  ,of ,systems of ,moral   
,philosophy4  ,section ,i4 ,of the      

questions which ought to be examined in 
a ,theory of ,moral ,sentiments4        
,section ,,ii4 ,of the different        
,accounts which have been given of the  
nature of ,virtue4  ,introduction4      
,chap4 ,i4 ,of those systems which make 
,virtue consist in propriety4  ,chap4   
,,ii4 ,of those systems which make      
,virtue consist in prudence4  ,chap4    
,,iii4 ,of those systems which make     
,virtue consist in benevolence4  ,chap4 
,,iv4 ,of licentious ,systems4          
,section ,,iii4 ,of the different       
,systems which have been formed         
concerning the ,principle of            
,approbation4  ,introduction4  ,chap4   
,i4 ,of those systems which deduce the  
principle of ,approbation from          
,self-love4  ,chap4 ,,ii4 ,of those     
systems which make ,reason the principle
 of ,approbation4  ,chap4 ,,iii4 ,of    
those systems which make ,sentiment the 
principle of ,approbation4   ,section   
,,iv4 ,of the manner in which different 
,authors have treated of the ,practical 

,rules of ,morality4  ,considerations   
concerning the first ,formation of      
,languages1 c4   ,an ,epitome of        
,ancient ,geography1 ,sacred and        
,profane1 being an abridgment of        
,d',anville's ,geography1 with          
improvements1 from various other        
authors2 by which the omissions of      
,d',anville are supplied1 and his errors
 corrected4 ,accompanied with an account
 of the origin and migration of ancient 
nations4--,by ,robert ,mayo1 ,m4 ,d4    
author of ,a ,new ,system of ,mythology1
 c4 #aej cents4  ,a ,classical ,atlas1  
elegantly coloured1 containing a series 
of ,select ,maps from ,wilkinson's      
,atlas ,classica1 and ,le ,sage's       
,historical ,atlas1 for the use of those
 studying ,ancient ,history and         
,geography in the seminaries in the     
,united ,states--folio1 bound1 #e4      
,letters to a ,young ,lady1 on a variety
 of ,useful ,subjects2 calculated to    
improve the heart1 to form the manners1 
and to enlighten the understanding4 ,by 

the ,rev4 ,john ,bennett4 ,seventh      
,american edition1 on fine paper1 with  
plates4 ,various bindings1 from #a4be to
 #c4ej4  ,scientific ,dialogues1        
intended for the instruction and        
entertainment of ,young ,people3 in     
which the first principles of ,natural  
and ,experimental ,philosophy are fully 
explained4 ,by the ,rev4 ,j4 ,joyce4    
,third edition1 #c vols4 ,plates4 #c4   
,a ,dictionary of ,select and ,popular  
,quotations1 which are in constant use2 
taken from the ,latin1 ,french1         
,spanish1 ,italian1 and ,greek          
languages1 7also including a complete   
collection of ,law ,maxims7 translated  
into ,english1 with illustrations1      
historical and idiomatic4 ,third        
,american edition1 corrected1 with      
copious additions4 #a4ej4  ,the         
,advantage and ,necessity of the        
,christian ,revelation1 shewn from the  
state of ,religion in the ,ancient      
,heathen world1 c4 ,by ,john ,leland1   
,d4 ,d4 ,author of a ,view of the       

,deistical ,writers1 #b vols4 #hvo4     
#f4ej4  ,memoirs and ,remains of the    
late ,rev4 ,charles ,buck1 author of ,a 
,theological ,dictionary1 ,miscellanies1
 c4 containing copious extracts from his
 ,diary1 and interesting letters to his 
friends2 interspersed with various      
observations explanatory and            
illustrative ,of his character and      
works4 ,by ,john ,styles1 ,d4 ,d4       
,boards1 #a4be1 bound #a4ej4            
,gethsemane1 or ,thoughts on the        
,sufferings of ,christ4 ,by the author  
of the ,guide to ,domestic ,happiness1  
and ,the ,refuge4 ,boards #hh cents1    
bound1 #a4ab-a_/b4         99       99  
99       99       99  ,a4 ,,finley ,,has
 ,,constantly ,,for ,,sale1 ,a          
,,valuable ,,collection ,,of            
,theological ,works1 ,family ,bibles1 c4
  ,among which are1  ,the entire works  
of ,dr4 ,isaac ,watts1 #f vols4 #dto4   
,the same1 #i vols4 #hvo4 ,rev4 ,dr4    
,lardner's works1 #e vols4 #dto4        
,hederici ,lexicon1 #dto4 ,parkhurst's  

,greek and ,hebrew ,lexicons4           
,turretteni 7,j4 ,a47 ,opera ,omnia1 #c 
vols4 #dto4 ,clerk's 7,j47 ,paraphrase  
and ,philological1 ,commentary1 on the  
,five ,books of ,moses1 #d vols4 folio4 
,dr4 ,guyse's ,paraphrase of the ,new   
,testament1 #f vols4 #hvo4 ,massilon's  
,sermons1 #b vols4 #hvo4  ,dubois's     
,account of the ,religion1 ,customs1 c4 
c4 of the people of ,india1 #b vols4    
#hvo4  ,scott's ,family ,bibles1 ,quarto
 and ,octavo4 ,henry's ,commentary1 #f  
vols4 #dto4 c4 c4  ,anatomical          
,engravings1 by ,charles and ,john      
,bell1 viz4  ,charles ,bell's           
,engravings of the ,arteries1           
illustrating the ,anatomy of the ,human 
,body1 and serving as an introduction to
 the ,surgery of the ,arteries4         
,elegantly printed in ,royal #hvo4      
,twelve coloured ,plates1 with copious  
letter-press explanations1 references to
 ,bell's and ,wistar's ,anatomy1        
c4--,second improved ,american edition1 
handsomely bound4 ,price #f4  ,john     

,bell's ,engravings of the ,bones1      
,muscles and ,joints1 in two parts--    
,part #a4 ,containing ,engravings of the
 ,bones1 #af ,plates1 #dto4 with        
explanations4 ,bound #f #ej4  ,part     
#b4--;,engravings of the ,muscles and   
,joints1 #ag ,plates1 #dto4 with        
explanations4 ,bound #g4  ,the two parts
 may be had bound together4 ,price #ab4 
,charles ,bell's ,series of ,engravings1
 explaining the course of the ,nerves1  
containing nine large and very elegant  
plates1 with copious explanations1 #dto4
 ,extra boards #f--;handsomely bound #f 
#ej4  ,these several volumes of         
,engravings by the ,messrs4 ,bell1 which
 are so highly estimated in ,great      
,britain1 are also strongly recommended 
by professional gentlemen throughout the
 ,union4 ,they form a system of         
,anatomy1 in themselves1 and must be    
considered as a very important addition 
to every ,medical ,library4  ,the       
,nurse's ,guide and ,family ,assistant1 
containing friendly cautions to the     

heads of families and others1 very      
necessary to be observed in order to    
preserve health and long life2 with     
ample directions to ,nurses who attend  
the sick1 women in childbed1 c4 c4 ,by  
,robert ,wallace ,johnson1 ,m4 ,d4      
,second ,american edition corrected and 
improved1 #a4  ,medical ,inquiries and  
,observations1 c4 by ,dr4 ,benjamin     
,rush1 #eth edition1 #b vols4 #g4       
,zoonomia1 by ,dr4 ,darwin1 #dth        
edition1 #b vols4 #g4  ,together with   
,all the ,greek and ,latin ,classics2   
and every description of ,french and    
,english  ,,school ,,books1  that are   
used in the various ,seminaries in this 
country4  ,library ,companies1 ,teachers
 and others supplied on very liberal    
terms4