,,transcriber',s ,,note ,italic text is denoted by underscores4 ,bold text is denoted by equal signs4 ,footnote anchors are denoted by number1 and the footnotes have been placed at the end of the book4 ,a superscript is denoted by x or xx4 ,breves and macrons are accurately represented 7 etc74 ,the alef symbol is used on page #cgi4 ,the tables in this book are best viewed using a monospace font4 ,some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book4 ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha ,,their ,,origin1 ,,teaching ,,and ,,contents ,,library ,,of ,,historic ,,theology ,,edited ,,by ,,the ,,rev4 ,,wm4 ,c4 ,,piercy1 ,m4,a4 ,each ,volume1 ,demy #hvo1 ,cloth1 ,red ,burnished ,top1 #es4 net4 ,,volumes ,,now ,,ready4 ,,the ,,present ,,relations ,,of ,,science ,,and ,,religion4 ,by the ,rev4 ,professor ,t4 ,g4 ,,bonney1 ,d4,sc4 ,,archaeology ,,of ,,the ,,old ,,testament4 ,by ,professor ,,edouard ,,naville1 ,d4,c4,l4 ,,mysticism ,,in ,,christianity4 ,by the ,rev4 ,w4 ,k4 ,,fleming1 ,m4,a41 ,b4,d4 ,,religion ,,in ,,an ,,age ,,of ,,doubt4 ,by the ,rev4 ,c4 ,j4 ,,shebbeare1 ,m4,a4 ,,the ,,catholic ,,conception ,,of ,,the ,,church4 ,by the ,rev ,w4 ,j4 ,,sparrow ,,simpson1 ,d4,d4 ,,common ,,objections ,,to ,,christianity4 ,by the ,rev4 ,c4 ,l4 ,,drawbridge1 ,m4,a4 ,,marriage ,,in ,,church ,,and ,,state4 ,by the ,rev4 ,t4 ,a4 ,,lacey1 ,m4,a4 7,warden of the ,london ,diocesan ,penitentiary74 ,,the ,,building ,,up ,,of ,,the ,,old ,,testament4 ,by the ,rev4 ,canon ,r4 ,b4 ,,girdlestone1 ,m4,a4 ,,christianity ,,and ,,other ,,faiths4 ,an ,essay in ,comparative ,religion ,by the ,rev4 ,w4 ,,st4 ,,clair ,,tisdall1 ,d4,d4 ,,the ,,churches ,,in ,,britain4 ,vols4 ,i4 and ,,ii4 ,by the ,rev4 ,,alfred ,,plummer1 ,d4,d4 7formerly ,master of ,university ,college1 ,durham74 ,,character ,,and ,,religion4 ,by the ,rev4 the ,,hon4 ,,edward ,,lyttelton1 ,m4,a4 7,head ,master of ,eton ,college74 ,,missionary ,,methods1 ,,st4 ,,paul',s ,,or ,,ours8 ,by the ,rev4 ,,roland ,,allen1 ,m4,a4 7,author of 8,missionary ,principles074 ,,the ,,rule ,,of ,,faith ,,and ,,hope4 ,by the ,rev4 ,r4 ,l4 ,,ottley1 ,d4,d4 7,canon of ,christ ,church1 and ,regius ,professor of ,pastoral ,theology in the ,university of ,oxford74 ,,the ,,rule ,,of ,,life ,,and ,,love4 ,by the ,rev4 ,r4 ,l4 ,,ottley1 ,d4,d4 ,,the ,,rule ,,of ,,work ,,and ,,worship4 ,by the ,rev4 ,r4 ,l4 ,,ottley1 ,d4,d4 ,,the ,,creeds3 ,,their ,,history1 ,,nature ,,and ,,use4 ,by the ,rev4 ,,harold ,,smith1 ,m4,a4 7,lecturer at the ,london ,college of ,divinity74 ,,the ,,christology ,,of ,,st4 ,,paul 7,hulsean ,prize ,essay74 ,by the ,rev4 ,s4 ,,nowell ,,rostron1 ,m4,a4 7,late ,principal of ,st4 ,john's ,hall1 ,durham74 ,the following works are in ,preparation3-- ,,religious ,,education3 ,,its ,,past1 ,,present1 ,,and ,,future4 ,by the ,rev4 ,prebendary ,b4 ,,reynolds4 ,,the ,,church ,,outside ,,the ,,empire4 ,by the ,rev4 ,c4 ,r4 ,,davey ,,biggs1 ,d4,d4 ,,the ,,nature ,,of ,,faith ,,and ,,the ,,conditions ,,of ,,its ,,prosperity4 ,by the ,rev4 ,p4 ,n4 ,,waggett1 ,m4,a4 ,,the ,,ethics ,,of ,,temptation4 ,by the ,ven4 ,e4 ,e4 ,,holmes1 ,m4,a4 ,,early ,,christian ,,literature4 ,by the ,rev4 ,,wm4 ,c4 ,,piercy1 ,m4,a4 ,,authority ,,and ,,freethought ,,in ,,the ,,middle ,,ages4 ,by the ,rev4 ,f4 ,w4 ,,bussell1 ,d4,d4 ,,god ,,and ,,man1 ,,one ,,christ4 ,by the ,rev4 ,,charles ,e4 ,,raven1 ,m4,a4 ,,greek ,,thought ,,and ,,christian ,,doctrine4 ,by the ,rev4 ,j4 ,k4 ,,mozley1 ,m4,a4 ,,the ,,great ,,schism ,,between ,,the ,,east ,,and ,,west4 ,by the ,rev4 ,f4 ,j4 ,,foakes-,,jackson1 ,d4,d4 ,,the ,,people ,,of ,,israel ,,in ,,old ,,testament ,,history4 ,by the ,rev4 ,a4 ,,troelstra1 ,d4,d4 ,full particulars of this ,library may be obtained from the ,publisher4 ,,london3 ,,robert ,,scott4 ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha ,,their ,,origin1 ,,teaching ,,and ,,contents ,,by ,,the ,,rev4 ,w4 ,o4 ,e4 ,,oesterley1 ,d4,d4 ,,examining ,,chaplain ,,to ,,the ,,bishop ,,of ,,london2 ,,warden ,,of ,,the 8,,society ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha10 ,,london ,,diocese4 ,,london3 ,,robert ,,scott ,,roxburghe ,,house ,,paternoster ,,row1 ,e4,c4 #aiae ,all ,rights ,reserved ,first ,edition1 #aiad4 ,second ,impression1 #aiae4 ,,preface ,signs have not been wanting during the last few years of an increasing interest both in what is called the 8,apocrypha0 as well as in the body of literature1 mainly of an apocalyptic character1 which goes under the name of the 8,pseudepigrapha40 ,notable among these signs are two of an outstanding character4 ,the founding of the 8,international ,society for the ,promoting of the ,study of the ,apocrypha0 was an important event in this connection2 the founder1 the ,rev4 ,herbert ,pentin1 is to be sincerely congratulated on the success with which his efforts have been crowned2 the support accorded by many of our leading scholars has doubtless been very gratifying to him4 ,few things have done more to foster interest in the subjects which the ,society has at heart than the publication of its quarterly journal1 ,the ,international ,journal of ,apocrypha4 ,this magazine makes its appeal to all grades of readers2 and if the greater stress is laid upon the popular side1 the editor has his good reasons for this1 for it is the general reader who does not yet understand that the 8,apocrypha0 and the 8,pseudepigrapha0 together form an indispensable link between the ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,the second outstanding sign was the publication last year by the ,oxford ,university ,press of the two sumptuous volumes entitled ,the ,apocrypha and ,pseudepigrapha of the ,old ,testament in ,english1 with introductions and critical and explanatory notes to the several books1 edited1 in conjunction with many scholars1 by ,r4 ,h4 ,charles1 ,litt4,d41 ,d4,d4 ,this is the most elaborate thing of the kind ever published in any country1 and the debt to ,canon ,charles owed by all lovers of learning is great indeed4 ,the volumes appeal primarily to the scholar1 though the general reader will find in them a very great deal which he will be able to appreciate4 ,the drawback1 for most people1 is their expense1 obviously inevitable2 it is1 therefore1 the more to be regretted that the ,university ,press could not see its way to publish the various books in separate1 as well as in their collective1 form4 ,signs such as these are full of promise1 and the growing interest which they betoken is very welcome4 ,the present writer1 as one of the ,wardens of the afore-mentioned ,society1 and as one of ,canon ,charles' fellow-labourers in the work just referred to1 has been emboldened to write the following pages with the object of pressing home the importance of one department of the subject as a whole 7though without wholly losing sight of the other71 viz41 the 8,apocrypha10 and1 more especially1 what is involved by the study of this4 ,the very unfortunate title which has clung to this body of literature since the days of ,st4 ,jerome1 largely accounts for the attitude of suspicion with which it is often regarded2 but when once it is realized that the term 8,apocrypha10 as applied to these books1 does not correspond to what is nowadays understood by the word 8apocryphal10 this attitude of suspicion will disappear4 ,the study of these books opens up various questions which demand consideration2 so much so1 that the student soon comes to realize that important as the study of the ,apocrypha is1 more important still is that which this study involves4 ,the book here presented is intended to illustrate this2 with the result that ,part ,i 78,prolegomena07 occupies considerably more space than ,part ,,ii1 which is devoted to the books of the ,apocrypha themselves4 ,there is1 however1 no reason to offer any apology for this1 as the ,introductory ,note to the 8,prolegomena0 will show4 ,for the rest1 the book1 though primarily intended for the intelligent general reader1 may in some parts1 it is hoped1 be of interest to scholars4 ,it was originally intended to be a contribution to 8,the ,library of ,historic ,theology02 but the writer soon realized that the scope of the subject would necessitate a larger volume than the publishers thought desirable for this ,series2 they1 therefore1 decided to publish it separately4 ,the writer desires to express his sincere thanks to the ,rev4 ,wm4 ,c4 ,piercy for having read carefully through the book in manuscript as well as in proof1 and for having offered many valuable suggestions4 ,w4 ,o4 ,e4 ,,oesterley4 ,,hatch ,,end1 #aiad4 ,,contents ,,page ,,introductory #a ,,part ,i ,,prolegomena ,,to ,,the ,,apocrypha ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,hellenistic ,,movement #aa ,i4 ,hellenism in its ,secular ,aspect #ab ,,ii4 ,hellenism in its ,religious ,aspect #bj ,summary #bd ,,chapter ,,ii ,,hellenistic ,,influence ,,upon ,,the ,,jews ,,of ,,palestine #bg ,i4 ,hellenism and ,judaism #bg ,,ii4 ,the ,essenes #da ,summary #df ,,chapter ,,iii ,,hellenistic ,,influence ,,upon ,,the ,,jews ,,of ,,the ,,dispersion #di ,i4 ,the ,dispersion #di ,,ii4 ,hellenistic ,influence on ,religion #ed ,,iii4 ,the ,septuagint #eh ,,iv4 ,philo of ,alexandria #fa ,summary #fe ,,chapter ,,iv ,,traces ,,of ,,greek ,,influence ,,in ,,the ,,old ,,testament ,,and ,,in ,,the ,,apocrypha #fh ,i4 ,references to the ,greeks in the ,old ,testament #fh ,,ii4 ,traces of ,greek ,influence in the ,old ,testament #gj ,,iii4 ,traces of ,greek ,influence in the ,apocrypha #gg ,ecclesiasticus #gg ,wisdom3 7a7 ,the doctrine of the pre-existence of the soul #hj 7b7 ,the doctrine of immortality #hc 7c7 ,the doctrine of the badness of the body #hd 7d7 ,the creation of the world out of formless matter #he 7e7 ,signs of the influence of ,stoic philosophy #hf ,summary #hg ,,chapter ,v ,,the ,,apocalyptic ,,movement #ij ,i4 ,the ,beginnings of the ,apocalyptic ,movement #ij ,,ii4 ,the ,apocalyptists #ie ,,iii4 ,the ,doctrinal ,teaching of the ,apocalyptic ,literature #aja 7a7 ,individualism #ajb 7b7 ,particularism and ,universalism #ajc 7c7 ,the doctrine of the ,messiah #aje 7d7 ,the doctrine of the ,future ,life #ajg ,summary #aaa ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,scribes #aac 7a7 ,the ,old ,testament data #aac 7b7 ,the ,apocrypha data #abc 7c7 ,some further particulars #abf ,summary #abg ,,chapter ,,vii ,,the ,,pharisees ,,and ,,sadducees #acj ,i4 ,the ,meaning of the ,terms 8,pharisees0 and 8,sadducees0 #acj 7a7 ,pharisees #acj 7b7 ,sadducees #acb ,,ii4 ,the ,sources #ace 7a7 ,josephus #ace 7b7 ,rabbinical sources #acg 7c7 ,the ,new ,testament #ach 7d7 ,the ,zadokite ,fragments #ach ,,iii4 ,the ,doctrines of the ,pharisees and ,sadducees #aci 7a7 ,the doctrine of the ,law #aci 7b7 ,the doctrine of ,god #add 7c7 ,the doctrine of the ,future ,life #adf 7d7 ,the ,sadducan attitude regarding belief in the existence of angels and spirits #adg 7e7 ,the doctrine of the ,messiah #adh 7f7 ,the ,sadducees and the ,jewish ,calendar #aej ,,iv4 ,some ,subsidiary ,considerations #aeb ,summary #aeg ,,chapter ,,viii ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,the ,,old ,,testament ,,canon #afj ,i4 ,the ,hebrew ,canon in its ,present ,form #afb ,,ii4 ,the ,idea of a ,canon #afd ,,iii4 ,the ,formation of the ,hebrew ,canon #afi ,,iv4 ,to ,whom was the ,final ,fixing of the ,hebrew ,canon due8 #agd ,summary #agf ,additional ,note4 ,the ,conceptions underlying the ,idea of ,levitical ,impurity #agg ,,chapter ,,ix ,,uncanonical ,,books 7,i7 #ahc ,i4 ,the ,meaning of the ,term ,gnaz #ahc ,,ii4 ,the ,meaning of the ,term ,apokryphos #ahe ,,iii4 ,the ,connexion between the ,terms ,gnaz and ,apokryphos #ahh ,,iv4 ,how the ,term 8,apocrypha0 came to be applied to ,sacred ,books of the ,second ,rank #aij ,v4 ,the ,reading of ,uncanonical ,books #aib ,summary #aif ,,chapter ,x ,,uncanonical ,,books 7,,ii74 ,,the ,,apocalyptic ,,literature #aih ,preliminary ,remarks #aih 7a7 ,the ,book of ,enoch #bja 7b7 ,the ,sibylline ,oracles #bjh 7c7 ,the ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs #baj 7d7 ,the ,psalms of ,solomon #bad 7e7 ,the ,book of ,jubilees #baf 7f7 ,the ,assumption of ,moses #bah 7g7 ,the ,ascension of ,isaiah #bai 7h7 ,the ,book of the ,secrets of ,enoch #bbj 7i7 ,the ,syriac ,apocalypse of ,baruch #bbb 7j7 ,the ,apocalypse of ,moses 7,the ,life of ,adam and ,eve7 #bbb 7k7 ,the ,greek ,apocalypse of ,baruch #bbc ,,chapter ,,xi ,,the ,,wisdom ,,literature2 ,,the ,,jewish ,,conception ,,of ,,wisdom #bbd ,i4 ,the ,wisdom ,literature #bbd ,,ii4 ,the ,origin of the ,hebrew ,conception of ,wisdom #bbf ,,iii4 ,the ,jewish ,conception of ,wisdom #bcc ,summary #bdg ,,chapter ,,xii ,,the ,,doctrinal ,,teaching ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha #bea ,preliminary ,remarks #bea 7a7 ,the doctrine of ,god #bed 7b7 ,the doctrine of the ,law #bfj 7c7 ,the doctrine of ,sin #bfg 7d7 ,the doctrine of ,grace and ,free-will #bgh 7e7 ,the doctrine of the ,messiah #bha 7f7 ,the doctrine of the ,future ,life #bhh 7g7 ,the doctrine of ,angels #cjj 7h7 ,demonology #cjd ,summary #cje ,,part ,,ii ,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha ,,introductory #cai ,,chapter ,i ,,the ,,wisdom ,,of ,,jesus1 ,,the ,,son ,,of ,,sirach2 ,,or ,,ecclesiasticus #cba ,i4 ,the ,title of the ,book #cba ,,ii4 ,the ,author and his ,book #cbb ,,iii4 ,the ,date of the ,book #cbg ,,iv4 ,the ,original ,language of the ,book2 the recently found ,hebrew ,manuscripts #cbi ,v4 ,the ,authorized and ,revised ,versions of ,ecclesiasticus #cca ,,vi4 ,the 8,sadducan0 doctrinal standpoint in ,ecclesiasticus #ccd ,,vii4 ,the ,pharisaic ,additions to ,ecclesiasticus #cdj ,,viii4 ,the ,value of the ,book for the ,study of the ,new ,testament #cde ,,chapter ,,ii ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,tobit #cdi ,i4 ,the ,story of ,achikar the ,wise #cej ,,ii4 ,the ,relationship between the ,book of ,tobit and the ,story of ,achikar the ,wise #cec ,,iii4 ,the ,contents of the ,book of ,tobit #ceg ,,iv4 ,the ,religious ,standpoint of the ,writer #cfj ,v4 ,the ,date of the ,book1 its ,integrity and ,place of ,origin #cfe ,,vi4 ,the ,value of the ,book for ,new ,testament ,study #cfh ,,chapter ,,iii ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,judith #cgb ,i4 ,contents and ,character of the ,book #cgb ,,ii4 ,variety of ,form of the ,judith ,story #cgi ,,iii4 ,the ,teaching and ,purpose of the ,book #cha ,,iv4 ,the ,date of the ,book #chb ,v4 ,the ,original ,language of the ,book #chd ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,additions ,,to ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,daniel #che ,i4 ,preliminary ,remarks #che ,,ii4 ,the ,prayer of ,azariah #chf ,,iii4 ,the ,song of the ,three ,children #cij ,,iv4 ,the ,story of ,susanna #cia ,v4 ,bel and the ,dragon #cid ,,chapter ,v ,,the ,,additions ,,to ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,esther #cih ,i4 ,the ,nature and ,object of the ,additions #cih ,,ii4 ,authorship and ,date of the ,additions #djc ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,prayer ,,of ,,manasses #djd ,i4 ,the ,contents of the ,prayer #djd ,,ii4 ,the ,origin of the ,prayer #dje ,,iii4 ,the ,date of the ,prayer #dji ,,iv4 ,the ,writer and the ,language in which he wrote #daj ,,chapter ,,vii ,,the ,,first ,,book ,,of ,,maccabees #daa ,i4 ,title and ,authorship of the ,book #daa ,,ii4 ,the ,date of the ,book #dac ,,iii4 ,the ,original ,language and ,literary ,character of the ,book #dad ,,iv4 ,the ,sources of the ,book #dae ,v4 ,the ,history of the ,maccaban ,struggle #dbc 7a7 ,the ,conquests of ,alexander the ,great1 and the division of his ,empire #dbd 7b7 ,the original cause of the struggle2 the leadership of ,mattathias #dbd 7c7 ,the leadership of ,judas ,maccabus2 religious liberty secured #dbg 7d7 ,the leadership of ,jonathan2 the establishment of the ,hasmonan high-priesthood #dca 7e7 ,the leadership of ,simon #dcf ,,chapter ,,viii ,,the ,,greek ,,ezra 7#a 7#c7 ,esdras7 #dci ,i4 ,the ,title of the ,book #dci ,,ii4 ,contents of the ,book #ddj ,,iii4 ,the 8,hebrew ,ezra10 the 8,greek ,ezra10 and #b ,esdras #ddb ,,iv4 ,the ,historicity of the ,book #ddf ,v4 ,the ,purpose of the ,book #dej ,,vi4 ,the ,story of the ,three ,young ,men of ,darius' ,bodyguard #dea ,,vii4 ,the ,date of the ,book #ded ,,chapter ,,ix ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,wisdom 7,the ,wisdom of ,solomon7 #dee ,i4 ,the ,title and ,authorship of the ,book #dee ,,ii4 ,the ,date of the ,book #dei ,,iii4 ,the ,question of ,composite ,authorship #dfd ,,iv4 ,the ,purposes for which the ,book was ,written #dfi ,v4 ,the ,influence of the ,book on ,st4 ,paul #dgd ,,chapter ,x ,,the ,,second ,,book ,,of ,,maccabees #dgi ,i4 ,the ,origin of the ,book #dgi ,,ii4 ,the ,contents of the ,book #dha ,,iii4 ,comparison between #a and #b ,maccabees #dhb ,,iv4 ,the ,historical ,value of #b ,maccabees #dhe ,v4 ,the ,purpose of the ,book #dhg ,,vi4 ,the ,integrity of the ,boo #dij ,,vii4 ,the ,date and ,original ,language of the ,book #dic ,,viii4 ,the influence of the ,book on ,new ,testament ,writers #dic ,,chapter ,,xi ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,baruch1 ,,and ,,the ,,epistle ,,of ,,jeremiah #die ,i4 ,short ,account of the ,book1 and its ,contents #die ,,ii4 ,examination of the ,component ,parts of the ,book #dig 7#a7 ,the ,book of ,confessions 7i4-iii4 #h7 #dig 7#b7 ,a ,sage's words of encouragement 7iii4 #i-;iv4 #d7 #ejc 7#c7 ,a ,message of good cheer 7iv4 #e-v4 #i7 #ejd ,the ,epistle of ,jeremiah #ejf ,,chapter ,,xii ,,the ,,ezra ,,apocalypse 7#b 7#d7 ,esdras7 #eji ,i4 ,the ,title of the ,book #eji ,,ii4 ,chapters i41 ii4 #eaj ,,iii4 ,chapters xv41 xvi4 #eaa ,,iv4 ,the ,component ,parts of ,chapters iii4-xiv4 #eab ,v4 ,the ,vision of the ,man ,rising from the ,sea #eae ,,vi4 ,the ,eagle ,vision #eag ,,vii4 ,the ,salathiel ,apocalypse #ebb ,,viii4 ,an ,ezra ,legend #ebh ,,indexes-- ,general #ecc ,passages from the ,old ,testament #ede ,passages from the ,apocrypha #edg ,passages from the ,pseudepigrapha #eeb ,passages from the ,new ,testament #eeb ,passages from ,rabbinical ,literature #eec ,introductory ,the book here presented is divided into two parts3 the first1 which is somewhat longer than the second1 deals with preliminary questions2 the second is occupied with some account of the nature and contents of the books comprised under the term 8,apocrypha40 ,to those whose studies have not been concerned with early ,jewish uncanonical literature it may appear that many of the subjects discussed in ,part ,i are inappropriate1 or at any rate unnecessary1 because they lead1 apparently1 far away from the main subject to be dealt with4 ,students of the ,apocrypha will know1 however1 that a really intelligent and adequate study of this body of ancient literature necessitates research into a number of topics which do not at first sight appear to show a direct connexion with the main subject4 ,nevertheless1 for the benefit of those who have not made a study of the ,apocrypha1 it may be well to justify at the outset the incursion into the many side-issues dealt with in the 8,prolegomena0 7,part ,i7 by showing that the consideration of them is really indispensable for a proper understanding of the ,apocrypha1 its origin1 and its raison d'tre4 ,now one of the first things that must strike any intelligent reader of the books of the ,apocrypha is the extraordinary variety of their contents4 ,we have in the ,first ,book of ,maccabees genuine historical records of the highest value2 in the ,second ,book of ,maccabees1 on the other hand1 we have a mixture of history and fiction4 ,in the ,first 7or ,third7 ,book of ,esdras we get portions of the canonical ,scriptures side by side with records from other sources2 and1 strange to say1 the latter are probably in some particulars more trustworthy than the corresponding portions in the former4 ,in ,the ,rest of ,esther and the ,prayer of ,manasses we have additions to books of the canonical ,scriptures which are edifying1 though largely the work of the imagination2 while in the additions to the ,book of ,daniel1 namely1 ,the ,song of the ,three ,holy ,children1 ,the ,history of ,susannah1 and ,bel and the ,dragon1 we have examples of fiction which are not always edifying4 ,of an entirely different character is the fascinating story of a brave and patriotic woman1 told in the ,book of ,judith1 in which the writer's power of dramatic narrative is well exhibited4 ,interesting from other points of view is the homely tale told in the ,book of ,tobit1 with its developed angelology and quaint demonology4 ,but what is in many respects the most important book in the whole collection is that fine example of the ,palestinian ,wisdom ,literature1 the ,wisdom of ,ben-,sira 7,ecclesiasticus71 which1 apart from its subject proper1 gives us much interesting information regarding the conditions of ,jewish life and manners during a period of which we have otherwise but meagre sources of knowledge4 ,baruch1 again1 is valuable as containing a liturgical piece of considerable antiquity4 ,very important1 too1 and of great interest1 is that striking product of ,hellenistic-,jewish wisdom1 ,the ,wisdom of ,solomon1 as it is called2 this book offers an illustration of the profound influence which the ,greek spirit had upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion4 ,and1 lastly1 we have what is in some respects one of the finest books belonging to the ,apocalyptic ,literature ii4 7iv47 ,esdras1 revealing as it does in a wonderful way the moral and religious speculations of an earnest mind seeking after the truth1 and claiming to have received revelations by supernatural means4 ,scripture1 history1 legend1 fiction1 at least one liturgical piece1 wisdom1 philosophy1 apocalypse--truly it is an extraordinary variety of subjects which is here presented4 ,but further2 when one looks more closely one sees that in these books various thought-tendencies and mental attitudes are represented--political1 intellectual1 doctrinal1 religious2 so that questions arise1 and demand consideration1 as to who the men were among whom these thought-tendencies existed1 what it was that first gave rise to them1 what the relation was between those who belonged to the different schools of thought represented1 and other questions of a similar character4 ,the intelligent reader will want to know1 on the one hand1 what is reflected in these books concerning such questions1 and1 on the other1 what light they themselves shed on the history of thought and religion during the period1 extending over about three hundred years1 at which they were written4 ,of a different character1 but very much to the point1 is the inquiry into the position held by these books in the sacred literature of the ,jews4 ,they are not assigned a place in the canonical ,hebrew ,scriptures1 but they are found in the ,greek ,old ,testament1 which was the ,bible used by the ,new ,testament writers and by the ,early ,church4 ,who excluded them from the canonical list1 and on what grounds were they excluded8 ,what was their position before the ,canon was formed1 and when was the ,canon formed8 ,what is meant by the title 8,apocrypha10 by whom was the title given1 and when8 ,these are some of the many questions which suggest themselves to the serious student of the ,apocrypha2 and a moment's thought will show that adequate answers to them are required if the contents of the ,apocrypha1 and all that they imply1 are to be properly understood4 ,the purpose of the 8,prolegomena0 is to try and give answers to these and many other questions which arise as soon as the study of this body of ancient ,jewish sacred literature is undertaken4 ,the first chapter deals with the ,hellenistic ,movement4 ,some consideration of the way in which the ,greek spirit influenced the world in general1 from the third century ,b4,c4 onwards1 is altogether necessary because there was no department of life in which the effects of this influence were not to be discerned4 ,for our present purpose the way in which ,hellenism affected religious thought is1 of course1 an exceedingly important subject for consideration4 ,now the ,hellenistic ,movement synchronized with the entire period during which the 8,apocryphal0 ,literature was produced4 ,it commenced as a result of the conquests of ,alexander the ,great1 and extended well into the times of the ,empire2 within that period were written the earliest and the latest of the books of the ,apocrypha1 viz41 ,the ,wisdom of ,ben-,sira1 about ,b4,c4 #agj1 and ,the ,apocalypse of ,ezra1 about ,a4,d4 #ajj4 ,the ,hellenistic ,movement was thus1 as it were1 the intellectual and religious atmosphere of the world during the whole of the period in which the writers of the books of the ,apocrypha lived4 ,no apology is needed1 therefore1 for beginning our study with a brief consideration of the ,hellenistic ,movement4 ,since1 like other great movements1 this one was a vital process which affected the whole world1 the ,jews1 as just hinted1 came under its sway4 ,we have1 therefore1 devoted two chapters to ,hellenistic influence upon the ,jews4 ,the extent and effect of this influence upon the ,jews of ,palestine was not the same as upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion1 so that this part of our subject has to be dealt with under two heads4 ,in discussing the former we touch upon a factor in the discussion which will come before us again and again as we proceed1 namely1 the ,jews as the people of the ,law4 ,we referred just now to various schools of thought of which indications are to be seen in the books of the ,apocrypha2 the most important of these was that which looked upon the ,law and its observances as that which should occupy the thoughts and actions of every true ,jew1 and to which everything else should be subordinated4 ,it was the championship of the ,law which checked1 and ultimately stamped out1 ,hellenistic influence upon the ,jews of ,palestine1 though not until that influence had so permeated their minds that some of its elements became incorporated into orthodox ,judaism4 ,as will be seen later1 these facts help to explain much that is written in the books of the ,apocrypha4 ,but distinct as the marks were which the influence of ,hellenism left upon the ,jews of ,palestine and upon some of their literature1 that influence was far less upon them than upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion4 ,in dealing with this part of our subject a preliminary section is devoted to some account of the ,dispersion1 special reference being made to ,alexandria1 the most important centre of the ,dispersion4 ,the most notable and far-reaching result of ,hellenistic influence here is to be seen in the fact that it was the birthplace of the ,septuagint1 the ,greek ,old ,testament2 since it is in this ,version of the ,scriptures that the books of the ,apocrypha were incorporated1 it stands to reason that some account of it is necessary4 ,while the ,septuagint was the most striking literary product of the ,hellenistic ,movement in the ,dispersion1 ,philo of ,alexandria was its most notable personality2 a section devoted to him can1 therefore1 not be out of place4 ,it was pointed out above that ,hellenistic influence was to be discerned in the sacred literature of the ,jews4 ,this is a subject upon which differences of opinion exist1 especially in regard to some of the later books of the ,old ,testament2 but it cannot well be ignored in dealing with the books of the ,apocrypha1 so that in ,chapter ,,iv we examine the question of traces of ,greek influence in the ,old ,testament and in the ,apocrypha4 ,further1 we have referred to the fact that in the ,apocrypha signs of the existence of various thought-tendencies are to be discerned2 the attitude of extreme loyalty to the ,law was one of these2 another was represented by the ,apocalyptic ,movement4 ,quite apart from the fact that we have in ,the ,apocalypse of ,ezra a remarkable product of the ,apocalyptic ,movement1 which would of itself be sufficient to demand some account of this movement here1 there is the further fact that some insight into the religious movements of a period is indispensable to the true understanding of any body of literature belonging to such period4 ,it is for this reason that we have devoted a chapter to the consideration of the ,apocalyptic ,movement and to a brief survey of the doctrinal teaching of the ,apocalyptic ,literature2 it will be found to be of real interest if the general results of the doctrinal teaching of this literature be compared with that of the books of the ,apocrypha1 which is more fully dealt with in the last chapter 7,,xii7 of the 8,prolegomena40 ,the thought-tendencies to which reference has been made1 and each of which has been embodied in literary form1 have a history behind them1 dating at least from the time of ,ezra2 how these developed in ,palestine during the four centuries which preceded the advent of ,christ is a difficult and intricate1 but none the less fascinating1 study1 and altogether indispensable alike for the understanding of the ,apocrypha and of the ,new ,testament4 ,scribes of different kinds1 ,chassidim1 ,apocalyptists1 ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 how did they come into being8 ,what were their different special mental and religious attitudes8 ,what was their relationship to each other8 ,there are intricate problems involved in such questions1 and the study of the ,apocrypha brings us face to face with them2 that sufficiently explains the reason why ,chapters ,v-,,vii are devoted to the discussion of them4 ,with ,chapters ,,viii-,x we approach an entirely different side of our subject1 namely1 the question of the ,canon and of uncanonical books generally2 this is1 of course1 of fundamental importance for the study of the ,apocrypha1 so that no explanation is needed for the reason of these three chapters figuring in the 8,prolegomena40 ,the same is also true of ,chapter ,,xi1 which deals with the ,wisdom ,literature1 for not only have we two remarkable examples of this literature in the ,apocrypha1 but it is a literature which1 while it begins in the ,old ,testament1 is continued in the ,apocrypha1 so that it must be treated as a whole2 the question of canonical or uncanonical books must not be allowed to interfere here4 ,the last chapter 7,,xii71 on the doctrinal teaching of the ,apocrypha1 requires no further words here other than to say that the study of this subject is very necessary for following out the development of doctrine from the ,old ,testament to the ,new4 ,this1 then1 is the explanation and justification for the many discussions in the 8,prolegomena0 which seem at first sight to lead far away from the main subject in hand4 ,these have1 it is true1 an interest and an application far beyond that of their relation to the ,apocrypha1 but that1 it may safely be assumed1 will not be regarded as a drawback1 or as a reason for making the discussion of them here unnecessary4 ,,part ,i ,,prolegomena ,,to ,,the ,,apocrypha ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha3 ,,their ,,origin1 ,,teaching ,,and ,,contents ,,chapter ,i ,the ,hellenistic ,movement ,,literature4--,droysen1 ,geschichte des ,hellenismus 7#crd ed41 #ahgg72 ,schrer1 ,a ,history of the ,jewish ,people in the ,time of ,jesus ,christ1 ,,ii1 i4 pp4 #a-adi 7#ahij-ahia71 ,german ed4 ,,ii1 pp4 #a-bfg 7#aija-aiji72 ,usener1 ,gtternamen 7#ahif72 ,kaerst1 ,geschichte des hellenistischen ,zeitalters 7#aija1 #aiji72 ,zeller1 ,die ,philosophie der ,griechen1 ,,iii1 i4 ii4 7#dth ed41 #aijc1 #aiji72 ,zeller1 ,outlines of the ,history of ,greek ,philosophy 7,engl4 ed41 #aiji72 ,rohde1 ,psyche 7#crd ed41 #aijc72 ,edwyn ,bevan1 ,jerusalem under the ,high-priests 7#aijd72 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,griechische ,philosophie im ,alten ,testament 7#aijd72 ,gruppe1 ,griechische ,mythologie und ,religionsgeschichte 7#aijf72 ,mahaffy1 ,the ,silver ,age of the ,greek ,world 7#aijf72 ,krger1 ,hellenismus und ,judenthum im neutestamentlichen ,zeitalter 7#aijh72 ,farnell1 ,greek ,religion 7#aiab72 ,wendland1 ,die ,hellenistisch-,rmische ,kultur in ihren ,beziehungen zu ,judentum und ,christentum 7#aiab72 ,edwyn ,bevan1 ,stoics and ,sceptics 7#aiac72 ,farnell's art4 on 8,greek ,religion0 in ,hastings' ,dict4 of ,religion and ,ethics4 ,to offer in any detail an account of such an immense subject as the ,hellenistic ,movement would be out of the question here2 but no study which has to do with ,jewish religion or culture of the three last pre-,christian centuries can be taken in hand without some reference to the ,movement which so profoundly affected the world of those times4 ,the object of the present chapter is1 therefore1 to indicate the main directions in which ,hellenistic influence was exercised2 so much is essential when it is remembered that the books of the ,apocrypha form an integral part of the ,greek ,old ,testament1 which is itself one of the most striking products of the ,hellenistic ,movement in the domain of literature4 ,a word must be said at the outset regarding the use of the terms ,hellenic and ,hellenistic4 ,it is not always easy to be strictly logical or consistent in the way in which one employs these2 the fundamental difference between the two is this3 ,hellenic culture refers1 of course1 to the pure ,greek civilization1 religion1 etc41 existing previous to the coming of ,alexander the ,great2 ,hellenistic culture refers to this civilization as it appeared after having absorbed numerous elements in the domain both of thought and religion from non-,greek sources after the coming of ,alexander the ,great4 ,hellenistic culture exercised a greater and wider influence upon the world than ,hellenic1 because by absorbing alien elements it was able to become a world-culture4 ,the terms have thus a distinct and clearly defined difference4 ,but inasmuch as ,hellenistic culture is based upon and has as its chief characteristic ,hellenic culture1 it is sometimes convenient to use the terms ,hellenism and ,hellenic in a wide and inclusive sense2 as so used it is equivalent to the term ,greek1 without restriction to any particular age4 ,i4 ,,hellenism ,,in ,,its ,,secular ,,aspect ,by the ,hellenistic ,movement is meant the process whereby the supremacy of the ,greek language and of ,greek culture generally became established during the period1 roughly speaking1 from ,b4,c4 #cjj to the beginning of the ,christian era1 that is to say1 from the time when ,alexander the ,great had completed his victorious career#a to the time when the ,roman ,empire was rising to pre-eminence and establishing its power1 more especially in the east4 ,it was during this period that ,hellenism was what may be called an invading force2 having once established itself its influence was in evidence long after the period indicated4 ,dill1 in writing on the age of ,hadrian and the ,antonines1 says1 for example3 8,the glory of classic art had almost vanished2 and yet1 without being able to produce any works of creative genius1 the inexhaustible vitality of the ,hellenic spirit once more asserted itself4 ,after a long eclipse1 the rhetorical culture of ,greece vigorously addressed itself in the reign of ,hadrian to the conquest of the west4 ,her teachers and spiritual directors1 indeed1 had long been in every family of note4 ,her sophists were now seen haranguing crowds in every town from the ,don to the ,atlantic4444 ,from the early years of the second century can be traced that great combined movement of the ,neo-,pythagorean and ,platonist philosophies and the renovated paganism which made a last stand against the conquering ,church in the reigns of ,julian and ,theodosius44440#b ,but the influence of ,hellenism did not stop here2 various writers have shown that that influence persists even up to modern times1#c and ,bevan states nothing but the literal truth when he says that 8what we call the ,western spirit in our own day is really ,hellenism reincarnate40#d ,it is well to realize1 on the other hand1 however1 that the roots of the ,hellenistic ,movement reached back somewhat further than the time of ,alexander4 ,we must look to ,athens for the real beginnings of the ,movement1 the further development of which ,alexander's conquests did so much to forward4 ,it was the ,attic sea-power which first brought about the conditions under which the idea of a pan-,hellenic culture could take form and ultimately become realized4 ,though ,athens declined with the rise of the ,macedonian power1 and ceased outwardly to play any conspicuous part in the great drama of the world's history1 yet ,attic ideals and conceptions lived on and continued to be the inner motive-power in the propagation of the newer culture4 ,so that the ,hellenistic ,movement grew and developed from ,attic antecedents4 ,then1 again1 although the rise of the ,hellenistic ,movement is rightly associated more particularly with the name of ,alexander1 it is but simple justice which compels us to recall the fact that the ,macedonian empire1 which formed the basis of ,alexander's future world-power1 owed its creation to his father1 ,philip 7,b4,c4 #cei-ccf74 ,it was only through strenuous struggles with ,thracians1 ,illyrians and ,athenians that ,philip finally consolidated his kingdom1 and thus made the necessary preparations for his son's greater work4 ,the decisive battle of ,chronea1 in ,b4,c4 #cch1 when ,philip defeated the allied forces of ,athens and ,thebes1 may legitimately be pointed to as one of the preliminary determining factors which prepared the way for the ,hellenistic ,movement4 ,in the first instance the influence of the newer ,hellenism was1 of course1 exercised by means of the ,greek language4 ,but it was a form of ,greek which differed in many respects from the older ,attic ,greek1 though based on this2 it is now known by the name of ,hellenistic ,greek4 8,it was the literary language of the cosmopolitan ,hellas1 created by the genius of ,alexander4 ,the change i4e41 from ,attic ,greek had begun indeed before ,alexander4 ,even ,xenophon allows himself to make free use of words of provincial origin1 and to employ ,attic words with a new connotation2 and the writings of ,aristotle mark the opening of a new era in the history of the ,greek language40#e ,the discovery and study of immense numbers of ,greek papyri and ostraka 7potsherds7 has shown the fallacy1 universally prevalent a generation ago1 of speaking of 8,biblical ,greek10 i4e41 the ,greek of the ,septuagint and of the ,new ,testament1 as though it were a form of ,greek peculiar to the ,bible1 to be separated off from 8profane0 ,greek4 ,the ,septuagint and the ,new ,testament were written in a late form of ,greek1 i4e41 ,hellenistic ,greek which1 as we have just seen1 came into vogue during the fourth century ,b4,c4 and onwards4 ,this late ,greek1 including the ,greek of the ,bible is1 in the words of ,deissmann1 8neither good nor bad2 it bears the stamp of its age and asserts its own distinctive position in a gradual process of development in the language1 which1 beginning in the earliest times1 has lasted down to the present day4 ,late ,greek has stripped off much that was customary in the earlier period1 and it contains germs of future developments destined to be completed in modern ,greek4 ,we may1 then1 speak of a certain peculiarity and uniformity in original #8,bible' ,greek1 but solely as opposed to earlier or later phases of the history of the language1 not as opposed to #8profane' ,greek40#f ,it was through the conquests of ,alexander that the ways were made clear and wide for this later form of the ,greek language1 this ,hellenistic ,greek1 to find an opening in all directions1 and to be employed as a common means of communication in ever-increasing measure4 ,close upon the soldiers followed the merchants1 nor did it take long before colonists came and settled down in the newly conquered territories2 and when once colonies of ,greek-speaking people were established1 teachers soon came and took up their abode in the new settlements4 ,new ,greek cities thus arose in which practically only ,greek was spoken2 with the employment of this language it followed in a natural course that the influence of the ,greek spirit1 and with it ,greek forms of thought and ,greek ideals1 made itself felt4 ,in this way ,alexander's ambition was attained2 for his ideal was not only to conquer lands2 he desired also that the hearts and minds of men should be brought under the domination of that ,greek culture which was destined to affect the religion1 the philosophy1 the literature and the art of mankind for all time4 ,alexander was a worthy pupil of his great teacher1 ,aristotle4 ,it is1 perhaps1 not always sufficiently realized that the ,hellenistic ,movement coincided to a large extent with an epoch which was in some notable respects one of dissolution4 ,in the domain of learning1 for example1 the older ,greek idea of the possibility of a single mind assimilating the whole content of knowledge had been discarded2 for it had come to be seen that the sum of knowledge in its manifold ramifications was far too great to be acquired by any one man1 however learned1 and that specialists must devote themselves to different departments of learning4 ,hence arose the grammarian as well as the rhetorician1 the historian as well as the mathematician1 while the philosopher occupied his special position4#g ,the scholar1 therefore1 who desired to gain some insight into more than one of the various branches of knowledge no longer went1 as in earlier days1 to one teacher who was supposed to possess encyclopdic learning1 but he studied under a grammarian in order to learn grammar1 under a rhetorician in order to learn rhetoric1 under a philosopher in order to learn philosophy1 and so on4 ,this newer system had already forced itself to the front some time before the actual period with which we are dealing2 there are clear indications in the methods and teaching of ,plato1 to say nothing of ,aristotle and his pupils1 of an increasing tendency of making wider differentiation between the various sciences1 and of dividing them up into their various groups4 ,philosophy stands alone2 the exact sciences go each along the line of their own development4 ,what was thus prepared by these great philosophers and their followers was acted upon and greatly developed during the ,hellenistic period proper4 ,nowhere was this more the case than in ,alexandria1 the city of ,alexander's founding4 ,it was in ,alexandria that during the third century ,b4,c4 the exact sciences reached the height of their development4 ,all that was acquired through the incentive given later by the study of the exact sciences of antiquity during the ,middle ,ages through the medium of ,arabic translations1 and during the ,renaissance by means of newly discovered ,greek originals of the ancient classics1 was in the main due to the achievements wrought during this epoch4#h ,that ,alexandria should have been1 during the ,hellenistic period1 the centre of this intensive1 intellectual activity will be seen to have been a fact of great importance when we come to speak of this city as having been also the centre of the ,jewish ,dispersion4 ,alexandria#i was1 however1 but the greatest example of many other new cities founded by ,alexander1 or through his inspiration1 while a far greater number which were already in existence were hellenized through his instrumentality4 ,with regard to these latter a fact of great importance must be noted2 one effect of the entry of ,hellenistic influence into the civic life of the 8barbarians0 was that the ,greek came to know and understand his fellow-creatures of other nationalities2 he saw that those whom he had always been taught to despise as not much better than semi-civilized savages1 also had their forms of culture which likewise boasted of a hoary antiquity4 ,the ,greeks were1 therefore1 led to study the methods of thought1 the customs and the beliefs of these 8barbarians10 with the result that contempt was turned to admiration1 and the ,greeks came to regard the 8barbarians0 as brothers4 ,cynic and ,stoic philosophers1 8the ,rousseaus of ,hellenism0 as ,krger very happily calls them1 spoke of and taught a brotherhood of man1 a new and wonderful thing2 and a cosmopolitanism1 hitherto unheard of1 came into being4 ,but if the mingling together of ,greek and 8barbarian0 was the means of creating a cosmopolitanism1 in the best sense1 no less characteristic of the ,hellenistic period is the fact that the importance of the individual came to be recognized4 ,the ,hellenization of 8barbarian0 cities1 referred to just now1 meant that these attained to a state of semi-independence2 in all cases of this kind the local government of the city was framed on the ,greek model2 the part which the people took in the political assemblies and in the annual elections had the natural effect of making them feel that they had a real interest and a definite part to play in the administration of affairs4 ,it is easy to understand how the result of this was the emphasizing of the importance of each individual4 ,where the individual1 while claiming and exercising his rights of citizenship1 does not lose sight of his responsibilities1 an ideal combination is offered4 ,this individualism of the true and genuine type the ,greeks gave to the world2 it is an example of the sense of proportion which was a peculiarly ,hellenic trait4 ,during the ,hellenistic period1 therefore1 individualism came to its own4 ,not unconnected with this subject of individualism was the philosophical teaching of the ,hellenistic period4 ,the main interest in the philosophical systems of this time centred in ethics2 and ethical teaching concerns the individual first and foremost4 ,it was the ethical system of the ,stoics#aj to which was primarily due the emphasis laid on the conception of law and duty2 virtue is the only good1 they taught1 vice the only evil2 all else is indifferent4 ,moreover1 ,hellenistic philosophy set before men the ideal of wisdom2 the highest attainment for mortals1 so it was taught1 was that they should become wise men4 ,it was a noble picture that was depicted1 even though the ,stoic ideal was unattainable1 of the free and independent and self-reliant individual who1 through the wisdom that he has acquired1 stands towering above his fellows1 though not in aloofness1 but as a helper4 ,it has been pointed out with justice that it is the stress laid on the importance of the individual which largely accounts for the numerous striking personalities1 both men and women1 who come before us during the ,hellenistic period4 ,the historian ,polybius 7born about ,b4,c4 #bjd7 was the first to recognize the importance of the individual as a factor in the course and development of history4 ,it is during this period especially that great individuals appear as the pivots of history4 ,now1 too1 for the first time1 biography becomes a science2 delineation of character1 the motives of individual action1 and psychological analysis of the heart and mind are now regarded as indispensable for the proper understanding of men and their doings4#aa ,whether in politics1 or science1 or philosophy1 or literature1 or in estimating their fellow-creatures1 the ,greeks offer a remarkable example of the determination to see men and things in the world around them as they really are2 their instinctive critical faculty made them realists4 ,nothing must be taken for granted1 all things must be tested by the light of reason2 only so can the reality of things be ascertained4 8,the critical faculty1 the reason--in one light it appears as the sense of proportion2 the sense of proportion in politics1 #8common sense1' balance of judgement2 the sense of proportion in behaviour1 which distinguishes what is seemly for the occasion and the person concerned2 the sense of proportion in art1 which eliminates the redundant and keeps each detail in its due subordination to the whole4 ,how prominent this aspect of the critical faculty was with the ,greeks their language itself shows2 reason and proportion are expressed by a common word4 #8,the ,hellenes1' ,polybius says1 #8differ mainly in this respect from other men1 that they keep to what is due in each case4'0#ab ,important as it is to gain some little insight into ,hellenism in its secular aspect so that one may realize to some extent the nature of the influence which it had upon the world1 it is still more important for our present purpose to consider it from the religious point of view4 ,to this we must now devote some little attention4 ,,ii4 ,,hellenism ,,in ,,its ,,religious ,,aspect ,it has already been pointed out that the ,hellenistic ,movement coincided with an epoch which was in many respects one of dissolution2 this is distinctly the case in the domain of religion4 ,the history of religion offers numerous examples of the fact that there arrive certain periods in which1 for one reason or another1 the traditional form of faith ceases to exercise its power over large sections of the people4 ,one of two things then follows3 either religion gives place to scepticism1 or else the old belief is adapted to the altered spiritual and intellectual conditions which have supervened4 ,among the ,greeks of this period we find both processes at work1 though a downright atheistic position is the exception4 ,indeed1 one of the most interesting and significant facts in this connexion is that the philosophy of the ,hellenistic period1 in spite of its critical attitude towards religious beliefs1 very soon developed into theology4 ,that is sufficient to show that1 while there was a tendency in certain circles to pour scorn on religion1 the ,hellenistic period was very far from being one of irreligion4 ,the attitude of the cultured classes towards the national religion differed1 of course1 from that of the masses2 the critical spirit and biting sarcasm of the philosophers1 a great deal of which was wholly justified1 had the effect of making it impossible for educated people to accept the old beliefs in the way in which this had been done hitherto4 ,the religious ideas taught by the philosophers were1 in the main1 altogether subversive of those which tradition had handed down2 nevertheless1 to the cultured it would have come as a relief to be taught1 as was done by the ,epicurans for example1 that a man was not godless because he destroyed belief in the popular gods1 but that the godless man was he who imputed to the gods the popular conceptions concerning them4#ac ,not that the ,epicurans were irreligious2 ,epicurus#ad did not attack the belief in the gods as such2 on the contrary1 he believed in them himself1 and regarded the universality of this belief as a proof that they actually existed4 ,but he refused to share the general ideas about them in their relation to the world1 and taught that their interference in the affairs of men was a thing not to be thought of since nothing could be worse for men than to feel that at every turn they might be hampered in their doings by the gods4 ,that ,epicurus strenuously combated the fatalistic theory of the ,stoics can be readily understood4 ,what he desired above all things to do was to free men from the fear of the gods2 belief in them1 he taught1 was necessary for the fulness of happiness ultimately to be enjoyed in their presence2 but there was nothing in them to be afraid of4 ,one of the very important things which philosophy did for religion in this age was that it allegorized1 and gave a new meaning to1 the ancient myths1#ae and thereby made them of practical religious value at a time when the new mental outlook would otherwise have necessitated the discarding altogether of both the substance and form of the traditional beliefs4 ,as it was1 the time-honoured myths were not rejected in spite of the awakening to new methods of thought and of ever-increasing enlightenment2 this clearer mental atmosphere had the effect of transforming the essence of those myths1 while retaining their form4 ,to give detailed examples of the way in which this transformation was carried out cannot be undertaken here1 it would carry us too far afield2 but reference may be made to ,wendland's work 7pp4 #aae-abg7 already referred to1 and ,usener's ,gtternamen1 where much interesting information can be obtained2 references to the original authorities are given in abundance1 especially in the last-named book4 ,but the most striking factor1 in the domain of religion1 of the ,hellenistic ,movement is the religious syncretism1 which was so profoundly characteristic of this period4 ,within the wide circle of ,hellenized cities and states a variety of nationalities1 eastern as well as western1 were represented2 and just as the inhabitants of these had become united and had learned to live at peace with one another1 so did the various and numerous national deities come to be regarded not only with tolerance1 but also with favour by men to whom they had hitherto been unknown4 ,the intermingling of races brought about the intermingling of beliefs4 ,wonderfully illustrative of this are the religious associations which formed the characteristic type of religion during the ,hellenistic period2 and it is a striking fact that among the members of these religious associations or guilds not only ,greeks1 but foreigners1 and these to a preponderating degree1 belonged4#af ,while1 undoubtedly1 politics had a good deal to do with the furtherance of religious syncretism1#ag its main motive-power was the piety of individuals4 ,with the knowledge of the existence of hitherto unknown gods and goddesses came also the desire to do homage to them2 probably there was also the conviction among many that1 unless these newly found deities were duly honoured1 evil consequences would ensue4 ,the desire to pay fitting honour to a god is shown by the numerous attributive names which were frequently addressed to him by his devotees2 and in order to make up for any unconscious omission the suppliant would add3 8,or by whatever other title thou desirest to be called40 ,altars were also frequently dedicated 8to unknown gods10 lest a worshipper should bring down upon himself the wrath of some deities of whose existence he was unaware4#ah ,the results of this religious syncretism1 which was brought about by the ,hellenistic spirit1 were far-reaching in their effect2 thus1 as an example1 it is worth mentioning that a type of monotheism was taught2 this centred in the cult of ,tyche1 an all-pervading ,fate2 and though very inferior to the monotheism of the ,jews1 it showed1 nevertheless1 that the religious instinct was becoming more expansive and was asserting itself in a more rational way than had hitherto obtained outside of ,judaism4 ,nor must we forget to add that with the higher conception of the ,deity1 of which this was a symptom1 there arose among the more deeply religiously-minded a longing for fellowship with ,god1 together with the inevitable consequence1 a more developed belief in the future life4 ,the ,hellenistic ,movement1 therefore1 considered at its best1 and apart altogether from the point of view of pure culture1 constituted an immense stride forward in the enlargening and development of religious thought and belief4 ,it is difficult to exaggerate its importance for1 and effect upon1 religion1 and therefore upon all religious literature1 during the period which we specially have in view4 ,of this we shall have more to say in estimating the influence and effect of ,hellenism upon the ,jews and their religion4 ,,summary ,the roots of the ,hellenistic ,movement must be sought in the conditions brought about by the rise of the ,attic sea-power4 ,the way was thus prepared for the victories of ,alexander the ,great1 with whose name the spread of the ,hellenistic ,movement is more particularly associated1 by his father1 ,philip2 it was through the exertions of the latter that the ,macedonian ,empire was consolidated4 ,the influence of ,hellenism was1 in the first instance1 exercised by means of the spread of the ,greek language2 but it was a form of ,greek which differed in many particulars from classical ,greek1 and is known nowadays by the name of ,hellenistic ,greek4 ,this is the language in which the ,septuagint and the ,new ,testament are written2 but it would be a mistake to speak of it as 8,biblical ,greek10 because it was in no sense used specifically for the ,greek of the ,bible1 but was the ordinary language used in every-day intercourse1 and was developed from the older form of ,greek4 ,its wide prevalence is proved by the discovery of great numbers of papyri and ostraka on which this newer form of ,greek occurs4 ,the ,hellenistic ,movement coincided with an epoch which was1 in many respects1 one of dissolution1 so that its influence began to spread at a time when men's minds would be likely to welcome its newer and broader outlook upon the world4 ,the greatest centre of ,hellenistic culture was ,alexandria2 but this was only one1 though the most striking1 example of the ,hellenization that was going on in many other cities4 ,the ,hellenization of these cities meant that their civic government was framed upon the ,greek model2 8barbarians0 and ,greeks thus found themselves politically upon an equality1 and the knowledge of one another brought about in this way resulted in the existence of a cosmopolitanism which was new to the world4 ,on the other hand1 the directly personal part which each individual felt that he had to take as a citizen in the administration of affairs1 emphasized his importance1 and this was one of the contributing causes which made individualism a characteristic of the ,hellenistic period4 ,individualism was fostered1 further1 by the philosophical systems of this period which centred in ethics2 for ethical teaching concerns the individual first and foremost4 ,the influence of ,hellenism was seen in politics1 science1 philosophy and literature4 ,the critical faculty of the ,greeks made them realists4 ,in their estimate of men and things the ,greeks were guided by an innate and strongly marked sense of proportion4 ,in the domain of religion it is to be noted1 first1 that ,hellenistic philosophy soon developed into theology2 the ,hellenistic period was1 therefore1 not one of irreligion4 ,but the critical attitude of the philosophers towards the traditional religion made it impossible1 at any rate for the cultured classes1 to believe in it as heretofore4 ,it was1 however1 all to the good that the essence of the ancient myths was transformed while their form was retained4 ,another and most important fact to be noted is the religious syncretism which was a characteristic of this period2 the intermingling of races brought about the intermingling of worship4 ,the ,hellenistic ,movement was the means of a great development of religious thought2 and the resultant effect on the religious literature of the age is difficult to exaggerate4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,hellenistic ,influence upon the ,jews of ,palestine ,,literature4--,stade1 ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel1 ,,ii1 pp4 #bgc-caj 7#ahhh72 this part of the work is done by ,o4 ,holtzmann2 ,toy1 ,christianity and ,judaism1 pp4 #agc-bad 7#ahia72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 i4 pp4 #a-adi1 ,german ed4 ,,ii1 pp4 #a-bfg2 ,swete1 ,introduction to the ,old ,testament in ,greek1 pp4 #a-i 7#aijj72 ,bousset1 ,die ,religion des ,judentums im neutestamentlichen ,zeitalter1 pp4 #ddh-dic 7#aijc72 ,hlscher1 ,palstina in der persischen und hellenistischen ,zeit 7#aijc72 ,zeller1 ,die ,philosophie der ,griechen1 ,,iii1 ii4 7#aijc72 ,edwyn ,bevan1 ,jerusalem under the ,high-priests 7#aijd72 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,die religisen ,bewegungen innerhalb des ,judentums im ,zeitalter ,jesu1 pp4 #a-afh 7#aije72 ,krger1 ,philo und ,josephus als ,apologeten des ,judenthums 7#aijf72 ,krger1 ,hellenismus und ,judenthum im neutestamentlichen ,zeitalter 7#aijh72 ,wendland1 ,die ,hellenistisch-,rmische ,kultur 444 pp4 #ahg-baa4 ,see also the articles 8,hellenism0 in the ,encyclopdia ,biblica1 and 8,griechenthum0 in ,hamburger's ,realencycl4 fr ,bibel und ,talmud4 ,i4 ,,hellenism ,,and ,,judaism ,the influence which ,greek thought and culture exercised upon the ,jews and the ,jewish religion differed both in its extent and intensity upon the ,jews of ,palestine on the one hand1 and upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion on the other4 ,it will1 therefore1 be necessary to deal separately with these two parts of the subject1 although a great deal of what we shall have to say about ,hellenistic influence upon the ,jews of ,palestine will naturally apply also to the ,jews of the ,dispersion4 ,during the two centuries which preceded the appearance of ,alexander upon the world's stage1 the ,jews as a nation had become more and more the people of the ,law4 ,from the time of ,ezra onwards this tendency had increased with ever-growing volume4 8,ezra had set his heart to seek the ,law of the ,lord1 and to do it1 and to teach in ,israel statutes and judgements0#ai2 his efforts were crowned with a great measure of success4 ,by this means it was sought to preserve the ,jewish religion and ,jewish ethics uncontaminated by external influences1 whether through contact with foreign peoples1#bj or with those who although they belonged to the ,jewish race were not faithful to the ordinances of the ,law4#ba ,this separation was successful at first2 but with the rise and rapid spread of ,hellenism it became increasingly difficult to maintain1 especially as the influence of the ,greek spirit was1 with the exception of ,egypt1 nowhere stronger than on the eastern shores of the ,mediterranean4 8,girt about by a ,greek population1 the ,palestinian ,jews1 in spite of ,ezra's admirable organization1 could not entirely resist the assaults of ,hellenism4 ,it is probable that not merely the ,greek language1 but also ,greek philosophy1 exerted a charm on some of the clearest ,jewish intellects4 ,but we are within the bounds of acknowledged fact in asserting that the ardour of ,judan piety1 at least in the highest class1 greatly cooled in the age subsequent to ,ezra's1 and in ascribing this to ,greek influences40#bb ,of far-reaching importance to the ,jews of ,palestine1 though only indirectly1 was the battle of ,ipsus 7,b4,c4 #cja72 for one of the results of this battle was that among the territories assigned to the house of ,ptolemy1 according to the settlement agreed upon after the battle1 was ,palestine 7,cle-,syria72 and there followed1 for this country at any rate1 a period of comparative peace which lasted for about a hundred years4#bc ,it was1 in the main1 during this century that the quiet and peaceful process of ,hellenization among the ,jews went on4 ,the wise policy1 as it was upon the whole1 of the ,ptolemys towards the ,jews did much to favour this process4 ,the ,jews were placed upon the same footing as the ,egyptian subjects2 they were permitted absolute freedom in the exercise of their religion and religious customs2 in political matters also the ,jews found themselves in a position of perfect equality with their fellow-subjects2 indeed1 so much were they trusted that they not infrequently formed garrisons in the royal fortresses2 of the existence1 too1 of ,jewish soldiers in the ,ptolemaic armies we have contemporary evidence4#bd ,favourable treatment was also accorded to the ,jews by ,seleucus in the northern parts of ,syria2 they were1 for example1 here too granted the privilege of the rights of citizenship4 ,this kindly treatment which the ,jews received would naturally have had the effect of inclining them favourably towards their rulers2 and this was in itself a not unimportant factor in the new conditions by means of which ,greek culture was exercising its influence upon them4 ,again1 it was the policy of the ,egyptian kings to foster free intercourse between their ,hellenic and ,asiatic subjects2 the chief means whereby this was promoted was by planting ,greek settlements in ,palestine--following herein the example of ,alexander#be--which resulted in the rise of a number of new ,greek cities in that country2 the ,greeks and ,macedonians who consequently became settlers there constituted before long a numerous and influential element in the population#bf2 in many cases they changed a city which had hitherto been wholly ,semitic into one which became predominantly ,greek2 examples of this are ,raphia1 ,gaza1 ,ascalon1 ,azotus1 ,csarea1 ,ptolemais1 and others4 ,nor was this confined to ,western ,palestine2 many cities in ,eastern ,palestine as well became centres of ,greek influence4 ,invariably in cases of this kind the local government of the city was framed on the ,greek model2 this meant the independent organization of large municipal communities which1 as ,schrer points out1 was of 8fundamental importance in the political life of ,palestine2 this was10 he continues1 8indeed1 no novelty in ,palestine1 where from of old the large towns of the ,philistine and ,phnician coasts had formed centres of political life4 ,the influence of ,hellenism marks1 however1 a turning-point in this respect also4 ,for1 on the one hand1 it essentially transformed the existing communities1 while1 on the other1 it founded numerous new ones and made the municipal communities in general the basis of the political organization of the country in a far more thorough manner than before4 ,wherever ,hellenism penetrated--especially on the ,philistine coasts and the eastern boundaries of ,palestine beyond the ,jordan--the country districts were grouped around single large towns as their political centres4 ,each of such communities formed a comparatively independent whole1 managing its own internal affairs2 its dependence upon the rulers of ,syria consisted only in the recognition of their military supremacy1 the payment of taxes1 and certain other performances4 ,at the head of such a ,hellenistically organized community was a democratic senate of several hundred members40#bg ,it cannot be doubted that the organization on ,greek models of the local government of ,jewish cities must have brought a new mental outlook to the ,jews4 ,the political assemblies and annual elections in which each individual took his part must have tended to give to the ,jew a sense of his personal importance such as he is not likely ever to have experienced before4 ,in the past history of the ,jewish ,state a rgime had obtained in which the ordinary individual was regarded as of little or no account2 the vast bulk of the people took no part1 not even the most humble1 either directly or indirectly1 in the conduct of affairs2 they had no voice even in the smaller world of local matters2 they were mere ciphers without anything in the shape of civic responsibility4 ,individual responsibility had1 it is true1 been insisted upon in the domain of religion by ,ezekiel#bh2 but it was a new rle that the ,jew was now called upon to fill in this individual capacity4 ,as a member of a community organized according to ,greek ideas he would feel that he had a real part to play and some contribution to offer for the general welfare2 he would know that his decision would go towards affecting for good or ill the conditions under which he and his fellows lived4 ,such a new experience could not fail to generate in the ,jew a new sense of personal responsibility1 a realization of duty towards others1 not only of his own race1 and thus develop a wider outlook and a deeper insight into the world of his surroundings4 ,another thing which must have appealed strongly to the imagination of an oriental people like the ,jews1 though it would have affected them in a very different way1 was the interest and fascination afforded by the shows and processions associated with the annual ,greek festivals4 ,that such sights had an alluring effect1 and indeed something more1 upon some considerable section of the people is evident1 for the first book of ,maccabees shows us that the question of the adoption of ,greek polytheism was first raised in ,juda by apostate ,jews themselves2 the passage1 to which we shall have to refer again later1 is #a ,maccabees i4 #aa f43 8,in those days i4e41 in the days of ,antiochus ,epiphanes came there forth out of ,israel transgressors of the ,law1 and persuaded many1 saying1 ,let us go and make a covenant with the ,gentiles that are round about us2 for since we parted from them many evils have befallen us4 ,and the saying was good in their eyes4 ,and certain of the people were forward herein1 and went to the king1 and he gave them licence to do after the ordinances of the ,gentiles4 ,and they built a place of exercise 7#8gymnasium'7 in ,jerusalem according to the laws of the ,gentiles2 and they made themselves uncircumcized1 and forsook the holy covenant1 and joined themselves to the ,gentiles1 and sold themselves to do evil40 ,it is rightly pointed out that in this the promoters 8had no doubt an eye to tactics in the way they chose to inaugurate their campaign4 ,a gymnasium would appeal especially to youth2 and if the ,jewish youth could be won over to pagan practices1 then the future was theirs40#bi ,the gymnasium was1 in truth1 one of the most potent means whereby the ,greek spirit was fostered1 especially among those entering upon manhood4 ,mr4 ,edwyn ,bevan writes so interestingly on this subject and so much to the point1 that we cannot refrain from quoting his words4 ,he says3 8,the gymnasiums were as much of the essence of a ,greek state as the political assemblies2 they expressed fundamental tendencies of the ,greek mind--its craving for harmonious beauty of form1 its delight in the body1 its unabashed frankness with regard to everything natural4444 ,the gymnasiums also served other by-ends besides the one of bodily training2 they were the social centres in which the life of a ,greek youth got those interests which go with companionship1 the spur of common ambitions1 and esprit de corps4 ,from the days of ,alexander and his successors we find as a regular institution in ,greek cities guilds of young men1 called epheboi1 attached to the gymnasiums and organized under state control4 ,a young man might remain in the ranks of the epheboi for a year4 ,he wore a distinctive uniform1 some variety of that ,greek country dress--the dress worn for hunting1 riding1 travelling--which consisted of a broad-brimmed hat1 chlamys brooched about the shoulders1 and high-laced boots4444 ,in state processions the body of epheboi1 wearing sometimes even crowns of gold1 formed a brilliant cluster in the spectacle40#cj ,in a large variety of ways1 therefore1 in every-day life ,hellenism affected and influenced the ,jews of ,palestine4 ,this influence was furthered by the powerful high-priestly party1 8the sons of ,zadok0--not that all the members of this party were necessarily priests--who were the political leaders of the people and at the same time in favour of ,greek culture4 ,the active and aggressive championship of ,hellenism by this party began with the advent of ,antiochus ,epiphanes to the ,syrian throne in ,b4,c4 #age4 ,the high-priest at this time was ,onias ,,iii2 but he was not a supporter of ,hellenistic influence among his people2 he was1 therefore1 driven away by his brother ,jesus1 a thorough-going ,hellenist1 who changed his ,jewish name for the ,greek ,jason4#ca ,the second book of ,maccabees gives us an account of what happened1 which may be accepted as substantially correct2 in iv4 #g-ag1 it is said3 8,but when ,seleucus died1 and ,antiochus1 who was called ,epiphanes1 succeeded to the kingdom1 ,jason1 the brother of ,onias1 supplanted his brother in the high-priesthood1 promising in a petition to the king three hundred and threescore talents of silver1 besides eighty talents from another fund2 in addition to which he undertook to pay a hundred and fifty more1 if he was commissioned to set up a gymnasium and ephebeum1 and to register the ,jerusalemites as citizens of ,antioch4#cb ,and when the king had given his assent1 ,jason at once exercised his influence in order to bring over his fellow-countrymen to ,greek ways of life 444 and seeking to overthrow the lawful modes of life1 he introduced new customs forbidden by the ,law2 he deliberately established a gymnasium under the citadel itself1 and made the noblest of the young men wear the petasus4#cc ,and to such a height did the passion for ,greek fashions rise1 and the influx of foreign customs1 thanks to the surpassing impiety of that godless ,jason--no high-priest he6--that the priests were no longer interested in the services of the altar1 but despising the sanctuary1 and neglecting the sacrifices1 they hurried to take part in the unlawful displays held in the palstra after the quoit-throwing had been announced1 thus setting at nought what their fathers honoured1 and esteeming the glories of the ,greeks above all else40#cd ,we have quoted this passage in full as it well illustrates the way in which the high-priestly party1 headed by ,jason1 furthered the ,hellenistic ,movement in ,palestine4 ,mixed motives probably prompted ,jason and his followers in their action2 it was certainly to the party's advantage1 not to say necessity1 to be on good terms with the ruling powers2 on the other hand1 it is likely enough that they were convinced of the superiority of ,greek culture1 and honestly thought that it was for the good of their people that it should be cultivated2 but their unnecessarily aggressive methods1 coupled with the brutal action of ,antiochus in trying to stamp out ,judaism altogether1 brought an inevitable reaction2 and there followed1 as a result1 the ,maccaban revolt which had the effect of obliterating ,hellenism1 as far as this was possible1 in ,palestine4#ce ,it had1 however1 become too deeply ingrained to be altogether eradicated2 this will be seen as we proceed4 ,but it may be pointed out here that one of the signs of how deep and widespread ,hellenistic influence must have been among the ,jews of ,palestine is to be seen in the large number of hebraized ,greek words which1 as the ,hebrew of the ,mishna shows1 had become incorporated into the language of the ,jews4 ,schrer has gathered a great many examples of this1 for the examination of which recourse must be had to his work#cf2 here it must suffice merely to indicate the different departments of life in reference to which these foreign ,greek words became current2 they include civil government1 the army1 jurisprudence1 public institutions such as heathen games1 the theatre1 the baths1 and public inns1 architecture in general1 plastic art1 music1 writing1 trade and industry1 the coinage system1 provisions1 clothes1 furniture and domestic utensils2 in addition to this we find that the formation of many proper names is ,greek1 and that multitudes1 of ,greek words were adapted which express ideas on many various subjects4 ,schrer gives the following summary of the way in which ,hellenistic culture affected the every-day life of the ,jews of ,palestine3 8,it fashioned in a peculiar manner the organization of the state1 legislation1 the administration of justice1 public arrangements1 art and science1 trade and industry1 and the customs of daily life down to fashions and ornaments1 and thus impressed upon every department of life1 wherever its influence reached1 the stamp of the ,greek mind40#cg ,from what has been said it is evident that ,hellenistic influence upon the ,jews of ,palestine was very marked1 for although it is difficult1 perhaps impossible1 to trace step by step the progress of this influence from its inception1 we are able to see plainly enough how profoundly it must have affected the ,jews4 ,the question1 however1 arises as to whether the religious beliefs of the ,jews were influenced by ,hellenism4 ,that a large number of ,jews prior to the ,maccaban struggle gave up their traditional belief in their pursuit after everything that was ,greek is clear from the evidence of the books of the ,maccabees2 but the point is rather as to whether ,judaism as a faith was in any way permanently affected by the ,hellenistic spirit4 ,restricting ourselves at present to ,palestinian ,judaism we may say without hesitation that its fundamental tenets remained untouched2 but as regards various beliefs which1 in process of time1 became part and parcel of ,judaism1 it was different2 it cannot be denied that these1 of which mention will be made presently1 do witness to the action of extraneous influences1 permanent in their effect1 of which ,hellenism was one4 8,in no period10 says ,wellhausen1 8was ,judaism so fruitful as in this4 ,it was1 like ,islam1 of complex appearance1 full of antinomies1 receptive like all that is living1 unsystematic1 only to be understood in its historical setting4 ,it was only practical religion which was ruled by a pedantic spirit and by strict discipline2 in the domain of belief and religious conception a curious freedom was permitted1 although certain fundamental doctrines were rigorously shielded40#ch ,the difficulty of estimating to what extent ,jewish religious thought and practice were affected by outside influences is very considerable2 not less difficult is it to determine what outside influence had affected a given belief or custom4 ,we are dealing specifically with ,hellenistic influences1 but these could be1 and were1 exercised both directly and indirectly4 ,it must be remembered that the conditions under which the ,jews lived during the period with which we are dealing1 viz41 in the midst of surrounding nations which had all1 more or less1 come under ,hellenistic influences1 and among whom the development of culture and religion had been1 and was1 proceeding apace--it must be remembered that these conditions were one of the consequences of the ,hellenistic ,movement4#ci ,further1 the question must always be borne in mind as to whether some eastern trait which was absorbed by ,judaism had not first been assimilated by ,hellenism with its strongly syncretistic tendency1 and then taken up by ,judaism through this ,greek channel4 ,even in the cases in which eastern elements were directly taken up into ,judaism1 must we not see in such ,jewish syncretism at any rate the indirect result of ,hellenistic influence8 ,this readiness to accept what other religions had to offer was of the essence of the ,hellenistic spirit4 ,as illustrating this latter point we may mention the subjects of ,jewish angelology and demonology2 it may be regarded as certain that the later ,jewish idea of angels1 the names of which the ,jews themselves describe as originating in ,babylonia1 the opposition between good and bad angels1 the latter being subject to a personal head1 the dualism between the realms of light and darkness1 in a word1 the whole belief in the existence of good and evil spirits1 was due to the influence of ,parseeism4 ,in the domain of eschatology extraneous influences were very marked1 though it is not easy always to decide the quarter from which these came4 ,as ,bertholet says3 8,jewish eschatology has become the very meeting-place of foreign elements4 ,it is especially the merit of ,prof4 ,bousset1 who in general has dealt most successfully with our problem1 to have shown clearly that the expectation of a transcendent on which1 inaugurated by a universal judgement of the world1 replaces the on of this present world1 differs so widely from the expectation of a ,messianic future which essentially concerns ,israel alone and1 on the whole1 will only be enacted on the stage of this present earth1 that they cannot have sprung from the same root4 ,and here1 considering the ideas about periods of the world1 resurrection1 general judgement1 universal conflagration1 a new world1 and everlasting life1 we have first to take into account influences from ,parseeism1 mixed with ,babylonian elements1 only incidentally ,greek ideas44440#dj ,bousset1 however1 believes that in the domain of ,jewish eschatology ,greek influence predominated over that of the east1 though he fully recognizes the influence of the latter4#da ,regarding the ,jewish belief of the immortality of the soul1 there can be no doubt that for this the ,jews were indebted mainly to ,hellenism1 though the development of this into the doctrine of the resurrection of the body is ,jewish4 ,that the new material thus absorbed became integral and permanent elements of ,judaism is to be seen by their presence in ,rabbinical literature4 ,but the influence of ,hellenistic or other extra-,judaic thought on the religion of the ,jews cannot be restricted to those points of doctrine on which1 as in the case of the ones just enumerated1 that influence was direct4 ,all religious doctrines are so inter-related that the development or modification of one can scarcely fail to affect others in one way or another2 and this is1 above all1 true regarding the doctrine of ,god4 ,we shall see later that among the ,jews of the ,dispersion the doctrine of ,god was directly affected by ,greek philosophical thought2 in the case of the orthodox ,judaism of ,palestine this was not so2 but there is reason for believing that indirectly the doctrine of ,god was1 even in ,palestinian ,judaism1 affected by both ,greek and oriental thought4 ,the developed angelology which became a characteristic of orthodox ,judaism had its share in moulding that conception of divine transcendence which was one aspect of the ,jewish doctrine of ,god2 the teaching concerning those semi-divine1 superhuman beings who act as ,god's intermediaries1 and are ,his agents in carrying out the divine will on earth1#db is one which is not unconnected with the developed angelology of later ,judaism2 one has only to think of the place and activity assigned to ,michael to realize that this is so4 ,what has been said is also true of the doctrine of the resurrection for which ,judaism was indebted to ,hellenism2 here it will suffice to put the question3 ,how could the doctrine of ,god not be affected by belief in immortality8 ,the question will be sufficiently answered by comparing the ,old ,testament doctrine of ,sheol with the doctrine of the resurrection4 ,further signs of ,greek influence are to be discerned in some of the books of the ,old ,testament and of the ,apocrypha2 and the ,apocalyptic ,movement must be specially considered4 ,but special chapters will be devoted to these4 ,in conclusion1 it is necessary to make a brief reference to the type of ,hellenism which grew up in ,syria1 for this1 too1 is a matter of some importance4 ,attention has already been drawn to the syncretism which was a characteristic of the ,hellenistic period2 one of the results of this was the absorption of many oriental elements by ,hellenism whereby it was affected for the worse2 and the ,hellenism of the east became a very different thing from the ,hellenism of ,greece4 ,it was especially in ,syria that in course of time a degenerate form of ,hellenism prevailed2 we have reason to believe1 says ,bevan1 8that it was just in ,syria that ,hellenism took a baser form4 ,the ascetic element which saved its liberty from rankness tended here more than anywhere else to be forgotten4 ,the games1 the shows1 the abandonment of a life which ran riot in a gratification of the senses1 grosser or more refined1 these made up too much of the ,hellenism which changed the face of ,syria in the last centuries before ,christ4 #8,the people of these cities1' a historian wrote1 about a hundred years before ,christ1 #8are relieved by the fertility of their soil from a laborious struggle for existence4 ,life is a continuous series of social festivities4 ,their gymnasiums they use as baths1 where they anoint themselves with costly oils and myrrhs4 ,in the grammateia 7such is the name they give the public eating-halls7 they practically live1 filling themselves there for the better part of the day with rich foods and wine2 much that they cannot eat they take away home4 ,they feast to the prevailing music of strings4 ,the cities are filled from end to end with the noise of harp-playing4' ,very likely that picture is over-coloured4444 ,the man who wrote it1 ,posidonius1 a man of huge literary industry1 and a philosopher of the nobler school1 was himself a ,syrian ,greek2 but it cannot be altogether untrue40#dc ,considerably earlier than this1 extraneous influences were already affecting the ,jews1 for ,hecatus of ,abdera 7,b4,c4 #cjf-bhc7 bears witness of how many ,jews were influenced by foreign ways4 ,he says3 8,under the dominations which were established in later times he has been writing about ,mosaic times1 namely that of the ,persians1 and that of the ,macedonians who overthrew the ,persian rule1 the ,jews greatly modified their traditional ordinances through their contact with strangers40#dd ,oriental and ,hellenistic influences were thus both at work in influencing the ,jews of ,palestine in many directions2 the fusion of these two influences took place1 and the result was that a debased form of ,hellenism was produced4 ,on the one hand1 then1 ,hellenism1 with the many good qualities which were inherent in it1 brought a beneficial influence to bear upon the ,jews of ,palestine2 but1 on the other hand1 its effect1 for the reason given1 was evil2 so that when the great reaction against ,hellenism took place1 it was fostered by ethical as well as religious considerations4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,essenes ,,literature4--,lucius1 ,der ,essenismus in seinem ,verhltniss zum ,judenthum 7#ahha72 ,lightfoot1 ,colossians1 pp4 #cdi-dai 7#ahhd72 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,zur ,enstehungsgeschichte des ,christenthums1 pp4 #ih-adb 7#ahid72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 ii4 pp4 #ahh-bah1 ,german ed4 ,,ii1 pp4 #fea-fhj2 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,die religisen ,bewegungen 4441 pp4 #aad-afh 7#aije72 the articles 8,essenes0 in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible and in the ,jewish ,encycl41 by ,f4 ,c4 ,conybeare and ,kohler respectively4 ,the name ,essene is in all probability derived from the ,aramaic word which is the equivalent of the ,hebrew ,chassid 78,pious074#de ,the question as to whether any signs of ,hellenistic influence are to be discerned in ,essenism is one upon which much difference of opinion exists among scholars4 ,a massive literature upon the subject exists4 ,to go into much detail here would be out of the question2 we can only refer to a few points which make it difficult to believe that ,essenism was uninfluenced by ,hellenism4#df ,there are1 undoubtedly1 a number of facts regarding ,essene belief and practice which show how un-,jewish they were in some respects1 though1 as ,josephus says1 they were ,jews by race4#dg ,philo1 who is our earliest authority regarding the ,essenes1 says3 8,in the first place1 these men live in villages1 avoiding the towns on account of the sinfulness that reigns in them2 for they know that just as disease arises through unwholesome air1 so1 too1 incurable infection to the soul through intercourse40#dh ,this withdrawing from the world is elsewhere extolled by ,philo when he speaks of it as characteristic of those ,greeks and barbarians who have dedicated their lives to the search for wisdom1 and 8who have turned their backs upon the crowded market-place and public life in order that they may be able to devote themselves to meditation in their solitude40#di ,it is unnecessary to insist upon the fact that withdrawing from the world and seeking solitude was entirely un-,jewish2 the ,jews were essentially social in their habits of life1 their whole legislation assumes this1 and their history shows it throughout4 ,it is1 therefore1 not from the ,jews that the ,essenes acquired this characteristic4 ,there are1 on the other hand1 ample grounds for believing that among the ,greeks and ,orientals examples of this were to be found2 it is from one or other of these1 probably from a ,greek pattern borrowed from the east1 that the ,essenes adopted this4 ,again1 the ,essenes exhibited another very un-,jewish trait in the position they took up on the question of marriage2 the evidence of ,josephus regarding this is as follows3 8,they neglect wedlock1 but choose out other persons' children while they are pliable and fit for learning1 and esteem them to be their kindred1 and form them according to their manner of life40#ej ,this was quite against ,jewish teaching and practice1 though in agreement with ,jewish ,hellenism1 which looked upon asceticism as the most efficacious1 and indeed indispensable1 means of attaining to the vision of ,god4#ea ,the asceticism of the ,essenes1 both in this and other respects1 was an inevitable result of their dualism4 ,according to their teaching1 ,god and the world1 which is wholly evil1 stand opposed in irreconcilable antagonism2 this accounts for their elaborate angelology1 for as ,god cannot have any immediate intercourse with the evil world1 angels act as ,his intermediaries4 ,this part of ,essene belief is largely due to ,persian influence4 ,further1 ,josephus tells us that 8the sect of ,essenes affirms that fate governs all things1 and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination40#eb ,on this point the ,essenes and the ,sadducees were at opposite extremes1 while the ,pharisees occupied a middle position between the two4 ,of great importance was the teaching of the ,essenes on the resurrection4 8,the opinion is strongly held among them10 says ,josephus1 8that bodies are corruptible1 and that the matter they are made of is not permanent2 but that the souls are immortal1 and continue for ever1 and that they come out of the most subtle air1 and are united to their bodies as to prisons1 into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement2 but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh1 they then1 as released from a long bondage1 rejoice and mount upward4 ,and their opinion is like that of the ,greeks1 that good souls have their habitation beyond the ocean1 in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow1 nor with intense heat1 but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind that is perpetually blowing from the ocean2 while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den1 full of never-ceasing punishments40#ec ,this belief1 which ,josephus himself regards as due to ,greek influence1 is directly opposed to the doctrine of the resurrection of the body which was a tenet of orthodox ,judaism4 ,un-,jewish1 further1 was the fact that the ,essenes would never enter the ,temple for fear of becoming contaminated with the crowds there2 so that they did not offer sacrifices2 though1 on the other hand1 they sent offerings to the ,temple4 ,one last point wherein ,essenism was un-,jewish in character was that in some respects it was a mystery-religion2 each community had a central house around which the brethren of the ,order dwelt2 in this house they met for their religious observances2 one of these was a common meal2 at this meal special holy garments were worn1 which were put off again when the wearers returned to work2 a priest offered up prayer before and after the meal4 ,whenever a new candidate sought admission into the ,order he had first to pass a three years' noviciate2 then1 on being admitted1 he underwent a form of baptism1 and had to take solemn oaths to obey the rules of the ,order and to keep its secrets2 he had also to swear to observe secrecy regarding the names of the angels in whom the members of the ,order believed4 ,as the ,essenes lived entirely for the life to come1 they were much occupied in attempting to penetrate the secrets of the future2 indeed1 they were accredited with the faculty of foretelling the future2 ,josephus says that they were seldom mistaken in their predictions1 and gives three interesting examples of the correctness of the prophecies4#ed ,in a number of respects1 therefore1 the ,essenes differed fundamentally in faith and practice from orthodox ,judaism2 but in their strict monotheism1 in their high respect for the ,law of ,moses1 especially in the matter of ,sabbath observance1 and in their frequent purifications1 they were thoroughly ,jewish4 ,while it seems1 then1 impossible not to recognize in the ,essene ,movement to some considerable extent the result of ,hellenistic influence1 it is evident that other extra-,jewish influences1 namely1 oriental1 also had a share in moulding it4 ,friedlnder speaks of ,essenism as 8a harmonious blending of the ,mosaic and ,hellenic spirit0#ee2 perhaps this does not take sufficient account of the oriental influences whereby ,essenism was undoubtedly affected2 at the same time it is certain that ,hellenism1 with its strongly syncretistic tendencies1 absorbed oriental elements prior to its more pronounced extension in ,palestine1 in which case eastern influence would only have been indirect1 while that of ,hellenism would have been the more immediate4 ,,summary ,the separation of the ,jews from the outside world which was brought about through the exertions of ,ezra and those who followed him1 and which had the effect of preserving the people from extraneous influences1 was only successful for a limited period of time4 ,for with the rise and rapid spread of the ,hellenistic ,movement came the breaking down of all the barriers which had been so laboriously set up2 and the ,jews1 like the rest of the world of those days1 came under the sway of this irresistible power1 so strongly exercised on the eastern shores of the ,mediterranean4 ,hellenistic influence upon the ,jews was exercised in an intensive manner during the century of comparative peace for their country1 which was one of the results of the battle of ,ipsus 7,b4,c4 #cja74 ,the considerate treatment accorded to the ,jews by their rulers during this period was calculated to help forward the process of ,hellenization4 ,the policy of the ,egyptian kings of settling ,greeks and ,macedonians in ,palestine resulted in the rise of many ,greek cities there4 ,both in ,western and ,eastern ,palestine civic life was framed upon the ,greek model2 a marked individualism among the ,jews was one of the results of this4 ,hellenistic influence was exercised1 further1 by means of the annual celebrations of the ,greek festivals2 the gymnasium and all that this involved became a still greater means for the spreading abroad of this influence4 ,the fact that the powerful high-priestly party favoured the ,hellenistic ,movement did much to forward it4 ,thus1 by the time that ,antiochus ,epiphanes came to the ,syrian throne in ,b4,c4 #age much of what was essentially ,hellenistic had become ineradicably rooted in ,jewish modes of life and thought1 so much so that when the great reaction against ,hellenism arose in the shape of the ,maccaban revolt1 it was in many directions powerless to effect a return to the ,ezra ideal4 ,one effect of the deep and widespread influence of the ,hellenistic ,movement is to be seen in the large number of ,greek words which1 as the ,hebrew of the ,mishna shows1 have been incorporated into the ,hebrew language4 ,as to ,greek influence upon the religious belief of the ,jews of ,palestine1 it did not directly affect its fundamental tenets2 but in one way or another1 in conjunction with other eastern influences1 it did affect ,judaism as a faith in some respects4 ,angelology and demonology1 which ,judaism absorbed from the east1 were elements the incorporation of which may so far be regarded as due indirectly to the ,hellenistic ,movement in that the ,greek spirit inculcated1 and set the example of syncretism1 an example followed by the ,jews no less than by other peoples under the sway of ,hellenism4 ,in the domain of eschatology both ,greek and ,eastern influences affected the ,jews2 which of the two was the more powerful is not easily decided4 ,as regards the belief in the future life of the ,jews the signs of ,greek influence are plainly discernible4 ,this influence cannot be restricted1 however1 to the points mentioned because the inter-relation of doctrinal tenets is such that the development or modification of one dogma affects others2 an example of this is the way in which the later angelology and demonology of the ,jews affected their doctrine of ,god4 ,the chapters on 8,traces of ,greek ,influences in the ,old ,testament and the ,apocrypha0 and 8,the ,apocalyptic ,movement0 should be read in conjunction with the subject of this chapter4 ,the ,essene ,movement was the outcome of mainly ,hellenistic1 but also of ,eastern1 influences4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,hellenistic ,influence upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion ,,literature4--,stade1 ,op4 cit41 vol4 ,,ii 7#ahhh72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 ii4 pp4 #bai-cbg1 ,german ed4 ,,iii1 pp4 #a-ahh2 ,bertholet1 ,die ,stellung dev ,israeliten und ,juden zu den ,fremden 7#ahij72 ,reinach1 ,textes d'auteurs ,grecs et ,romains relatifs au ,judaisme 7#ahie72 ,willrich1 ,juden und ,griechen vor der makkabischen ,erhebung 7#ahie72 ,swete1 ,introduction to the ,old ,testament in ,greek 7#aijj72 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,die religisen ,bewegungen 4441 pp4 #bce-bfd 7#aije72 by the same author1 ,geschichte der jdischen ,apologetik als ,vorgeschichte des ,christentums 7#aijc72 ,bousset1 ,die ,religion des ,judentums im neutestamentlichen ,zeitalter 7#aijc72 ,harnack1 ,the ,mission and ,expansion of ,christianity1 ,i1 pp4 #a-cf 7#aijh72 ,bertholet1 ,das religionsgeschichtliche ,problem des ,sptjudenthums 7#aiji72 ,oesterley and ,box1 ,the ,religion and ,worship of the ,synagogue1 pp4 #aad-abj 7#aiaa72 ,wendland1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #aib-baa2 and the following articles1 ,ramsay1 8,the ,jews in the ,grco-,asiatic ,cities10 in the ,expositor 7,january1 #aijb72 8,diaspora0 in the ,jewish ,encycl42 8,dispersion0 in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible 7extra volume7 and the ,encycl4 ,bibl4 ,i4 ,,the ,,dispersion ,a preliminary matter to be dealt with is the ,dispersion of the ,jews1 its origin and extent2 after which we can turn our attention to the special characteristics of the ,dispersion ,jews1 and the influence of ,hellenism upon them4 ,the first beginnings of the ,dispersion on a large scale are to be seen in the deportation to ,assyria of #bg1bij of the inhabitants of ,samaria by ,sargon in ,b4,c4 #gbb4 ,in #b ,kings xvii4 #bc it is said3 8,so ,israel was carried away out of their own land to ,assyria unto this day0 7cp4 #b ,kings xvii4 #f2 xviii4 #aa74 ,the general reference to this occurrence given in the ,old ,testament is supplemented by an inscription of ,sargon's in which it is said3 8,i besieged and captured ,samerina 7,samaria73 #bg1bij people dwelling in the midst of it ,i carried off4 ,fifty chariots ,i collected among them1 and allowed them to have the rest of their goods40#ef ,a further deportation on a larger scale took place when ,nebuchadnezzar carried captive to ,babylon the bulk of the nation of ,judah in ,b4,c4 #eig2 this was supplemented by further deportations in ,b4,c4 #ehf and #ehb 7see #b ,kings xxiv4 #ad-af2 xxv4 #aa1 #ba2 ,jer4 lii4 #ae1 #bh-cj74 ,some five or six thousand exiles returned to ,palestine in ,b4,c4 #dcj2 but about a century later1 in the reign of ,artaxerxes ,,iii 7,ochus71#eg there was another deportation1 a number of ,jews being transported to ,hyrcania1 on the ,caspian ,sea1 and ,babylonia4#eh ,the great majority of these exiles and their descendants were content to remain in their new homes1 and many settlements of ,jews arose in ,babylonia1 the centre of the ,eastern ,dispersion2 from these centres they emigrated in all directions1 and in course of time the chief centre of the ,dispersion came to be ,egypt1 and of these ,egyptian settlements ,alexandria became the most important4 ,the earliest mention which we have of ,jews settling in ,egypt is in one of the ,aramaic papyri found a few years ago in ,elephantin#ei2 these papyri consist of official documents--decrees of the ,persian government and public ordinances of the ,jewish colony settled there--as well as private papers1 such as business letters1 account books1 records of debt1 lists of names and personal correspondence2 some literary pieces were also found in the collection4 ,in one of these papyri--a petition addressed by the ,jewish soldiery stationed at ,elephantin to the governor of the ,jewish colony--it is stated that the forefathers of the petitioners had been settled there and had built a temple to their ,god ,jahu 7,jehovah7 8since the days of the kings of ,egypt40 ,the reference is1 in all probability1 to the ,jewish mercenaries in the army of ,psametik ,i 7,b4,c4 #ffc-fji7 of which mention is made in the ,letter of ,aristeas1 #ab1 #ac4 ,it was the successor of ,psametik ,i1 ,pharoah ,necho ,,ii1 who in ,b4,c4 #fji overran ,syria and1 having subdued ,judah1 exiled ,jehoahaz to ,egypt 7#b ,kings xxiii4 #bi1 #cd74 ,not long after1 in ,b4,c4 #ehf1 ,johanan1 the son of ,kareah1 led a number of ,jews1 among whom was the prophet ,jeremiah1 into ,egypt 7,jer4 xlii41 xliii472 and1 according to ,jeremiah xliv4 #a1 there were ,jewish settlements in ,migdol1 ,tahpanes1 ,noph 7i4e4 ,memphis71 as well as in the district of ,pathros in ,upper ,egypt 7,isa4 xi4 #aa74 ,these data show that in comparatively early times there were ,jewish settlements in ,egypt4 ,but of great interest and importance is the evidence of the ,elephantin papyri1 mentioned just now2 they witness to the presence of ,jews in ,egypt during the fifth century ,b4,c4#fj ,the ,jewish colony settled in ,syene was a military one2 the papyri tell us that the organization was much the same as in other parts of the ,persian ,empire2 there was a governor1#fa with whom were associated the priests1 who represented the colony in all dealings with the suzerain power2 he sends regular remittances to the central government1 and receives instructions in all things concerning the colony from the satrap of the province4 ,side by side with the civil organization is the military rgime2 the force is divided into companies called after the names of their officers2 the soldiers of the garrison each have a small possession of land2 their office is hereditary2 when not engaged in war they seem to have led a comfortable and pleasant life concerning which the papyri give a number of details4 ,though the colony was not a large one1 in all probability not amounting to more than a hundred souls1 the fact of its existence is not without importance for the study of the ,dispersion4#fb ,when the ,persian ,empire was conquered by ,alexander the ,great1 many ,jews emigrated from ,persia to the west1 and settled down in the centres of ,greek civilization2 nor did it take very long before there was scarcely any part of the civilized world of those days in which ,jewish settlements did not exist4 8,the greatly enlarged channels of commerce1 especially by sea-routes1 attracted many from the interior to the coasts4 ,the newly-founded ,grecian cities1 rendered attractive by all the achievements of ,greek art and civilization1 became favourite resorts4 ,henceforth1 trade relations1 the desire to see the world1 soon also political considerations and 7we may well suppose7 a certain conscious or unconscious craving for culture1 became operative in promoting the dispersion of the ,jews over the civilized world40#fc ,about the middle of the second century ,b4,c4 the ,sybilline ,oracles 7iii4 #bga7 bear witness to the wide dispersion of the ,jews in saying that 8every land and every sea is full of thee02 the language is hyperbolic1 but testifies1 nevertheless1 to the ubiquity of the ,jews at this time4 ,somewhat later ,strabo 7circa ,b4,c4 #fj-;,a4,d4 #bj7 gives the following evidence3 8,these ,jews are already gotten into all cities1 and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that has not admitted this tribe of men1 and is not possessed by it40#fd ,the most important centre from every point of view1 not only of the ,egyptian1 but of the whole ,dispersion1 was ,alexandria4 ,as we have seen1 the nucleus of a ,jewish population had existed in ,egypt for centuries before the time of ,alexander4 ,when ,alexandria was founded ,jewish settlers were at once attracted to it because equal privileges with all other citizens were accorded them2 reference is made to this in later times in an edict of ,tiberius in which it is said3 8,since ,i am assured that the ,jews of ,alexandria1 called ,alexandrians1 have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the ,alexandrians1 and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them1 as is evident from the public records that are in their possession1 and the edicts themselves2 and that after ,alexandria had been subjected to our empire by ,augustus1 their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at divers times been sent thither2 and that no dispute had been raised about those rights and privileges4444 ,i will1 therefore1 that the nation of the ,jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges 444 but that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them44440#fe ,in another place ,josephus tells us that the ,jews of ,alexandria had set apart for them 8a particular place1 that they might live without being polluted by the ,gentiles1 and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before02 this was done by the successors of ,alexander4#ff ,on the other hand1 ,philo says that the ,jews lived in all parts of the city in his day#fg2 the earlier exclusiveness of the ,jews would naturally be1 to some extent1 broken down in course of time when living in ,gentile surroundings1 especially in such a centre as ,alexandria1 where ,jews of wealth and social position lived who would desire to avail themselves of the high culture enjoyed by their ,gentile fellow-citizens4 ,although ,alexandria was by far the most important centre of the ,dispersion1 not only in ,egypt but in the whole civilized world of those days1 there were many other smaller settlements of ,jews in that country2 ,philo says that the one million ,jews who dwelt in ,egypt were to be found in every part of it from ,libya to the ,ethiopian frontier4#fh ,of the many other lands in which ,jews were settled we cannot speak here2 it must suffice to say that no country was without them4#fi ,,ii4 ,,hellenistic ,,influence ,,on ,,religion ,it has been pointed out above that among the ,greeks themselves the effect of the new spirit due to the ,hellenistic ,movement was very great upon the men and women of the cultured classes1 but that upon the masses it did not exercise much influence4 ,to a large extent this is also true of the ,jews of the ,dispersion2 for greatly as they were influenced by the ,greek spirit1 the point must be emphasized that this applies1 primarily and mainly1 to the cultured classes1 literati1 philosophers and the like4 ,no doubt1 indirectly1 other classes were to a greater or less extent also affected1 but so far as the fundamental doctrines of ,judaism were concerned1 the bulk of the ,jews of the ,dispersion were1 in the main1 true to the traditions of their fathers in spite of their ,greek surroundings1 and in spite of the fact that in other respects they were entirely under the sway of the ,greek spirit4 ,not only did they pay annually the half-shekel to the ,temple authorities in ,jerusalem for the maintenance of the sacrificial system1 but as a rule circumcision was insisted upon1 the sanctity of the ,sabbath was observed1 and the great festivals were regularly celebrated4 ,vast numbers made pilgrimages to ,jerusalem to keep the three principal feasts1 ,tabernacles1 ,passover and ,weeks4#gj ,even ,philo1 who in mind and character was far more of a ,greek philosopher than a ,jewish ,rabbi1 insists on the need of observing the distinctive marks of ,judaism4#ga ,it is necessary to point this out by way of preface1 otherwise from what we have to say further upon the subject the reader might be led to suppose that1 at all events1 the more cultured among the ,jews of the ,dispersion1 and especially those of ,alexandria1 lost touch with ,judaism altogether2 this1 no doubt1 happened in many cases1 but as compared with the many that remained ,jews in religion1 these were the exceptions4 ,nevertheless1 in the case of great numbers1 traditional ,judaism became transformed4 ,to begin with1 utterly unlike the intolerant attitude of the ,palestinian ,jews towards the ,gentiles1 the ,jews of the ,dispersion looked upon the larger world of their surroundings with interest and sympathy2 their religious interests were not so entirely absorbed in their own view of things that they could not see and appreciate the excellence of ,greek thought and philosophy2 their minds were open to receive and to be influenced by what was good and true1 wherever it was to be found4 ,the ,dispersion ,jew was a ,jew at heart1 though not according to the ,pharisaic standard1 and convinced of the pre-eminence of his own faith1 but he was none the less ready to render due justice to the opinions and convictions of his ,greek neighbours2 the interesting evidence regarding this given in the ,letter of ,aristeas#gb 7#aba1 #abb7 is worth quoting here3 8,regarding discussions and explanations of the ,law they possessed great aptitude4 ,they struck just the right balance1 for they discarded the hard literalness of the letter1 and were modest with regard to their own wisdom1 and were ready to hold argument1 to listen to the opinions of others1 and to consider thoroughly every question that might be raised40 ,this broad-mindedness was one of the results of unfettered contact with the outer world4 ,but a result1 as remarkable as it was important1 followed2 for in comparing his religion with the various beliefs of the ,gentiles1 the ,jew of the ,dispersion became convinced1 in a way which hitherto had not been possible1 that both in faith and practice ,judaism was1 in so far as its fundamentals were concerned1 immeasurably purer and truer1 in most respects1 though not in all1 than anything that the ,gentiles could offer4 ,he felt1 therefore1 that he had something to say and give to the world which concerned all men4 ,hence arose those missionary efforts1 so contrary to the spirit of exclusiveness which characterized traditional ,judaism1 but which were crowned with a considerable measure of success4 ,yet a grave and subtle danger lurked here for the ,jew of the ,dispersion2 in his desire to make ,judaism as attractive as possible to the ,gentiles1 he presented it with such modifications that it could no longer be called genuine ,judaism4 ,under the influence of the ,hellenistic spirit the rigidity of the ,law was smoothed down1 and some ,jewish beliefs appeared in a somewhat modified form#gc2 many converts did not do more than keep the dietary laws and observe the ,sabbath2 and this was acquiesced in4 ,the reaction of this upon those who thus presented a form of ,judaism which was to some extent spurious1 cannot well have been without its consequences1 since their action must necessarily have affected their own faith in their religion and their ideas upon the importance of their religious rites4#gd ,if1 as we have seen1 syncretism affected ,palestinian ,judaism we shall expect the same to have been the case with ,hellenistic ,judaism2 this was1 indeed1 so1 and to a much greater extent4 ,thus1 their conception of ,god was enriched with new ideas from both ,platonic and1 to a greater degree1 from ,stoic philosophy1 e4g41 the doctrine of ,divine ,immanence1 to which we shall refer in dealing with the signs of ,greek influence in ,jewish religious literature 7,chapter ,v71 where we shall see also that the ,jewish conceptions of the nature of man was greatly influenced by ,greek philosophical teaching4 ,again1 the ,dispersion ,jews commended their ,scriptures to the heathen world by means of interpreting them allegorically2 the real sense of ,scripture would often be entirely explained away by this method4 ,this1 too1 shows the influence of the ,hellenistic spirit1 for this method of interpretation was borrowed from the ,stoics who had been in the habit of allegorizing the ,greek myths4 ,finally1 it is worth pointing out that even in ,palestine1 as indications in some later ,old ,testament and other books show1 there had for generations been a tendency towards mitigating the importance of the sacrificial system2 the effect of this is likely to have been proportionately great among the ,jews of the ,dispersion1 who would1 moreover1 have found difficulties in observing many other precepts of the ,law4 ,the result would have been to make them all the more susceptible to the foreign cults and philosophical systems which met them on every side2 how great that susceptibility was has been illustrated in an extraordinary manner by the recently found papyri referred to above4 ,no one1 as ,bertholet has truly remarked1 can understand the religion of the ,jews--and this applies to the ,jews of the ,dispersion even more than to those of ,palestine--8without a full intelligence of their astonishing faculty of assimilation2 this assimilation even going the length of actively supporting heathen cults or1 as the recently discovered papyri of ,assouan have informed us1 of swearing by an ,egyptian goddess40#ge ,,iii4 ,,the ,,septuagint ,one of the results of the ,hellenistic ,movement1 the importance of which cannot be exaggerated1 was the ,grco-,jewish literature to which it gave birth4 ,it is impossible to deal here with the whole mass of that literature1#gf even in the most cursory manner1 nor is this necessary for our present purpose4#gg ,we must restrict ourselves in this section to a brief mention of what ,schrer calls 8the foundation of all ,judo-,hellenistic culture10 namely1 the ,greek translation of the ,hebrew ,scriptures1 which was the special possession of the ,jews of the ,dispersion4 ,the name of this ,greek ,version of the ,bible owes its origin to the legend contained in the so-called ,letter of ,aristeas1 in which an account is given of how ,ptolemy ,,ii 7,philadelphus7#gh desired to have a ,greek translation of the ,hebrew ,book of the ,law 7i4e41 the ,pentateuch71 and sent to ,eleazar1 the high-priest in ,jerusalem1 asking him to send competent scholars to ,alexandria who would be able to undertake the task of translation4 ,the high-priest1 the account continues1 readily responded to this request1 and despatched seventy-two learned ,jews1 each of the twelve tribes being represented by six of them4 ,ptolemy received them with great honour on their arrival in ,alexandria1 and entertained them hospitably during the whole of their sojourn4 ,the seventy-two went into retirement to the island of ,pharos1 opposite ,alexandria1 where they laboured at the translation4 ,this took seventy-two days2 the translation was then delivered to the king1 who thereupon ordered the books to be placed in the royal library4 ,the translators1 after having been presented with rich gifts1 returned to ,juda4 ,this is the legend to which the name ,septuagint 78,seventy07 owes its origin1 a name which has clung to it in spite of its being now generally recognized that the ,letter of ,aristeas is unhistorical so far as this story is concerned4 ,who the translators of the ,hebrew ,bible into ,greek were is not known4 ,that the various parts of the ,septuagint were not only translated by different authors1 but also belong to different ages1 is certain4 ,it is quite probable that1 so far as the ,pentateuch is concerned1 the ,letter of ,aristeas contains a true tradition in ascribing its translation into ,greek to about ,b4,c4 #bhj4gi ,as to the rest of the books1 though the evidence is fragmentary1 it may be safely stated that most of them1 if not all1 were translated before the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,ryle has shown that there is evidence for believing that ,philo 7about ,b4,c4 #bj-;,a4,d4 #ej7 utilized all the books of the ,greek ,old ,testament1 with the exception of ,esther1 ,ecclesiastes1 ,song of ,songs and ,daniel4#hj ,this great product of ,hellenistic influence upon the ,jews is seen to be all the more significant when it is realized that in the fifth century ,b4,c4 the ,aramaic language1 as the recently found ,elephantin papyri show1 was the language spoken by the ,jews of ,egypt2 and not only was this the ordinarily spoken language1 but it was also that in which literary works were written4#ha ,yet in the course of not much more than a century this was displaced by ,greek2 and even in the synagogues ,greek was the language used4 ,for some time1 no doubt1 though apparently not for very long1 the ,hebrew ,scriptures were translated by word of mouth into ,aramaic in the synagogues of the ,dispersion2 but when this language fell into disuse ,greek had to be used2 and ultimately it was found necessary to have the ,scriptures themselves in ,greek4#hb ,so far as we are here concerned1 the great importance of the ,greek ,old ,testament lies in the fact that it has given us the books of the ,apocrypha4 ,these will be dealt with separately in ,part ,,ii1 so that it will not be necessary to say anything about them now further than that the general purpose for which they were written was to expand some of the already existing books of the ,hebrew ,scriptures1 or to add to their number4 ,some1 such as the books of the ,maccabees1 continue the record of the nation's history2 others are expansions of canonical books1 such as the ,prayer of ,manasses1 the ,additions to ,daniel1 ,baruch and the ,epistle of ,jeremy1 and the ,rest of ,esther2 while ,ecclesiasticus and the ,book of ,wisdom are additions to the ,wisdom ,literature of the ,jews4 ,as regards the importance and far-reaching influence of the ,septuagint1 we cannot do better than quote the words in which ,deissmann has so succinctly1 and yet so adequately1 expressed this3 8,take the ,septuagint in your hand1 and you have before you the book that was the ,bible of the ,jews of the ,dispersion and of the proselytes from the heathen2 the ,bible of ,philo the philosopher1 ,paul the ,apostle1 and the earliest ,christian missions2 the ,bible of the whole ,greek-speaking ,christian world2 the mother of influential daughter-versions2 the mother of the ,greek ,new ,testament40#hc ,,iv4 ,,philo ,,of ,,alexandria ,,literature4--,siegfried1 ,philo von ,alexandria als ,ausleger des ,alten ,testamentes 7#ahge72 ,o4 ,holtzmann in ,stade's ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel1 ,,ii1 pp4 #eba-eea 7#ahhh72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #cba-cha1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #fcc-gaf2 ,krger1 ,philo und ,josephus als ,apologeten des ,judentums 7#aijf72 ,windisch1 ,die ,frmmigkeit ,philo's 4441 pp4 #d-ie 7#aiji74 ,see also ,j4 ,h4 ,a4 ,hart's series of articles entitled 8,philo of ,alexandria0 in the ,jewish ,quarterly ,review1 vols4 xvii4 xviii4 xix41 these deal with the writings of ,philo2 ,lauterbach's article on ,philo in the ,jewish ,encycl41 ,x1 pp4 #f-ah4 ,as the ,septuagint is1 from our present point of view1 the most important product of the ,hellenistic ,movement1 so among ,grco-,jewish writers is ,philo the most remarkable whom this ,movement brought forth4 ,no ,jew was so immersed in the spirit of ,greek wisdom1 nor did more to try and harmonize ,greek and ,hebrew thought4 ,the large number of his works which have come down to us owe their preservation to the popularity they enjoyed among the early ,church ,fathers1 for by the ,jewish leaders ,philo was not regarded as orthodox1 his works were therefore unacceptable to them2 some of the ,church writers even went so far as to speak of him as a ,christian4 ,scarcely anything is known with certainty about his life4 ,he must have been born about ,b4,c4 #bj or thereabouts1 for he took part in an embassy to ,caligula in ,a4,d4 #dj1 when already somewhat advanced in years2 he refers to this in his work1 ,de ,legatione ad ,cajum1 #bhhd2 it is also mentioned by ,josephus1#he who speaks of ,philo as 8a man eminent on all accounts1 brother to ,alexander the ,alabarch1 and one not unskilful in philosophy40 ,this is practically all that is known of him apart from what his works reveal of the man2 but they do not contain any biographical details4 ,philo was a true ,jew2 he had an unbounded veneration for the ,old ,testament ,scriptures1 and especially for ,moses and the ,pentateuch2 most of his works are concerned with this latter4 ,not only did he look upon the ,hebrew ,scriptures as having been verbally inspired1 but he also believed this to have been the case with them in their ,greek form4 ,his veneration for the ,jewish ,scriptures1 on the one hand1 and his love for the philosophy of the ,greeks on the other1 led him to the conviction that both contained and witnessed to one and the same truth4 ,he believed that the ,greek philosophers had used the ,old ,testament writings1 and these he explained on the allegorical system with such freedom that he was able to extract from them any meaning he desired2 by this means his own philosophical system became a combination of ,greek philosophy and ,jewish theology4#hf ,regarding the philosophy of ,philo1 his conception of ,god forms naturally the starting-point4 ,here he holds1 on the one hand1 that so absolute is the perfection of ,god1 so transcendent is the divine majesty1 and therefore so far removed from all that human thought is capable of1 that ,god is simply inconceivable2 man can really know no more than that ,god is2 he cannot know what ,god is4 ,but1 on the other hand1 since ,he is perfectly good and all-powerful1 since ,he is the ,creator and ,upholder of the world1 the ,final ,cause of all that is or ever can be1 it follows that there must be a ceaseless activity on ,his part2 the world of ,his creation must occupy ,his thought and action4 ,these twofold conceptions of ,god--the thought of ,his being outside of and above the world1 immeasurably superior to it1 and the thought that ,he is active in the world--are clearly incompatible one with the other4 ,the way in which ,philo sought to get over the obvious contradiction here involved1 was by assuming the existence of intermediate beings4 ,his teaching on this subject was not new1 but it had never before been so thoroughly and systematically treated4 ,these intermediate beings ,philo called 8powers0 7dunameis72 they are properties of ,god1 and yet ,his servants fulfilling ,his will in the world4 ,all these powers are comprehended in one1 namely1 the 8,logos10 or ,word of ,god2 the 8,logos0 is also spoken of as the wisdom and reason of ,god1 and the means whereby the world was created4#hg ,but both in respect of the 8powers0 just mentioned1 and of the 8,logos0 itself1 there is uncertainty as to the personality attached to them2 this was bound to be the case1 for if there was to be even the semblance of a solution of the opposing conceptions concerning ,god referred to above1 ,philo had to conceive of the 8,logos0 as less than a personal being distinct from ,god1 and more than an impersonal divine attribute2 and the same applies to the other 8powers40 ,otherwise it would be inconceivable that ,god could be personally present and active in the world1 while in ,his nature ,he was wholly superior to it1 and1 on account of ,his transcendent holiness1 could not come into immediate and direct contact with it4 ,the 8,logos0 is1 further1 according to ,philo1 the mediator1 and the advocate1 of men1 and the expiator of sins2 he speaks of it as the 8high-priest02 in such cases it is difficult to get away from the thought of personality attaching to the 8,logos40 ,on the other hand1 it is conceived of as distinctly impersonal when described as 8the idea of ideas10 and the 8archetypal idea40#hh ,most striking of all is the fact that in a number of passages ,philo gives the 8,logos0 the title of 8first-born son10 and 8only-begotten02 but the significance of such titles depends1 of course1 upon the passages in which they occur4#hi ,in his doctrine of sin ,philo teaches that evil is inherent in matter2 hence the body1 with which the soul is connected1 is the source of sin in man4 ,the subjugation of the passions is the one and only way to virtue2 but this can only be brought about by means of ,god's help1 for ,he is the ,author of whatever is good in man4 ,therefore the highest virtue can only be attained by a close communion with ,god4 ,knowledge is excellent2 but even the closest attachment to wisdom is less excellent than walking with ,god1 for only so can man receive the fulness of divine illumination4 ,philo teaches that this divine illumination is accorded to man while in a state of unconsciousness2 so that while he lays much stress on the freedom of the will1 this highest state to which man can attain is solely attributable to divine grace4 ,these doctrines of ,philo1 and we have only referred to the more important1 are to a great extent due to ,greek influence2 ,platonism1 ,pythagoreanism1 ,stoicism and ,cynicism have all contributed to ,philo's philosophical system2 but to show this in detail would be out of place here1 for it would take us too far afield4 ,we must content ourselves with stating the fact2 for detailed proof recourse must be had to those works which treat specifically of ,philo and of his teaching4#ij ,,summary ,in dealing with ,hellenistic influence upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion it was necessary to make some reference first to the ,dispersion itself and its extent during the period under consideration4 ,it began as early as the end of the eighth century ,b4,c4 with the fall of the northern kingdom1 and the deportation to ,assyria of many thousands of ,israelites which followed4 ,the fall of the southern kingdom was the cause of a further step in the process of dispersion4 ,the communities which consequently came into existence in ,babylonia formed centres from which the ,jews emigrated in all directions4 ,we have the evidence of the ,old ,testament that such centres existed in ,egypt by the middle of the sixth century ,b4,c41 if not earlier4 ,contemporary documentary evidence1 which has recently come to light1 shows that a colony of ,jews was settled at ,elephantin during the fifth century ,b4,c4 ,after the conquests of ,alexander1 many ,jews emigrated from the east to western centres of ,greek civilization1 and various writers testify to the ubiquity of the ,jews4 ,alexandria was the most important centre of the ,dispersion from every point of view4 ,the cultured ,jews were more influenced by the ,hellenistic ,movement than the masses2 both1 however1 held in the main to the fundamental tenets of traditional ,judaism4 ,nevertheless1 apart from these1 and in spite of their observance1 traditional ,judaism became largely transformed4 ,the tolerant attitude of the ,dispersion ,jews towards the ,gentiles was in marked contrast to that of the ,jews of ,palestine4 ,unlike these latter1 again1 a vigorous missionary propaganda was carried on by the ,jews of the ,dispersion4 ,there lay here1 however1 a subtle danger2 for the desire to make ,judaism attractive to the ,gentiles resulted in requiring but scanty observance of its practices from them2 this reacted unfavourably upon the ,jews themselves4 ,further1 a strongly syncretistic attitude characterized the ,jews of the ,dispersion2 even their conception of ,god was influenced by the teaching of the ,greek philosophers4 ,the allegorization of ,scripture was another mark of ,hellenistic influence4 ,the recently found ,assouan papyri offer a striking example of the astonishing faculty of assimilation possessed by the ,jews4 ,one of the most important products of the ,hellenistic ,movement was the ,septuagint1 for which we have to thank the ,jews of the ,dispersion4 ,the origin of the name of this ,greek ,version of the ,hebrew ,scriptures is to be found in a legend contained in the ,letter of ,aristeas4 ,in all probability the entire books of the ,hebrew ,canon were translated into ,greek by the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,the most important point about the ,septuagint1 so far as we are here concerned1 is that it has given us the books of the ,apocrypha4 ,among ,grco-,jewish writers none can compare in importance with ,philo of ,alexandria4 ,his great aim was to try to harmonize ,hebrew and ,greek thought4 ,the preservation of the large number of his works is due to their popularity among the early ,church ,fathers4 ,by the ,jewish leaders he was not regarded as orthodox4 ,scarcely anything is known of the life of ,philo excepting what can be gained from his works1 and this is little enough4 ,in the short account given of the philosophy of ,philo it is seen that this is permeated with the spirit of the ,greek philosophers4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,traces of ,greek ,influence in the ,old ,testament and in the ,apocrypha ,,literature4--,see the books cited in the footnotes4 ,i4 ,,references ,,to ,,the ,,greeks ,,in ,,the ,,old ,,testament ,there are some few passages in the ,old ,testament which witness to a knowledge of the ,greeks on the part of the ,jews2 these may be briefly alluded to by way of introduction4 ,the ,hebrew form for the land of the ,ionians1 or ,greeks1 is ,javan2 this is mentioned1 though without further detail1 in ,genesis x4 #b2 #a ,chronicles i4 #e1 #g4 ,as early as the eighth century ,b4,c4 the ,greeks pressed forward to the east4#ia ,again1 in the lamentation for ,tyre 7,ezek4 xxvii4 #ac7 it is said3 8,javan1 ,tubal and ,meshech1 they were thy traffickers2 they traded with the persons of men and vessels of brass for thy merchandise0 7cp4 also verse #i74 ,this subject is referred to again in ,joel iii4 7,heb4 iv47 #f-h1 in a woe pronounced against ,tyre and ,zidon1 and the ,philistines3 8,the children also of ,judah and the children of ,jerusalem have ye sold unto the sons of the ,grecians1 that ye might remove them far from their border 44402 these last words1 8far from their border10 suggest that the reference is to the ,greek colonies in the far west4 ,from the fifth century ,b4,c4 onwards ,syrian slaves1 among whom ,jews must be reckoned1 were much sought after by the ,greeks4#ib ,in ,isaiah xxiv4 #ad1 #ae it is probable that 8the songs of praise which the ,jews in far countries raise in honour of ,jahweh were the result of ,alexander the ,great's victorious march through ,asia ,minor in ,b4,c4 #ccd40ic ,mention is made of ,javan in ,isaiah lxvi4 #ai1 it is there reckoned among those nations to whom the glory of ,jehovah shall be declared2 according to ,zechariah ix4 #ac-ae1 on the other hand1 ,judah and ,ephraim are to be ,jehovah's instruments for the punishing of the sons of ,javan4 ,and1 once more1 in ,daniel viii4 #ba1 x4 #bj1 xi4 #b1 there are references to the ,grco-,macedonian empire4 ,in addition to these there are two or three references to the ,greeks in the ,septuagint which are not without significance4 ,in ,isaiah ix4 #ab 7#aa7 it is said that ,syria from the east and the ,hellenes from the west are the destroyers of ,israel2 in the ,hebrew text 8,philistines0 stands for 8,hellenes10 which is doubtless the right reading2 but the ,septuagint rendering is of interest as showing that1 when the translation was made1 the real danger for the ,jews was the ,greek nation4 ,the same belief evidently underlies the ,septuagint form of ,jeremiah xxvi4 7 xlvi4 in the ,hebrew7 #af3 8,let us arise and let us return to our people1 to our fatherland1 from the face of the ,hellenic sword02 the ,hebrew1 which has again the correct reading1 has 8the oppressing sword0 instead of 8the ,hellenic sword40 ,the same substitution for the ,hebrew word occurs again in the ,septuagint of ,jeremiah xxvii4 7 l4 in the ,hebrew7 #af4 ,these practically exhaust the actual references to the ,greeks in the ,old ,testament2 but traces of ,greek influence are probably to be discerned in other directions4 ,this influence is obvious in those cases1 though they are but few in number1 in which ,greek words are adapted2 this occurs only in the ,book of ,daniel1 where a few ,greek words for musical instruments appear in an aramaized form1 viz41 psantrn1 symphnia1 in ,daniel iii4 #e1 and kaithros in iii4 #g 7cp4 also iii4 #aj1 #ae72 the form of the word psantrn is interesting1 because 8this form alongside of the ,greek psaltrion proves the influence of the ,macedonian dialect which substituted n for l40#id ,,ii4 ,,traces ,,of ,,greek ,,influence ,,in ,,the ,,old ,,testament ,the question as to the existence or otherwise of ,hellenistic influence in certain other books of the ,old ,testament is a difficult one upon which much diversity of opinion exists among scholars4 ,we turn first to the ,psalms4 ,the majority of scholars are agreed that a number of the ,psalms belong to the ,greek and ,maccaban eras1#ie and if this is so the possibility of ,greek influence being discerned in them must be recognized4 ,it is always precarious to base conclusions upon what is assumed to be the political situation depicted in any particular psalm2 but considerations of another character may well indicate the age to which a psalm in all probability belongs2 for example1 that the conditions which form the background of many of the ,psalms are those brought about through contact with ,hellenism during the period of the ,ptolemaic and ,seleucid rule is proved by the fact that in a number of them a plaintive cry1 or vehement denunciation1 is uttered not only on account of the domination of the heathen1 but also because within the ,jewish community itself a religious cleft has occurred2 so that a distinction is made between those of ,israel who are faithful to the ,law1 and those who are renegades and who are1 therefore1 classed with the ,gentiles4#if ,when it is realized that there is no period in ,jewish history1 excepting that just referred to1 during which conditions such as these obtained1 it will be granted that there is ample justification for assigning the ,psalms in question to the ,greek period4 ,we agree1 therefore1 with ,friedlnder in his belief that the conflict between the god-fearing1 pious ,israelites1 and the godless1 with which these ,psalms are full1 really reflects the attitude of the champions of the old orthodoxy1 which was founded by ,ezra1 towards the rising tide of ,hellenism4#ig ,hellenistic influence1 as reflected in certain of the ,psalms1 therefore1 is only to be seen with certainty in that these witness to a state of affairs within the community of ,israel brought about by the spread of the ,greek spirit4#ih ,in the next place we look at the ,proverbs4 ,here it is the first nine chapters with which we are concerned2 there is a general consensus of opinion among modern scholars that these chapters form the latest portion of the book4 ,the marks of ,hellenistic influence are briefly as follows3 ,firstly1 individualism2 ,wisdom cries1 for example1 in viii4 #d3 ,unto you1 ,o men1 ,i call1 ,and my voice is to the sons of men4 ,again in ix4 #d-f she cries3 ,whoso is simple let him turn in hither2 ,as for him that is void of understanding1 she saith to him1 ,come1 eat ye of my bread1 ,and drink of the wine which ,i have mingled4 ,leave off1 ye simple ones1 and live1 ,and walk in the way of understanding4 ,here1 and in other similar passages1 it is the individual who is of importance1 not the nation1 as in earlier days4 ,secondly1 universalism2 ,wisdom says 7viii4 #ae1 #af73 ,by me kings reign1 ,and princes decree justice4 ,by me rulers rule1 ,and nobles1 even all the judges of the earth4 ,there is here no restriction to the rulers of the ,jewish nation2 ,wisdom is for all men1 and her sway is worldwide for those who will have her3 ,i love those that love me2 ,and those that seek me diligently shall find me 7viii4 #ag74 ,a third mark of ,hellenistic influence is the allegorical form which appears in this book1 and especially in the first nine chapters#ii2 the most striking example of this is the 8strange woman0 spoken of in chapter ii4 and elsewhere3 ,which forsaketh the friend of her youth1 ,and forgetteth the covenant of ,god2 ,for her house inclineth unto death1 ,and her paths unto the dead 444 7ii4 #ag-ai74 ,this 8strange woman0 is undoubtedly an allegorical person2 she is a personification of the new ,hellenistic spirit which1 on its bad side1 encouraged unbridled licence and led away from ,god#ajj2 we have seen above that there was a debased form of ,hellenism which was especially present in ,syria4 ,this interpretation of what was meant by the 8strange woman0 was that of some of the early ,church ,fathers4#aja ,the writer of these chapters is thus1 probably unconsciously1 influenced by the more excellent traits of the ,hellenistic spirit1 but is fully alive to its dangers and warns his readers against them4 ,lastly1 a fourth mark of ,hellenistic influence is the hypostatization of ,wisdom2 the classical passage is viii4 #bb-cf1 from which a few verses may be quoted3 ,the ,lord possessed me in the beginning of ,his way1 ,before ,his works of old4 ,i was set up from everlasting1 from the beginning1 ,or ever the earth was4444 ,when ,he established the heavens1 ,i was there2 ,when ,he set a circle upon the face of the deep4444 ,then ,i was by ,him1 as a master workman1 ,and ,i was daily ,his delight4444 ,that such thoughts are due to ,greek influence scarcely admits of doubt4#ajb ,we come next to the book of ,job4 ,in reference to this ,o4 ,holtzmann says with much force that in this book 8we have to do with a religious-philosophical work2 and1 so far as we know1 the ,israelites never evinced any inclination for philosophy until they came in contact with ,hellenism4 ,further1 we must draw attention to the fact that the book of ,job has as its background the form of a novel1 which flourished everywhere among the ,greeks2 and this is one of the clearest signs of the individualistic tendency which predominated at this period4444 ,moreover1 the form of dialogue which is peculiar to this book receives thus a new significance2 we have here1 without doubt1 a ,hebrew imitation of the philosophic dialogue of ,plato2 and here one should recall how ,plato meditated upon the causes of human suffering1 and how he1 too1 appreciated the grandeur and beauty of the world40#ajc ,the author of the book of ,job takes up a position of antagonism towards the old orthodoxy1 represented by the three friends1 as well as towards the new ,hellenistic spirit1 the ultimate consequence of which must1 as he sees1 lead to atheism1 pure and simple4 ,his position is thus1 in this respect1 similar to that of the author of ,proverbs i4-ix4 ,friedlnder sees in the three friends the 8pious ones0 of the ,psalms4#ajd ,further1 we have in the book of ,job a conception of ,wisdom somewhat similar to that of ,proverbs2 in the long passage1 xxviii4 #ab-bh1 ,wisdom is conceived of as ,god's co-operator1 see especially verses #bj-bg2 but unlike the teaching of ,proverbs on the subject1 there is not the intimate relationship existing between ,wisdom and men2 there is only a brief allusion to this in verse #bh4 ,in the book of ,ecclesiastes it is held by many scholars that traces of ,greek philosophy are to be discerned4 ,tyler1 for example1 shows that the passage1 iii4 #a-h1 which gives a catalogue of times and seasons1 is an echo of the teaching of the ,stoics that men should live according to nature4#aje ,again1 the thought contained in iii4 #ah1 #ai 78444 that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts2 even one thing befalleth them3 as the one dieth1 so dieth the other2 yea1 they have all one breath2 and man hath no pre-eminence above the beasts2 for all is vanity 44407 is certainly in accordance with the ,epicurean teaching regarding the mortality of the soul4#ajf ,barton argues strongly against these views#ajg2 but cogent as many of his arguments are1 they are not convincing in every case2 this applies especially to what he says in reference to the passage1 iii4 #ah1 #ai3 8,koheleth's denial of immortality differs from the ,epicurean denial4 ,his is but a passing doubt2 it is not dogmatically expressed1 and at the end 7xii4 #g7 his doubt has vanished1 and he reasserts the older ,jewish view 7,gen4 ii4 #g74 ,this older view was not an assertion of immortality1 but the primitive conception that the breath comes from ,god and goes back to ,him4 ,the ,epicureans1 on the other hand1 dogmatically argued for the non-immortality of the soul1 and possessed well-assured theories about it40#ajh ,this argument is not very convincing2 at any rate1 it does not disprove our present point1 which is that the traces of ,greek influence are to be discerned in this book4 ,cornill's sober dictum on the subject generally is1 we feel convinced1 the right one1 when he says3 8,the question whether ,koheleth shows immediate knowledge of and dependence upon ,greek philosophy is an open one2 but so much appears certain1 that such a work could only have been produced by a ,jewish mind imbued1 or at least influenced1 by ,hellenism40#aji ,st4 ,jerome1 in commenting on the passage1 ix4 #g-i 78,go thy way1 eat thy bread with joy1 and drink thy wine with a merry heart 444071 remarks that the writer appears to be reproducing some ,epicurean ideas#aaj2 ,cheyne is not surprised at this1 for the book is1 as he says1 8conspicuous by its want of a native ,jewish background 444 it obviously stands at the close of the great ,jewish humanistic movement1 and gives an entirely new colour to the traditional humanism by its sceptical tone and its commendations of sensuous pleasure02 and a little further on he says that 8it is perfectly possible to hold that there are distinctively ,epicurean doctrines in ,koheleth4 ,the later history of ,jewish thought may well seem to render this opinion probable4 ,how dangerously fascinating ,epicureanism must have been when the word #8,epicuros' became a synonym in ,rabbinic ,hebrew for infidel or even atheist40#aaa ,cheyne does not1 however1 believe in any traces of ,greek influence1 whether ,epicurean or ,stoic1 in the book4 8,i do not see10 he says1 8that we must admit even a vague ,greek influence4 ,the inquiring spirit was present in the class of #8wise men' even before the ,exile1 and the circumstances of the later ,jews were1 from the ,exile onwards1 well fitted to exercise and develop it4 ,hellenic teaching was in no way necessary to an ardent but unsystematic thinker like ,koheleth40#aab ,it is largely a question of the probabilities of the case2 for1 in discussing the whole question of the presence or otherwise of traces of ,hellenistic influence in some of the later books of the ,old ,testament1#aac we must keep before our minds the fact of the spread of the ,hellenistic spirit from the death of ,alexander the ,great onwards1 and the way in which 7as we have seen in a previous chapter7 it affected the ,jews in manifold directions4 ,the important evidence of #a ,maccabees i4 #aa is worth recalling here3 8,in those days came there forth out of ,israel transgressors of the ,law1 and persuaded many1 saying1 ,let us go and make a covenant with the ,gentiles that are round about us2 for since we parted from them many evils have befallen us40 ,two points come out clearly here3 there was evidently a strong ,hellenistic party among the ,jews in ,palestine since these transgressors of the ,law 8came forth out of ,israel02 the passage also shows that some time previously relations had existed between these ,hellenistic ,jews and the ,gentiles1 as the writer says1 8since we parted from them40 ,the ,maccaban rising was1 therefore1 the culminating point of a movement that had been going on long before1 viz41 a conflict between orthodox and ,hellenistic ,jews1 the latter being supported by the ruling powers2 or if conflict is too strong a word to use1 then let us say1 at any rate1 opposing tendencies4 ,it is1 moreover1 highly probable that the action of ,antiochus ,epiphanes in seeking to stamp out ,judaism was largely prompted by his knowledge of the existence of considerable numbers of ,jews who were in sympathy with his plan2 this seems clear from #a ,maccabees i4 #ac1 where we read further3 8,and certain of the people were forward herein and went to the king 7i4e41 ,antiochus ,epiphanes71 and he gave them licence to do after the ordinances of the ,gentiles40 ,if the ,jews of ,palestine were thus surrounded by ,gentiles1 and were1 as we have already seen to be the case1 strongly influenced by the ,hellenistic spirit1 whether orthodox or not1 it would be according to expectation to find marks of this influence in those books of the ,old ,testament which belong to the ,hellenistic period4 ,in the particular case of ,ecclesiastes it is granted that analogies between ,greek philosophy and its ideas exist#aad2 it appears to us1 therefore1 more probable that these ideas1 in view of what has just been said1 were due to the influence of ,greek thought rather than that they were independently reached4 ,,iii4 ,,traces ,,of ,,greek ,,influence ,,in ,,the ,,apocrypha ,there are only two books of the ,apocrypha which come into consideration here1 but they are the two most important4 ,first we have the ,wisdom of ,ben-,sira or ,ecclesiasticus4 ,ben-,sira was an orthodox ,jew2 but in spite of this he betrays in his book the influence that ,greek culture had upon him1 and is thus an interesting example of the way in which the ,hellenistic spirit worked upon men unconsciously4 ,he wrote his book with the purpose1 among others1 of demonstrating the superiority of ,jewish over ,greek wisdom1 so that from this point of view ,ecclesiasticus may be regarded as an apologetic work4 ,the traces of ,hellenistic influence in this book are to be found in general conception rather than in definite form2 for example1 the identification of virtue with knowledge is a distinctly ,hellenistic trait1 and is treated in this book as axiomatic4 ,no longer are divine and human wisdom looked upon as though opposed the one to the other1 as had been the case in days gone by2 ,ben-,sira teaches1 and this is characteristic of the ,wisdom literature generally1 that wisdom is the one thing of all others which is indispensable to him who would lead a godly life4 ,that there is no opposition between divine and human wisdom was a doctrine for which ,ben-,sira was indebted1 whether directly or indirectly is not the point1 to the influence of ,hellenism4 ,in this book the evil of wickedness is represented as lying in the fact that wickedness is folly1 and therefore essentially opposed to ,wisdom2 on the other hand1 the ,jews as a body were faithful to the ,torah1 or ,law1 whose ordinances were binding because it was the revealed will of ,god2 therefore1 in order to reconcile this traditional teaching with the newer teaching that ,wisdom is man's main requirement1 ,wisdom became identified with the ,torah3 8the fear of the ,lord i4e41 the observance of the ,torah is the beginning i4e41 the highest form of ,wisdom40 ,this is the foundation-stone of the ,jewish ,wisdom literature2 and it formed the reconciling link between ,judaism and ,hellenism in this domain4#aae ,this identification is nowhere more evident than in ,ecclesiasticus2 throughout ,ben-,sira inculcates the need of observing the commandments of the ,law which is man's highest wisdom1 but the ,law is the expression of the divine wisdom2 so that he truly says3 ,if thou desire wisdom keep the commandments1 ,and the ,lord will give her freely unto thee 7i4 #bf74 ,further1 the existence of the influence of ,greek philosophy among some of the cultured ,jews of ,palestine is reflected in the book in that ,ben-,sira controverts the fatalistic philosophy of the ,stoics2 see1 for example1 such a passage as the following3 ,say not1 8,from ,god is my transgression02 ,for that which ,he hateth made ,he not4 ,say not1 8,it is ,he that made me to stumble10 ,for there is no need of evil men 7xv4 #aa1 #ab74 ,the ,stoic enumeration of the human senses seems to have been in the mind of one who added these words after xvii4 #d3 8,they i4e41 men received the use of five powers i4e41 the five senses of the ,lord2 but as sixth ,he also accorded them the gift of understanding 7nous71 and as a seventh the ,word 7logos71 the interpreter of ,his powers40 ,in one passage ,ben-,sira utters words which sound rather like an echo of ,epicurean philosophy3 ,give not thy soul to sorrow1 ,and let not thyself become unsteadied with care4 ,heart-joy is life for a man1 ,and human gladness prolongeth days4 ,entice thyself1 and soothe thine heart1 ,and banish vexation from thee2 ,for sorrow hath slain many1 ,and there is no profit in vexation4 ,envy and anger shorten days1 ,and anxiety maketh old untimely4 ,the sleep of a cheerful heart is like dainties1 ,and his food is agreeable unto him 7xxx4 #ba-be1 according to the ,hebrew74 ,in summing up the traces of ,greek influence upon ,ben-,sira1 ,prof4 ,israel ,levi says3 8,the fatalistic philosophers whose opinions he contests were doubtless the ,stoics2 and the philosophical discussions instituted by him were innovations and probably borrowed4 ,his criticisms of sceptics and would-be freethinkers are further evidences of his knowledge of ,hellenism2 and some of his views find close analogues in ,euripides4 ,not only does he share characteristic ideas with the ,greek tragedians and moralists1 but he even has the same taste for certain common topics1 such as false friendship1 the uncertainty of happiness1 and especially the faults of women4 ,the impression of ,greek influence is strengthened by the presence of a polish quite foreign to ,hebrew literature40#aaf ,this may or may not be somewhat over-stated1 but there can scarcely be any doubt that1 although the ,judaic elements in the book preponderate to an overwhelming degree1 yet ,hellenic traits are to be discerned to a certain extent4 ,prof4 ,levi sees the results of ,greek influence in some other directions in the book2 thus he says that 8the customs which he 7i4e41 ,ben-,sira7 describes are taken from ,greek rather than from ,hebrew society2 thus he mentions banquets accompanied by brilliant conversation1#aag at which musical instruments were heard1 and over which presided #8the master of the feast4'0 ,at the same time it is only right to point out that some scholars deny that there are any signs of ,greek influence in the book4 ,we turn now to the book of ,wisdom which1 as a product of the ,judaism of the ,dispersion1 is full of the ,hellenistic spirit4 ,the best way to deal with this interesting but somewhat intricate subject will be to illustrate by quotations the different ,greek philosophical ideas contained in the book1 and then to indicate the teaching of the ,greek philosophers in each case2 in this way the influence of ,greek philosophy in the book will be clearly seen4 7a7 ,the doctrine of the pre-existence of the soul4 ,that this is taken for granted is clear from the words in viii4 #ai1 #bj3 ,now ,i was a child good by nature1 and a good soul fell to my lot2 ,nay1 rather1 being good1 ,i came into a body undefiled4 ,and again1 in xv4 #h1 though here pre-existence is not necessarily implied3 444 ,when the soul which was lent him shall again be demanded4 ,and1 once more1 in reference to the foolish man who manufactures idols1 it is said 7xv4 #aa73 ,because he was ignorant of ,him that moulded him1 ,and of ,him that inspired into him an active soul1 ,and breathed into him a vital spirit4 ,a great deal depends here upon the question of authorship1 or at any rate upon the point of view of the writer2 for it will be noticed that the first of these quotations comes from part i4 of the book1 while the last two are from part ii4 ,we will speak of the point of view of the writer without assuming that either one or two writers is in question4 ,there are two points of view represented in these verses2 the ordinary ,jewish belief is expressed by the words3 8,now ,i was a child good by nature1 and a good soul fell to my lot10 as well as by the two other quotations4 ,on the other hand1 a point of view influenced by ,greek thought appears in the words3 8,nay1 rather1 being good1 ,i came into a body undefiled40 ,it is well to point out first that according to the ordinary ,jewish belief there was no clear conception of any difference between soul and spirit2 the ,hebrew word for 8soul0 is nphsh2 but this word does not correspond properly to 8soul02 it means a man's own self1 his personality1 including his body2 what we understand by body and soul is expressed in ,hebrew by this word nphsh1 so that when this is translated by 8soul0 it is apt to cause misunderstanding2 the ,hebrews had no word corresponding to the ,greek sma 7body71 nor did the ,greek psych 7soul7 correspond with the ,hebrew nphsh2 the ,hebrew word which comes nearest to psych would be nshmh 7breath71 or possibly rach 7spirit74#aah ,the words1 therefore1 8,now ,i was a child good by nature1 and a good soul fell to my lot10 mean simply that he was by nature a good child and became also a good man1 by ,god's mercy is implied4 ,this traditional faith the writer supplements1 on account of the insight into ,greek philosophy which he had gained1 by adding3 8,or1 rather1 being good1 ,i came into a body undefiled02 he means thereby that his soul 7in the ,greek1 not the ,hebrew1 sense1 for he does not include the body7 entered into a body undefiled2 he thus expresses his belief in the pre-existence of the soul4 ,but an interesting point to be noted here is that the writer1 while accepting one ,greek doctrine 7the pre-existence of the soul7 repudiates another in the same breath1 for by speaking of a 8body undefiled0 he seems to be denying the ,platonic doctrine of the body being a hindrance 7see below74 ,as to ,plato's teaching on the pre-existence of the soul1 this has been so well summed up by ,zeller that we cannot do better than give it in his words3 8,the soul of man is in its nature homogeneous with the soul of the universe1 from which it springs4 ,being of a simple and incorporeal nature it is by its power of self-movement the origin of motion in the body2 inseparably connected with the idea of life1 it has neither end nor beginning4 ,as the souls have descended from a higher world into the earthly body1 they return after death1 if their lives have been pure and devoted to higher objects1 to this higher world1 while those who need correction in part undergo punishments in another world1 and in part migrate through the bodies of men and animals4 ,in its earlier existence our soul has seen the ideas of which it is reminded by the sight of their sensuous copies40#aai ,the other two passages1 xv4 #h and xv4 #aa1 reflect the ancient ,hebrew belief as contained in ,genesis ii4 #g3 8,and the ,lord ,god formed man of the dust of the ground1 and breathed into his nostrils the breath 7nshmh7 of life2 and man became a living soul 7nphsh702 that is to say1 the nshmh 7which is equivalent to what we understand by 8soul02 there is no real distinction between 8soul0 and 8spirit0 in ,hebrew belief#abj7 is in existence with ,god before man is created4 ,this belief in pre-existence1 though quite different from the ,greek doctrine1 became elaborated in course of time1 and it was taught that in the seventh heaven ,god kept the souls of those whom ,he intends to send on earth#aba2 the ,midrash in which this occurs 7,sifre #adc;b7 belongs in its original form to the earlier part of the second century ,a4,d41 and since it undoubtedly preserves much ancient material it reflects thought long prior to the time when ,wisdom was written4 ,in the passages quoted we have1 then1 references to the belief in the pre-existence of souls as taught by the ,jews on one hand and by the ,greeks on the other4 7b7 ,the doctrine of immortality4 ,we have seen that with regard to the doctrine of the pre-existence of the soul the author of ,wisdom expresses both ,jewish and ,greek belief4 ,the same is the case with the doctrine of immortality2 ,jewish belief on this subject has already been dealt with in ,part ,i1 chap4 ix4 7f72 the influence of ,greek thought is to be discerned in such passages as the following3 ,court not death in the error of your life2 ,neither draw upon yourselves destruction by the works of your hands2 ,because ,god made not death1 ,neither delighteth ,he when the wicked perish 7i4 #ab1 #ac74 444 ,for righteousness is immortal 7i4 #ae74 ,the reference here is to spiritual death1 the soul's loss of true life hereafter4 ,again3 ,but the souls of the righteous are in the hand of ,god1 ,and no torment shall touch them 7iii4 #a74 ,they that trust on ,him shall understand truth1 ,and the faithful shall abide with ,him in love2 ,because grace and mercy are to ,his chosen1 ,and ,he will graciously visit ,his holy ones 7iii4 #i1 cp4 xv4 #c74 ,and1 once more3 ,incorruption bringeth near to ,god 7vi4 #ai74 ,of such passages ,menzel says3 8,who does not1 in reading them1 recall the ,platonic passage ,jambl4 ad ,phaed4 pp4 #fc;c1 #fi;c80#abb ,to quote ,zeller again in his summing up of ,plato's philosophy3 8,as the soul in its true nature belongs to the world above the senses1 and in that only can find a true and lasting existence1 the possession of the good or happiness which forms the final goal of human effort can only be obtained by elevation into that higher world4444 ,the true mission of man1 therefore1 lies in that escape from this world1 which the #8,thetetus1' #agf;,a1 identifies with assimilation to the divine nature44440#abc 7c7 ,the doctrine of the badness of the body4 ,in ix4 #ae1 #af1 it is said3 ,for a corruptible body weigheth down the soul1 ,and the earthly frame lieth heavy on the mind that is full of cares4 ,and hardly do we divine the things that are on earth1 ,and the things that are close at hand we find with labour2 ,but the things that are in the heavens who ever yet traced out8 ,practically all commentators are agreed that verse #ae is based on a passage in ,plato's ,phaedo 7#ha;,c71 where the hindrance of the body is spoken of2 the verbal similarities are too striking for this to be denied4 ,the teaching is1 moreover1 in agreement with that found elsewhere in the writings of ,plato3 8,the body 444 is the grave and prison of the soul1 which has received its irrational elements through combination with it1 and is the source of all desires and all disturbances of intellectual activity02 thus ,zeller sums up ,plato's teaching on the subject4#abd 7d7 ,the creation of the world out of formless matter4 ,the term 8formless matter0 is a ,platonic one2 but this doctrine was taught by the ,stoics as well as by ,plato1 so that we cannot say to which system the author of ,wisdom was immediately indebted in writing these words3 ,for ,thine all-powerful hand1 ,that created the world out of formless matter 444 7xi4 #ag74 ,in speaking of what ,plato meant by the term 8matter0 ,zeller says3 8,by ,plato's matter we have to understand not a mass filling space1 but space itself4 ,he never mentions it as that out of which1 but only as that in which1 things arise4 ,according to him1 bodies are formed when certain portions of space are thrown into the shapes of the four elements4 ,that it is not a corporeal mass out of which1 they arise in this manner is clear from the assertion that when they change into one another they are broken up into their smallest plane dimensions in order to be compounded anew out of these4 ,to carry this theory out strictly was difficult2 and in another place 7,tim4 #cj;,a1 #eb ,d1 f41 #fi;,b7 he represents the matter as if the ,deity1 when engaged in the formation of the elements1 had found #8all that is visible' already in existence as a chaotic mass moving without rule40#abe 7e7 ,signs of the influence of ,stoic philosophy4#abf ,most commentators1 from ,grimm onwards1 hold that the idea of the ,anima ,mundi1 or ,world ,soul1 of ,stoic philosophy is to be discovered in such passages as the following3 444 ,because the spirit of the ,lord filleth the world1 ,and that which holdeth all things together hath knowledge of every voice 7i4 #g74 ,the all-pervading character of ,wisdom1 described in vii4 #bb-bd1 contains a similar thought3 ,for there is in her a spirit quick of understanding1 holy1 ,alone in kind1 manifold1 ,subtil1 freely moving1 ,clear in utterance1 unpolluted1 ,distinct1 that cannot be harmed2 ,loving what is good1 keen1 unhindered1 ,beneficent1 loving toward man1 ,steadfast1 sure1 free from care1 ,all-powerful1 all-surveying1 ,and penetrating through all spirits ,that are quick of understanding1 pure1 subtil4 ,for ,wisdom is more mobile than any motion2 ,yea1 she pervadeth and penetrateth all things by reason of her pureness 7cp4 also vii4 #bg1 viii4 #a74 ,another ,stoic doctrine is that of the metabolism of the elements1 8by the help of which the writer of part ii4 endeavours to rationalize the miracles of the ,exodus4444 ,the metabolism of the elements at the end of part ii410 says ,holmes1#abg 8is traced by ,e4 ,pfleiderer to ,heraclitus1 and to him directly1 rather than indirectly through the ,stoics1 on account of the allusion in chapter xix4 to three elements only--fire1 water1 earth--since ,heraclitus recognized only three4 ,but it is difficult to see how the author could have brought in the idea of air changing into anything else3 water changes into earth in the passage through the ,red ,sea1 and earth becomes water again to overwhelm the ,egyptians2 fire lost its power and was unable to melt the heavenly food2 what need or opportunity was there for adducing the change of air into another element8444 ,it must1 no doubt1 be admitted that the ,book of ,wisdom has points of connexion with the system of ,heraclitus1 who was highly esteemed in ,alexandria1 but whether directly or indirectly it is impossible to say40 ,the passage in question is xix4 #ah-ba3 ,for the elements changed their order one with another4444 ,for creatures of dry land were turned into creatures of waters1 ,and creatures that swim trode now upon the earth2 ,fire kept the mastery of its own power in the midst of water1 ,and water forgat its quenching nature4 ,contrariwise1 flames wasted not the flesh of perishable creatures that walked among them2 ,neither melted they the ice-like grains of ambrosial food1 that were by nature apt to melt4 ,lastly1 reference may be made to viii4 #g1 where we find a classification of the four cardinal virtues1 which the ,stoics copied from ,plato3 ,and if a man loveth righteousness1 ,the fruits of ,wisdom's labour are virtues1 ,for she teacheth self-control and understanding1 righteousness1 and courage2 ,and there is nothing in life more profitable than these4 ,most of the marks of ,greek influence in this book have now been mentioned2 it is probable enough that we have missed some1 but we venture to think that the most important have been dealt with4 ,,summary ,there are not many direct references to the ,greeks in the ,old ,testament2 in a few scattered passages ,javan1 the ,hebrew form for the land of the ,ionians 7i4e4 ,greeks71 is found4 ,three interesting instances of variation from the ,hebrew occur in the ,septuagint2 the word 8,greek0 being substituted for 8,philistine0 in one case1 and 8,hellenic sword0 for 8oppressing sword0 in two others4 ,these deliberate alterations were made because it was believed by the ,greek translator that the real danger for the ,jews lay in the spread of the ,greek spirit4 ,in the ,book of ,daniel a few ,greek names of musical instruments have been adopted4 ,traces of ,greek influence are to be discerned in all probability in some of the ,psalms1 for they witness to a state of affairs brought about by the working of the ,greek spirit4 ,in the first nine chapters of ,proverbs1 too1 there are marks of ,hellenic influence1 e4g4 individualism1 universalism1 the use of allegory and the hypostatization of ,wisdom4 ,in the ,book of ,job the same influence may be discerned in the philosophic cast of the speeches1 in its imitation in form of ,plato's dialogues1 and in the fact that the background of the book is cast in the form of a novel1 which was likewise imitated from the ,greeks4 ,as to ,ecclesiastes1 opinions differ as to whether it exhibits direct borrowing from ,stoic and ,epicurean thought2 but it certainly contains analogies with ,greek philosophy4 ,in the ,apocrypha only two books come into consideration1 but they are the two most important4 ,ecclesiasticus was written with the purpose1 among others1 of demonstrating the superiority of ,jewish over ,greek wisdom2 at the same time1 ,ben-,sira often shows himself influenced1 unconsciously it may be1 by the latter1 although the ,judaic elements in the book preponderate to an overwhelming degree4 ,the ,book of ,wisdom1 a product of the ,judaism of the ,dispersion1 is full of the ,hellenic spirit2 this comes out very clearly in the treatment of the doctrines of the pre-existence of the soul1 of immortality1 of the body as evil1 and of the creation of the world out of formless matter4 ,further1 most commentators find the influence of ,stoic philosophy in the ideas of the ,anima ,mundi and of the metabolism of the elements1 as well as the classification of the four cardinal virtues which the ,stoics copied from ,plato4 ,,chapter ,v ,the ,apocalyptic ,movement ,,literature4--,toy1 ,judaism and ,christianity1 pp4 #cgb-dad 7#ahia72 ,schlatter1 ,israel's ,geschichte von ,alexander d4 ,grossen bis ,hadrian 7#aijj72 ,bousset1 ,die ,religion des ,judentums im neutestamentlichen ,zeitalter1 pp4 #aie-bij 7#aijc72 ,bousset1 ,die jdische ,apokalyptik 7#aijc72 ,volz1 ,jdische ,eschatologie von ,daniel bis ,akiba 7#aijc72 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,die rel4 ,bewegungen 4441 pp4 #bb-gg 7#aije72 ,gressmann1 ,der ,ursprung der israelitisch-jdischen ,eschatologie 7#aije72 ,oesterley1 ,the ,doctrine of the ,last ,things 7#aijh72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #dd-aea1 ,german ed4 ,,iii1 pp4 #beh-djg 7#aiji72 ,oesterley and ,box1 ,the ,religion and ,worship of the ,synagogue1 pp4 #bg-de1 #bbb-bed 7#aiaa72 ,charles1 ,eschatology1 ,hebrew1 ,jewish and ,christian 7#aiac72 ,burkitt1 ,jewish and ,christian ,apocalypses 7#aiad72 ,mac,culloch's article on 8,eschatology10 in ,hastings' ,encycl4 of ,religion and ,ethics1 v4 pp4 #cgc-cia 7#aiab74 ,i4 ,,the ,,beginnings ,,of ,,the ,,apocalyptic ,,movement ,the fundamental ideas which ultimately developed into ,jewish ,apocalyptic go back to a hoary antiquity4 ,many of these ideas are present in one form or another in the ,old ,testament2 but the different sources1 some undoubtedly indigenous1 others extraneous1 whence these ideas emanated have1 in all probability1 a much longer history behind them4 ,with the history and development of early ,apocalyptic thought we are not here concerned1 since our object is only to deal with ,jewish ,apocalyptic1 and this merely in its broad outlines as it appears in what is called the ,apocalyptic ,movement4 ,when specifically ,jewish ,apocalyptic commenced it is not possible to say1 for the doctrines and hopes and fears which it taught must have been in men's minds and have been widely inculcated long before it appeared in the form in which we know it1 namely1 its literary form4 ,but it is not difficult to indicate the approximate date at which the ,apocalyptic literature1 known to us1 began to come into existence2 this was somewhere about the period #bjj-aej ,b4,c42 from that time it continued to grow during a period of about three centuries4 ,the early beginnings of this literature1 therefore1 date from a time prior to the ,maccaban struggle4 ,before the ,maccaban era the two great opposing parties1 ,sadducan and ,pharisaic1 did not exist4 ,it is more than probable1 however1 as we have seen1 that the tendencies which1 later1 developed and became directly antagonistic were already in being1 and that the ,maccaban struggle had the effect of greatly strengthening them4 ,further1 in pre-,maccaban times1 owing to the influence of the ,hellenistic ,movement1 an universalistic spirit prevailed very largely among the ,jews2 they saw no objection to associating with the ,greeks1 were glad to learn from them1 and welcomed the free and wide atmosphere which was characteristic of ,greek thought4 ,the result was that ,jewish ,apocalyptic1 enriched by extraneous ideas and beliefs1 flourished among the people2 to many it brought light and comfort because it solved problems which had hitherto appeared insoluble2 that this life was merely preparatory to a happier and fuller one after death1 when the godly would come to their own and the wicked would receive their recompense1 such a doctrine laid at rest the doubts and heart-searchings of those who were shocked at seeing the prosperity of the wicked1 and who were grieved at the adversity and sorrow of the righteous4 ,jewish ,apocalyptic1 therefore1 flourished2 it appealed to the mass of the people1 for it inspired them with hope2 it was individualistic1 so that each felt that here was a message for him in particular as well as for the nation at large4 ,we have said that in the pre-,maccaban era the tendencies which in later years had the effect of calling into existence two antagonistic parties were already present2 we have also said that the ,jews as a whole were more or less imbued with the ,hellenistic spirit2 let us explain our meaning a little more fully4 ,not all the ,jews at this period were ,hellenistically inclined1 though the bulk were1 and the influence was more or less upon all2 but there was a minority of the nation which had followed in the wake of those who since the time of ,ezra and ,nehemiah had clung tenaciously to a rigid observance of the ,law2 not that they were wholly uninfluenced by the ,hellenistic spirit1 any more than the more thorough-going ,hellenistic ,jews as a body were really disloyal to the ,law4 ,this minority consisted of those who were called the 8,pious ones10 or ,chassidim#abh2 it was connected with the ,scribes1 for in the important passage1 #a ,maccabees vii4 #ab-ad1 it is said3 8,and there were gathered together unto ,alcimus and ,bacchides a company of scribes1 to seek for justice4 ,and the ,chassidim were the first among the children of ,israel that sought peace of them44440 ,it was the ,chassidim who in post-,maccaban times developed into the distinct party of the ,pharisees1 the party of rigid orthodoxy1 legalistic1 exclusive1 and narrow4 ,opposed1 then1 to the ideas of this minority were those who were led by the governing classes and the family of the ,high-,priest2 men who were the friends of ,hellenistic culture1 and who were not legalistic in the sense that the ,chassidim were4 ,these represented what in post-,maccaban times became the ,sadducan party4 ,it cannot1 however1 be too strongly insisted upon that1 as already pointed out1 in pre-,maccaban times there was neither a ,sadducan nor a ,pharisaic party4 ,the great mass of the people1 including many among the ,chassidim1 in these pre-,maccaban times1 was not ranged definitely on either one side or the other of those who represented the two tendencies just referred to2 their main religious interest was ,apocalyptic4 ,we feel convinced that the evidence concerning the various religious thought-tendencies in pre-,maccaban times1 taken as a whole1 supports ,m4 ,friedlnder's contention that 8the great mass of the people1 the multitudes 7,am-haarez7 remained before and after i4e4 of the ,maccaban struggle under the spell of the ,hellenistic spirit2 and1 as in the case of the ruling parties1 they1 too1 had1 also in post-,maccaban times1 their teachers and their #8,pious' ones4 ,these teachers were the ,chassidim and the creators of the apocalyptic literature40#abi ,these ,apocalyptists1 therefore1 had this in common with the ,pharisees that both were descended from the #8,pious ones1' or ,chassidim2 only1 as ,friedlnder puts it1 8whereas the ,pharisees were the bodily descendants of the pre-,maccaban #8,pious ones1' the ,apocalyptists were their spiritual descendants2 the former transformed the faithfulness to the ,law of their forefathers into legal burdens1 the latter clung loyally to the simple belief of those self-same forefathers1 a belief which was not blurred by intricate learning and a superabundant #8oral tradition'2 theirs was a piety1 on the contrary1 which was born of the spirit of the times and1 therefore1 such as was characteristic of the common folk40#acj ,it will1 no doubt1 strike some as incongruous that the ,pharisees1 with their circumscribed anti-,hellenistic views1 and the ,apocalyptists1 with their enlarged purview and pre-,hellenistic ideas1 should be said to have possessed a common ancestry2 but there are two facts which are of themselves sufficient to show the probability of this having been the case3 belief in a future life among the ,jews was largely due to ,greek thought2 it was one of the main themes of apocalyptic teaching2 but it was also one of the most prominent tenets of the ,pharisees1 who developed it from the ,platonic doctrine of the immortality of the soul to a definite belief in the resurrection of the body4 ,that two schools of thought1 differing in some vital respects1 should nevertheless be in agreement in differing from the normal teaching of the ,old ,testament on such a special and peculiarly important subject as that of the future life1 certainly points to an originally identical parentage4 ,we have laid stress on the fact that in pre-,maccaban times the ,jewish nation1 as a whole1 was more or less influenced by the ,hellenistic spirit2 one section of the people would be influenced in this way1 another in that4 ,thus1 as an example1 the ,chassidim were influenced by the ,hellenistic teaching on the future life2 but the ruling classes were not1 they clung to the old traditional teaching as contained in the ,old ,testament4 ,or again1 among the ,chassidim were many who were influenced by the freer and more tolerant atmosphere of the ,greek spirit1 agreeing in this with the ruling classes1 but differing from those with whom they were in some other respects in agreement4 ,so that when1 later1 clearly defined parties came into existence1 they would not necessarily differ on all points2 and ,pharisees and ,apocalyptists agreed as a whole upon the subject of a belief in the future life1 though1 as we shall see1 various opinions on certain points concerning the future life were held by the ,apocalyptists4 ,in another respect we may see an inner probability of the ,pharisees and ,apocalyptists having a common ancestry4 ,the ,chassidim1 as their name implied1 were intensely religiously-minded2 the zeal for the ,law of some was one way in which their eager yearning to do something for ,god could find vent2 the steadfast gaze upon the world to come of others was the expression of a longing to be nearer ,god4 ,personal religion was the origin1 the foundation and the summit of ,chassidism4 ,now when we turn to later times we are able to see that same intense religious feeling in the ,pharisees and in the ,apocalyptists2 the expression of that feeling has1 it is true1 become exaggerated in each case2 but whether it is the somewhat rank overgrowth of legalism of the one1 or the lurid and often overdrawn pictures of the eschatological drama of the other1 beneath each is to be discerned real piety4 ,pharisees and ,apocalyptists differed in many respects1 but they were alike in their zeal for ,god which they inherited from their common ancestry4 ,we are to see1 therefore1 the beginnings of the ,jewish ,apocalyptic ,movement in the teaching and literary activity of devout ,chassidim1 or better1 ,apocalyptists1 who laboured in the earlier part of the second century ,b4,c41 and probably earlier4 ,our purpose is now first of all to consider a little the mental attitude of the ,apocalyptists in general1 their guiding principles1 their chief aims as teachers1 and their personal characteristics4 ,then we shall examine briefly the more outstanding doctrines of the ,apocalyptic ,literature4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,apocalyptists ,it will be well to draw attention at the outset to a feature in the teaching of the ,apocalyptists which is at first very disconcerting1 namely1 their inconsistency of thought and the variableness to be found in the presentation of some of their doctrines which not infrequently involves them in contradictions4 ,the reason of this is not to be sought simply in the fact that in the ,apocalypses the hand of more than one author is to be discerned2 but chiefly because the minds of individual ,apocalyptists were1 on the one hand1 saturated with the traditional thoughts and ideas of the ,old ,testament1 and1 on the other1 were eagerly absorbing the newer conceptions which the spirit of the age had brought into being4 ,this occasioned a continual conflict of thought in their minds2 there was a constant endeavour to harmonize the old and the new2 and in consequence there often resulted a compromise which was illogical and contradictory4 ,this inconsistency of teaching is1 therefore1 not other than might be expected under the circumstances2 nor did it really affect the great rle that the ,apocalyptists played as the true prophets of the people2 in this they followed in some important particulars the prophets of old1 for if not in the same sense as these the expression of the national conscience1 the ,apocalyptists spoke to the hearts of the people in the name of ,god4 ,if1 upon the whole1 their words were addressed more to individual men than to the nation as a single whole1 it was a welcome sign that the individual was coming to his own4 ,the ,apocalyptists came with a message of comfort and hope to the ,god-fearing1 bidding them be of good cheer2 for though the world was cruel and dark1 though they were the victims of oppression and tyranny1 though their lot here was a hard one and they were languishing in adversity1 yet this world and all the fashion of it was passing away2 soon1 very soon1 the bright future would dawn1 the ,great ,deliverer would come1 and sorrow and sighing would pass away3 ,but with the righteous ,he will make peace1 ,and will protect the elect1 ,and mercy shall be upon them4 ,and they shall all belong to ,god1 ,and they shall be prospered1 ,and they shall all be blessed4 ,and ,he will help them all1 ,and light shall appear unto them1 ,and ,he will make peace with them 7#a ,enoch i4 #h74aca ,the joyous hope that was thus held out must have had a profound effect upon the many pious ,israelites who were perplexed by the seeming incongruity of things in a world governed by a righteous and just ,god4 ,tempted as they must often have been to lose faith as well as hope1 the message now brought to them would have strengthened both4 ,so that the ,apocalyptists may be truly described as upholders of the people's faith4 ,but they came1 too1 with the thunder of denunciation against the godless who in their abundant prosperity sought only their own pleasure and cared neither for the honour of ,god nor for the sorrow of the godly2 for such a future1 near approaching1 of fearfulness and terror was predicted by the ,apocalyptists3 ,and when sin and unrighteousness and blasphemy ,and violence in all kinds of deeds increase1 ,and apostasy and transgression and uncleanness increase1 ,a great chastisement shall come from heaven upon all these1 ,and the holy ,lord will come forth with wrath and chastisement ,to execute judgement upon the earth4 ,in those days violence shall be cut off from its roots1 ,and the roots of unrighteousness together with deceit1 ,and they shall be destroyed from under heaven 7#a ,enoch xcii4 #g1 #h74 ,the main concern of the ,apocalyptists was thus with the future1 with the world to come1 wherein all the inequalities and incongruities of the present world would be put right4 ,but from this it followed that most of what they taught was characterized by a supernatural colouring in which much that was exaggerated and fantastic was mixed up with sublime conceptions and eternal truths4 ,they laid great stress upon the antithesis between this world and the next1 between the ,olam ha-zeh 7this world71 and the ,olam ha-b 7the world which is to come74 ,their view of this world was wholly pessimistic2 there was nothing to be hoped from it2 indeed1 its badness1 entire and irretrievable1 as contrasted with the glorious world to come wherein no evil might abide1 involved the ,apocalyptists in teaching which was of the nature of dualism4 ,again1 that which was to come transcended human experience1 so that in the great drama of the end the ,apocalyptists depict man as standing in passive awe in face of the marvellous and supernatural occurrences which are then to take place2 man's rle as an active agent ceases2 supernatural beings are ,god's instruments in fulfilling ,his will2 the scene is laid in ,heaven1 or in the skies1 not on earth4 ,the future is to bring with it a new world-order wherein all things will be different1 the old order is to disappear for ever4 ,in all this the dominant note which sounds throughout is that of the supernatural4 ,at the base of the whole position taken up by the ,apocalyptists in their teaching was a doctrine of determinism1 which must be briefly alluded to1 for the recognition of this is essential to the understanding of the subject4 ,the ,apocalyptists started with the absolute conviction that the whole course of the world from beginning to end1 both as regards its physical changes1 and also in all that concerns the history of nations1 their growth and decline1 and of individuals1 good and bad1 the innumerable occurrences of every description and the very moment of their happening--in a word1 the entire constitution and course of the world and all that is in it1 whether regarded as g 7the physical earth the ,hebrew eretz7 or as oikoumen 7the inhabited world the ,hebrew tbl71 was in every respect predetermined by ,god before all time4 ,the words in #b 7#d7 ,esdras iv4 #cf1 #cg present a belief common to the ,apocalyptists3 ,for ,he hath weighed the age in the balance1 ,and by number hath ,he numbered the seasons2 ,neither will ,he move nor stir things1 ,till the measure appointed be fulfilled4 ,on these words ,box well remarks3 8,the times and periods of the course of the world's history have been predetermined by ,god4 ,the numbers of the years have been exactly fixed4 ,this was a fundamental postulate of the ,apocalyptists1 who devoted much of their energy to calculations1 based upon a close study of prophecy1 as to the exact period when history should reach its consummation 444 the underlying idea is predestinarian40#acb ,but all these things are secrets2 they can only be known to certain ,god-fearing men who have the faculty1 divinely accorded1 of peering into the hidden things of ,god1 and who are thus able to reveal them to their fellow-creatures2 hence the name given to these seers1 viz41 8revealers10 or ,apocalyptists1 because they wrote apocalypses1 8revelations40 ,it was because the ,apocalyptists believed so firmly in this power that they possessed of looking into the deep things of ,god that they claimed to be able to measure the significance of what had happened in the past and of what was happening in the present2 more especially they believed that upon the basis of this knowledge they had the power of foreseeing things to come1 and the time of their coming1 and here above all things those which they regarded as the end of all1 to which the whole history of the world had been tending from the beginning4 ,but with all their mysticism and other-worldliness1 with all their eager looking forward to the passing of the present order1 the ,apocalyptists were not blind to the necessity of religious life in its practical aspect4 ,they were loyal to the ,law1 though not in the ,pharisaic sense1 laying stress rather on the spirit of its observance than on carrying it out literally4 ,the frequent reproaches levelled against those who do not observe the ordinances of the ,law shows their attitude2 for example1 in #a ,enoch v4 #d it is said3 ,but ye--ye have not been steadfast1 nor done the commandments of the ,lord1 ,but ye have turned away and have spoken proud and hard words ,with your impure mouths against ,his greatness4 ,o ye hard-hearted1 ye shall find no peace4 ,and again1 in xcix4 #b of the same apocalypse3 ,woe to them that pervert the words of uprightness1 ,and transgress the eternal law 7cp4 also xcix4 #ad1 ,sib4 ,orac4 iii4 #bgf ff474 ,on the other hand1 the reward to be accorded to those who are faithful to the ,law is often spoken of2 this may be illustrated from another book1 #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 of later date1 but in this as in some other points of doctrine the ,apocalyptists believed and taught alike whether belonging to an early or a late date2 in ix4 #g-ab of this book the promise of salvation to those who keep the ,law is followed by a prophecy of woe to those who have ignored it3 8,and every one that shall then be saved1 and shall be able to escape on account of his works or his faith by which he hath believed--such shall survive from the perils aforesaid1 and shall see ,my salvation in ,my land1 and within ,my borders which ,i have sanctified for ,myself eternally4 ,then shall they be amazed that now have abused ,my ways2 they shall abide in the torments which they have spurned and despised4 ,for all who failed to recognize ,me in their lifetime1 although ,i dealt bountifully with them1 and all who have defied ,my ,law1 while they yet had liberty1 and1 while place of repentance was still open to them1 gave no heed1 but scorned it--these must be brought to know after death by torment0 7cp4 vii4 #hc1 viii4 #bi74 ,the ,law is also spoken of as 8the light in which nothing can err0 7,syriac ,apoc4 of ,baruch xix4 #c71 and in the same book 7lix4 #b7 reference is made to 8the lamp of the eternal ,law40 ,all such passages1 and they could be enormously increased1 show that the ,apocalyptists had a high veneration for the ,law1 although they did not accept the ,pharisaic interpretation of it4 ,in one respect1 however1 it may be gathered1 the ,apocalyptists were at one with the ,pharisees in their method of legal observance1 and that was in the matter of ascetic practices2 for these are frequently extolled1 and are clearly regarded as highly meritorious4 ,in one book it is stated1 for example1 that among those who are written and inscribed above in heaven are 8the spirits of the humble1 and of those who have afflicted their bodies0 7#a ,enoch cviii4 #g74 ,elsewhere it is said3 8,let us fast for the space of three days1 and on the fourth let us go into a cave which is in the field1 and let us die rather than transgress the commands of the ,lord of lords1 the ,god of our fathers0 7,assumption of ,moses ix4 #f74 ,in #b 7#d7 ,esdras ascetic practices are often spoken of1 see1 e4g41 vi4 #cb1 vii4 #abe1 ix4 #bd1 and often elsewhere4#acc ,lastly1 one other point may be mentioned here1 namely the1 generally speaking1 universalistic attitude of the ,apocalyptists2 they are not consistent in this1 but normally they embrace the ,gentiles equally with their own nation in the divine scheme of salvation2 the wicked who are excluded are not restricted to the ,gentiles1 but the ,jews equally with them shall suffer torment hereafter according to their deserts4 7,see on this subject the next section47 ,these are1 then1 briefly the main points which illustrate the personal characteristics and general mental attitude of the ,apocalyptists4 ,but this will be further illustrated by glancing at the more important doctrines inculcated in the ,apocalyptic ,literature2 indeed1 one cannot properly separate the doctrinal teaching of the apocalypses from the mental standpoint of the writers2 but for the sake of convenience1 in enumerating their main points of doctrinal teaching1 we propose to tabulate these in a separate section4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,doctrinal ,,teaching ,,of ,,the ,,apocalyptic ,,literature ,we have already pointed out that consistency of teaching is not to be looked for amongst the ,apocalyptists as a whole2 it is well to reiterate this here1 for in referring to the main points of doctrine as taught in this literature examples of this will come before us4 ,it is not our intention to give an exhaustive account of the doctrinal teaching of the ,apocalyptic ,literature2 our object is to make some brief mention of the more specifically characteristic points of doctrine occurring in this literature4 7a7 ,individualism4 ,it is one of the marks of ,hellenistic influence when we find that ,individualism occupies an important place in the teaching of some of the books of this literature4 ,this is markedly the case in the ,book of #a ,enoch1 where the importance of the individual is often insisted upon2 not the nation as such1 but the righteous and elect1 the 8plant of righteousness0 as it is called in x4 #af1 lxxxiv4 #f1 shall inherit the eternal reward4 ,thus it is said in civ4 #a3 8,i swear to you that in heaven the angels remember you for good before the glory of the ,great ,one2 and your names are written before the glory of the ,great ,one40#acd ,the redemption of the world is to be brought about through the righteous and elect individuals1 8the eternal seed-plant40 ,this is one of the dominating thoughts of this book1 and also finds expression in others of this literature2 it is one1 as ,friedlnder says1 which did not emanate from ,pharisaic soil1 but was a product of ,jewish ,hellenism4#ace ,in accordance with this1 individual responsibility is strongly emphasized2 a very pointed passage in this connection is #b 7#d7 ,esdras vii4 #ajb-aje1 where the seer asks the angel3 8,if ,i have found favour in thy sight1 show me1 thy servant1 this also3 whether in the ,day of ,judgement the righteous shall be able to intercede for the ungodly1 or to entreat the ,most ,high in their behalf--fathers for sons1 sons for parents1 brothers for brothers1 kinsfolk for their nearest1 friends for their dearest40 ,and the reply of the angel is3 8,the ,day of ,judgement is decisive1 and displays unto all the seal of truth4 ,even as now a father may not send a son1 or a son his father1 or a master his slave1 or a friend his dearest1 that in his stead he may be ill1 or sleep1 or eat1 or be healed1 so shall none then pray for another on that ,day1 neither shall one lay a burden on another1 for then every one shall bear his own righteousness or unrighteousness40#acf 7b7 ,particularism and ,universalism4 ,here we have a good example of the inconsistency of teaching already referred to4 ,the traditional belief of the ,jewish nation being the peculiar treasure of ,god asserts itself in spite of the broader outlook inspired by ,hellenistic influence4 ,the former attitude is seen1 for example1 in the ,assumption of ,moses i4 #ab1 where ,moses says to ,joshua3 8,he hath created the world on behalf of ,his people40 ,in #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 again1 we have the following3 8,but as for the other nations1 which are descended from ,adam1 ,thou hast said that they are nothing1 and that they are like spittle2 and ,thou hast likened the abundance of them to a drop falling from a bucket4 ,and now1 ,o ,lord1 behold1 these nations which are reputed as nothing lord it over us and crush us4 ,but we1 ,thy people1 whom ,thou hast called ,thy first-born1 ,thy only-begotten1 ,thy beloved1 are given up into their hands4 ,if the world has indeed been created for our sakes why do we not enter into possession of our world80 7vii4 #ef-ei74 ,but though other passages of similar import could be given from most of the books of this literature1 the particularistic attitude is not the normal or usual one2 far more frequent are those passages which express a wider universalistic view2 one or two instances may be given3 in #a ,enoch x4 #ba it is said that 8all the children of men shall become righteous1 and all nations shall offer adoration and shall praise ,me1 and all shall worship ,me02 in xlviii4 #d it is said of the ,son of ,man that 8,he shall be the ,light of the ,gentiles0 7see also xi4 #a1 #b1 xlix4 #a1 l4 #b-e1 xc4 #cj1 xci4 #ad1 ,sib4 ,orac41 iii4 #gjb-gbf1 ,syr4 ,apoc4 of ,baruch xiv4 #ai1 etc472 so1 too1 in the ,testament of the ,twelve ,patriarchs1 ,levi ii4 #aa3 8,and by thee and ,judah shall the ,lord appear among men1 saving every race of men40 ,it is interesting to note that in quite a number of passages in several of these apocalyptic books a blending of these two attitudes seems to find expression2 thus1 in the ,testament of the ,twelve ,patriarchs1 ,levi xiv4 #c1 #d1 ,israel is regarded as superior to all other nations1 but the salvation of the latter is awaited1 and ,israel is to be the means thereof3 8,my children1 be ye pure1 as the heaven is purer than the earth2 and ye who are the lights of ,israel1 shall be as the sun and moon4 ,what will the ,gentiles do if ye be darkened through transgression8 ,yea1 curses will come upon your race1 and the light which was given through the ,law to lighten you and every man1 ye shall desire to destroy1 and teach your commandments contrary to the ordinances of ,god40 ,not essentially different is the thought contained in the ,syriac ,apocalypse of ,baruch lxvii4 #e3 8,and at that time1 after a little interval1 ,zion will again be builded1 and its offerings will again be restored1 and the priests will return to their ministry1 and also the ,gentiles will come to glorify it40 ,this teaching was not merely theoretical1 it expressed what the ,apocalyptists1 urged on by the influence of the ,hellenistic spirit1 were actually striving to bring about2 they desired to make ,judaism a world-religion which could be embraced by all the ,gentiles2 hence the missionary propaganda which they initiated and carried out1 and of which a large part of their literary activity formed the expression4 ,according to them the ,jewish ,church was to consist of those who were righteous1 no matter what their nationality might be2 and if one1 though he were a ,jew1 was not godly1 he was not regarded as a member of that ,church4 ,outside of ,palestine1 as well as in many parts within the land1 ,jew and ,gentile were constantly being brought into personal touch with one another1 man with man2 and many ,jews came to learn that the distinction between the 8people of ,god0 and the 8heathen world0 was a wrong one1 unfitting in the sight of ,god1 unjust to men4 ,hence arose the apprehension of the true distinction to be drawn among men1 a distinction between the righteous and the ungodly1 irrespective altogether of nationality or race2 and it is this distinction which finds such abundant expression in the ,apocalyptic ,literature4 ,this religious conception regarding humanity resulted1 in the natural course1 in the desire to proclaim the name of the true and one ,god to all men so that all might have the chance of knowing ,him4 ,the ,apocalyptists1 inspired in large measure by the teaching of some of the greatest prophets1 were therefore the great missionaries at this period2 and this was the combined result of the universalistic attitude brought about by the influence of the ,hellenistic spirit and the fuller apprehension and meaning of the teaching of prophets such as those who wrote the latter half of the ,book of ,isaiah and the ,book of ,jonah4 7c7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,messiah4 ,we need not go into all the details of ,messianic teaching given in this literature2 much of it is similar to that found in the ,old ,testament and in the ,apocrypha2 it will be sufficient if we point out what is more specifically characteristic4 ,the most important point upon which to lay stress is the transcendental character of the ,messiah4 ,in #a ,enoch the ,messiah appears as ,one ,who is divine1 for ,he has ,his place upon the throne of ,god3 ,on that day ,mine ,elect ,one shall sit upon the ,throne of ,glory 7xlv4 #c74 ,he is ,judge and ,saviour1 and is endowed with all wisdom3 ,for in those days the ,elect ,one shall arise1 ,and ,he shall choose the righteous and holy from among them1 ,for the day has drawn nigh that they should be saved4#acg ,and the ,elect ,one shall in those days sit on ,my throne1 ,and ,his mouth shall pour forth all the secrets of wisdom and counsel2 ,for the ,lord of ,spirits hath given them to ,him1 and hath glorified ,him 7li4 #b1 #c74 ,but as a righteous judge ,he will condemn the wicked3 ,and ,he sat on the throne of ,his glory1 ,and the sum of judgement was given unto the ,son of ,man1 ,and he caused the sinners to pass away and be destroyed from off the face of the earth1 ,and those who have led the world astray4444 ,for that ,son of ,man has appeared1 ,and has seated himself upon the throne of ,his glory1 ,and all evil shall pass away before ,his face1 ,and the word of that ,son of ,man shall go forth1 ,and be strong before the ,lord of ,spirits 7lxix4 #bg-bi1 cp4 lxi4 #h74ach ,in accordance with this divine character of the ,messiah is the teaching of ,his pre-existence before the world began3 ,yea1 before the sun and the signs were created1 ,before the stars of the heaven were made1 ,his name was named before the ,lord of ,spirits 7xlviii4 #c1 cp4 verse #f74 ,this teaching is by no means confined to the ,book of ,enoch2 in the ,sibylline ,oracles v4 #dad ff41 for example1 it is said in reference to the ,messiah that 8there hath come from the plains of heaven a ,blessed ,man with the ,sceptre in ,his hand which ,god hath committed to ,his clasp2 and ,he hath won fair dominion over all1 and hath restored to all the good the wealth which the former men took40 ,in the ,testament of the ,twelve ,patriarchs1 ,judah xxiv4 #a it is said3 8,no sin shall be found in ,him02 and in ,levi xviii4 #aj1 #aa are the striking words3 ,and ,he shall open the gates of paradise1 ,and shall remove the threatening sword against ,adam1 ,and ,he shall give to the saints to eat from the tree of life1 ,and the spirit of holiness shall be on them4 ,in #b 7#d7 ,esdras the ,messiah is likewise similarly portrayed1 though in some passages he appears as purely human 7see below1 chap4 ,,ix4 7e774 ,in some other apocalypses the ,messiah is conceived of as a man pure and simple2 but the account given above is the more characteristic of the ,apocalyptic ,literature taken as a whole4 7d7 ,the doctrine of the ,future ,life4 ,two outstanding doctrines come into consideration here3 the doctrine of the immortality of the spirit1 and the doctrine of the resurrection of the body4 ,the causes1 humanly speaking1 whereby one led on to the other1 were1 firstly1 the belief in a final retribution which the existence of a just and righteous ,god rendered necessary2 and1 secondly1 innate materialistic conceptions which resulted in causing men to impute to the spirit what belongs properly to the body4#aci ,to dwell for a moment on the first point2 the clearest illustration of it is found in the ,book of #a ,enoch1 where in cii4 #f-h the following words are put into the mouth of sinners3 ,as we die1 so die the righteous1 ,and what benefit do they reap for their deeds8 ,behold1 even as we1 so do they die in grief and darkness1 ,and what have they more than we8 ,from henceforth we are equal4 ,and what will they receive1 and what will they see for ever8 ,behold1 they too have died1 ,and henceforth for ever shall they see no light4 ,this evidently represents what was in effect actually believed and said by many2 and the normal teaching of the ,old ,testament bore out the truth of it4 ,but if it were true how could ,god's righteousness and justice be vindicated8 ,so the ,apocalyptists taught a doctrine of retribution much in advance of anything to be found in the ,old ,testament1 a doctrine which involved belief in immortality1 and here they were indebted to ,hellenistic influence1 very different from the traditional ,sheol-conception4 ,this doctrine is nowhere more clearly set forth than in #a ,enoch ciii4 #a-h4 ,the passage is somewhat lengthy1 but in view of its importance it will be well to quote it in full3 ,now1 therefore1 ,i swear to you1 the righteous1 by the glory of the ,great and ,honoured and ,mighty ,one in dominion1 and by ,his greatness ,i swear to you3-- ,i know a mystery1 ,and have read the heavenly tablets1 ,and have seen the holy books1 ,and have found written therein and inscribed regarding them3 ,that all goodness and joy and glory are prepared for them1 ,and written down for the spirits of those who have died in righteousness1 ,and what manifold good shall be given to you in recompense for your labours1 ,and that your lot is abundantly beyond the lot of the living4 ,and the spirits of you who have died in righteousness shall live and rejoice1 ,and their spirits shall not perish1 nor their memorial from before the face of the ,great ,one1 ,unto all the generations of the world4 ,wherefore1 no longer fear their contumely4 ,woe to you sinners1 when ye have died1 ,if ye die in the wealth of your sins1 ,and those who are like you1 that say regarding you3 8,blessed are the sinners1 they have seen all their days2 ,and now they have died in prosperity and in wealth1 ,and have not seen tribulation or murder in their life2 ,and they have died in honour1 ,and judgement hath not been executed on them during their life40 ,know ye1 that their souls shall be made to descend into ,sheol1 ,and they shall be wretched in their great tribulation4 ,and into darkness and chains1 and a burning flame where there is grievous judgement shall your spirits enter2 ,and the great judgement shall be for all the generations of the world4 ,woe to you1 for ye shall have no peace4 ,it will be noticed that in this passage it is only the spirit which is spoken of as living in the world to come1 so that nothing more than the immortality of the spirit is taught2 a teaching considerably in advance of the normal teaching of the ,old ,testament1 but yet it does not go beyond belief in the immortality of the spirit4 ,on the other hand1 the passage contains expressions of a materialistic kind incompatible with purely spiritual conceptions2 so that a reflective mind must sooner or later have been led to the fuller doctrine of the resurrection of the body if his teaching was to be logical4 ,but here another element comes into consideration4 ,conceptions regarding the ,messianic ,kingdom varied1 and the subject we are discussing was closely connected with those variations2 for as long as the ,messianic ,kingdom was conceived of as existing on this earth the teaching on the life hereafter1 i4e4 within the ,messianic ,kingdom1 was bound to tend towards a bodily existence then4 ,but when the ,kingdom came to be conceived of as existing in the heavens1 materialistic ideas receded1 and more spiritual ones found expression4 ,there seem1 therefore1 to have been three stages of conception regarding the state of man's nature in the future life3 first of all a development of the ,old ,testament ,sheol-conception which resulted in the belief of the immortality of the spirit#adj2 then with the expectation of the ,messianic ,kingdom of eternal duration on this earth came the belief in the resurrection of the body2 and1 lastly1 when the ,kingdom of ,heaven was conceived of as eternal in the ,heavens above1 it was the resurrection of the spirit that was taught4 ,variation of teaching is also found in the ,apocalyptic ,literature regarding those who are to attain to the future life2 sometimes it is taught that all the ,israelites1 good and bad1 shall rise1 those to inherit bliss1 these to suffer torment2 the ,gentiles are not considered4 ,at other times only the good ,israelites are to rise2 while it is also taught1 though more rarely1 that all mankind shall rise1 including therefore the ,gentiles2 the righteous rise to eternal life1 the wicked to eternal torment4 ,an intermediate period of waiting between death and the resurrection is also taught1 the wicked being in ,hades1 the righteous in ,paradise4 ,but sometimes there is no mention of an intermediate state1 the resurrection following immediately after death4#ada 99 99 99 99 99 ,these1 then1 constitute the most important doctrines concerning which the ,apocalyptic ,literature has something specific to teach4 ,the doctrine of ,god does not differ materially from anything that is taught in the ,old ,testament and in the ,apocrypha1 and the same applies to the doctrine of ,sin2 the doctrine of ,wisdom will receive consideration in ,chapter ,,ix4 ,the ,angelology and ,demonology of this ,literature certainly show considerable development owing to ,persian influence2 but these two subjects are not of sufficient importance for present purposes to merit any detailed treatment4 ,for some account of the books of this literature see ,chapter ,x4 ,,summary ,in discussing the beginnings of the ,apocalyptic ,movement a consideration of the different thought-tendencies in ,palestine prior to the ,maccaban struggle is necessary4 ,the ,jewish nation as a whole had come under the influence of the ,hellenistic spirit1 though not all were ,hellenistically inclined4 ,a minority1 who clung tenaciously to the rigid observance of the ,law1 was known as the 8,pious ones10 or ,chassidim4 ,but these ,chassidim were of two types2 there were among them those who became the ,apocalyptists1 and there were also among them those who1 later1 developed into the party of the ,pharisees4 ,thus both ,apocalyptists and ,pharisees acknowledged a common descent1 i4e4 from the ,chassidim4 ,the teaching of the ,apocalyptists is on more than one subject inconsistent2 this is mainly due to the fact that their minds were1 on the one hand1 saturated with the traditional thoughts and ideas of the ,old ,testament1 while on the other hand they were eagerly absorbing the newer conceptions bred of the spirit of the age4 ,nevertheless1 the ,apocalyptists were the true prophets of the people1 to whom they brought a message of comfort and hope by telling of the new world which was soon to come2 to the ungodly they addressed words of stern warning4 ,the teaching of the ,apocalyptists dealt mainly with the world to come1 and most of what they taught was characterized by its supernatural colouring4 ,they held strongly that all things had been predestined by ,god before all time4 ,in spite of much mysticism and a gaze concentrated on that which was to come1 the ,apocalyptists were loyal to the ,law1 though not in the ,pharisaic sense1 the spirit of its observance being regarded as more important than obedience to the letter4 ,normally the ,apocalyptists were universalists rather than particularists1 though in this they were inconsistent4 ,the main points in the doctrinal teaching of the ,apocalyptic ,literature are3 ,individualism1 the importance of the individual being strongly emphasized2 the inclusion of the ,gentiles in the divine plan of salvation2 the transcendental character of the ,messiah2 and the teaching concerning the future life2 in this latter inconsistency is found1 sometimes the resurrection of the body is taught1 at other times only the immortality of the soul2 there is also variety of teaching on the subject of those who are to attain to the future life and their lot there4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,the ,scribes ,,literature4--,in addition to the literature given at the head of the next chapter reference may be made to ,schrer ,,ii1 i4 pp4 #cjf-cgi1 ,german ed41 ,,ii1 pp4 #cfc-ddg2 ,lightley1 ,les ,scribes1 tude sur leur origine chez les ,isralites 7#aije74 ,also the articles 8,scribes and ,pharisees0 7,prince7 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 and 8,scribes0 7,eisenstein7 in the ,jewish ,encycl4 ,it is important that we should try1 as far as possible1 to present the available data concerning the ,scribes in their chronological order2 that would1 of course1 be desirable in any case1 but it is doubly so when1 as here1 a clear statement of the development of the scribal class and its activities may be a help in understanding some of the difficult questions which will come before us in dealing with the ,sadducees and ,pharisees4 ,we shall1 therefore1 state the evidence chronologically1 as far as may be1 making our deductions as we proceed4 7a7 ,the ,old ,testament data4 ,first as to the use of the term 8,scribe0 ,sphr in ,hebrew1 and is used in the sense of 8secretary0 or the like2 in #b ,samuel viii4 #ag1 e4g41 among ,david's officials are reckoned 8,zadok the son of ,ahitub1 and ,ahimelech the son of ,abiathar1 who were priests2 and ,seraiah1 who was scribe0 7cp4 #b ,sam4 xx4 #be2 #b ,kings xviii4 #ah1 etc474 ,as a royal official he had various duties2 he acted as treasurer1 according to #b ,kings xii4 #aa1 #b ,chronicles xxiv4 #aa1 apparently in some military capacity1 according to #b ,kings xxv4 #ai1 ,jeremiah lii4 #be2 in ,psalm xlv4 #b a ,sphr is clearly one who writes 78,my tongue is the pen of a ready writer0 ,sphr72 and1 finally1 in ,esther iii4 #ab1 viii4 #i1 he occupies the place of the ,persian king's secretary who writes out decrees4 ,with one exception 7,ps4 xlv4 #b71 in all these passages the ,scribe is spoken of as a royal official2 they are1 therefore1 only important for us here as showing that the ideas of counting and writing are connected with the term ,sphr2 and these are exactly the meanings conveyed by the root4 ,the three next passages1 which give some data regarding the office of the ,scribe1 have a special importance because they are pre-exilic-- ,jeremiah viii4 #h1 #i3 8,how do ye say1 ,we are wise1 and the ,law of the ,lord is with us8 ,but1 behold1 the false pen of the ,scribes hath wrought falsely4 ,the wise men are ashamed1 they are dismayed and taken2 lo1 they have rejected the word of the ,lord2 and what manner of wisdom is in them80 ,jeremiah xviii4 #ah3 8,then said they1 ,come and let us devise devices against ,jeremiah2 for the ,law shall not perish from the priest1 nor counsel from the wise1 nor the word from the prophet40 ,jeremiah xxxvi43 ,this chapter is too long to quote in full2 it tells us of ,baruch1 the ,scribe1 who wrote down ,jeremiah's words 8upon a roll of a book02 it also mentions ,gemariah1 the son of ,shaphan1 the ,scribe1 who had his chamber 8in the upper court1 at the entry of the new gate of the ,lord's house0 7verse #aj72 further1 mention is also made of ,elishama the ,scribe1 who had his chamber in the king's house 7verse #ab72 ,elishama was clearly a royal official4 ,from these passages we gather that ,scribes were in existence before the ,exile1 that they claimed to be wise1 and that they regarded themselves as authorities on the ,law of the ,lord2 they are censured by ,jeremiah with having 8wrought falsely10 and the context points to this as being connected with the 8,law of the ,lord02 what precisely is referred to is not easy to determine1 but the point of importance for us is that the pre-exilic ,scribes were occupied with the ,law2 if they come under the lash of ,jeremiah they do not differ in this respect from the wise men1 nor yet from the priests and the prophets 7see viii4 #aj74 ,in ,jeremiah xxxvi4 mention is made of ,scribes in influential positions2 but in addition to these there is ,baruch1 who belongs to a different category of ,scribe1 for he makes copies of what are clearly regarded as sacred writings 7see verses #bd1 #be74 ,from the meagre evidence we possess there is not much to be gathered2 but we may perhaps be justified in saying that already in pre-exilic times the term 8,scribes0 was beginning to be used as a technical term in the limited sense of their being those whose special duty it was to make copies of the ,law in the form in which it then existed4 ,but in saying that the term 8,scribes0 was used in a technical sense already in this pre-exilic period we must very strongly emphasize that this is to be understood in an entirely different sense from that in which it was used as a technical term in post-exilic times4 ,there is a world of difference between the ,scribe who is the more or less officially accredited copier of the text of the ,law or other ,scriptures1 and the ,scribe who also interprets the ,law1 teaches it to the people1 and in whom is vested the judicial power of enforcing its decrees4 ,in each case 8,scribe0 may be used as a technical term while connoting two very different things4 ,further1 from the second of the passages quoted above we see that three distinct classes are mentioned1 viz41 the priests1 the wise men or ,chakamim1 and the prophets4 ,there can be no doubt that these three were in existence long before ,scribes in the technical sense were heard of2 with the prophets we are not concerned here1 for their activity lay in a different sphere altogether2 but we must try and get some clear ideas upon the subject of the relationship between the ,scribes and the priests on the one hand1 and the ,scribes and the ,chakamim on the other4 ,originally the priests alone were concerned with the ,law2 but the ,law contained1 broadly speaking1 two elements1 the ritual and the moral2 the former of these was more especially the concern of the priests2 but the latter had a wider interest1 and many of the ,chakamim as well as the priests occupied themselves with it4 ,when the ,scribes arose--it is not possible to say precisely when this was1 but it was before the ,exile--they did not1 as a body1 restrict themselves to the study of one or other aspect of the ,law1 but1 according to their bent1 some gave more particular attention to the study of the ritual ,law1 others to the moral ,law2 so that among the types of scribe there appeared the priest-scribe1 such as ,ezra1 and the wisdom-scribe1 such as was ,ben-,sira in later times4 ,but the ,chakamim1 as a class1 still remained1 no less than the priests1 each occupying themselves with their particular study1 as they had done before the ,scribes came into existence4 ,in course of time1 and through ,ezra's influence1 the power of the ,scribes greatly increased1 and they became the most influential leaders among the people2 and by the time of the ,maccaban struggle their activities were wholly and exclusively absorbed in the study and teaching of the ,law1 both ritual and moral1 written and oral4 ,but we have anticipated1 and must now turn to the evidence of the post-exilic books4 ,in ,ezra vii4 the following verses are important3 8,ezra 444 was a ready scribe in the ,law of ,moses1 which the ,lord1 the ,god of ,israel1 had given0 7verse #f74 8,ezra had set his heart to seek the ,law of the ,lord1 and to do it1 and to teach in ,israel statutes and judgements0 7verse #aj74 8444 ,ezra the priest1 the scribe1 even the scribe of the words of the commandments of the ,lord1 and of ,his statutes to ,israel44440 8,ezra the priest1 the scribe of the ,law of the ,god of heaven0 7verses #aa1 #ab1 #ba74 ,according to vii4 #be1 ,artaxerxes gives the following instructions to ,ezra3 8,and thou1 ,ezra1 after the wisdom of thy ,god that is in thine hand1 appoint magistrates and judges1 which may judge all the people that are beyond the river1 all such as know the laws of thy ,god1 and teach ye him that knoweth them not40 ,the whole of ,nehemiah viii4-x4 is important for our present subject2 we draw special attention to the following passages3 8,ezra the scribe0 is asked by the people to bring the book of the ,law of ,moses in order that it might be read to them2 it then continues3 8,and ,ezra the priest brought the ,law before the congregation1 both men and women1 and all that could hear with understanding4444 ,and he read therein before the broad place that was before the water-gate from early morning until mid-day1 in the presence of the men and the women1 and of those that could understand2 and the ears of all the people were attentive unto the book of the ,law0 7viii4 #b1 #c74 ,in viii4 #g-i1 the names of thirteen men are enumerated who1 together with the ,levites1 8caused the people to understand the ,law4 ,and they read in the book1 in the ,law of ,god1 interpreting it2 and they gave the sense1 and caused 7the people7 to understand the reading4 ,and ,nehemiah1 which was the ,tirshatha1#adb and ,ezra the priest the scribe1 and the ,levites that taught the people1 said unto all the people1 ,this day is holy unto the ,lord your ,god2 mourn not1 nor weep40 ,further1 in viii4 #ac-ae1 it is said3 8,and on the second day were gathered together the heads of the fathers' houses of all the people1 the priests and the ,levites1 unto ,ezra the scribe1 even to give attention to the words of the ,law4 ,and they found written in the ,law1 how that the ,lord had commanded by ,moses that the children of ,israel should dwell in booths in the feast of the seventh month 44402 then follows the account of how the people were to celebrate the ,feast of ,tabernacles4 ,these passages show that whatever may have been the scribal activity before the ,exile1 an altogether new position was assigned to the ,law and its observances by the scribe ,ezra4#adc ,the ,law now begins to be the central pre-occupation of the ,scribes under the guidance of ,ezra and ,nehemiah1 the former of whom is the scribe par excellence4 ,the priests and ,levites are associated with the scribe ,ezra1 and presumably with the scribes in general2 but we know from later history that the study of the ,law soon became the special concern of the ,scribes almost to the exclusion of the priests4 ,noteworthy is the stress laid on teaching the ,law to the people2 and a new element of far-reaching importance seems to be adumbrated in ,nehemiah viii4 #h1 where it is said that the teachers of ,law 8read in the book1 in the ,law of ,god1 interpreting it2 and they gave the sense1 and caused 7the people7 to understand the reading40 ,it is interesting to note that the ,hebrew root for 8to interpret0 here 7p-r-sh7 is the same as that from which the word ,pharisee comes2 we shall draw attention to this again later4 ,one or two passages of later date must also be noted1 for they are not without interest1 and shed further light on our subject3 #a ,chronicles ii4 #ee3 ,among various genealogical enumerations occurs that of 8the families of scribes which dwelt at ,jabez2 the ,tirathites1 the ,shimeathites1 the ,sucathites4 ,these are the ,kenites that came of ,hammath1 the father of the house of ,rechab40 ,from this we gather1 first1 that the scribal office was inherited1 and from ,jeremiah xxxvi4 #aj-ab we may assume that this was also the case in pre-exilic times1 for both ,michaiah1 and his father ,gemariah1 who was the son of ,shaphan the scribe1 seem to be closely associated with the scribes1 and were presumably themselves scribes4 ,another point to be noted from the passage quoted is that some families of the scribes were connected with the house of ,rechab2 now the ,rechabites were ascetics 7see ,jer4 xxxv4 #f-aj71 and it is possible that when1 in later days1 the ,pharisees made a point of practising asceticism1#add they were following an early tradition in principle though the actual practices had become different with the changed conditions of life4 #b ,chronicles xxxiv4 #ac3 ,this passage is referred to because it says that some of the ,levites were scribes1 which again implies association with the priests4 ,daniel v4 #bf-bh3 ,here we have an example of text and interpretation which1 so far as the principle is concerned1 is according to the scribal method4 ,we have now to examine some ,old ,testament evidence of another kind1 and as this is calculated to throw light on the subsequent history of the scribal movement and its developments it deserves careful consideration4 ,from a number of indications to be found in the ,books of ,ezra and ,nehemiah it is evident that from the very commencement of the settlement of the exiles in ,palestine differences arose between them and the ,israelites whom they found there on their return4 ,there seem to have been several causes for these differences2 but what largely lay at the bottom of them was the contention of the returned exiles that they alone represented the true ,israelites2 those who had been left in the land had become mixed with the heathen#ade by living among them and intermarrying with them1 and were therefore not regarded as true ,israelites4 ,but more than this2 it would seem that among the exiles themselves there were some who belonged to the priesthood1 but that this was denied by the leaders among the exiles2 this is gathered from ,ezra ii4 #fa-fc1 where the enumeration of some priestly families is given concerning whom it is said3 8,these sought their register among those that were reckoned by genealogy1 but they were not found2 therefore were they deemed polluted and put from the priesthood4 ,and the ,tirshatha said unto them1 that they should not eat of the most holy things1 till there stood up a priest with ,urim and with ,thummim40 ,among the exiled people1 too1 were some who 8could not show their fathers' houses and their seed1 whether they were of ,israel0 7,ezra ii4 #ci74 ,thus both those who had been living in ,palestine1 and some of those who returned with the exiles1 had a grievance4 ,this was greatly aggravated when ,zerubbabel refused the help of any but those whom he considered true ,israelites in the building of the temple 7,ezra iv4 #a-e73 8444 ,then the people of the land weakened the hands of the people of ,judah1 and troubled them in building44440 7cp4 ,neh4 ii4 #ai1 iv4 #a ff474 ,a more far-reaching cause of division was that of marriage with foreigners1 especially with ,samaritans1 who were with justice regarded as heathen by the bulk of the returned exiles2 in ,ezra ix4 #a1 #b1 we read3 8444 the princes drew near unto me1 saying1 ,the people of ,israel1 and the priests and the ,levites1 have not separated themselves from the peoples of the lands4444 ,for they have taken of their daughters for themselves and for their sons2 so that the holy seed have mingled themselves with the peoples of the lands4 ,yea1 the hand of the princes and rulers hath been chief in this trespass0 7cp4 ,neh4 xiii4 #bc1 #bd74 ,that1 as indicated in these last words1 it was the aristocracy1 i4e4 the high-priestly families1 who were most forward in contracting foreign alliances and who were in favour of intercourse with non-,jews generally1 is shown further by such passages as ,nehemiah vi4 #ag-ai3 8,moreover1 in those days the nobles of ,judah sent many letters unto ,tobiah1 and the letters of ,tobiah came unto them4 ,for there were many in ,judah sworn unto him1 because he was the son-in-law of ,shechaniah the son of ,arah2 and his son ,johanan had taken the daughter of ,meshullam the son of ,berechiah to wife4 ,also they spake of his good deeds before me and reported my words to him40 ,and again ,nehemiah xiii4 #bh3 8,and one of the sons of ,joiada1 son of ,eliashib the high-priest1 was son-in-law to ,sanballat the ,horonite40 ,very significant1 too1 is the long passage ,ezra x4 #ah-dd2 this contains a list of those who had married strange wives2 first are mentioned the sons of the priests1 among these a few had put away their wives 7verses #ah1 #ai71 but the list1 as it continues1 mentions those priests who did not do so 7verses #bj-bb72 then follow the names of ,levites1 singers1 and porters1 then of ,israelites1 who 8had taken strange wives2 and some of them had wives by whom they had children0 7verse #dd74 ,the attempts of ,ezra and ,nehemiah to stop these alliances and to put an end to the intercourse between the ,jews and those whom they regarded as heathen were thus not wholly successful2 and this is further borne out by several passages which reveal the resistance offered1 e4g4 ,ezra x4 #ae3 8,but ,jonathan the son of ,asahel and ,jahaziah the son of ,tikvah stood up against this matter2 and ,meshullam and ,shabbethai the ,levite helped them40 ,again1 in ,nehemiah vi4 #aj-ad the influence of ,sanballat and ,tobiah upon many of those who lived in ,jerusalem1 and the existence of a party there opposed to ,ezra1 is plainly indicated2 among those belonging to this party there are mentioned ,shemaiah1 the prophetess ,noadiah1 8and the rest of the prophets0 7cp4 also xiii4 #d ff42 ,mal4 ii4 #aj-af74 ,from all these indications it is not difficult to see that the elements for the formation of a distinct party in opposition to the rgime of ,ezra and ,nehemiah were present from the very beginning of the return from the ,exile4 ,for some considerable time1 no doubt1 the influence of ,ezra succeeded in suppressing1 though not in quenching1 the opposition which he met with2 but two diverging tendencies became rooted among sections of the people1 and in course of time bore fruit in the formation of distinct parties4 ,the distinguishing notes of these two tendencies can be discerned without difficulty2 on the one hand there were1 as can be seen from the quotations given above1 the members of the aristocracy1 i4e41 the high-priestly families1 who were friendly disposed to those of semi-,israelite and even non-,israelite origin4 ,they were1 from the point of view of their adversaries1 lax concerning the observance of the ,law 7see1 e4g41 ,neh4 xiii4 #ae ff471 though not necessarily antagonistic to it1 but only to the ,ezra conception of it2 they could1 for example1 show that their foreign marriages were not contrary to the ,law1 while ,ezra's requirements went beyond the ,law4 ,on the other hand1 there was ,ezra1 and his followers1 strongly adverse to any intercourse between ,jews and non-,jews1 and painfully scrupulous regarding the minute observance of the ,law 7see1 e4g41 ,neh4 x4 #bh ff474 ,here1 therefore1 were the tendencies already in existence which1 as time went on1 continued to develop until they became the crystallized tenets of definitely opposed parties1 whose watchwords were ,universalism versus ,particularism1 and whose attitude towards the ,law differed in this respect1 that the ,universalists interpreted it in a limited sense1 while the ,particularists insisted on a laborious observance of it in all its minute details1 which became greatly increased by their methods of interpretation4 ,the process of the development of these tendencies can be seen in some of the books of the ,old ,testament2 for example1 in the ,book of ,haggai 7ii4 #aj ff47 we have indications of the importance laid upon minute legal observances by the priests1 with whom1 as already pointed out1 the ,scribes were associated2 in the ,book of ,jonah1 on the other hand1 universalism is throughout the dominant note4 7b7 ,the ,apocrypha data4 ,the classical passage in the books of the ,apocrypha concerning our present subject is ,ecclesiasticus xxxix4 #a-aa1 where the ideal scribe is described2 in the passage which precedes this ,ben-,sira insists upon the need of leisure for a scribe if he is to devote himself to the acquisition of true wisdom2 he shows that the labourer and the artisan1 while indispensable to society1 are necessarily too much occupied with their callings to give any time to higher things4 ,then he continues3 #a4 ,not so he that applieth himself to the fear of ,god1 ,and to set his mind upon the ,law of the ,most ,high2 ,who searcheth out the wisdom of all the ancients1 ,and is occupied with the prophets of old2 #b4 ,who heedeth the discourses of men of renown1 ,and entereth into the deep things of parables2 #c4 ,searcheth out the hidden meaning of proverbs1 ,and is conversant with the dark sayings of parables4444 #f4 ,if it seem good to ,god ,most ,high1 ,he shall be filled with the spirit of understanding4 ,he himself poureth forth wise sayings in double measure1 ,and giveth thanks unto the ,lord in prayer4 #g4 ,he himself directeth counsel and knowledge1 ,and setteth his mind on their secrets4 #h4 ,he himself declareth wise instruction1 ,and glorieth in the ,law of the ,lord4444 ,the first thing that must strike us here is that according to ,ben-,sira there is no difference between a scribe and a wise man1 the two are synonymous 7verse #a74adf ,the next thing to note is that ,ben-,sira recognizes two sources of the scribe's knowledge1 the study of these is what constitutes the scribal activity2 the first is described in verse #a1 viz41 the ,law of the ,most ,high1 the wisdom of the ancients1 and the prophets of old2 that is to say1 the ,pentateuch1 the ,wisdom books1 and the prophetical books4#adg ,the second is described in verses #b1 #c1 viz41 discourses of men of renown1 deep things of parables1 hidden meaning of proverbs1 and dark sayings of parables2 it is difficult to see to what these things can refer unless it is to the discussions1 proverbs and aphorisms of the kind which abound in ,ben-,sira's book4 ,that they cannot refer to the oral ,law is clear enough from the description itself2 for the oral ,law cannot be said to have consisted of discourses1 hidden meaning of proverbs1 or dark sayings of parables4 ,ben-,sira1 though a scribe1 has nothing to say about an oral ,law1 though he must have known of its existence2 yet he has a great veneration for the ,law1 there are abundant indications of that in his book4 ,we have1 moreover1 seen that there are strong grounds for believing that an oral ,law was in existence long before the time of ,ben-,sira 7circa ,b4,c4 #bjj71 and the evidence of somewhat later times points in the same direction4 ,we are1 therefore1 forced to the conclusion that ,ben-,sira represents a type of scribe who venerated the ,law as written1 but repudiated the oral ,law4 ,further1 though ,ben-,sira was a good ,jew1 the ,hellenistic influences which are to be found in his book and his generally broader mental outlook make him in some respects the antithesis of ,ezra4 ,ben-,sira thus seems to belong to those1 of whom we have made mention above1 whose tendency was in an universalistic direction and who could venerate the ,law without feeling bound by the inferences which might be drawn from its interpretation4 ,the evidence of the ,prologue to the ,greek translation of ,ecclesiasticus1 some sixty years later1 points also to a veneration of the ,law1 but without making any reference to the oral ,law1 although it is probable that scribes are in the mind of the writer of the ,prologue when he speaks of 8readers0 and 8lovers of learning who must be able to profit them which are without i4e4 the laity1 most likely both by speaking and writing40 ,the ,prologue thus corroborates what we learn from the book itself4 ,before coming to #a ,maccabees1 which is the next book to give evidence on the subject of the ,scribes1 a word must be said about the ,assidans1 or ,chassidim4#adh ,by these are meant those 8,pious0 ones1 frequently mentioned in some of the later ,psalms 7e4g41 cxlix4 #a-i1 and elsewhere71 who clung tenaciously to the ,law1 both written and oral1 when1 in the third century ,b4,c4 onwards1 many of the ,jews were becoming lax owing1 largely1 to ,hellenistic influences4 ,they were animated by a strong antipathy towards everyone who was ,hellenistically inclined2 they were legalists in the strictest sense of the word1 and particularists4 ,although in existence beforehand1 it was only during the ,maccaban struggle that they commenced to play an important rle in the political life of the nation4 ,the importance of the ,chassidim for our present study is that they are identified with one type of the scribes in #a ,maccabees vii4 #ab1 #ac1 viz43 8,and there was gathered together unto ,alcimus#adi and ,bacchides#aej a company of scribes to seek for justice2 and the ,chassidim were the first among the children of ,israel that sought peace of them i4e41 of ,alcimus and ,bacchides40 ,the evidence of this book appears at first sight to be conflicting1 for in the passage just cited they appear as the peaceful party1 while in ii4 #dc1 #dd they are described as warlike4#aea ,it is probable1 however1 that these descriptions both witness to the true facts of the case2 for the natural inclination of these students and strict observers of the ,law would clearly lie in the direction of peace2 but as soon as they realized that the cherished object of their existence was imperilled1 fighting became a necessity4 ,it must be remembered that the ,chassidim and the ,maccabees are in no sense to be identified2 they were both champions of the ,law1 and both the enemies of ,hellenistic ,jews2 but the ,maccabees were patriots primarily1 while the ,chassidim were legalists1 and1 provided they were left in peace to follow their legal studies and observances1 it was of no great moment to them whether their nation was independent or a subject-race4 ,in the ,book of ,judith1 although the ,scribes are never mentioned1 many details of what were really the results of their activity are to be found2 but as these are spoken of in ,part ,,ii in the account there given of the ,book of ,judith 7 iii471 we need not make any further reference to the subject here4 7c7 ,some further particulars4 ,one or two other points regarding the ,scribes may be briefly mentioned4 ,as exponents of the ,law and of the ,scriptures generally the ,scribes were as a matter of course greatly occupied with the ,hebrew text of these2 they thus became1 quite apart from their other duties1 such as making copies of the ,scriptures1 the guardians of the text of ,scripture1 and upon them devolved the further duty of the fixing and the preservation of the ,biblical text4 ,this very important function marks them out as the beginners of the textual criticism of the ,old ,testament4 ,a further practical duty which the study and exposition of the ,law brought with it was that of administering it4 ,the ,scribe was a lawyer2 in the ,gospels the two terms are synonymous1 for which reason they never occur together4 ,it was as administrators of the ,law that the ,scribes were represented in the ,sanhedrin at ,jerusalem2 here they sat as judges who assisted in the passing of sentences on those who had broken the ,law4#aeb ,after definite parties had come into existence the ,scribes belonged1 in the main1 to the ,pharisaic party2 but there was no reason against some of them being members of the ,sadducan party2 this is1 indeed1 implied in such passages as ,mark ii4 #af2 ,luke v4 #cj2 ,acts xxiii4 #i4 ,that which constituted the difference between the ,scribes and the ,pharisees was briefly this3 the ,scribes handed down the traditional1 i4e4 the oral1 ,law as well as the written ,law1 and explained it2 the ,pharisees carried out in actual practice what was thus prescribed4 ,this1 of course1 does not mean to say that the ,scribes did not also strictly observe the legal enactments2 but that their special duties constituted them a class distinct from the ,pharisees is clear from the way in which they are differentiated in the ,new ,testament1 for there we read of the 8,scribes of the ,pharisees0 7,mark ii4 #af2 ,acts xxiii4 #i71 and of 8the ,pharisees and their scribes0 7,luke v4 #cj71 showing clearly that the ,scribes were distinct from the ,pharisees4 ,the natural sequel to any account of the ,scribes is a consideration of the ,pharisees2 with these1 in conjunction with the ,sadducees1 we shall deal in the next chapter4 ,,summary ,from the ,old ,testament data we gather that there were ,scribes who were occupied with the written ,law in pre-exilic times1 though they arose long subsequently to the priests1 the prophets1 and the ,chakamim1 or wise men2 but the pre-exilic scribe was of a very different kind from the scribe of later times4 ,ezra was not only the first scribe in the later sense of the word1 but was also the inaugurator of the scribal system as generally understood4 ,an important point to notice in the activity of the ,scribes in the earliest post-exilic period is that as teachers of the ,law they interpreted it to the people4 ,from the commencement of the return from the ,captivity differences arose between the returned exiles and those whom they found in ,palestine on their return4 ,these differences reveal the existence of two diverging tendencies among many of the people1 the distinguishing notes of which were particularism and rigid legalism on the one hand1 and universalism coupled with a less strict interpretation of legal requirements on the other4 ,ezra and those who followed him were the upholders of the former1 the high-priestly party and their followers of the latter tendency4 ,the process of development in either direction can be discerned in some of the later ,old ,testament books4 ,in the ,apocrypha we learn from ,ecclesiasticus that a type of scribe had arisen whose energies were directed towards the acquisition of wisdom which he was concerned to impart to others2 this type of scribe1 while venerating the ,law1 sympathized with the universalistic rather than with the particularistic attitude4 ,belonging to a slightly later time are the ,chassidim1 or 8,pious ones10 who were strict legalists and of a particularistic tendency1 though they were not patriots in the sense that the typical ,maccabans were4 ,the ,chassidim are spoken of in connexion with the ,scribes4 ,we are1 therefore1 led to the conclusion that before the middle of the second century ,b4,c4 two types of scribe were in existence1 the wisdom scribe1 and the more particularly legal scribe4 ,concerning these latter1 who are to be regarded as the ,scribes in the strictly technical sense and who became closely associated with the ,pharisaic party1 the following further points may be noted3 upon them devolved1 in addition to other duties1 the guardianship of the text of ,scripture4 ,they were1 further1 the administrators of the ,law1 and were represented in the ,sanhedrin1 and thus sat as judges and assisted in the passing of sentences on those who had broken the ,law4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,the ,pharisees and ,sadducees ,,literature4--,wellhausen1 ,die ,phariser und ,sadduzer 7#ahgd72 ,cohen1 ,les ,pharisiens 7#ahgg72 ,baneth1 ,ursprung der ,sadoker und ,boethuser 7#ahhb72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 ii4 pp4 #a-dc 7#ahig71 ,german ed41 ,,ii1 pp4 #ddg-dhi 7#aijg72 ,bertholet1 ,die ,stellung der ,israeliten zu den ,fremden 7#ahif72 ,elbogen1 ,die ,religionsanschauungen der ,phariser 444 7#aijd72 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,die religisen ,bewegungen 4441 pp4 #bb-aac 7#aije72 ,o4 ,holtzmann1 ,neutestamentliche ,zeitgeschichte1 pp4 #bjj-bad 7#aijf72 ,hlscher1 ,der ,sadduzismus 7#aijf72 ,bchler1 ,der galilische ,am-ha-,ares des zweiten ,jahrhunderts 7#aijf72 ,chwolson1 ,das letzte ,passamahl ,christi 444 ,appendix 7#aijh72 ,hart1 ,ecclesiasticus 4441 pp4 #bgb-cbj 7#aiji72 ,chwolson1 ,beitrge zur ,entwickelungsgeschichte des ,judentums1 pp4 #a-ed 7#aiaj72 ,schechter1 ,fragments of a ,zadokite ,work 7vol4 ,i of 8,documents of ,jewish ,sectaries07 7#aiaj72 ,oesterley and ,box1 ,the ,religion and ,worship of the ,synagogue1 pp4 #abj-aci 7#aiaa72 ,herford1 ,pharisaism1 its aim and its methods 7#aiab72 ,leszynsky1 ,die ,sadduzer 7#aiab72 ,charles1 ,,ii1 pp4 #ghe-hcd 7#aiac72 ,lauterbach1 8,the ,sadducees and ,pharisees03 ,a ,study of their respective attitudes towards the ,law2 in ,studies in ,jewish ,literature1 issued in honour of ,prof4 ,kaufmann ,kohler1 pp4 #agf-aih 7#aiac72 this essay is a part of a larger work on the ,sadducees and ,pharisees which the writer has in preparation4 ,see also ,bchler's article on ,schechter's book1 mentioned above1 in ,the ,jewish ,quarterly ,review1 ,january1 #aiac1 pp4 #dbi-dhe4 ,i4 ,,the ,,meaning ,,of ,,the ,,terms 8,,pharisees0 ,,and 8,,sadducees0 7a7 ,pharisees4 ,it is usually held that the name ,pharisee is derived from a root 7p-r-sh7 meaning to 8separate10 and that the ,pharisees took their name1 or received it1 in order to emphasize their separation from the common people4 ,this is1 on the face of it1 difficult to accept when one remembers that the ,pharisees were the champions of the oral ,law1 which was1 in the first instance1 based upon popular traditional custom4 ,the inappropriateness of this explanation becomes glaring when it is considered that everything we know about the ,pharisees shows us that so far from separating themselves from the people this is exactly what they did not do2 they arose from the ranks of the people1 and unlike the aristocratic ,sadducees1 were always among the people1 as the ,gospels show4 ,if it be said that their 8separateness0 consisted not in keeping apart from the people1 but that they were 8separate0 in the sense of their being so much holier1 the reply is that in this case we should not expect their name to be derived from the root p-r-sh1 but from what would have been the far more appropriate one q-d-sh1 which means 8separate0 in the sense in which holiness brings this about4#aec ,but what is further a strong argument against this theory is the fact that it has absolutely no support from the sources4 ,josephus says1 for example1 that 8while the ,sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich1 and have not the populace as their followers1 the ,pharisees have the multitude on their side40#aed ,that certainly does not look like separation from the ordinary people4 ,further1 ,leszynsky has collected some interesting data from the ,mishna showing that in ,pharisaic literature the term to 8separate oneself0 is used in a disparaging sense2 in ,niddah iv4 #b1 for example1 this very term is used in reference to the ,sadducees1 who are blamed as those who 8separate themselves0 from the congregation4 ,again1 ,hillel gives the command3 8,separate not thyself from the congregation0 7,aboth ii4 #d74 ,so that everything points to the theory which would explain the name ,pharisee as 8,separatist0 as wrong4 ,a more probable explanation is that already hinted at by ,josephus1 who says in ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #ad of the ,pharisees that 8they are those who seem to explain the laws with accuracy40 ,here we may recall the passage1 ,nehemiah viii4 #h1 referred to in the preceding chapter1 where it is said that the teachers of the ,law 8read in the book1 in the ,law of ,god1 interpreting from the root p-r-sh it2 and they gave the sense1 and caused 7the people7 to understand the reading40 ,further1 in ,rabbinical literature this root1 p-r-sh1 from which the name ,pharisee is derived1 is constantly found used in the sense of to 8explain10 8expound10 or 8interpret10 in reference to ,scripture which is explained in the interests of the oral ,law4 ,so that1 while the root p-r-sh means both to 8separate0 and to 8interpret10 all the evidence goes to show that as used in connection with the name ,pharisee it has the sense of to 8interpret0 or 8expound40 ,the term ,pharisees may thus be said to mean 8expounders0 of the ,scriptures in the interests of the oral ,law2 and this is just what the ,pharisees were par excellence4 ,their close association with the ,scribes1 as often alluded to in the ,gospels1 serves still further to support this view4 7b7 ,sadducees4 ,when transliterated from its ,hebrew form the term 8,sadducees0 appears as ,zaddkim2 it has been held that this is derived from the ,hebrew word zaddik1 8righteous40#aee ,but this derivation is improbable1 for no analogy exists for this change of an i into u2 but1 even apart from this1 to explain ,zaddkim as meaning the 8righteous ones0 has no support from fact2 for the ,sadducees were never regarded as particularly righteous by others1 nor did they ever make such a claim themselves4 ,an interesting explanation1 offered1 however1 8with great diffidence10 is that given by ,cowley4 ,he says3 8,in modern ,persian the word ,zindk is used in the sense of ,manichan1 or1 in a general sense1 for infidel1 one who does not believe in the resurrection or in the omnipotence of ,god4 ,it has been adopted in ,arabic with the meaning of infidel1 and also in ,armenian4 ,masdi 7tenth century7 says that the name arose in the time of ,manes to denote his teaching1 and explains that it is derived from the ,zend1 or explanation1 of the ,avesta4 ,the original ,avesta was the truly sacred book1 and the person who followed only the commentary was called a ,zindk1 as one who rejected the word of ,god to follow worldly tradition1 irreligious4 ,but the term cannot have originated in the time of ,manes 7third century ,a4,d471 for the ,zend #8commentary1' whatever view be taken as to its date1 was by then already becoming unintelligible4 ,it must be much earlier1 and have acquired the general sense of infidel very soon4444 ,makrz 7fifteenth century71 who borrows largely from ,masdi1 confuses the ,zandikah with the ,samaritans and ,sadducees1 and says that they deny the existence of angels1 the resurrection1 and the prophets after ,moses1 whence it has been suggested that ,zandikah is a corruption of ,zaddkim4 ,the reverse1 may1 however1 be the case4 ,it is quite possible that the ,persian word was used about ,b4,c4 #bjj in the sense of #8,zoroastrian1' and if so1 it might be applied by opponents to a party in ,juda who sympathized with foreign ideas1 and rejected beliefs which were beginning to be regarded as distinctively ,jewish4 ,it would thus have been used at first in a contemptuous sense1 and1 later1 when the original meaning was forgotten1 was1 in the well-known ,jewish manner1 transformed in such a way as to bear the interpretation #8,sons of ,zadok' 7,bni ,zadk7 with a suggestion of #8righteous' 7,zaddkim74444 ,it may be mentioned1 though perhaps as a mere coincidence1 that ,zandikah is used for ,sadducees in ,arabic translations of the ,new ,testament40#aef ,interesting and most ingenious as this theory is1 it does not seem to be a sufficiently natural explanation2 moreover1 in one important respect the ,zindk presented a marked contrast in principle to the ,sadducee2 for while the ,zindk was one who followed the ,zend1 or explanation of the ,avesta1 the truly sacred book1 i4e4 8who rejected the word of ,god to follow worldly tradition10 the ,sadducee was just the reverse1 for he clung to the word of ,god1 and he rejected the authority of the oral tradition1 i4e4 the ,pharisaic explanations and traditions4#aeg ,and further1 as we shall see later1 the normal type of ,sadducee was not necessarily worldly or irreligious4 ,a third view1 and one which may be regarded as the correct one1 is that the term ,sadducees 7,zaddkim7 takes its origin from the personal name ,zadok4 ,the sons of ,zadok 7,bni ,zadk7 were the descendants of the high-priest ,zadok1 whose family had exercised the priestly functions from the time of ,david 7#a ,chron4 v4 #bg-da1 xv4 #aa1 xvi4 #cj1 #dj7aeh right up to the time of ,antiochus ,epiphanes1 when their rule came to an end#aei2 but the party continued to exist4 ,most modern scholars accept this explanation1 which has1 indeed1 now been placed beyond doubt by the evidence of the ,zadokite ,fragments 7see further iii4 7e7 of this chapter74#afj ,so much1 then1 for the origin of the terms 8,pharisees0 and 8,sadducees40 ,we turn next to consider the sources whence we derive our knowledge of these two parties and their special tenets4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,sources 7a7 ,josephus4 ,that the evidence to be derived from the writings of ,josephus regarding the ,pharisees and ,sadducees is of great value is undeniable2 but two facts must be borne in mind which show that this evidence has to be sifted before it can be relied upon4 ,the first is this3 ,josephus does not write as a ,jew with ,jewish interests1 but as a ,greek from a ,greek standpoint4 ,a striking illustration of this is that to him the ,jewish parties represent ,greek schools of philosophy2 thus1 he compares the ,pharisees with the ,stoics1#afa the ,essenes with the ,pythagorans1#afb and1 although he does not directly say so1 he evidently thought the ,sadducan point of view on some things closely connected with ,epicuranism4#afc ,in some ways ,josephus was well equipped for giving information about ,jewish parties1 for he belonged to an aristocratic priestly family1 he was related on the maternal side to the high-priest1 was brought up as a ,pharisee learned in the ,law1 and later became intimately acquainted with the teaching of the ,sadducees and ,essenes4#afd ,but this advantage is to some extent neutralized by his ,hellenistic leaning as well as by the fact that war and politics interested him more than questions concerning ,jewish religious culture4 ,if his works are to be used with effect it is necessary to bring into the ,greek scenery which he presents a ,jewish colouring2 one has constantly to be asking oneself1 as ,leszynsky humorously puts it1 whether the shining armour of the warrior or the cloak of the philosopher may not1 after all1 contain a ,rabbi4#afe ,the second fact which somewhat detracts from the value of ,josephus' evidence is that in all probability that evidence is incomplete2 for he says on two occasions in his ,antiquities 7,,viii1 v4 #i1 ,,xviii1 i4 #b71 when speaking of the ,jewish parties1 that this subject is dealt with in the ,jewish ,war1 book the second2 but on turning to this 7,,ii1 viii4 #ad7 we find a very scanty reference to the ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 more scanty than the passing notices in the ,antiquities2 while the ,essenes1 the least important of the three bodies1 are treated at considerable length4 ,at the close of the chapter ,josephus says3 8,this is what ,i had to say about the philosophic sects among the ,jews40 ,one is forced to the conclusion that a considerable section has for some unknown reason been lost1#aff and that therefore the evidence of ,josephus on the subject of the ,jewish parties is incomplete4 7b7 ,rabbinical ,sources4 ,the earliest of these is the ,mishna1 which belongs to the second half of the second century ,a4,d42 somewhat later is the ,tosephta1#afg i4e4 a collection of 8additions0 to the ,mishna2 these additions consist of matter not incorporated in the ,mishna1 but they are taken from the same mass of floating traditional material of which the ,mishna is made up4 ,the three ,midrashic works1 ,sifra 7a commentary on ,leviticus71 ,sifre 7a commentary on ,numbers and ,deuteronomy71 and ,mechilta 7a commentary on ,exodus71 are also valuable sources4#afh ,comparatively late as all these sources are--the earliest belongs to a time after the ,sadducees and ,pharisees had ceased to exist as parties--they are nevertheless of high importance because they all utilize traditional material belonging to earlier times1 much of which most likely existed in written form2 so that they contain many traditions dating back to the second century ,b4,c4 ,the evidence contained in these sources consists in the main of records of controversies on various topics between ,pharisees and ,sadducees4 ,it is in the highest degree improbable that these accounts should be fictitious1 for by the time that they were incorporated in the ,mishna the ,pharisees had long triumphed over the ,sadducees2 there would1 therefore1 have been no point in making them up2 they are evidently genuine records4#afi 7c7 ,the ,new ,testament4 ,this source is so familiar that it will be unnecessary to do more than merely mention it4 7d7 ,the ,zadokite ,fragments4 ,these are two fragments1 discovered a few years ago by ,schechter in the ,cairo ,genizah4#agj ,they belong respectively to the eleventh and twelfth centuries ,a4,d41 and deal with the religious beliefs and practices1 as well as with details of the constitution1 of a ,jewish sect which existed in ,damascus during the second century ,b4,c41#aga before the ,maccaban struggle4 ,this sect possessed1 in addition to the ,old ,testament1 other sacred books2 it had its special laws interpreting various commandments in ,scripture2 and it had1 moreover1 its own calendar4 ,the sect looked upon itself as the remnant to which ,god had revealed 8the hidden things in which all ,israel erred40 ,the members of this sect had a special dislike for the ,pharisees1 against whom their polemics were directed4 ,in the text of one of the manuscripts the ,pharisees are denounced as transgressors of the ,covenant2 and various other accusations are brought against them1 such as polygamy1 and a wrong way of observing the dietary laws and the ,levitical laws of purity4 ,the ,law1 it is contended1 was only discovered with the rise of ,zadok4 ,this antagonism to the ,pharisees stamps the sect as representing some form of ,sadducanism1 and this is further emphasized by the fact that the ,messianic doctrine taught agrees with that of the ,sadducees against the ,pharisaic teaching on the subject4 ,the fragments raise a number of other questions which cannot be discussed here2 the point of chief importance for us lies in the ,sadducan character of their contents4 ,these1 then1 are the sources from which we gain our information regarding the specific doctrines of the ,sadducees and ,pharisees1 which we now proceed to consider4#agb ,,iii4 ,,the ,,doctrines ,,of ,,the ,,pharisees ,,and ,,sadducees 7a7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,law4 ,as the attitude of the ,pharisees to the ,law is so well known not many words need be devoted to describing it4 ,all the sources agree that they were the champions par excellence not so much of the written ,law1 but specifically of the oral ,law1 and that their energies were concentrated on the elaboration and minute observance of the latter4 ,it is the attitude of the ,sadducees to the ,law with which we shall1 therefore1 mainly concern ourselves1 for some other points of ,sadducan doctrine are closely connected with this4 ,we may begin by quoting the evidence of ,josephus2 he says in ,antiquities ,,xiii1 x4 #f3 8,the ,pharisees have delivered to the people from the tradition of the fathers all manner of ordinances not contained in the laws of ,moses2 for which reason the sect of the ,sadducees reject these ordinances2 for they affirm that only such laws ought to be observed as are written1 while those which are orally delivered from the tradition of the fathers are not binding4 ,and concerning these things great questionings and differences have arisen among them40#agc ,this piece of evidence may be frankly accepted1 as far as it goes1 not only because in itself it contains nothing intrinsically improbable1 but also because it is borne out by the other sources4 ,it shows us what was the fundamental cause of difference between the ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 viz41 as to whether anything besides the written ,law was binding4 ,what is particularly noticeable here is the fact that the ,sadducees1 not the ,pharisees1 were the real champions of the ,law as such#agd2 the ,sadducees were the guardians of the ,law in its purity1 and desired to keep it free from accretions2 the ,pharisees were bent on attaching to the ,law ordinances of which the ,law itself knew nothing1 and of making both equally authoritative and binding4 ,but from this a very important thing results3 as champions of the ,law how can it be said1 as is so often said1 that the ,sadducees1 as a party1 were worldly and lax as regards religious interests8 ,in one passage1 it is true1 ,josephus speaks of the opponents of the ,pharisees as those who offend against the holy laws 7,bell4 ,jud41 ,i1 v4 #a71 but the context shows that by these were meant the laws of the ,pharisees1 as distinct from the ,law which was venerated by the ,sadducees quite as much as by the ,pharisees4 ,the ,zadokite ,fragments corroborate what has been said in so far that in them the ,pentateuch1 cited under the term ,torah1 is considered the main authority4 ,in the ,gospels we have no direct evidence concerning the ,sadducan standpoint regarding the ,law2 but there are many indications regarding that of the ,pharisees and their insistence on the oral traditions4 ,these are1 however1 sufficiently well known not to require detailed mention here4 ,one matter of special interest may be noted in passing1 namely1 that1 so far as questions of the ,law are concerned1 ,christ upholds the ,sadducan standpoint4#age ,the ,rabbinical sources on this subject are of the highest importance2 a detailed examination of them would require a special volume1 but much valuable information has been gathered by ,hlscher#agf and1 in greater abundance1 by ,leszynsky4#agg ,though the evidence is of a complicated character it fully bears out that of ,josephus on this point4 ,the ,sadducees stood for the written ,law1 and this only2 the ,pharisees insisted upon the binding authority of the tradition of the fathers as well4 ,that is the fundamental difference between them2 the developments which either party saw itself compelled to countenance arose logically and irresistibly from this fundamental principle regarding the ,law4 ,but these developments were profoundly important4 ,we will put the matter as succinctly as possible4 ,the ,sadducees stood for the written ,law2 but in the nature of things it constantly happened that new cases came up for decision for which the written ,law provided no solution or guidance4 ,the ,sadducees were thus forced to put forth new ordinances2 and in this they followed1 nolens volens1 the example of the ,pharisees#agh2 but1 true to their fundamental principle1 they saw to it that these new ordinances were based upon the written ,law1 so that they could claim that if changed conditions of life1 or whatever other cause1 necessitated the putting forth of new legal ordinances1 these were at any rate developments of the written ,law4#agi ,with the ,pharisees it was different2 they had always1 in addition to the ,law1 championed the traditions of the fathers1 i4e4 the popular customs handed down from time immemorial2 these had constantly been added to1 whether based upon the written ,law or not4 ,from the point of view of loyalty to the ,law the ,sadducan position was unassailable1 while that of the ,pharisees was open to objection4 ,the result was an intensive study of the letter of the ,law 7i4e4 the ,pentateuch71 both by ,pharisees and ,sadducees2 the former undertook this in order1 by a method of interpretation peculiarly ,pharisaic1 to prove that the oral tradition was based on the written ,law4 ,they were forced to this by the more strictly legal attitude of the ,sadducees2 these latter1 too1 gave themselves to the minute study of the ,pentateuch as never before1 because1 as the true guardians of the ,law1 they had to see whether in each individual case the ,pharisaic contention was justified that such and such an ordinance of the oral tradition was based upon the written ,law4 ,thus endless discussions and acrimonious disputes arose between the two parties1 which became further embittered by doctrinal disagreements4 ,the ,pharisees won the day ultimately1 for they were able to show by subtle exegesis that the oral tradition was based upon the written ,law4 ,but1 and this is the great point1 the ,sadducan principle was thus victorious2 as a party they went under2 but the ,pharisees1 by adopting the ,sadducan principle that nothing is binding that cannot be shown to be in accordance with the written ,law1 implicitly acknowledged that the ,sadducees had been right all along4 ,leszynsky1 in his masterly thesis on the subject1 concludes the section on the evidence of ,rabbinical sources with these words1 which admirably sum up the matter3 8,the ,pharisees conquered4 ,true6 ,and when with ,rabbi ,akiba the ,pharisaic art of interpretation reached its zenith1 and every letter of the ,torah had been fitted into the ,pharisaic system--then ,sadducanism came to an end4 ,but they had only conquered by appropriating the principle of the enemy4 ,from the party of tradition arose the party of the ,torah as traditionally conceived4 ,rabbinical ,judaism is in truth a synthesis of ,pharisaism and ,sadducanism40#ahj ,see further below1 iv4 7b7 ,the ,doctrine of ,god4 ,on this subject ,josephus 7,antiq41 ,,xiii1 v4 #i7 tells us that while the ,pharisees hold that some things in the world happen by the will of ,providence1 and that in other cases things lie in the power of men1 the ,sadducees1 on the other hand1 altogether deny the existence of ,providence as an active force in the world2 if1 indeed1 there is such a thing at all1 they say1 it does not concern itself with the affairs of men4 ,everything lies in the hand of men themselves1 they alone are the cause if prosperity be their lot1 while adversity is simply the result of their own foolishness4 ,again1 in another passage 7,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #ad7 he tells us that1 in contradistinction to the ,pharisees1 the ,sadducees do not believe in ,providence2 they deny that ,god takes any interest in human affairs2 good or evil is the lot of men according to their own free choice4 ,this evidence of ,josephus cannot be accepted so far as the ,sadducees are concerned2 we have seen that the written ,law1 or ,pentateuch1 was the supreme authority according to ,sadducan teaching2 but in the ,pentateuch the doctrine of ,god is such as to make it impossible to believe that what ,josephus says really reflects ,sadducan belief here4 ,what is said over and over again in the ,pentateuch regarding the divine guidance of men and ,god's incessant interposition in the affairs of the world of ,his creation impels one to affirm that ,josephus is wrong in his contention that the ,sadducees denied the existence of ,providence4 ,it is probable that the partisanship of the ,pharisee ,josephus has somewhat carried him away1 and that he has1 perhaps unconsciously1 here misrepresented the ,sadducan position4 ,this is the more probable in that1 as we shall see presently1 positive proof of such misrepresentation in another direction is forthcoming4 ,when we turn to our other sources we find1 in the first place1 that in the ,zadokite fragments the doctrine of ,god is in accordance with ,old ,testament teaching1 and therefore in opposition to what ,josephus says4 ,in the second place1 the evidence of the ,new ,testament distinctly implies that the ,sadducees did believe in the direct action of ,providence in the affairs of men4 ,thus1 we are told that when ,john the ,baptist saw that many ,pharisees and ,sadducees were coming to his baptism1 he said to them3 8,ye offspring of vipers1 who warned you to flee from the wrath to come80#aha ,if fear from the wrath to come was what induced the ,sadducees1 as well as the ,pharisees1 to come and be baptized1 the fact proves that they believed in the divine interposition in the affairs of the world4 ,again1 the same is implied in the words3 8,and the ,pharisees and ,sadducees came1 and tempting ,him asked ,him to show them a sign from heaven40#ahb ,and1 once more1 in the account of the discussion in the ,sanhedrin as to what was to be done to ,st4 ,peter and the other apostles1 who had been put in the public ward by the ,sadducees1#ahc ,gamaliel concludes the discussion with a speech which ends with these words3 8,and now ,i say unto you1 ,refrain from these men1 and let them alone2 for if this counsel or this work be of men1 it will be overthrown2 but if it is of ,god1 ye will not be able to overthrow them2 lest haply ye be found even to be fighting against ,god02 it is then said3 8,and to him they agreed40 ,if there had been any real difference between the ,pharisaic and ,sadducan doctrine of ,god this agreement would not have been recorded4 ,we have an interesting example of what took place in the event of doctrinal disagreement in ,acts xxiii4 #a-aj4 ,we are1 therefore1 justified in concluding that on this subject the two parties agreed4 ,so that the evidence of the ,new ,testament is also against ,josephus4 ,the silence of the ,rabbinical sources on this subject is of itself sufficient to prove ,josephus wrong1 for had there been any difference of belief on such a supremely important subject it is quite inconceivable that the ,rabbis would have kept silence4 7c7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,future ,life4 ,in ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #ad1 ,josephus says that the ,pharisees taught the incorruptibility of the soul1 but that the ,sadducees 8did not believe in the immortal duration of the soul1 and the rewards and punishments in ,hades10 their belief being that 8the souls die with the bodies40 ,in one respect here1 as ,leszynsky has pointed out1 we are able to prove that ,josephus has coloured his account2 for ,pharisaic ,judaism taught not merely the incorruptibility of the soul1 but also a doctrine of the resurrection of the body2 but because this latter thought was strange to the ,greeks he did not make mention of it4 ,in his later work ,josephus corrects himself in so far as to say that the ,pharisees believed not only in the incorruptibility of the soul1 but also in its continued life hereafter2 his words are3 8,they 7the ,pharisees7 also believe that souls have an immortal vigour in them1 and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments1 according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life2 and that the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison1 but that the former shall have power to revive and live again40#ahd ,according to these words there was no difference in this respect between the ,pharisees and the ,essenes2 but even here ,josephus cannot bring himself to declare the whole truth concerning the real ,pharisaic doctrine of the resurrection4 8,it is probable10 says ,leszynsky1 8that this error immediately resulted in the rise of another1 for since the ,essenes had their belief in immortality1 and the ,pharisees that of the incorruptibility of the soul--or1 as in the other account1 the continued life of the soul hereafter--there remained nothing for the ,sadducees but a denial pure and simple of the future life4 ,he who1 like ,josephus1 puts resurrection and immortality on precisely the same plane1 necessarily imputes to him who denies the resurrection the view that the soul is perishable4444 ,but both from the ,talmud 7,sanhedrin #ij;b7 and from the ,new ,testament 7,matt4 xxii4 #bc ff42 ,acts xxiii4 #h1 cp4 iv4 #a71 we know that the ,sadducees denied only the doctrine of the resurrection1 for they required proof of this from the ,torah which was not forthcoming4 ,but of this un-,greek dogma ,josephus would have nothing to say40#ahe ,the possibility that the ,sadducees held the ancient ,israelite conception of the existence of the soul in ,sheol must1 at any rate1 be allowed2 for we cannot accept the evidence of ,josephus here unreservedly4 ,if we had only the ,new ,testament and the ,talmud to go upon we should certainly not deny that the ,sadducees believed in accordance with the ancient dogma of their race2 yet these two sources are assuredly more reliable than ,josephus4 ,there is1 moreover1 nothing in the ,zadokite fragments to support the evidence of ,josephus4#ahf ,we may1 therefore1 conclude that the ,sadducees believed in the immortality of the soul1 but not in any doctrine of the resurrection4 7d7 ,the ,sadducan attitude regarding ,belief in the existence of ,angels and ,spirits4 ,in ,acts xxiii4 #h it is said that 8the ,sadducees say that there is no resurrection1 neither angel nor spirit02 this is the only authority which we have on the latter point2 it is not referred to either in ,josephus' works or in the ,talmud1 nor have the ,zadokite ,fragments anything to say about it4 ,now since the ,sadducees regarded the written ,law as their final authority1 it would certainly have been strange if they had really denied the existence of angels1 for one has but to recall such passages as ,genesis xvi4 #a ff41 xxviii4 #aj ff41 ,numbers xx4 #af1 xxii4 #bb ff41 and others1 to realize that the written ,law distinctly teaches a doctrine of angels4 ,one has1 therefore1 to recognize the possibility that what is said on this subject in ,acts xxiii4 #h may be due to a mistaken inference derived from the ,sadducan disbelief in the resurrection1 namely1 that the departed do not become angels or spirits#ahg2 this does not necessarily deny the existence of angelic beings who have never been in the flesh4#ahh 7e7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,messiah4 ,one other specifically ,sadducan doctrine must be briefly mentioned1 namely that of the ,messiah4 ,as against the ,pharisees1 who taught that the ,messiah was to be of the seed of ,david1 and who thus held the old prophetic belief of ,isaiah and ,jeremiah1 the ,sadducees1 regarding the ,pentateuchal ,law as the supreme arbiter in all matters1 and finding nothing there which spoke of the ,messianic ruler as belonging to the house of ,david1 held that ,aaron and his seed were the chosen ones from whom the ,messiah would ultimately proceed2 it was with ,phinehas1 the grandson of ,aaron1 that ,god had made an eternal covenant2 and1 therefore1 as ,ezekiel 7xliv4 #ae ff47 had prophesied1 the sons of ,zadok#ahi were to be the rulers of the people1 and the ,messiah must be of priestly blood 7cp4 ,exod4 xix4 #f74aij ,so that1 as ,leszynsky points out 7p4 #id71 the very name of the ,sadducan party1 i4e4 the ,zadokites 7the descendants of ,zadok7 also had a place in the strife regarding the ,torah versus ,tradition4 ,in the ,zadokite ,fragments the teaching concerning the ,messiah is important2 there is frequent reference to a 8,teacher0 who is called the 8,only ,teacher10 or the 8,only ,one10 and is identical with 8the ,lawgiver who interprets the ,law40 ,there is a period intervening before the first appearance of this ,teacher1 who was the ,founder of the ,sect1 and his second appearance1 which is to be at 8the end of the days40 ,now this ,teacher is identified with the ,messiah1 8the ,anointed ,one from ,aaron and ,israel1 whose advent is expected by the ,sect1 through whom ,he made them to know ,his holy spirit1 and in whose rise the ,sect saw the fulfilment of the prophecy1 there shall come a star out of ,jacob4 ,apparently this ,anointed ,one was rejected by the great bulk of the nation who #8spoke rebellion' against ,him4 ,what must be especially noted is that the ,messiah of the ,sect is a priest1 a descendant from ,aaron and ,israel4 ,of a ,messiah descending from ,judah there is no mention in our text4 ,indeed1 #8after the completing of the end 444 one shall not join the house of ,judah1' whilst the princes of ,judah1 the removers of the bound1 will be visited by the wrath of ,god4 ,among these princes1 ,king ,david is also included1 who is held in slight estimation by the ,sect4 ,as a contrast to and substitute for ,david and his dynasty1 the ,sect put up ,zadok1 and his descendants1 the sons of ,zadok40#aia ,there is nothing which so stamps the character of these fragments as just this doctrine of the ,messiah4 7f7 ,the ,sadducees and the ,jewish ,calendar4 ,this is a somewhat intricate subject2 but the main point is that the ,sadducees held that time must be measured on the basis of a solar year2 they thus opposed the ,pharisaic mode of reckoning which was on the basis of the lunar year4 ,the ,pharisees followed the ancient ,hebrew tradition2 but the unsatisfactory character of this mode of reckoning time must have been realized in early times2 and the ,pharisees1 in getting over the obvious difficulties by inserting a thirteenth month in the spring whenever necessary1 were following the oral ,tradition4 ,this was sufficient for the opposition of the ,sadducees who sought to reform the ,calendar by measuring time on the basis of the solar year4 ,the ,sadducees and ,pharisees accordingly accused each other of observing feasts at a wrong time1#aib or of wishing to4 ,of the ordinary sources only the ,rabbinical contain echoes1 and these but slight1 of the controversy which existed between the ,sadducees and ,pharisees on this subject#aic2 but the ,book of ,jubilees1 the ,book of #a ,enoch and the ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs give indications of it2 and in the ,zadokite ,fragments there are also references to the subject2 ,schechter says in his introduction3 8,another point of supreme importance separating them i4e4 the members of the ,zadokite sect both from ,jew as well as ,samaritan is the regulation of the calendar4 ,the ,sect looks upon itself as the remnant unto which ,god revealed #8the hidden things in which all ,israel erred3 ,his ,holy ,sabbaths and ,his glorious festivals1 the testimony of ,his righteousness and the ways of ,his truth and the desires of ,his will which a man shall do and live by them4' ,it need hardly be pointed out that this passage is a mere paraphrase of the passage in the ,book of ,jubilees3 #8,and all the children of ,israel will forget1 and will not find the path of the years1 and will forget the new moons1 and seasons1 and ,sabbaths1 and they will go wrong as to all the order of the years' 7vi4 #cd ff474 ,the #8hidden things' are1 in the ,book of ,jubilees1 disclosed to the ,sect by a special revelation 7vi4 #c71 but the calendar of this pseudepigraphic work differs in the most important essentials both from that of the ,pharisees and from that of the ,samaritans0 7p4 xvi474 ,in the ,book of ,jubilees the solar year is accepted4 ,that this controversy must have been of an acute character is obvious1 and at first one may wonder that the ordinary sources do not refer to it4 ,but in the ,new ,testament one would not expect any reference to it2 and ,josephus is mainly concerned with doctrinal points when speaking about the ,sadducees4 ,as to the slight mention of the subject in ,rabbinical ,literature ,leszynsky explains it by saying that 8it would almost seem as though the ,rabbis wished by their silence to kill this the most dangerous of all questions which menaced ,judaism2 they did not wish to raise up again the spirit of doubt to quell which had cost them so much trouble40#aid ,on the other hand1 we have definite witness to the existence of the quarrel in some of the pseudepigraphic books1 as hinted above1 and the ,zadokite ,fragments1 as we have just seen1 offer strong evidence in regard to it4 99 99 99 99 99 ,there is1 of course1 a great deal more that might be said on the whole subject of the ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 especially about the ,pharisees2 but our main purpose has been to set forth the chief differences of doctrine between the two2 and we have laid more stress on the ,sadducan position because this has not1 as a rule1 received the same attention as the ,pharisaic4#aie ,,iv4 ,,some ,,subsidiary ,,considerations ,it is of importance to recognize that1 with one exception1 viz4 the ,zadokite ,fragments1 the main sources which give us information about the ,sadducees come from the hands of adversaries4 ,josephus was a ,pharisee1 or at all events he claimed to be2 the ,new ,testament writers1 for obvious reasons1 had little sympathy with the ,sadducees2 the ,rabbis were the spiritual descendants of the bitterest enemies of the ,sadducees4 ,but even so1 some of the adverse impressions about the ,sadducees widely current do not receive much support from the sources4 ,for example1 it is often assumed that the ,sadducees were lax in regard to the ,law1 that they were sceptics and irreligious generally2 but this is not borne out by the evidence when used with discrimination4 ,josephus nowhere says that the ,sadducees were irreligious or antagonistic to the ,law2 nor does the ,new ,testament represent them to have been so4 ,neither do the acrimonious discussions between the ,sadducees and ,pharisees on legal questions preserved in ,rabbinical writings give the impression that the former were indifferent to the ,law4 ,no doubt the ,pharisees looked upon the ,sadducees as irreligious1 but not because of their attitude to the ,law2 to the ,pharisees anyone who repudiated the binding character of their conception of the ,law would come under condemnation2 but we have no right to brand as irreligious those who in their loyalty to the written ,law denounced ,pharisaic accretions to the same as of subordinate authority4 ,that there were some ,sadducees who were worldly and irreligious is likely enough to have been the case2 but to characterize the ,sadducees as such1 as the worldly1 irreligious party1 is to fall into the same kind of error as those who say that the ,pharisees were all hypocrites4 ,again1 it is of course true that the ,sadducees were always on the side of the suzerain power2 the high-priestly party in the time of the ,seleucid1 as well as during the ,roman dominion1 held to the ruling power2 but to say that for this reason the ,sadducees were wholly occupied with politics1 and that they were merely a political party1 is an exaggeration4 ,their position necessitated a certain amount of intercourse with the ruling power2 but this did not involve the exclusion of every other occupation1 nor must we suppose that all ,sadducees were concerned even with a minimum of political business4 ,a ,sadducee was not ipso facto a politician1 but those who were at the head of affairs1 and who were1 therefore1 necessarily politicians1 happened to belong to the ,sadducan party4 ,it was precisely the same thing with the ,pharisees at one time1 viz41 at the beginning of the reign of ,john ,hyrcanus 7,b4,c4 #ace-ajd71 when they were in close touch with the ruling power 7in the person of the high-priest71 and were necessarily to some extent occupied with politics#aif2 yet nobody would say that at that time the ,pharisees as a body were wholly given up to politics4 ,the ,sadducees1 to touch upon another point1 were1 like the sons of ,zadok of pre-,maccaban times1 the friends of ,hellenistic culture2 the ,sadducan party was the party of enlightenment4 ,at first sight this strikes one as incongruous1 since the ,sadducees were1 as against the ,pharisees1 conservatives in religious belief and practice4 ,they refused1 for example1 as we have seen1 to accept the doctrine of the resurrection of the body1 which the ,pharisees1 being as they claimed the party of religious progress1 both welcomed and taught4 ,but the converse is true1 too2 it is strange that the ,pharisees who were the national party1 bigoted and narrow in their outlook1 should have been ready to accept teaching which was of non-,jewish origin4 ,the same incongruousness is to be seen in the respective attitude of ,sadducees and ,pharisees towards the ,law4 ,as ,lauterbach truly says1 the former 8were conservative and narrow in their views and strongly opposed to changes and innovations4 ,the ,pharisees1 on the other hand1 were the younger party1 broader and more liberal in their views1 of progressive tendencies and not averse to innovations4 ,accordingly1 we should expect that the ,sadducees1 whose priestly ancestors and predecessors had always been the official teachers of the people1 the custodians of the ,law1 and presumably also of such tradition as there was1 and who themselves were very conservative1 the natural advocates of traditional ways and views1 would seek to uphold the authority of tradition and the binding character of its ,laws4 ,on the other hand1 we should expect the ,pharisees1 being the younger1 more progressive and liberal party1 which applied new methods of interpretation and developed new theories1 to deny the authority of tradition and reject its laws4 ,but1 instead1 we are led to believe that in their attitude towards the authority of the traditional laws the two parties had changed rles4 ,for the conservative ,sadducees are said to have opposed the authority of tradition and the binding character of its teachings1 while the ,pharisees1 who in many points departed from traditional ways and favoured new views1 are represented as the advocates of tradition and of the authority of its laws40#aig ,lauterbach's explanation of the difficulty that the disputes between the ,pharisees and ,sadducees were not so much about the contents of tradition1 but merely about its authority1 no doubt holds good in part1 but only in part1 for the records of the disputes which have come down to us are much concerned with the contents of tradition4#aih ,we doubt whether the full explanation of the incongruity is in its essence really other than this3 the innate illogic of human nature4 ,is any party ever logical and true to its tenets for long2 above all1 a religious party8 ,would any party be really honest if it were8 ,new conditions alter the outlook2 new truths tend to displace old landmarks2 and the consequent new ways of thinking will impel honest men sometimes to modify their most cherished beliefs4 ,the conditions brought about through the ,maccaban struggle1 and the gradual triumph of some specifically ,hellenistic traits1 above all of religious syncretism1 will account almost wholly for what appears to be the volte face of both ,sadducees and ,pharisees4 ,while one can well understand that the ,sadducees1 as represented by their spiritual forbears in pre-,maccaban times1 belonging as they did to the priestly aristocracy1 and generally to the more cultured classes1 should be friendly inclined towards the mental refinement and enlightenment such as ,hellenism offered1 there can be no doubt that before the outbreak of the ,maccaban struggle1 their over-anxiety in this direction involved them in deplorable disloyalty both to their nation1 and to their religious principles4 ,we may grant that many belonging to this school of thought honestly believed that the more fully the people came under the sway of ,hellenistic influence the more beneficial it would be for all concerned1 yet there is no getting away from the fact that their behaviour as recorded in #a ,maccabees was unpatriotic1 and by acquiescing in the abrogation of the ,law1 or rather in the attempt to abrogate it1 they acted clean contrary to their fundamental principles4 ,indeed1 it is so difficult to understand their action that we are perhaps justified in believing that the support accorded to ,antiochus ,epiphanes in his attempt to stamp out ,judaism came only from an extreme section of the ,hellenistically inclined party4 ,for when all is said and done1 they were ,jews1 and1 as a body1 venerated the ,law1 as such1 like other ,jews1 and worshipped the same ,god as other ,jews2 so that with all their partiality for ,greek culture they held firmly1 as the sources prove1 to what was specifically ,jewish in spite of internal quarrels1 bitter as these proverbially are4 ,from all that we have learned about the ,sadducees and the school of thought which they represent1 it must be clear that at one time they constituted a powerful and influential element among the ,jews1 with definite principles and doctrines which they championed4 ,the question1 therefore1 suggests itself as to whether any literary remains emanating from their circles have come down to us4 ,it is generally acknowledged that ,ecclesiasticus is 8,sadducan0 in character1 so that the ,sadducees and their pre-,maccaban representatives were evidently not without their scholars and writers2 we should1 therefore1 naturally look for other examples of ,sadducan literary activity4 ,we have become accustomed to be told that any book in which the ,law is extolled is necessarily ,pharisaic2 but in view of what we have seen to be the ,sadducan attitude towards the ,law1 something more than the upholding of the ,law is required in a book in order to establish its ,pharisaic authorship2 unless it is clear that the ,pharisaic conception of the ,law is in the mind of the writer1 the book could just as well be ,sadducan1 so far as this particular point is concerned4 ,but the doctrine concerning the ,law is1 of course1 not the only criterion whereby the character1 whether ,sadducan or ,pharisaic1 of a book is to be judged2 when we come to consider the authorship of the uncanonical books1 the ,pseudepigrapha as well as the ,apocrypha1 we shall have to take into consideration all the doctrines to which reference has been made above2 and it may be that in some cases we shall find that there are reasons for considering a book to be ,sadducan which is usually supposed to be ,pharisaic4 ,if this is so1 then our sources for the ,sadducees may be increased4 ,but since this is a very disputed matter1 we have thought it best not to include among the sources given above books which we shall show reasons for regarding as ,sadducan4 ,,summary ,the term 8,pharisee0 means not 8,separatist10 but 8,expounder0 of the ,scriptures in the interests of the oral ,law4 ,the term 8,sadducees0 is derived from the personal name ,zadok1 who was high-priest in the time of ,david4 ,the sources of our knowledge of the ,pharisees and ,sadducees are3 ,josephus1 ,rabbinical writings1 the ,new ,testament1 and the ,zadokite ,fragments4 ,the doctrines regarding which the ,pharisees and ,sadducees differed were3 the ,law1 which the ,sadducees regarded as binding only in so far as the written ,law was concerned1 while the ,pharisees claimed the same for the oral ,law4 ,the ,sadducees came to recognize the need of making new legal ordinances1 but only such as were based upon the written ,law4 ,the oral tradition of the ,pharisees had arisen independently of the written ,law2 but the ,pharisees were ultimately forced to accept the ,sadducan principle1 and by subtle exegesis showed that the oral tradition was actually based upon the written ,law4 ,thus1 though the ,sadducees ceased to exist as a party1 their principle won the day4 ,secondly1 as regards the doctrine of ,providence1 there is every reason to distrust the evidence of ,josephus1 who contends that the ,sadducees denied the existence of ,providence2 this is not borne out by the other sources1 and is in itself highly improbable4 ,the real difference between the ,pharisees and ,sadducees on the subject of the life hereafter was that while the former believed in the resurrection of the body1 the latter denied this1 and believed only in the immortality of the soul4 ,regarding the alleged ,sadducan disbelief in angels and spirits1 which is stated in only one of the sources1 the ,new ,testament1 one must recognize the possibility that what is said on this subject in ,acts xxiii4 #h may be due to a mistaken inference derived from the ,sadducan disbelief in the resurrection of the body1 namely1 that the departed do not become angels or spirits4 ,in view of the ,sadducan belief in the ,pentateuch1 where angels are often spoken of1 it is improbable that they denied the existence of these4 ,a fundamental difference of belief between ,pharisees and ,sadducees was that regarding the ,messiah2 while the ,pharisees held that the ,messiah was to be of the seed of ,david1 the ,sadducees maintained that ,aaron and his seed1 to which the sons of ,zadok belonged1 were the chosen ones from whom the ,messiah would ultimately proceed4 ,lastly1 differences of opinion existed among the two parties regarding the ,calendar2 these centred in the fact that while the ,sadducees measured time on the basis of the solar year1 the ,pharisaic method of reckoning was on the basis of the lunar year4 ,the result of this was that each party accused the other of false teaching regarding the time at which the feasts ought to be kept4 ,among some subsidiary considerations concerning the ,sadducees it was pointed out that to speak of them as sceptics and irreligious1 as a body1 is to do them an injustice2 equally unjust is it to regard them as having been mainly occupied with politics4 ,on the other hand1 the exaggerated pro-,hellenic tendencies of those who came to be known as the ,sadducan party after the ,maccaban struggle1 involved them in disloyalty to their race and to their religious principles4 ,it is probable that those who were guilty of this constituted only an extreme section of those favourable to ,hellenistic influence4 ,the way in which the ,sadducees and ,pharisees to some extent changed rles1 so far as their attitude to the ,law was concerned1 can be explained on natural lines4 ,the literary remains of the ,sadducees are perhaps more than we have been accustomed to suppose2 further reference is made to this subject in ,chapter ,x4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,the ,origin of the ,old ,testament ,canon of ,scripture ,,literature4--,s4 ,davidson1 ,the ,canon of the ,bible 7#ahgg72 ,riehm1 ,einleitung in das ,alte ,testament 7#ahhg-ahij72 ,buhl1 ,kanon und ,text des ,alten ,testamentes 7#ahia72 ,wildeboer1 ,die ,entstehung des alt-testamentlichen ,kanons 7#ahia72 ,ryle1 ,the ,canon of the ,old ,testament 7#ahib72 ,robertson ,smith1 ,the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church1 ,lecture ,,vi 7#ahie72 ,briggs1 ,general ,introduction to the ,study of ,holy ,scripture 7#ahii72 ,duhm1 ,die ,entstehung des ,alten ,testamentes 7#ahii72 ,hlscher1 ,apokryph und ,kanonisch1 pp4 #a-da 7#aije74 ,the articles 8,kanon des ,alten ,testamentes10 by ,strack in the ,realencykl4 fr ,protestantische ,theologie und ,kirche2 and 8,bible ,canon10 by ,blau and ,schmidt in the ,jewish ,encycl4 ,we have1 in the preceding chapters1 considered the mental and spiritual movements in ,palestine1 and have sought to show in how large a measure these were affected by ,hellenistic influence1 and how1 on the other hand1 resistance to this influence called into existence a counter-movement which ultimately carried all before it4 ,the ,hellenistic ,movement with its profound influence upon the ,jews of ,palestine1 and its still profounder and more far-reaching influence upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion2 the ,apocalyptic ,movement1 largely indigenous1 but also greatly influenced by the ,hellenistic spirit2 the ,legalistic ,movement1 initiated by ,ezra and furthered by ,scribal activity2 the opposing tendencies which resulted1 viz41 ,particularism on the one hand1 and ,universalism on the other1 tendencies which remained such1 and did not crystallize into parties until after the ,maccaban struggle1 so that both ,scribes and ,apocalyptists could follow their individual bent1 whether in the direction of legal observance or of the pursuit of wisdom or of eschatological study1 without coming into conflict with each other2 the ,maccaban struggle which was the culmination of the deeply-rooted tendencies just referred to1 and which resulted in the formation of two bitterly opposed parties1 the ,pharisees and the ,sadducees1 each with their fundamental principles essentially irreconcilable1 each living and vigorous1 each illogical1 each offering the curious paradox of triumphing in defeat--these and various other matters have all been dealt with in the preceding chapter1 with the object of presenting a picture of the intellectual and religious surroundings from which1 and owing to which1 the large body of literature emanated with which we shall now have to concern ourselves4 ,a not inconsiderable portion of this literature was ultimately incorporated into what came to be known as the ,old ,testament ,canon2 a large portion which was studied and favourably looked upon even by rigorously orthodox religious leaders among the ,jews was excluded from the ,hebrew ,canon1 though admitted into the ,greek ,bible of the ,jews of the ,dispersion2 a further and still larger portion of this literature was excluded1 not only from the ,hebrew ,canon of the ,palestinian ,jews1 but also from the ,greek ,bible of the ,dispersion ,jews4 ,now to understand1 first of all1 how it came about that a distinct line of demarcation was drawn between what we now know as the canonical books1 and those of the ,apocrypha1 it will be necessary to consider briefly the idea of a ,canon in the ,jewish ,church1 the approximate date at which this idea arose1 and the date at which the ,canon was finally closed4 ,it will be important to touch also upon the question as to whom the formation of the ,canon was specially due1 as well as the reason for which some books were admitted into the ,canon1#aii and others excluded4 ,this will be our task in the present chapter4 ,the further questions concerning the two other bodies of literature referred to just now will occupy us in subsequent chapters4 ,we must first offer a few remarks upon the subject of the ,hebrew ,canon as we now have it in the ,hebrew ,bible4 ,i4 ,,the ,,hebrew ,,canon ,,in ,,its ,,present ,,form ,the ,hebrew ,bible contains twenty-four books#bjj2 the following table will show the divisions and sub-divisions into which these books were placed by the ,jewish ,church3#bja i4 ,the ,law1 or ,torah1 i4e4 the five books of ,moses1 called by the ,jews the 8five-fifths of the ,law40 ii4 ,the ,prophets1 or ,nebiim2 this has two sub-divisions3 7a7 ,the 8,former ,prophets10 or ,nebiim rishnim1 i4e4 the books of ,joshua1 ,judges1 #a1 #b ,samuel1 #a1 #b ,kings4 7b7 ,the 8,latter ,prophets10 or ,nebiim acharnim2 i4e4 the books of ,isaiah1 ,jeremiah1 ,ezekiel1 and the ,twelve ,minor ,prophets1 which are reckoned as one book4 iii4 ,the ,writings1 or ,kethubim2 this has three sub-divisions3 7a7 ,psalms1 ,proverbs1 ,job4 7b7 ,song of ,songs1 ,ruth1 ,lamentations1 ,ecclesiastes1 ,esther2 these are technically known as the five 8,scrolls10 or ,megillth4 7c7 ,daniel1 ,ezra-,nehemiah1 #a1 #b ,chronicles4 ,regarding the first of these divisions1 it may be pointed out that the ,jews regard the ,law1 or ,torah1 as by far the most important part of their ,scriptures1 in comparison with which the other two divisions occupy quite a subordinate position2 indeed1 the 8,prophets0 and the 8,writings0 are sometimes spoken of as mere 8,tradition0 7,kabbalah71 in contrast with the ,law4 ,as to the second division1 it should be noted that the ,jews in early days regarded the two books of ,samuel#bjb as one book1 and the same applies to the two books of ,kings4 ,the terms 8,former0 and 8,latter0 ,prophets do not refer to their respective dates of composition1 but must be taken to indicate the order of the books in the canonical collection4#bjc ,in the third division we see1 in the first place1 that the order of the books in each of the sub-divisions differs from that of the ,english ,bible2 secondly1 the books of ,ezra and ,nehemiah are treated as one book1 and this is also the case with #a1 #b ,chronicles4 ,the five 8,scrolls0 occupy an important and somewhat special position among the ,jews1 for they are assigned1 for reading1 to particular feast-days and one fast-day1 viz4 ,passover 7,pesach71 ,weeks 7,shebuth71 the fast of the 8ninth of ,ab10#bjd ,tabernacles 7,succth71 and ,lots 7,purim71 respectively4 ,thus1 the first division has five books1 the second has eight1 and the third has eleven1 making twenty-four in all4 ,these books1 then1 constitute the ,hebrew ,canon in its final form1 the authoritative ,scriptures to which no book may be added1 and from which no book may be taken away4 ,we have now to inquire as to when1 by whom1 and why these books were singled out from among the mass of ,jewish literature to occupy this honoured position4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,idea ,,of ,a ,,canon ,in seeking to answer the question as to when the ,hebrew ,canon assumed its present1 final1 form1 it is well to begin by emphasizing the need of distinguishing between a collection of books1 all valued more or less1 and the formation of a ,canon4 ,it is not only comprehensible1 but altogether natural to find that1 given the existence of a large literature1 a certain number of books belonging to it should be more highly valued and honoured than others contained in that literature2 it does not1 however1 therefore necessarily follow that such more highly honoured books alone are acceptable and widely used1 or that they are regarded as so holy that not a letter of them may be altered1 while all other books belonging to that literature are regarded as of inferior value and of no authority4 ,applying this to the sacred literature of the ,jews as it existed and grew1 roughly speaking1 during the last two pre-,christian centuries1 we must begin by leaving out the ,pentateuch from our present consideration2 we are justified in doing this1 because these books1 as containing the written ,law1 occupied a position so unique from the ,jewish point of view that 7from the time that they became books7 they never came under the category of ordinary books 7see1 however1 below1 p4 #afh74 ,setting the ,pentateuch aside1 therefore1 we affirm that during the period indicated a large sacred literature was in existence1 and that a certain number of books belonging to it were more highly honoured and valued than others2 but that the former did not differ in kind but only in the degree of value attaching both to them and to other books4 ,in other words1 the idea of a ,canon assumes the existence of a number of books from which are selected those which are to become canonical4 ,unless this were so we should have to assume that all the books now regarded as canonical were so regarded on their first appearance4 ,our first task in seeking to substantiate our contention1 then1 is to give evidence that at one period the books which were subsequently admitted into the ,canon were distinguished1 probably1 in degree1 but not in kind1 from other books1 which were never admitted into the ,canon4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus xliv4-l4 ,ben-,sira writes a panegyric on the famous men of old2 among these he mentions ,moses1 to whom the ,lord 8gave commandments face to face1 even the ,law of life and knowledge0 7xlv4 #e72 ,joshua1 the 8successor of ,moses in prophecies0 7xlvi4 #a72 the ,judges1 not individually by name1 but collectively 7xlvi4 #aa1 #ab72 ,samuel1 8a ,nazarite of ,jehovah in the prophetical office0 7xlvi4 #ac7bje2 the ,kings1 of whom he says1 8,except ,david and ,hezekiah and ,josiah1 all committed trespass0 7xlix4 #d72 ,isaiah1 who 8by a spirit of might saw the last things07xlviii4 #bd1 in the ,hebrew72 ,jeremiah1 who 8was sanctified in the womb to be a prophet0 7xlix4 #f72 ,ezekiel1 8who saw a vision0 7xlix4 #h1 according to the ,hebrew72 and the ,twelve ,prophets 7xlix4 #aj71 these are mentioned collectively1 so that the writings bearing their names had already been collected into a single book by ,b4,c4 #bjj or thereabouts4 ,in addition to these there is a possible reference to the ,psalms1 though this is not necessarily the case2 the words are3 8,in every work of his1 ,david gave thanks to ,god ,most ,high with words of glory2 with his whole heart he loved his ,maker1 and sang praise every day continually4 ,he set music of stringed instruments before the altar1 and arranged the sound of song to the harp4 ,he glorified the feast-days 4440 7xlvii4 #h-aj1 according to the ,hebrew74 ,while the possibility of the ,psalms being here referred to is not denied1 one might reasonably look for something more definite2 the reference could equally well1 perhaps more probably1 be to the rendering of the ,temple music2 it is1 at any rate1 worth noting that the chief part of the panegyric on ,david is taken up with an account of his heroic acts1 7see xlvii4 #b-g74 ,ben-,sira is more definite in his reference to the ,proverbs and ,canticles1 though even here this is not necessarily the case1 especially in regard to the latter1 for the reference to songs may be merely taken from #a ,kings iv4 #cb 78,and his songs were a thousand and five072 when speaking of ,solomon he says3 8,with thy songs1 and proverbs1 and parables1 and thine interpretations thou didst cause astonishment to the peoples0 7xlvii4 #ag1 according to the ,hebrew74 ,job is also mentioned in the ,hebrew1 but not in the ,greek text2 this omission in the latter can1 however1 be accounted for1 as the translator either misread or misunderstood the ,hebrew4 ,but the reference to ,job does not seem to imply knowledge of the existence of the ,book of ,job2 the words are3 8,and also he 7i4e4 ,ezekiel7 made mention of ,job 7the prophet71#bjf who maintained all the ways of righteousness0 7xlix4 #i72 here we have clearly a reference to ,ezekiel xiv4 #bj1 where ,job is mentioned as a typically righteous man4 ,nehemiah is mentioned by name1 and a comparison with ,ecclesiasticus xlvii4 #i 7already quoted above71 with #a ,chronicles xvi4 #d1 #e implies a knowledge of the books of ,chronicles4 ,but ,ben-,sira makes no mention of ,ezra 7there are perhaps special reasons for this71 ,daniel1 or ,esther4 ,the first point to be noticed in this list is that no place of honour is assigned to any one collection of books such as the ,hebrew ,canon was divided into in later days2 the ,law1 the ,prophets1 and some of the 8,writings0 are all treated as belonging to the same category4 ,but more3 ,ben-,sira1 in giving a rsum of the history of ,israel as contained in these books1 and in enumerating the nation's worthies1 clearly does not consider that they alone are authoritative1 or that the list of the nation's worthies1 as contained in them1 is exhausted2 for he goes on with the history of his nation during his own time1 and continues the list of worthies with the mention of ,simon1 the son of ,onias1 to whom he devotes far more space than to any of the earlier ones 7see l4 #a ff474 ,then1 again1 while ,ben-,sira is familiar with almost all the books of the ,old ,testament1 he does not regard them as what we understand by canonical1 i4e4 in the sense of being separated off from all other books2 for if that had been the case1 he could not have spoken words such as those which occur1 e4g4 in xxiv4 #cc1 whereby he places himself in a direct line with the prophets3 ,i will yet pour out doctrine as prophecy1 ,and leave it unto eternal generations 7see also verses #cj-cb1 #cd72 nor would he have taken upon himself1 as ,hlscher has pointedly remarked1 to assume the tone and style of the ancient prophets1 as he often does 7see1 e4g41 xlvii4 #bj1 l4 #bi71 if the 8unbridgable cleft of canonicity0 had stood between him and the prophets4#bjg ,the list1 therefore1 such as it is1 does not imply the existence of a ,canon4 ,the same must be said of the evidence of ,ben-,sira's grandson1 who translated his grandfather's work into ,greek 7about ,b4,c4 #acb74 ,he says in his ,prologue3 8,whereas many and great things have been delivered unto us by the ,law and the ,prophets1 and by others that have followed in their steps 44402 and later on1 he again speaks of 8the ,law1 and the ,prophets1 and the books of our fathers02 and 8the ,law1 and the prophecies1 and the rest of the books40 ,the loose way in which the writer speaks of the third category of books1 and the fact that he does not apply to them the technical name of ,kethubim 78,writings0 ,hagiographa7 is clear evidence that what we now understand by the 8,hebrew ,canon0 was not yet in existence4 ,we may go even further and say that the ,pentateuch1 the prophetical books and some others occupied a position of special honour among many other books belonging to ,hebrew literature1#bjh but that not even the ,law and the ,prophets can have been regarded as 8canonical0 in the later sense of the word1 otherwise they would not have been mentioned along with books which admittedly were not 8canonical40#bji ,this is further borne out by the following words1 which occur in the ,prologue3 8,my grandfather ,jesus1 having given himself much to the reading of the ,law1 and the ,prophets1 and the other books of our fathers1 and having gained familiarity therein1 was drawn on also himself to write somewhat pertaining to instruction and wisdom1 in order that those who love learning1 and are addicted to these things1 might make progress much more by living according to the ,law40 ,it is obvious from these words that ,ben-,sira's grandson looked upon his grandfather as one of those who had 8followed after0 the writers of the ,law and the ,prophets1 and that he regarded his grandfather's book as having a legitimate place among the 8books of the fathers40 ,but1 this being so1 it cannot be said that the ,hebrew ,scriptures1 or any part of them1 were regarded as canonical in the ordinary sense of the word4 ,if the ,law1 the ,prophets and other books are treated as a special body of literature to which a new book can be said to belong1 in the natural and matter of course way in which ,ben-,sira's grandson does that1 it is clear that he1 at all events1 did not regard this special body of literature as so sacrosanct that nothing could be added to it4 ,therefore1 according to this evidence1 there was no 8,canon of ,scripture10 as we understand it1 as late as about ,b4,c4 #acb4 ,it follows1 then1 further that such books as ,ecclesiasticus1 ,tobit1 ,judith1 #a ,maccabees1 and others1 were not regarded as 8apocryphal10 but came under the same category of other edifying books1 some of which were1 later1 made canonical4 ,but if1 as we have seen1 there was at this time no such thing as a ,canon of ,scripture1 in the sense of an officially recognized and authoritative list of books definitely separated off from all others1 there is no sort of doubt that a certain number of books were looked upon as pre-eminent1 and enjoyed greater favour than others4 ,it is in this fact that we may recognize the existence of the idea of a ,canon1 as distinct from a finally settled and authoritative list of canonical books4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,formation ,,of ,,the ,,hebrew ,,canon ,but while we have thus an approximate date for the existence of the idea of a ,canon1 i4e4 the idea that some books are holier1 and therefore more authoritative than others1 we have yet to ask ourselves at what date the definite close of the ,canon took place1 i4e4 when the ,hebrew ,canon1 as we now know it1 assumed its final form undisputed4 ,we have evidence that at the beginning of the ,christian era the ,hebrew ,canon was not yet closed1 for at that time the canonicity of ,ecclesiastes and the ,song of ,songs was disputed4 ,the influential school of ,shammai held that these books were uncanonical1 while the school of ,hillel acknowledged their canonicity4 ,thus1 in the ,mishna 7,jadaim iii4 #e7 it is said3 8,all the holy writings defile the hands4#baj ,the ,song of ,songs defiles the hands1 but regarding ,koheleth 7,ecclesiastes7 there is a difference of opinion4 ,rabbi ,jose says1 ,koheleth does not defile the hands1 but regarding the ,song of ,songs there is a difference of opinion4 ,rabbi ,simeon says1 ,as to ,koheleth1 the house of ,shammai esteems it lightly1 but the house of ,hillel esteems it highly40 ,so1 too1 in another ,mishnic tractate1 ,eduyoth v4 #c1 it is said3 8,koheleth does not defile the hands according to the house of ,shammai1 but the house of ,hillel says that it does defile the hands40 ,at a still later date the canonicity of the ,book of ,esther was disputed4 ,early in the second century of our era two ,rabbis1 as recorded in the ,talmud 7,sanhedrin #ajj;a7 regarded it as of inferior value to the rest of the biblical books4#baa ,but the opposition to this book is not to be taken seriously1 since its canonicity was only disputed by individual teachers4 ,in the case of ,ecclesiastes and the ,song of ,songs it is different1 for the canonicity of these was denied by a whole school of authoritative teachers4 ,it will1 therefore1 be seen that as late as the beginning of the ,christian era the ,hebrew ,canon had not been closed1 since there was still the possibility of new books being added to it1 as indeed happened later when the disputed books1 just mentioned1 were definitely included in the ,canon4 ,so that the close of the ,canon did not take place until some considerable time after the idea of a ,canon had arisen4 ,from the evidence of the ,mishna we turn to an important passage in ,josephus4 ,writing at about the end of the first century ,a4,d41 ,josephus1 in his treatise against ,apion 7i4 #h71 after saying that the prophets alone were inspired by ,god to write down the earliest events as well as those of their own times1 continues3 8,we have not myriads of books disagreeing with1 and antagonistic to1 one another1 but two and twenty only1#bab which contain the record of all time 7past71 and are rightly believed in4#bac ,and of these1 five belong to ,moses2 they contain the laws and the tradition from man's origin to his death for a period of nearly three thousand years4 ,from the death of ,moses till the reign of ,artaxerxes1 ,king of ,persia1 who reigned after ,xerxes1 the prophets who came after ,moses wrote down the things that were done during their time in thirteen books4 ,the remaining four contain hymns to ,god and precepts for men's conduct of life4 ,but from ,artaxerxes to our times all events have1 it is true1 been written down2 but these later books are not thought to be worthy of the same credit1 because the exact succession of prophets was wanting40 ,according to ,josephus1 therefore1 the canonicity of a book depended upon whether it had been written within a clearly defined period1 and that period was from ,moses to the death of ,artaxerxes1 i4e41 the prophetical period4 ,the artificiality of this test is shown by the fact that1 in the words of ,ryle1 8the mention of this particular limit seems to be made expressly with reference to the ,book of ,esther1 in which alone the ,artaxerxes of ,josephus 7the ,ahasuerus of the ,hebrew book of ,esther7 figures40#bad ,but in pointing to this test of canonicity1 ,josephus is not expressing a theory of his own1 for a similar view was held by the ,rabbis4 ,they1 too1 maintained that no book was canonical unless it had been written within a fixed period1 the prophetical period2 for them this period was from ,moses to ,ezra4#bae ,josephus thus witnesses to the principle1 authoritative and fully accepted by the end of the first century ,a4,d41 on the basis of which the ,hebrew ,canon was formed4 ,but the theory on which this principle was based was contrary to fact1 for on this view 8there never was or could be any discussion as to the number and limits of the canonical collection1 which had from first to last an official character4 ,each new book was written by a man of acknowledged authority1 and was added to the collection precisely as a new page would be added to the royal annals of an eastern kingdom4 ,it is plain that this view is not in accordance with facts4444 ,josephus' account of the ,canon is a theory1 and a theory inconsistent with the fact that we find no complete formal catalogue of ,scriptures in earlier writers like the son of ,sirach1 who1 in enumerating the literary worthies of his nation1 had every motive to give a complete list1 if he had been in a position to do so2 inconsistent also with the fact that questions as to the canonicity of certain books were still undecided within the lifetime of ,josephus himself40#baf ,but wrong and contrary to fact as this theory was1 upon it nevertheless was founded the ,hebrew ,canon as we have it at the present day4 ,for various reasons1#bag the ,rabbis had determined to exclude certain books from the ,canon of the ,old ,testament1#bah and their will held the day not only in their own times1 but also reasserted itself1 all unconscious of this though their descendants may be1 in later times in certain parts of the ,christian world4 ,the formation of the ,hebrew ,canon was thus virtually a fait accompli by about ,a4,d4 #ajj1 the official imprimatur being in all probability given at what is called the ,council of ,jabneh 7,jamnia74 ,that this was a council in the ordinary sense of the word may well be doubted2 but there is sufficient evidence to show that ,jabneh was a seat of ,jewish scholarship even before the destruction of the ,temple4 ,after this event the ,sanhedrin removed to ,jabneh and was presided over by ,jochanan ben ,zakkai1 the greatest of the ,jewish scribes during the period immediately succeeding the fall of ,jerusalem2 he was followed by ,gamaliel ,,ii4 ,it must be fairly obvious that any discussions as to the canonicity of books among the ,jewish religious leaders must have taken place in ,jabneh where the ,sanhedrin was1 and where the greatest ,jewish scholars would be assembled4 ,that such discussions did take place is amply witnessed to by passages in the ,mishna4 ,so that although it cannot be actually proved that the final and authoritative formation of the ,hebrew ,canon took place at 8the council of ,jabneh10 it is reasonably certain from the evidence we have that the discussions on the canonicity of certain books held by the ,sanhedrin assembled at ,jabneh resulted in what came to be regarded as the formal and official fixing of the ,canon4#bai ,how far1 in the gradual settlement of the question1 the ,rabbis acted on their own initiative1 and in how far they were merely registering and crystallizing the popular verdict articulated by usage is difficult to say4 ,to maintain that the latter alone was decisive makes it hard to understand why such books as ,ecclesiasticus1 ,judith and ,tobit1 to mention a few of the 8apocryphal0 books only1 were excluded2 on the other hand1 we cannot believe that popular usage counted for nothing4 ,most probably the whole question was one of compromise in which by degrees ,rabbinical logic1 based upon their theory alluded to above1 forced popular usage to give way to the official position which became finally and irrevocably fixed by the ,sanhedrin at ,jabneh4 ,it is true that long after the council of ,jabneh1 the canonicity of ,ezekiel1 ,jonah1 ,proverbs1 ,song of ,songs1 ,ecclesiastes and ,esther1 was at different times called in question#bbj2 but this only reflects the opinions of individuals1 and cannot be said to have in any way modified the practical consensus of ,jewish teachers that the final word had been spoken at ,jabneh4 ,,iv4 ,,to ,,whom ,,was ,,the ,,final ,,fixing ,,of ,,the ,,hebrew ,,canon ,,due8 ,the question as to whom1 pre-eminently1 the final fixing of the ,hebrew ,canon was due is not without interest2 and although we have no definite proof regarding the matter1 all the probabilities point in the same direction4 ,it would seem that at the time of ,josephus the ,pharisees specially occupied themselves with the subject4 ,it was ,josephus1 as we have seen1 who is the earliest witness that we have as to the existence of a finally fixed ,canon2 now ,josephus1 as has been pointed out in an earlier chapter1 tells us in his autobiography that after having made trial of the three sects of the ,pharisees1 ,sadducees1 and ,essenes in turn1 so that by becoming acquainted with each he might choose the best1 he finally lived 8according to the rule of life of the sect of the ,pharisees40#bba ,this was in his nineteenth year2 so that from early manhood onwards he was a ,pharisee4 ,the fact does not necessarily prove anything2 but the presumption is that he must have got his ideas about the ,canon from the circle of the ,pharisees4 ,we have already seen that ,josephus' theory regarding what constituted the claim for admission into the ,canon was identical with that of the ,rabbis2 but by his time the leading ,rabbis were ,pharisees4 ,in the next place1 we are told in the ,mishna 7,jadaim iv4 #f7 that the ,sadducees made fun of the ,pharisees for teaching that the ,holy ,scriptures 8defiled the hands10 while the books of ,homer did not 8defile the hands02 that is to say1 the ,sadducees repudiated the ,pharisaic conception of what constituted the ,canon4 ,this phrase1 8to defile the hands10#bbb was the ,pharisaic way of expressing canonicity2 it implied that the holiness of the sacred object produced by contact with it a state of ,levitical impurity 7cp4 ,lev4 vi4 #bd-bh1 ,hag4 ii4 #aa-ac2 and see further the interesting remarks by ,robertson ,smith in ,the ,religion of the ,semites #bnd ed41 pp4 #afa1 #dff ff47#bbc 8,the fact that defilement only of the hands is attributed to the sacred writings demands more attention than it has hitherto received4 ,interpreted in positive terms this can mean only that contact with them involves a ceremonial washing of the hands1 especially as the ruling in the matter occurs in that ,mishna treatise 7,jadaim7 which relates to1 and is named from1 such hand-washings4 ,the expression would be an unnatural one if it implied a command that the hands should be washed before touching4 ,the ,pharisees attributed to the sacred writings a sanctity of such a sort that whosoever touched them was not allowed to touch aught else until he had undergone the same ritual ablution as if he had touched something unclean40#bbd ,the record of this difference of opinion between the ,pharisees and ,sadducees on this subject throws an interesting light upon the ,pharisaic position regarding the ,canon1 and suggests that the final fixing of this lay with this party4 ,it is also worth recording that prior to ,josephus the attribution of the term 8holy0 to the ,scriptures occurs only once1 viz41 in #b ,maccabees viii4 #bc1bbe a book which emanated from ,pharisaic circles#bbf2 and in the ,new ,testament this occurs only in the writings of ,st4 ,paul1#bbg who was brought up as a ,pharisee4 ,it is1 therefore1 probable that the final fixing of the ,canon was due to the ,pharisees4 ,,summary ,to understand how it came about that a distinct line of demarcation was drawn between canonical and apocryphal books1 a preliminary consideration is necessary1 viz4 how the idea of a ,canon arose4 ,we are faced with the fact that before the beginning of the ,christian era there was a large body of literature in existence some books of which were held in higher honour than the rest1 though they did not differ in kind1 but only in their degree of sacredness1 from these books4 ,it was from this fact that the idea of a ,canon arose2 that is to say1 the idea of a ,canon assumes the existence of a number of books from which are selected those which finally become canonical4 ,between this and the fixing of a ,canon there is clearly a great difference4 ,to show that a distinction has to be made between the idea of a ,canon and the fixing of the ,canon1 one has to prove that at one period the books which were subsequently admitted into the ,canon were1 as we have said1 distinguished in degree but not in kind from the mass of sacred literature4 ,the evidence of ,ben-,sira1 and of his grandson1 is to the effect that no fixed ,canon of ,scripture1 as we understand it1 existed at about ,b4,c4 #ajj1 and yet we know that at that time a large mass of literature was in existence of which certain books were held in high honour4 ,the assumption is1 therefore1 justified that such books as ,ecclesiasticus1 ,tobit1 ,judith1 #a ,maccabees and others came under the same category as many other books1 some of which were later included in the ,canon1 and the possibility existed of such books as those just mentioned being also included in the ,canon4 ,the definite formation of the ,hebrew ,canon is another question2 concerning this1 we have the evidence of the ,mishna that it was not completed at the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,on the other hand1 the evidence of ,josephus shows that the final fixing of the ,canon had taken place before the end of the first century ,a4,d4 ,the theory of ,josephus1 which was also that of the ,rabbis1 as to what constituted the claim to canonicity1 was that a book must have been written within the 8prophetical period10 i4e4 from ,moses to ,ezra4 ,this theory was not in accordance with facts1 but it held the field nevertheless1 and the ,hebrew ,canon was formed in accordance with it4 ,the final official imprimatur was in all likelihood given by the ,jewish religious leaders at ,jabneh4 ,the final fixing of the ,hebrew ,canon was in all probability the work of the ,pharisaic party4 ,,additional ,,note ,the ,conceptions underlying the ,idea of ,levitical ,impurity4 ,although not strictly belonging to the present inquiry1 it may not be out of place to say a few words as to why contact with a holy object such as a roll of the ,scriptures should be conceived of as bringing about a state of ,levitical impurity4 ,some of the explanations which have been offered might be convincing if this particular form of the way in which ,levitical impurity was brought about stood alone4 ,but the fact is that other things involved a similar state of impurity1 and one cannot restrict oneself to the explanation of one of these while leaving the rest out of consideration1 because1 as will be seen in studying the subject1 identical conceptions lie ultimately at the base of all4 ,how1 for example1 is one to account for the fact that both the touching of a holy thing like a scroll of the ,law1 as well as the touching of an unclean thing like a leper or a dead body 7to mention no others71#bbh was held to bring about a similar state of ,levitical impurity and to require an ablution8 ,that reverence for the dead could have had nothing to do with this is proved by the fact that a state of impurity was brought about not only by contact with a dead person1 but equally so by contact with a dead animal4 ,when one studies the laws of uncleanness in the ,book of ,leviticus and compares them with many customs prevalent among uncultured races1#bbi one soon realizes the truth of ,robertson ,smith's words that 8the irrationality of laws of uncleanness1 from the standpoint of spiritual religion1 or even of the higher heathenism1 is so manifest1 that they must necessarily be looked on as having survived from an earlier form of faith and of society4 ,and this being so1 ,i do not see how any historical student can refuse to class them with savage taboos40#bcj ,such survivals are to be seen in the laws of uncleanness in the ,book of ,leviticus1 not that there was any idea of this when the writer of that book embodied in it those popular traditional rules and customs which had been in vogue for millenniums1 any more than there was when the ,pharisees decided that certain books should henceforth be regarded as so holy that the mere touch of them brought about ,levitical impurity2 they merely adopted the outward expression of an antique conception1 the essential significance of which had been forgotten for untold ages4 ,in primitive religions it was regarded as most dangerous to touch certain things and persons because they were conceived of as belonging to1 or as being under the protection of1 or indwelt by1 spirits2 it would be dangerous to touch these because the spirit's anger would be aroused thereby1 and evil consequences would ensue2 they were1 therefore1 8taboo40 ,but in the dire event of any of these things or persons being touched by a man1 the supernatural essence attaching to them was communicated2 they were 8contagious10 and therefore the unhappy victim who came into contact with them became 8infected40 ,the result was one of two things3 either the man died1#bca or for some 7to the savage7 incomprehensible reason no evil consequences ensued4 ,in the latter case1 since by contact the supernatural and dangerous essence adhered to the man1 it was necessary that some means should be found whereby this 8infection0 should be obliterated1 otherwise the 8infected0 person would be a danger to the community and would himself continue in the unfortunate position of being debarred from intercourse with his fellows4 ,various means were devised whereby this infection1 conceived of as something tangible1 could be got rid of4 ,among these there was the obvious one of washing it away with water4 ,but the tabooed things and persons referred to were of very diverse character2 some1 such as a carcase1 we should certainly consider polluted or unclean2 others1 such as the priestly vestments1 we should call holy2 but each was regarded as 8infectious10 in the sense used above1 even in the ,old ,testament4#bcb ,this is but an echo of ideas which obtained among the forbears of the ,israelites in distant bygone ages2 it may be illustrated by the condition of thought1 in this respect1 among men of low culture at the present day4 ,frazer1 in dealing with the subject of 8holy0 persons#bcc 7and the principle of what he says applies likewise to 8holy0 things71 says1 that so far as the savage is concerned1 8the conceptions of holiness and pollution are not yet differentiated in his mind4 ,to him the common feature of all these persons is that they are dangerous and in danger1 and the danger in which they stand and to which they expose others is what we should call spiritual or ghostly4444 ,to seclude these persons from the rest of the world so that the dreaded spiritual danger shall neither reach them1 nor spread from them1 is the object of the taboos which they have to observe4 ,these taboos act1 so to say1 as electrical insulators to preserve the spiritual force with which these persons are charged from suffering or inflicting harm by contact with the outer world40#bcd ,to man in a low state of culture1 then1 the distinction between the conceptions of what we speak of as holiness and uncleanness does not exist2 but as soon as a higher form of religion comes into being that distinction begins to be discerned1 especially as with any form of religion higher than that which obtains in the animistic stage the conception of a god begins to assert itself4 ,thus1 to utilize 7quite hypothetically7 the instances given above1 in the lower stage a carcase would be regarded as 8holy10 i4e4 something to be avoided1 because it was thought of as possessed by malignant spirits2 a medicine man's belongings would be regarded as 8holy10 i4e4 something to be avoided1 just because they were the medicine man's2 both are uncanny things1 inspiring mysterious fear2 both impart 8infection0 and are therefore dangerous4 ,this it is which1 to the mind of the savage1 puts both in the same category4 ,with the rise of a higher religion the carcase would come to be regarded as 8unclean10 while a priest's vestments 7corresponding for the purposes of our present argument to the medicine man's utensils7 would come to be regarded as 8holy0 in a higher sense4 ,but1 and this is the important point1 both would still be avoided2 the former because the touch of it involved pollution1 and thus unfitted a man for the worship of his god2 the latter for reasons of reverence due to his god4 ,but in both cases the result of the old idea of 8infection0 still clung1 so that contact with either necessitated a cleansing process of some kind4 ,the persistence of the ritual1 though the purpose of it has been forgotten1 is a fairly common phenomenon even among the most highly cultured peoples2 only1 since among these a 8reason why0 is insisted upon sooner or later1 plausible explanations1 though far removed from the origin of things1 are usually forthcoming4#bce ,that is how the special case before us is to be explained4 ,the idea of a ,canon presupposes a wide literature from which the 8canonical0 books are to be marked off2 a working theory having been formulated1 the ,canon is constructed in accordance with it2 the ,canon having been constructed1 some means of enforcing its recognition must be devised4 ,to the ,rabbis of two thousand years ago1 the quite obvious means would be the adaptation of a principle which had been in vogue in the whole domain of things religious from time immemorial4 8,sacredness0 was imputed to the chosen books2 and contact with anything sacred necessitated ablutions4 ,the ancient technical term was still employed1 so that any book declared to be 8sacred0 7and1 of course1 the 8sanctity0 would be communicated to the material upon which it was written7 was said to 8defile10 in this case the hands2 and therefore anyone who touched such a book was 8defiled0 thereby4 ,theoretically he had to perform an ablution after having done so1 but only theoretically1 for as a matter of fact no washing of hands 7more strictly1 pouring of water upon the hands7 has ever been required for removing the 8defilement0 communicated through touching the scroll of a canonical book1 nor is it required at the present day4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,uncanonical ,books 7,i7 ,,literature4--,kautzsch1 ,die ,apokryphen und ,pseudepigraphen des alten ,testamentes1 vol4 ,i1 pp4 xi4-xxiii4 7#aijj72 ,moore1 in the ,jewish ,encyclopdia1 ,,ii1 #a-f 7#aijb72 ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #db-fe4 ,see also the literature referred to in the footnotes4 ,i4 ,,the ,,meaning ,,of ,,the ,,term ,gnaz4 ,for reasons which will appear sufficiently obvious as we proceed1 it is necessary1 in speaking about uncanonical books1 to say something about the meaning of the ,hebrew word gnaz1 8to hide10 and the ,greek word apokryphos1 8hidden10 and the relationship of these terms to one another4 ,the word ,apocrypha means 8hidden things02 but in what sense and for what purpose is1 or was1 this term applied to those books which we call the books of the ,apocrypha8 ,that is one of the main points to be dealt with in the following discussion4 ,first as to the ,hebrew word gnaz2 this means originally 8to store up10 but it also has the meaning 8to store up in secret10 and thus 8to hide40#bcf ,in the technical sense in which it is used in the present connection1 i4e4 in reference to books1 it means 8to withdraw from use40 ,but1 it may be pointed out in passing1 the word was not used in this sense prior to the fixing of the ,hebrew ,canon2 it referred to the withholding of secret wisdom from all excepting the initiated4 ,the question as to how the word is used in the ,talmud is of the first importance1 but a difficult one2 it is said1 on the one hand1 that as applied to books1 8it is used only of books which are1 after all1 included in the ,jewish ,canon1 never of the kind of literature to which the ,church ,fathers give the name #8,apocrypha'444 the only exception is a reference to ,sirach40#bcg ,the latter part of this statement is undoubtedly true2 but ,hlscher has shown conclusively that to say that gnaz is only used in reference to books which are included in the ,jewish ,canon is not in accordance with the facts4 8,this view10 he says1 8directly contradicts the sources1 which in a number of cases use gnaz in reference to uncanonical books40 ,he shows further that when the ,rabbis use gnaz in reference to the canonical books it is a question of something of which they themselves disapprove2 for example1 they speak of canonical books which in time past certain people had desired to 8hide10 i4e4 to declare uncanonical2 but they mention this in order to record their disapproval2 not the ,rabbis but certain unnamed individuals apply the term gnaz to canonical books4 ,the ,talmudic view is that canonical books may not be 8hidden10 for this is only done in the case of books which are really offensive4#bch ,in the only other instances in which the word is used in reference to canonical books1 it is not to the books as such1 but only to particular copies of them1 and this for certain specific reasons2 for example1 if a roll had become moth-eaten or damaged in other ways1 or if part of the text had been rubbed out through use2 in such cases the copy in question was 8hidden10 i4e4 withdrawn from public use1 because there was something objectionable about it4 ,so that in the ,talmud gnaz implies1 as ,hlscher says1 8drastic action10 the total withdrawal from public use1 and therefore it cannot have been used in reference to the canonical books1 for in that case it would have implied their excision from the ,canon1 a 8naturally impossible thought for the ,rabbis40 ,the books which the ,rabbis 8hide0 7gnaz7 and forbid are always such the contents of which were regarded as thoroughly objectionable1 viz41 heretical4#bci ,it follows also that gnaz would never have been applied to the books of our ,apocrypha1 or at all events to the more important of them1 for not only were they regarded as containing edifying and orthodox teaching1 but it is well known that the reading of them was permitted4#bdj ,so that when the word gnaz is used in the ,talmud in reference to books it means that the books in question are such as must be withdrawn from use because they contain heretical teaching#bda2 for this reason the word would be inapplicable if applied to the books of the ,hebrew ,canon or to the books of our ,apocrypha4#bdb ,,ii4 ,,the ,,meaning ,,of ,,the ,,term ,apokryphos ,we turn next to the ,greek word apokryphos 78hidden071 from which our word ,apocrypha comes4 ,the term1 in its technical sense1 is neither specifically ,jewish nor ,christian originally1 but 8is derived from the practice common among sects1 religious or philosophic1 of embodying their special tenets or formul in books withheld from public use1 and communicated to an inner circle of believers40#bdc ,examples of such books can be given2 a magical papyrus preserved in ,leyden has the title 8,the holy and secret 7apokryphos7 ,book of ,moses1 called the eighth or the holy40#bdd ,according to ,suidas1 ,therecydes of ,syros learned his wisdom from 8the secret books of the ,phnicians40#bde ,clement of ,alexandria 7,strom41 i4 #ae1 #fi7 speaks of an ,agnostic sect1 the followers of ,prodicus1 who gloried in the possession of secret books of ,zoroaster4#bdf ,irenaeus 7,i1 xx4 #a7 mentions an early ,christian sect called the ,markosians who had their secret books1 and ,hippolytus 7,refut41 vii4 #bj7 says the same of the ,basilidians4#bdg ,moreover1 we have references to the same kind of thing in books which have come down to us2 it is said in ,daniel xii4 #d1 8,but thou1 ,o ,daniel1 shut up 7lit4 #8hide'7 the words1 and seal the book1 4440 and in xii4 #i1 8,go thy way1 ,daniel1 for the words are shut 7lit4 #8hidden'7 and sealed till the time of the end40 ,in the ,ethiopic ,book of ,enoch 7cviii4 #a7bdh reference is made to a book which was written for the elect3 8,another book which ,enoch wrote for his son ,methuselah and for those who will come after him and will keep the ,law in the last days02 the same seems to be implied in the ,slavonic ,book of ,enoch 7lxviii4 #b71bdi where it is said3 8,he wrote down the descriptions of all the creation which the ,lord had made1 and he wrote three hundred and sixty-six books1 and gave them to his sons40 ,still more pointed is the passage in #b 7#d7 ,esdras xii4 #cf-chbej3 8,thou alone hast been found worthy to learn this mystery of the ,most ,high2 therefore write all these things which thou hast seen in a book1 and put them in a secret place2 and thou shalt teach them to the wise of the people1 whose hearts thou knowest are able to comprehend and keep these mysteries40 ,but perhaps the most striking passage of all is #b 7#d7 ,esdras xiv4 #dd-dg3 8,so in forty days were written ninety-four books4 ,and it came to pass when the forty days were fulfilled1 that the ,most ,high spake unto me1 saying3 ,the twenty-four books which thou hast written publish1 that the worthy and unworthy may read therein2 but the seventy last thou shalt keep1 to deliver them to the wise among thy people2 for in them is the spring of understanding1 the fountain of wisdom1 and the stream of knowledge40 ,the 8twenty-four books0 are the canonical ones which were read in the synagogue and therefore known to all1 but the 8seventy last0 are the secret ones which are reserved only for the initiated4 ,from these passages it will1 therefore1 be seen that originally the term 8apocryphal10 as applied to books1 was used in a good sense2 such books were held to contain deep and mysterious truths which might only be communicated to the initiated1 and were therefore hidden from the outside world2 this applies both to ,gentile and to ,jewish usage4 ,it will also have been noticed1 from the passages quoted1 that there is a twofold idea contained in the term 8apocryphal02 it means1 on the one hand1 hidden teaching which the book contains1 and on the other1 that the book itself is hidden4#bea ,neither in the passages quoted1 nor anywhere else1 is the word 8apocryphal0 ever applied to the books of our ,apocrypha2 this is true right up to the fourth century ,a4,d4 ,before pursuing further the history of the word 8apocryphal10 and how it came to be applied to sacred books of the second rank1 we must briefly consider the not unimportant question of the connection between the ,hebrew gnaz and the ,greek apokryphos4 ,it is better to do so at this point before we deal with apokryphos in the later sense in which it was used4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,connection ,,between ,,the ,,terms ,gnaz ,,and ,apokryphos ,we have seen that gnaz is only used1 properly speaking1 of objectionable books1 i4e4 those which were regarded as heretical1 and therefore 8hidden10 or 8withdrawn40 ,we have also seen that apokryphos is used in a good sense of books which contain 8hidden0 teaching1 and must therefore be 8hidden0 from the unworthy4 ,this would seem to imply that there could have been no connection between the two terms since they refer respectively to books the character of which is diametrically opposed1 gnaz being applied to bad books1 apokryphos to good ones4 ,but here another factor comes in4 ,from the root gnaz comes the word ,genizah2 this name was applied to a small chamber1 adjoining the ancient synagogues1 in which were kept hidden away those rolls of the ,scriptures which after continued use at the synagogue services began to show signs of wear and tear4 ,it was a laudable custom among the ,jews that whatsoever was used in the service of ,god should be of the best2 so that when a roll of the ,scriptures had been in use for a certain number of years and had become tarnished or torn1 they did not consider it fit to be used in divine service4 ,on the other hand1 the roll contained ,holy ,scripture1 and had also been sanctified by service2 it was1 therefore1 unfitting that it should be thrown away4 ,for this reason it was placed in the ,genizah1 and thus hidden away from profane hands4#beb ,here1 then1 we have another reason for which books were 8hidden10 though it applies in the main to canonical books 7see below72 at the same time it must be remembered that the technical term gnaz is not used in reference to books in this connection4 ,but then we have this further important fact2 it was not only damaged copies of the ,scriptures which were placed in the ,genizah2 as ,prof4 ,schechter says3 8,another class of works consigned to the ,genizah were what we may call disgraced books1 books which once pretended to the rank of ,scriptures1 but were found by the authorities to be wanting in the qualification of being dictated by the ,holy ,spirit4 ,they were #8hidden4'0#bec ,the ,genizah1 therefore1 as it has been well put1 served 8the twofold purpose of preserving good things from harm1 and bad things from harming40#bed ,this1 therefore1 suggests a distinct connection between the ideas conveyed by the terms gnaz and apokryphos4 ,such connection is1 moreover1 confirmed by the witness of ,origen1 7d4 #bed ,a4,d471 who1 together with ,africanus1 his contemporary1 was the first to apply the term 8apocryphal0 to books used by the ,church2 ,origen expressly says that he borrowed his terminology from the ,jews#bee2 and1 as ,hlscher has shown1 his use of apokryphos entirely corresponds with the ,rabbinical use of gnaz2 both use these terms in reference1 not to the canonical books1 nor to the books of our ,apocrypha1 but to the books known as 8,pseudepigrapha40#bef ,these latter books were condemned by the ,rabbis after the ,canon had been fixed 7though this had not always been the case7 because they were looked upon as harmful2 but in the early ,church they were freely used4 ,but though gnaz and apokryphos are thus shown to express similar ideas1 as technical terms they are obviously not to be thought of as meaning the same thing4 ,originally they did in all probability connote similar ideas1 viz41 the hiding of secret wisdom from all but those who were fit to receive it2 but that was before the ,canon was fixed and when the line of demarcation between different categories of books was not so rigid4 ,both terms originated independently2 apokryphos continued1 anyhow up to the time of ,origen1 to be applied in reference to books which contained hidden wisdom2 gnaz1 on the other hand1 while being originally used in the same way as apokryphos1 came to be used in quite a different way2 it always meant 8to hide10 but while originally it referred to the hiding of what was good1#beg it was finally used in reference to what was bad4 ,the term did not change1 but its meaning did4 ,,iv4 ,,how ,,the ,,term 8,,apocrypha0 ,,came ,,to ,,be ,,applied ,,to ,,sacred ,,books ,,of ,,the ,,second ,,rank ,but we must return to the question as to why the term ,apocrypha was applied to the books which we include under that title4 ,as we have seen1 8apocryphal0 was first applied to books which contained hidden wisdom2 then it was used by ,origen in reference to pseudepigraphic books4 ,in the fourth century the attempt was first made 7in the ,greek ,church7 to distinguish between canonical books and those which were read for edification2 the latter referred to the books of our ,apocrypha1 but the term apocryphal was still applied only to pseudepigraphic books4 ,the example of the ,greek ,church was followed by the ,latin ,church headed by ,st4 ,jerome 7d4 ,a4,d4 #dbj7 who made a distinction between the 8libri canonici0 and the 8libri ecclesiastici10 meaning by the latter term the books of the ,apocrypha4 ,it was not arbitrariness which prompted ,st4 ,jerome to do this2 the ,latin ,church was in the fourth century inundated with a flood of religious writings hitherto unknown outside the ,greek ,church2 these now appeared in ,latin translations4 ,their appearance in the ,west created a great sensation1 the more so as they bore in their titles names which were greatly honoured4#beh ,they were not all good for the faithful to read1 yet only too frequently there was no sufficiently learned churchman at hand to give guidance4 ,in ,st4 ,jerome's time1 therefore1 there was a mass of literature in circulation which was used without discrimination2 so that it needed someone of learning and authority to guide and direct4 ,to this fact was no doubt largely due ,st4 ,jerome's activity in this matter1 and he commenced by making a clear distinction between the canonical books and those of the second rank to which he now gave the name of apocryphal4#bei ,but stress must be laid upon the fact that he used the word 8apocryphal0 in a new sense4 ,hitherto1 as we have seen1 this word was applied to the ,pseudepigrapha and to other extra-canonical books2 ,st4 ,jerome was the first to use it in reference to the books which are now included in the ,apocrypha1 i4e4 in the sense in which it is now used4 ,this new use of the term did not at once become general2 ,st4 ,augustine 7d4 ,a4,d4 #dcj71 for example1 uses 8apocrypha0 in the old sense in his ,de ,civitate ,dei1 xv4 #bc2 but by degrees ,st4 ,jerome's nomenclature was adopted throughout the ,west1 and this has continued to the present time4 ,thus it has come about that we call the sacred books of the second rank the ,apocrypha1 though there is not1 nor ever has been1 anything 8hidden0 about them or their teaching4 ,v4 ,,the ,,reading ,,of ,,uncanonical ,,books ,we shall deal in detail with the books of the ,apocrypha in ,part ,,ii1 and some account of the ,pseudepigrapha will be given in the next chapter2 here we purpose to say something about the early use of uncanonical 8books10 apart from the two categories just mentioned1 during the period with which we are mainly concerned1 i4e4 roughly ,b4,c4 #bjj-;,a4,d4 #ajj4 ,as we have already seen1 the idea of a ,canon presupposes the existence of a number of books from which those to be included in the ,canon are selected4 ,so that before the formation of the ,canon a variety of books was in existence among the ,jews1 the reading of which was not forbidden4 ,this continued until after the ,canon had been finally fixed1 though it was not long before all uncanonical books1 with the exception of some of those which belong to our ,apocrypha1#bfj were forbidden4 ,rabbi ,akiba1 for example1 who lived towards the end of the first century ,a4,d4 and during the first half of the second1 reckoned among such as had no portion in the world to come those who read 8outside books0#bfa2 these were called ,sepharim hachiznim1 the latter word being equivalent to the ,greek 1 which is used in the ,new ,testament of persons 8that are without10 i4e4 outside the company of the faithful4#bfb ,in ,jewish writings the ,sepharim hachiznim are synonymous with ,sifre hamnm1 8the books of the heretics40#bfc ,the ,rabbis regarded such books with the greatest horror2 it is said of ,rabbi ,tarphon1 a contemporary of ,rabbi ,akiba1 that he burned every book belonging to the ,minim which he could get hold of2 he went so far as to say that if a man was being pursued by a murderer or a serpent it would be better to take refuge in the house of an idolater than in that of a heretic4#bfd ,we deal with the subject of these books in the next chapter4 ,it is often asked what data we have for believing in the existence of the wide prevalence of 8books0 in these early ages2 as the question is not without importance in the present connection it will not be out of place to indicate some of the data4 ,we may refer first to ,ecclesiastes xii4 #aa1 #ab3 8,the words of the wise are as goads1 and as driven nails are the members of collections2 they are given by one shepherd4 ,and besides these1 my son1 be warned4 ,of making many books there is no end1 and much study is a weariness of the flesh40 ,what the preacher here means is that the words of the wise stimulate the reader to good thoughts2 the words 8members of collections0 refer to wise words which have been embodied in collections of sayings2 all these come from ,god1 the one ,shepherd4 ,a warning is then given as to the reading of other literature2 8the editor would deter his pupils from unorthodox or heathen literature by the thought of the weariness of study40#bfe ,the passage shows that there must have been a quantity of unorthodox literature available4 8,books0 of another character were ,aramaic ,targums which were certainly much in use in pre-,christian times#bff as well as later2 these are often referred to in the ,talmud4#bfg ,it is said in one of the ,midrashic#bfh works that when the ,israelites were in ,egypt they possessed rolls in the reading of which they delighted every ,sabbath2 the statement is1 of course1 merely pictorial1 but it implies the spread of literature--though1 to be sure1 at a much later time than that referred to4 ,among 8books0 mentioned by name are the following#bfi3 8,megillath ,taanith10 which enumerates and discusses fast-days which should not be observed as fasts because joyful events occurred on them in days gone by2 this probably belongs to the first century of our era4 ,of about the same date is 8,the roll of ,genealogies02 what the precise contents of this work were is not known1 as only one quotation occurs in the ,talmud1 in the tractate ,jebamoth #di;b4 ,rabbi ,jochanan ben ,nuri1 a contemporary of ,rabbi ,akiba1 possessed1 we are told1 a 8,megillath ,sammnim0 78,the roll of powders071 in which is given a list of spices used for making incense2 this1 it is said1 was an heirloom belonging to the 8house of ,abtinas40 ,rabbi ,chijja 7third century ,a4,d47 had a 8book0 called 8,megillath ,sethrim0 78,the roll of hidden things071 in this he wrote down precepts and the like which1 it is said1 did not receive general approval4 ,besides these ,strack gives references to a large number of ,haggadic#bgj and ,halakic#bga 8books0 which need not be enumerated here4 ,but the most striking proof of the existence of 8books0 in more or less general use is afforded by the recently found#bgb ,aramaic papyri of ,elephantin 7belonging to the fifth century ,b4,c474 ,we have already referred to these1#bgc and shall have to speak in some detail about one of these papyri in dealing with the ,book of ,tobit2 but1 so far as we are now concerned1 the main fact is worth recording that centuries before the beginning of the ,christian era numbers of ,aramaic papyri were to be found in private houses2 the contents of these papyri varied from household accounts and memoranda to such a story as 8,the history of the wise ,achikar40#bgc ,these various 8books0 which have been briefly referred to--and they represent but a small number of the available data--are sufficient evidence to show that there was a considerable amount of literary material for use among those who desired it4 ,the question may be asked whether in these early days there were so many people able to read as to make the wide distribution of literature likely2 it may be replied that probably there was a larger percentage of men among the ,jews able to read and write than among any other nation during the period of which we are speaking4 ,but1 as a matter of fact1 the actual number1 whether small or great1 of those able to read was not the important point2 for where one read and expounded1 there were a number who would listen1 and thus be influenced by the contents of a 8book40 ,we have an interesting example of this in ,ecclesiasticus l4 #bi1 where1 according to the ,hebrew text1 ,ben-,sira speaks of those who attended his ,yeshibah1 i4e4 lecture-room or academy2 there can be little doubt that ,ben-,sira's book 7,ecclesiasticus7 formed part of the instruction there given4#bgd ,but as ,ben-,sira speaks of the ,yeshibah as a well known institution we may be sure that others existed4 ,in one way or another1 then1 men became acquainted with and were influenced by the contents and teaching of 8books02 and when a distinction had come to be made between 8books0 which were permitted and 8books0 which were forbidden1 a strict vigilance was kept by the religious authorities in order to suppress unorthodox 8books40 ,among these unorthodox 8books0 there was one class which was regarded as very dangerous1 and therefore strictly forbidden1 viz4 those which dealt with the subject of ,apocalypse2 to these some attention must next be devoted4 ,,summary ,the ,hebrew root gnaz and the ,greek word apokryphos must be properly understood if the subject of canonical and uncanonical books is to be discussed4 ,originally1 gnaz meant 8to store up10 and then 8to store up in secret10 thus 8to hide10 and especially to hide secret wisdom from the masses2 later1 it came to have the technical sense1 in reference to books1 of 8withdrawing from use40 ,the ,talmudic use of the term is important2 when there used in reference to books it means that such books1 on account of their heretical teaching1 must be withdrawn from public use2 the word is never1 in the ,talmud1 used of canonical books themselves nor of the books of our ,apocrypha4 ,the ,greek word apokryphos had in its origin1 as a technical term1 a meaning somewhat similar to gnaz in its early1 though not in its later1 connotation2 it was used of books containing secret teaching only to be communicated to the initiated4 ,apokryphos was1 therefore1 used first in a good sense2 the 8hidden0 character of 8apocryphal0 books consisted in their being hidden from the outside world for which they were too good4 ,but in its later usage apokryphos also corresponded to the later usage of gnaz2 both were used in reference to uncanonical books2 but these books were not merely uncanonical1 they were also heretical1 namely those which we now include under the term 8,pseudepigrapha02 neither term was originally used of the books of our ,apocrypha4 ,it was not until the fourth century ,a4,d41 and in the ,greek ,church first1 that a distinction began to be made between canonical books and books which1 though not canonical1 were nevertheless to be read for edification1 i4e4 the books of our ,apocrypha4 ,but even then the term 8apocryphal0 continued to be used only in reference to heretical books1 and not to those of our ,apocrypha4 ,the fundamental change in the use of the term apocryphal was brought about by ,st4 ,jerome2 owing to the influx1 during the fourth century1 of a number of religious writings from the ,eastern ,church1 many of which it was thought better to withhold from the faithful1 ,st4 ,jerome drew a sharper distinction than had obtained hitherto in the ,west between the canonical and other writings2 he now applied the term 8apocryphal0 to the books of our present ,apocrypha1 and though this new connotation of the term did not at once become general1 it was by degrees adopted and has continued ever since4 ,there were many uncanonical books1 in addition to the ,apocrypha and ,pseudepigrapha1 the reading of which was not forbidden prior to the formation of the ,canon2 but later1 all books outside the ,canon1 with the exception of some belonging to our ,apocrypha1 were forbidden2 they were called books 8that are without40 ,many data regarding the existence of books1 apart from ,scriptural ones1 among the ,jews in pre-,christian times are available2 from these it is evident that there must have been much literary activity4 ,as these books were varied in character and did not by any means necessarily always contain orthodox teaching1 the fact of their existence illustrates the need of the discrimination which the ,jewish religious authorities saw fit to exercise4 ,,chapter ,x ,uncanonical ,books 7,,ii74 ,the ,apocalyptic ,literature ,,literature4--,see the headings to the various sections4 ,,preliminary ,,remarks ,uncanonical books of a sacred character came to be divided by the ,jewish religious authorities into two categories1 though the exact dividing line varied according to the opinions of different teachers4 ,these two categories consisted1 on the one hand1 of books which contained orthodox teaching1 but which1 for one reason or another1 were not admitted into the ,canon2 roughly speaking1 under this category were included the books of our ,apocrypha4 ,the other category consisted of what were regarded as heretical books4 ,the former1 though they did not 8defile the hands10 were permitted to be read4 ,the latter came to be regarded with horror1 and the reading of them was strictly forbidden2 they were called ,sepharim hachiznim1 8,outside ,books10 to which reference has been made in the preceding chapter2 when precisely this term came to be applied to them we cannot say1 but it is evident that the feeling in regard to them expressed by the term was in existence before ,b4,c4 #ajj4 ,now among the 8,outside ,books0 were those which were called ,ha-,gilynim4 ,there is some difference of opinion among scholars as to the meaning of this term and as to what kind of books it refers2 ,hlscher has1 however1 as it appears to us1 shown conclusively that by it was meant 8,the ,apocalypses10 and that it refers to what we now know as the ,apocalyptic ,literature4#bge ,there is no doubt that the whole of this literature was rejected1 ultimately1 by the ,palestinian ,jewish authorities1 the ,pharisees4#bgf ,strongly as the ,pharisees had been influenced by some of the teaching contained in this literature1 they had from their point of view sufficient reason to discountenance the books as a whole4 ,the pronounced other-worldly character of them was in marked contrast to the strictly practical and narrow purview of scholastic ,pharisaism4 ,the scant insistence on the need of legal observance1 in the ,pharisaic sense1 which to the ,pharisees was the basis of all religion1 was a natural cause of antagonism2 and this antagonism inevitably widened as time went on1 for there was a danger that the popularity of the apocalyptic books would relegate the older religious literature to the background2 indeed1 we have definite proof that in some circles the apocalyptic literature was held in higher esteem than the canonical twenty-four2 thus in #b 7#d7 ,ezra xiv4 #de-dg it is said3 8,and it came to pass when the forty days were fulfilled1 that the ,most ,high spoke unto me saying1 ,the twenty-four books that thou hast written publish1 that the worthy and unworthy may read them2 but the seventy last i4e4 the apocalyptic books thou shalt keep1 to deliver them to the wise among thy people4 ,for in them is the spring of understanding1 the fountain of wisdom1 and the stream of knowledge40 ,there was possibly a further cause of hostility to some of these books1 viz4 their original authorship1 which in some cases was ,sadducan2 in such cases1 although worked over by ,pharisaic editorship the ,sadducan trail could not be altogether obliterated2 hence their condemnation4 ,highly improbable as this sounds at first1 it will be seen1 when we come to consider these books in brief detail1 that in some cases the contention is not altogether unjustified4 ,it is doubtless due to this ,pharisaic hostility that almost all the ,hebrew or ,aramaic originals of these books have disappeared and that these writings are preserved only in translations4 ,there can1 moreover1 be little doubt that this hostility was further nourished on account of the use of apocalyptic books in the early ,christian ,church4 ,another preliminary remark about this literature is necessary4 ,all the known books belonging to it have false names in their titles1 for which reason they are called the ,pseudepigrapha4 ,how are we to account for this apparent fraud on the part of writers who were clearly devout and earnest men8 ,this strange procedure1 as it appears to us nowadays1 may to a large extent be explained if we remember that 8the apocalyptic writers almost certainly drew their material from popular tradition4 ,many of the ideas which receive various embodiment in this literature were derived doubtlessly from the common stock of the popular consciousness2 their ascription to or association with the great heroic figures of antiquity1 like ,enoch1 ,abraham1 ,isaiah1 or the twelve ,patriarchs1 may also be a feature from the popular consciousness4 ,the men who reduced the various elements to writing1 or utilized them for enforcing religious views or lessons may1 on this view1 be acquitted from any charge of fraud or dishonesty2 they implicitly trusted the popular tradition so far as to believe that the ideas to which they were giving expression really did go back to the heroic figures of old4 ,their estimate1 moreover1 of the function and importance of authorship probably differed fundamentally from that of the moderns2 it was far less self-conscious1 and was the natural outcome of a literary modesty which was nave40#bgg ,it is likely enough that one way whereby the popular traditions came into being was owing to ,haggadic homiletics1 i4e4 the explanation of ,scripture teaching by narrative or parable2 passages of ,scripture would be explained and illustrated by means of imaginary narratives which were1 of course1 not intended to be other than explanatory2 then1 as these were repeated and handed on1 they tended in process of time to be regarded as accounts of events which actually did happen1 and which had been handed down by tradition4 ,if this supposition be correct1 it would in some sense be analogous to the somewhat similar process which happened in the domain of ,halakah1 i4e4 that which is concerned with the legal and ritual elements in ,scripture4 ,a brief examination of these apocalyptic books is demanded here inasmuch as in the early ,church--and in all probability in the pre-,christian ,jewish ,church at one time--the distinct line of demarcation between them and those of the ,apocrypha was not drawn in the way that it was in later times4 ,it is also worth noting that such books as the ,book of ,enoch1 and the ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs have1 as ,charles has shown1#bgh exercised more influence upon the writers of the ,new ,testament than any of the books of the ,apocrypha4 ,in giving now some short account of the more important books belonging to this body of literature1 we shall take them1 as far as possible1 in chronological order2 but1 as is to be expected1 one cannot always be certain as to the date of a book1 so that we cannot claim to be sure that a strictly chronological order is being followed4 7a7 ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,enoch ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #ed-gc2 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #bfh-bij2 ,swete1 ,the ,old ,testament in ,greek1 ,,iii1 pp4 #ghi-hji 7#ahii72 ,beer1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #bag-caj 7#aijj72 ,volz1 ,jdische ,eschatologie1 pp4 #ab-ba 7#aijc72 ,martin1 ,le ,livre d',hnoch 7#aijf72 ,charles1 ,the ,book of ,enoch 7#aiab72 ,leszynsky1 ,die ,sadduzer1 pp4 #bec-bff 7#aiab72 ,charles1 in ,the ,apocr4 and ,pseud4 of the ,old ,testament1 ,,ii1 pp4 #afc-bha 7#aiac72 ,charles1 ,eschatology2 ,hebrew1 ,jewish1 and ,christian 7#aiac72 ,burkitt1 ,jewish and ,christian ,apocalypses pp4 #ag-cd 7#aiad74 ,the articles on 8,apocalyptic ,literature0 in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 and the ,jewish ,encycl4 ,it has not been thought necessary to enumerate the editions of the various published original texts as these are given in ,schrer1 ,kautzsch1 and ,charles4 ,this applies to all the apocalypses to which we shall refer4 ,according to ,charles the various elements of which the book in its present form is made up belong to different dates4 ,the following table will show the dates of the different parts of the book2 ,charles believes that these are probably correct1 without committing himself to the certainty of this in each case3 ,chaps4 xii4-xxxvi4 xciii4 ,the oldest pre-,maccaban xci4 #ab-ag 8,the ,apocalypse of ,weeks0 portions4 vi4-xi4 liv4 #g-lv4 #b lx4 ,fragments of the 8,book ,pre-,maccaban at the lxv4-lxix4 #be of ,noah0#bgi latest4 cvi4 cvii4 lxxxiii4-xc4 8,the ,dream ,visions10 ,b4,c41 #afe-afa4 lxxii4-lxxxii4 8,the ,book of the ,heavenly ,luminaries40 ,before ,b4,c4 #aaj4 xxxvii4-lxxi4 8,the ,parables10 or 8,similitudes0 ,b4,c4 #aje-fd4 xci4 #a-aa1 #ah1 #ai-;civ4 i4-v4 ,the latest portion1 but pre-,christian4 ,chapter cv41 which consists only of two verses1 cannot be dated2 while cviii4 is1 according to ,charles1 an appendix to the entire work4 ,while these dates may be regarded as approximately correct1 it should be pointed out that there is not a complete consensus of opinion among scholars on the subject4 ,schrer1 for example1 holds that the entire book1 with the exception of chapters xxxvii4-lxxi41 was written during the period ,b4,c4 #acj-ajj1 these other chapters being not earlier than the time of ,herod the ,great4 ,beer thinks that the 8,dream ,visions0 belong to the time of ,john ,hyrcanus 7,b4,c4 #ace-aje71 and he includes under the pre-,maccaban portions only xci4 #ab-ag1 xcii41 xciii4 #a-ad2 but he agrees with ,charles in thinking that the book as a whole belongs to a period prior to ,b4,c4 #fd4 ,dalman maintains that it cannot be proved that the important section xxxvii4-lxxi4 78,the ,similitudes07 is 8the product of the pre-,christian period10 though he fully recognizes its ,jewish character4#bhj ,as to the question of authorship2 since the book is made up of sections belonging to various dates1 it is obvious that unity of authorship is not to be looked for4 ,but if there is not unity1 there is1 so ,charles maintains1 uniformity of authorship2 for1 according to him1 all the sections were written by ,chassidim1 or by their successors1 the ,pharisees4 ,an entirely different view of authorship has1 however1 recently been put forth with much skill by ,leszynsky4#bha ,while frankly recognizing the composite character of the book1 he holds that the original portions of it 7according to him these are3 i4-xxxvi41 lxxii4-lxxxii41 lxxxiii4-xc41 xciii4 xci4 #ab-ag7 to have emanated from ,sadducan circles1 and that the special object of the book in its original form was that of bringing about the reform of the calendar4#bhb ,he points first of all to the ascription of the book to ,enoch as supporting his contention2 ,enoch lived #cfe years1 i4e4 his years correspond to the number of days in the solar year1 which1 as we have seen1 was one of the fundamental differences between the ,sadducees and ,pharisees1 these latter reckoning time by the lunar year4 ,further1 ,enoch ascended into the heavens and would therefore be just the one to know all about the heavenly luminaries2 he was thus the most appropriate author of a book which was to deal with astronomical questions4 8,the ,sadducan character of the original work10 says ,leszynsky1 8is seen most clearly in the discussion regarding the calendar2 chapter lxxii4-lxxxii4 are rightly called the ,book of ,astronomy#bhc3 #8the book of the courses of the luminaries of the heaven1 the relations of each1 according to their classes1 their dominion and their seasons1 according to their names and places of origin1 and according to their months 444 with regard to all the years of the world and unto eternity1 till the new creation is accomplished which endureth till eternity' 7lxxii4 #a74 ,that sounds almost as though the author of the ,book of ,jubilees had written it4 ,that it is not a merely scientific interest which impels the writer to give expression to his astronomical theories may be seen from the words at the conclusion of the section3 #8,blessed are all the righteous1 blessed are all those who walk in the way of righteousness1 and sin not as the sinners in the reckoning of all their days1 in which the sun traverses the heaven1 entering into and departing from the portals for thirty days 444' 7lxxxii4 #d-g74 ,herein one can discern quite clearly the tendency of the writer4 ,he desires the adoption of the solar year1 while his contemporaries wrongly followed a different reckoning and therefore celebrated the feasts at the wrong time4 ,the #8sinners who sin in the reckoning of the year' are the ,pharisees2 and the righteous ones who are blessed1 the ,zaddkim1#bhd who walk upon the paths of righteousness 7,zedek71 as the name was made to imply1 were the ,sadducees40 ,leszynsky works out his argument in much detail1 the study of the whole of which is necessary to grasp the full force of his contention4 ,the other portions of the book he does not hold to be ,sadducan4 ,in the concluding portion he sees a bitter polemic by a ,pharisee against the ,sadducees 7see especially cii4 #f ff474 ,regarding the important section called the 8,similitudes0 7xxxvii4-lxxi47 ,leszynsky has nothing definite to suggest other than that it is not ,christian1 still less ,jewish4 ,he says3 8,we know too little about the sects which existed about the time of the beginning of ,christianity to be able to say to what circle the author of this writing belonged40 ,the contentions of ,charles and ,leszynsky are thus diametrically opposed4 ,to the present writer the great difficulty in accepting either as it stands lies in the fact that1 broadly speaking1 the ,apocalyptic ,literature1 of which the ,book of ,enoch is the most striking example we possess1 was acceptable to neither ,pharisees nor ,sadducees4 ,no doubt ,charles is right in assigning the earlier portions of the book 7i4e4 the pre-,maccaban7 to the ,chassidim2 but we have sought1 in an earlier chapter1#bhe to show that ,friedlnder is justified in maintaining that the ,chassidim were the forbears of both ,apocalyptists and ,pharisees1 two branches of the parent stock which diverged widely in spite of some fundamental points of family likeness4 ,the ,book of ,enoch1 therefore1 may1 in its pre-,maccaban portions1 well be ascribed to the ,chassidim2 but it is not on that account necessary to ascribe all the later portions to the ,pharisees2 three points especially militating against this3 the ,messianic doctrine1 the1 generally speaking1 universalistic spirit1 and the attitude to the ,law not being the ,pharisaic one4#bhf ,the ,apocalyptists1 on the other hand1 were also the descendants of the ,chassidim2 and no sufficient reason exists for not ascribing the bulk of the later portions of our book to them4 ,regarding ,leszynsky's view1 while we feel that that part of it is justified which ascribes to the ,sadducees the 8,book of ,astronomy0 7lxxii4-lxxxii47 and possibly certain other portions1 there is a grave difficulty in regarding such parts as i4-xxxvi4 and xciii41 xci4 #ab-ag1 in which the apocalyptic element is prominent1 as of ,sadducan origin1 for nothing that we know of the ,sadducees leads us to suppose that they cultivated apocalyptic studies4 ,what we feel to be of extreme importance in assigning authorship to ,jewish books belonging to the last two pre-,christian centuries is the fact well expressed by ,friedlnder3 8444 ,but who would maintain that these two parties1 i4e4 the ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 constituted in reality the ,jewish people at this period1 however much they may have been pushed into the foreground of historical events8 ,the ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 no less than the ,essenes1 who were far removed from the sphere of politics1 were only sects of the ,jews4 ,the ,pharisees formed1 even on ,josephus' showing 7,antiq41 ,,xvii1 ii4 #d71 only a fraction of the people1 and did not number much more than six thousand all told2 they were thus not much more numerous than the ,essenes with their four thousand 7,philo1 ,quod omn4 prob41 ,,ii1 #deg2 ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #e74 ,and if it be willingly granted that the ,pharisees had many adherents among the people1 yet this was very far from being the ,people itself4444 ,and where remain then the great masses of the #8people of the land1' the really deciding factor1 who were neither ,pharisan nor ,sadducan1 but among whom the ,jewish spirit-of-the-people 7,volksgeist71 developed under favourable conditions during the memorable days of the ,ptolemys1 was not yet wholly extinguished and still possessed sufficient power to protect itself against the yoke which ,pharisaism sought to put upon the people80#bhg ,it is not necessary to assume that all the literature produced by the ,jews during these centuries emanated either from ,pharisaic or ,sadducan circles4 ,there are other alternatives2 and in the present case it seems most probable that the bulk of this book was written by apocalyptists who belonged neither to ,pharisaic nor yet to ,sadducan circles4 ,the ,book of ,enoch was originally written partly in ,aramaic 7vi4-xxxvi41 lxxxiii4-xc41 according to ,charles7 and partly in ,hebrew 7the rest of the book74 ,no portion of the book in its original form has come down to us2 the ,ethiopic version is the only complete one extant1 it was translated from the ,greek version of which only fragments remain4#bhh ,the ,latin version1 which was also made from the ,greek1 is not extant with the exception of i4 #i1 cvi4 #a-ah4 ,that the book is ,palestinian is generally acknowledged2 its original language of itself points to this4 ,the ,book of ,enoch is in many respects the most important of all the apocalypses1 since it is without a rival for the history of doctrinal development during the last two pre-,christian centuries4 ,the teaching of the book is sometimes contradictory1 which is not to be wondered at in view of its composite authorship2 for example1 in lxix4 #aa it is said that man was originally created without sin1 8like the angels10 but that death came through sin and destroyed him2 but elsewhere the entering in of sin from the first is traced to the spiritual world4 ,the doctrines of angels and demons appear in a developed form in this book4 ,the teaching concerning the ,kingdom is likewise contradictory2 vi4-xxxvi4 are full of materialistic ideas1 whereas xci4-civ4 are marked by conceptions which are entirely spiritual4 ,so1 too1 with regard to the ,messiah2 at one time ,he is represented as without having any special rle to fill1 at another ,he appears as the 8,righteous ,one10 or as the 8,elect ,one10 8,the ,son of ,man10 and 8,the ,christ0 or 8,anointed ,one40 ,regarding the ,last ,things1 the teaching about the ,judgement varies according as to whether the ,messianic ,kingdom is conceived of as an eternal earthly kingdom1 in which case the final ,judgement precedes it1 or as only a temporary earthly kingdom1 when the ,judgement takes place at its close2 in xxxvii4-lxxi4 78,the ,similitudes07 it is taught that the ,messianic ,kingdom is eternal and embraces heaven and earth1 here it is initiated by the final ,judgement4 ,the punishment of the wicked takes place in ,sheol1 part of which is a place of fire1 and equivalent to the later ,gehenna conception2 another part of ,sheol is described as an intermediate resting-place of the righteous4 ,in the oldest portions of the book both soul and body1 a physical body1 rise and abide eternally in the earthly ,messianic ,kingdom2 in 8,the ,similitudes0 it is a spiritual body which rises to a spiritual kingdom2 while in the latest section of the book it is taught that only the spirit rises1 and only the righteous attain to the resurrection4 ,most of the ,new ,testament writers have been influenced by the book in thought and diction4 8,it is quoted as a genuine production of ,enoch by ,st4 ,jude 7verses #ad1 #ae71 and as ,scripture by ,st4 ,barnabas4 ,the authors of the ,book of ,jubilees1 the ,apocalypse of ,baruch1 and #d ,ezra laid it under contribution4 ,with the earlier ,fathers and ,apologists it had all the weight of a canonical book40#bhi 7b7 ,,the ,,sibylline ,,oracles ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #bgj-bib1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #eee-eib2 ,blass1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #agg-bag2 ,lanchester1 in ,charles1 ,,ii1 pp4 #cfh-djf2 ,m4 ,s4 ,terry has published this book in blank verse 7,new ,york1 undated74 ,see also an article on this book in the ,edinburgh ,review1 ,july1 #ahgg1 pp4 #ca-fg4 ,this work consisted originally of fourteen books1 twelve of which have survived2 but we are here concerned only with the ,promium and books iii4-v41 the remainder belonging to later times4 ,the ,promium and books iii4-v4 belong1 like the rest of the work1 to different dates1 but the bulk of the ,promium and book iii4 belong to about the middle of the second century ,b4,c41 books iv4 and v4 to the latter half of the first century ,a4,d4 ,these portions are all ,jewish in the main1 though interspersed with ,christian elements4 ,of authorship little can be said2 the main portion of the ,promium and book iii4 were probably written by a ,jew of ,alexandria1 parts of book iv4 by a ,palestinian ,jew1 and the bulk of book v4 also by a ,jew of ,alexandria4 ,the ,oracles were1 of course1 all written in ,greek1 and they were put forth in the interests of ,jewish propaganda1 of which mention has already been made above4 ,they were written in the form of the ancient heathen oracles1 in ,greek hexameters4 ,the sibyl of heathen antiquity was a prophetess inspired by the gods who prophesied about the fate of cities and kingdoms1 and gave counsel in times of stress and difficulty2 she dwelt1 like a nymph1 beside streams or in grottoes4 8,written records of supposed ,sibylline oracles10 says ,schrer1 8were here and there in circulation2 but such remains of them as have come down to us through occasional quotations in authors such as ,plutarch1 ,pausanias and others are brief and scanty1 and furnish no distinct notion of them4 ,in ,asia ,minor and ,greece these pieces circulated only in private possession1 without being publicly supervised or officially used2 but their credit and influence must not be on that account lightly estimated40#bij ,book iii41 which is of most importance in the present connection1 is full of apocalyptic elements2 it tells of the fate of the successive kingdoms which are to bear rule over the ,jews1 and of the judgements of ,god upon both ,jews and ,gentiles2 the coming of the ,messianic king is prophesied1 and the victory over his adversaries described2 an account of the prosperity and blessedness of the ,messianic ,kingdom follows1 to which is added a recital of the signs which shall herald the end of all things3 ,when swords upon the star-lit heavens ,appear at even and at morn1 ,then will the whirlwind come from heaven ,upon the earth2 the sun above ,at mid-day e'en will cease to shine1 ,the moon instead will give her light1 ,and come again upon the earth4 ,one sign will be that drops of blood ,will flow down from the very rocks2 ,and in the clouds shall ye behold ,a conflict fought 'twixt warriors fierce1 ,likewise a chase upon wild beasts1-- ,all seemingly in hazy mist4 ,then shall the ,lord ,who dwells in heaven ,bring all things to their final end 7iii4 #gih-hjf74 ,in book iv41 as well as in book v41 the apocalyptic element is absent1 with the one exception that in the latter there is a prophecy of woe upon the idolatrous ,gentiles1 and of blessing upon ,israel 7v4 #bfj-bhe74 ,the superiority of ,judaism over the heathen religions is1 as one would expect in propagandist literature of this kind1 again and again insisted upon4 7c7 ,,the ,,testaments ,,of ,,the ,,twelve ,,patriarchs ,,literature4--,sinker1 ,testamenta xii4 ,patriarcharum 444 7#ahfi72 ,ante-,nicene ,christian ,library1 xxii4 pp4 #ac-gi 7#ahga72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii41 pp4 #aad-abd2 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #cci-cef2 ,schnapp1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #deh-ejf2 ,charles1 ,the ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs 7#aijh71 also in ,the ,apocr4 and ,pseudepigr4 of the ,old ,testament1 ,,ii1 pp4 #bhb-cfg2 ,leszynsky1 ,die ,sadduzer1 pp4 #bcg-beb 7#aiba74 ,burkitt1 ,jewish and ,christian ,apocalypses1 pp4 #cd ff4 7#aiad74 ,two articles in ,the ,jewish ,quarterly ,review1 ,v1 pp4 #cge-cih1 by ,conybeare1 8,on the ,jewish ,authorship of the ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs10 and pp4 #djj-djf by ,kohler on 8,the ,pre-,talmudic ,haggada0 7#ahic74 ,professor ,charles says in reference to the authorship of this book3 8,i have with some hesitation come to the conclusion that the groundwork is the work of a single writer of the ,pharisaic school4 ,he is an upholder of the ,law and the ,temple sacrifices2 he believes in the ,messianic ,kingdom and the resurrection of the body to a new life therein4 ,he is1 however1 a ,pharisee of the early type--that is a ,chasid4444 ,the groundwork1 which consists of about eleven-twelfths of the ,testaments1 after the removal of the ,jewish and ,christian additions1 presents1 it must be confessed1 a want of coherence at times1 and the parts dealing with the duty of submission to ,levi1 or to ,levi and ,judah jointly1 come in occasionally very abruptly4 ,notwithstanding1 the present editor adheres to the idea of the unity of the book2 for the two phenomena referred to--the strictly ,chasid element in the book1 and its loyal acceptance of the ,maccaban dynasty--were exactly characteristic of the period to which our author belongs1 and to none other before or after4 ,furthermore1 both these parts of the book are alike universalistic in tone40#bia ,we have seen above what the attitude of the ,sadducees was towards the written ,law2 so that a book wherein loyalty to the ,law and to the ,temple sacrifices is upheld does not necessarily point to ,pharisaic authorship unless it can be shown that by the ,law is meant not merely the ,pentateuch1 but also the ,pharisaic conception of the ,law2 and of this there are no indications in the book4 ,the ,sadducees believed1 moreover1 in a ,messianic ,kingdom2 but the ,messiah1 according to them1 was to be of priestly1 not of ,davidic1 descent2 so that belief in the ,messianic ,kingdom does not necessarily imply ,pharisaic authorship of the book in which it occurs unless the specifically ,pharisaic conception of the ,messiah is put forth2 but this also is not the case in the book before us4 ,charles says3 8,in the original work the ,messiah is to be descended from ,levi1 and not from ,judah--in other words1 he is to be first of all a priest1 and then a prophet and king4 ,there are many passages expressing this view02 these are enumerated2 he then continues3 8,we have here the attestation of a most remarkable revolution in the ,jewish expectations of the ,messiah4 ,for some thirty or forty years the hopes of a ,messiah from ,judah was abandoned in favour of a ,messiah from ,levi4 ,but with the breach of ,hyrcanus with the ,pharisees this hope was abandoned1 and so we find that in the first century additions1 the hope of a ,messiah from ,judah reappears 7,t4 ,jud41 xxiv4 #e1 #f2 ,t4 ,naph41 iv4 #e 787740#bib ,an easier and more natural explanation1 however1 is forthcoming if1 as we believe1 the groundwork of this book is of ,sadducan authorship4 ,the loyal acceptance of the reigning dynasty is by no means necessarily a proof of ,pharisaic authorship1 for the ,pharisees broke entirely with ,john ,hyrcanus before the end of his reign 7,b4,c4 #ajd71 while the ,sadducees were loyal to him in consequence4#bic ,the references to the resurrection of the body would be fatal to ,sadducan authorship if it could be proved that these are not later interpolations4 ,that a ,pharisee has worked over the book is abundantly evident4 ,we conclude1 therefore1 that as in the groundwork of the book the distinctive marks of ,pharisaism are wanting1 and that as what marks there are1 are those of a ,sadducan character1 the book in its original form was written by a ,sadducee for the purpose of making peace with the ,pharisees2 for the peaceable tone of many parts of the book is one of its characteristics2 the virtue of unity among the descendants of the ,patriarchs is again and again insisted on4 ,traits of a specifically ,sadducan character are well brought out by ,leszynsky4#bid ,on the other hand1 nothing could be more un-,pharisaic than the spirit of the book so well described by ,charles3 8,a true son of the larger-hearted ,old ,testament prophets he proclaims the salvation of the ,gentiles4 ,the promised time has come4 ,the kingdom is already established1 and all the ,gentiles will be saved through ,israel4 ,in the ,judgement the conduct of the best heathen will form the norm according to which ,israel will be judged40#bie ,the earliest form of the book as now in existence is ,greek2 but this is a translation from a ,hebrew original4 ,this is proved by the presence of numberless ,hebrew constructions and expressions throughout the book4 ,in its original form each of the 8,testaments0 seems to have been modelled on the same pattern2 in each case the patriarch first gives an account of his life2 this is based on the ,old ,testament1 but embellished with many new details4 ,in each autobiography the patriarch candidly confesses the sins of which he has been guilty1 though in some instances he is able to boast of his virtues4 ,in the next place1 the patriarch offers in each case an exhortation to his descendants2 this is based on the preceding autobiographical sketch2 warnings are uttered against falling into the sins of which the narrator himself has been guilty2 in the case of his life having been a virtuous one it is held out as an example for his descendants to follow4 ,a third element in each of the ,testaments is a prediction regarding the future of the tribe in question4 ,there are a number of later ,christian interpolations and additions in the book2 but1 generally speaking1 these are of so obvious a character that they may be discerned at once2 a good example is found in the ,testament of ,simeon vi4 #g1 where these words are added3 8,because ,god hath taken a body and eaten with men1 and saved men40 ,or1 again1 in the ,testament of ,levi xiv4 #b1 the original text runs3 8,for our father ,israel is pure from the transgressions of the chief priests10 then the following ,christian addition is made3 8,who shall lay their hands upon the ,saviour of the world40 ,similar additions1 as well as interpolations1 occur throughout the book4 ,but the great importance of this book lies in its ethical teaching1 wherein it often reveals a spirit thoroughly akin to that of the ,gospels2 it will be best to illustrate this by giving two of the most notable examples4 ,in the ,testament of ,gad vi4 #c-g it is said3 8,love ye1 therefore1 one another from the heart2 and if a man sin against thee1 cast forth the poison of hate and speak peaceably to him1 and in thy soul hold not guile2 and if he confess and repent1 forgive him4 ,but if he deny it1 do not get into a passion with him1 lest catching the poison from thee he take to swearing and so thou sin doubly4444 ,but if he be shameless1 and perisheth in his wrong-doing1 even so forgive him from the heart1 and leave to ,god the avenging0 7with this compare ,matt4 xviii4 #ae1 ,luke xvii4 #c74 ,the command to love ,god and one's neighbour finds expression in the ,testament of ,gad v4 #c3 8,love the ,lord through all your life1 and one another with a true heart0 7cp4 ,matt4 xxii4 #cg-ci74 ,these and many other examples of a similar character are all the more striking when it is seen how close the linguistic parallels are 7amounting frequently to verbal identity7 between the ,greek text of our book and that of the ,gospels4 ,while these and similar passages read like genuine parts of the original work the possibility that they may be ,christian is not excluded4 ,the 8,testaments0 can scarcely be reckoned as belonging to the ,apocalyptic ,literature proper1 but there are apocalyptic elements in the testaments of ,levi and of ,naphthali4 7d7 ,,the ,,psalms ,,of ,,solomon ,,literature4--,ryle and ,james1 ,the ,psalms of ,solomon 7#ahia72 ,kittel1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #abg-adh2 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #ag-bc1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #bje-bab2 ,viteau1 ,les ,psaumes de ,salomon 7#aiaa72 ,rendel ,harris1 ,the ,odes and ,psalms of ,solomon 7#aiaa72 ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bgd-bgi2 ,buchanan ,gray in ,charles1 ,,ii1 pp4 #fca-feb4 ,see also ,charles' art4 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 i4 #bda-bde4 ,although the eighteen psalms comprised in this book are not apocalyptic in character1 a brief mention of them here is not out of place1 for they offer us a true picture of the ,pharisaic standpoint1 and are therefore useful for purposes of comparison when seeking to decide the ,pharisaic authorship1 or otherwise1 of other books4 ,these psalms were originally written in ,hebrew during the middle of the first century ,b4,c42 concerning these two points there is a general consensus of opinion4 ,whether the hand of one or more writers is to be discerned is an open question4 ,the mental background of these ,psalms is one of sorrow occasioned by the capture of ,jerusalem by ,pompey and his desecration of the ,temple4 ,but this event is represented as the just punishment of ,god1 for instead of a ,davidic king the ,hasmonans were rulers1 and they had assumed the high-priestly office although they were not of high-priestly descent4 ,the ruling house was supported by the ,sadducees2 it is this which causes the sorrow of the writer1 or writers1 to be mixed with bitter resentment4 ,these ,psalms thus give us a picture of the ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 but from the ,pharisaic point of view2 so that neither the portraiture of ,pharisaic piety nor yet that of ,sadducan wickedness must be taken au pied de la lettre4 ,the general point of view of the book has been well summed up by ,buchanan ,gray thus3 8,it is the ,pharisaic piety that breathes through the ,psalms2 it is their opposition to the worldly1 non-,davidic monarchy1 and to the illegitimate high-priesthood of the ruling ,hasmonan king1 ,aristobulus1 that finds expression here2 the ,messianic hope 7especially xvii4 #bc ff471 the firm belief in a future life which characterizes them later1 and renders them naturally political quietists and indifferent to political schemes1 are already conspicuous here4 ,and1 again1 the later attitude of the ,pharisees in the matter of free-will as described by ,josephus 7,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #ad7--these ascribe all to fate and to ,god1 and yet allow that to act as is right1 or the contrary1 is principally in the power of men3 although fate does co-operate in every action--is almost exactly paralleled by two passages in the ,psalms1 v4 #d1 ix4 #f40bif 7e7 ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,jubilees ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #acd-ada1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #cga-chd2 ,littmann1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #ca-aai2 ,charles1 ,the ,book of ,jubilees 7#aijb72 ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #agi-bcf2 ,charles1 in ,the ,apocr4 and ,pseudep4 of the ,o4,t41 ,,ii1 pp4 #a-hb4 ,although this book is also known as 8,the ,apocalypse of ,moses0#big 7,syncellus71 it is not an apocalyptic work in the proper sense of the word4 ,it purports1 however1 to have been given through angels to ,moses on ,mount ,sinai1 and can1 therefore1 in a certain sense be described as an apocalypse2 but it scarcely touches upon the themes which form the main content of the apocalyptic works proper4 ,it is also called the 8,little ,genesis10 as it follows the narrative as given in the ,book of ,genesis and ,exodus i4-xii41 but this is divided into fixed periods of time1 or 8,jubilees10 hence its name2 for this word is directly derived from the ,hebrew term ,jobel which1 according to most modern scholars1 means 8ram0 or 8ram's horn02 the year of ,jubilee thus means literally 8the year of ram's horn02 the fiftieth year was so called because it was proclaimed by the blowing of rams' horns 7see ,lev4 xxv474 8,as the author seeks to reproduce the history of primitive times in the spirit of his own day1 he deals with the biblical text in a very free fashion4 ,many things that did not happen to interest him1 or that he considered objectionable1 were either omitted or altered1 while others were still further amplified by the addition of numerous particulars of one kind or another0 7,schrer1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 iii4 p4 #acf74 ,it is impossible to fix the exact date of the book with any certainty1 but that it belongs at the latest to the second half of the first century ,b4,c4 may be unhesitatingly stated4 ,that it was written by a ,palestinian ,pharisee is the opinion of most scholars2 it is true that it is strongly legalistic in character1 so much so that the ,messianic ,kingdom is conceived of as the outcome of a gradual process which is bound up with the study of the ,law4 ,the writer1 moreover1 greatly extols the ,sabbath1 ,circumcision1 the dietary laws1 the laws of purification1 etc42 its strongly marked spirit of exclusiveness is also said to betray its ,pharisaic origin4 ,but with the exception of the last point there is nothing in all this which forbids us to believe in ,sadducan authorship 7see above1 ,chapter ,,iv1 ii4 7b774 ,leszynsky seems to us to have proved his contention that the author was a ,sadducee1 who ascribed ,mosaic authorship to the book for the purpose of obtaining the needful authority for ,sadducan views concerning the ,law4 ,the details of his argument would take us too far afield2 he discusses the question with much learning on pp4 #aha-bcd of his book4 ,that the book was originally written in ,hebrew admits of no doubt2 no part of this has come down to us1 however4 ,the ,greek version1 made from the ,hebrew1 exists only in fragments found in the writings of some ancient authors4 ,the ,ethiopic version1 which was made from the ,greek1 exists almost in its entirety2 of the ,latin version1 also made from the ,greek1 about one-fourth is extant4 ,the importance of the book1 in the words of ,charles1 lies in the fact that it is 8not only indispensable to students of the ,new ,testament1 and of the history of the ,pharisaic movement3 it is likewise of first-class importance as a witness to the readings of the ,hebrew text of ,genesis about the beginning of the ,christian era0 7,encycl4 ,bibl41 ,i1 #bcj74 ,as we incline1 however1 to the belief in its ,sadducan authorship1 we regard it as important for the history of the antagonism between the ,pharisees and ,sadducees1 and their respective teaching1 rather than merely for the history of the ,pharisaic movement4 7f7 ,,the ,,assumption ,,of ,,moses ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #gc-hc1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #bid-cje2 ,clemen1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #caa-cca2 ,charles1 ,the ,assumption of ,moses 7#ahig71 and in ,the ,apocr4 and ,pseudep4 of the ,o4,t41 ,,ii1 pp4 #djg-dbd2 ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bfg-bgc4 ,the numerous references in early ,christian literature to apocryphal books of ,moses makes it clear that several well-known books of the kind must once have been in existence4 ,the different titles of these books which are mentioned are a little confusing2 we have just seen that the 8,apocalypse of ,moses0 was one of the names given to the ,book of ,jubilees2 we shall see below 7 j7 that an 8,apocalypse of ,moses0 is more or less parallel with the 8,life of ,adam and ,eve40 ,mention is made of a 8,book of secret words of ,moses0 and of the 8,assumption of ,moses0 in the commentary of ,gelasius ,cyzicenus on the acts of the council of ,nica2 ,origen 7,de princip41 ,,iii1 ii4 #a7 speaks of the book called the 8,ascension of ,moses10 and ,didymus1 in writing on the epistle of ,jude1 refers to the 8,assumption of ,moses02 and more than once the 8,testament of ,moses0 is mentioned4 ,it is probable that these two latter are both included in the book we are considering1 but that they were originally distinct and of different authorship4 ,the book as a whole was written at the very beginning of the first century ,a4,d42 this is the opinion of most authorities1 based upon fairly clear indications in the book itself 7see ,charles in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 ,i1 #bce74 ,the author1 according to ,charles1 8was a ,pharisee1 and a ,pharisee who was the antithesis of the ,zealot exactly in those respects in which ,pharisaism differed from ,zealotism4 ,his book was designed as a protection against the growing secularization of the ,pharisaic party through its adoption of political ideals and popular ,messianic beliefs02 elsewhere ,charles says#bih3 8,he was a ,pharisee of a fast-disappearing type1 recalling in all respects the ,chasid of the early ,maccaban times1 and upholding the old traditions of quietude and resignation40 ,leszynsky1 on the other hand1 is inclined to believe that the author was a ,sadducee2 his arguments1 however1 are not convincing4#bii ,the book contains what purports to be a prediction of the future history of ,israel which had been revealed to ,moses1 and which he in turn reveals to ,joshua4 ,it is1 therefore1 as a whole not an apocalyptic book in the technical sense1 though part of it does distinctly come under this designation2 this is clear from ,chapter x41 which is written in poetry1 and in the familiar apocalyptic strain2 it tells of the coming of divine rule upon earth1 when sorrow shall be taken away1 and wrath shall come upon the enemies of ,god2 the signs of the end are graphically described4 ,the book was originally written in ,hebrew1 though some scholars contend for an ,aramaic original4 ,only part of the book has so far been recovered and this is in ,latin1 which was1 however1 made from a ,greek translation of the original4 7g7 ,,the ,,ascension ,,of ,,isaiah ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #ada-adf1 ,german ed41 pp4 #chf-cic2 ,beer1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #aai-abg2 ,charles1 ,the ,ascension of ,isaiah 7#aijj72 ,charles1 ,the ,martyrdom of ,isaiah1 in ,the ,apocr4 and ,pseudep4 of the ,o4,t41 ,,ii1 pp4 #aee-afb4 ,burkitt1 ,jewish and ,christian ,apocalypses1 pp4 #de ff4 ,in ancient ecclesiastical writings mention is made of three apocryphal books about ,isaiah1 viz4 the 8,ascension of ,isaiah10 the 8,martyrdom of ,isaiah10 and the 8,vision of ,isaiah40 ,it is possible that the 8,ascension0 is only another name for the 8,vision10 for in ,chapter x41 which belongs to the 8,vision0 portion1 an account is given of ,isaiah ascending to the seventh heaven4 ,but1 in any case1 two writings are incorporated in the book4 ,moreover1 there are many additions made by a ,christian editor4 ,these various elements belong to different dates2 the earliest is the 8,martyrdom10 which comprises ii4 i-iii4 #ab1 v4 #b-ad2 this is of ,jewish authorship1 and belongs to the first half of the first century ,a4,d42 the final words of this portion have a special interest inasmuch as the reference to the sawing asunder of ,isaiah there mentioned points to this being the authority for the statement in ,hebrews xi4 #cg4 ,the words are as follows3 8,but ,isaiah neither cried aloud nor wept whilst he was being sawn asunder1 for his mouth spoke with the ,holy ,ghost until he had been sawn asunder40 ,next in date is a short apocalypse 7iii4 #ac-v4 #a72 this gives a rsum of the early history of the ,christian ,church1 and foretells the last judgement2 this is by a ,christian author1 and belongs to about the middle of the first century ,a4,d41 or a little later4 ,lastly1 there is the 8,vision0 7vi4-xi471 which is likewise ,christian1 and belongs to the end of the first century ,a4,d4 ,the first chapter is probably an addition by a ,christian editor1 the date of which cannot be fixed4 ,the whole of this material has come down to us in an ,ethiopic version2 this was made from the original ,greek1 only fragments of which have survived2 a ,latin version which was made from the ,greek existed at one time1 but here again only fragments have come down to us4 7h7 ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,the ,,secrets ,,of ,,enoch ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #bij-bid2 ,morfill and ,charles1 ,the ,book of the ,secrets of ,enoch 7#ahif72 ,forbes and ,charles1 in ,the ,apocr4 and ,pseudep4 of the ,o4,t41 ,,ii1 pp4 #dbe-dfi4 ,this ,apocalypse1 called also the 8,slavonic ,enoch0 on account of the language in which it has survived1 has nothing to do with the 8,ethiopic ,book of ,enoch0 already dealt with1 excepting that it sometimes reproduces the phraseology and conceptions of the latter4 ,some sections1 the exact extent of which it is impossible to define 7,charles71 have a ,hebrew background and were originally written in this language2 these are1 at latest1 pre-,christian2 but the main part of the book was written in ,greek1 and belongs to about the middle of the first century ,a4,d41 at any rate to some period prior to the year ,a4,d4 #gj1 for in lix4 #b the sacrificial system is referred to which presupposes the existence of the ,temple 78,for a man offers clean animals and makes his sacrifice that he may preserve his soul4 ,and if he offer as a sacrifice from clean beasts and birds1 he preserves his soul074 ,there are numberless indications in the book to prove that the author was a ,jew1 but of the ,hellenistic type1 for in questions affecting the origin of the earth1 sin1 death1 etc41 he adopts ,platonic1 ,egyptian and ,zend elements into his system 7,charles7 in a way which would have been impossible to a ,palestinian ,jew2 he is1 however1 so far orthodox in that he upholds the sacrificial system1 as we have seen1 and believes in the ,law and in the life eternal4 ,it is interesting to note that the writer frequently quotes passages from ,ecclesiasticus in its ,greek form1 and was also evidently conversant with the ,book of ,wisdom4 ,there is one point of especial interest in this book to which a brief reference may be made4 ,we meet here for the first time with the ,jewish conception of the ,millennium2 the rationale of its origin is thus given by ,charles3 8,the account in ,genesis of the first week of creation came in pre-,christian times to be regarded not only as a history of the past1 but as a forecast of the future history of the world so created4 ,thus as the world was created in six days1 so its history was to be accomplished in #f1jjj years2 for #a1jjj years are with ,god as one day 7cp4 ,ps4 xc4 #d2 #b ,peter iii4 #h71 and as ,god rested on the seventh day1 so at the close of the #f1jjj years there would be a rest of #a1jjj years1 i4e4 the millennium40 ,it is also worth adding that the doctrine of the seven heavens is treated in this book with a fulness and clearness not found elsewhere2 for an illuminating discussion on the subject see ,morfill and ,charles' edition of the book1 pp4 xxx4-xlvii4 7i7 ,,the ,,syriac ,,apocalypse ,,of ,,baruch ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #hc-ic1 ,german1 ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #cje-cae2 ,ryssel1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #djd-ddf2 ,charles1 ,the ,apocalypse of ,baruch 7#ahif72 and in ,the ,apocr4 and ,pseudep4 of the ,o4,t41 ,,ii1 pp4 #dgj-ebf4 ,this ,baruch apocalypse is called the ,syriac one because this is the language in which it has come down to us2 it is to be distinguished from the 8,greek ,apocalypse of ,baruch0 7k71 which is an entirely different work4 ,in its present form it is composite in character1 but all its component parts may be assigned to the period ,a4,d4 #ej-ajj4 ,to disentangle the various elements contained in the book from one another is a very difficult task2 we follow ,dr4 ,charles in giving the following details4 ,the authors are all ,pharisees2 some lived before1 and some after the destruction of ,jerusalem in ,a4,d4 #gj2 the portions written before this date consist of an ,apocalypse 7xxvii4-xxx4 #a71 and two ,visions 7xxxvi4-xl4 and liii4-lxxiv172 these chapters are important for the ,messianic teaching contained in them4 ,the portions written after the year ,a4,d4 #gj include the rest of the book1 with the exception of a few chapters added by a final editor4 ,the present ,syriac book is a translation from a ,greek version of the original ,hebrew4 ,this apocalypse is one of the most important books we possess for the study of ,judaism at the beginning of the ,christian era2 all the vital doctrines come in for consideration--the doctrine of ,god1 of the ,law1 of the ,messiah1 ,original ,sin and ,free-will1 ,works and ,justification1 ,forgiveness1 and the ,resurrection4 7j7 ,,the ,,apocalypse ,,of ,,moses ,,literature4--,schrer1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #adf1 #adg1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #bid-cje2 ,fuchs in ,kautzsch1 pp4 #ejf-ebh2 ,f4 ,c4 ,conybeare in the ,jewish ,quarterly ,review1 vii41 pp4 #baf ff4 7#ahie72 ,charles1 in the ,apocr4 and ,pseud4 of the ,o4,t41 ,,ii1 pp4 #djg-dbd4 ,this ,jewish work1 belonging possibly to the end of the first century ,a4,d41 consists of forty-three chapters1 most of which have their parallel in the fifty-one chapters of the ,life of ,adam and ,eve4 ,the original language of both was ,hebrew2 the latter exists now only in a ,latin form1 while the ,apocalypse is extant in ,greek and ,armenian4 ,how the book came to have the name of ,moses in the title is difficult to say2 he is not mentioned in the book1 which is strictly a legendary life of ,adam and ,eve4 ,for the study of the doctrine of sin the book has some value1 but the apocalyptic elements are very sparse2 the life hereafter and the resurrection are1 however1 referred to4 7k7 ,,the ,,greek ,,apocalypse ,,of ,,baruch ,this book does not come within our period as it was written1 probably1 at the end of the second century ,a4,d42 it is only mentioned here for the purpose of pointing out again that it is to be distinguished from the 8,syriac ,apocalypse of ,baruch0 dealt with above4 99 99 99 99 99 ,this chapter does not lend itself to a ,summary as in the case of the others4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,the ,wisdom ,literature2 the ,jewish ,conception of ,wisdom ,,literature4--,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 or ,the ,wisdom of the ,old ,testament 7#ahhg72 ,stade1 ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel1 ii4 pp4 #bib-cji 7#ahhh72 ,driver1 ,an ,introduction to the ,literature of the ,old ,testament1 pp4 #ccg-ddi 7#ahia72 ,toy1 ,judaism and ,christianity1 pp4 #eb-gf 7#ahia72 ,cornill1 ,einleitung in das ,alte ,testament1 pp4 #baf-bgi 7#ahif72 ,toy1 ,the ,book of ,proverbs 7#ahii72 ,friedlnder1 ,griechische ,philosophie in ,alten ,testament 7#aijd72 ,briggs1 ,the ,book of ,psalms 7#aijf72 ,barton1 ,the ,book of ,ecclesiastes 7#aijh72 ,meinhold1 ,die ,weisheit ,israels in ,spruch1 ,sage und ,dichtung 7#aijh72 ,gregg1 ,the ,wisdom of ,solomon 7#aiji72 ,oesterley1 ,the ,wisdom of ,jesus the son of ,sirach1 or ,ecclesiasticus 7#aiab72 ,oesterley and ,box1 ,the ,wisdom of ,ben-,sira1 and ,holmes1 ,the ,wisdom of ,solomon1 in ,charles' 8,apocrypha and ,pseudepigrapha of the ,old ,testament0 7#aiac72 ,goodrick1 ,the ,book of ,wisdom 7#aiac74 ,i4 ,,the ,,wisdom ,,literature ,the ,wisdom ,literature of the ,jews which has come down to us comprises both canonical and uncanonical books#cjj2 but the distinction may be ignored1 for all the books which belong to this ,literature1 though each has its particular characteristics1 are clearly members of one family2 they are all alike in possessing one outstanding and typical mark of differentiation from the rest of the ,old ,testament books1 viz41 in them religion has become philosophy4 ,it was not1 of course1 philosophy in the ,greek1 any more than in the modern1 sense of the word2 8the wise men of ,israel never approached their inquiries without theological presuppositions2 they had no desire to investigate final causes2 they started from a fundamental axiom1 #8,in the beginning was ,god 444'2 this postulate indicates the character of their studies1 which were not so much speculative as practical3 their desire was not so much to understand the works of ,god1 as to acquaint themselves with their harmonies1 beauties1 and adaptations1 and all this with the final object of knowing and doing the will of ,god40#cja ,but while the fundamental ,jewish monotheistic belief is taken for granted throughout the ,wisdom ,literature1 the latter has other characteristics which are not wholly in accord with traditional ,judaism4 ,that the various writers differ in their teaching from each other1 and that the same writer is not always consistent in his teaching1 is not a cause for surprise2 these men had entered upon new ways of thinking1 and were grappling with new subjects of thought2 it was natural that their speculations should sometimes be only tentative2 they had1 moreover1 come into contact with new influences which would have affected one more than another4 ,it must also be remembered that some of the books belonging to this literature1 notably ,proverbs and ,job1 are of composite authorship1 and that possibly the component parts belong to different periods2 so that what may sometimes appear contradictory in one writing in reality represents some development of thought belonging to a later writer4 ,but however this may be1 we certainly find in the ,wisdom ,literature positions taken up which show to some extent a departure from traditional ,judaism4 ,the wise men present a very interesting combination in that they are at once universalistic and conservative4 ,we find in the ,wisdom ,literature but little stress laid on national institutions and laws1 such1 for example1 as the sacrificial system2 it is recognized1 it is true1 but rather because it is thought right to keep up the old customs than that there is any intrinsic value or permanent necessity in the system4 ,in like manner the ,messianic expectations receive very scanty recognition4 ,the attitude of the sages towards the ,gentiles is generally friendly2 they recognized the higher culture1 in many respects1 of these nations1 and were therefore willing to learn from them2 not infrequently we find1 for example1 that the ,god of the ,jews is declared to be the ,god of all men4 ,but the most striking characteristic1 which is quite un-,jewish1 is the conception of the ,god-like ,sophia1 which is conceived of as a creative divine power existing before the creation of the world2 8this hypostatization of ,wisdom10 says ,friedlnder1 8is here a downright sacrilege2 it betrays the violent entry of an alien spirit into the domain of ,judaism1 and even the fine way in which the essence of the divine ,wisdom is described cannot for a moment blind us to the act of violence perpetrated by the forcible intrusion of ,greek conceptions into the atmosphere of the old ,hebrew idea of ,wisdom40#cjb ,but as we deal in section ,,iii of this chapter with the conception of ,wisdom as portrayed in all the books of the ,wisdom ,literature1 it will not be necessary to say anything on this subject here4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,the ,,hebrew ,,conception ,,of ,,wisdom ,there is a great difference between the conception of ,wisdom which is presented in the literature of ,israel prior to the captivity and that which meets us in the ,wisdom ,literature proper2 yet there is no sort of doubt that the latter represents the full growth of a plant whose seed can be clearly seen in the early writings of the ,old ,testament4 ,this is1 however1 only part of the truth2 for while it is true to say that the religious-intellectual spirit to which the ,wisdom ,literature of the ,jews owed its existence was of indigenous growth1 it is no less true to say that the elements which contributed to the production of that ,literature were not exclusively ,jewish4 ,we shall try to show presently that ,babylonian influence was1 in part1 at work in helping the sages of ,israel both before the captivity1 as well as in post-exilic times1 to frame their ideas on ,wisdom as these appear in the ,wisdom ,literature1 while still later the influence of the ,greek spirit is to be clearly discerned4 ,but our first task must be to seek the first beginnings of ,wisdom in the earlier books of the ,old ,testament4 ,when precisely ideas about ,wisdom began to manifest themselves in ,israel it would be impossible to say1 but the germs from which1 centuries after1 the ,wisdom ,literature grew were already in existence during the early days of the ,monarchy1 for the tradition of ,solomon's wisdom is undoubtedly based upon fact4 ,in #a ,kings iv4 #cj-cd 7verses #aj-ad in the ,hebrew7 it is said3 8,and ,solomon's wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the children of the east1 and all the wisdom of ,egypt4 ,for he was wiser than all men4444 ,and he spake three thousand proverbs2 and his songs were a thousand and five4 ,and he spake of trees4444 ,and there came of all peoples to hear the wisdom of ,solomon1 from all the kings of the earth1 which had heard of his wisdom40#cjc ,even allowing for some exaggeration1 which is so natural to an oriental writer1 there can be little doubt that this passage is based upon actual fact1 though what is meant by ,wisdom in this and similar passages was very different from what would now be understood by that term1 as we shall see4 ,but ,solomon was not the first example of a 8wise man0 in ,israel4 ,the earliest form of ,wisdom is represented by what the ,hebrews called a mshl2 this is usually translated by 8proverb10 but it has1 in addition to this1 a much wider signification1 for it is used of a prophetic figurative discourse1 such as those uttered by ,balaam2 in later times it was also used to describe a parable and an allegory2 in this sense it occurs in ,ezekiel4 ,in its earlier simple sense a mshl meant a 8proverb10 not necessarily of a religious1 or even ethical1 content2 it expressed some general truth brought home to men by the observance of the ordinary experiences of life4 ,one of the very simplest of these found in the ,old ,testament is3 8,out of the wicked cometh forth wickedness0 7#a ,sam4 xxiv4 #ac72 this is said to be 8a proverb of the ancients10 which shows that it must have long been in use among the ,israelites4 ,in #b ,samuel xx4 #ah another proverb1 which seems likewise to have been long current among the people1 is preserved3 8,they were wont to speak in old time1 saying1 #8,they shall surely ask counsel at ,abel'02 this was uttered by a 8wise woman40 ,with deeper observation and reflection more subtle thoughts came to be expressed in this form4 8,the ,israelites1 like all other peoples1 must have reflected more or less1 from the moment when they attained a settled civilization1 on general questions of life4 ,the lowest form of such reflection appears in popular proverbs and fables1 which express1 usually in a one-sided and superficial way1 the result of the ordinary common-sense experience and observation40#cjd ,as a general rule1 however1 the few examples of proverbs which we find in the earlier books of the ,old ,testament reflect a relatively somewhat advanced type1 and what is especially interesting about them is that they appear not infrequently to have been made on the spur of the moment2 this is the case with the proverb in #a ,samuel x4 #ab3 8,is ,saul among the prophets80 which is said to have 8become a proverb40 ,another saying the form and rhythm of which marks it out as a proverb is3 8,the blind and the lame shall not come into the house0 7#b ,sam4 v4 #h1 ,r4,v4 marg472 the fact that this is prefaced by the words1 8,wherefore they say10 also points to its having been a popular proverb4 ,these1 and similar proverbs1 though originally composed in reference to some particular occurrence1 became applicable in course of time in a more general way4 ,the proverb1 for example1 8,is ,saul among the prophets80 might be described as the converse of the modern proverb3 8,birds of a feather flock together02 or1 again1 the proverb3 8,they shall surely ask counsel at ,abel10 may well have become a popular way of expressing the truth that if you want guidance you must seek it at the right quarter4 ,a later and more advanced type of proverb is uttered by the prophet ,hosea 7viii4 #g73 8,they sow the wind1 and they shall reap the whirlwind02 another is quoted in ,jeremiah xxxi4 #bi and ,ezekiel xviii4 #b in the words3 8,the fathers have eaten sour grapes1 and the children's teeth are set on edge40 ,the simplest form of proverb was thus the earliest type of 8,wisdom0 among the ,israelites1 as it was among other peoples4 ,but the content of a proverb easily lent itself1 in the minds of the more reflective1 to expansion1 and thus by degrees were formed fables and parables whereby truths were illustrated and brought home to the minds of men4 ,one of the earliest fables--the exact application of which in its present context is not quite easy to determine--is preserved in ,judges ix4 #h-ae3 ,once upon a time the trees went forth to anoint over them a king2 ,and they said to the olive3 8,rule thou over us40 ,and the olive said to them3 8,should ,i give up my fatness wherewith they honour gods and men1 ,and go and wave over the trees60 ,then said the trees to the fig-tree3 8,come thou1 be king over us40 ,and the fig-tree said to them3 8,should ,i give up my sweetness and my good fruit1 ,and go and wave over the trees60 ,then said the trees to the vine3 8,come thou1 be king over us40 ,and the vine said unto them3 8,should ,i give up my wine that cheereth gods and men1 ,and go and wave over the trees60 ,then said all the trees to the thorn-bush3 8,come thou1 be king over us40 ,and the thorn-bush said to the trees3 8,if truly ye anoint me as king over you1 ,then come1 trust to my shadow2 but if not1 then may fire come forth from the thorn-bush1 ,and devour the cedars of ,lebanon60 ,we have attempted to translate this in the poetical form of the original ,hebrew2 it will be seen that the thought-structure is very simple1 so that the ideas conveyed would be easily apprehended by the common people to which the fable was addressed4 ,another fable1 the only other one preserved in the ,old ,testament1 occurs in #b ,kings xiv4 #i3 8,the bramble that was in ,lebanon sent to the cedar that was in ,lebanon1 saying1 #8,give thy daughter to my son to wife'2 and there passed by a wild beast that was in ,lebanon and trod down the bramble40 ,but it is in the early ,old ,testament parables that the highest form of 8,wisdom0 in pre-exilic ,israel is reached4 ,as in the case of fables1 only two parables are preserved2 they differ from fables in two important particulars3 in that only men are represented as taking part and speaking1 and that the content of a parable1 so far as we are able to judge from the specimens preserved1 is religious2 this is a large step forward in approximation to the later ,jewish conception of ,wisdom4 ,the earliest ,old ,testament parable occurs in #b ,samuel xii4 #a-d1 ,nathan's parable of the ewe-lamb2 it is sufficiently well known1 and need not be quoted4 ,the other is ,isaiah's parable of the vineyard in ,isaiah v4 #a-d1 which is written in poetry1 while the former is in prose4 ,we may add here one other form of ,wisdom1 found mainly in ,ezekiel1 namely the allegory2 this is also called a mshl1 but this word is here used in an extended sense1 for the allegory1 though a parable in form1 presents a symbolical picture the meaning of which is not1 like the parable1 easily grasped1 but demands some thought before it can be properly understood2 it is therefore sometimes called a 8riddle40 ,it differs in another respect from the parable1 for symbols take the place of persons2 but1 like the parable1 the ,old ,testament allegory has a religious signification4 ,among the most striking allegories are3 the allegory of the great eagles 7,ezek4 xvii4 #c-h71 the allegory of the caldron 7,ezek4 xxiv4 #c-e71 and the allegory of the valley full of dry bones 7,ezek4 xxxvii4 #a-aj72 but there are a considerable number of others4 ,the examples of 8,wisdom0 which have so far been given form an important element in the antecedents of the ,wisdom literature2 but that this element was not exclusively ,israelite is implied in the ,old ,testament itself1 for in a passage already quoted 7#a ,kings iv4 #cj1 verse #aj in ,hebrew7 it is said3 8,and ,solomon's wisdom excelled the wisdom of all the children of the east1 and all the wisdom of ,egypt40 ,as in so many other respects1 so1 too1 in the domain of ,wisdom1 ,babylon and ,egypt evidently exercised considerable influence over the ,israelites#cje2 and if this was so in pre-exilic times1 much more will it have been the case--at any rate as far as ,babylon was concerned--when a large portion1 especially of the cultured classes1 of the nation was brought into immediate contact with ,babylonian thought during the exile4 ,the following may be given as an example of the way in which the ,babylonian conception of ,wisdom influenced the ,jews4 ,according to the ,babylonian cosmology1 ,wisdom dwelt in the depths of the sea with ,ea1 the creative deity4 ,apsu1 8the deep10 is called 8the house of ,wisdom0 because out of it came forth the ,wisdom of ,ea1 and the word of ,ea2 one of the epithets applied to the god ,ea is 8lord of ,wisdom40#cjf ,this conception of the 8deep0 being the home of ,wisdom is reflected in the ,wisdom ,literature of the ,jews2 in ,psalms xxxvi4 #f it is said3 ,thy judgements are a great deep1 the original is more forcible1 for literally it runs3 ,thy judgements are ,tehom ,rabbah1 which is the ancient proper name for the ocean4 ,so1 too1 in ,ecclesiasticus xxiv4 #e1 ,wisdom says3 ,alone ,i compassed the circuit of heaven1 ,and in the depth of the abyss ,i walked4#cjg ,moreover1 the fundamental conception of ,wisdom in the ,wisdom ,literature 7of which we shall speak presently7 is its inseparable connection with ,god2 the deeper insight of the ,jewish sages saw some truth in the ,babylonian conception of the origin of ,wisdom1 that it dwelt in the depth of the sea with the 8,lord of ,wisdom10 i4e4 was in close touch with the creative deity1 so they adopted the conception and placed it in a truer perspective4#cjh ,what ,kohler#cji says in a somewhat different connection is applicable here3 8,as soon as monotheism was firmly established as a result of the labours of the prophets1 the wisdom of the east could be consulted by ,israel's sages1 and questions concerning the origin of all things could be answered1 in both poetry and prose1 far more intelligently than had been possible for the ancient ,babylonians40 ,the origin of ,wisdom is thus to be sought partly in ,israel itself1 and partly in certain ideas which were adopted from extraneous sources4 ,but the way in which the ,jewish sages of post-exilic times developed both the indigenous as well as the foreign elements is extremely instructive2 to this we must now devote some attention4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,jewish ,,conception ,,of ,,wisdom ,our chief concern is the conception of ,wisdom as portrayed in the ,wisdom ,literature2 but it will be well to say just a word as to how ,wisdom was conceived of in the earlier literature1 if only to show the immense development of thought on the subject which took place after the ,exile4 ,wisdom 7in ,hebrew1 ,chokmah71 and wise men 7in ,hebrew1 ,chakmm7 are fairly frequently mentioned in the ,pentateuch1 and in the prophetical as well as in the historical books2 the words connote in general skill in doing anything1 whether in reference to artisans1 or goldsmiths1 or sailors1 or mourning women1 or of the shrewdness of the astrologer or the magician4 ,in a higher sense it is used of wisdom in the administration of affairs2 in a few instances1 as in ,hosea xiv4 #aj1 a man is called wise who is far-seeing in religious things 7cp4 also ,deut4 iv4 #f1 ,isa4 xi4 #b74 ,that the prophets rarely refer to the subject of ,wisdom is natural enough2 it was not their function2 they were called forth to rebuke and exhort in the words and after the manner of preachers2 they appealed rather to the heart1 to the emotions1 to the conscience1 than to the intellect4 ,sometimes1 it is true1 we find that 8wise men0 are spoken of as a class2 thus ,jeremiah witnesses to the fact that already in his day the ,chakam 78wise man07 occupied a recognized position side by side with the priest and the prophet3 8,for the law shall not perish from the priest1 nor counsel from the wise1 nor the word from the prophet0 7,jer4 xviii4 #ah74 ,turning now to consider the various conceptions of ,wisdom as portrayed in the ,wisdom ,literature1 we may begin with the well-known words3 8,the fear of the ,lord is the beginning of ,wisdom40 ,this saying was to the ,jewish sages probably the most important of any that was uttered on the subject2 it occurs in ,job xxviii4 #bh in the form3 8,behold1 the fear of the ,lord1 that is wisdom40 ,in its more familiar form it appears in ,psalms cxi4 #f1 ,proverbs i4 #g1 ix4 #aj 7cp4 xv4 #cc71 ,ecclesiasticus i4 #ad 7cp4 i4 #ae1 #bj1 #bg71 and the sense of the words occurs very often besides4 ,but it is worth pointing out that the meaning of the phrase is not that the fear of the ,lord is the commencement of ,wisdom1 but rather the 8end0 of it2 it is true that the ,hebrew word used1 rsh 7lit4 8head071 has also the sense of 8beginning02 but here it is 8zenith0 that is meant2 the highest and most perfect form of ,wisdom is the fear of the ,lord2 so that one might quite correctly render3 8,the fear of the ,lord is the end of ,wisdom40 ,in the ,wisdom ,literature generally ,wisdom is never used in the sense of pure knowledge2 in its earliest meaning it connoted the faculty of distinguishing between what was useful or beneficent1 and what was harmful2 later1 more ethically1 between what was good and what was bad4 ,in the ,wisdom ,literature there is always at bottom a religious content in ,wisdom2 that is to say1 it is a divinely bestowed gift the possession of which makes man in some measure like ,god4 ,to be able to distinguish truly between good and evil is the means whereby man is enabled to stand in close relationship with ,god4 ,but since the faculty to distinguish between good and evil is a divine endowment1 every form of ,wisdom comes from ,god1 so that although the knowledge and fear of the ,lord is the highest type of ,wisdom1 there are less exalted forms of it which are also regarded as part of the one great gift of ,god2 that is to say1 what is called worldly wisdom does not differ in kind1 but only in degree from the higher form4 ,in ,proverbs and ,ecclesiasticus1 which belong closely together1 and which are the chief exponents of this worldly wisdom1 moral precepts form the main topics2 and though widely different from divine ,wisdom1 both emanate from the same source1 and are ultimately to be traced back to the ,giver of all good things4 ,but the particular conception of ,wisdom which is of far-reaching importance is that of personification which is attributed to it in the ,wisdom ,literature4 ,as a general rule ,wisdom is spoken of as something abstract2 but in some very striking passages it is personified4 ,before proceeding to illustrate this it is necessary to utter a note of warning against exaggeration in two opposite directions2 on the one hand1 we are not justified in reading into the words which speak of the personification of ,wisdom a meaning which they were not intended to bear2 still less1 on the other hand1 are we justified in explaining away altogether the meaning which those words were intended to bear4 ,when1 nowadays1 we speak of things1 whether abstract or concrete1 as personalities the words are used metaphorically without the remotest intention of really imputing personality to the things described2 but we must guard against the danger of assuming that our modern way of envisaging things can be paralleled by that of two thousand years ago2 the mode of expression may not have greatly changed1 but the way of conceiving is totally different4 ,when1 among the ,jewish sages of old1 ,wisdom was personified1 it was conceived of1 according to a modern writer on the subject1 as a 8projection out of the ,divine mind1 as something more than an attribute1 but as something less than a hypostasis2 #8a little more than kin1 and less than kind4'0#caj ,this is true as far as it goes2 but the words of the ,jewish sages1 as we shall see1 lead one to believe that in their conception of ,wisdom they went even further than this2 one may go so far as to say that ,wisdom was thought of as an intermediate being between ,god and the world1 a personality existing alongside of ,god1 but separate from ,him4 ,this is more or less parallel to some other personifications1 or quasi-personifications1 of certain attributes proper to ,god which appear in early post-,christian ,jewish writings2 these occupy an intermediate position between personalities and abstract beings4 ,while1 on the one hand1 they are represented as being so closely connected with ,god as to appear as parts of ,him1 or attributes1 they are1 on the other hand1 so often spoken of as undertaking individual action that they must be regarded in a real sense as separate from ,him4#caa ,the special importance of this conception of the hypostasis of ,wisdom lies not only in the fact that it forms the link between the ,palestinian and ,hellenistic development of ,judaism1 but also that it represents the contribution made by the ,wisdom ,literature to the ,christology of the ,old ,testament1 and has1 moreover1 greatly influenced ,christian theology4#cab ,what has been said must now be illustrated from the books of the ,wisdom ,literature4 ,in the earlier portions of ,proverbs1 ,wisdom is always an abstract thing2 the only passage in which one might conceivably discern a tendency to something different would be xxii4 #bd3 ,wisdom is before the face of him that hath understanding2 but it is doubtful whether this means more than that when a man has sought ,wisdom and has found it1 ,wisdom may be said to be 8before his face10 i4e41 it is the man who has understanding before whose face 7mental vision7 ,wisdom appears1 because he has sought her4 ,it is in what is pretty generally regarded as the latest portion of the book 7viz4 i4-ix41 belonging to the third century ,b4,c4 circa7 that a real personification of ,wisdom is found2 the whole of chapter viii4 is a speech uttered by ,wisdom2 much of it is undoubtedly figurative1 but the section viii4 #bb-ca evidently represents something more than figurative language2 it is too long to give in full1 but a few of the verses must be given in order to illustrate what has been said3 ,the ,lord possessed me in the beginning of his way1 ,before his works of old4 ,i was set up from everlasting1 from the beginning1 ,or ever the earth was4 ,when there were no depths1 ,i was brought forth2 ,when there were no fountains abounding with water4444 ,when he established the heavens ,i was there2 ,when he set a circle upon the face of the deep2 ,when he made firm the skies above2 ,when the fountains of the deep became strong2 ,when he gave to the sea its bound1 ,that the waters should not transgress his commandment2 ,when he marked out the foundations of the earth2 ,then was ,i by him1 as a master workman4444 ,with the thought of ,wisdom being utilized by ,god in creating the world 78,then was ,i by him1 as a master workman071 one must compare the thought of ,god having created the world by means of ,his ,word2 this thought is already adumbrated in such a passage as ,psalms xxxiii4 #f3 8,by the ,word of the ,lord were the heavens made0#cac2 these words were1 at any rate1 interpreted in later times to mean that the whole of the ,creation1 as described in ,genesis i41 was accomplished by means of the ,word of ,god1 8,word10 or ,memra1 having become1 in the meantime1 a quasi-personality like ,wisdom4 ,this development may be seen at work in the ,wisdom ,literature2 for example1 in ,ecclesiasticus xlii4 #ae it is said3 8,by the ,word of ,god 7are7 ,his works10 i4e4 were ,his works created2 the context shows that it is the works of the ,creation which are referred to4 ,in ,wisdom iv4 #a we have the same thought3 8,o ,god of my fathers1 and ,lord of mercy1 ,who hast made all things by ,thy ,word1 and by ,thy wisdom didst form man 44402 and1 much later1 in #b 7#d7 ,esdras vi4 #ch1 it is said again3 8,thy ,word was 7i4e4 made7 a perfect work10 where the reference is to the first day of ,creation4 ,we are here irresistibly led to think of the opening words of the fourth ,gospel3 8,in the beginning was the ,word1 and the ,word was with ,god1 and the ,word was ,god4 ,the same was in the beginning with ,god4 ,all things were made by ,him2 and without ,him was not anything made that hath been made0 7,john i4 #a-c74 ,it is very striking to notice here how ,christian truth was adumbrated in pre-,christian times4 ,in the ,book of ,job1 as everywhere in the ,wisdom ,literature1 ,wisdom is of divine origin1 e4g4 xi4 #e1 #f3 ,but oh that ,god would speak1 ,and open ,his lips against thee2 ,and that ,he would show thee the secrets of ,wisdom1 ,for sound wisdom is manifold 7cp4 xv4 #h74 ,as a general rule the wisdom spoken of in this book is that of experience2 but in one striking passage there is a definite personification of ,wisdom1 viz4 xxviii4 #ab-bh2 it begins with the question3 8,where shall ,wisdom be found80 ,and after its priceless value has been described1 the writer continues 7verses #bc ff473 ,god understandeth the way thereof1 ,and ,he knoweth the place thereof 444 ,when ,he made a decree for the rain1 ,and a way for the lightning of the thunder3 ,then did ,he see it1 and declare it2 ,he established it1 yea1 and searched it out4444 ,but in this book where problems of great perplexity are treated1 there is less scope than in the other ,wisdom books for dealing specifically with ,wisdom4 ,in ,ecclesiastes 7,b4,c4 #bjj7 ,wisdom1 as one would naturally expect1 is always something abstract2 but in this book1 with its terribly pessimistic tone1 we come across a phenomenon which is found nowhere else in the ,wisdom literature2 the ,preacher's pessimism is seen to affect even his estimate of ,wisdom2 what1 for example1 could be more dismal than this8 ,and ,i applied my heart to seek and to search out by wisdom concerning all that is done under heaven2 it is a sore travail that ,god hath given to the sons of men to be exercised therewith4444 ,i communed with mine own heart1 saying1 ,lo1 ,i have gotten me great wisdom above all that were before me in ,jerusalem2 yea1 my heart hath had great experience of wisdom and knowledge4 ,and ,i applied my heart to know wisdom1 and to know madness and folly2 ,i perceived that this also was a striving after wind4 ,for in much wisdom is much grief2 and he that increaseth knowledge increaseth grief 7i4 #ac-ah74 ,this forlorn writer1 furthermore1 seems sometimes to approach the subject in an entirely perverse spirit2 he says later3 ,i saw that wisdom excelleth folly1 as far as light excelleth darkness4 ,the wise man's eyes are in his head1 and the fool walketh in darkness2 and yet ,i perceived that one event happeneth to them all4 ,then said ,i in my heart1 ,as it happeneth to the fool1 so will it happen even to me2 and why was ,i then more wise8 ,then ,i said in my heart1 that this also was vanity4 ,for of the wise man1 even as of the fool1 there is no remembrance for ever2 seeing that in the days to come all will have been already forgotten4 ,and how doth the wise man die even as the fool 7ii4 #ac-af74 ,this same spirit is manifested in the little parable in ix4 #ac-af3 444 ,there was a little city1 and few men within it2 and there came a great king against it1 and besieged it1 and built great bulwarks against it4 ,now there was found in it a poor wise man1 and he by his wisdom delivered the city2 yet no man remembered that same poor man4 ,then said ,i1 ,wisdom is better than strength2 nevertheless the poor man's wisdom is despised1 and his words are not heard4 ,we can only say that such an attitude is deplorable2 the writer seems to think that unless ,wisdom is recognized and the wise man rewarded1 it is vanity6 ,that is quite different from the usual attitude of the authors of the ,wisdom ,literature1 who esteem and love ,wisdom for its own sake4 ,there are1 it is true1 a few passages in this book which witness to a better appreciation of ,wisdom2 for example1 in vii4 #aa1 #ab it is said3 ,wisdom is as good as an inheritance2 yea1 more excellent is it for them that see the sun4 ,for ,wisdom is a defence1 even as money is a defence2 but the excellency of knowledge is that ,wisdom preserveth the life of him that hath it4 ,or again in viii4 #a3 ,a man's wisdom maketh his face to shine1 and the hardness of his face is changed4 ,so that1 in spite of what he says elsewhere1 the ,preacher has an innate liking for ,wisdom2 as a recent commentator on the book says1 8he admires it1 and at times follows it 7i4 #ac1 vii4 #be1 ix4 #af72 but1 on the other hand1 he cannot rid himself of the feeling that the wise man toils in vain 7ix4 #af71 that his labour is a fruitless endeavour1 and that a child born dead is in reality happier than the wise man 7vi4 #c-h74 ,it is true that in another mood he declares that it is better to know that one will die than to know nothing 7ix4 #e72 but1 on the whole1 his verdict is that ,wisdom1 like all other things mundane1 is vanity4 ,the wise man has no real advantage1 except that he suffers with his eyes open2 in the end he dies like a fool1 and goes to the same place 7ix4 #a ff4740#cad ,in the ,wisdom of ,ben-,sira 7,ecclesiasticus7 all that is taught concerning ,wisdom in the earlier books 7with the exception of what is peculiar to ,ecclesiastes7 finds full expression1 though ,ben-,sira is not a slavish imitator2 he has his own ideas1 and amplifies the earlier teaching1 always making it his own before giving expression to it4 ,the divine origin of ,wisdom is shown by teaching that it is a direct emanation from ,god3 ,all ,wisdom cometh from the ,lord ,and is with ,him for ever 7i4 #a74 ,i came forth from the mouth of the ,most ,high1 ,and as a mist ,i covered the earth 7xxiv4 #c74 ,the existence of ,wisdom before the creation of world is definitely stated in the words3 ,before them all 7i4e4 the heavens and the earth7 was ,wisdom created 7i4 #d74 ,he created me from the beginning1 before the world 7xxiv4 #i74 ,it is especially characteristic of ,ben-,sira's teaching that he identifies the ,law with ,wisdom2 this identification is often taken for granted1 while in several passages it is categorically set forth4 8,ben-,sira inculcates the truth that the way to lead a wise life is to live according to the divine commandments1 and acting accordingly1 man makes his human wisdom approximate to the divine1 and worldly1 practical wisdom1 in its many and various forms1 is thus of the same kind1 only less in degree1 as divine wisdom4 ,it is thus easy to see that the identification between the ,law and ,wisdom was inevitable40#cae ,this identification is to be seen in such passages as the following3 ,for he that feareth the ,lord doeth this 7i4e4 seeketh ,wisdom71 ,and he that taketh hold of the ,law findeth her 7xv4 #a74 ,he that keepeth the ,law controlleth his natural tendency1 ,and the fear of the ,lord is the consummation of ,wisdom 7xxi4 #aa74 ,the most direct assertion1 however1 of this identity between the ,law and ,wisdom is found in xxiv4 #bc1 #be3 ,all these things 7i4e4 the things concerning ,wisdom7 are in the book of the covenant of ,god ,most ,high1 ,the ,law which ,moses commanded as an heritage for the assemblies of ,jacob1 ,which filleth men with ,wisdom1 like ,pison1 ,and like ,tigris in the days of new fruits4444 ,and again in xix4 #bj3 ,all ,wisdom is the fear of the ,lord1 ,and all ,wisdom is the fulfilling of the ,law4 ,although ,wisdom is the free gift of ,god1 ,without measure doth ,he grant her to them that love ,him 7i4 #bf71 yet man is not able to utilize it without earnest effort2 he has an irksome discipline to go through which will test his sincerity3 ,but ,i will walk with him in disguise1 ,and at first ,i will try him with temptations4 ,fear and dread will ,i bring upon him1 ,and ,i will torment him with chastisements 7iv4 #ag72 but to the persevering the reward is great2 this ,ben-,sira expresses in a passage full of poetical beauty3 ,for at length thou wilt find her rest1 ,and she shall be turned for thee into gladness4 ,and her fetters shall become a stay of strength for thee1 ,and her bands for robes of glory4 ,an ornament of gold is her yoke1 ,and her fetters a cord of blue4 ,thou shalt array thee with her as with robes of glory1 ,and crown thee with her as with a crown of beauty 7vi4 #bh-ca74 ,it will have been noticed that in several of the passages just quoted the personification of ,wisdom is graphically expressed2 there are many others in this book in which this is taught#caf2 an interesting one is i4 #ae1 where ,wisdom is described in taking up her abode among men3 ,with faithful men is she1 and she hath been established from eternity1 ,and with their seed shall she continue4 ,in another passage ,wisdom invites men to come and abide with her3 ,come unto me1 ye that desire me1 ,and be ye filled with my produce2 ,for my memorial is sweeter than honey1 ,and the possession of me than the honey-comb 7xxiv4 #ai1 #bj74 ,this thought of ,wisdom abiding among men is illustrated in another way2 ,ben-,sira1 in desiring to show the superiority of the wisdom of ,israel over that of the ,greeks1 represents ,wisdom as having sought a resting-place among the nations of the world1 but found that none were worthy of her2 thereupon ,god commanded her to abide in ,israel where she would find a permanent home3 ,with all these 7i4e4 every people and nation7 ,i sought a resting-place1 ,and said3 8,in whose inheritance shall ,i lodge80 ,then the ,creator of all things gave me commandment1 ,and ,he that created me fixed my dwelling-place for me2 ,and ,he said3 8,let thy dwelling-place be in ,jacob1 ,and in ,israel take up thine inheritance44440 ,and ,i took root among an honoured people1 ,in the portion of the ,lord and of ,his inheritance 7xxiv4 #g-ab74 ,in his teaching concerning the personification of ,wisdom ,ben-,sira offers something that is of a transitional character2 in the main1 he bases his teaching on ,proverbs1 though he shows some advance upon this2 but he falls far behind what the ,book of ,wisdom has to say on the subject4 ,to this we must now devote some attention4 ,the writer of the ,book of ,wisdom1 like the writers of all the books belonging to this literature1 teaches the divine origin of ,wisdom2 but he has his own way of expressing this truth3 ,for she is a breath of the power of ,god1 ,and a clear effluence of the glory of the ,almighty2 ,therefore can nothing defiled find entrance into her4 ,for she is an effulgence from everlasting light1 ,and an unspotted mirror of the working of ,god1 ,and an image of ,his goodness 7vii4 #be1 #bf74 ,this divine ,wisdom is so indispensable to man that he is of no account without it3 ,for even if a man be perfect among the sons of men1 ,yet if the ,wisdom that cometh from ,thee be not with him1 he shall be held in no account 7ix4 #f74 ,another invariable doctrine in the ,wisdom books1 namely the existence of ,wisdom before the world was created1 and her part in the ,creation1 is taught thus3 ,and with ,thee is ,wisdom1 which knoweth ,thy works1 ,and was present when ,thou wast making the world 7ix4 #i74 ,for she is initiated into the knowledge of ,god1 ,and she chooseth out for ,him ,his works 7viii4 #d74 ,ben-,sira1 as we saw1 identifies the ,law with ,wisdom2 the ,jewish-,hellenistic writer of the ,book of ,wisdom does not do so1 but he teaches an identification between the ,holy ,spirit of the ,lord and ,wisdom#cag2 this is clear from the following passage3 ,because ,wisdom will not enter into a soul that deviseth evil1 ,nor dwell in a body that is held in pledge by sin2 ,for a holy spirit of discipline will flee deceit 444 ,for ,wisdom is a spirit that loveth man1 ,and she will not hold a blasphemer guiltless for his lips 444 ,because the spirit of the ,lord hath filled the world 7i4 #d-g74 ,still more pointed are the words in ix4 #ag3 ,and who ever gained knowledge of ,thy counsel1 except ,thou gavest ,wisdom1 ,and sentest ,thy ,holy ,spirit from on high8 ,further1 ,wisdom is identified with the ,word of the ,lord2 the 8,word0 is1 however1 used in the ,old ,testament sense1 not in that of the ,philonian ,logos4 ,the ,word1 like ,wisdom1 takes part in the ,creation3 ,o ,god of the fathers1 and ,lord ,who keepest ,thy mercy1 ,who madest all things by ,thy ,word2 ,and by ,thy ,wisdom ,thou formedst man4444 7ix4 #a1 #b74 ,just as ,wisdom sits upon the throne of ,god3 ,give me ,wisdom1 her that sitteth by ,thee on ,thy throne 7ix4 #d71 so1 too1 the same is said of the ,word3 ,thine all-powerful ,word leaped from heaven out of the royal throne 7xviii4 #ae74 ,the nature of ,wisdom1 as portrayed in this book1 has been well summed up in the following words3 8,wisdom is not an attribute1 nor the sum of the attributes1 of ,god3 such an explanation would not take account of all the properties postulated of ,wisdom1 nor would it allow for the completeness of the ,divine transcendence4 ,wisdom1 again1 is not ,god in manifestation2 she is too distinct from ,him to be merely a theoretical aspect of ,himself4 ,lastly1 she is not a ,being1 personal and distinct from ,god3 she emanates from ,him1 but the emanation has not terminated4 ,no birth-severance has taken place1 giving her independent life40#cah ,finally1 it will not be amiss to take a glance1 though it be but a very slight one1 at the teaching concerning ,wisdom which is given in some of the ,apocalyptic books of which mention has been made in the preceding chapter4 ,it is true1 these books do not belong to the ,wisdom ,literature1 nevertheless some of them contain teaching on the subject of ,wisdom which may appropriately find a brief consideration here4 ,we have already seen that in some of the earlier books of the ,old ,testament materials are to be discerned out of which the ,wisdom ,literature developed2 as there were1 therefore1 these early seeds out of which the ,wisdom ,literature grew1 so in some of the ,apocalyptic books an after-growth may also be discerned4 ,while the full fruit is to be seen in the books with which we have just been concerned1 it is well to realize that some fruit is also to be gathered outside of these4 ,it will be sufficient for our purpose if we illustrate what has to be said from three ,apocalyptic books1 viz4 the ,book of ,enoch1 the ,similitudes of ,enoch and the ,secrets of ,enoch4 ,in the oldest portions of the ,book of ,enoch there is no mention of ,wisdom1#cai unless xci4 #aj be included among these4#cbj ,this passage runs3 ,and the righteous shall arise from their sleep1 ,and ,wisdom shall arise and be given unto them4 ,in the next oldest part1 the 8,dream ,visions10 the thought which has already come before us of ,wisdom sitting on the throne of ,god1 finds expression3 ,wisdom departs not from the place of ,thy throne1 ,nor turns away from ,thy presence 7lxxxiv4 #c74 ,but it is in the 8,similitudes0 that we find a number of passages dealing with the subject2 in fact1 all these 8,similitudes10 or 8,parables10 are declared to be the outcome of the ,wisdom which the ,lord of ,spirits granted to ,enoch 7see xxxvii4 #a-d1 and cp4 lxxxii4 #b1 #c74 ,differing from the teaching of earlier ,wisdom books#cba it is here stated that ,wisdom could nowhere find a dwelling-place among men1 and had therefore to return to heaven 7cp4 the passage just quoted73 ,wisdom found no place where she might dwell2 ,then a dwelling-place was assigned her in the heavens4 ,wisdom went forth to make her dwelling among the children of men1 ,but found no dwelling-place2 ,wisdom returned to her place1 ,and took her seat among the angels 7xlii4 #a1 #b2 cp4 xciv4 #e74 ,it is the ,elect ,one1 sitting on the throne of ,god1 ,who possesses all the secrets of ,wisdom3 ,and the ,elect ,one shall in those days sit on my ,throne1 ,and his mouth shall pour forth all the secrets of wisdom and counsel3 ,for the ,lord of ,spirits hath given them to him1 and hath glorified him 7li4 #c2 cp4 xlix4 #c74 ,the blessedness of those who accept ,wisdom is described in xcix4 #aj4 ,in the ,book of the ,secrets of ,enoch there is at least one passage in which ,wisdom is personified2 it is a very curious one repeating with strange details the thought that ,wisdom1 as taught in earlier books1 took her part in the ,creation2 the words are put into the mouth of the ,creator3 ,on the sixth day ,i ordered my ,wisdom to make man of seven substances3 his flesh from the earth2 his blood from the dew2 his eyes from the sun2 his bones from the stones2 his thoughts from the swiftness of the angels1 and the clouds2 his veins or 8nails0 and hair from the grass of the earth2 his spirit from my spirit1 and from the wind 7xxx4 #h74 ,but in other passages1 e4g4 xxxiii4 #c1 xliii4 #b1 ,wisdom is conceived of as purely abstract4 ,,summary ,the ,wisdom ,literature is preserved in both canonical and uncanonical books2 but the distinction is here unimportant1 for those belonging to either category are clearly members of the same family2 they all possess one characteristic distinguishing them from the rest of the ,old ,testament1 viz4 in them religion has become philosophy4 ,not philosophy in the ,greek sense1 nor yet in that of the moderns1 but still religious philosophy of a distinct type4 ,the fundamental ,jewish monotheistic belief is taken for granted throughout4 ,there are1 however1 other characteristics not altogether in accord with traditional ,judaism4 ,the writers of the ,wisdom ,literature are not always consistent with one another1 or even with themselves1 and their speculations are often only tentative4 ,this is not surprising1 for they were struggling with new ways of thinking and with new subjects of thought2 and they were1 moreover1 coming into contact with new influences4 ,in the ,wisdom ,literature certain positions taken up show some variance with tradition2 thus1 the wise men present a very interesting combination of universalism and conservatism2 little stress is laid on national institutions and laws such as the sacrificial system2 in like manner the ,messianic expectation receives very scant recognition4 ,the attitude towards the ,gentiles is generally friendly2 their higher culture is recognized1 and there is willingness to learn from them4 ,not infrequently the ,god of the ,jews is declared to be the ,god of all men4 ,most striking is the conception1 which is quite un-,jewish1 of the divine ,sophia which is conceived of as a creative power existing before the ,creation4 ,there is a great difference between the conceptions of ,wisdom in pre-exilic writings1 and those of the ,wisdom ,literature proper2 but without doubt the former contain the seeds whose growth is seen in the latter4 ,yet while it is true that the religious-intellectual spirit to which the ,wisdom ,literature owed its existence was an indigenous plant1 yet the elements which contributed to its development were not exclusively ,jewish4 ,babylonian influence was at work before1 as well as during1 the ,captivity1 and ,greek influence is to be discerned later4 ,it is not possible to say when ideas about ,wisdom began to manifest themselves in ,israel4 ,the earliest form of ,wisdom is presented by what the ,hebrews called a mshl1 usually translated 8proverb10 but having a wider signification1 being used of a prophetic figurative discourse such as was uttered by ,balaam1 or a parable or allegory of the kind found in the ,book of ,ezekiel4 ,in its earlier use1 however1 mshl did mean a 8proverb10 i4e4 a sentence expressing some truth1 not necessarily religious or ethical1 which had been reached by experience or observation4 ,the ,hebrew words for 8,wisdom0 7,chokmah7 and for 8wise men0 7,chakmm7 are found fairly frequently in the ,pentateuch as well as in the prophetic and historical books2 but the usual meaning in these differs from that found in the ,wisdom ,literature4 ,of the several conceptions of ,wisdom in the ,wisdom ,literature the most important is that expressed in the well-known words3 8,the fear of the ,lord is the beginning of ,wisdom02 this occurs again and again in varying form1 its real meaning being that the fear of the ,lord is the end of ,wisdom1 its highest and most perfect form4 ,in this ,literature there is always a religious content in ,wisdom2 it is never used of pure knowledge4 ,in ,proverbs and ,ecclesiastes there is much about worldly wisdom1 but the faculty of distinguishing between good and evil always comes from ,god4 ,the personification of ,wisdom found in this ,literature is of far-reaching importance4 ,we must neither read into the passages which treat of this a meaning they were not intended to bear1 nor must we explain away the meaning that was really intended4 ,when among the ,jewish sages of old ,wisdom was personified1 they thought of a personality existing alongside of ,god1 an intermediate being between ,god and the world4 ,this is more or less parallel to the personification or quasi-personification of attributes proper to ,god which is found in early post-,christian ,jewish writings4 ,the special importance of this conception of ,wisdom lies not only in the fact that it forms the link between the ,palestinian and ,hellenic development of ,judaism1 but also that it represents the contribution made by the ,wisdom ,literature to the ,christology of the ,new ,testament1 and has1 moreover1 greatly influenced ,christian theology4 ,in the earlier portions of ,proverbs1 ,wisdom is always presented as something abstract1 except perhaps in xvii4 #bd4 ,a real personification is found in the later parts4 ,in ,job it is the wisdom of experience that normally finds expression2 but there is a definite personification in xxxviii4 #ab-bh4 ,in ,ecclesiastes ,wisdom is always something abstract1 and1 a unique element1 the estimate of ,wisdom is affected by the ,preacher's pessimism4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus all that is taught in the other books about ,wisdom finds expression1 with the exception of the pessimism of ,ecclesiastes2 the identification of the ,law with ,wisdom is a striking characteristic4 ,the ,jewish-,hellenistic writer of the ,book of ,wisdom identifies ,wisdom with the holy spirit of the ,lord1 as well as with the ,word 7in the ,jewish sense71 and teaches its divine origin and its existence before the creation of the world 7this is common to the ,wisdom ,literature generally74 ,a brief glance at the teaching concerning ,wisdom in the ,apocalyptic ,literature shows that there is very little in the earliest parts of the ,book of ,enoch1 but there are a number of passages which touch the subject in the 8,similitudes10 some of which have peculiar features4 ,in the ,secrets of ,enoch ,wisdom is represented as taking part in the ,creation4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,the ,doctrinal ,teaching of the ,apocrypha ,,preliminary ,,remarks ,it would be difficult to point to anything which illustrates more clearly the arbitrary way in which the books of the ,apocrypha have been separated off from the rest of the ,jewish uncanonical religious literature of the period with which we are dealing than the study of the doctrinal teaching of this literature4 ,for in the ,apocrypha only part of that teaching is represented2 to obtain it in its fulness1 so far as the literature of the period is extant1 we have to consult such pseudepigraphic works as the ,book of ,enoch1 the ,sibylline ,oracles1 the ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs1 the ,book of ,jubilees1 the ,psalms of ,solomon1 the ,assumption of ,moses1 the ,syriac ,apocalypse of ,baruch1 and the ,ascension of ,isaiah4 ,but to take all these into consideration here is out of the question1 and we have already given a brief outline of the more important doctrines taught in them 7,chapter ,x74 ,there is1 however1 one compensation in restricting ourselves to the books of the ,apocrypha2 for the more important of these were recognized by official ,judaism as containing good orthodox teaching2 so that in dealing with this body of literature alone we are at all events on more or less secure ground as far as orthodox ,judaism is concerned1 and to get at that as a foundation is useful for the further observance of the development of doctrine4 ,at the same time1 it is necessary to bear in mind that while in most respects the books of the ,apocrypha afford1 speaking generally1 a criterion for the period ,b4,c4 #bjj-;,a4,d4 #ajj as to orthodox ,jewish teaching1 in some respects they are inadequate1 in others even insufficient1 so that in such cases recourse must be had to the ,apocalyptic ,literature1 though we cannot here take that ,literature into fuller consideration4 ,now in dealing with the ,judaism of this period we must again emphasize what has already been stated several times1 namely the existence of the external influences by which it was affected4 ,the background of the ,apocrypha books in the domain of doctrine is not solely the ,old ,testament1 though this is1 of course1 their chief source of inspiration2 but there have also been marked ,persian and ,greek influences in certain directions2 it is essential that this should be recognized4 ,this point has been admirably dealt with by ,fairweather1 and some of his words are well worth quoting2 he rightly says that there have been 8two great streams of influence flowing in upon the ,jewish theology of this period1 an ,eastern and a ,western1 a ,persian and a ,greek4 ,of these by far the stronger was the ,greek1 though the ,persian is as distinctly traceable 444 the ,persian current was that of ,zoroastrianism2 the ,greek cannot be associated with a single name4 ,out of these two forces1 which were new1 or newly felt1 active upon the native ,judaism of ,palestine1 which was old1 was formed that third which we meet within the home of ,jewish theology of the period4 ,but there was also a ,jewish theology outside of ,palestine altogether4 ,not only did foreign influences flow in upon ,judaism1 but ,judaism1 now no longer confined to ,palestine1 went out to meet them4 ,thus the hitherto unbroken river of ,old ,testament ideas and doctrines divided itself at this point into three separate streams4 ,one1 the main current1 continued to flow on in ,palestine2 while on the east and west of it ran two other streams--the one through ,persian territory1 and the other through ,greek4 ,the tributaries of ,persian and ,greek ideas by which these streams respectively were fed necessarily caused their waters to be of a composite character1 exceedingly difficult to analyse so as to say definitely1 #8,this is ,jewish1 that is ,persian1' or #8,this is ,jewish1 that is ,greek1'0#cbb ,the main current of which ,fairweather speaks represents ,palestinian ,judaism1 while the other two streams powerfully affected the ,judaism of the ,dispersion2 the differences between these two types of ,judaism must be taken into consideration1 for both types are represented in the books of the ,apocrypha4 ,we must also seek1 as far as possible1 to follow the teaching of the various books in chronological order4 ,differences of opinion exist1 to be sure1 regarding the actual dates of these1 but there is in almost all cases approximate unanimity as to the centuries to which they belong4 ,in some instances different parts of a book belong to different times2 this will be taken into consideration where necessary4 ,when1 therefore1 quotations are given to illustrate some point of doctrine they will be put1 as far as possible1 in chronological order2 see the table on p4 #cbj4 ,the doctrines to be dealt with are the following3 7a7 ,the ,doctrine of ,god4 7b7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,law4 7c7 ,the ,doctrine of ,sin4 7d7 ,the ,doctrine of ,grace and ,free-will4 7e7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,messiah4 7f7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,future ,life4 7g7 ,the ,doctrine of ,angels4 7h7 ,demonology4 ,the very important doctrine of ,wisdom has already been considered in ,chapter ,,viii4 ,in dealing with these doctrines we shall only make cursory mention of those points in which the teaching of the ,apocrypha is identical with that of the ,old ,testament1 as our main object is to try and show in what respects the books of the ,apocrypha exhibit an advance in doctrine upon the ,old ,testament1 or1 as in some cases1 a retrogression2 at the same time the characteristic form in which a book presents any particular doctrine will be noted even in those cases in which there is no essential difference between the ,old ,testament and the ,apocrypha4 ,it will not always be possible to keep the various doctrines entirely separate from each other1 as one so often leads into another2 so that some little repetition may at times be unavoidable4 7a7 ,the ,doctrine of ,god4 ,the ,old ,testament teaching on the ,personality of ,god is1 as one would expect1 so full1 that we must not look for much advance in the books of the ,apocrypha on this subject4 ,the ,unity of ,god the ,creator of all1 ,his eternity and omnipotence1 ,his activity in nature1 ,his wisdom1 holiness1 justice1 loving-kindness and mercy1 ,his ,fatherhood of ,israel1 and sometimes of all flesh--these doctrines are all amply dealt with in ,ecclesiasticus4 ,in the fine passage ,ecclesiasticus xlii4 #ae-xliii4 #cc1 where ,ben-,sira gets his inspiration largely from the ,psalms1 the praise of ,god is sung as the ,lord of ,nature2 there are one or two points in this passage which1 to some extent1 witness to an advance upon what the ,old ,testament teaches2 in xlii4 #af it is said3 ,god's holy ones have not the power ,to recount ,his wondrous works of might2 ,though ,god hath given strength to ,his hosts ,to endure in the presence of ,his glory4 ,these words represent the ,hebrew1 which was misunderstood by the ,greek translator2 the meaning of them is that not even the angels#cbc can declare ,god's mighty works1 even though they stand in ,his presence2 they are only able to stand in that presence because they have received special strength for the purpose4 ,what spiritual beings1 who thus stand in the very presence of ,god1 are unable to fathom1 can still less be understood by men1 all they can do is to offer praise to ,god2 so ,ben-,sira says later in the same section3 ,we will sing praises1 because we cannot fathom2 ,for greater is ,he than all ,his works4 ,terrible is ,jehovah exceedingly1 ,and wonderful are ,his mighty acts4 ,ye that magnify ,jehovah1 lift up your voice ,as much as ye can1 for there is still more6 ,ye that exalt ,him1 renew your strength1 ,and weary not1 for ye cannot fathom ,him6 ,who hath seen ,him1 that he may tell thereof8 ,and who shall magnify ,him as ,he is8 ,the number of things mysterious is greater even than these1 ,and ,i have seen but few of ,his works 7xliii4 #bh-cb74 ,the conception of ,god which is revealed in these two passages does certainly seem to be a higher one even than is anywhere to be found in the ,old ,testament4 ,in ,tobit much the same general conception is found as in the ,old ,testament2 but one passage may be quoted as showing a universalistic spirit which is found only in some of the most exalted utterances of the prophets2 in xiv4 #f it is said that 8all the nations which are in the whole earth1 all shall turn and fear ,god truly2 and all shall leave their idols1 who err after their false error40 ,fully in accordance with the belief that ,jehovah is the ,god of all men is the way in which the writer of this book never tires of speaking of ,him under various titles expressive of the sincerest praise and faith2 no book of the ,apocrypha has such a variety of names for ,god as this one4 ,another important point is that ,god hears the prayers of men through angelic mediation4 ,in great contrast to this high conception of ,god is that found in ,judith2 for while the power of ,god to help ,his chosen ones in face of the most adverse circumstances is strongly insisted upon1 the idea that ,god's favour is only accorded to those who keep the ,law1 and that ,he is only the ,god of the ,jews1 which is implied throughout even if not definitely stated1 is a very inadequate one and takes us back to some of the least exalted passages of the ,old ,testament which deal with the doctrine of ,god4 ,a special note1 though in no sense new in itself1 is sounded in the ,prayer of ,manasses1 where great stress is laid upon the divine compassion2 the opening verses form a beautiful hymn of praise to ,god4 ,in turning to the secondary text of ,ecclesiasticus1 which comes next in order1 we have in the addition to xxiv4 #bc 7 #bd in the ,a4,v47 a striking instance of the ,pharisaic doctrine of ,god1 both as regards the divine ,personality as well as the relationship between ,him and ,his true worshippers3 ,faint not1 but be strong in the ,lord1 ,and cleave unto ,him that ,he may strengthen you4 ,cleave unto ,him2 the ,lord1 the ,almighty1 is the ,one and only ,god2 ,and beside ,him there is no ,saviour4 ,the great characteristic1 so far as the present subject is concerned1 of this secondary text1 or ,pharisaic recension1#cbd of ,ecclesiasticus is that of the closeness of ,god to those who love ,him2 personal religion1 that religious individualism which did so much to foster spiritual worship1 finds true expression here2 not that the original writer was wanting in deep piety1 in spite of what often strikes one as a somewhat worldly spirit1 but as compared with the ,pharisaic ideal of the beginning of the first century ,b4,c4 it is not surprising to find that the book was considered in some respects wanting1 and that it seemed to the more ardent religious temperament of the ,pharisees as not sufficiently expressive of the close relationship between ,god and ,his pious ones4 ,this may be illustrated by one or two examples of the way additions are made to the original text4 ,in i4 #ab ,ben-,sira says3 ,the fear of the ,lord delighteth the heart1 ,and giveth gladness1 and joy1 and length of days2 but the ,pharisee deepens the sentiment by adding3 ,the fear of the ,lord is a gift from the ,lord1 ,for it setteth men upon paths of love4 ,another example is found in the addition to xvii4 #bj4 ,ben-,sira says3 ,their iniquities are not hid from ,him1 ,and all their sins are inscribed before the ,lord2 to this the ,pharisaic glossator adds3 ,but the ,lord1 being merciful1 knowing also that they are made in ,his own image1 ,spared them1 and forsook them not1 nor cast them off4 ,the closeness of ,god to those who love ,him is again brought out in the addition to xvii4 #bf;a3 ,for ,he ,himself will lead thee out of darkness unto the light of salvation4#cbe ,there are1 of course1 other passages of a similar kind4 ,the interest of these lies in the fact that they breathe the same spirit which we find in a number of the later ,psalms1 and which are believed by many scholars to emanate from the circle of the ,chassidim or 8,pious ones10 the forerunners of the ,pharisees2 this spirit reappears in the ,psalms of ,solomon1 which are admittedly the work of a ,pharisee1 or ,pharisees4 ,in #a ,maccabees we find the strange characteristic of the non-mention of the name of ,god1#cbf which never occurs in the original text1 though it is sometimes inserted in the ,authorized ,version2 on the other hand1 a true faith in the omnipotence of ,god is at times expressed1 e4g4 iii4 #ah3 8,there is no difference in the sight of ,heaven to save by many or by few2 for victory in battle standeth not in the multitude of an host1 but strength is from ,heaven02 and trust in ,god as the ,god of ,israel ,who will help ,his people against their foes occurs not infrequently1 e4g4 in iv4 #aj1 #aa3 8,and now let us cry unto ,heaven1 if ,he will have mercy upon us1 and will remember the covenant of the fathers1 and destroy this army before our face to-day1 and then will all the ,gentiles know that there is ,one ,who redeemeth and saveth ,israel40#cbg ,in all three of the documents which make up the ,book of ,baruch stress is laid on ,god's guidance of ,israel's destiny2 in the portion1 ,baruch iv4 #e-v4 #i the special characteristic is that the divine compassion is constantly recalled1 for which reason the writer again and again bids his hearers be of 8good cheer40 ,the writer of #b 7#d7 ,esdras fully represents the best of the ,old ,testament teaching concerning the doctrine of ,god2 he insists on the unity of ,god1 ,his ,creatorship wholly without any mediatorial agency2 ,israel is the specially elected nation with which ,god has entered into a covenant relation4 ,the problems with which the seer is presented are insoluble for man1 who cannot even comprehend the material things of the world1 much less the spiritual secrets of ,heaven3 8444 ,he said moreover unto me1 ,what belongs to thee1 7namely7 the things that have intermingled with thy growth1 thou art incapable of understanding2 how then should thy vessel be able to comprehend the way of the ,most ,high8 ,for the way of the ,most ,high hath been found without measure2 how1 then1 should it be possible for a mortal in a corruptible world to understand the ways of the ,incorruptible80 7iv4 #aj1 #aa74 ,the writer's faith in ,god is specially shown forth by his conviction that in spite of all appearances ,god's love is for ,his people3 8,just as thou art unable to do even one of these that have been mentioned1 even so art thou powerless to discover my judgement or the goal of the love that ,i have declared unto ,my people0 7v4 #dj74 ,with the ,book of ,wisdom we enter a religious atmosphere which is to a large extent alien to that of ,palestine2 whether the two parts of this book were written by different authors1 or whether they are both from the same author writing at different periods of his life1 it is quite clear that the presentation of the doctrine of ,god in each is entirely different2 the first part 7i4-xi4 #a7 is more ,greek than ,jewish1 and 8in nothing10 says ,holmes1 8is this more clearly shown than in the idea of ,god presented by the two parts respectively4 ,the idea of ,god in part i4 is that of ,greek philosophy1 a transcendent ,god ,who has no immediate contact with the world4 ,it is true that in the later parts of the ,old ,testament the writers had largely abandoned the conception of ,jahveh as a ,god ,who had direct dealings with mankind4444 ,god gradually became thought of as more and more remote1 though even in ,daniel the scene where the ,ancient of ,days sits in judgement on the nations shows that ,god could be still thought of as having immediate dealings with mankind4 ,in ,wisdom1 however1 in chapters i4-x4 we find that the author conceives ,god to be so remote1 that ,he performs ,his will by means of an intermediary1 whom ,he sends forth into the world 7ix4 #aj74 ,this intermediary is ,wisdom1 and possesses all the attributes of ,deity4 ,she is omnipotent 7vii4 #bg71 omniscient 7viii4 #h and ix4 #aa71 and puts these attributes into action2 she administers all things well 7viii4 #a740cbh ,in the second half of the book ,god is again and again spoken of as interfering personally in the affairs of men2 a striking example is given in xiv4 #a ff41 which speaks of the folly of a navigator who prays for safety to an idol before embarking upon his vessel3 ,for that vessel the hunger for gain devised1 ,and an artificer by his wisdom built it2 ,and ,thy providence1 ,o ,father1 guideth it along1 ,because even in the sea ,thou gavest a way1 ,and in the waves a sure path2 ,showing that ,thou canst save out of every danger4444 ,in other respects also the second part of this book represents the ,old ,testament doctrine1 more especially in its insistence upon the need of right worship1 and in the way in which it deals with the mercy and justice of ,god4 7b7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,law4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus much stress is laid upon the importance of the ,law both from the ethical and ritual point of view1 a fact which shows this book to be a valuable link between the ,judaism of post-exilic times and ,rabbinical ,judaism4 ,the first point to note is the nature of the ,law as taught by ,ben-,sira2 it is eternal1 and it is divine1 for it has been given by ,god1 the ,eternal ,one4 ,the existence of the ,law before the beginning of the world is involved by ,ben-,sira's identification of it with ,wisdom4 ,this is a conception which1 so far as is known1 occurs here for the first time2 but the way in which this identification seems to be taken for granted shows that it cannot have been wholly new to ,ben-,sira's hearers2 in speaking about the search for ,wisdom he says1 for example1 in xv4 #a3 ,for he that feareth the ,lord doeth this i4e4 seeketh ,wisdom1 ,and he that taketh hold of the ,law findeth her i4e4 ,wisdom4 ,the ,law and ,wisdom are used again as synonymous terms in xxxiv4 7xxxi4 in the ,greek7 #h3 ,without deceit shall the ,law be fulfilled4 ,and ,wisdom is perfect in a mouth that is faithful4 ,perhaps the most striking example of the way in which the two are identified with each other is in xxiv4 #bc1 where ,ben-,sira speaks of things concerning ,wisdom1 saying3 ,all these things are the book of the covenant of ,god ,most ,high1 ,the ,law which ,moses commanded as an heritage for the assemblies of ,jacob4 ,equally direct are the words in xix4 #bj3 ,all wisdom is the fear of the ,lord1 ,and all wisdom is the fulfilling of the ,law4 ,the 8fear of the ,lord10 as is often said by ,ben-,sira1 is both the true observance of the ,law1 and the 8beginning10 or zenith1 of ,wisdom4 ,the constant insistence upon the need of observing the ,law is characteristic of this book2 the following passage offers a good example out of many3 ,he that seeketh out the ,law shall gain her1 ,but the hypocrite shall be snared thereby4444 ,in all thy works guard thyself1 ,for he that so doeth keepeth the commandment4 ,he that observeth the ,law guardeth himself1 ,and he that trusteth in ,jehovah shall not be brought to shame 7xxxii4 #ae-bd74 ,ben-,sira urges men not to be ashamed of the ,law 7xlii4 #b71 and loves to remind his hearers of how their great ancestors observed it and were enlightened by it1 and taught it to others 7see xliv4 #bj1 xlv4 #e1 #ag1 xlvi4 #ad72 and he also teaches that the fulfilling of the precepts of the ,law is to be the chief concern in view of the inevitableness of death3 ,remember thy last end1 and cease from enmity2 ,remember corruption and death1 and abide in the commandments 7xxviii4 #f74 ,another point of importance in this connection is ,ben-,sira's teaching on the spirit in which the precepts of the ,law should be carried out2 in xxxiv4 #ah1 #ai 7in the ,greek xxxi4 #ba-bc7 he says3 ,the sacrifice of the unrighteous man is a mocking offering1 ,and unacceptable are the oblations of the godless4 ,the ,most ,high hath no pleasure in the offerings of the ungodly1 ,neither doth ,he forgive sins for a multitude of sacrifices4 ,somewhat different in character1 but breathing quite the same spirit1 are the following words3 ,he who washeth after contact with a dead body1 and toucheth it again1 ,what has he gained by his bathing8 ,so a man fasting for his sins1 ,and again doing the same1 ,who will listen to his prayer8 ,and what hath he gained by his humiliation 7verses #be1 #bf74 ,that the ,law1 according to ,ben-,sira1 was now meant only for ,israel1 whatever might originally have been the case1 may be gathered from the following1 when it is remembered that1 as already shown1 ,wisdom and the ,law are identified with each other2 ,wisdom is represented as speaking thus3 ,with all these i4e4 every people and nation ,i sought a resting-place1 ,and said3 ,in whose inheritance shall ,i lodge8 ,then the ,creator of all things gave me commandment1 ,and ,he that created me fixed my dwelling-place for me2 ,and ,he said3 ,let thy dwelling-place be in ,jacob1 ,and in ,israel take up thine inheritance4444 ,and ,i took root among an honoured people1 ,in the portion of the ,lord and of ,his inheritance 7xxiv4 #g f41 #ab74 ,we may recall here that according to the teaching of the ,rabbis in later centuries the ,law was originally intended by ,god to be a revelation of ,himself and of ,his will to all nations1 but that the only nation which accepted it was ,israel4 ,in the ,book of ,tobit we meet with an earnest zeal for the fulfilments of legal precepts combined with deep devotion4 ,this book is important for the indications it offers of the development of legal observances4 ,prayer1 almsgiving and fasting are strongly advocated 7xii4 #h71 but more especially almsgiving1 which is again and again insisted upon1 e4g43 8,give alms of thy substance2 turn not away thy face from any poor man1 and the face of ,god shall not be turned away from thee4 ,as thy substance is1 give alms of it according to thine abundance2 if thou have much1 according to the abundance thereof give alms2 if thou have little1 bestow it1 and be not afraid to give alms according to that little44440 7iv4 #f-aa74 ,the laws of tithe 7i4 #g1 v4 #ac71 marriage 7vi4 #ab1 vii4 #ac1 #ad71 honouring parents 7iv4 #c71 keeping the feasts 7i4 #f1 ii4 #a71 purifying oneself 7ii4 #e71 as well as others1 are all inculcated4 ,this love for the ,law1 combined with worship1 i4e4 prayer1 observance of the feasts1 and zeal for the honour of ,god1 offers a fine illustration of the truly pious ,jew of this period4 ,the observance of the ,law appears as a real delight1 there is no hint of its being irksome2 in this the book is a commentary on the psalmist's words3 ,oh1 how ,i love ,thy ,law1 ,it is my meditation all the day 7,ps4 cxix4 #ig74 ,in no book of the ,apocrypha is the observance of the ,law more strongly advocated than in ,judith2 while everything depends upon trust in ,god and obedience to ,him1 both are shown forth by keeping the ,law which ,he gave2 righteousness is only through the ,law4 ,as in the majority of the books of the ,apocrypha there is no abstract conception concerning the ,law1 its practical observance only is taught4 ,thus in viii4 #e1 #f it is said of ,judith that 8she made her a tent upon the roof of her house1 and put on sackcloth upon her loins2 and the garments of her widowhood were upon her4 ,and she fasted all the days of her widowhood1 save the eves of the sabbaths1 and the eves of the new moons1 and the new moons1 and the feasts and joyful days of the house of ,israel40 ,this was all in accordance with traditional practice2 seclusion1 mortification and fasting all belonged to the rle of a widow's mourning2 it is1 however1 a development that the eves of sabbaths1 new moons and feasts were observed1 as here indicated4 ,a further example of the need of the strict observance of the ,law is seen in xi4 #ab1 #ac1 where the sin of touching forbidden food is spoken of3 8,since their 7i4e4 the ,jews'7 victuals failed them1 and all their water was scant1 they took counsel to lay hands upon their cattle1 and determined to consume all those things which ,god charged them by ,his laws that they should not eat2 and they are resolved to spend the firstfruits of the corn1 and the tenths of the wine and the oil1 which they had sanctified and reserved for the priests that stand before the face of our ,god in ,jerusalem2 the which things it is not fitting for any of the people so much as to touch with their hands40 ,reference is also made to the sacrificial system and the gifts of the people in xvi4 #ah1 but in the poem in xvi4 #b-ag the right spirit in offering is the really important matter3 ,for all sacrifice is very little for a sweet savour1 ,and all the fat is very little for a whole burnt-offering to ,thee2 ,but he that feareth the ,lord is great continually4 ,the teaching concerning the ,law in this book is thus strongly ,pharisaic4 ,in #a ,maccabees there is reflected the earnest zeal for the ,law on the part of the patriots2 this has been referred to with quotations above 7,chap4 ,,ii71 so that it is not necessary to say anything further here4 ,much stress is laid upon legal observances in #b ,maccabees2 in i4 #h1 #i it is told how in ,jerusalem the ,jews offered sacrifice and meal-offering1 lighted the lamps1 and set forth the shewbread2 and it is enjoined that the feast of ,tabernacles be kept in the month ,chislev4 ,as in #a ,maccabees apostate ,jews are severely rebuked for following those who were unfaithful to the ,law 7iv4 #aa-ag71 the passage concludes with the words3 8,it is no light matter to act impiously against the laws of ,god2 time will show that40 ,another passage which illustrates the intense zeal for the ,law is in chapter vii41 where the story is told of the martyrdom of seven sons and their mother who 8died for ,his laws0 7vii4 #i74 ,the whole attitude towards the ,law is that of the ,pharisaic school of about the first century ,b4,c4 onwards2 this also applies to #a 7#c7 ,esdras4 ,in the document1 ,baruch iii4 #i-;iv4 #d1 where the ,law and ,wisdom are identified1 exiled ,israel is told that the reason of his punishment is the forsaking of ,god's ways1 the commandments of life1 i4e4 the ,law3 ,hear1 ,o ,israel1 the commandments of life2 ,give ear to understand ,wisdom4 ,how happeneth it1 ,o ,israel1 that thou art in thine enemies' land1 ,that thou art waxen old in a strange country4448 ,thou hast forsaken the fountain of ,wisdom4 ,for if thou hadst walked in the way of ,god1 ,thou shouldst have dwelled in peace for ever4 ,learn where is ,wisdom1 where is strength1 ,where is understanding2 that thou mayest also know ,where is length of days1 and life1 ,where is the light of the eyes1 and peace4 ,that the ,law is meant by ,wisdom1 strength1 and understanding is clear from the words at the end of the piece1 iv4 #a ff43 ,this is the book of the commandments of ,god1 ,and the ,law that endureth for ever2 ,all they that hold it fast are appointed to life1 ,but such as leave it shall die4444 ,the lasting endurance of the ,law which is also taught here frequently finds expression in the ,rabbinical literature4 ,that the ,law is for ,israel alone seems to be implied in the words3 ,turn thee1 ,o ,jacob1 and take hold of it1 ,walk towards her shining in the presence of the light thereof2 ,give not thy glory to another1 ,nor the things that are profitable unto thee to a strange nation4 ,o ,israel1 happy are we1 ,for the things that are pleasing to ,god are made known unto us 7iv4 #c1 #d74 ,of the different portions which make up #b 7#d7 ,esdras the most important in the present connection is the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse0 which forms the bulk of the book 7iii4--x474 ,a good instance of this writer's attitude towards the ,law together with a prophecy of the doom upon ,israel for having rejected it by sinning is ix4 #ca-cg2 first these words are put into the mouth of ,god3 8,for behold1 ,i sow my ,law in you1 and it shall bring forth fruit in you1 and ye shall be glorified in it for ever02 then the writer continues3 8,but our fathers who received the ,law observed it not1 and the statutes they did not keep1 and yet the fruit of the ,law did not perish1 nor could it1 because it was ,thine2 but they who received it perished1 because they kept not that which had been sown in them4444 ,we who have received the ,law1 and sinned1 must perish1 together with our heart1 which hath taken it in2 the ,law1 however1 perisheth not1 but abideth in its glory40 ,in accordance with later ,rabbinical teaching it is said in this book that the ,law had originally been given to other nations1 by whom it was rejected1 while ,israel alone accepted it3 8,and ,thy glory went through the four gates of fire1 earthquake1 wind and cold1 to give the ,law to ,jacob's seed1 and the commandment to the generation of ,israel0 7iii4 #ai72 on the other hand1 in vii4 #gb it is said3 8,therefore shall the sojourners in the earth suffer torture1 because1 having understanding1 they yet wrought iniquity1 and receiving precepts1 they yet kept them not1 and having obtained the ,law they set at nought that which they received40 ,both ,israel and the ,gentiles thus received1 or had the chance of receiving1 the ,law1 and both by sinning perished in spite of the ,law2 the inadequacy of the ,law as a redemptive power here shown forth is very striking2 the reason why the ,law was ineffective was1 according to iv4 #cj1 because of 8the grain of evil seed which was sown in the heart of ,adam from the beginning40 ,we shall have to return to this when dealing with the doctrine of ,sin 7see next section74 ,in the other portions of this book1 so far as our present subject is concerned1 the main stress is laid on veneration for the ,law4 ,we turn now to the ,book of ,wisdom1 representing the ,judaism of the ,dispersion1 and here1 as one would expect1 there is very little on this subject to be noted4 ,in ii4 #ab words are put into the mouth of the ungodly which show that the writer1 at any rate1 recognizes the ,law and its obligations3 ,but let us lie in wait for the righteous1 for he is of disservice to us1 ,and is opposed to our doings1 ,and upbraideth us with sins against the ,law1 ,and layeth to our charge sins against our discipline4 ,in vi4 #d rulers are denounced for not keeping the ,law3 ,because being officers of his kingdom ye did not judge aright1 ,neither kept ye the ,law1 nor walked after the counsel of ,god4 ,as the reference here is to foreign rulers there is an advance in doctrine to be noted1 for the ,law is held to be obligatory on others as well as on the ,jews1 and ,gentile rulers are regarded as having received their authority from ,god4 7c7 ,the ,doctrine of ,sin4 ,the prevalence of ,sin is often spoken of in ,ecclesiasticus2 ,ben-,sira realizes its existence personally when he says in xxii4 #bg3 ,o that one would set a watch over my mouth1 ,and a seal of shrewdness over my lips4444 ,and again in xxiii4 #c ff43 ,that mine ignorances be not multiplied1 ,and that my sins abound not4444 ,its universal prevalence is witnessed to by the words in viii4 #e3 ,reproach not a man who repenteth1 ,remember that we are all guilty4 ,punishment for every sin1 ,ben-,sira says1 will assuredly overtake sinners3 ,do not wickedly continue in sin1 ,for in respect of one sin thou art not without guilt2 i4e4 every single sin carries guilt with it1 the implication being that it will therefore not go unpunished4 ,of great interest and importance is the teaching in this book on the origin of ,sin2 ,ben-,sira mentions three theories2 one of these he combats1 namely that the existence of ,sin is due to ,god2 this is the belief1 apparently1 of certain freethinkers against whom the following words are spoken3 ,say not1 8,from ,god is my transgression10 ,for that which ,he hateth made ,he not4 ,say not1 8,it is ,he that made me to stumble10 ,for there is no need of evil men4 ,evil and abomination doth the ,lord hate1 ,and ,he doth not let it come nigh them that fear ,him 7xv4 #aa-ac74 ,but since ,ben-,sira believed that ,god was the ,creator of everything that exists1 he sometimes comes perilously near to uttering the very untruth which he here combats4 ,he says1 for example1 in xxxvii4 #c3 ,o base nature6 ,why then wast thou created ,to fill the world's face with deceit8 ,the words 8base nature0 are the rendering of the ,hebrew which is literally1 8evil ,yetzer02 the 8,yetzer0 is the bias or natural inclination which is implanted in every man2 there is1 therefore1 in the words quoted1 an implication that this 8evil ,yetzer0 was created by ,god4 ,the same must be said of another passage1 xxxiii4 7xxxvi4 in the ,greek7 #ac-ae3 ,as the clay is in the power of the potter1 ,to fashion it according to his good pleasure2 ,so is man in the power of his ,creator1 ,to make him according to ,his ordinance4 ,over against evil stands good1 and against death life2 ,likewise over against the godly stands the sinner4 ,even thus look upon all the works of ,god1 ,each different1 one the opposite of the other4 ,in this case1 indeed1 there is something more than an implication1 for the words seem to impute the origin of evil directly to ,god4 ,yet it can hardly be that ,ben-,sira believed this2 for in view of what he says in the first passage quoted he regarded this as altogether wrong4 ,the fact is that as soon as he begins to grapple with this subject he involves himself in difficulties2 he tries another solution of the problem1 but as will be seen1 this is no real solution2 in ,,xxv4 #bd he says3 ,from a woman did sin originate lit4 8is the beginning of sin01 ,and because of her we all must die4 ,but this only traces the history of ,sin in the human race1 and does not touch upon its creation2 moreover1 it has to be remembered that ,ben-,sira usually regards ,sin as something external to man1 something which comes to him from outside 7though exceptions to this will be referred to presently72 thus in xxi4 #b1 #c1 for example1 it is said3 ,flee from sin as from the face of a serpent2 ,for if thou come nigh it1 it will bite thee4 ,like the teeth of a lion are the teeth thereof1 ,it slayeth the souls of men4 ,like a two-edged sword is all iniquity1 ,from the stroke thereof is no healing4 ,if ,sin is external to man1 as is so often said and implied in this book1 it must have existed somewhere before it was appropriated by ,eve1 and thus originated in the human race4#cbi ,nevertheless1 in connection with what appears to be a third theory1 it is possible that ,ben-,sira believed ,sin to be not external to man4 ,for this third theory we must consider first xxi4 #bg1 #bh3 ,when the fool curseth his adversary lit4 8,satan01 ,he curseth his own soul2 ,the whisperer defileth his own soul1 ,and is hated whithersoever he sojourneth4 ,the meaning of this passage is no doubt difficult to determine2 but1 to begin with1 it seems clear that by the words1 8,the whisperer defileth his own soul10 ,ben-,sira meant to express the truth that the evil in man is of his own making2 it is also evident that the words are intended to be an illustration of the truth enunciated in the preceding couplet4 ,whatever is meant by 8adversary0--whether 8,satan0 in the sense of the ,devil1 or an adversary in a more general signification--the words which follow 78,he curseth his own soul07 show that what ,ben-,sira intends to teach is that the 8adversary0 is synonymous with the ungodly man's own self2 i4e4 he1 and he alone1 is responsible for his sins4 ,so that the gist of the passage would seem to be that man is his own 8,satan02 in other words1 that the origin of ,sin is to be sought in man since the initiative lies with him4 ,another passage which may be quoted in this connection is xvii4 #ca3 ,what is brighter than the sun8 ,yet this faileth2 ,and how much more man who hath the inclination of flesh and blood6 ,the text here is uncertain2 the ,hebrew is not extant and the ,versions differ1 so that one cannot be sure about its meaning4 ,dr4 ,tennant paraphrases the ,greek thus3 8,even the sun darkens itself--the brightest thing in the world2 how much more1 then1 frail man60 ,and1 in commenting on the words1 he says that if ,ben-,sira offers any excuse for man's depravity 8it is that of his natural and essential frailty 444 but that he never attributes it to an external cause40 ,difficult as the verse is1 it is quite possible that what was in ,ben-,sira's mind was that the origin of ,sin was to be found in man1 for it is extremely doubtful whether he differentiated between ,sin as an abstract conception and actual deeds of ,sin committed by individuals4 ,the idea that seems to be adumbrated here as to the origin of ,sin is1 in any case1 true from one point of view1 for it accords with the facts of experience if human free-will is believed in1 and ,ben-,sira does believe in this 7see next section72 for every sin committed originates1 so far as any particular sin is concerned1 in man1 whatever be the origin of the sinful tendency4 ,this can be illustrated by one other quotation3 ,but the sinner is ensnared through his lips1 ,and the fool stumbleth through his mouth 7xxiii4 #h74 ,ben-,sira's teaching concerning the origin of ,sin may1 then1 be summed up thus3 ,he implies1 though he hardly goes so far as to make the definite assertion1 that the origin of ,sin is due to ,god2 yet in one important passage he strongly combats this4 ,he teaches1 further1 that so far as the human race is concerned the origin of ,sin is to be sought in the fall of ,eve1 but he does not attempt to trace its history further back2 this was1 however1 from his point of view unnecessary if1 in accordance with his third theory1 sin originates in the individual2 nevertheless1 he involves himself in a contradiction here in saying that because of ,eve's sin all men must die4 ,in addition to this1 however1 there is a further inconsistency regarding this third theory1 for while teaching that ,sin originates in man1 he sometimes speaks of it as something external to him4 ,these contradictory thoughts bring into clear relief ,ben-,sira's inability to formulate a consistent and logical doctrine as to the origin of ,sin2 and in this he but shows himself the forerunner of the ,rabbis1 from whose writings it can be seen that these later thinkers were involved in precisely the same inconsistencies as soon as they attempted to construct a working theory on the subject4 ,there is one other point connected with this subject to which brief reference must be made1 namely1 the means whereby sins are atoned for2 the importance here lies in the fact that the teaching of this book concerning atonement for sins is the same as that of the later ,rabbinical literature2 it is1 therefore1 a great development upon ,old ,testament teaching4 ,ben-,sira follows the teaching of the ,old ,testament in so far that he believes in the need of the sacrificial system provided that sacrifices are offered in the right spirit2 he says1 for example1 in one place3 ,give a meal-offering with a memorial1 ,and offer a fat sacrifice to the utmost of thy means 7xxxviii4 #aa72 but it depends upon the spirit of him who offers as to whether the sacrifice is acceptable or not3 ,the sacrifice of the unrighteous man is a mocking offering1 ,and unacceptable are the oblations of the godless4 ,the ,most ,high hath no pleasure in the offerings of the ungodly1 ,neither doth ,he forgive sins for a multitude of sacrifices 7xxxiv4 #ah1 #ai1 in the ,greek xxxi4 #ba-bc74 ,that sacrifices atoned for sins is a fundamental ,old ,testament doctrine1 but the other means of atonement which ,ben-,sira mentions show a development2 these are as follows2 7one quotation in support of each must suffice for illustration74 ,concerning ,almsgiving it is said in iii4 #cj3 ,a flaming fire doth water quench1 ,so doth almsgiving atone for sin4 ,that ,fasting is an atonement is implied in the following3 444 ,so a man fasting for his sins ,and doing the same again1-- ,who will listen to his prayer1 ,and what hath he gained by his humiliation8 7xxxiv4 #bf2 in the ,greek xxxi4 #ca74 ,another means of atonement is ,death2 this is seen1 or at any rate adumbrated1 in the words in xviii4 #bb3 ,delay not to pay thy vow in due time1 ,and wait not till death to be justified4 ,this last assumed ever-increasing importance with the growth of the belief in the resurrection2 in ,ecclesiasticus it is perhaps no more than adumbrated1 for where there was as yet no belief in the resurrection nor in punishment for unatoned sins hereafter there was no inducement to formulate a doctrine as to the atoning efficacy of death2 the above-quoted passage is1 however1 worth giving as illustrating a tendency4 ,one other means of atonement must be mentioned because it teaches the truth of mediatorship2 this is in xlv4 #bc3 ,moreover ,phinehas1 the son of ,eleazar1 ,was glorious in might as a third i4e4 after ,moses and ,aaron1 ,in that he was jealous for the ,god of all1 ,and stood in the breach for his people1 ,while his heart prompted him1 ,and he made atonement for the children of ,israel4 ,what little is found in the ,book of ,tobit concerning the doctrine of ,sin is connected with ,demonology1 which will be considered in 7h74 ,there is a reference to the atoning efficacy of almsgiving in iv4 #aj1 #aa3 8444 ,because alms delivereth from death1 and suffereth not to come into darkness4 ,alms is a good offering in the sight of the ,most ,high for all that give it02 and especially xii4 #i1 8,almsgiving doth deliver from death1 and purgeth away all sin40 ,there is nothing that calls for particular mention in the ,book of ,judith2 or in the ,additions to ,daniel1 with the exception of one interesting passage in the ,prayer of ,azariah1 verse #ab1 where it is said3 8,cause not thy mercy to depart from us1 for the sake of ,abraham that is beloved of ,thee1 and for the sake of ,isaac ,thy servant1 and ,israel ,thy holy one02 so1 too1 in the ,prayer of ,manasses1 verse #h1 where it is implied that the patriarchs are sinless3 8,thou1 therefore1 ,o ,lord1 that art the ,god of the righteous1 hast not appointed repentance unto the righteous1 unto ,abraham1 and ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 which have not sinned against ,thee2 but thou hast appointed repentance unto me that am a sinner40 ,this is important1 for the same idea finds expression in the later ,rabbinical literature1 and closely connected with it is the doctrine of the merits of the fathers1 i4e4 that the good deeds of the patriarchs and other great personalities in the history of ,israel serve as an atonement for their descendants4 ,there is probably no book in the ,apocrypha in which such deep realization of sin is expressed as in this short one2 this is shown in verses #h-ac3 ,for the sins ,i have sinned are more in number than the sands of the sea1 ,for my transgressions were multiplied1 ,o ,lord2 ,my transgressions were multiplied1 ,and ,i am not worthy to behold and see the height of heaven by reason of the multitude of mine iniquities4444 ,the next book that calls for notice is #b ,maccabees1 on account of its strangely particularistic doctrine of retribution for sin2 in vi4 #ab-af it is said3 8,now ,i beseech the readers of this book not to be discouraged by such calamities1#ccj but to reflect that our people were being punished by way of chastening1 and not for their destruction4 ,for indeed it is a mark of great kindness when the impious are not let alone for a long time1 but punished at once4 ,in the case of other nations1 the ,sovereign ,lord in ,his forbearance refrains from punishing them till they have filled up their sins to the full1 but in our case ,he has determined otherwise1 that ,his vengeance may not fall on us in after-days when our sins have reached their height44440 ,the teaching of this subject in #a 7#c7 ,esdras and ,baruch is that of the ,old ,testament2 but it is worth mentioning that the doctrine of the merits of the fathers referred to above is expressly repudiated in ,baruch ii4 #ai3 8,for we do not present our supplication before ,thee1 ,o ,lord our ,god1 for the righteousness of our fathers1 and of our kings02 evidently this doctrine must have been held by some1 since it receives such a pointed repudiation4 ,the doctrine of ,sin in #b 7#d7 ,esdras is important as it is very fully dealt with2 this will require a little more detailed notice1 but we can restrict ourselves to the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse0 portion of the book 7iii4-x471 as the other parts do not offer anything of importance so far as this subject is concerned4 ,the origin of ,sin is traced to ,adam1 as the following passage 7iii4 #bj-bb1 #be1 #bf7 will show3 8,and yet ,thou didst not take away from them the evil heart1 that ,thy ,law might bring forth fruit in them4 ,for the first ,adam1 clothing himself with the evil heart1 transgressed1 and was overcome2 and likewise also all who were born of him4 ,thus the infirmity became inveterate2 the ,law indeed was in the heart of the people1 but together with the evil germ2 so what was good departed1 and the evil remained4444 ,and1 after this had been done many years1 the inhabitants of the city committed sin1 in all things doing as ,adam and all his generations had done2 for they also had clothed themselves with the evil heart40 ,this teaching occurs more than once2 in iv4 #cj it is said3 8,for a grain of evil seed was sown in the heart of ,adam from the beginning1 and how much fruit of ungodliness hath it produced unto this time1 and will yet produce until the threshing-floor come60 ,and1 once more1 in vii4 #aah3 8,o thou ,adam1 what hast thou done6 ,for though it was thou who sinned1 the fall was not thine alone1 but ours also who are thy descendants60 ,adam's fall and sin in man are thus directly connected1 but how this connection came about the writer nowhere says4 ,from the passage quoted above1 however1 it will be seen that the writer of this book recognizes each man's individual responsibility for his own sins 78they also had clothed themselves with the evil heart074 8,it is noteworthy10 says ,box1#cca 8that the form of the apocalyptist's conception is specifically ,rabbinic4 ,he bases his conclusions on the ,yetzer ha-ra#8 i4e4 the 8evil tendency02 there is no suggestion that the introduction of evil into the world was due to external agents or forces4 ,the older mythological view 7found in ,genesis and in the older apocalyptic literature7 that the fall of man was brought about by demonic incitement is tacitly discarded4 ,the corruption of the human race is regarded as due to a development of something inherent in man's nature 7the ,yetzer ha-ra#874 ,though this doctrine is sometimes combined1 in the ,rabbinical literature1 with the popular view of ,satan 7,satan works his evil purpose by the instrumentality of the ,yetzer ha-ra#871 it probably really represents a theological refinement which was intended to supersede the older crude popular ideas about demonic agency4444 ,where our apocalyptist differs1 and differs fundamentally1 from the orthodox doctrine of ,judaism1 expressed in the ,rabbinical literature1 is in the emphasis he lays on the ravages of the evil ,yetzer upon human nature generally4 ,the enfeeblement of man's nature is such that practically no one has been able successfully to withstand the ,yetzer2 the whole race has fallen into corruption4 ,the ,rabbis insisted1 on the other hand1 that human nature is not1 by any means1 in such a hopeless condition4 ,man can1 by moral effort and assisted by the grace of ,god1 successfully resist the suggestions of the evil impulse40 ,in this book1 therefore1 it is taught that ,sin is universal among men3 8,for in truth there is none of the earth-born that has not dealt wickedly1 and among those that exist that has not sinned0 7viii4 #ce72 and therefore the writer's sense of sin is very pronounced3 8,for the evil heart has grown up in us1 which has estranged us from ,god1 and brought us into destruction2 and has made known unto us the ways of death1 and showed us the paths of perdition1 and removed us far from life2 and that not a few only1 but well-nigh all that have been created60 ,turning now to the ,book of ,wisdom1 we may note first that the writer believed in an original state of good3 ,court not death in the error of your life2 ,neither draw upon yourselves destruction by the works of your hands2 ,because ,god made not death1 ,neither delighteth ,he when the living perish4 ,for ,he created all things that they might have being1 ,and the products of the world are healthsome1 ,and there is no poison of destruction in them 444 7i4 #ab ff474 ,still more explicit are the words in viii4 #ai1 #bj3 ,now ,i was a child good by nature1 and a good soul fell to my lot2 ,nay rather1 being good1 ,i came into a body undefiled4 ,without going into the question here of the writer's belief whether1 and in what manner1 the soul pre-existed1 it is clear enough that he did not believe in the innate sinfulness of human nature4 ,in the second part of the book1 however1 a somewhat different attitude is taken1 for in xii4 #aj1 #aa1 when speaking about the ,canaanites1 he says3 ,but judging them by little and little ,thou gavest them a place of repentance1 ,though ,thou knewest their nature was evil1 and their wickedness inborn1 ,and that their manner of thought would in no wise ever be changed2 ,for they were a seed accursed from the beginning2 ,neither was it through fear of any that ,thou didst pass over their sins4 ,the view here held is quite contrary to that found in the two former quotations which suggest a different authorship for the two parts of the book4 ,this is also borne out by what is said regarding death1 as the result of ,adam's sin presumably2 for in ii4 #bc1 #bd it is said3 ,because ,god created man for incorruption1 ,and made him an image of ,his own proper being4 ,but by the envy of the devil death entered into the world1 ,and they that belong to his realm experience it4 ,death1 which is the result of ,sin1 was thus not originally intended to come upon the human race4 ,but in the second part of the book there is no hint of this4 ,the first part of the ,book of ,wisdom is1 therefore1 quite unique among the books of the ,apocrypha on this subject2 the second part offers nothing that is new4 7d7 ,the ,doctrine of ,grace and ,free-will4 ,a true balance is kept in ,ecclesiasticus between ,grace and ,free-will2 many passages could be cited to show this1 but the few following will suffice4 ,in speaking of the ideal scribe1 ,ben-,sira says 7xxxix4 #f73 ,if it seem good to ,god ,most ,high1 ,he i4e4 the scribe shall be filled with the spirit of understanding2 ,he himself poureth forth wise sayings in double measure1 ,and giveth thanks unto the ,lord in prayer4 ,again1 in i4 #ad it is said3 ,to fear the ,lord is the beginning i4e4 the essence of ,wisdom1 ,and with the faithful she was created in the womb4 ,equally definite is ,ben-,sira's teaching on ,free-will2 he says1 e4g4 in xv4 #ae-ag3 ,if thou so desirest thou canst keep the commandment1 ,and it is wisdom to do ,his good pleasure4 ,poured out before thee are fire and water1 ,stretch forth thine hand unto that which thou desirest4 ,life and death are before man1 ,that which he desireth shall be given to him4 ,both truths are combined in the words3 ,if thou desire ,wisdom keep the commandments1 ,and the ,lord will give her freely unto thee4 ,the important point about ,ben-,sira's teaching here is the way in which he combines the two apparently opposing truths2 he shows that they are not mutually contradictory1 but complementary4 ,he thus continues the teaching of the ,old ,testament concerning the omnipotence of ,god and the responsibility of man4 ,in the ,book of ,tobit similar teaching is found2 for example in iv4 #e ,tobit says to his son ,tobias3 8,my child1 be mindful of the ,lord all thy days1 and let not thy will be set to transgress ,his commandments2 do acts of righteousness all the days of thy life1 and walk not in the ways of unrighteousness40 ,but that divine grace is needed for this is taught in iv4 #ai3 8,bless the ,lord thy ,god at all times1 and ask of ,him that thy ways may be made straight1 and that all thy paths and counsels may prosper40 ,in the rest of the books belonging to this century nothing calls for particular note under this heading2 but in the secondary text of ,ecclesiasticus the same balance of doctrine is found as in the original book2 thus1 dependence on ,god and the reception of the gift of love from ,him are expressed in the addition to xvii4 #ag3 ,whom i4e4 ,israel ,he brought up as ,his first-born ,with severity1 yet loving them1 ,imparting to them the light of love2 ,and ,he forsook them not4 ,man has1 however1 his part to play1 for in the addition to xx4 #ca it is said3 ,better is persistent endurance in seeking the ,lord1 ,than a driver of his own life without a master4 ,in #a ,maccabees the doctrinal subject under consideration is closely connected with the doctrine of ,god as presented in this book4 ,we have seen above that direct divine intervention in the nation's affairs is not nearly as prominently expressed here as in the books of the ,old ,testament2 and it has also been already remarked that ,god is never mentioned by name in the whole book4 ,the writer is certainly not wanting in earnest belief and faith in ,god2 his conviction of the existence of an all-seeing ,providence is clear from many passages2 but he also has a strong belief in the truth expressed by the modern proverb that 8,god helps those who help themselves40 ,this attitude was largely due to the influence of certain tendencies which were beginning to assert themselves4 ,these centred round the doctrine of ,god4 ,just as there was a disinclination1 on account of its transcendent holiness1 to utter the name of ,god1 and instead to substitute paraphrases for it1 so there arose also a disinclination to ascribe action among men directly to ,god on account of ,his inexpressible majesty4 ,one result of this was the further tendency to emphasize and extend the scope of human free-will4 ,we find1 therefore1 in this book that much more emphasis is laid on free-will than on divine grace4 ,in the ,additions to ,esther it is just the other way about2 for here human free-will is scarcely taken into account1 while the divine activity among men is throughout insisted upon4 ,but in both this book and #a ,maccabees there can be no doubt that the one-sided emphasis on divine grace and human free-will respectively was prompted by the particular subject-matter of either book4 ,in the case of #b ,maccabees1 though written with a definitely religious object1 there is very little to note under the present heading2 the frequent stress laid1 however1 on the fact that the ,jews are ,god's chosen people1 and therefore under ,his special protection and guidance1 is a point to be borne in mind4 ,the next book to be considered is #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 and here again it is only the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse0 that claims attention4 8,the writer's intense sense of sinfulness1 and his conviction of man's inability to acquire justification by the works of the ,law1 impel him to throw himself wholly upon the divine compassion2 he despairs of a life of absolute obedience to the ,law1 even by ,israel1 not to speak of the world4 ,the unconscious and unexpressed cry of the book is for a moral dynamic1 which legalism could not supply40#ccb ,this deeply religious writer must1 therefore1 perforce have looked to divine grace where human will-power was helpless4 ,as we should expect1 in the ,book of ,wisdom the main stress is laid on free-will1 though the other side of the truth is not lost sight of4 ,the former is plainly taught in i4 #ab-af3 ,court not death in the error of your life1 ,neither draw upon yourselves destruction by the works of your hands4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but the ungodly by their hands and words called him i4e4 ,hades unto them2 ,deeming him a friend they were consumed with love of him1 ,and they made a covenant with him1 ,because they are worthy to be of his portion4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the opening words of the book bring out in a very clear manner the indispensable need of divine grace for the right exercise of the will3 ,love righteousness1 ye that be judges of the earth1 ,think ye of the ,lord with a good mind1 ,and in singleness of heart seek ye ,him2 ,for ,he is found of them that tempt ,him not1 ,and is manifested unto them that do not mistrust ,him4444 ,for the holy spirit of discipline will flee deceit1 ,and will start away from thoughts that are without understanding1 ,and will be scared away when the unrighteous approacheth 7i4 #a-e74 7e7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,messiah4 ,the didactic character of ,ecclesiasticus is sufficient to account for the extreme meagreness of references to the ,messiah4 ,in the few cases in which the subject is referred to it is the seed of ,david to which the ,messiah belongs1 viz43 ,he will not cut off the posterity of ,his chosen ones1 ,nor will ,he destroy the offspring of them that love ,him2 ,and ,he will give to ,jacob a remnant1 ,and to the house of ,david a root from him 7xlvii4 #bb74 ,and in the eighth verse of the ,hymn of ,praise which 7in the ,hebrew only7 is inserted after li4 #ab1 occur these words3 ,give thanks unto ,him that maketh a horn to sprout for the house of ,david1 ,for ,his mercy endureth for ever4 ,ben-,sira1 therefore1 believes in a ,messiah who is purely human1 according to the usual ,jewish doctrine1 and who belongs to the house of ,david2 but his belief is otherwise vague4 ,apart from the nature of the book itself1 it must be remembered that the conceptions of a ,messiah were largely conditioned by the historical circumstances of any given period2 during the time of ,ben-,sira these were not of a nature to call forth ,messianic hopes1 and therefore the teaching regarding the ,messiah was indefinite1 and receded into the background4 ,in the ,book of ,tobit the ,messiah is never mentioned1 but the renovated ,jerusalem which the writer speaks of1 and the gathering in of the dispersed ,israelites as well as of the ,gentiles1 gives a picture of what corresponds to the ,messianic ,kingdom3 ,o ,jerusalem1 thou holy city6 ,he will chastise thee for the works of thy hands1 ,and will again have mercy on the sons of the righteous4 ,give thanks to the ,lord with goodness1 and bless the everlasting ,king1 ,that thy tabernacle may be builded in thee again with joy1 ,and that ,he may make glad in thee all that are captives1 ,and love in thee all that are miserable and all the generations of eternity4 ,a bright light shall shine unto all the ends of the earth2 ,many nations shall come from afar1 ,and the inhabitants of the utmost ends of the earth unto ,thy holy name 444 7xiii4 #g-ah2 see also xiv4 #d-f74 ,no other books of the ,apocrypha offer any teaching on this subject until we come to #a ,maccabees1 where there is conceivably in the mind of the writer the thought of the ,messiah in iv4 #df1 8444 so they pulled down the altar1 and laid down the stones in the mountain of the ,house1 in a convenient place1 until a prophet should come and decide as to what should be done concerning them40 ,the reference here is probably to ,deuteronomy xviii4 #ah1 which is not a ,messianic passage1 though it may have been so interpreted in later times4 ,a somewhat more definite reference to the ,messiah is perhaps to be seen in xiv4 #da3 8,and the ,jews and the priests were well pleased that ,simon should be their leader and high-priest for ever1 until a faithful prophet should arise40 ,the words 8for ever0 mean that the high-priesthood should continue hereditary in the house of the ,hasmonans1 so that if by 8a faithful prophet0 the ,messiah is meant1 the writer would imply that the ,messiah would be of ,hasmonan lineage4 ,in #b ,maccabees there is no reference to the ,messiah1 though there is to the ,messianic ,kingdom1 for the gathering together of the scattered ,israelites in ,jerusalem is an undoubted ,messianic trait3 8,gather together our dispersion1 set at liberty them that are in bondage among the heathen4444 ,plant ,thy people in ,thy holy place0 7i4 #bg72 and again in ii4 #ah3 8,in ,god have we hope1 that ,he will speedily have mercy upon us1 and gather us together from under the wide heaven to the holy place40#ccc ,in ,baruch the ,messianic ,kingdom1 though not the ,messiah1 is spoken of in iv4 and v41 where the destruction of ,israel's enemies is referred to3 444 ,but shortly thou shalt see his i4e4 the enemy's destruction1 ,and shalt tread upon their necks 7iv4 #be1 cf4 verses #ca ff474 ,the ingathering of ,israel is also described3 444 ,o ,jerusalem1 look about thee toward the east1 ,and behold the joy that cometh unto thee from ,god1 ,lo1 thy sons come1 whom thou sentest away1 ,they come gathered together from the east to the west1 ,rejoicing in the glory of ,god 444 7iv4 #cf-v4 #i74 ,the only other book which has teaching on this subject is the important apocalypse #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 and here1 as one would expect1 the teaching is full4 ,the first point to notice is that as this book is of composite authorship the conceptions of the ,messiah differ2 thus1 in the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse0 7iii4-x47 the ,messiah is regarded as purely human3 8,for my son the ,messiah shall be revealed1 together with those who are with him1 and shall rejoice the survivors four hundred years4 ,and it shall be1 after these years1 that my son the ,messiah shall die1 and all in whom there is human breath0 7vii4 #bh1 #bi74 ,on the other hand1 in the 8,eagle ,vision0 7xi4-xii4 #ci7 the pre-existence of the ,messiah is taught1 though he is to spring from the seed of ,david3 8,this is the ,messiah1 whom the ,most ,high hath kept unto the end of the days1 who shall spring from the seed of ,david 4440 7xii4 #cb74 ,the same is taught in the 8,vision of the ,man from the ,sea0 7xiii473 8,whereas thou didst see a ,man coming up from the heart of the sea--this is he whom the ,most ,high is keeping many ages 4440 7xiii4 #be1 #bf74 ,in this vision the ,messiah is of a supernatural character4 ,this truth of the ,messiah's pre-existence is likewise implied in the 8,ezra ,legend0 7xiv473 8,for thou shalt be taken up from among men1 and henceforth thou shalt remain with my son1 and with such as are like thee1 till the times be ended0 7xiv4 #i74 ,only in the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse0 are the signs which are to precede the ,messianic ,kingdom 7i4e4 the 8,messianic ,woes07 mentioned1 but they are given in considerable detail3 8,concerning the signs1 however--,behold the days come when the inhabitants of the earth shall be seized with great panic1 and the way of truth shall be hidden1 and the land of faith be barren4 ,and iniquity shall be increased above that which thou thyself now seest or that thou hast heard of long ago4 ,and the land that thou seest now to bear rule shall be a pathless waste2 and men shall see it forsaken2 if the ,most ,high grant thee to live1 thou shalt see it after the third period in confusion4 ,then shall the sun suddenly shine forth by night1 and the moon by day2 and blood shall trickle from the wood1 and the stone utter its voice4 ,the peoples shall be in commotion1 the outgoings of the stars shall change4 ,and one whom the dwellers upon earth do not look for shall wield sovereignty1 and the birds shall take to general flight1 and the sea shall cast forth its fish4 ,and one whom the many do not know shall make his voice heard by night2 and all shall hear his voice4 ,and the earth o'er wide regions shall open1 and the fire burst forth for a long period4 ,the wild beasts shall desert their haunts1 and women bear monsters4 ,salt waters shall be found in the sweet4 ,friends shall attack one another suddenly4 ,then shall intelligence hide itself1 and ,wisdom withdraw to its chamber--by many shall be sought and not found4 ,and unrighteousness and incontinency shall be multiplied upon the earth4 ,one land shall also ask another and say3 ,is righteousness--that doeth the right--passed through thee8 ,and it shall answer3 ,no4 ,and it shall be that in that time men shall hope and not obtain1 shall labour and not prosper0 7v4 #a-ab74 ,regarding the ,messianic ,kingdom itself it is to be of limited duration1 and1 according to the 8,eagle ,vision0 ,gentiles as well as ,jews are to enjoy it3 8,and so the whole earth1 freed from thy violence1 shall be refreshed again1 and hope for the judgement and mercy of ,him that made her0 7xi4 #df74ccd ,in the 8,vision of the ,man from the ,sea0 the ,gentiles are wholly destroyed by the ,messiah1 and his kingdom is only for his own people 7xiii4 #h-ac74 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom there is no doctrine of the ,messiah1 nor is there1 in the ,jewish ,palestinian sense1 a belief in a ,messianic ,kingdom2 what we do find1 however1 is that ,jewish traditional eschatological conceptions are utilized by the author1 and that a glorious future is believed to be reserved for the ,jews2 there are two passages in which this future is portrayed1 viz4 iii4 #h3cce ,they i4e4 the righteous shall judge nations1 and have dominion over peoples2 ,and the ,lord shall reign over them for evermore4 ,the thought that is apparently in the writer's mind here is that of such passages as ,isaiah ii4 #d;a3 8,and ,he shall judge among the nations1 and shall decide concerning many peoples10 and ,isaiah xlix4 #bc3 8,and kings shall be thy nursing-fathers and queens thy nursing-mothers2 they shall bow down to thee with their faces to the earth 44402 these1 it is true1 refer to an earthly theocracy1 whereas the author of ,wisdom is speaking of the hereafter1 but the adaptation of ,scriptural passages is a very natural procedure2 he does not define closely the nature of the eternal kingdom which will be set up hereafter1 any more than the prophet does in regard to his ideal earthly kingdom4 ,the other passage is v4 #ae-bc3 ,but the righteous live for ever1 ,and the ,lord is their reward1 ,and the care for them with the ,most ,high4 ,therefore shall they receive a glorious kingdom1 ,and a diadem of beauty from the ,lord's hand2 ,because with ,his right hand will ,he cover them1 ,and with ,his arm will ,he shield them4 ,so far this passage1 like the other one1 is based upon ,old ,testament ,messianic passages such as ,isaiah xl4 #aj1 iv4 #e1 #f1 xxviii4 #e1 #f1 lix4 #af1 #ag1 and others#ccf2 but in verses #ag-bc;ab1 where the ,most ,high goes out ,himself as a warrior1 a different element enters in4 ,it is true1 that here1 too1 the ,old ,testament conception of ,jehovah as a mighty man of war lies at the back of the passage1 but there are also other eschatological1 or rather apocalyptic1 traits which appear4 ,these elements have been utilized by the author of ,wisdom1 who has sought to spiritualize them3 ,he shall take ,his jealousy as complete armour1 ,and shall make the whole creation ,his weapons for vengeance on ,his enemies2 ,he shall put on righteousness as a breastplate1 ,and shall take judgement unfeigned as a helmet2 ,he shall take holiness as an invincible shield1 ,and shall sharpen stern wrath for a sword2 ,and the world shall go forth with ,him to fight against ,his insensate foes4 ,shafts of lightning shall fly with true aim1 ,and from the clouds1 as from a well-drawn bow1 shall they leap to the mark4 ,and as from an engine of war shall be hurled hailstones full of wrath2 ,the water of the sea shall rage against them1 ,and rivers shall sternly overwhelm them2 ,a mighty blast shall encounter them1 ,and as a tempest shall it winnow them away4 ,so shall lawlessness make all the land desolate1 ,and their evil-doing shall overturn the thrones of princes4 ,these two last lines are strikingly out of harmony with what has preceded1 since they deal with this world2 such a sudden change of subject is unnatural1 the lines cannot originally have stood here4 ,there is1 thus1 no doctrine of a ,messiah or a ,messianic ,kingdom in the ordinary ,jewish sense2 the kingdom which is described has ,god as its ruler1 it is an eternal kingdom which only the righteous shall possess2 the writer does not make clear whether it is to be set up on this earth1 or whether it is to be a spiritual kingdom hereafter4 ,from the way in which he spiritualizes it is presumably to be a kingdom in the world to come2 against this it cannot be urged that there are materialistic traits which point to a kingdom to be set up on this earth1 for the writer has clearly borrowed and incorporated traditional eschatological material without intending to utilize more than its outward form4 ,to interpret otherwise would1 in view of the spirit of the rest of this portion of the book1 be to misunderstand the author4 7f7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,future ,life4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus the teaching on this subject is substantially that of the normal ,old ,testament type2 one or two quotations will suffice to illustrate this3 ,for what pleasure hath ,god in all that perish in ,hades1 ,in place of those who live and give ,him praise8 ,thanksgiving perisheth from the dead as from one that is not1 ,but he that liveth and is in health praiseth the ,lord 7xvii4 #bg1 #bh74 ,the corruption of the body is looked upon as the end of man3 ,when a man dieth he inheriteth ,worm and maggot1 lice and creeping things 7x4 #aa72 though the annihilation of the spirit as well as the body is evidently not contemplated in view of such words as these3 ,weep gently for the dead1 for he hath found rest 7xxii4 #aa72 and in xxx4 #ag death is spoken of as an 8eternal rest0 7cp4 xxxviii4 #bc1 xlvi4 #ai74 ,this idea of rest for the soul hereafter is 8very different from that of death being corruption and the end of all things1 which is the more usual one in ,ecclesiasticus1 and one is perhaps justified in seeing the beginnings of development here1 based1 it is true1 on some ,old ,testament passages2 the conception of the dead resting must involve some sort of a belief beyond the bare existence of the shade hereafter40#ccg ,it is of particular interest to note that in one or two cases the ,greek shows signs of some development of conception regarding the future life where in the ,hebrew the normal ,old ,testament position is maintained2 thus in vii4 #ag the ,hebrew has3 ,humble thy pride greatly1 ,for the expectation of man is worms4 ,this is rendered in the ,greek3 ,humble thy soul greatly1 ,for the punishment of the ungodly man is fire and the worm4 ,it is clear that the development which is known to have taken place in the doctrine of the future life during the second century ,b4,c4 is reflected here4 ,very noticeable is the fact that a kind of technical sense has become attached to the word 8worm10 such as we find in ,mark ix4 #dh 78444 where their worm dieth not1 and the fire is not quenched074 ,in xxi4 #i1 #aj it is probable that a similar development exists1 though in this case it cannot be proved as the ,hebrew is unfortunately not extant2 but in view of the example just given it is highly probable that the following reading of the ,greek likewise represents a developed idea3 ,like tow wrapped together is the assembly of the ungodly1 ,and their end is the flame of fire4 ,the way of sinners is made smooth without stones1 ,and at the end thereof is the pit of ,hades4 ,it will be noticed that the parallelism between 8the flame of fire10 and 8the pit of ,hades10 suggests that the latter has developed into ,gehenna4 ,another example is to be found in xlviii4 #aa1 where the reference is to ,elijah2 only one line of the original couplet is decipherable in the ,hebrew1 viz43 ,blessed is he that seeth thee and dieth2 i4e4 the man who before he died saw ,elijah is blessed2 the next line is illegible in the ,hebrew and corrupt in the ,greek2 but the point of importance is that the ,greek adds this further line3 ,and we also shall surely live1 the reference being evidently to the life hereafter1 since ,elijah is the subject of the preceding couplet4 ,one other passage must be mentioned1 not because in itself it points to any development of thought1 but because the ,old ,testament episode 7#a ,kings xvii4 #ag-bd7 to which it refers must sooner or later have suggested the thought of the dead rising2 it is also in reference to ,elijah 7xlviii4 #e73 ,who didst raise up a dead man from death1 ,and from ,sheol1 according to the good pleasure of ,jehovah4 ,the ,hebrew and the ,greek do not differ materially4 ,in the ,book of ,tobit the normal ,old ,testament doctrine is taught2 so1 e4g41 when ,tobit prays3 8,command my spirit to be taken from me1 that ,i may be released from off the earth and become earth0 7iii4 #f72 in the same verse ,sheol is spoken of as 8the everlasting place10 it is a place of 8darkness0 7iv4 #aj71 and 8below the earth0 7xiii4 #b74 ,in the ,book of ,judith there is only one reference to the future life1 but the passage is an important one as it witnesses to a development of thought similar to that found in the ,greek text of ,ecclesiasticus vii4 #ag1 xxi4 #i1 #aj1 where ,hades is a place of punishment2 the passage is xvi4 #ag--;,judith speaks as follows3 ,woe to the nations that rise up against my race2 ,the ,lord ,almighty will take vengeance of them in the day of judgement1 ,to put fire and worms in their flesh2 ,and they shall weep and feel their pain for ever4 ,here it is clear that the body is conceived of as suffering anguish hereafter4 ,something similar to this is adumbrated in the ,prayer of ,manasses1 verse #ab4 ,it says here3 444 ,neither1 in ,thy continual anger against me1 ,lay up evil in store for me2 ,nor pass ,thou sentence against me ,when ,i am in the lowest parts of the earth4 ,in the ,pharisaic recension of ,ecclesiasticus we may also note one or two occurrences of development of doctrine2 thus after xix4 #ag the following words are added3 ,the fear of the ,lord is the beginning of acceptance by ,him1 ,and wisdom will gain love from ,him4 ,the knowledge of the commandments of the ,lord is life-giving instruction2 ,and they who do the things that are pleasing unto ,him shall pluck the fruit of the tree of immortality4 ,again1 reward hereafter for right doing in this life is taught in the addition to xviii4 #bb3 ,for the reward of ,god abideth to eternity4 ,two instances of merely verbal additions point in the same direction2 in xxi4 #aj the second addition in the ordinary ,greek text runs3 ,and at the end thereof is the pit of ,hades2 for 8the pit of ,hades0 the ,old ,latin ,version has3 8the lowest depth and darkness and punishment40#cch ,one other addition1 this time of only a single word1 witnesses to the belief of the soul1 not merely the shade of the departed1 existing in ,sheol2 this is in xlviii4 #e1 a passage already referred to1 where it speaks of ,elijah raising a man from death and from ,sheol2 the secondary ,greek text adds 8his soul0 after 8,sheol40 ,these are1 it is true1 but slight points1 nevertheless they are worth mention as supplementing what has already been said4 ,the next book which contains references to the doctrine of the future life is #b ,maccabees1 and here an immense development will be seen to have taken place4 ,we have to note first that ,hades is a place of punishment for the wicked1 for in vi4 #bf ,eleazar1 in refusing to commit the crime of offering idolatrous sacrifice1 says3 8,even were ,i for the moment to evade the punishment of men1 ,i should not escape the hands of the ,almighty in life or in death40 ,for the righteous ,hades is only a temporary abode since the resurrection is reserved for them2 thus1 the second son of the mother whose seven sons are being martyred for their faith before her face1 when at the last gasp1 says to the king3 8,thou cursed miscreant6 ,thou dost dispatch us from this life1 but the ,king of the world shall raise us up1 who have died for ,his laws1 and revive us to life everlasting0 7vii4 #i72 the same truth is taught in verses #bc1 #bi of the same chapter2 but the resurrection is not only that of the spirit1 but of the body also2 in the account of the martyrdom of the third son it says3 8,and when he was told to put out his tongue1 he did so at once1 stretching forth his hands courageously1 with the noble words1 ,these ,i had from heaven2 for ,his name's sake ,i count them nought2 from ,him ,i hope to get them back again0 7vii4 #aj1 #aa2 see also xiv4 #df74 ,it is taught1 further1 that for the wicked there is no resurrection1 thus the fourth son speaks thus to the king3 8',tis meet for those who perish at men's hands to cherish hope divine that they shall be raised up by ,god again2 but thou--thou shalt have no resurrection to life0 7vii4 #ad1 so too in verse #cf74 ,the belief in the resurrection is further illustrated by the following passage3 8444 ,in this he acted quite rightly and properly1 bearing in mind the resurrection--for if he had not expected the fallen to rise again1 it would have been superfluous and foolish to pray for the dead--and having regard to the splendour of the gracious reward which is reserved for those who have fallen asleep in godliness2 a holy and pious consideration0 7xii4 #dc-de74 ,it will thus be seen that we have in this book a very advanced doctrine of the future life4 ,in the ,book of ,baruch two isolated references to the future life occur1 and here the teaching is the same as ordinarily found in the ,old ,testament3 8444 the dead that are in the grave1 whose breath is taken from their bodies1 will give unto the ,lord neither glory nor righteousness0 7ii4 #ag1 cp4 iii4 #ai74 ,in #b 7#d7 ,esdras there is an extraordinary wealth of material regarding the future life2 this is mostly confined to the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse0 portion and the ,redactor's additions--it is therefore to these that we restrict ourselves4 ,for clearness' sake it will be best to deal with the subject under the three heads3 7#a7 ,the ,resurrection1 7#b7 ,the ,intermediate state1 7#c7 ,the ,judgement2 there are some subsidiary points which will be touched upon incidentally4 7#a7 ,the doctrine of the ,resurrection as taught in the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse0 is not altogether consistent2 it is not quite easy to understand how the writer conceived of the resurrection1 for it can scarcely have been the resurrection of the body which he thought of since this is regarded as altogether corruptible2 thus1 in speaking of the future life of those who have kept the ways of the ,most ,high1 he says that 8they shall be separated from this corruptible vessel0 7vii4 #hh71 and in the world to come 8they rejoice that they have now escaped what is corruptible1 and that they shall inherit that which is to come0 7vii4 #if72 that the body is meant by 8what is corruptible0 is clear from verse #ajj1 where the seer asks3 8,shall time1 therefore1 be given unto the souls after they are separated from the bodies44480 ,later in the book 7ix4 #cf7 it is said again3 8,we who have received the ,law and sinned must perish1 together with our heart1 which has taken it in40 ,added to this is the fact that this writer1 unlike the ,redactor of the book 7see below71 never speaks of the resurrection of the body1 which one would rightly look for had he believed in this2 nor is there any mention of the soul being re-united to the body2 but he looks upon the body as belonging wholly to this corruptible1 material world2 he definitely contrasts the spiritual with the material1 the two are mutually antagonistic3 8,how should it be possible for a mortal in a corruptible world to understand the ways of the ,incorruptible80 7iv4 #aa74 ,whereas in the world to come 8corruption is forgotten0 7viii4 #ec74 ,yet1 in spite of what has been said1 it would seem that the writer must have pictured to himself a body of some kind in the world to come1 for in the ,intermediate state 7to which we shall refer presently7 he must1 apparently1 have believed in the existence of bodies4 ,the conclusion one is led to is this3 the writer believed that the material body became wholly annihilated at death2 but that the soul1 when released from it1 assumed a non-material body in the ,intermediate state1 and that this body did not undergo any further change at the ,judgement2 it was non-material 7it is difficult to know how else to express it2 8spiritual0 does not seem the right word to use in view of what is said about the body in the ,intermediate state7--it was non-material1 and therefore incorruptible1 immortal2 and for this reason no further change could take place in it at the final ,judgement1 for it would then be fit for the new world to be created 7cp4 vii4 #ge74 ,one is1 therefore1 led to assume that the resurrection takes place almost immediately after death1 i4e4 at the end of the seven days of 8freedom10 or 8rest10 which1 according to vii4 #aja1 intervene between the end of this life and the beginning of the ,intermediate state1 and therefore before the ,judgement4 ,as to whether the wicked1 as well as the righteous1 rise one cannot speak with certainty1 the implication seems to be that this is not so1 but no definite pronouncement is made on this point2 cp4 the following words which are put into the mouth of ,god3 8,for1 indeed1 ,i will not concern myself about the creation of those who have sinned1 or their death1 judgement1 or perdition2 but ,i will rejoice rather over the creation of the righteous1 over their pilgrimage also1 and their salvation1 and their recompense0 7viii4 #ch1 #ci74 7#b7 ,regarding the ,intermediate state1 minute details are given1 but the main points are these2 in vii4 #gh-hg the lot of the wicked is thus described3 8,when the decisive decree has gone forth from the ,most ,high that the man should die1 as the soul from the body departs1 that it may return to ,him ,who gave it1 to adore the glory of the ,most ,high first of all2--if it be one of those that have scorned1 and have not kept1 the ways of the ,most ,high1 and have despised ,his ,law1 and that hate those who fear ,god1 such souls shall not enter into habitations1 but shall wander about henceforth in torture1 ever grieving and sad1 in seven ways40 ,these ways are then described4 ,on the other hand the lot of the righteous is as follows3 8,of those1 however1 who have kept the ways of the ,most ,high this is the order1 when they shall be separated from this vessel of mortality4444 ,first of all they shall see with great joy the glory of ,him ,who receives them2 and they shall rest in seven orders 44402 these orders are then described2 of the seventh it is said that it 8exceeds all the aforesaid2 they shall rejoice with boldness1 be confident without confusion1 be glad without fear2 for they are hastening to behold the face of ,him ,whom in life they served1 and from ,whom they are destined to receive their reward in glory4 ,this is the order of the souls of the righteous 4440 7vii4 #hh-ii74 ,as to the duration of this ,intermediate state we are given no details4 7#c7 ,at the close of the ,intermediate state comes the ,judgement2 but here again there is some ambiguity1 for from vii4 #aac1 #aad we learn that 8the ,day of ,judgement shall be the end of this age and the beginning of the eternal age that is to come1 wherein corruption is passed away1 weakness is abolished 44402 but this is inconsistent with the idea that corruption passes away with death 7vii4 #hh71 i4e4 that the ,intermediate state is the beginning of the age to come4 ,does the writer conceive of the new age1 the age of incorruption and eternity1 as beginning immediately after death1 or at the ,judgement8 ,if the former1 then it agrees with what he1 presumably1 believes regarding the resurrection which likewise takes place immediately after death2 but if the latter1 then the ,intermediate state is left out of reckoning4 ,in either case the teaching is inconsistent2 evidently the writer's own mind is not clear on the subject4 ,upon other points there is1 however1 no want of definiteness2 thus1 what the righteous and the wicked have respectively experienced in the ,intermediate state is only a foretaste of what will be enormously increased at the ,judgement1 for the righteous their happiness1 for the wicked their torment4 ,the writer is very strong in insisting that on the ,day of ,judgement no intercession of the righteous will avail on behalf of the wicked4 ,the seer asks 8whether in the ,day of ,judgement the righteous shall be able to intercede for the ungodly1 or to intreat the ,most ,high in their behalf 44402 and the reply is3 8444 so shall none then pray for another on that ,day1 neither shall one lay a burden on another2 for then every one shall bear his own righteousness or unrighteousness 4440 7vii4 #ajb-aae74 ,in the other parts of this book these subjects are only slightly dealt with2 but there is some important teaching in those portions which have probably been added by the ,redactor4#cci ,he believes in a general resurrection 7at any rate he makes no distinction between good and bad7 of the body1 and though he does not specifically mention the ,intermediate state he evidently holds the same belief regarding this as the original writer3 8,the earth shall restore those that sleep in her1 and the dust those that are at rest therein2 and the chambers shall restore the souls that were committed unto them0 7vii4 #cb74 ,here there is thus a clear reference to the re-union of soul and body1 but the time at which this takes place is at the beginning of a new age which will begin seven days after the close of the ,messianic ,age4 ,the ,redactor1 in seeking to combine the eschatology of the individual with that of the nation1 presents the course of the final events in a different way1 thus3 8,for1 behold1 days come--and it shall be when the signs which ,i have foretold unto thee i4e4 the ,messianic ,woes shall come to pass--then shall the city that is now invisible i4e4 the heavenly ,jerusalem appear1 and the land which is now concealed i4e4 the heavenly ,paradise be seen4 ,and whosoever is delivered from the predicted evil1 the same shall see ,my wonders4 ,for ,my ,son1 the ,messiah1 shall be revealed1 together with those who are with ,him1 and shall rejoice the survivors four hundred years4 ,and it shall be1 after these years1 that ,my ,son the ,messiah shall die1 and all in whom there is human breath4 ,then shall the world be turned into the primval silence seven days1 like as in the first beginnings1 so that no man is left4 ,and it shall be after seven days that the ,age which is not yet awake1 shall be roused1 and that which is corruptible shall perish0 7vii4 #bf-ca72 then follows the passage about the resurrection quoted above1 and it continues 7verses #cc ff473 8,and the ,most ,high shall be revealed upon the throne of judgement2 and then cometh the end4444 ,and recompense shall follow1 and the reward be made manifest2 deeds of righteousness shall awake1 and deeds of iniquity shall not sleep4 ,and then shall the pit of torment appear2 and over against it the place of refreshment4 ,the furnace of ,gehenna shall be made manifest1 and over against it the ,paradise of delight4 ,and then the ,most ,high shall say to the nations that have been raised 7from the dead73 ,look now1 and consider ,whom ye have denied1 ,whom ye have not served1 ,whose commandments ye have despised6 ,look1 now1 before you3 here delight and refreshment1 there fire and torments44440 ,here1 then1 we have an eschatological scheme quite different from that of the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse02 the ,messianic ,age is preceded by the signs1 or woes2 then the ,messiah is revealed and ,his kingdom lasts four hundred years2 at the end of this period all flesh1 including the ,messiah1 dies1 and the world is plunged in primval silence for seven days2 then comes the ,resurrection1 a bodily resurrection1 in which all men1 ,gentile and ,jew1 ungodly and godly1 partake2 this is immediately followed by the ,judgement which ushers in the ,new ,age4 ,turning now to the ,book of ,wisdom we note that there is no resurrection of body taught here2 this follows naturally from the writer's doctrine of the inherent evil of matter4 ,the only immortality is that of the soul1 and this is gained through 8kinship unto wisdom03 ,when ,i considered these things in myself1 ,and took thought in my heart how that in kinship unto wisdom is immortality1 ,and in her friendship is good delight4444 ,i went about seeking how to take her unto myself 7viii4 #ag1 #ah72 so that immortality begins on this earth4 ,the ,judgement takes place immediately after death2 the writer describes fully the lot in the future life reserved respectively for the righteous and the ungodly2 in the beautiful and well-known passage 7iii4 #a-i7 the blessedness of the righteous is described in this way3 ,but the souls of the righteous are in the hands of ,god1 ,and no torment shall touch them 444 ,but they are in peace4 ,for though in the sight of men they be punished1 ,their hope is full of immortality 444 7iii4 #a-i74 ,of the ungodly it is said1 on the other hand3 ,but the ungodly shall be requited even as they reasoned1 ,they which lightly regarded the righteous man1 and revolted from the ,lord 444 ,and void is their hope1 and their toils unprofitable1 ,and useless are their works 444 7iii4 #aj ff474 ,and again in chapter v4 the contrast hereafter between the righteous and the unrighteous is told in the following way3 ,but the righteous shall live for ever1 ,and the ,lord is their reward1 ,and the care for them with the ,most ,high4 ,therefore shall they receive a glorious kingdom1 ,and a diadem of beauty from the ,lord's hand 444 7v4 #ae ff472 but the ungodly1 on seeing the blessedness of the righteous1 will be greatly troubled3 ,when they see it they shall be troubled with terrible fear1 ,and shall be amazed at the marvel of ,his salvation 444 ,bitter remorse takes hold of them as they review their former godless life and see that they have now no further hope3 ,because the hope of the ungodly is like chaff carried off by the wind 7see v4 #a-ad74 ,but in regard to the ,judgement the writer of ,wisdom is not consistent1 for in iii4 #h it is said3 ,they i4e4 the righteous shall judge nations1 and have dominion over peoples2 ,and the ,lord shall reign over them for evermore4 ,on the other hand1 in v4 #ag-bc1 there is an entirely different eschatological conception3 ,he i4e4 ,jehovah shall take ,his jealousy as complete armour1 ,and shall make the whole creation ,his weapons of vengeance on ,his enemies 4442 this is all described with great vividness in the verses which follow4 ,it seems as though the author were acquainted with more than one ,jewish eschatological scheme1 and utilized them1 but without realizing that they were inconsistent with each other4 ,see further above1 section 7e71 on the doctrine of the ,messiah4 ,according to this book1 then1 there is no ,intermediate state2 if one can speak of a ,resurrection at all it is only in reference to the soul2 as the soul is immortal both the righteous and the ungodly live hereafter2 the righteous in bliss the ungodly in torment of a purely spiritual kind 7see iv4 #ai1 v4 #b1 xvii4 #ba72 it is not said where the scene of the ,judgement is4 ,the writer1 it will thus be seen1 departs widely from ,palestinian ,jewish belief on this subject1 but he is not ignorant of it2 though a ,jew1 his ,hellenistic caste of mind makes it impossible for him to accept the ,jewish position4 7g7 ,the ,doctrine of ,angels4 ,the nature of the contents of ,ecclesiasticus is such that one does not look for much reference to angels2 nevertheless1 in two passages there is a distinct mention of them1 viz4 xlii4 #af 7#ag73 ,god's holy ones have not the power ,to recount ,his wondrous works of might2 ,though ,god hath given strength to ,his hosts ,to endure in the presence of ,his glory 7so the ,hebrew74 ,the meaning of the passage is that even the 8holy ones0 7i4e4 angels1 as in ,deut4 xxxiii4 #a4 but see ,driver's ,deuteronomy1 p4 #cib1 ,job v4 #a1 ,ps4 lxxxix4 #g1 and often in the apocalyptic books7 are unable to recount ,god's marvellous works though1 by means of special strength given to them1 they stand in ,his very presence4 ,the other passage is xliii4 #bf3 ,through ,him ,his angel prospereth1 ,and at ,his word what ,he wills is done4 ,the ,hebrew text here is a little uncertain1 but that a reference to angels is intended is probable because the whole passage of which this is the concluding verse is based upon ,psalm civ4 #a ff41 verse #d of which runs3 8,who maketh ,his angels of the winds1 ,his ministers of the flaming fire40 ,in the ,book of ,tobit the angel ,raphael#cdj plays an important part2 in xii4 #ae he says of himself3 8,i am ,raphael1 one of the seven holy angels1 which present the prayers of the saints1 and go in before the glory of the ,holy ,one0 7cp4 also verse #ab74 ,this angel is sent from ,god1 according to iii4 #g1 to heal ,tobit's blindness1 and to bring about the marriage between ,tobit's son ,tobias and ,sarah1 the daughter of ,raguel1 by binding ,asmodeus the evil spirit 7cp4 vi4 #aj-ag74 ,he accompanies ,tobias on his journey to ,media1 and thus appears as a guardian angel4 ,the angelic host is referred to in viii4 #ae3 8,blessed art ,thou1 ,o ,god1 with all pure and holy blessing2 and let ,thy saints bless ,thee1 and all ,thy creatures2 and let all ,thine angels and elect bless ,thee for ever40 ,there is no mention of angels in the ,book of ,judith2 but in the ,additions to ,daniel there are several references2 thus in the 8,prayer of ,azariah10 verses #bf1 #bg1 it is said3 8,but the angel of the ,lord came down into the furnace together with ,azariah and his fellows1 and he drove the flame of the fire out of the furnace1 and made the midst of the furnace as it had been a moist whistling wind1 so that the fire touched them not at all1 neither hurt nor troubled them40 ,in 8,susanna10 again1 the activity of angels is referred to in verses #dd1 #de 7,septuagint ,version71 where the angel of the ,lord is said to have bestowed 8a spirit of discernment0 upon ,daniel2 also in verse #ee 7,septuagint ,version71 where the angel of the ,lord is about to 8cleave the soul0 of one of the criminals brought before ,daniel2 and1 once more1 it is an angel who carries out the sentence against the two elders3 8,then the angel of the ,lord cast fire in the midst of them0 7verse #fb74 ,in ,theodotion's ,version the angel of the ,lord is referred to in verses #ee1 #ei1 and is spoken of in each case as the avenging angel4 ,then1 again1 in 8,bel and the ,dragon10 verses #cd-ci1 there is the curious story of how the angel of the ,lord took up the prophet ,habakkuk by the hair and transported him from ,judah to ,babylon in order that he might give food to ,daniel in the lion's den4 ,in the ,prayer of ,manasses the angelic host is spoken of in verse #ae3 8,for all the host of heaven doth sing ,thy praise40 ,in the ,epistle of ,jeremy1 verse #g1 a guardian angel is spoken of as being with the captives in ,babylon4 ,the belief in angels is incidentally referred to in the ,additions to ,esther 7,fourth ,addition1 xv4 #ac in ,r4,v471 where ,esther compares the king to an angel of ,god4 ,a somewhat fantastic representation of the activity of angels is given in three passages in #b ,maccabees2 in iii4 #bd ff4 there is an account of how the attempt of ,seleucus and ,heliodorus to take the temple at ,jerusalem was frustrated2 on their reaching the treasury 8the ,sovereign of spirits and all authority prepared a great apparition1 so that all who had presumed to enter were stricken with dismay at the power of ,god1 and fainted with sheer terror4 ,for there appeared to them a horse with a terrible rider1 and it was decked in magnificent trappings1 and rushing fiercely forward it struck at ,heliodorus with its forefeet4 ,and the rider seemed to be armed with a golden panoply4 ,two youths also appeared before ,heliodorus1 remarkable for their strength1 gloriously handsome1 and splendidly arrayed1 who stood by him on either side1 and scourged him unceasingly1 inflicting on him many sore stripes44440 ,again1 in xi4 #f-aj1 ,god is besought 8to send a good angel to save ,israel02 the prayer is heard1 and 8a rider appeared at their head1 in white apparel1 brandishing weapons of gold02 owing to his help the ,israelites win the battle4 ,lastly1 in xv4 #aa-af belief in angels seems to be connected with dreams2 for ,maccabus recounts the following 8reliable dream10 which has the effect of greatly encouraging the people3 8,onias1 the former high-priest1 a good and great man1 of stately bearing yet gracious in manner1 well-spoken1 and trained from childhood in all points of virtue--,onias1 with out-stretched hands1 invoking blessings on the whole body of the ,jews2 then another man in the same attitude1 conspicuous by his grey hairs and splendour1 and invested with marvellous1 majestic dignity4 ,this1 ,onias explained to him1 is the lover of the brethren1 for he prayeth fervently for the people and the holy city1 ,jeremiah the prophet of ,god4 ,and ,jeremiah held out his right hand to present ,judas with a golden sword1 and as he gave it he addressed him thus3 ,take this holy sword as a gift from ,god1 and with it thou shalt crush the foe40 ,no other books refer to angels until we come to #b 7#d7 ,esdras4 ,a greatly developed angelology appears in the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse02 we must content ourselves here with an outline of this only4 ,at the head of the angelic host stand seven archangels2 of these only two are mentioned in this book1 viz4 ,jeremiel1 who guards the souls of the righteous in the chambers where they are awaiting the final judgement and resurrection 7iv4 #cc-cg7cda2 and ,uriel1 who is sent to the seer in order to show him the inscrutability of ,god's ways 7iv4 #a-aa74 ,elsewhere angels are referred to as speaking in the name of ,god1 e4g4 vii4 #acj2 they are instant in fulfilling ,god's commands1 whatsoever these may be3 ,before ,whom heaven's hosts stand trembling4 ,and at ,thy word change to wind and fire 7viii4 #ba72 and their power is much restricted3 8,as for me1 ,i am unwise and powerless2 how then should ,i essay to speak of these things of which thou questionest me80 7v4 #ci74 ,throughout this apocalypse it is by angelic agency that ,god communicates with the seer4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom the point of interest is that the place of angels is taken by ,wisdom1 or by the ,word1 the development of doctrine having eliminated angelology altogether2 thus1 in x4 #ag1 #ah it is said of ,wisdom that3 ,she rendered unto holy men a reward of their toils2 ,she guided them along a marvellous way1 ,and became unto them a covering in the daytime1 ,and a light of stars through the night4444 ,here ,wisdom has taken the place of the 8angel of ,god0 in ,exodus xiv4 #ai4 ,again1 in xviii4 #ae1 #af it is said3 ,thine all-powerful ,word leaped from heaven down from the royal throne1 ,a stern warrior1 into the midst of the doomed land1 ,bearing as a sharp sword thine unfeigned commandment1 ,and standing1 filled all things with death2 ,and while it touched the heaven it trode upon the earth4 ,here the ,logos has taken the place of the avenging angel1 for it is evident that the writer had #a ,chronicles xxi4 #ae1 #af in his mind3 8444 ,and ,david lifted up his eyes1 and saw the angel of the ,lord stand between the earth and the heaven1 having a drawn sword in his hand40 ,this allegorizing is what one would naturally look for in ,wisdom4 7h7 ,demonology4 ,it is doubtful whether there is any reference to demons in ,ecclesiasticus2 possibly1 however1 xxxix4 #bh-ca contains such a reference4#cdb ,in ,tobit iii4 #h mention is made of ,asmodeus1 8the evil demon10 who slays men2 the angel1 however1 has power to 8unbind0 him from people 7iii4 #ag1 viii4 #c71 though apparently the most efficacious way of getting rid of him is by burning the liver and heart of a fish on incense which drives the demon away 7vi4 #ag1 viii4 #c74 ,the only other reference to demons is in ,baruch iv4 #ce1 where it is said that they are to inhabit the desolate city 8for a great time40 ,it is worth pointing out1 finally1 that in the ,book of ,wisdom1 while there is no demonology in the ordinary sense1 there is a belief in the devil3 ,but by the envy of the devil death entered into the world1 ,and they that belong to his realm experience it 7ii4 #bd74 99 99 99 99 99 ,regarding the importance for the study of the ,new ,testament of the doctrines which have been considered see the respective sections of the different introductions to the books of the ,apocrypha in ,part ,,ii4 ,,summary ,the books of the ,apocrypha contain only part of the doctrinal teaching of the literature from which they have been1 quite arbitrarily1 distinguished4 ,it is not possible here to consider all the works which must be consulted for a complete study of the period with which we are dealing1 but in restricting ourselves to the ,apocrypha there is this compensation1 that the more important of its books were recognized by official ,judaism as containing good orthodox teaching1 so that they supply a useful foundation for further study of the development of doctrine4 ,in some cases1 however1 recourse must be had to the ,apocalyptic ,literature1 for though the books of the ,apocrypha afford a general criterion as to orthodox ,jewish teaching from #bjj ,b4,c4 to ,a4,d4 #ajj1 they are in some respects inadequate4 ,it must again be emphasized that the ,old ,testament is not the sole background of the ,apocryphal books in the domain of doctrine3 there have been marked ,persian and ,greek influences in certain directions4 ,the main current of ,palestinian ,judaism was affected by these1 while the ,judaism of the ,dispersion in its turn was influenced by both ,persian and ,greek thought1 and the effect of all this is traceable in the ,apocrypha4 ,the teaching of the various books must also be followed in chronological order2 there are differences of opinion as to actual dates1 but there is approximate unanimity as to the centuries to which the books1 in almost all cases1 belong4 ,in some instances different parts of a book belong to different times1 as will be seen from the ,chronological ,table 7p4 #cbj74 ,for discussions of the dates1 see the ,introductions in ,part ,,ii4 ,the doctrine of ,wisdom was considered in ,chapter ,,viii2 here we have to deal with the doctrines of ,god1 of the ,law1 of ,sin1 of ,grace and ,free-will1 of the ,messiah1 of the ,future ,life1 of ,angels1 and with ,demonology2 these cannot always be kept separate1 as one leads into another4 ,only cursory mention will be made of those points where the teaching is identical with that of the ,old ,testament1 though even in these cases the characteristic form in which a doctrine is exhibited will be noted1 the main object is to show in what respects the books of the ,apocrypha show an advance1 or it may be a retrogression1 in doctrine as compared with the ,old ,testament4 7a7 ,the ,doctrine of ,god4 ,ecclesiasticus treats of the ,unity of ,god1 the ,creator of all2 ,his eternity and omnipotence1 ,his activity in nature1 ,his wisdom1 holiness1 justice1 loving-kindness1 and mercy1 ,his fatherhood of ,israel and sometimes of all flesh 7see xlii4 #ae-xliii4 #cc74 ,here the inspiration is drawn largely from the ,psalms1 but in xlii4 #af1 and xliii4 #bh-cb1 ,ben-,sira seems to go beyond anything to be found in the ,old ,testament4 ,no book of the ,apocrypha has such a variety of names for ,god as ,tobit1 which is also distinguished by a doctrine of angelic mediation and a universalistic spirit which is in marked contrast to ,judith4 ,in the ,prayer of ,manasses great stress is laid on the ,divine compassion4 ,in the secondary text of ,ecclesiasticus1 which is a ,pharisaic recension of the work1 the great characteristic is that religious individualism which did so much to foster spiritual worship4 ,the heightened expression of the close relationship between ,god and ,his pious ones which the more ardent religious temperament of the ,pharisees demanded can be illustrated by a comparison of i4 #ab1 and xvii4 #bj1 with the lines which immediately follow in either instance4 ,this spirit reappears in the ,psalms of ,solomon4 ,in the original text of #a ,maccabees all mention of the name of ,god is deliberately avoided2 once or twice1 as in iii4 #ah1 a true faith in the omnipotence of ,god is expressed1 and not infrequently there is trust in ,god as the ,god of ,israel ,who will help ,his people against their foes4 ,in all three of the documents which make up ,baruch1 stress is laid on ,god's guidance of ,israel's destiny1 and in the portion1 iv4 #e-v4 #i1 the ,divine compassion is constantly recalled4 #b 7#d7 ,esdras represents the best of the ,old ,testament teaching concerning the doctrine of ,god3 the ,unity of ,god1 ,his ,creatorship without any mediatorial agency1 ,israel as the chosen nation with which ,god has entered into a covenant relation1 are all insisted upon by the writer1 whose faith in ,god1 and conviction that ,his love is for ,his people1 remains1 though he is presented with problems which are insoluble for man4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom the religious atmosphere is to a large extent alien to that of ,palestine3 the presentment of the doctrine of ,god is entirely different in its two parts1 whether these are by two different authors or by one writing at different times in his life4 ,the first part 7ii4-xi4 #a7 is more ,greek than ,jewish1 the idea of ,god is that of ,greek philosophy3 a transcendent ,god ,who has no immediate contact with the world1 but performs ,his will through an intermediary1 who is ,wisdom4 ,in the second part ,god is again and again spoken of as interfering personally in mundane affairs1 and in other respects also the ,old ,testament doctrine is represented1 as in the need of right worship1 and the mercy and justice of ,god4 7b7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,law4 ,the stress laid in ,ecclesiasticus on the importance of the ,law1 from both ethical and ritual points of view1 shows this work to be a valuable link between the ,judaism of post-exilic times and ,rabbinical ,judaism4 ,the ,law is eternal and divine1 and its pre-existence is implied in its identification with ,wisdom4 ,so far as is known this identification occurs here for the first time1 but the way it is taken for granted shows that it cannot have been wholly new4 ,the insistence on the need of observing the ,law is characteristic of this book1 as is the teaching on the spirit in which the precepts are to be carried out4 ,in chapter xxiv4 #g ff4 the ,law is only for ,israel4 ,in ,tobit an earnest zeal for the ,law is combined with deep devotion4 ,this book indicates a development of legal observances2 prayer1 almsgiving and fasting are strongly advocated1 particularly almsgiving4 ,the laws of tithe1 marriage1 honour to parents1 keeping the feasts1 purifications and others are inculcated4 ,this love for the ,law1 combined with worship1 offers a fine illustration of the truly pious ,jew at this period4 ,the teaching concerning the ,law in ,judith is strongly ,pharisaic2 while everything depends upon trust in ,god and obedience to ,him1 both are shown by keeping the ,law2 only the practical observance is taught2 there is no abstract conception4 ,the observance of ,sabbaths1 new moons and feasts is emphasized4 ,reference is made to the sacrificial system and the gifts of the people1 and in the poem xvi4 #b-ag the right spirit in offering is the really important matter4 ,in #a ,maccabees there is reflected the earnest zeal for the ,law on the part of the patriots4 ,in #b ,maccabees much stress is laid upon legal observances1 and the whole attitude towards the ,law is that of the ,pharisaic school of about the first century ,b4,c4 onwards4 ,this also applies to #a 7#c7 ,esdras4 ,in the document ,baruch iii4 #i-;iv4 #d1 where the ,law and ,wisdom are identified1 exiled ,israel is told that the reason of his punishment is the forsaking of the commandments of life1 i4e4 the ,law4 ,the ,law endures for ever1 and is apparently for ,israel alone4 ,of the different portions which make up #b 7#d7 ,esdras the most important in the present connection is the 8,salathiel ,apocalypse10 which forms the bulk of the book 7iii4-x47 ,here it is said1 in accordance with later ,rabbinical teaching1 that the ,law had originally been given to other nations1 by whom it was rejected1 while ,israel alone had accepted it4 ,in the other portions of the book the main stress is laid on veneration for the ,law4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom there is very little on the subject to be noted1 but the foreign rulers are denounced for not keeping the ,law4 7c7 ,the ,doctrine of ,sin4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus the prevalence of ,sin in one and all is often noted1 and there is much said about its origin4 ,here ,ben-,sira finds a problem too difficult for him4 ,he implies1 though he hardly goes so far as to make the definite assertion1 that the origin of sin is due to ,god 7xxxiii4 #ac-ae71 but in one important passage he strongly combats this 7xv4 #aa-ac74 ,he traces it back to the fall of ,eve1 but no farther4 ,he speaks sometimes of ,sin as originating within man1 sometimes as being external to him4 ,like the later ,rabbis1 he becomes involved in inconsistencies as soon as he tries to construct a working theory on the subject4 ,in his teaching on the atonement for sins he shows a great advance on the ,old ,testament1 adding almsgiving and fasting as means of atonement1 and foreshadowing the idea that ,death also may be one4 ,this last idea became of ever-increasing importance with the growth in later ,judaism of the belief in the resurrection4 ,there is little that calls for notice in ,tobit except a reference to the atoning efficacy of almsgiving2 and nothing in ,judith1 or the ,additions to ,daniel2 but in the ,prayer of ,manasses we find the thought that the ,patriarchs were sinless--an idea developed in the later ,rabbinical ,literature in connection with the 8,treasury of ,merit0 of the ,fathers--and a deeper realization of sin than is to be found in any other book of the ,apocrypha4 ,in #b ,maccabees there is a strangely particularistic doctrine of retribution for ,sin4 ,the teaching in #a 7#c7 ,esdras and ,baruch is that of the ,old ,testament1 but the doctrine as to the merits of the ,fathers is expressly repudiated in ,baruch4 #b 7#d7 ,esdras is important2 especially1 again1 the ,salathiel ,apocalypse4 ,here the origin of sin is traced to ,adam1 though its connection with him is not explained2 but ,sin is regarded as universal1 each man clothing himself with the evil heart4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom there is a belief in an original state of good1 which is so decidedly contradicted by a later passage 7xii4 #aj1 #aa7 as to emphasize belief in a different authorship for the two parts of the book3 on this point1 as on the subject of ,death1 it is the first part that is important for us1 the second offers nothing new4 7d7 ,the ,doctrine of ,grace and ,free-will4 ,a true balance between these two is kept in ,ecclesiasticus2 they are shown as complementary1 not contradictory1 thus continuing the teaching of the ,old ,testament concerning the omnipotence of ,god and the responsibility of man4 ,similar teaching is found in ,tobit4 ,the rest of the books belonging to this century have nothing that calls for particular notice1 but in the secondary text of ,ecclesiasticus the same balance is found as in the first4 ,in #a ,maccabees much more emphasis is laid on ,free-will than on ,grace1 owing to a growing disinclination to ascribe action among men directly to ,god1 because of ,his inexpressible majesty4 ,in the ,additions to ,esther1 on the contrary1 there is throughout insistence on the ,divine activity1 while human free-will is scarcely taken into account2 there can be no doubt that the one-sided emphasis in either case was prompted by the particular subject-matter of the book4 ,in #a ,maccabees there is very little to note under the present heading1 though stress is frequently laid upon the idea that the ,jews are under special protection and guidance4 ,in #b 7#d7 ,esdras it is again only the ,salathiel ,apocalypse that claims attention2 here the writer is driven by his deep sense of sinfulness and his conviction of man's inability to acquire justification by the works of the ,law1 to look to ,divine ,grace where human will-power was helpless4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom the main emphasis is on ,free-will1 though the other side of the truth is not left out of sight4 7e7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,messiah4 ,the didactic character of ,ecclesiasticus accounts for the meagre reference to this doctrine2 there is belief in a ,messiah who is to be purely human and of the ,house of ,david1 but it is vague in the extreme4 ,the conceptions of a ,messiah were largely regulated by the historical circumstances of any given period1 and during the time of ,ben-,sira these were not of a nature to call forth ,messianic hopes4 ,in ,tobit the ,messiah is never mentioned1 but the renovated ,jerusalem and the ingathering of the dispersed ,israelites1 and also of the ,gentiles1 give a picture of what corresponds to the ,messianic ,kingdom4 ,no other books offer teaching on the subject until we come to #a ,maccabees1 where 8a prophet0 is looked for2 in one passage he is to be of ,hasmonan lineage4 ,in #b ,maccabees there is no reference to the ,messiah1 though there is to the ,messianic ,kingdom4 ,the only other book is the important apocalypse #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 and here the teaching is full1 and1 as the book is of composite authorship1 various4 ,in the ,salathiel ,apocalypse 7iii4-x471 the ,messiah is regarded as purely human1 and only in this portion are the signs which are to precede the ,messianic ,kingdom mentioned4 ,in the eagle vision 7xi4-xii4 #bi71 and the vision of the man rising from the sea 7xiii471 and in the ,ezra legend 7xiv471 the pre-existence of the ,messiah is taught4 ,the ,messianic ,kingdom itself is to be of limited duration1 and1 in the eagle vision1 ,gentiles as well as ,jews are to enjoy it1 but in the vision of the man from the sea the ,gentiles are to be wholly destroyed by the ,messiah1 and ,his kingdom is only for ,his own people4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom there is no doctrine of the ,messiah1 nor is there a belief in a ,messianic ,kingdom in the ,jewish ,palestinian sense1 but the traditional ,jewish eschatological conceptions are utilized by the author and a glorious future is believed to be reserved for the ,jews4 7f7 ,the ,doctrine of the ,future ,life4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus the teaching on this subject is substantially of the normal ,old ,testament type2 the corruption of the body is looked upon as the end of man1 though the annihilation of the spirit as well is evidently not contemplated4 ,once or twice death is spoken of as a rest4 ,the development in this doctrine which is known to have taken place during the second century ,b4,c4 is reflected by some additions4 ,it is of particular interest to note that in one or two cases the ,greek shows signs of some development of conception where in the ,hebrew the normal ,old ,testament position is maintained4 ,it is very noticeable that a kind of technical sense has become attached to the word 8worm10 as in ,mark ix4 #dh4 ,in ,tobit the normal ,old ,testament doctrine is taught4 ,in ,judith the only reference is an important one1 as it witnesses to a development of the thought of ,hades as a place of punishment4 ,there is something similar to this in the ,prayer of ,manasses4 ,in the ,pharisaic recension of ,ecclesiasticus words added here and there show a development of thought as to the ,future ,life4 ,the next book which contains references to this is #b ,maccabees1 and here an immense development has taken place2 ,hades is a place of punishment for the wicked2 but only a temporary abode for the righteous1 since the ,resurrection is reserved for them2 and the ,resurrection is not only of the spirit1 but of the body also4 ,for the wicked there is no resurrection4 ,in ,baruch there are two isolated references2 and in both the teaching is that ordinarily found in the ,old ,testament4 ,in #b 7#d7 ,esdras there is an extraordinary wealth of material1 mostly confined to the ,salathiel ,apocalypse4 ,here the doctrine of the resurrection is not altogether consistent1 and the writer's thought is not quite easy to understand2 he seems to have believed that the material body became wholly annihilated at death1 but the soul1 when released from it1 assumed a non-material body in the ,intermediate state1 and that this1 being incorruptible1 did not undergo any further change at the ,judgement4 ,the ,resurrection apparently takes place immediately after death4 ,it is uncertain whether the wicked rise as well as the righteous4 ,minute details are given as to the lot of the wicked and that of the righteous in the ,intermediate state1 but none as to the duration of this4 ,at its close comes the ,judgement4 ,here there is the same ambiguity2 the writer's mind is not clear whether the age of incorruption and eternity is to begin immediately after death1 or only at the ,judgement4 ,but there is no want of definiteness as to the happiness of the righteous and the torment of the wicked2 both will be enormously increased at the ,judgement1 and then no intercession of the righteous for the wicked will avail4 ,in those portions of the book which have probably been added by the ,redactor there is some important teaching as to a general resurrection1 and a re-union of soul and body1 which is to take place at the beginning of a new age seven days after the close of the ,messianic ,age4 ,this is part of a new eschatological scheme1 quite different from that of the ,salathiel ,apocalypse1 and seeking to combine the eschatology of the individual with that of the nation4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom there is no resurrection of the body2 the only immortality is that of the soul1 and it begins on this earth4 ,judgement takes place immediately after death1 and there is no ,intermediate state4 ,the bliss of the righteous and the torment of the ungodly are of a purely spiritual kind4 ,it seems as though the author were acquainted with more than one ,jewish eschatological scheme1 and used them without recognizing their inconsistency4 ,he says nothing as to where the scene of the ,judgement will be laid2 he is not ignorant of the ,palestinian ,jewish belief1 but1 being of an ,hellenic cast of mind1 he cannot accept it4 7g7 ,the ,doctrine of ,angels4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus there are but few references2 in xlii4 #af the 8holy ones0 are unable to recount ,god's marvellous works1 though strength is given them to stand in ,his presence4 ,in ,tobit the angel ,raphael plays an important part2 he binds ,asmodeus1 and appears as guardian angel to ,tobit on his journey4 ,the angelic host is referred to in viii4 #ae4 ,there is no mention of angels in ,judith1 but in the ,additions to ,daniel the angel of the ,lord appears in each of the stories4 ,the angelic host is spoken of in the ,prayer of ,manasses1 and a guardian angel in the ,epistle of ,jeremy1 and there is an incidental reference to angels in the ,additions to ,esther4 ,a somewhat fantastic representation of the activity of angels is given in #b ,maccabees in the stories of ,heliodorus and of the rider leading ,israel to battle and of the 8reliable dreams0 of ,maccabus4 ,no other books refer to angels till we come to #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 and here in the ,salathiel ,apocalypse a greatly developed angelology appears4 ,at the head of the angelic host stand seven archangels1 and ,god communicates with the seer by means of the angels4 ,in the ,book of ,wisdom the place of these is taken by the ,word or by ,wisdom1 the development of doctrine having here eliminated angelology altogether4 7h7 ,demonology4 ,it is doubtful whether there is any reference to demons in ,ecclesiasticus2 there may be one in xxxix4 #ah-ca4 ,in ,tobit there is an evil demon who slays men4 ,the only other reference is in ,baruch2 but in the ,book of ,wisdom1 though there is no demonology in the ordinary sense1 there is a belief in the devil4 ,,part ,,ii ,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,the ,,apocrypha ,introductory ,we come now to deal with the books of the ,apocrypha4 ,as far as possible we shall take these in chronological order1 though it will be recognized that certitude in this matter is not to be expected4 ,there are different opinions regarding the dates of most of the books1 and in some cases the data for coming to a conclusion are too scanty to allow of anything approaching confidence in the correctness of the date assigned4 ,moreover1 as to some of the books1 different parts belong to different periods2 this can be proved even though one cannot be sure of the exact date of each part4 ,then there is the further difficulty regarding the question as to whether a particular book1 as we now have it1 approximates to its original form1 and if there is reason to believe that this is not the case1 as to the date of the original as well as that of its present form4 ,the plan here followed is to take the books in the order of the dates of their original form 7as far as this can be ascertained71 even though parts of a book belong to a later date1 which will1 of course1 be notified4 ,it will also be wiser to assign a period rather than a fixed date1 excepting in the one case1 that of ,ecclesiasticus1 where the date of the original can be fixed to within a decade or so with reasonable certainty4 ,the books belonging to a particular period are put in chronological order within that period4 ,the following table will show this3 ,ecclesiasticus1 circa ,b4,c4 #ahj4 ,pharisaic recension1 ,b4,c4 #ajj-ej4 ,tobit4 ,pre-,maccaban4 ,judith ,additions to ,daniel 7excepting ,maccaban1 about the middle of the ,prayer of ,azarias which the second century ,b4,c4 is pre-,maccaban7 ,rest of ,esther ,prayer of ,manasses #a ,maccabees ,post-,maccaban1 circa ,b4,c4 #aaj4 #a 7#c7 ,esdras ,wisdom4 ,earliest portion middle of first century ,b4,c41 latest portion beginning of first century ,a4,d4 #b ,maccabees4 ,beginning of first century ,a4,d4 ,baruch and the ,ep4 ,incorporates some earlier of ,jeremiah4 ,end of first material4 #b 7#d7 ,esdras century ,a4,d4 ,chaps4 i4 ii4 xv4 xvi4 are later4 ,in quotations from these books the translation of ,dr4 ,charles and his editors#cdc has as a rule1 but not always1 been used4 ,the original texts used are3 ,ecclesiasticus3 for the ,hebrew1 ,smend's text 7,die ,weisheit des ,jesus ,sirach1 ,hebrisch und ,deutsch1 #aijf72 for the ,greek1 ,swete's text 7,the ,old ,testament in ,greek1 #ahif71 and ,hart's text of ,cod4 #bdh 7,ecclesiasticus1 pp4 #a-ga1 #aiji74 #b 7#d7 ,esdras3 for the ,latin1 ,bensly and ,james' text 7,the ,fourth ,book of ,ezra1 pp4 #a-hb1 #ahie74 ,for the rest of the books1 ,swete's text mentioned above4 ,the ,literature given at the head of each chapter does not profess to be more than a selection4 ,editions of original texts1 and text-critical discussions1 are not given1 as references to these will be found in the ,literature cited4 ,,chapter ,i ,the ,wisdom of ,jesus1 the ,son of ,sirach2 or ,ecclesiasticus ,,literature4--,fritzsche1 ,die ,weisheit ,jesus ,sirachs erklrt und bersetzt 7#ahei72 ,edersheim1 in ,wace1 ,,ii1 pp4 #a-bci2 ,ryssel1 in ,kautzsch1 ,i4 pp4 #bcj-dge2 ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism 7,second ,series71 pp4 #ee-aja 7#aijh72 ,hart1 ,ecclesiasticus 444 7#aiji72 ,oesterley1 ,ecclesiasticus1 in 8,the ,cambridge ,bible0 7#aiab72 ,box and ,oesterley1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #bfh-eag4 ,i4 ,,the ,,title ,,of ,,the ,,book 8,ecclesiasticus10 the name with which we are most familiar1 gives no indication as to the contents of the book2 it has1 however1 been the title whereby the book was known in the ,western ,church ever since the third century4 ,st4 ,jerome retained the familiar title in his ,latin ,version of the ,bible1 and it has continued in the ,church ever since4 ,on account of its manifold instruction in conduct of life it was much used in the early ,church1 especially in the case of catechumens2 the title1 therefore1 of 8,ecclesiasticus0 was probably given to it because it was the ecclesiastical or ,church book par excellence4 ,what the original title was we do not know2 but in most manuscripts of the ,greek ,version the title given is3 8,wisdom of ,jesus the son of ,sirach02 in the ,syriac ,version it is3 8,wisdom of ,bar ,sira40#cdd ,both these were translations from the ,hebrew1 so that we shall not be far wrong in believing that the original title ran3 8,the ,wisdom of ,ben-,sira10 or1 8,the ,wisdom of ,jesus ,ben-,sira40#cde ,the ,greek translator1 in the ,prologue to the book1 speaks of his grandfather 8,jesus0 as the author4 ,in the ,talmud the book is referred to as3 8,the ,book of ,ben-,sira02 the name 8,jesus0 would have been omitted by the ,rabbis for obvious reasons4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,author ,,and ,,his ,,book ,in the ,prologue to the ,greek ,version the writer says that he is about to translate his grandfather's work2 in the ,hebrew text the author gives his name1 as we have seen2 this is also given in the subscription2 moreover1 in the ,talmud the author is given as ,ben-,sira4 ,there is1 therefore1 every reason to believe that the author was ,ben-,sira2 and this is universally acknowledged4 ,that he wrote the whole of the book does not admit of doubt2 unity of authorship is stamped upon the work throughout4 ,further1 that the ,greek translation represents substantially the author's book which his grandson had before him is also practically certain4 ,on the other hand1 it may be doubted whether the book represents the final form which the author intended it to have2 whether he was interrupted in his work1 or whether he died before he was able to sift and arrange his material1 a careful study of the book leaves the impression that the author left it in an incomplete state4 ,the main reasons for this belief are three3 firstly1 in many parts of the book the material seems to be thrown down in a somewhat chaotic state1 whereas a little obvious sifting would put things right2 for example3 in one section 7xiv4 #bj-xvi4 #bc7 the following subjects are dealt with in this order--the blessedness of seeking ,wisdom which is only obtainable by those who fear ,god2 human free-will2 the curse of ungodly children2 ,god's righteous anger against the wicked2 it is madness to imagine that one can avoid the notice of ,god and therefore escape judgement because a man is but an atom in a boundless creation4 ,it is clear enough that here we have some subjects which would follow upon one another logically1 only the sequence is broken by the intrusion of other subjects which belong to a different milieu4 ,a similar state of affairs occurs in various parts of the book1 while in many other parts1 on the contrary1 we have sections in which there is a perfect sequence of thought4 ,secondly1 the same subject is treated in different parts of the book2 but in a well arranged scheme one would naturally expect the different items of teaching on a given subject to be gathered together into a consistent whole2 this is often done in the book1 so that where we find the contrary the natural supposition is that those parts in which the contrary occurs have not assumed their final shape4 ,examples of this are3 on the curse of ungodly children1 xvi4 #a-e1 xxii4 #c-f2 on lending and becoming surety1 viii4 #ab1 #ac1 xxix4 #a-bj2 on friendship1 vi4 #e-ag1 vii4 #ah1 xii4 #h-ah1 xxii4 #ai-bf1 xxxvii4 #a-f2 concerning the tongue1 v4 #i-vi4 #a1 xxiii4 #g-ae1 xxviii4 #ac-bf2 on independence1 xxix4 #ba-bh1 xxxiii4 #ai-bc2 and a number of other examples could be given4 ,thirdly1 there is inconsistency of teaching on one or two cardinal points of doctrine2 this is especially so in the case of the doctrine of ,sin2 but as we have already dealt with this in an earlier chapter#cdf it will be unnecessary to say anything further here4 ,for these reasons1 therefore1 we are led to the conclusion that the book in its present form is not that which the author intended it to have finally4 ,ben-,sira was not only an orthodox ,jew1 but he was also a scribe1 and a teacher4 ,his grandson tells us in the ,prologue that his grandfather had devoted his life to the study of 8the ,law1 the prophets1 and the other books of our fathers10 and that his object in doing so was that he might1 by teaching1 help others to a knowledge of the ,law1 as well as in carrying out its precepts4 ,ben-,sira's own words bear out the truth of this1 for he is evidently speaking from personal experience when he says3 8,leisure increaseth wisdom to the scribe0 7xxxviii4 #bd72 moreover1 his very intimate knowledge of the ,old ,testament is just what one would expect of a scribe2 this knowledge is evident on every page of his book1 which is saturated with the thoughts of the ,old ,testament ,wisdom ,literature1 almost the very words of which occur again and again2 in the concluding chapters of his book 7xliv4-l4 #bd7 he sings the praises of all the great ones of ,israel1 and shows how he has his ,old ,testament at his fingers' ends4 ,bearing in mind what is said in the ,prologue1 it is highly probable that ,ben-,sira is referring to himself as the true scribe in writing the words in xxxviii4 #bd-xxxix4 #c2 here he passes in review various callings in life1 and declares that it is not possible for men to acquire wisdom if their time is taken up in earning their livelihood by these means2 in describing1 then1 the manner in which he 8who meditates in the ,law of the ,most ,high0 goes about his work ,ben-,sira sets forth the mental activity of the scribe in such a way as to make it certain that he is imparting the secrets of his own practice4 ,he says of such an one that he ,searcheth out the wisdom of all the ancients1 ,and is occupied with the prophets of old2 ,he heedeth the discourses of men of renown1 ,and entereth into the deep things of parables2 ,he searcheth out the hidden meaning of proverbs1 ,and is conversant with the dark sayings of parables 444 7xxxix4 #a-c74 ,obviously no true man who had given himself so whole-heartedly to the study and acquisition of holy learning would be content to keep it to himself1 and so ,ben-,sira gives us clearly to understand that he was a teacher earnestly desirous of imparting to others what he himself had learned of ,wisdom2 so he cries3 ,turn in unto me1 ye unlearned1 ,and lodge in my house of instruction2 ,how long will ye lack these things8 ,and how long shall your soul be athirst8 ,i open my mouth and speak of her1 ,acquire ,wisdom for yourselves without money 444 ,hearken to my teaching1 though ye be but few1 ,and much silver and gold shall ye acquire thereby 7li4 #bc-bh74 ,the similes used by ,ben-,sira regarding himself as a successor to teachers of ,wisdom who had gone before are interesting as showing that he claimed to be a link1 though a humble one1 in the great chain of ,israel's inspired writers4 ,he says1 for example1 in one place3 ,and as for me1 ,i was as a stream from the river1 ,and ,i came forth as a conduit into a garden2 ,i said3 8,i will water my garden1 ,i will abundantly water my garden beds02 ,and lo1 my stream became a river1 ,and my river became a sea 444 ,yet again will ,i pour forth doctrine as prophecy1 ,and leave it for eternal generations4 ,look ye 7and see7 that ,i have not laboured for myself only1 ,but for all those that diligently seek her 7xxiv4 #cj-cd74 ,in another passage he says3 ,i1 indeed1 came last of all1 ,as one that gleaneth after the grape-gatherers2 ,i advanced by the blessing of ,god1 ,and filled my wine-press as a grape-gatherer4 ,consider that not for myself alone have ,i laboured1 ,but for all that seek ,wisdom 7xxxiii4 #af-ah74 ,and once again3 ,yet again will ,i fix my thoughts and make my doctrine to shine forth1 ,as the full moon on the twelfth day4 ,hearken unto me1 ye pious 444 7xxxix4 #ab ff474 ,all these passages show that ,ben-,sira reckoned himself as following in the line--though the last in the succession--of the wise men such as the writers of ,proverbs and ,ecclesiastes1 and that therefore his claim to be a teacher in ,israel was justified4 ,while quoting freely from the ,old ,testament writers1 and thereby acknowledging his indebtedness to them1 he often expands a quotation1 especially from ,proverbs1 thus making the proverb into a little essay2 so that although he does not show great originality of thought1 he nevertheless has his own ideas which he sets forth in his own way4 ,some further details concerning the author may be gathered from his book2 if1 as seems reasonable1 the words of xxxix4 #a-c1 quoted above1 are taken as referring to the writer himself1 then the same must be said of the words which follow in the text1 viz43 ,who serveth among great men1 ,and appeareth before princes2 ,who travelleth through the lands of the peoples1 ,and testeth good and evil among men 7xxxix4 #d72 from these words we may gather that ,ben-,sira had at one time been in the service of some influential person1 and that he had spent some time in travel2 of that he speaks more than once1 for he says in xxxiv4 #aj-ab3 ,he that is without experience knoweth little1 ,but the well-versed man hath skill4 ,in my journeying ,i have seen much1 ,and many things have befallen me4 ,often was ,i in danger even unto death1 ,but was preserved because of these things 7i4e4 experience and knowledge of the world74 ,in another passage 7li4 #ac7 he refers to the time before he had commenced his travels4 ,the danger of which he speaks in the passage just quoted was owing to the fact that he had been the victim of some slanderous tongue1 if one may be guided by his words in li4 #a-ab1 where he thanks ,god in saying3 ,thou didst preserve me from the scourge of a slanderous tongue1 ,and from the lips of them that turn aside to lies2 ,thou wast on my side in the face of those that rose up against me1 ,thou didst help me1 according to the abundance of ,thy mercy1 ,out of the snare of them that watch for my stumbling1 ,and from the hands of those that seek my life 444 ,the book contains a very large number of moral maxims and wise counsels for help and guidance in the every-day affairs of life2 but the earnest piety of the writer which so frequently finds expression shows that his aim was not merely to write a handbook on ethics1 but far more to be a spiritual adviser1 wisdom in its manifold forms being1 according to him1 so many illustrations of godliness4 ,finally1 8the mass of information which the book contains regarding ,jewish religion1 thought1 and ethics1 during a period for which we do not otherwise possess much knowledge1 marks it out as a work of high importance4 ,the writer evidently intended to offer to his people a kind of text-book to which men and women might have recourse for guidance in almost every conceivable circumstance of life4 ,he does this1 however1 with the primary object of setting in clear light the superior excellence of ,judaism over ,hellenism4 ,in a sense1 therefore1 ,ecclesiasticus may be regarded as an apologetic work1 inasmuch as it aims at combating the rising influence of ,greek thought and culture among the ,jews40#cdg ,,iii4 ,,the ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,book ,in his ,prologue to the ,greek translation of the book ,ben-,sira's grandson tells us that 8in the eight and thirtieth year under ,euergetes the king1 having come into ,egypt and continued there1 ,i found opportunity for no small instruction4 ,i1 therefore1 deemed it most necessary myself to devote some zeal and love-labour to 7the task of7 translating this book2 devoting1 indeed1 much watchful care and skill during the time at my disposal in order that1 having completed the book 7i4e4 its translation71 ,i might publish it for the benefit of those who in the land of their sojourning were desirous to learn1 being already prepared in respect of their moral culture to live by the ,law40 ,those words enable us to fix the date1 approximately1 of the translation of the book2 for there was only one ,egyptian king of the name of ,euergetes to whom the translator's words could apply1 namely ,euergetes ,,ii1 surnamed ,physcon1 who reigned altogether fifty-four years2 first he was joint-ruler with his elder brother1 ,philometor 7,b4,c4 #agj-ade71 and then he reigned alone 7,b4,c4 #ade-aaf74cdh ,the thirty-eighth year of his reign would be ,b4,c4 #acb2 soon after this date1 therefore1 the ,greek translation was made4 ,having got this date it is not difficult to fix an approximate date for the original work2 it would be about fifty or sixty years earlier4 ,at the end of chapter xlix4 and beginning of l41 according to the ,hebrew of our book1 it says3 ,great among his brethren1 and the glory of his people ,was ,simeon1 the son of ,jochanan1 the priest4 ,this ,simeon1 the second of the name1 was high-priest from ,b4,c4 #bai-aii2 ,ben-,sira was clearly a contemporary of his 7see l4 #a ff471 but the way in which he writes about him suggests that ,simeon must have been dead some time when ,ben-,sira wrote2 we shall1 therefore1 not be far wrong in assigning the year ,b4,c4 #ahj1 or thereabouts1 as the date of the composition of the book in its original form4 ,it is1 however1 certain that the book was in preparation for some years before this2 for since1 as we have already seen1 ,ben-,sira had his own house of instruction where he gave lectures to his pupils1 we may justly assume that the contents of his book represent the pith of these lectures4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,original ,,language ,,of ,,the ,,book2 ,,the ,,recently ,,found ,,hebrew ,,manuscripts ,apart from the fact that a large portion 7about two-thirds7 of our book has in recent years been found in ,hebrew1 which very often gives the original form1 the following considerations made it certain1 even before this was found1 that the original language was ,hebrew3 in his ,prologue to the book the translator says3 8,things originally spoken in ,hebrew have not the same force in them when they are translated into another tongue2 and not only these1 but the ,law itself1 and the ,prophecies1 and the rest of the books1 have no small difference when they are spoken in their original form40 ,although he does not actually say so1 it is pretty obvious that ,ben-,sira's grandson implies here that he translated his grandfather's book from ,hebrew4 ,in the second place1 in ,st4 ,jerome's time it would appear that ,hebrew manuscripts of the book existed in ,palestine1 for in his preface to the ,books of ,solomon he says that he found the book of ,jesus the son of ,sirach in ,hebrew4 ,then1 again1 in later times ,saadiah 7,a4,d4 #ibj7 speaks of the existence of copies of the ,hebrew text1 and he says that the vowel-points were added1 which was1 as a rule1 only done in the case of canonical books4#cdi ,and lastly1 in a number of cases the renderings of the ,greek necessitate the assumption that they were translated from ,hebrew4 ,but all doubt1 where such existed1 was set at rest by the discovery 7#ahif-aijj7 of a number of fragments of the ,hebrew text4 ,those to whom this important find1 or rather series of finds1 is due are ,mrs4 ,lewis and ,mrs4 ,gibson1 ,cowley and ,neubauer1 ,schechter and ,taylor1 ,g4 ,margoliouth1 ,levi1 ,adler1 and ,gaster4 ,altogether about thirty leaves were found2 they are fragments belonging to four different manuscripts1 and they all came from the ,genizah of a synagogue in ,cairo4 ,as all these manuscripts are written on paper and not on vellum they cannot be earlier than the ninth century ,a4,d41 for paper was not introduced until this century#cej2 they all belong probably to the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century4#cea ,the question arises as to whether the ,hebrew of these manuscripts is not a translation from the ,greek or ,syriac forms of the text which had been in existence for a number of centuries previously2 and1 further1 it must be asked that even supposing ,hebrew to have been the original language of the book1 do these fragments present the original ,hebrew1 or a later form of this8 ,the answer to these questions involves a detailed study of the text in its various forms1 and a comparison of these with the ,hebrew text2 clearly a technical discussion of this kind would be out of place here2 we can only give a rsum of the results of such study4 8,as a general rule a text which is a translation betrays the fact by certain indications which are almost infallible2 idiomatic expressions in the original1 misunderstandings of words in the original and consequent mistranslation which interfere with the sense of a passage1 clumsy diction owing to difficulties in giving a proper rendering of the original2 these and other signs of the non-originality of a writing are almost certain to show themselves2 but the ,hebrew of ,ecclesiasticus does not present signs of this kind4 ,its whole style stamps its language as the original one2 the symmetry of the ,hebrew1 in the main1 points in the same direction2 moreover1 there are a number of instances which could be given which exclude the possibility of translation from either ,greek or ,syriac2 there are also many cases in which the ,versions have no equivalent for the ,hebrew2 and lastly1 the ,hebrew often contains a text so obviously superior to that of the ,versions that its originality cannot be disputed4 ,when we add to this that both the ,greek and ,syriac frequently exhibit the well-known indications of translation1 it may be taken as certain that the ,hebrew was the original language in which ,ecclesiasticus was written40#ceb ,but while it is thus evident that ,hebrew was the original language in which our book was written1 it does not necessarily follow that the recently found manuscripts contain the original form of the ,hebrew2 indeed1 there have not been wanting scholars who have stoutly denied this1 and who maintain that this ,hebrew is a translation of a ,persian rendering of a ,syriac text#cec2 or that it is1 at any rate in part1 a translation from the ,greek and ,syriac4#ced ,here1 again1 in order to prove our point that1 in the main1 the ,hebrew of the recently found manuscripts does represent the original form1 numerous details of a technical character would be required#cee which would be out of place here2 it must suffice to say that 8the text of the ,hebrew1 though it is disfigured by scribal errors and corruptions1 and--in some places--by the presence of glosses1 is yet essentially independent of the ,greek and the ,syriac2 the hypothesis of retranslation breaks down1 at best a plausible case for the influence of such a factor can only be made out for an insignificant number of verses1 where1 however1 an alternative--and1 on the whole1 more probable--explanation is possible40#cef ,v4 ,,the ,,authorized ,,and ,,revised ,,versions ,,of ,,ecclesiasticus ,in comparing the ,authorized and ,revised ,versions it will be seen that1 apart from differences of rendering1 there is this fundamental difference between the two3 the ,authorized ,version contains a large number of verses which are omitted in the ,revised ,version4 ,these omissions are noted in the ,revised ,version1 for in the margin one constantly comes across the words3 8,verse 444 is omitted by the best authorities40 ,the reason of this difference between the two ,versions is that for the ,revised ,version only the great uncials of the fourth century ,a4,d4 were used2 whereas for the ,authorized ,version a number of cursive manuscripts belonging to a much later time were used4 ,the procedure of the ,revisers is justified on the grounds of textual criticism1 for as authorities the great uncial manuscripts of the fourth century are far superior to the cursives of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries2 on the other hand1 the ,authorized ,version is not only supported by early patristic authority1 but also by that of the ,old ,latin ,version which contains many really ancient elements4#ceg ,there is1 of course1 a great deal of matter common to the uncial and cursive manuscripts as represented by the ,revised and ,authorized ,versions2 but the difference between this common matter and that which is peculiar to the cursives is very marked2 the additions1 numbering a hundred and fifty lines or more1 besides many verbal additions 7and it is more than probable that both amounted to many more originally71 must have been added for some special reason1 and that reason1 whatever it was1 must have existed at a very early date1 for as we shall see1 the additions have existed since pre-,christian times4 ,as to these additions1 what is their character1 and why were they added8 ,the right answer to these questions was first given by ,mr4 ,hart1 who holds that they are 8fragments of the ,wisdom of a ,scribe of the ,pharisees1 and contain tentative ,greek renderings of many of the technical terms and watchwords of the ,sect4 ,as ,jesus ,ben-,sira dealt with the earlier ,scriptures1 so some unknown disciple dealt with his master's composition4 ,he received the deposit and added to it40#ceh ,mr4 ,hart works out this theory on pp4 #bge-cbj of his book2 following his lead1 we have studied the matter independently1 and have found that the more it is studied1 the more firmly is his theory substantiated4 ,before coming to deal in some detail with this subject1 it will be well to put the question3 ,why should a ,pharisee have felt it incumbent upon him to make these additions8 ,the answer1 proof for which will be offered in a moment1 is that ,ecclesiasticus in its original form represents the 8,sadducan0#cei standpoint1 and at the close of the ,maccaban struggle1 when ,pharisaism appeared as an active movement and the ,pharisees became the dominant party in ,israel1 it was no doubt considered essential that a book like ,ecclesiasticus1 which was greatly in vogue 7for1 as far as it went1 it was orthodox7 should bear on the face of it the marks of ,pharisaic orthodoxy1 and thus become a vehicle for the propagation of ,pharisaism4 ,we shall now first seek to show that ,ecclesiasticus in its original form represented the traditional ,sadducan standpoint1 and that the additions reflect the teaching of the ,pharisees4 ,we have already dealt with the specific doctrines of these two parties1 so that what is now to be said should be read in the light of what has been written in ,chapter ,,vii4 ,,vi4 ,,the 8,,sadduc,,an0 ,,doctrinal ,,standpoint ,,in ,,ecclesiasticus ,in considering first in what respects ,josephus' account of the teaching of the ,sadducees is reflected in ,ecclesiasticus it must be borne in mind that the book in its original form was written before the distinctive doctrines of ,pharisaism had become formulated1 and therefore before anything in the nature of antagonism between ,sadducan and ,pharisaic teaching had arisen2 8it is not to be supposed that the two parties were from the first sharply divided1 still less that they acquired distinctive names4 ,it is historically more probable that the divergence increased gradually1 and was intensified1 and at last definitely realized in the religious revival of ,maccaban times40#cfj ,the evidence which ,josephus gives is late2 in his time the opposition between the two parties had fully developed1 and1 as so often happens between opposing parties1 their respective tenets tended to become exaggerated4 ,of this there is naturally no sign in ,ecclesiasticus4 ,cowley rightly points out1 in speaking of the ,sadducees during the period that succeeded the ,maccaban struggle1 that 8in their political relations they show a sympathy with foreign influences which was strongly reprobated by the nationalistic ,pharisees4 ,thus we find them accused1 perhaps justly1 of tolerating ,greek religious practices1 and even of adopting them4 ,this is the less surprising if it be considered that the ,judaism which they professed can have had 7to use a modern phrase7 no religious hold on them4 ,it was rather the machinery by which a certain political system was worked1 and when circumstances changed it could be adapted to new conditions40#cfa ,so that when we speak of the ,sadducan doctrinal standpoint in ,ecclesiasticus it will be understood that this is somewhat different from that which was developed more than a century later owing largely to opposition to ,pharisaic teaching4 ,ben-,sira represents traditional ,judaism of a high type1#cfb and in so far is to be regarded as standing for conservative ,sadducanism2 but in many respects1 and especially in that which regarded devotional religion1 which is such a prominent feature in ,ecclesiasticus1 ,pharisaism was identical with the best that traditional ,judaism offered2 so that1 from this point of view1 it may be said that ,ben-,sira also represented 8,pharisaism10 though to use this term in speaking of the time of ,ben-,sira would1 of course1 be an anachronism4 ,we shall now take in order the doctrines of the ,sadducees1 so far as we know them1 and see in what ways they are illustrated in our book4 ,the utterly un-,jewish doctrine that ,god takes no interest in the world of ,his creation and that ,he is not concerned in men's doing or not doing what is evil was certainly not held by the 8,sadducees0 in pre-,maccaban times2 its adoption must have been due to ,greek influence if ,josephus is to be relied upon at all here4 ,ben-,sira's book is full of very different teaching2 indeed1 in one striking passage he seems to be combating something similar to the very doctrine with which ,josephus credits the ,sadducees2 in xvi4 #ag-bc he says3 ,say not3 8,i am hidden from ,god1 ,and in the height who will remember me8 ,i shall not be noticed among so illustrious a people1 ,and what is my soul among the mass of the spirits of all the children of men8444 ,in truth1 unto me ,he will not have respect1 ,and as for my ways1 who will mark them8 ,if ,i sin1 no eye beholdeth it1 ,or if ,i deal untruly in all secrecy1 who will know it8 ,my righteous dealing1 who declareth it8 ,and what hope is there1 for the decree is distant40 ,they that lack understanding think these things1 ,and the man of folly thinketh this4 ,positive teaching on the close relationship which should normally exist between ,god and men is given again and again in the book4 ,ben-,sira's doctrine of sin is inadequate1#cfc it is true2 but that is in spite of1 not in consequence of1 his exalted teaching concerning ,god4 ,regarding the teaching on human free-will ,ben-,sira sometimes reflects a thoroughly ,sadducan standpoint2 nothing could be more uncompromising1 for example1 than this3 ,god created man from the beginning1 ,and placed him in the hand of his ,yetzer4#cfd ,if thou so desirest1 thou canst keep the commandment1 ,and it is wisdom to do ,his good pleasure4 ,poured out before thee are fire and water1 ,stretch forth thine hand unto that which thou desirest4 ,life and death are before man1 ,that which he desireth shall be given him 7xv4 #ad-ag74 ,with this may also be compared xxxvii4 #ag1 #ah3 ,the roots of the heart's deliberations ,bring forth four branches3 ,good and evil1 life and death1 ,but the tongue ruleth over them altogether4 ,on the other hand1 assertions regarding the action of ,divine grace are not wanting2 perhaps the most pointed of these is that contained in the words of xxxiii4 #ac-ae3 ,as the clay is in the power of the potter1 ,to fashion it according to his good pleasure2 ,so is man in the power of his ,creator1 ,to make him according to ,his ordinance4 ,over against evil stands the good1 and against death life2 ,likewise over against the godly the sinner4 ,even thus look upon all the works of ,god1 ,each different1 one the opposite of the other4 ,on the subject of immortality and resurrection the teaching is entirely that of the ,sadducees2 a few passages will illustrate this3 ,when a man dieth he inheriteth ,worm and maggot1 lice and creeping things 7x4 #aa74 ,it is callous counsel which ,ben-,sira gives to a mourner1 for after telling him to mourn for 8a day or two10 and to be moderate in his sorrow because 8sadness of heart prostrateth vigour10 he concludes as follows3 ,and let him no more occupy thy thoughts1 ,dismiss the remembrance of him1 and remember 7thy7 end4 ,remember him not1 for he hath no hope2 ,thou canst not profit him1 while thou harmest thyself4 ,remember his doom1 for it is the doom of thyself2 ,his yesterday1 and thine to-day6 ,when the dead is at rest1 let his memory rest2 ,and be consoled when his soul departeth 7xxxviii4 #af-bc74 ,the same dreary belief1 or rather non-belief1 occurs in xli4 #c1 #d3 ,fear not death1 it is thy destiny1 ,remember that the former and the latter share it with thee4 ,this is the portion of all flesh from ,god1 ,and how canst thou withstand the decree of the ,most ,high6 ,be it for a thousand years1 for a hundred1 or for ten that thou livest1 ,in ,sheol there are no reproaches concerning life 7cp4 xvii4 #bg1 #bh74 ,there are various other passages to the same effect1 while none occur which show the slightest advance on the teaching which these contain4 ,regarding the attitude towards the non-,jewish world1 ,ben-,sira is distinctly tolerant2 it was the ,maccaban struggle which hardened the ,jews towards the ,gentiles2 nevertheless1 ,ben-,sira has no doubt about the superiority of his own race4 ,the attitude which is more in accordance with that of the ,sadducees may be seen in the whole passage xviii4 #h-ad1 where he speaks of man generally1 and teaches that ,god's mercy is extended universally3 ,the mercy of man is exercised upon his own kin1 ,but the mercy of ,god is extended to all flesh1 ,reproving1 and chastening1 and teaching1 bringing them back as a shepherd his flock 7verse #ac74 ,the same universalistic spirit is exhibited in xxxvi4 #ag3 ,thou wilt hear the prayer of ,thy servants1 ,according to ,thy good favour towards ,thy people2 ,that all the ends of the earth may know ,that ,thou art the eternal ,god4 ,a striking passage containing similar teaching is xxxvi4 #a-e3 ,save us1 ,o ,god of all1 ,and cast ,thy fear upon all the nations4 ,shake ,thy hand against the strange people1 ,and let them see ,thy power4 ,as ,thou hast sanctified ,thyself in us before them1 ,so glorify ,thyself in them before us2 ,that they may know as we also know1 ,that there is none other ,god but ,thee4 ,the only passage 7in the original form of the book7 of a particularistic character is that in which ,wisdom is described in having taken up her abode in ,israel 7xxiv4 #f-af71 but here it has to be remembered that one of ,ben-,sira's great objects in writing his book was to show the superiority of ,israel's wisdom over that of the ,greeks4 ,this1 however1 is quite different from the later ,pharisaic spirit of active hostility to all the ,gentile world4 ,there are a few passages which seem to be uttered against the ,oral ,law4 ,it is true1 the data we possess regarding the beginnings of the formation of the ,oral ,law are very scanty2 but it may be safely asserted that1 in its technical sense1 this was1 to some considerable extent1 in existence for at least half a century before ,ecclesiasticus was written2 it is1 therefore1 probable that ,ben-,sira uttered the following words as a protest against what he considered a dangerous innovation3 ,he that seeketh out the ,law shall gain her1 ,but the hypocrite shall be snared thereby4 ,they that fear ,jehovah discern ,his judgement1 ,and elicit guidance from the darkness4 ,the man of violence wresteth reproofs1#cfe ,and forceth the ,law to suit his necessity 7xxxii4 #ae-ag74 ,in this connection it is worth noting that although ,ben-,sira approves of the laws concerning the sacrificial system 8because it is commanded10 he does not regard their literal observance as binding2 he teaches the equal efficacy of spiritual sacrifices in a way which would not have received the approval of the ,pharisees1 at any rate as long as the ,temple was standing2 thus1 in xxxiv4 #ah-bf he says3 ,the sacrifice of the unrighteous man is a mocking offering1 ,and unacceptable are the oblations of the godless4 ,the ,most ,high hath no pleasure in the offerings of the ungodly1 ,neither doth ,he forgive sins for a multitude of sacrifices4444 ,he who washeth after contact with a dead body and toucheth it again1 ,what hath he gained by his washing8 ,so a man fasting for his sins1 ,and again doing the same1 ,who will listen to his prayer8 ,and what hath he gained by his humiliation8 ,then he continues1 in xxxv4 #a-c1 to advocate spiritual sacrifices1 though in the verses that follow he urges men not to appear with empty hands in the presence of the ,lord2 his words in xxxv4 #a-c are as follows-- ,he that keepeth the ,law multiplieth offerings1 ,he sacrificeth a peace-offering that heedeth the commandments2 ,he that practiseth kindness offereth fine flour1 ,and he that doeth mercy sacrificeth a thank-offering4444 ,another fact which is worth emphasizing is that there is no mention of angels or demons in the book2 this is more or less in accordance with ,sadducan theology4 ,finally1 on the general subject of the ,sadducan standpoint of the book1 we may quote some important words of ,dr4 ,taylor4#cff ,he says3 8,we have no authentic remains of ,sadducee literature1 but it has been suggested with a certain plausibility that the book ,ecclesiasticus approximates to the standpoint of the primitive ,caduqin 7,sadducees7 as regards its theology1 its sacerdotalism1 and its want of sympathy with the modern ,soferim 7,scribes74 ,the name of ,ezra is significantly omitted from its catalogue of worthies4 #8,it remains singular1' remarks ,kuenen1 #8that the man whom a later generation compared1 nay1 made almost equal1 to ,moses1 is passed over in silence4444 ,is it not really most natural that a ,jesus ben ,sirach did not feel sympathy enough for the first of the ,scribes to give him a place of honour in the series of ,israel's great men8'0 ,dr4 ,taylor mentions also the important fact that in the ,babylonian ,talmud 7,sanhedrin #ajj;b7 the ,books of the ,sadducees and the ,book of ,ben-,sira are placed side by side on the 8,index expurgatorius40 ,all that has been said receives confirmation from the further fact that in the ,hebrew text of the ,canticle#cfg which follows l4 #ab1 these words occur-- ,give thanks unto ,him that gave the sons of ,zadok to be priests1 ,for ,his mercy endureth for ever4 ,enough has now been said to show that our book in its original form represented the ,sadducan standpoint4 ,we have now to deal with the ,pharisaic additions4 ,,vii4 ,,the ,,pharisaic ,,additions ,,to ,,ecclesiasticus4 ,the brief reference to specific ,pharisaic doctrines given in chapter ,,vii1 iii4 7a7 above1 will enable us to form an opinion regarding the character of the additions to ,ecclesiasticus4 ,that these additions#cfh were made by a ,pharisee1 or ,pharisees1 has already been asserted2 but we must now seek to substantiate the assertion4 ,we cannot do more here than give a few illustrations out of a large number2 and in order not to weary the reader we will merely quote the addition in each case without specifying in which manuscripts or ,versions it occurs4 ,in illustration of what has been said about the ,pharisaic teaching concerning ,god and man's relations to ,him the following examples will be found instructive4 ,in xvi4 #ai occurs this addition3 ,the whole world was made1 and existeth1 by ,his will4 ,a stronger assertion of the divine governance of the world is added to xviii4 #b3 ,who guideth the world in the hollow of ,his hand1 ,and all things are obedient unto ,his will2 ,for ,he is the ,king of all kings1 and they are in ,his power2 ,he separateth among them the holy things from the common4 ,an example of the intimate relationship existing between ,god and men is the addition to xxiii4 #bg3 ,to follow after ,god is great glory1 ,and length of days it is for thee to be accepted of ,him4 ,and again in the addition to xxiv4 #bc3 ,faint not1 but be strong in the ,lord1 ,and cleave unto ,him that ,he may strengthen you4 ,cleave unto ,him1 the ,lord1 the ,almighty2 ,he is the one and only ,god1 and beside ,him there is no ,saviour4 ,although not explicitly stated it is men of ,israel who are meant in these quotations1 but sometimes ,israel is specially mentioned2 so1 for example1 in the addition to xvii4 #ag3 ,whom i4e4 ,israel ,he brought up as ,his first-born ,with severity1 yet loving them1 ,imparting to them the light of love2 ,and ,he forsook them not4 ,this teaching of the ,divine governance of the world1 involving as it does man's dependence upon ,god1 is balanced by the doctrine of human free-will2 an example of this may be seen in the addition to xx4 #ca3 ,better is persistent endurance 7lit4 patience7 in seeking the ,lord1 ,than a driver 7lit4 charioteer7 of his own life without a master4 ,in this couplet the ,pharisaic doctrine of man's free-will is maintained1 while the ,sadducan denial of providence is combated4 ,turning now to the teaching of the ,pharisees concerning the future life1 the following addition is found after xix4 #ag3 444 ,the knowledge of the commandments of the ,lord is life-giving instruction1 ,and they who do the things that are pleasing unto ,him shall pluck the fruit of the tree of immortality4 ,the teaching of reward hereafter for the righteous may be instanced from xviii4 #bb and the addition to this verse4 ,the original text runs3 ,delay not to pay thy vow in due time1 ,and wait not till death to be justified4 ,death is here regarded as a means of atonement1 as in the later ,rabbinical literature2 but from the ,pharisaic point of view these words seemed inadequate1 so the following words were added3 ,for the reward of ,god abideth to eternity4 ,it has been stated above that repentance was one of the watchwords of the ,pharisees2 for the ,sadducees1 with their cold doctrine of ,god1 repentance could have had but little meaning2 not that ,ben-,sira did not teach the need of repentance 7see xviii4 #ba2 but in xliv4 #af the ,greek text is corrupt71 but it occupies an extremely modest place in his book1 and therefore we shall not be surprised to find that it is insisted upon several times in the additions2 thus after the words of the text of xvii4 #bb3 ,the righteousness of men is to ,him as a signet1 ,and the mercy of man ,he preserveth as the apple of an eye1 the following addition is made3 ,granting repentance to his sons and daughters4 ,again1 after xx4 #b this addition occurs3 ,how good it is when he who is reproved manifesteth repentance1 ,for thus wilt thou escape wilful sin4 ,as regards the ,pharisaic teaching concerning the ,law much stress cannot be laid on the few examples of its mention in the additions1 for at the time when these were made#cfi it is improbable that the antagonism between ,pharisees and ,sadducees on this point had fully developed2 if it had1 we should rightly expect to find it more strongly reflected in the additions2 whereas1 as a matter of fact1 quite a few examples of the mention of the ,law 7or the commandments7 occur in the additions2 nevertheless1 since the ,law played such a very important part in ,pharisaic teaching1 its mention in the additions would naturally point to the hand of a ,pharisee4 ,in the addition which has been put in after xi4 #ad1 the ,law is referred to as a divine gift1 and therefore 7so it is implied7 he who observes it by walking uprightly is making use of a ,divine gift2 on the other hand1 to live without the ,law is folly and darkness which is characteristic of sinners3 ,wisdom and insight and discernment of the ,law ,come from the ,lord2 ,love and upright ways ,come from the ,lord2 ,folly and darkness have been formed for sinners1 ,and as for evil-doers1 evil abideth with them4#cgj ,again1 in xxix4 #ai1 after the first clause3 ,the sinner falleth in his suretyship1 occurs the addition3 8,transgressing the commandments of the ,lord40#cga ,the reference is to evil men who1 as the second line of the verse shows1 are ruined because they become surety for evil purposes1 i4e4 for the sake of usurious practices2 the addition was1 therefore1 made in order to emphasize the fact that this was a transgression of the ,law4 ,finally1 what ,josephus says about the asceticism of the ,pharisees is illustrated by the addition to xix4 #e4 ,the original text here runs3 ,he that hath pleasure in wickedness shall be brought to destruction2 an ascetic tendency is clearly discernible in the ,pharisaic addition which says3 ,and he that averteth his eye from pleasures crowneth his life4 ,these examples will suffice1 it may be hoped1 to substantiate the contention that the numerous later additions which have for the most part been preserved in the cursive manuscripts mentioned above are the work of a ,pharisee1 or ,pharisees4 ,that these additions are post-,maccaban goes without saying2 but closer indications of date are not forthcoming1 so that we cannot do more than say that they belong in all probability to the last century ,b4,c4 ,,viii4 ,,the ,,value ,,of ,,the ,,book ,,for ,,the ,,study ,,of ,,the ,,new ,,testament ,the main value of the books of the ,apocrypha for the study of the ,new ,testament--it may be said here once for all--lies in their doctrinal teaching4 ,this we have already dealt with in the last chapter of ,part ,i4 ,but there are some other ways1 also useful1 though of less importance1 whereby these books can be utilized for ,new ,testament study4 ,some of them1 and above all ,ecclesiasticus1 throw much light on the customs and manner of life of the ,jews which helps us in a number of particulars to understand the ,gospels better2 others1 such as ,judith1 illustrate the intensely national feeling of the ,jews which helps to explain much that we read in the ,acts1 especially ,st4 ,paul's treatment by the ,jews2 or1 again1 the early part of ,baruch gives us some insight into the long prayers which were in vogue among the ,jews2 ,wisdom shows us1 among other things1 the ,hellenistic spirit whereby not a few ,jews1 especially those of the ,dispersion1 were animated2 this is important for the understanding of much that we read in the ,pauline epistles4 ,other points will suggest themselves to thoughtful readers of these books4 ,it is not1 however1 with matters of this kind that we can deal here1 for space would not permit of it4 ,what we intend to touch upon briefly in the final section of each of these introductions to the ,apocryphal books1 when called for1 is chiefly 7though not exclusively7 their use for the study of the ,new ,testament from a literary point of view1 the main purpose being to try and show that the writers of the ,new ,testament books had read and studied those of the ,apocrypha2 not1 of course1 that these writers were as familiar with them as with the canonical books of the ,old ,testament1 but that they valued them and utilized them1 some more than others4 ,this is to be expected from the outset1 both because the ,old ,testament they used contained these books as integral parts of the 8,scriptures10 and because the early ,church ,fathers held them in high estimation2 this latter is not likely to have been the case unless that attitude towards these books had been handed down4 ,there are1 firstly1 a few examples1 among many1 of parallel thoughts between ,ecclesiasticus and the ,gospels which may be pointed out3 ,ecclesiasticus4 ,st4 ,matthew4 xxviii4 #b4 ,forgive thy neighbour vi4 #ad4 ,for if ye forgive men the injury done to thee4 their trespasses1 your heavenly ,and then1 when thou prayest1 ,father will also forgive you4 thy sins will be forgiven4 ,st4 ,luke4 xlviii4 #aj4 ,speaking of ,elijah i4 #ag4 ,and he shall go before his 444 ,to turn the heart of face in the spirit and power fathers unto the children4 of ,elijah1 to turn the hearts of the fathers unto the children4 ,the verbal identity between the two passages here suggests either direct influence1 or else that a current saying 7from ,mal4 iv4 #f7 has been adopted in each4 xi4 #ai4 ,what time he saith1 ,i xii4 #ai1 #bj 444 ,and ,i will say have found rest1 to my soul1 ,soul1 thou hast ,and now will ,i enjoy my much goods laid up for goods1-- many years2 take thine ease1 ,he knoweth not what lot eat1 drink and be merry4 shall befall2 ,but ,god said unto him1 ,he shall leave them to others1 ,thou foolish one1 this and die4 night is thy soul required of thee2 and the things which thou hast prepared1 whose shall they be8 ,cp4 also ,ecclesiasticus xxxi4 #c with the ,lucan passage last quoted4 ,examples of other small details illustrative of the usefulness of ,ecclesiasticus for this purpose are i4 #a-bj1 which offers an interesting commentary on ,matthew xi4 #ai3 8,wisdom is justified by her works0 7cp4 the various reading in ,luke vii4 #ce74 ,the visitation of the sick referred to in ,matthew xxv4 #ci is illustrated by ,ecclesiasticus vii4 #ce3 ,forget not to visit the sick1 ,for thou wilt be loved for that4 ,evidently this was a duty laid upon all good ,jews4 ,and1 once more1 the custom of wagging the head in sign of mockery mentioned in ,matthew xxvii4 #ci is also referred to in ,ecclesiasticus xii4 #ah4 ,numbers of similar1 small but interesting1 points offer themselves to students of the book4 ,but the most striking fact in this connection is that of the many parallel thoughts and passages between ,ecclesiasticus and the ,epistle of ,st4 ,james2 these are of such a nature as to justify belief in the direct influence of the former on the latter4 ,a few examples are appended#cgb3 ,ecclesiasticus4 ,st4 ,james4 i4 #bf4 ,if thou desire ,wisdom1 i4 #e4 ,but if any of you lacketh keep the commandments1 ,wisdom1 let him ask of ,god1 ,and the ,lord will give her ,who giveth to all liberally freely unto thee4 and upbraideth not2 and it shall be given unto him4 xv4 #aa-ac4 ,say not1 ,from ,god i4 #ac1 #ad4 ,let no man say when is my trangression1 he is tempted1 ,i am tempted ,for that which ,he hateth of ,god2 for ,god cannot be made ,he not4 tempted with evil1 and ,say not1 ,it is ,he that made ,he ,himself tempteth no me to stumble4 man2 but each man is ,for there is no need of evil tempted1 when he is drawn men4 away by his own lust1 and ,evil and abomination doth enticed4 the ,lord hate1 ,and ,he doth not let it come nigh to them that fear ,him4 v4 #aa4 ,be swift to hear1 i4 #ai4 ,but let every man be ,but with patience make reply4 swift to hear1 slow to speak1 slow to wrath4 vii4 #ce1 #cf4 ,forget not to visit i4 #bg4 ,pure religion and undefiled the sick1 before ,god and ,father ,for thou wilt be loved for that4 is this1 to visit the fatherless ,in all thy doings remember and widows in their thy last end1 affliction1 and to keep himself ,then wilt thou never do unspotted from the corruptly4 world4 ,a large number of other examples could be given2 among them the following will be found instructive3 ,compare ,ecclesiasticus xiv4 #a1 xix4 #af1 xxv4 #h with ,james iii4 #b 0 0 v4 #ac1 #ad1 viii4 #c1 xxviii4 #aa 0 0 iii4 #e1 #f4 0 0 xxviii4 #af-ah 0 0 iii4 #h4 0 0 xxviii4 #ab and context 0 0 iii4 #aj4 0 0 iv4 #a-f1 xxxiv4 #bb 0 0 v4 #d4 0 0 vi4 #ai 0 0 v4 #g4 0 0 iv4 #bf 0 0 v4 #af4 0 0 xlviii4 #c and context 0 0 v4 #ag4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,the ,book of ,tobit ,,literature4--,fritzsche1 ,die ,bcher ,tobi und ,judith erklrt1 in 8,exegetisches ,handbuch zu den ,apokryphen0 7#ahec72 ,hoffman1 ,auszge aus syrischen ,akten persischer ,mrtyrer1 pp4 #ahb ff4 7#ahhj72 ,fuller1 in ,wace1 #a1 pp4 #adi-bdj 7#ahhh72 ,conybeare1 ,rendel ,harris1 and ,agnes ,smith ,lewis1 ,the ,story of ,ahikar from the ,syriac1 ,arabic1 ,armenian1 ,ethiopic1 ,greek and ,slavonic ,versions 7#ahih72 a second and large edition of this work was issued early in #aiad2 ,lhr1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #ace-adg2 ,smend1 ,alter und ,herkunft des ,achikarromans und sein ,verhltniss zu ,aesop 7#aijh72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #cg-dd1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #bcg-beh 7#aiji72 ,nau1 ,histoire et ,sagesse d',ahikar 7#aiji72 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,der ,papyrusfund von ,elephantine1 pp4 #ajb-abh 7#aiab72 ,ungnad1 ,aramische ,papyrus aus ,elephantine1 pp4 #fb-hb 7#aiaa72 ,simpson1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #agd-bda2 ,harris1 ,lewis1 and ,conybeare1 in ,charles1 ,,ii1 pp4 #gae-ghd 7translations of the ,syriac1 ,arabic1 ,armenian1 ,ethiopic and ,greek ,versions1 as well as of the ,aramaic fragments from ,elephantin7 7#aiac74 ,see also the articles on 8,tobit0 in the ,encycl4 ,brit4 by ,robertson ,smith1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl4 by ,erbt1 in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible by ,marshall1 and in the ,jewish ,encycl4 by ,toy4 ,before we come to deal with the ,book of ,tobit it will be well1 for reasons which will become apparent as we proceed1 to relate the story of ,achikar the ,wise4 ,this story must at one time have been very widespread and popular4 ,it has come down to us in several forms which differ largely from each other1 but which are1 nevertheless1 all variations of the same story in their essence4 ,a much mutilated form of the story was found among the recently discovered ,aramaic papyri of ,elephantin1 which shows that it was current among the ,jews at least as early as the fifth century ,b4,c4 ,the following account is drawn from the various versions1 and is only an outline of the main points4 ,i4 ,,the ,,story ,,of ,,achikar ,,the ,,wise ,sennacherib1 ,king of ,assyria1 had a vizier named ,achikar1 a wise and erudite scribe4 ,he conducted the affairs of the kingdom wisely and well4 ,when the king died1 and ,esarhaddon his son reigned in his stead1 ,achikar continued to hold the same office4 ,in course of time ,achikar became very rich1 and he had many wives1 and built many castles2 but he had no son4 ,and as he grew old he felt the want of a son more and more4 ,then he prayed earnestly that he might have a son4 ,in reply to his prayer it was told him that no son should be granted him1 but that he must instead adopt ,nadin1#cgc his nephew4 ,this ,achikar did1 and educated ,nadin carefully1 teaching him all manner of wisdom4 ,now when ,achikar felt the weakness of old age coming upon him he besought the king that he would appoint ,nadin vizier in his place4 ,this the king consented to do2 and ,nadin was made vizier4 ,but ,nadin did not follow the wise counsels which he had received from ,achikar2 but scattered his words1 as it were1 to the wind2 and he ill-treated the servants and handmaidens of his uncle1 and slew his horses1 and harmed his mules4 ,and when ,achikar sought to correct the misguided course of his adopted son1 ,nadin slandered him in the ears of the king1 and accused him of traitorous intercourse with the enemies of the kingdom1 laying at the same time forged letters before the king in proof of ,achikar's guilt4 ,then the king showed the letters to ,achikar1 and sought an explanation2 but ,achikar was so horrified and taken aback that he could not utter a word4#cgd ,the king1 taking this as a sign of guilt1 gave command that ,achikar should be put to death4 ,but the officer1 ,nabusemakh1 to whom this command was given1 had1 years ago1 been indebted to ,achikar for the saving of his life when he had been the victim of a false accusation similar to that now made against ,achikar4 ,so ,nabusemakh spared ,achikar's life1 and hid him secretly in a hiding-place underground4 ,in ,achikar's place a slave was executed who was already under sentence of death4 ,now when ,pharaoh1 king of ,egypt1 heard of the death1 as he supposed1 of the wise vizier1 he rejoiced greatly1 and sent a letter of the following import to ,esarhaddon3 ,pharaoh1 king of ,egypt1 to ,esarhaddon1#cge king of ,assyria and ,nineveh1 greeting4 ,i am planning to build a castle between heaven and earth2 wherefore seek out and send me from thy kingdom a man who is a skilled architect1 that he may give me reply concerning all that ,i shall ask him4 ,and when thou shalt send me such a man1 ,i will collect and send thee the revenue of ,egypt for three years4 ,and if thou send me not a man who shall give me reply concerning all that ,i ask him1 then do thou collect and send me the tribute of ,assyria and ,nineveh for three years1 by the hands of these ambassadors that come to thee4#cgf ,then ,esarhaddon took counsel with ,nadin and all the wise men as to what should be done2 and they were in much perplexity1 for they found no one among their number sufficiently wise to build a castle betwixt heaven and earth4 ,thereupon1 ,nabusemakh came and told the king how that he had spared ,achikar's life4 ,the king1 so far from punishing ,nabusemakh for having disobeyed the royal command1 was only too delighted to hear that ,achikar was still alive1 and richly rewarded ,nabusemakh4 ,then ,achikar was brought1 and declared himself ready and able to answer all that the king of ,egypt should ask4 ,when ,achikar came to the court of the king of ,egypt he said he would show the king how to build a castle betwixt heaven and earth4 ,then he asked that lime and stone and clay and workmen might be held in readiness4 ,when all was prepared ,achikar let out of a box which he had brought with him two eagles with ropes tied to their feet2 upon each eagle he set a boy2 and as the eagles soared upward and remained betwixt heaven and earth1 the boys began to shout3 8,bring bricks1 bring clay1 that we may build the king's castle1 for we are standing idle40 ,but the king found no means of supplying them with bricks and clay up in the air1 and had perforce to give up the idea of building a castle betwixt heaven and earth4 ,thus did ,achikar the ,wise deliver king ,esarhaddon from his embarrassment4 ,achikar was placed again at the head of the royal household and greatly honoured4 ,on being asked by the king what else he desired1 he replied3 8,bid them give me my son ,nadin1 that ,i may teach him a further lesson2 for he has forgotten my former teaching40 ,then ,achikar caused ,nadin to be bound and thrashed2 after which he was confined in a dark chamber at the entrance to ,achikar's house2 and every time ,achikar went in or out he uttered precepts of wisdom for ,nadin's benefit4 ,finally ,nadin 8swelled up like a bag and died40 ,the moral of the story1 with which it concludes1 is given thus3 8,to him that doeth good1 what is good shall be recompensed2 and to him that doeth evil1 what is evil shall be rewarded4 ,and he that diggeth a pit for his neighbour1 filleth it with his own stature40 99 99 99 99 99 ,this story of ,achikar the ,wise must have enjoyed great popularity in ancient times1 for it has come down to us in various forms2 and its existence among the ,jews1 in the fifth century1 living at such an out-of-the-way spot as ,elephantin1 is eloquent testimony of how widespread the knowledge of the story was4 ,that the various forms differ from each other very much is quite in the natural order of things1 for a popular story not only undergoes change when passed from hand to hand1 but sometimes it may assume a form almost unrecognizable at first1 and only when the essential traits are sought behind the external appearance can the kernel of the original story be recognized4 ,it is1 therefore1 not surprising that great differences are found in the ,syriac1 ,arabic1 ,armenian1 ,aramaic1 ,aethiopic1 ,hebrew1 ,slavonic and ,greek forms of the story which are still preserved4 ,but in the case of all these1 in spite of variations of form and matter1 and in spite of the addition of many extraneous details drawn from different sources1 the original story lies imbedded and shows itself to have been utilized to a greater or less extent4 ,now the particular interest that the story of ,achikar the ,wise has for the study of the ,book of ,tobit lies in the fact that the writer of the latter utilized the former in the composition of his book2 he assumes1 moreover1 as we shall see1 a knowledge of the story of ,achikar the ,wise among his readers4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,relationship ,,between ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,tobit ,,and ,,the ,,story ,,of ,,achikar ,,the ,,wise4 ,it should be said at the outset that the best form of the ,greek text of the ,book of ,tobit is that of ,codex ,sinaiticus2 it is this text which has been utilized here4#cgg ,the first and most obvious point of interest in this connection centres in the person of ,achikar4 ,in the ,book of ,tobit he appears1 when first mentioned1 quite incidentally1 as though he were well known4#cgh ,in i4 #ba1 #bb1 after the assassination of ,sennacherib by his two sons has been referred to1 it continues3 8,and they fled unto the mountains of ,ararat1 and ,sacherdonos ,esarhaddon his son reigned after him2 and he appointed ,acheikaros ,achikar1 the son of ,anael my brother1 over all the tribute of his kingdom1 and he had authority over all the conduct of affairs4 ,then ,acheikaros put me right i4e4 with the king1 and ,i came down unto ,nineveh4 ,for ,acheikaros had been the chief cup-bearer1 and 7keeper7 of the signet1#cgi and the chief minister1 and overseer of the tribute under ,sennachereim ,sennacherib1 king of ,assyria1 and ,sacherdonos appointed him a second time 7to these offices740 ,this agrees with what is said about the position of ,achikar in the story given above4 ,in xi4 #ah it is said that ,achikar and ,nadab1 his cousin1 came to the wedding of ,tobias4 ,this sudden mention of ,nadab1 who has not been referred to before in the book1 in connection with ,achikar is curious as it stands1 and shows clearly enough that the writer of the book must have been familiar with the story of ,achikar1 and that he assumed the same of his readers4 ,the slight variation in the form of the name 7,nadab for ,nadin71 and his being called the cousin instead of the nephew of ,achikar1 does not affect the main point4 ,but the most striking proof that the writer of ,tobit utilized the story of ,achikar is seen by his reference to it in xiv4 #aj3 8,and now do thou1 my child1 go forth from ,nineveh1 and abide not here4 ,in the day in which thou buriest thy mother with me1 in that self-same day tarry no longer in these parts4 ,for ,i see that there is much unrighteousness in her i4e4 ,nineveh1 and much deception is practised in her1 and they are not ashamed4 ,behold1 my child1 what things ,nadab did to ,acheikaros who nourished him2 was he not brought living into the earth8 ,and ,god requited his iniquity before his face2 and ,acheikaros came forth into the light1 and ,nadab entered into eternal darkness because he sought to slay ,acheikaros4 ,in that he i4e4 ,acheikaros showed me mercy he came forth out of the snare of death which ,nadab set for him2 and ,nadab fell into the snare of death1 and it destroyed him40 ,the real kernel of the ,achikar story is contained in these words1 namely that ,achikar brought up an adopted son who betrayed his benefactor by causing him to dwell in darkness underground2 but ultimately ,achikar is saved and ,nadab suffers the fate which he had designed for his benefactor4 ,thus righteousness triumphs1 and ,nemesis overtakes the wicked4 ,it is round this story that the wisdom of ,achikar is woven2 and some of the wise sayings of ,achikar are re-echoed in ,tobit1 which further illustrates the indebtedness of the writer to the ,achikar story2 a few examples of this may be given3 ,book of ,tobit4 ,story of ,achikar 7,syriac ,version74 ,take heed to thyself1 my ,my son1 lift not up thy eyes child1 7to refrain7 from all and look upon a woman that whoredom 7iv4 #ab74 is bedizened and painted2 and do not lust after her in thy heart 7ii4 #e74 ,alms delivereth from death1 ,as for me1 my righteousness and suffereth not to come into 7 alms7 has saved me 7viii4 #b74 darkness 7iv4 #aj74 ,pour out thy bread and thy ,my son1 pour out thy wine wine#chj on the tomb of the on the graves of the righteous1 righteous1 and give not to rather than drink it with evil sinners 7iv4 #ag74 men 7ii4 #aj74 ,ask counsel of every man ,my son1 associate with the that is wise1 and despise not wise man1 and thou wilt become any counsel that is profitable wise like him 7ii4 #ab74 7iv4 #ah74 ,it is good to keep close the ,if thou hast heard a word let secret of a king1 but to confess it die in thy heart1 and reveal and reveal the works of ,god it to no man2 lest it become a 7xii4 #g74 hot coal in thy mouth and burn thee1 and thou lay a blemish on thy soul1 and be angered against ,god 7ii4 #b74 ,there are other minor indications of the writer of ,tobit having utilized the ,achikar story1 such as the unusual double description of the empire1 8,assyria and ,nineveh10 in the earliest recension of our book#cha 7xiv4 #d1 #ae1 cp4 i4 #c71 which occurs also in the ,achikar story 7i4 #a72 but the data given are sufficient to show that the ,achikar story is without doubt one of the sources of the ,book of ,tobit4 ,the object which the writer had in introducing some of the ,achikar story elements into his book was probably that it might be popularized thereby4 ,the ,achikar story must have been immensely popular when one remembers the manifold forms in which it has come down to us2 and the ,book of ,tobit1 by being in some sort connected with it1 would have commended itself to ,gentiles1 as well as to ,jews4 ,that the author of our book utilized other non-,jewish sources in composing it is very probable4 ,there is1 for example1 a striking resemblance in one or two particulars between the ,book of ,tobit and the 8,story of the grateful dead man10 an ,armenian tale1 according to which a wealthy man was once riding through a forest when he came upon some men misusing a corpse2 on inquiring the reason for this he is told that the dead man had owed them money2 he pays the dead man's debt1 and buries the corpse4 ,he then continues his journey home4 ,now in the city in which he dwelt there lived a rich man who had an only daughter2 she had married five husbands1 but in each case the husband had died on the night of the wedding4 ,the hero of the tale resolves1 at the instance of an unknown serving-man1 to seek this woman in marriage in spite of what has occurred4 ,he succeeds in his desire4 ,but on the night of the wedding there issues forth from the mouth of his bride a serpent which seeks to bite him and thus kill him2 but the unknown serving-man1 who had been keeping guard1 slays the serpent1 and thus saves the life of the bridegroom1 to whom he then makes himself known as the dead man whose corpse the bridegroom had buried in the forest4#chb ,the traits common to this story and the ,book of ,tobit are so marked that it is difficult to believe that there is no connection between the two2 that the latter is indebted to the former is probable because of the very widespread existence of the 8,story of the grateful dead man0 in various forms in ,asia and ,europe4#chc ,another possible source1 but less striking than that just referred to1 is 8,the ,tractate of ,khons10 which was originally written for the purpose of propagating the cult of the ,egyptian god ,khons2 in it occurs the story of a beautiful princess who was possessed by a demon1 but by the help of ,khons the demon was expelled and the princess cured4#chd ,,iii4 ,,the ,,contents ,,of ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,tobit ,in the first part of the book1 chapters i4-iii41 ,tobit relates how he1 his wife ,anna1 and his son ,tobias1 had been carried away captive to ,nineveh in the days of ,shalmaneser1 king of ,assyria2 he emphasizes his loyalty to the ,law1 saying that he and his family had always been careful in keeping the ordinances of the ,law both when they lived in their own land as well as in the land of their exile4 ,he mentions specially his ardent zeal in giving alms1 and in according decent burial to those of his race who had been murdered and whose dead bodies had been cast out of the walls of the city4 ,once when he was about to sit down to table at the feast of ,pentecost he bade his son go out and seek someone who was in want and bring him in to partake of the feast4 ,tobias1 his son1 went forth accordingly2 but he soon returned and reported to his father that one of his race had but now been murdered1 and that his body lay in the market-place4 ,tobit went out forthwith1 and took up the body from the street and laid it in one of the chambers till sunset1 when he intended to bury it4 ,and when the sun was set1 he digged a grave and buried the dead body4 ,but as he had touched a dead body he was unclean1 and therefore could not re-enter his house1 lest by contact he should cause others to be unclean1#che so he laid down in the courtyard by the side of a wall1 and because it was hot he left his face uncovered2 but the droppings of some sparrows fell into his eyes1 and he became blind4 ,there follows here a short section 7ii4 #aa-ad7 about ,anna1 which is quite out of place4 ,the story is taken up again at chapter iii41 which tells of ,tobit's sorrow at his affliction1 and of his prayer to ,god that he may die 7verses #a-f74 ,then a new element in the story is introduced4 ,sarah1 the daughter of ,raguel of ,ecbatana in ,media1 suffers reproach because she has no child1 although she has had seven husbands2 each of these husbands had1 however1 been slain by ,asmodus1 8the evil demon10 on the night of his wedding4 ,sarah1 like ,tobit1 prays in her great affliction that she may die4 ,tobit and ,sarah1 though they know nothing of each other1 have therefore this in common1 that they are both in dire distress4 ,before proceeding with his story the narrator adds a note for the comfort of his readers to the effect that ,god had sent ,raphael1 the angel1 to heal them both3 8in the case of ,tobit to remove the white films from his eyes1 that he might see the light of ,god with his eyes2 and in the case of ,sarah1 the daughter of ,raguel1 to give her for a wife to ,tobias1 the son of ,tobit1 and to unbind ,asmodus the evil demon from her0 7iii4 #ag74 ,the next section1 chapters iv4-xi41 which forms the bulk of the book1 deals with the journey of ,tobias to ,media in order to bring back money which ,tobit had left in trust with ,gabael4 ,the advice which ,tobit gives his son preparatory to his starting is contained in iv4 #c-ba4 ,he also bids his son find a trusty companion who will travel with him2 this he does1 the companion being none other than the angel ,raphael1 who had been sent by ,god for the purpose4 ,raphael1 of course1 does not reveal himself to ,tobias4 ,then the departure takes place 7v4-vi4 #b74 ,soon after they started they met with an adventure1 for one evening as ,tobias was washing in the river a great fish caught him by the foot2 but with his companion's help the fish was caught and brought to land4 ,his companion the angel1 who has taken the name of ,azarias1 bids him keep the gall and the liver and the heart of the fish1 for the two latter when burned make a smoke which will drive away demons1 while the gall is efficacious for curing white films which may have formed themselves on the eyes of a man4 ,tobias does as he is bidden 7vi4 #b-i74 ,on their nearing ,ecbatana ,raphael tells ,tobias that he must marry ,sarah the daughter of ,raguel as being nearest of kin2 but ,tobias expresses his fears that he may fall a victim to the same evil demon who had already caused the death of ,sarah's seven husbands4 ,thereupon ,raphael reminds him of the liver and heart of the fish1 which ,tobias had kept1 and he is told to place them upon the ashes of incense at the proper time1 when the smell of the smoke will drive the demon away 7vi4 #aj-ah74 ,on their arrival at the house of ,raguel they are welcomed by their host2 ,raphael makes all arrangements with regard to the marriage between ,tobias and ,sarah4 ,at the proper time ,tobias burns the liver and heart of the fish with all success2 there is rejoicing and feasting in the house of ,raguel 7vii41 viii474 ,at ,tobias' request ,raphael goes to ,gabael and fetches the money belonging to ,tobit 7ix474 ,in the meantime ,tobias' parents are beginning to feel anxious about his long delay 7x4 #a-g;a74 ,tobias and his wife1 ,sarah1 however1 return to ,nineveh to the great joy of ,tobit and ,anna4 ,the first act of ,tobias on seeing his blind father again is to bring out the gall of the fish and apply it to the latter's eyes2 the beneficial effect is immediate2 ,tobit regains his sight1 and weeps for joy 7x4 #g;b-xi4 #h74 ,the last section of the book 7xii4-xiv47 tells of ,raphael making himself known to ,tobit1 and of the wisdom of ,raphael1 after which is added an account of ,raphael's ascension 7xii472 the two last chapters give the prayer of ,tobit 7xiii471 and his last words 7xiv474 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,religious ,,standpoint ,,of ,,the ,,writer ,in various important particulars the writer of the ,book of ,tobit and ,ben-,sira occupy the same religious standpoint2 in others a certain divergence is to be noticed which points to a development of doctrine4 ,a brief examination of the religious standpoint of the two writers is1 therefore1 both interesting and instructive4 7a7 ,we will refer first to those points in which the teaching is identical4 ,with regard to the ,temple cultus at ,jerusalem it will suffice to quote one passage from each book to show the identity of view2 in ,tobit i4 #f-h occur these words3 8,i used to go to ,jerusalem with the firstfruits and the firstlings and the tenths of the cattle and the first shearings of the sheep1 and give them to the priests1 the sons of ,aaron1 for the altar1 and the tenth of the corn and the wine and oil and pomegranates and the rest of the fruits to the sons of ,levi1 who ministered at ,jerusalem 4440 7cp4 ii4 #a-i74 ,quite in accordance with this are ,ben-,sira's words in vii4 #bi-ca3 ,fear ,god with all thy heart1 ,and reverence ,his priests4 ,with all thy strength love ,him that made thee1 ,and forsake not ,his ministers4 ,glorify ,god and honour the priest1 ,and give them their portion as it is commanded thee2 ,the food of the trespass-offering1 and the heave-offering of the hand1 ,the sacrifices of righteousness1 and the offerings of holy things 7xxxv4 #a-aa1 xlv4 #ad-af74 ,both writers lay much stress on other legal ordinances1 above all on ,prayer and ,almsgiving2 these do not need illustrating1 as they are so often spoken of in either book2 but two points1 the spirit and the efficacy of almsgiving1 are worth special mention3 in ,tobit iv4 #af it is said3 8,let not thine eye be grudging when thou givest alms10 and a similar spirit of whole-heartedness is enjoined in ,ecclesiasticus xviii4 #ae-ah3 ,my son1 bring no blemish on thy good deeds1 ,nor in giving any gift cause grief through words4444 ,the gift of an envious man consumeth the eyes4 ,in like manner the efficacy of alms is spoken of by both writers in an identical sense2 in ,tobit iv4 #aj it is said3 8,alms delivereth from death1 and suffereth not to come into darkness02 and ,ben-,sira says3 ,a flaming fire doth water quench1 ,so doth almsgiving atone for sin4 ,both writers1 moreover1 use the word as almost synonymous with righteousness4 ,fasting1 strange to say1 receives practically no notice in ,tobit1#chf though ,ben-,sira insists upon its right use 7xxxiv4 #bf74 ,on one other point of legal observance1 however1 both writers lay similar emphasis2 in ,tobit ii4 #h1 #aj ,tobit says3 8,and when the sun was set1 ,i went and digged a grave and buried him4444 ,and the same night ,i washed myself and came into my courtyard and lay down to sleep 44402 the observance of this legal precept is referred to by ,ben-,sira in these words3 ,he who washeth after 7contact with7 a dead body1 and toucheth it again1 ,what hath he gained by his bathing8 7xxxiv4 #be74 ,the similarity of the religious standpoint of these two writers may be further illustrated by their universalistic attitude and their teaching on the future life4 ,although1 normally1 ,ben-,sira looks upon ,israel as pre-eminently the nation upon which ,god's interest is centred he shows a broader outlook in such a passage as xviii4 #a-ad3 444 ,as a drop of water from the sea1 or as a grain of sand1 ,so are man's few years in the eternal days4 ,therefore is the ,lord long-suffering towards them1 ,and poureth out ,his mercy upon them4444 ,the mercy of man is exercised upon his own kin1 ,but the mercy of ,god is extended to all flesh1 ,reproving1 and chastening1 and teaching1 ,and bringing them back as a shepherd his flock4444 ,tobit1 in like manner1 contemplates all men as coming within the pale of ,god's mercy3 ,i exalt my ,god1 and my soul shall rejoice in the ,king of heaven2 ,of ,his greatness let all men tell1 ,and let them give ,him thanks in ,jerusalem4444 ,a bright light shall shine unto all the ends of the earth2 ,many nations shall come from afar1 ,and the inhabitants of the utmost ends of the earth unto ,thy holy name2 ,with their gifts also in their hands unto the ,king of heaven ,generations of generations shall utter rejoicing in ,thee ,and ,thy name that is elect unto the generations of eternity 7xiii4 #g-aa2 cp4 xiv4 #d-f74 ,the belief of both writers concerning the future life is identical1 it follows the normal teaching of the ,old ,testament2 there is1 therefore1 no belief in the resurrection 7see ,ecclus4 xvii4 #bg1 #bh1 xxviii4 #f1 xl4 #aa1 etc41 and ,tobit iii4 #aj1 iv4 #aj1 xii4 #i1 xiii4 #b72 at the same time1 one is perhaps justified in seeing the foreshadowing of a developed belief in such words as these3 8,lord1 command that ,i be released from this distress1 let me go to the everlasting place1 and turn not ,thy face1 ,o ,lord1 away from me0 7,tobit iii4 #f74 7b7 ,a definite doctrinal development is to be discerned in two directions2 while in a number of passages the doctrine of ,god in each book is the same as normally taught in the ,old ,testament1 in ,tobit there is a distinct tendency to introduce the idea of an intermediate agency between ,god and men2 this is seen in the activity of the angel ,raphael1 who is sent to fulfil ,god's purposes1 e4g4 iii4 #af1 #ag3 8,at the self-same time the prayer of both was heard before the glory of ,god2 and ,raphael was sent to heal them both2 4440 and in xii4 #ab-ad ,raphael says3 8,and now1 when thou didst pray1 and ,sarah1 ,i did bring the memorial of your prayer before the glory of the ,lord2 and when thou didst bury the dead1 likewise44440 ,it is also worth noting that instead of speaking of ,god directly1 expressions such as 8the glory of ,god0 7as in the two passages just quoted71 and the 8,name0 7iii4 #aa1 viii4 #e1 xi4 #ad1 xii4 #f1 xiii4 #ah7 are used2 stress is thus laid on the transcendental character of ,god in a manner which reminds one of the later developments of ,judaism regarding this subject4 ,closely connected with what has just been said is the developed doctrine of angels in the ,book of ,tobit2 in addition to the passages just quoted reference may be made to xi4 #ad3 8,blessed is ,god1 and blessed is ,his great name1 and blessed are all ,his angels02 and xii4 #ae3 8,i am ,raphael1 one of the seven angels1 which stand and enter before the glory of the ,lord40 ,such ideas show a decided development of belief on the subject of angels as compared with the teaching of ,ben-,sira1 for in his book there is scarcely any reference to angels1 xlii4 #af 7and1 possibly1 xliii4 #bf7 being the only one4 ,it is the same with the subject of demonology1 which has no place in the teaching of ,ben-,sira1 while in ,tobit the references to ,asmodus 8the evil demon0 7iii4 #h1 #ag1 cp4 vi4 #ad7 and to methods of exorcism 7vi4 #g-i1 #af-ah1 viii4 #b1 #c7 show that belief in the activity of demons had begun to assume a position of considerable importance in popular superstition4 ,this comparison between the religious standpoint of the writer of ,tobit and that of ,ben-,sira shows that there is much affinity between the two1 and leads to the conclusion that1 in the main1 though not in all respects1 both belong to the same school of thought4 ,we have seen that ,ben-,sira represented the point of view of those who may be regarded as the precursors of what developed into the ,sadducan party after the ,maccaban struggle4 ,the writer of the ,book of ,tobit approximates to this standpoint upon the whole1 though in some respects he inclines to other directions4 ,loyalty to the ,law and belief in ,providence1 as we have pointed out in another chapter1 are not incompatible with the ,sadducan position2 the prominent stress laid on almsgiving and its efficacy 7iv4 #aj1 xii4 #i7 does not differ from the teaching of ,ben-,sira on the subject4 ,in his universalistic attitude1 though like ,ben-,sira an ardent ,israelite1 the writer of ,tobit follows in the teaching of the greatest prophets1 and in this differs fundamentally from the standpoint of those who1 later1 developed into the party of the ,pharisees4 ,that there is no teaching on the resurrection in passages where one would justly look for it had such a doctrine been held1 points in the same direction4 ,on the other hand1 the developed teaching on the transcendental character of ,god1 the angelology and demonology1 and the slight indications of the beginning of eschatological teaching1 point away from the position indicated4 ,this fact is full of interest as showing that prior to the ,maccaban struggle no hard and fast lines were drawn between different schools of thought1 although definite tendencies were distinctly observable4 ,we are inclined to see in the writer of the ,book of ,tobit a thinker whose natural tendency was to follow in the wake of the old conservative school1 but who was not uninfluenced by the rising thought of the ,apocalyptists 7see xiii4 #a-ah1 xiv4 #c-g71 and who felt that much of what was taught by the ,chassidim was of permanent value4 ,in ,chassidism were contained the germs#chg of what before long developed into the ,apocalyptic ,movement and ,pharisaism2 as long as these only remained tendencies there was nothing fundamentally antagonistic in either1 and in the writer of the ,book of ,tobit we see this exemplified4 ,this helps us1 by the way1 to understand why we find later specifically apocalyptic traits in ,pharisaic teaching1 and specifically ,pharisaic traits in ,apocalyptic teaching2 and this in spite of the pronounced antagonism which in course of time arose between the two4 ,this fact is to be explained not so much on the assumption that one influenced the other1 as that both descended from the same ancestor1 viz4 ,chassidism4 ,v4 ,,the ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,book1 ,,its ,,integrity1 ,,and ,,place ,,of ,,origin ,from what has just been said we are led to the conclusion that our book belongs to the same period as that of ,ecclesiasticus1 though perhaps slightly later in that period than the latter book4 ,its doctrinal standpoint1 like that of ,ecclesiasticus1 is pre-,maccaban4 ,that there is not the slightest reference to the ,maccaban struggle points in the same direction4 ,various reasons1 some of them rather forced1 have been put forward to show that the book is of much later date1 others to prove that it is much earlier2 but we feel convinced that the surest guide to the date of a ,jewish book written between those two great historical landmarks1 the time of ,ezra and the beginning of the ,christian era1 is its doctrinal standpoint4#chh ,this1 taken as a whole1 can in the case of our book only point to a time previous to the ,maccaban struggle2 for1 after this1 parties antagonistic to each other became definitely formed1 and such an attitude as that of the writer of the ,book of ,tobit was then unthinkable2 he must then have been either a ,sadducee or a ,pharisee or an ,apocalyptist 7,essenism does not come into consideration here71 whereas1 in point of fact1 he shows a mixture of all three tendencies4 ,the book is not necessarily later than ,ecclesiasticus1 for although it does in some respects show a development of doctrine it is quite possible for contemporaries to be in substantial agreement and yet for one to hold slightly more advanced views on certain points than another4 ,our book may thus be assigned to a date not much later than ,b4,c4 #age and not earlier than ,b4,c4 #aij4 ,a careful study of the book shows no reason for questioning its integrity2 the author has obviously utilized different materials in composing his story1 but apart from minor details1 his composition has not been added to by other writers4 ,the place of origin of the book cannot be decided with any certainty2 it lies between ,palestine and ,egypt1 though the balance of probability points to the latter4 ,the book was written for the ,jews of the ,dispersion2 this is clear from such words as the following3 ,give thanks unto ,him before the ,gentiles1 ye children of ,israel1 ,for ,he hath scattered you among them1 ,and there ,he hath shown you ,his greatness2 ,and extol ye ,him before all the living 7xiii4 #c1 #d71 and the writer himself says he is in captivity in xiii4 #f3 ,i1 in the land of my captivity1 give ,him thanks4 ,that this land cannot be either the ,far ,east1 ,persia1 ,assyria1 ,babylonia1 or ,media1 as has been held by different scholars1 is shown by ,simpson1 who says that 8such surmises are1 at the outset1 negatived by the author's ignorance of ,eastern geography and his acceptance of the ordinary standards of ,greek and ,roman geographies4 ,that the ,tigris flowed between ,nineveh and ,media was an idea common among the ,greeks2 that ,ecbatana was situated in a plain was a constant ,western fallacy1 and is repeated in ,diodorus ii4 #ac1 #f1 in a passage dependent on ,ctesias40#chi ,another1 apparently small1 point also suggests ,egypt2 it is said in vi4 #c that 8a great fish leaped up out of the water1 and would have swallowed the foot of the young man 44402 no ordinary fish would do this kind of thing1 it points rather to a crocodile of the ,nile1 and this was probably in the writer's mind2 8this conjecture10 in the words of ,robertson ,smith1 8is raised almost to certainty when we read in ,kazwini i4 #acb that the smell of the smoke of a crocodile's liver cures epilepsy1 and that its dung and gall cure leucoma1 which was the cause of ,tobit's blindness4 ,very similar statements as to the medicinal virtues of the crocodile occur in ,greek and ,latin writers40#cij ,further1 the sources utilized by the writer of the book suggest ,egypt as the place of its origin2 8only ,egyptian ,jews could need an antidote to the ,tractate of ,khons10 and this seems to have been one main purpose of the book4#cia ,finally1 if1 as seems upon the whole probable1 the book was originally written in ,greek1 a further reason for regarding ,egypt as its original home is offered4 ,some scholars are strong advocates of a ,semitic 7,hebrew or ,aramaic7 original1 but to give details of the reasons for either contention would involve technicalities which would be inappropriate here4 ,it must suffice to say that the ,greek as a whole does not read like a translation1 whatever may be the case in isolated instances4 ,if one reads the ,greek of ,ecclesiasticus1 which is admittedly a translation1 and compares it with that of the ,book of ,tobit1 the difference is enormous1 and forces one to believe that if ,tobit was originally written in ,hebrew or ,aramaic1 its ,greek form must be not a translation1 but a paraphrase4#cib ,it is1 however1 quite possible that the home of the writer was ,palestine1 and that for some reason or other he was compelled to spend some considerable time in ,egypt4 ,ben-,sira's grandson1 who was evidently a native of ,palestine1 came into ,egypt and continued there and issued his grandfather's book in a ,greek form while living there4 ,on the supposition that the writer of ,tobit was a native of ,palestine sojourning in ,egypt the ,aramaic traits in his book could be explained in a quite natural way4 ,,vi4 ,,the ,,value ,,of ,,the ,,book ,,for ,,new ,,testament ,,study ,there are a few passages in the ,book of ,tobit which1 on being compared with similar ones in the ,gospels1 illustrate the truth that ,christ inculcated much of the teaching of ,judaism with which ,his hearers were already familiar1 and which therefore had ,his approval4 ,in iv4 #h1 #i we read3 8,as thy substance is1 give alms of it according to thine abundance2 if thou have much1 according to the abundance therefore give alms2 if thou have little1 bestow it1 and be not afraid to give alms according to that little2 for thou layest up a good treasure for thyself against the day of necessity40 ,the spirit of this teaching is endorsed1 but made more spiritual1 in the familiar words of ,matthew vi4 #ai-ba3 8,lay not up for yourselves treasures upon the earth 444 but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven 444 for where thy treasure is1 there will thy heart be also40 ,an even more pointed illustration is seen on comparing ,tobit xii4 #h-aj with ,matthew vi4 #a-f2 the former runs3 8,better is prayer with truth1 and alms with righteousness1 than riches with unrighteousness2 it is better to give alms than to lay up gold 44402 in ,matthew vi4 #a-f almsgiving and prayer are likewise placed together1 only here again the teaching is fuller and deeper4 ,again1 in ,tobit iv4 #ae it is said3 8,what thou thyself hatest1 do to no man02 this negative injunction is put positively in ,matthew vii4 #ab3 8,all things therefore whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you1 even so do ye also unto them0 7cp4 ,luke vi4 #ca74 ,once more1 in ,tobit iv4 #af the command is given3 8,give of thy bread to the hungry1 and of thy garments to them that are naked02 this reminds one irresistibly of ,matthew xxv4 #ce1 #cf3 8,i was an hungred1 and ye gave me meat2 ,i was thirsty1 and ye gave me drink2 ,i was a stranger1 and ye took me in2 naked1 and ye clothed me44440 ,that ,st4 ,paul was well acquainted with the ,book of ,tobit1 and was influenced by it1 seems to come out clearly in some passages in his epistles2 thus the words in #b ,corinthians ix4 #i1 8,let each man do according as he hath purposed in his heart2 not grudgingly or of necessity10 echo what is said in ,tobit iv4 #g1 #af1 8,as thy substance is 4440 7quoted above7 and in verse #af3 8,let not thine eye be grudging when thou givest alms0 7cp4 #a ,cor4 xvi4 #b1 #b ,cor4 viii4 #ab74 ,although the identical injunction is given in ,tobit iv4 #ab;a and #a ,thessalonians iv4 #c1 and in ,tobit iv4 #ae;b and ,ephesians v4 #ah1 they do not necessarily imply that ,st4 ,paul was indebted to this book for them because they are so general in character4 ,on the other hand1 the thought in ,romans vi4 #bc1 8,for the wages of sin is death10 seems to be derived from ,tobit xii4 #aj3 8,they that commit sin and unrighteousness are enemies to their own life40 ,in the first epistle to ,timothy the influence of our book may also be discerned in a few cases2 thus1 in vi4 #f the words1 8,but godliness with contentment is great gain10 are in their essence closely analogous to what is written in ,tobit iv4 #ba3 8,and fear not1 my child1 because we have become poor2 thou hast much wealth1 if thou fear ,god and avoid every kind of sin1 and do the things which are good in the sight of the ,lord thy ,god40 ,in the same way1 the passage already quoted1 ,tobit iv4 #i1 8444 for thou layest up a good treasure for thyself against the day of necessity10 is spiritualized in #a ,timothy vi4 #ai3 8444 laying up in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come1 that they may lay hold on the life which is life indeed40 ,it is also worth mentioning that the expression 8,king eternal0 in #a ,timothy i4 #ag occurs also in ,tobit xiii4 #f4 ,in a few other passages identity of thought and verbal similarities are of interest3 the combination of good works and almsdeeds is found in ,tobit i4 #c and ,acts ix4 #cf2 in ,tobit xii4 #ab the words1 8,i did bring the memorial of your prayer before the glory of the ,lord10 reminds one forcibly of ,acts x4 #d3 8,thy prayers and thine alms are gone up for a memorial before ,god40 ,the idea of binding the devil occurs both in ,tobit viii4 #c and ,revelation xx4 #b1 and the description of the new ,jerusalem in ,tobit xiii4 #af-ah has some distinct points of similarity with the fuller picture given in ,revelation xxi4 #aj-ba4 ,in most of the cases given above the verbal similarity is more striking when read in the original ,greek4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,the ,book of ,judith ,,literature4--,fritzsche1 ,die ,bcher ,tobi und ,judith erklrt1 in 8,exegetisches ,handbuch zu den ,apokryphen0 7#ahec72 ,ball1 in ,wace1 ,i1 pp4 #bda-cfj2 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #cb-cg1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #bcj-bcg2 ,lhr1 in ,kautzsch1 ,i pp4 #adg-afd2 ,gaster1 in the 8,proceedings of the ,soc4 of ,biblical ,archology0 for #ahid1 pp4 #aef-afc2 ,scholz1 ,kommentar ber das ,buch ,judith und ber ,bel und ,drache 7#ahif72 ,wnsche1 ,aus ,israel's ,lehrhallen1 ,,ii1 pp4 #afd-ahe 7#aijh72 ,cowley1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #bdb-bfg4 ,i4 ,,contents ,,and ,,character ,,of ,,the ,,book ,the book purports to tell of events which took place in the reign of ,nebuchadnezzar1 8who reigned over the ,assyrians in ,nineveh40 ,it tells of how this king in the twelfth year of his reign gathered together many nations to fight with him against the ,medes2 the collection of this host seems to have taken five years1 for it was not until the seventeenth year of his reign that ,nebuchadnezzar attacked and conquered ,arphaxad1 king of the ,medes4 ,now among the peoples whom ,nebuchadnezzar had summoned to join him in this war all those of the west had refused to respond1 among them being those 8that were in ,carmel and ,gilead1 in the higher ,galilee and the great plain of ,esdraelon1 all that were in ,samaria and the cities thereof1 and beyond ,jordan unto ,jerusalem0 7i4 #i72 these and many others1 therefore1 ,nebuchadnezzar determined to punish now that he had successfully dealt with the ,medes4 ,so he commands ,holofernes1 the chief captain of his host1 to go with an army of #acb1jjj1 and take vengeance on these disobedient lands of the west4 ,then follows the account of ,holofernes' victorious progress until he reaches the plain of ,esdraelon2 he pitches his camp between ,geba and ,scythopolis1 and rests there for a month in order to 8gather together all the baggage of his host0 7ii4 #ba-;iii4 #aj74 ,the ,jews are now filled with anxiety1 and speedily set about taking measures of defence2 above all1 they fortify the villages on the mountain-tops4 ,joakim1 the high-priest1 takes the lead and commands the people of ,bethulia to seize the ascents of the hill-country overlooking the plain of ,esdraelon1 8because by them was the entrance into ,juda1 and it was easy to stop them from approaching1 inasmuch as the approach was narrow1 with space for two men at the most0 7iv4 #a-h74 ,the people then give themselves to fasting and prayers1 calling upon ,god to help them in this hour of danger 7iv4 #i-ae74 ,holofernes1 on hearing of the preparations made to resist his advance1 is greatly incensed4 ,then ,achior1 the leader of the ,ammonites who had joined the ,assyrian army1 warns ,holofernes1 by pointing to the past history of the ,jews1 that their ,god invariably helped these people so long as they remained faithful to ,him2 so that 8if there is no lawlessness in their nation10 ,achior concludes1 8let my lord now pass by1 lest their ,lord defend them1 and their ,god be with them1 and we shall be a reproach before all the earth40 ,holofernes1 however1 resents this warning1 thinking that ,achior's intention is to protect the ,jews by thus seeking to dissuade him from further advance4 ,to punish ,achior1 ,holofernes has him bound and taken to the foot of the hill on which the fortress of ,bethulia is situated2 he is left there in the hopes that he will be killed by the enemy4 ,but the ,israelites1 on finding him1 take him into the city and treat him kindly 7v41 vi474 ,holofernes now makes a demonstration in the valley in the sight of the garrison in ,bethulia1 his object being to inspire the ,jews with dread and despair1 and thus induce them to submit2 the capture of this mountain fortress was essential for the further advance4 ,but 8the children of ,esau0 realize that it is no easy matter to reduce an almost impregnable fortress like this otherwise than through famine2 above all1 if the water supply is cut off1 the garrison will speedily be forced to give in2 8remain in thy camp10 they say to ,holofernes1 8and keep safe every man of thy host1 and let thy servants get possession of the fountain of water which issueth forth from the foot of the mountain2 for all the inhabitants of ,bethulia have their water thence2 and thirst will kill them1 and they will give up their city40 ,holofernes sees the wisdom of this advice1 which is carried out4 ,the result is that the people in ,bethulia suffer terrible distress1 and are reduced to despair2 they come to ,ozias1 the elder of the city1 and call upon him to surrender2 ,ozias implores them to hold out for another five days1 firmly believing that ,god will have mercy upon them and not forsake them utterly4 ,to this the people consent 7vii474 ,these first seven chapters1 which constitute nearly half the book1 form in reality only the introduction to what follows2 the heroine of the story has not yet even been mentioned4 ,the writer has brought his narrative to a point where1 humanly speaking1 nothing can save the ill-fated people of ,bethulia2 but he leaves the impression upon his hearers that they are to expect something wonderful to happen during the five days of waiting for the end4 ,and1 in truth1 the story that follows is extraordinarily dramatic2 from chapter viii4 onwards one is carried along in almost breathless excitement1 it is a masterpiece of narrative2 though the one thing that perhaps somewhat mars its perfection is the writer's proneness to be diffuse4 ,with chapter viii4 ,judith is introduced2 first her genealogy is given1 she belongs to the tribe of ,simeon2 then other details are mentioned4 ,she has been a widow for three years and four months2 her husband1 ,manasses1 died of sunstroke2 he had left his widow 8gold1 and silver1 and menservants1 and maidservants1 and cattle1 and lands40 ,judith is a devout woman1 and strict in her religious observances2 her great beauty is often insisted upon1 and she is also endowed with much wisdom4 ,on her hearing of what had happened1 she sends her maid to the elders of the city1 ,ozias1 ,chabris1 and ,charmis1 inviting them to her house2 they come1 and ,judith addresses them at some length1 the gist of her words being that they have been wrong in promising to deliver up the city in five days1 because in doing so they have shown their want of faith in ,god2 moreover1 if ,bethulia is taken it will mean the utter downfall of the people1 and the profanation of the sanctuary4 ,so she urges them to be an example to the people by showing unwavering trust in ,god4 ,they commend her words1 and beg her to pray to ,god for rain1 that the cisterns may be filled and the people obtain refreshment4 ,but ,judith replies3 8,hear me1 and ,i will do a thing1 which shall go down to all generations among the children of our race40 ,she does not tell them what she is going to do1 but only says that ,god will use her as an instrument of deliverance before the five days are out 7viii474 ,the whole of the next chapter is taken up with ,judith's prayer to ,god in preparation for what she is about to undertake4 ,judith now goes with her maid to the camp of ,holofernes2 everyone is struck with her beauty1 and she is well received1 ,holofernes especially being very gracious to her4 ,she then declares to him the purpose of her coming1 which is for nothing less than the betrayal of her people4 ,she skilfully uses the argument which ,achior had used1 namely that as long as her people are faithful to ,god it will not be possible to overcome them1 but if they do anything to anger ,him1 then ,he will forsake them4 ,this1 she tells him1 is true2 but what ,achior did not know1 that she has come to tell1 and it is this3 the ,israelites are about to do something which will bring down upon them the wrath of ,god2 being in dire straits they are going to eat sanctified food1 which is contrary to the ,law2 they are merely waiting to receive licence to do this from the authorities in ,jerusalem1 where the same thing has already been done1 and as soon as they receive the permission they will transgress the ,law2 then will be ,holofernes' chance4 ,so ,judith says she will go forth each night1 and will pray to ,god ,who will tell her as soon as the people have committed their sins2 8and ,i will come and show it also unto thee2 and thou shalt go forth with all thy host1 and there shall be none of them that shall resist thee4 ,and ,i will lead thee through the midst of ,juda1 until thou comest over against ,jerusalem2 and ,i will set thy seat in the midst thereof40 ,needless to say that ,holofernes is greatly pleased with these words4 ,for three days ,judith and her maid remain in the camp within their own quarters2 each night they go forth to pray1 the guards being instructed to let them pass outside the camp 7x4-xii4 #i74 ,but on the fourth day ,holofernes gives a feast to which he invites ,judith2 she comes2 the feast lasts long1 and ,holofernes becomes inflamed with wine and casts evil eyes upon ,judith4 ,then all the servants go from the tent4 ,judith and ,holofernes are left alone2 but the latter is overcome with wine4 ,judith approaches the couch whereon he lies2 then uttering a hasty prayer for strength1 she seizes the warrior's scimitar and hews his head from his body4 ,she calls her maid1 who puts the head of ,holofernes into her bag of victuals1 and they both pass out of the camp1 and return to ,bethulia 7xii4 #aj-xiii4 #aj74 ,there is immense joy in the city when they learn what ,judith has done2 the head of ,holofernes is hung out on the battlements4 ,the ,assyrian army1 on learning what has happened1 are plunged into fear and confusion2 the ,israelites fall upon them and put them to flight4 ,judith is richly rewarded1 and honoured by all the people 7xiii4 #aa-xv4 #ac74 ,then follows ,judith's ,song of ,praise 7xvi4 #b-ag72 and the book closes with a short account of how ,judith dedicated to ,god her share of the spoil of the ,assyrian camp1 of her prosperity1 and finally of her death in ,bethulia at a ripe old age 7xvi4 #ah-be74 ,the first question as to the character of the book that naturally arises is whether1 or how far1 it is historical4 ,the opening words of the book are in themselves sufficient to show that the writer is not to be looked upon as a historian4 ,he says1 8,in the twelfth year of the reign of ,nebuchadnezzar1 who reigned over the ,assyrians in ,nineveh 44402 and again in ii4 #a ff4 it is narrated how in his eighteenth year he sent ,holofernes to undertake the campaign in the west4 ,but further1 in iv4 #b1 #c it says that the people were exceedingly afraid at the approach of ,holofernes1 and were troubled for ,jerusalem1 and for the temple of the ,lord their ,god2 8because they were newly come up from the ,captivity1 and all the people of ,juda were lately gathered together2 and the vessels1 and the altar1 and the house1 were sanctified after the profanation40 ,how utterly unhistorical all this is can be seen at once by referring to #b ,kings xxiv41 xxv41 and ,jeremiah xxxix41 xl4 ,nebuchadnezzar was king of ,babylon 7,nineveh fell in ,b4,c4 #fjh71 and it was in the eighteenth year of his reign 7,b4,c4 #ehf7 that ,jerusalem was besieged and captured for the second time1 the first time being in #eig2 and so far from the people having newly come up from the ,captivity1 it was just in this year that a further exportation of ,jews took place4 ,the return from the ,captivity was1 at the earliest1 in ,b4,c4 #ecf1 the rebuilding of the ,temple took place some twenty years later4 ,then1 again1 in iv4 #f-h ,joakim the high-priest is represented as supreme ruler2 but as a matter of fact ,gedaliah had been appointed by ,nebuchadnezzar as governor over the cities of ,judah 7#b ,kings xxv4 #bb1 ,jer4 xl4 #e74 ,on the face of it1 therefore1 the book is not to be regarded as historical4 ,yet the writer is well acquainted with the ,old ,testament1 and so far as the geography of ,palestine is concerned he is thoroughly au fait4 ,we must conclude that he simply chose the historical names and times as the framework in which to place his story in order that he might thereby render it more dramatic2 he purposely commits gross historical blunders in order to make it clear to his readers at the outset that the historical period chosen is merely for literary effect2 8they are to understand that this is fiction1 not history2 it did not take place in this or that definite period of ,jewish history1 but simply #8once upon a time1' the real vagueness of the date being transparently disguised in the manner which has become familiar in the folk-tales of other parts of the world40#cic ,there is1 of course1 always the possibility that some historical basis may exist for the actual story of ,judith as distinct from its framework1 and this is held to be the case by some scholars2 ,zunz1 for example1 says3 8,it is quite possible that in some ,palestinian town a popular festival might have been celebrated in memory of the heroic deed of some woman1 and that when the real occasion of it had been forgotten and had given place to a legend with manifold embellishment1 a story was composed in honour of ,judith1 presumably before the destruction of the ,temple40#cid ,the fact that several forms of the story exist supports this idea 7see the next section74 ,but the majority of scholars are disposed to regard the book as pure fiction 7with a special object in view as we shall see presently71 and without any basis of fact4 ,as a piece of literary work the book must command sincere admiration2 the author is a master in the art of story-telling1 and the way in which he intertwines the purposes for which the book was written with the narrative itself is very skilfully done4 ,striking1 too1 is the dramatic power which the writer exhibits2 the reader becomes fascinated as step by step he is drawn nearer and nearer to the climax1 wondering what it is going to be2 he is impelled to read on in order to see what is really going to happen1 for the writer cleverly conceals this right up to the very moment that the climax is reached4 ,judith's object in coming to ,holofernes seems to be represented at first as the act of a traitress1 and something worse2 and yet her deep piety convinces the reader that this cannot be2 so that he must read on2 he cannot stop4 ,torrey is certainly right in saying that 8what gained for the book its high esteem in early times1 in both the ,jewish and the ,christian world1 was its intrinsic merit as a story1 rather than its religious teaching or its patriotism40#cie ,,ii4 ,,variety ,,of ,,form ,,of ,,the ,,judith ,,story ,mention must be made of the fact that our book has come down to us in more than one form4 ,we have1 firstly1 the ,greek form preserved in the ,septuagint2 our ,apocrypha follows this1 and it is the one of which some account has been given in the preceding section4 ,this ,greek form of the story is much longer than the other1 to be spoken of presently2 but it exists in three recensions1 and the differences between these are considerable4 ,of these three1 one is preserved in the principal uncial manuscripts1 ,a1 ,b1 and to some extent in 2 this1 as just said1 is the recension adopted in our ,apocrypha4 ,the second is found in two cursive manuscripts1 numbered #ai and #ajh2 while the third occurs in a cursive numbered #ehcif2 it was from a manuscript belonging to the type of text representing this latter that the ,old ,latin and ,syriac ,versions were made4#cig ,it is probable that all these recensions go back to a single archetype4#cih ,but1 in the second place1 there exists1 in ,hebrew1 quite a different and much shorter form of the story2 this form is preserved in a ,hebrew manuscript1 found by ,gaster1#cii belonging approximately to the year ,a4,d4 #ajjj2 its home was1 according to ,gaster1 8somewhere in ,babylon10 and he believes that it 8must have belonged originally to the old ,megillath ,taanith10 a ,rabbinical tractate belonging to the ,haggadic literature4 ,in this shorter form some of the essential features of the story differ from the longer form2 thus1 ,seleucus takes the place of ,nebuchadnezzar2 ,judith appears not as a widow1 but as a maiden1 the daughter of ,ahitob2 the scene of the story1 moreover1 is not placed in ,bethulia1 but in ,jerusalem2 and the relations between ,judith and her victim are given in somewhat unblushing detail4 ,this form of the story occurs also in the ,megillath ,taanith 7chap1 vi471 as we now have it2 here there are again some variations1 for1 according to ,zunz1 8,judith is represented as the daughter of ,jochanan1 or of ,mattathiah1 and as a heroine belonging to the ,hasmonan period40#djj ,the question naturally arises here as to which of these forms most nearly represents the original story4 ,the rather intricate details which would have to be given in order to answer this would be wearisome2 we must content ourselves1 therefore1 with saying that there can be little doubt that the shorter1 ,hebrew1 form must be regarded as coming closest to the original form of the story4 ,in comparing the contents of each form1 as given respectively in the ,greek ,,mss4 and in the magazine in which ,gaster's manuscript has been published1 it will be seen that a variety of indications lead to the conviction that the shorter form is the older4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,teaching ,,and ,,purpose ,,of ,,the ,,book ,these two subjects go together2 for the answer to the one is the answer to the other4 ,the teaching is that of the rigidly orthodox ,pharisaic type2 observance of the ,law is the one thing needful4 ,this is vividly brought out whenever ,judith's piety is extolled2 her strictness with regard to the dietary laws is described in xii4 #a-i 7see also x4 #e1 xi4 #ab-ae72 when at last she sits down at the banquet of ,holofernes it is said3 8,she took and ate and drank before him what her servant had prepared0 7xii4 #ai74 ,her fasting and observance of the feast-days is mentioned in viii4 #f3 8,and she fasted all the days of her widowhood1 save the eves of the sabbaths1 and the sabbaths1 and the eves of the new moons1 and the new moons1 and the feasts and joyful days of the house of ,israel0 7cp4 iv4 #ac74 ,ritual ablutions are referred to in x4 #c1 xii4 #g1 #i1 her devotion to prayer in the whole of chapter ix41 and incidentally in viii4 #ca1 xi4 #ag1 xii4 #f1 xiii4 #c1 #d1 #g1 #aj4 ,it is strange that there is no reference to almsgiving4 ,further1 zeal for the ,temple is shown in iv4 #b1 #c1 iv4 #aa-ae1 v4 #ai1 viii4 #ba1 #bd1 ix4 #a1 #h1 #ac1 xvi4 #bj2 and the duty of mourning in viii4 #e1 #f1 xvi4 #bd4 ,the sin of withholding their dues from the priests is emphasized in xi4 #ac4 ,pharisaic particularism is to be discerned in viii4 #bj1 ix4 #ad1 xvi4 #ag2 proselytism in xiv4 #aj2 and eternal punishment on the ,gentiles in xvi4 #ag4 ,the worship of the ,one ,god of ,israel1 and the teaching concerning ,him1 is of course insisted upon throughout4 ,it will thus be seen that1 although much of the teaching is that of traditional ,judaism1 certain specifically ,pharisaic doctrinal points stand out conspicuously2 this1 it may be said in passing1 makes our book important for the study of pre-,christian ,judaism4 ,the main purpose of the book is1 therefore1 clearly to inculcate and to forward ,pharisaic ,judaism2 and at the time when this book was written 7see the next section7 this was extremely needful2 for although there were some things in the ,pharisaic presentation of ,judaism which were not conducive to spiritual religion1 it cannot be too strongly insisted upon that ,pharisaism was the one and only bulwark against heathenism in those days1 and the upholder of a true monotheistic faith4 ,it has been truly pointed out by ,elbogen#dja that 8the ,pharisees are usually described as the party of narrow legalistic tendencies1 and it is forgotten how strenuously they laboured against the ,hellenizing movement for the maintenance of ,monotheism2 it is forgotten that they built up religious individualism and purely spiritual worship2 that it was through them more especially that belief in a future life was deepened2 and that they carried on a powerful mission 7propaganda740 ,teaching of a different kind in our book1 and of subsidiary importance1 is that where ,god's honour is concerned ,his people must fight1 no matter how great the odds against them may be4 ,a warlike spirit breathes throughout the book2 but it is against the enemies of ,god1 the heathen nations1 that this spirit is directed2 so that it is the need and duty and glory of religious warfare that is inculcated4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,book ,the historical details given in the book are1 as we have seen1 wholly unreliable2 they cannot1 therefore1 be of any use in seeking to fix a date4 ,in the absence of other indications there is only one way in which this can be approximately ascertained1 and that is by the teaching and contents of the book4 ,but as has already been pointed out1 the form in which the story is given in the ,apocrypha is not the earliest2 so that we must seek to establish dates both for the form that we have here followed1 namely1 that of the ,apocrypha1 and for the story as it appeared in its original form4 ,we have shown that the teaching is that of the ,pharisaic type2 now it is1 as has been pointed out in an earlier chapter1#djb from the ,maccaban conflict with surrounding heathenism that ,pharisaism emerges as an active movement1 and it only becomes quiescent after the annihilation of the ,jewish national life in the reign of ,hadrian#djc2 this gives two outside dates within which the book in either form must have been composed1 viz4 roughly speaking between ,b4,c4 #aej-;,a4,d4 #ace4 ,the book is first quoted in the first epistle of ,clement of ,rome to the ,corinthians1#djd which was written in ,a4,d4 #ie or #if2 this presupposes the existence of our book for some time previously4 ,but a further consideration is this3 the pseudepigraphic book called 8,the ,assumption of ,moses10#dje was written at the beginning of the first century ,a4,d4 by a ,pharisee whose purpose in writing it was to urge upon the ,jews quietude and patience instead of a warlike spirit and national assertion2 the writer of this book belonged to the same party as the writer of the ,book of ,judith in its later form2 had both writers lived at the same time it is highly improbable that they would have taken up such entirely opposed attitudes on the question of religious warfare2 as there is no period during the first century ,a4,d4 the historical conditions of which would suit the warlike spirit of our book1 it is obvious that it must have been written before the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,gaster#djf has shown that there is only one period with which all the elements of our book coincide so far as warfare is concerned1 and that is the approach of ,pompey to ,jerusalem in ,b4,c4 #fc4 ,so that we may safely assign the middle of the first century ,b4,c4 as the date for the later form of our book1 ,as regards the earlier form of the book1 it is to be noted that it contains no references to ceremonial observances1 a fact which proves that it must have been written before ,pharisaism had had time to develop2 this is of itself sufficient to show that the book in its original form was written before ,b4,c4 #ajj2 so that we shall not be far wrong in fixing the date of this about the middle of the second century ,b4,c4 ,v4 ,,the ,,original ,,language ,,of ,,the ,,book ,there can be no two opinions as to what the original language of the book was1 namely ,hebrew2 in numerous instances the ,greek proves itself to have been translated from ,hebrew1 the idioms being those of classical ,hebrew2 so that this was the original language of both the longer and shorter forms4 ,st4 ,jerome1 in the preface to his translation1 says that he had the book before him in ,aramaic2 this cannot1 however1 have been the original1 for neither ,origen nor the ,jews with whom he was in communication knew either of a ,hebrew or an ,aramaic form of the book4#djg ,the ,hebrew original was lost altogether in the ,west1 but must have been preserved in some form or other in the ,east4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,the ,additions to the ,book of ,daniel ,,literature4--,brll1 ,das apokryphische ,susanna-,buch1 in 8,jahrbcher fr jdische ,geschichte und ,literatur0 7#ahgg72 ,ball1 in ,wace1 ,,ii1 pp4 #cje-cfj2 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #ahc-ahh1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #deb-deh2 ,scholz1 ,judith und ,bel und der ,drache 7#ahif72 ,julius1 ,die griechischen ,daniel-,zustze und ihre kanonische ,geltung 7#aija72 ,daubney1 ,the ,three ,additions to ,daniel1 7#aijf72 ,rothstein1 in ,kautzsch1 ,i1 pp4 #agb-aic2 ,bennett1 ,kay1 and ,witton ,davies1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #fbe-ffd4 ,the articles by ,marshall in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 and ,kamphausen1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl4 ,i4 ,,preliminary ,,remarks ,before dealing with these ,additions individually a word may be said about them collectively4 ,none of them occur in the ,hebrew ,bible and in only one manuscript of the ,septuagint proper are they found#djh2 but in the great uncials 7,b1 ,a1 ,q71 which contain ,theodotion's ,version of the ,septuagint1 they all appear as integral parts of the text of ,daniel4 8,in the ,greek manuscripts no break or separate title divides these ,greek additions from the rest of the text1 except that when ,daniel is divided into #8visions1' the first vision is made to begin at i4 #a1 ,susanna being thus excluded from the number2 ,bel1 on the other hand1 is treated as the last of the visions40#dji ,what the actual number of ,additions originally was is uncertain2 they are usually reckoned as three2 it is possible1 however1 that five originally separate pieces were incorporated into the text of the ,septuagint1 viz4 the ,story of ,susanna1 the ,prayer of ,azariah1 a short narrative piece1 the ,song of the ,three ,children1 and ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,the second1 third and fourth of these are usually regarded as forming one piece2 this question we shall consider immediately4 ,although some of these ,additions are quite inappropriate in their present context1 they have from very early times been regarded as belonging to the ,book of ,daniel proper2 8from the ,fathers it is clear that in the earliest ,christian copies of the ,septuagint both ,susanna and ,bel formed part of ,daniel1 to which they are ascribed by ,irenus and ,tertullian1 and implicitly by ,hippolytus4 ,the remarkable letter of ,julius ,africanus to ,origen which throws doubt on the genuineness of ,susanna1 calling attention to indications of its ,greek origin1 form a solitary exception to the general view2 even ,origen labours to maintain their canonicity40#daj ,clement of ,alexandria also apparently regarded ,susanna#daa and the ,song of the ,three ,children#dab and ,bel#dac as canonical2 and a string of other authorities could be cited4 ,a useful collection of references to and quotations from these ,additions in early ,christian writings is given by ,daubney1 ,the ,three ,additions to ,daniel1 pp4 #gf-hj1 #afc-afi1 #bce-bci4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,prayer ,,of ,,azariah ,this addition consists of two pieces3 a narrative portion1 verses #a1 #bc-bg1 and the ,prayer itself1 verses #b-bb4 ,now in the ,aramaic of ,daniel iii4 #bc1 #bd the text runs3 7#bc7 8,and these three men1 ,shadrach1 ,meshach1 and ,abed-nego1 fell down in the midst of the burning fiery furnace4 7#bd7 ,then ,nebuchadnezzar1 the king1 was astonished1 and rose up in haste44440 ,any candid reader must see at once that there is something not in order with the text here2 the natural sequence of the text would1 one might justly expect1 give some reason for ,nebuchadnezzar's astonishment before stating the fact4 ,something has evidently fallen out of the text after verse #bc4 ,if we insert after verse #bc of the canonical ,daniel the narrative addition found in the ,septuagint 7,theodotion's ,version7 we get the following3 ,and these three men1 ,shadrach1 ,meshach1 and ,abed-nego1 fell down in the midst of the burning fiery furnace4 ,and they walked in the midst of the fire1 singing the praise of ,god1 and blessing the ,lord4 ,and the king's servants1 that put them in1 ceased not to make the furnace hot with naphtha1 pitch1 tow1 and small wood2 so that the flame streamed forth above the furnace forty and nine cubits4 ,and it spread and burned those ,chaldans whom it found about the furnace4 ,but the angel of the ,lord came down into the furnace together with ,azarias and his fellows1 and he drove the flame of the fire out of the furnace2 and he made the midst of the furnace as it had been a moist whistling wind1 so that the fire touched them not at all1 neither hurt nor troubled them4 ,then ,nebuchadnezzar1 the king1 was astonied1 and rose up in haste2 he spake and said unto his counsellors1 ,did not we cast three men bound into the midst of the fire8 ,they answered and said unto the king1 ,true1 ,o king4 ,he answered and said1 ,lo1 ,i see four men loose1 walking in the midst of the fire1 and they have no hurt2 and the aspect of the fourth is like a son of the gods4 ,the words printed in italics are from the ,septuagint1 the rest from the canonical ,daniel4 ,there are two things that strike us here3 firstly1 we get the reason for ,nebuchadnezzar's astonishment2 and secondly1 we are told how it was that four instead of three men were seen in the furnace4 ,the reference to the fourth person in the furnace1 as given in the canonical text1 is abrupt2 that will be allowed4 ,the whole narrative1 as just given1 runs smoothly and naturally4 ,we contend1 therefore1 that this narrative addition of the ,septuagint represents--it may not be the exact translation--an original portion of the canonical ,daniel4 ,it will be remarked that part of the addition1 namely that which refers to the burning of the ,chaldans1 is already represented in verse #bb of the canonical ,daniel1 viz41 8the flame of the fire slew those men that took up ,shadrach1 ,meshach1 and ,abed-nego02 but these words do not occur in the one manuscript1 mentioned above1 of the ,septuagint proper which we possess1 nor in ,theodotion's ,version2 they are added in the ,alexandrian manuscript1 but are evidently a later addition as this manuscript also contains the reference to the ,chaldans as given in the quotation above4 ,turning now to the ,prayer itself1 we notice first that there is nothing in it which connects it with the episode to which it is supposed to belong2 the words of verse #b1 which introduce the ,prayer1 viz4 8,then ,azarias rose up and prayed thus1 and opened his mouth in the midst of the fire and said10 are an expansion made in order to give it an appearance of connection with verse #a2 probably the words ran originally3 8,then ,azarias rose up and prayed thus10 or something to this effect4 ,the ,azarias here mentioned is not one of the 8,three ,children02 moreover1 if the ,prayer had originally been written in reference to them we should expect it to have been put into the mouth of ,hananiah 7,ananias71 i4e4 the equivalent of the ,aramaic ,shadrach1 whose name is always placed first4 ,that the ,prayer was composed during the early part of the ,maccaban struggle seems probable for the following reasons3 in verse #e it says1 8,in all the things that ,thou hast brought upon us1 and upon the holy city of our fathers1 even ,jerusalem1 ,thou hast executed true judgements2 for according to truth and justice hast ,thou brought all these things upon us because of our sins40 ,the nation has thus suffered adversity4 ,in verse #i it says further3 8,and ,thou didst deliver us into the hands of lawless enemies1 and most hateful forsakers of ,god1 and to a king unjust and the most wicked in all the world40 ,these 8lawless enemies0 who are 8most hateful forsakers of ,god0 are the extreme ,hellenistic ,jews mentioned in #a ,maccabees i4 #aa-ae2 and by the 8king unjust and the most wicked in all the world0 is meant ,antiochus ,epiphanes 7cp4 #a ,macc4 i4 #bj-bd1 #da-fd74 ,the sore plight in which the nation found itself is shortly but graphically described in verses #ad1 #ae2 8,for we1 ,o ,master1 have been made less than all the nations1 and are brought this day in all the world because of our sins4 ,neither is there at this time prince1 or prophet1 or leader1 or burnt-offering1 or sacrifice1 or oblation1 or incense1 or place to offer before ,thee and to find mercy40 ,this certainly describes the state of affairs in ,palestine at the beginning of the ,maccaban struggle2 the date of the composition would1 therefore1 be about ,b4,c4 #agj2 and the passages quoted read like the words of one who lived in ,palestine4 ,the indications in the ,prayer of its having been originally written in ,hebrew#dad would point in the same direction4 ,the conjecture may be hazarded that in its original form it was in no way connected with the ,book of ,daniel2 it was inserted1 before the ,greek translation was made1 because its author happened to have the same name as one of the heroes in the ,daniel story2 but since some copies of ,daniel must have existed which did not contain this addition there was a doubt as to whether it had any right to a place there4 ,the canonical ,daniel and the ,septuagint represent respectively these two opinions4 ,with the ,prayer should be compared ,daniel ix4 #d-ai and ,baruch i4 #ae-;iii4 #h2 all three partake of a liturgical character2 this becomes abundantly clear if one reads them in connection with certain portions of the modern ,jewish ,liturgy 78,morning ,prayer10 see ,singer's edition1 ,the ,authorized ,daily ,prayer ,book1 pp4 #cg ff474 ,it is difficult to get away from the conviction that all three of the pieces just mentioned were in some way connected with the ancient ,jewish ,liturgy2 whether extracts from time-honoured prayers1 or based upon these1 it is of course impossible to say1 but they quite distinctly breathe the ,jewish liturgical spirit4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,song ,,of ,,the ,,three ,,children ,this ,song is introduced with the words of verse #bh3 8,then the three1 as out of one mouth1 praised1 and glorified1 and blessed ,god in the furnace saying02 thus the connection with the 8,three ,children0 is brought about4 ,in verse #ff1 at the conclusion of the ,song1 another connecting link is brought in3 ,o ,ananias1 ,azarias1 and ,misael1 bless ye the ,lord1 ,sing ,his praise and highly exalt ,him for ever4 ,for ,he hath rescued us from ,hades1 and saved us from the power of death1 ,and delivered us from the midst of the burning fiery furnace1 even out of the fire hath ,he delivered us4 ,a concluding doxology 7verses #fg1 #fh7 is added4 ,it is probable that all these three verses form a later addition4 ,this ,song again1 apart from the added verses1 has nothing in it which would connect it with the 8,three ,children40 ,its tone of exultation is in strong contrast to the despondent tone of the ,prayer2 this is1 however1 one indication of the date of its composition1 though a negative one1 viz41 it cannot have been written during the ,maccaban struggle4 ,it cannot1 on the other hand1 have been written before this struggle as the advanced belief in the future life taught in verse #fd precludes this2 that verse runs3 ,o ye spirits and souls of the righteous1 bless ye the ,lord1 ,sing ,his praise1 and highly exalt ,him for ever4 ,we must1 therefore1 date it after the ,maccaban struggle1 probably soon after1 on account of its jubilant tone4 ,like the ,prayer1 this ,song was written in ,hebrew1 though the arguments for a ,greek original in both cases cannot be lightly dismissed4 ,why it came to be placed in its present position can be quite naturally accounted for2 it was due to the desire to put into the mouth of the ,three ,children a hymn of blessing and glory to ,god for their wonderful deliverance4 ,it must have been put into its present place subsequently to the ,prayer1 but as regards its further history one must hazard a conjecture similar to that mentioned above in reference to the ,prayer4 ,it is also highly probable that1 like the ,prayer1 the ,song was used in public worship4 ,for the form in which it is composed one should compare two liturgical pieces preserved in the modern ,jewish ,liturgy1 viz4 the 8,abinu ,malkenu0 7,our ,father1 our ,king7#dae and the 8,order of counting the ,omer0#daf2 both differ wholly in content from that of the ,song1 but the liturgical form is similar in each case4 ,see also the 8,psalm of ,thanksgiving0 which occurs in ,ecclesiasticus li4 after verse #ab 7only preserved in the ,hebrew71 and compare with it the 8,shemoneh #8,esreh0 in the ,jewish ,liturgy 7,singer1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #dd ff474#dag ,that the ,song1 when one remembers its history--and if we are right in believing that it was at one time used in public worship by the ,jews--has been incorporated into the ,english ,church ,liturgy seems to be only in the fit and natural order of things4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,story ,,of ,,susanna ,the position of this addition varies in the manuscripts2 in some it precedes the first chapter of the canonical ,daniel2 this is the case in the uncials1 while in the one manuscript extant of the ,septuagint proper which contains it1 it forms chapter xiii4 of that book4 ,the story is briefly as follows3 ,susanna was the daughter of a ,jew dwelling in ,babylon1 named ,joakim2 she was beautiful and devout4 ,among ,joakim's friends were two elders of the people who were judges2 these two were frequent visitors at the house of ,joakim4 ,they both fell in love with ,susanna1 unbeknown to each other2 but each was detected by the other one morning when they had gone out into the garden where ,susanna was wont to bathe4 ,they1 therefore1 agreed to act together in their wicked design2 but on approaching ,susanna they were repulsed by her with indignation1 and in order to protect themselves they accused her of having been unfaithful to her husband by admitting a young man secretly into the garden4 ,this accusation they bring against her in the public court4 ,as ,susanna has no means of proving her innocence she is1 according to the ,law1 condemned to death4 ,on her way to execution the crowd is separated by a young man named ,daniel1 who maintains that ,susanna's condemnation is due to false witness2 and1 basing his demand on the ,law1 insists that there shall be anew trial4#dah ,at this new trial the young man ,daniel examines the two witnesses1 and asks each separately under which tree in the garden the crime of which they accuse ,susanna took place2 one says1 under a mastick tree1 the other1 under a holm tree4 ,this contradiction reveals their falseness1 and they are condemned4 8,so when they had gagged them1 they led them out and hurled them into a chasm2 then the angel of the ,lord cast fire in the midst of them4 ,and thus was innocent blood kept safe on that day0 7verse #fb;a1 ,septuagint74 ,the purpose which the writer of this story had in view is reflected in the quotation given above from the ,mishna1 ,sanhedrin vi4 #b1 where two points are specially emphasized1 namely1 that a criminal who has been condemned is to have every chance of clearing himself1 even up to the very end2 and that adequate witness must be forthcoming before an accused man may be condemned4 ,in fact the passage referred to is one of several others which could be given implying that a reform in the administration of justice had at one time taken place among the ,jewish authorities4 ,ball1 following ,brll1#dai shows1 in the admirable introduction to his commentary on this book1 that this reform was instituted at the instance of ,simon ben ,shetach who lived during the reigns of ,alexander ,jannus 7,b4,c4 #ajc-gf7 and ,alexandra#dbj 7,b4,c4 #gf-fg72 it consisted1 firstly1 in the institution of a proper examination of witnesses2 in the ,mishna1 ,pirqe ,aboth i4 #i it is said3 8,simon ben ,shetach used to say1 ,examine the witnesses abundantly1 and be cautious in thy words1 lest they learn from them to give false answers40 ,but ,simon ben ,shetach was also1 in the words of ,ball1 8the champion of another reform in connection with the law of testimony4 ,as the brother-in-law of king ,alexander ,jannus1 he was able1 after a long struggle1 to secure the triumph of his party1 the ,pharisees1 in the ,sanhedrin1 and of their principles in the administration of the ,law1 over their opponents1 the ,sadducees4444 ,according to ,sadducan principles1 they who had falsely accused a man of a capital crime were only put to death if the sentence had already been executed on their victim4 ,the legal aphorism1 #8life for life1' was construed literally4 ,the ,pharisees1 on the other hand1 relying on ,deuteronomy xix4 #ai1dba considered the intention of the accusers as equivalent to actual murder4 ,according to them1 the maxim #8life for life' came into application as soon as1 in consequence of the false depositions1 sentence had been pronounced1 although not yet carried out4 ,the law at the time extraordinarily favoured informations4 ,the witnesses1 who were also the accusers1 were only examined about the main fact1 so that their falsehood could not easily become evident2 and even if it did1 they got off without punishment1 though the accused had actually been executed4 ,this crying evil the ,pharisaic party sought to remedy by the introduction of a more rigorous examination of witnesses1 and by making the law more severe against false witnesses40 ,the author's aim1 therefore1 in writing this book1 was to show1 by means of a story1 that the administration of justice was in some most important particulars defective1 and to put forth the ,pharisaic suggested reform as the proper remedy4 ,the questions of authorship1 date1 place of writing1 and language1 are all practically answered by what has been said2 it was written by a ,pharisee1 during the last quarter of the first century ,b4,c41 in ,jerusalem 7or1 at any rate1 in ,palestine72 the language was in all probability ,hebrew4 ,the judicial acumen of the 8young man0 who examined the false witnesses1 and upon whom 8a spirit of discernment0 7verse #de1 ,septuagint7 was bestowed1 was probably the reason of the name of ,daniel 78,my judge is ,el07 being given to him4 ,thus would sufficiently explain why it became prefixed1 or added1 to the ,book of ,daniel1 with which it has otherwise no connection4 ,v4 ,,bel ,,and ,,the ,,dragon ,this addition follows the preceding one in all the ,greek manuscripts by which it is treated as an integral part of the canonical ,daniel4 ,the story tells how ,daniel proved to the king 7called 8,cyrus the ,persian0 in ,theodotion's ,version1 but not specified by name in the ,septuagint manuscript7 that the ,babylonian idol ,bel was not a living god4 ,the king is convinced that ,daniel is mistaken1 and as proof thereof points to the food which the god demolishes daily4 ,but ,daniel undertakes to show the king that not ,bel1 but his priests1 with their wives and children1 are those who daily consume the food which they place before him4 ,daniel and the king1 then1 go into the temple and watch the food being set before ,bel2 thereupon the king's seal is set upon the entrance to the temple1 but not before ,daniel has managed to get the ashes of wood strewn all over the floor of the temple4 ,during the night the priests with their families enter the temple1 as is their wont1 by secret doors and enjoy the food set before ,bel4 ,the next morning the king1 accompanied by ,daniel1 enter the temple2 the king1 seeing the footprints of men1 women and children in the ashes on the floor1 realizes the fraud of which he has been the victim1 and which has now been exposed by the wisdom of ,daniel4 ,the image of ,bel is destroyed1 and his priests put to death4 ,there follows then the exploit of ,daniel with the dragon4 ,daniel had scoffed at ,bel because he had been made of clay and bronze2 but this god1 as the king says1 8liveth1 and eateth1 and drinketh40 ,however1 ,daniel undertakes to kill this living god without sword or staff1 and thus prove that he is no god4 ,so he takes pitch1 and fat and hair1 and makes lumps of them1 and puts them into the dragon's mouth2 the dragon eats them and bursts asunder4 ,the king is convinced4 ,but the populace threaten to rise against him unless he delivers unto them the destroyer of their gods4 ,the king gives way2 and ,daniel1 being delivered up1 is cast into a den of lions4 ,after remaining in the den for six days1 without being touched by the lions1 ,habakkuk 7presumably the prophet of that name is intended7 brings him his dinner1 having been conveyed by an angel from ,palestine to ,babylon for this purpose4 ,finally1 ,daniel is released by the king1 at whose order those who would have brought about his destruction are cast into the den of lions and devoured instead4 ,the purpose of this addition is obviously to throw ridicule on idolatry2 although the story is somewhat puerile it may well reflect forms of idolatry which obtained not only in ,babylon in earlier days1 but also among the ,gentiles at the time when the author lived 7about ,b4,c4 #ajj1 or a little earlier72 that is to say that both images and living animals were worshipped4 ,by the 8dragon0 is probably meant a serpent#dbb2 we know that serpents were kept at ,greek shrines2 for example1 in the temple of ,aesculapius at ,epidaurus1#dbc and elsewhere1 and were1 therefore1 probably objects of worship4#dbd ,the writer of this addition may likely enough have had this kind of idolatry in mind when speaking of the 8dragon40 ,that ,daniel slaying the 8dragon0 was intended to be a reference to the myth of ,merodach and his conflict with ,tiamat seems highly improbable1 for the addition is clearly a philippic against idolatry1 and there would be no point in referring to this primeval combat4 ,as it is not likely to have been written for ,jews1 the original language was probably ,greek2 there is nothing in the composition which indubitably stamps it as having been translated from a ,semitic original4 ,we are inclined to regard it as belonging to the same type of literature as the ,sibylline ,oracles1 and written for the purpose of ,jewish propaganda2 cp4 verse #bh1 8,the king has become a ,jew10 and verse #da1 8,and the king cried out and said1 ,great is the ,lord ,god1 and there is no other god beside ,him40 ,the universalistic attitude of the writer1 and his silence about the ,law1 the sacrifices1 and the priesthood1 also point in the direction indicated4 ,as the author chooses ,babylon as the scene of his story1 it is not unnatural that he should make ,daniel his hero2 this would account for the addition having subsequently been appended to the ,book of ,daniel4 ,the verses #cc-ci;a1 which introduce the ,habakkuk episode1 are probably from some legend regarding the prophet of that name2 they have been ineptly inserted here2 the narrative reads far better without them1 viz43 7verse #cb7 8,and ,daniel was in the lion's den six days2 7verse #ci;b7 but the ,lord ,god remembered ,daniel44440 ,it would be hazardous to attempt to assign any particular place as the home of this addition1 beyond saying that1 if we are correct in supposing that the little composition was written for propagandist purposes1 it is more likely to have been written somewhere in the ,dispersion than in ,palestine4 ,,chapter ,v ,the ,additions to the ,book of ,esther ,,literature4--,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xi1 vi42 ,fritzsche1 in ,kurzgefasstes exegetisches ,handbuch zu den ,apokryphen des ,alten ,testamentes 7#ahea72 ,schrer1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 iii41 pp4 #aha-ahc 7#ahia72 ,scholz1 ,kommentar ber das ,buch ,esther mit seinen ,zustzen 7#ahib72 ,cornill1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bfa-bfc 7#ahif72 ,jacob1 ,das ,buch ,esther bei den lxx41 in the 8,zeitschrift fr die ,alttestamentliche ,wissenschaft0 7#ahij71 pp4 #bda ff42 ,swete1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #beg-bei 7#aijj72 ,ryssel1 in ,kautzsch1 ,op4 cit41 ,i1 pp4 #aic ff4 7#aijj72 ,gregg1 in ,charles1 ,op4 cit41 ,i4 pp4 #ffe-fhd4 ,i4 ,,the ,,nature ,,and ,,object ,,of ,,the ,,additions ,in the canonical ,book of ,esther the story is told of how ,ahasuerus1 king of ,persia1 dismissed his queen1 ,vashti1 because she refused to obey his commandment to come and show her beauty to his assembled guests at a festival4 ,in her place the king chose ,esther1 a ,jewish maiden belonging to the tribe of ,benjamin1 to be his queen4 ,esther was of the ,jewish exiles living in ,persia1 and was under the protection of her cousin ,mordecai2 but she 8had not showed 7it to7 her people1 nor her kindred2 for ,mordecai had charged her that she should not show it40 ,in consequence of the position now occupied by his cousin1 ,mordecai came to court every day in order to watch over her interests4 ,on one occasion he was the means of saving the king1 all unconscious1 from assassination2 this was duly told to the king by ,esther4 ,but ,mordecai had the misfortune to offend ,haman1 the king's chamberlain2 in consequence of this ,haman represented the ,jews to the king as a turbulent and disloyal people4 ,the result was that the king issued a proclamation according to which the ,jews were to be plundered and massacred4 ,the day for this ,haman fixed by lot 78they cast ,pur1 that is1 the lot1 before ,haman from day to day10 iii4 #g74 ,esther1 persuaded by ,mordecai1 resolves to save her people4 ,she invites the king and ,haman to a banquet4 ,on the night preceding the banquet1 the king1 being unable to sleep1 orders the national records to be brought to him2 in reading these he comes across the account of ,mordecai's service in saving the king from assassination2 this the king had presumably forgotten1 for ,mordecai had never been rewarded4 ,in the meantime1 ,haman1 secure of favour1 resolves upon the immediate death of ,mordecai2 he has a gallows made1 fifty cubits high1 on which he intends to hang ,mordecai1 and he goes to the king at once to get permission to do so4 ,on entering into the king's presence1 ,ahasuerus says to him3 8,what shall be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour80 ,haman1 thinking that the king has him in mind1 says that such a man should have royal apparel1 and the king's horse to ride upon1 and should ride through the city1 attended by one of the great nobles1 to receive the people's homage4 ,thereupon the king orders ,haman to attend upon ,mordecai in such a procession2 this he has perforce to do4 ,the next day ,esther gives her banquet2 ,ahasuerus and ,haman hear for the first time that she is a ,jewess4 ,she then asks the king that ,haman may be hanged on the gallows he has prepared for ,mordecai2 her request is granted1 and ,mordecai becomes the king's chamberlain in his stead4 ,the king issues another proclamation1 at ,esther's request1 in which power is granted to the ,jews to pillage and slay their enemies4 ,finally the feast of ,purim is instituted 8because ,haman 444 the enemy of all the ,jews1 had devised against the ,jews to destroy them1 and had cast ,pur1 that is1 the lot1 to consume them1 and to destroy them44440 7ix4 #bd-cb74 ,it has been necessary to give this outline of the contents of the canonical ,book of ,esther in order to show the point of the additions in the ,septuagint2 for as found in the ,english ,apocrypha the additions are taken together and treated as one whole2 but by being thus separated from their contexts their raison d'tre is not seen4 ,in the ,septuagint the additions form elaborations of certain passages of the canonical ,esther2 so that in order to see the object of the additions each must be considered from the point of view of its original position4#dbe 7#a7 ,the first addition is given in the ,english ,apocrypha as xi4 #b-xii4 #f2 in the ,septuagint it precedes chapter i41 and takes the form of an introduction to the whole story4 ,it tells of how ,mordecai had a dream1 which he interpreted as a revelation of the fact that an attempt was going to be made upon the king's life 7see ii4 #ba-bc in the canonical ,esther74 ,he tells the king of the threatened danger2 he watches those whom the dream has revealed as the culprits1 and overhears them while making their plans2 he then denounces them to the king1 and the conspirators1 having confessed their guilt1 are executed4 ,mordecai is promoted to a place of honour at court4 ,the object of this addition is1 therefore1 to show how ,mordecai first got advancement at the court of ,artaxerxes 7,ahasuerus74 7#b7 ,the second addition is given in the ,english ,apocrypha as xiii4 #a-g1 which in the ,septuagint comes between verses #ac and #ad of chapter iii4 ,this purports to give verbatim the letter sent by ,artaxerxes to the governor of the provinces commanding the massacre of the ,jews4 ,in the canonical ,esther iii4 #ac runs3 8,and the letters were sent by post unto all the king's provinces1 to destroy1 to slay1 to cause to perish1 all ,jews1 both young and old1 little children and women1 in one day1 even upon the thirteenth day of the twelfth month1 which is the month ,adar1 and to take the spoil of them for a prey02 then follows the addition of the ,septuagint4 ,in the letter the king tells of how it had been his wish ever since he came to the throne to see his people living in quietude and peacefulness2 but that1 according to information he has received from ,haman1 this has not been possible of attainment because of 8a certain malignant people1 that had laws contrary to all nations1 and continually set aside the commandments of kings1 so as the uniting of our kingdoms1 honourably intended by us1 cannot go forward40 ,the command is then given to exterminate these people in order that the affairs of the kingdom can be settled4 ,the object of this addition is evidently to emphasize the peril in which the ,jews were owing to the machinations of ,haman4 ,another object may also have been to show the high favour which ,haman enjoyed 7he is spoken of as one 8that excelled in wisdom among us1 and was approved by his constant goodwill and steadfast fidelity07 in order to place his ignominious downfall in more pronounced relief4 7#c7 ,the next addition 7xiii4 #h-xiv4 #ai in the ,english ,apocrypha7 comes after iv4 #ag of the canonical ,esther4 ,it contains a prayer of ,mordecai 7xiii4 #h-ag71 a prayer of ,esther 7xiv4 #a-ai71 and one verse 7xiii4 #ah7 which says that all ,israel also prayed to ,god2 these are prayers for deliverance from the danger hanging over the people of ,jehovah in view of the king's letter4 ,these prayers breathe a spirit of deep devotion and loyalty to ,god4 ,the object of this addition is obvious2 it is that the utter lack of religion in the canonical book#dbf should be made good2 as is well known1 the name of ,god does not occur a single time in the canonical ,esther4 7#d7 ,the fourth addition 7xv4 #a-af in the ,english ,apocrypha7 follows immediately after the preceding one4 ,this is an elaboration of v4 #a1 #b of the canonical ,esther1 which verses are omitted in the ,septuagint2 it recounts in detail ,esther's appearance before the king for the purpose of inviting him to the banquet as mentioned in v4 #c ff4 of the canonical book4 ,the object of this addition is similar to that of the preceding2 it is to show that the success of ,esther's interview with the king was due to 8the all-seeing ,god and ,saviour10 upon ,whom she called before setting forth4 7#e7 ,this addition 7xvi4 #a-bd in the ,english ,apocrypha7 comes after viii4 #ab of the canonical ,esther2 it purports to give the contents of the letter of ,artaxerxes 7see viii4 #h ff4 of the canonical ,esther7 written to revoke the order given in the former one 7see 7#b774 ,here the object is twofold2 in the first place it is1 once more1 to give a religious tone to the book2 the king speaks of those who try to escape 8the evil-hating justice of ,god02 he says that the ,jews are the 8children of the most high and most mighty living ,god1 ,who hath ordered the kingdom both unto us and to our progenitors in the most excellent manner02 and in other ways he gives due honour to ,god by what he says4 ,secondly1 another object of the addition seems to be to mitigate the rather bloodthirsty spirit of the canonical ,esther4 7#f7 ,the last addition 7but first in position in the ,english ,apocrypha1 x4 #d-xi4 #a7 comes at the end of the book in the ,septuagint2 x4 #d-ac contain the interpretation of the dream given in addition which we have numbered 7#a74 ,this last addition1 too1 has the object of giving a more religious tone to the book2 8these things are of ,god10 is the way in which the interpretation of the dream is introduced2 and the fact that the name of ,god is mentioned nine times in as many verses amply illustrates the purpose of the addition4 xi4 #a is a note added to the last addition which is intended to explain how the 8,letter of ,purim0 7by which is meant the whole book of ,esther with the additions7 was brought to ,egypt2 but1 as ,swete says3 8the historical value of the book is more than doubtful40#dbg ,,ii4 ,,authorship ,,and ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,additions ,that the author1 or1 perhaps more probably1 the authors of these additions were ,hellenistic ,jews is sufficiently clear from the whole tone of them2 a striking example of detail is that ,artaxerxes is made to say that both he and his forefathers had received their kingdom from ,god4 ,as to the date at which the additions were made there is nothing in the additions themselves which offers any clue2 but a book1 such as the canonical ,esther1 in which a wonderful deliverance of the ,jews is recorded1 would be especially welcome to the people during a time of stress and anxiety2 and if1 at a time when such a book might well have been eagerly sought after1 patriotic ,jews should have enhanced its lesson of hope and encouragement by adding explanatory details1 such a procedure would have been in the highest degree natural4 ,there is but one period of stress and anxiety that can come into consideration here1 and that is the time of the ,maccaban struggle2 so we conclude that these additions must have been made during the latter half of the second century ,b4,c4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,the ,prayer of ,manasses ,,literature4--,ball1 in ,wace1 ii4 pp4 #cfa-cga2 ,nestle1 ,septuagintastudien1 iii4 pp4 #f ff4 7#ahii72 ,ryssel1 in ,kautzsch1 i4 pp4 #afa-aga2 ,ryle1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #fab-fbd4 ,i4 ,,the ,,contents ,,of ,,the ,,prayer ,the ,prayer is a beautiful one1 finely constructed1 full without being drawn out1 and breathing throughout deep personal religion4 ,it is certainly one of the best pieces in the ,apocrypha4 ,after the invocation to ,god ,almighty1 8the ,god of our fathers1 of ,abraham1 and ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 and of their righteous seed10 comes an acknowledgement of ,his power and glory2 all things tremble before ,his might1 and ,his wrath against sinners is unendurable2 yet ,his mercy is without limit to the repentant3 8,thou art the ,lord ,most ,high1 of great compassion1 long-suffering and abundant in mercy1 and repentest ,thee for evils of men10 i4e4 ,god in ,his pity relents because of the sufferings of men1 even though brought on them by their own sins4 ,god is then called upon to fulfil ,his promise of forgiveness to ,his repentant servant4 ,the supplicator confesses his manifold sins1 and protests his sense of unworthiness3 8,i am not worthy to behold and see the height of heaven by reason of the multitude of mine iniquities40 ,then after further confession of sin1 and pleading with ,god to put away ,his anger and to show ,his mercy in forgiveness1 the ,prayer concludes with the words3 8,and ,i will praise ,thee for ever all the days of my life2 for all the host of heaven doth sing ,thy praise1 and ,thine is the glory for ever and ever4 ,amen40 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,the ,,prayer ,in #b ,chronicles xxxiii4 #ab1 #ac it is said that when ,manasseh 8was in distress he besought the ,lord his ,god1 and humbled himself greatly before the ,god of his fathers4 ,and he prayed unto ,him2 and ,he was entreated of him1 and heard his supplication1 and brought him again unto ,jerusalem unto his kingdom4 ,then ,manasseh knew that the ,lord ,he was ,god40 ,again1 in verses #ah1 #ai of the same chapter the chronicler says3 8,now the rest of the acts of ,manasseh1 and his prayer unto his ,god1 and the words of the seers that spake to him in the name of the ,lord1 the ,god of ,israel1 behold1 they are written among the acts of the kings of ,israel4 ,his prayer also1 and how ,god was entreated of him 444 behold1 they are written in the history of ,hozai40#dbh ,the 8,prayer of ,manasses10 it is usually held1 purports to be the prayer to which the chronicler refers2 ,ball1 for example1 says3 8,it is evident from the references in #b ,chronicles xxxiii4 #ah1 #ai that a prayer of ,manasseh1 written in ,hebrew1 lay before that writer i4e4 the chronicler2 and we may perhaps venture to add that there is nothing in the form or substance of the ,prayer before us which can fairly be alleged against the possibility of its having been ultimately derived from that lost ,hebrew original4444 ,we incline to think that the ,greek is a free translation from some lost ,haggadic narrative1 which was itself perhaps founded upon the older document from which the chronicler derived his peculiar details of the history of ,manasseh40#dbi ,this is an attractive theory1 but there are some objections to it which will appear as we proceed4 ,ryle offers an entirely different hypothesis as to its origin3 8,it is easy to understand that the chronicler's story of ,manasseh's repentance and prayer1 and deliverance from captivity must have produced upon the minds of devout ,jews a profound impression4 ,the record of his idolatry and of his persecution of the servants of ,jehovah had stamped his name with infamy in the annals of ,judah4 ,but side by side with his wickedness were commemorated the unusual length of the king's reign and the quiet peacefulness of his end4 ,the chronicler's story of the repentance and conversion of ,manasseh provided an explanation of a seemingly unintelligible anomaly4 ,henceforth his name was associated by ,jewish tradition not only with the grossest acts of idolatry ever perpetrated by a king of ,judah1 but also with the most famous instance of ,divine forgiveness towards a repentant sinner4 ,what more remarkable example could be found of the long-suffering compassion of the ,almighty1 and of ,his readiness to hear and to answer the supplication of a contrite penitent8 ,nothing would be more natural than for a devout ,jew to endeavour to frame in fitting terms the kind of penitential prayer1 which1 according to the tradition1 ,manasseh had poured forth when he was in captivity in ,babylon4 ,the sentiments embodied in such a form of petition might conceivably be appropriate to those of his countrymen who had fallen into idolatry1 and who might yet be reclaimed from the error of their way40#dcj ,here again1 one feels the strength of the argument2 but we cannot help believing that there are reasons which militate against the acceptation of this hypothesis as a whole4 ,in the first place1 the 8,prayer of ,manasses0 does not belong to the ,septuagint proper2 it occurs in ,cod4 ,a1 and in the much later ,cod4 ,t which follows the former and is not independent evidence#dca2 but in these it is given at the end of the ,psalms in a collection of liturgical canticles4#dcb ,as ,ryle says3 8,the preservation of this short disconnected ,psalm may thus1 with good reason1 be ascribed to the accident of its occurrence in the ,didascalia#dcc and the ,apostolical ,constitutions4#dcd ,there is no evidence to show that it was ever included in the ,septuagint40#dce ,if it had been ascribed to ,manasseh when first composed we might rightly1 on the analogy of the ,additions to ,esther and to ,daniel1 expect that it would have been incorporated in the text of ,chronicles2 that this is not the case suggests1 if nothing more1 that the name of ,manasseh was not originally connected with the ,prayer4 ,with the exception of two short sentences there is absolutely nothing in the ,prayer which is not appropriate in the mouth of any repentant sinner4 ,these two sentences both occur in verse #aj2 the first runs3 8,i am bowed down with many iron bands02 and the second is3 8,i have set up abominations1 and have multiplied detestable things40 ,these sentences might well refer to ,manasseh's imprisonment and to his idolatrous practices4 ,but regarding the former1 it is very questionable whether the words are to be taken literally1 as though referring to #b ,chronicles xxxiii4 #aa1 where mention is made of the chains wherewith ,manasseh was bound2 for the context1 in the ,prayer1 which speaks of transgressions and 8the multitude of mine iniquities10 strongly suggests that the 8many iron bands0 is to be understood metaphorically of the chains of sin4 ,that the words were so understood in early times is proved by the rendering of the ,ethiopic ,version1 quoted by ,ball1 which reads here3 8,i have laboured in fetters of iron10 and continues1 8that ,i might get rest from sin for my soul2 but by this also ,i have not gotten rest40 ,the first of the sentences under consideration1 therefore1 would be appropriate in the mouth of any contrite sinner1 and therefore does not by any means necessarily refer to ,manasseh4 ,with regard to the second sentence1 8,i have set up abominations1 and have multiplied detestable things10 the reference may well be to #b ,chronicles xxxiii4 #f1 where ,manasseh's evil doings are enumerated4 ,but it is not without significance that we have in this passage the one serious variation in the ,greek text of the ,prayer2 for the uncial ,t reads here in place of1 8,i have set up abominations1 and have multiplied detestable things10 these words3 8,i have not done ,thy will1 nor kept ,thy commandments40#dcf ,the variety of reading just at this particular spot suggests the possibility of the text here having been uncertain1 and of having perhaps been altered for a particular purpose4#dcg ,we are inclined to believe that this ,prayer was not originally composed in reference to ,manasseh1 and that the title1 together with the words1 8,i have set up abominations1 and have multiplied detestable things10 was added later1 and thus made to refer to ,manasseh1 this having been done under the influence of the numerous legends concerning this king which seem to have been current4#dch ,,iii4 ,,the ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,prayer ,the only indications of date are those to be derived from the teaching contained in the book1 and here everything points to post-,maccaban times4 ,thus1 in verse #h it is said3 8,thou1 therefore1 ,o ,lord1 that art the ,god of the righteous1 hast not appointed repentance unto the righteous1 unto ,abraham1 and ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 which have not sinned against ,thee02 this doctrine of the sinlessness of the patriarchs does not1 as far as we know1 belong to pre-,maccaban times4 ,in verse #d are these words3 8,who hast shut up the ,deep1 and sealed it with ,thy terrible and glorious ,name1 ,whom all things do dread02 the supernatural efficacy which is here imputed to the ,name of ,god is likewise a late conception4 ,further1 the whole burden of the ,prayer1 namely1 the need of repentance1 is a specifically ,pharisaic trait1 pointing to post-,maccaban times4 ,and lastly1 the conception of the underworld is a development of the older belief1 verse #ac runs3 8,nor pass ,thou sentence against me when ,i am in the lowest parts of the earth2 for ,thou1 ,o ,lord1 art the ,god of them that repent40 ,although there is no hint of the resurrection here1 the very fact that ,god is conceived of as in any way concerned with the souls of the departed is in itself an advance upon the normal teaching of the ,old ,testament1 and points to a comparatively late date4 ,it is1 of course1 impossible to assign an exact date to the composition2 ,ryssel believes that1 like a number of other apocryphal works1 it was composed during the ,maccaban struggle1 with the purpose of urging upon the ,jews the efficacy of true repentance as a means of delivering them out of their troubles4 ,this is possible2 but the teaching points1 as we have said1 to a post-,maccaban time4 ,on the other hand1 there is no reason for regarding it as post-,christian2 the fact that it is never quoted or referred to until it appears verbatim in the ,didascalia#dci 7first half of the third century ,a4,d47 does not necessarily imply a very late date2 its shortness and the character of its contents sufficiently account for its not being mentioned earlier4 ,some time between ,b4,c4 #ajj-ej seems as likely a date as any4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,writer ,,and ,,the ,,language ,,in ,,which ,,he ,,wrote ,there can be no sort of doubt that the writer of this ,prayer was a ,pharisee1 and1 moreover1 one of the best type2 the spirit of true religion breathes through it1 and it can only have been written by one who was truly religious4 ,the ,judaism which the ,prayer reflects is of the ,palestinian type1 and being a prayer one would expect it to have been originally written in ,hebrew1 the 8holy tongue40 ,the ,greek form in which we now possess this composition does not1 it is true1 read like a translation excepting here and there 7e4g4 verse #g1 where ,charles thinks a 8real piece of evidence on behalf of a ,semitic original0 is to be found71 but1 as ,ball points out1 8the writer may have taken pains to soften down the harshness of a baldly literal translation40 ,where linguistic indications do not give definite clues1 we must be guided by other considerations2 the writer being a ,jew of the orthodox ,palestinian type it is hard to believe that he would have composed a prayer in any language than that in which he had always been accustomed to pray2 and set forms of prayer1 like the one before us1 would have been written in ,hebrew1 not in ,aramaic4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,the ,first ,book of ,maccabees ,,literature4--,grimm1 ,das erste ,buch der ,maccaber erklrt in 8,kurzgefasstes exegetisches ,handbuch zu den ,apokryphen des ,a4,t40 7#ahec72 ,keil1 ,commentar ber die ,bcher der ,maccaber 7#ahge72 ,bissell1 ,the ,first ,book of ,maccabees1 in ,lange-,schaff's 8,commentary 4440 7#ahhj72 ,schrer1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #f-ac2 ,fairweather and ,black1 ,the ,first ,book of ,maccabees1 in the ,cambridge ,bible 7#ahig72 ,kautzsch1 in ,op4 cit4 7#aijj72 ,knabenbauer1 in ,cursus ,scriptur ,sacr 7#aijg72 ,oesterley1 in ,charles1 ,op4 cit4 7#aiac74 ,i4 ,,title ,,and ,,authorship ,,of ,,the ,,book ,what the title of this book in its original ,hebrew form 7see below7 was is not known for certain4 ,origen gives a transliteration of the title 7,eusebius1 ,hist4 ,eccles41 vi4 #be1 #b7 which is equivalent to 8,the book of the house of the ,hasmonans02 but he transliterates here an ,aramaic title which probably stood at the head of an ,aramaic translation of the ,hebrew2 possibly this title represented the ,hebrew form4 ,on the other hand1 the writer of the book has clearly taken as his pattern the ,books of the ,kings1 so that the supposition is reasonable that he framed his title in accordance with the form of the title of these2 in this case the title given in the ,septuagint 7which is followed in the ,english ,apocrypha7 would probably represent the original4 ,the name 8,maccabee0 was applied in the first instance to ,judas 7see #a ,macc4 ii4 #d1 #f1 etc471 but later to all the members of the family and their followers4 ,as to the author1 or more strictly compiler1 of the book1 it is clear that he was an ardent patriot1 and a rigid adherent of orthodox ,judaism2 his intimate knowledge of the geography and topography of the ,holy ,land marks him out as a native of ,palestine4 ,his religious standpoint is of particular interest1 for he writes at a time 7see ,,ii below7 when the distinct development of the ,sadducees and ,pharisees as opposing parties had already taken place2 yet1 while he is an upholder of ,jewish orthodoxy and imbued with an intensely patriotic spirit1 he seems1 nevertheless1 to have belonged to the circle of the ,sadducees2 8although a loyal upholder of the ,law1 his zeal is not characterized by any approach to ,pharisaic fanaticism2 his sympathy for the ,jewish high-priesthood is frequently manifested2 his tolerant attitude towards the profaning of the ,sabbath 7see ii4 #da1 ix4 #dc ff47 is very different from that which would have been adopted by a ,pharisee2 there is not the slightest hint of a belief in the life after death1 7see ii4 #eb ff41 where a reference to this would have been eminently appropriate had it been believed in74 ,these reasons go far in justifying the opinion that the author was a ,sadducee40#ddj ,further1 it is noticeable that the writer has a strong belief in what may be expressed by the modern proverb1 that 8,god helps those who help themselves02 but his insistence on man's free-will being the decisive factor in human affairs is balanced by his firm belief in the existence of an all-seeing ,providence 7see1 e4g41 iii4 #ah ff41 iv4 #aj ff41 ix4 #df1 xii4 #ae72 yet it is strange that ,god is not once mentioned by name in the whole book4 ,this attitude was doubtless1 in part1 owing to the influence of certain religious tendencies1 centering around the doctrine of ,god1 which were beginning to manifest themselves4 8,just as there was a disinclination1 on account of its transcendent holiness1 to utter the name of ,god1 and instead1 to substitute paraphrases for it1 so there arose also a disinclination to ascribe action among men directly to ,god1 because of ,his inexpressible majesty40#dda ,it would seem1 therefore1 that the author represented a type of ,jew who was ready to assimilate much of what appealed to him in ,pharisaism while holding to the traditional orthodoxy of the ,sadducees4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,book ,the ,first ,book of ,maccabees must have been written between the dates #ace ,b4,c4 and #fc ,b4,c4 ,the events recorded in the book took place between the years #age ,b4,c4 and #ace ,b4,c41 so that this latter date is the earliest possible at which it can have been written4 ,on the other hand1 ,pompey took ,jerusalem in the autumn of #fc ,b4,c41 and by entering into the ,holy of ,holies desecrated the ,temple#ddb2 had this happened before our book was written it is inconceivable that no mention should have been made of it2 but as no reference is made to it there can be no doubt that it took place after the book was written4 ,we can1 however1 get nearer than this2 it is said in xiii4 #cj1 in reference to the sepulchre which ,simon the ,maccabee built for his parents and his four brothers at ,modin3 8,this is the sepulchre which he made at ,modin1 and it is there unto this day40 ,it is said in xiii4 #be that this sepulchre was built on the death of ,jonathan1 i4e4 in #adc ,b4,c41 and the words 8unto this day0 imply that it had been in existence for some considerable time when the author wrote his book4 ,there are no means of ascertaining how long a time elapsed between the building of the sepulchre and the writing of the book1 but if we assume that it was about half a century1 this would give as the date of the book some time between #ajj ,b4,c4 and #ij ,b4,c42 and this is a date to which a further fact points2 for in xvi4 #bc1 #bd it is said3 8,and the rest of the acts of ,john1 and of his wars1 and his valiant deeds which he did1 and of the building of the walls which he built1 and of his doings1 behold they are written in the chronicles of his high-priesthood1 from the time that he was made high-priest after his father40#ddc ,presumably the chronicles here referred to took up the narrative at the point at which the writer of our book ceased1 for the ,old ,testament formula 7and it will have been noticed that the phraseology of this passage is based on that of the ,old ,testament73 8,and the rest of the acts0 etc41 is always employed in reference to a ruler whose reign has already come to an end2 so that the writer of our book was writing subsequently to the time at which the chronicles of ,john's high-priesthood had been compiled4 ,the high-priest ,john1 i4e4 ,john ,hyrcanus1 died in #aje ,b4,c41 and therefore the writer of our book must have begun his work some time after this date1 though it is not likely to have been long after this4 ,our conclusion is that the book in its finished form appeared between #ajj ,b4,c4 and #ij ,b4,c4 ,but it is probable that the gathering of his materials was begun by the author some considerable time before this2 for there are some graphic passages in the book which give the impression that he was an eye-witness of what he describes 7see1 e4g41 xiv4 #d-ae1 in which the details of ,simon's reign are described74 ,it seems not improbable that the writer began to gather materials for his history as early as the reign of ,simon4 ,the careful way in which his book is written1 and the numerous official documents from which he made extracts1 shows that the author must have taken a long time over his work4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,original ,,language ,,and ,,literary ,,character ,,of ,,the ,,book ,that this book was originally written in ,hebrew scarcely admits of doubt2 we have already pointed out that the writer framed his work on the pattern of the ,books of the ,kings1 a fact which in itself suggests that he wrote in ,hebrew4 ,but apart from this there are numberless indications in our present ,greek text which stamp it indubitably as a translation from ,hebrew2 to give examples of this would involve technical details which would be out of place here#ddd2 it must suffice to say that the ,greek again and again has sentences which are literal translations of ,hebrew idiomatic phrases4 ,but in spite of this the writer has a distinct individuality of style2 the narrative is written in a simple1 straightforward manner2 it is full of interest1 the frequent graphic accounts of events impelling attention throughout4 ,the author writes as a historian1 whose duty it is to record the facts without bias2 he is impartial1 and frankly recognizes and registers the defeat of his own side when necessary4 ,that he sometimes bursts out into poetical strains1 and not infrequently exaggerates1 especially where numbers are concerned1 does not affect the substantial truth and trustworthiness of his narrative4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,sources ,,of ,,the ,,book#dde ,the possibility of the author of our book having himself been an eye-witness of some of the events he records has already been hinted at2 but whether this was so or not1 there can be little doubt that he utilized the accounts of some1 be they one or more1 who had themselves seen what they recounted4 ,what impels one to this conviction are the wonderfully graphic descriptions of some of the episodes recorded2 examples of this can be seen in iv4 #a-bd1 vi4 #bh-ed1 vii4 #bf-ej1 ix4 #a-bb1 #cb-ec1 x4 #ei-ff4 ,the accounts of eye-witnesses may1 therefore1 be reckoned as one of the sources of the book4 ,that he also had written sources to draw from may be assumed from such passages as ix4 #bb3 8,and the rest of the acts of ,judas1 and his wars1 and the valiant deeds which he did1 and his greatness1 they are not written10 the implication being that some other things relating to him were written 7cp4 xi4 #cg1 xiv4 #ah1 #bg1 #dh1 #di72 and xvi4 #bc1 #bd1 already quoted3 8,and the rest of the acts of ,john 444 behold1 they are written in the chronicles of his high-priesthood44440 ,in addition to these sources1 there are a certain number of documents which have been incorporated into the book4 ,these are for the most part important1 and will require a little detailed consideration4 ,there are1 in the first place1 some letters of ,jewish origin1 as follows3 7a7 ,a letter from the ,jews in ,gilead asking ,judas to send them help because they were being attacked by the ,gentiles 7v4 #aj-ac74 ,although this purports to contain the very words which were written1 it is more probably merely a summary of what the author of the book had derived from some well-informed source4 ,that it represents1 however1 the contents of some written document1 and was not simply a verbal message1 is evident2 for it stands in contrast to what is stated to have been a verbal message in v4 #ae4 7b7 ,a letter from ,jonathan to the ,spartans 7xii4 #f-ah74 ,the somewhat artificial way in which this letter has been pressed into the text is sufficient to arouse suspicion4 ,in xii4 #a we are told of an embassy being sent to ,rome2 the narrative is broken by verse #b1 which refers to a letter that had been sent to the ,spartans and 8to other places02 in verse #c1 which comes naturally after verse #a1 the thread of the narrative is taken up again4 ,then in verse #e1 where one might reasonably have expected further details concerning the embassy to ,rome1 it goes on to say3 8,and this is the copy of the letter which ,jonathan wrote to the ,spartans40 ,the copy of this letter then follows2 but the main subject with which the chapter began 7viz41 the embassy to ,rome71 obviously a more important one1 is left without further mention4 ,the simplicity and straightforward flow of the narrative1 so characteristic of the book1 is lacking here1 and the impression of something being out of order is forced upon one4 ,then as to the letter itself1 it is not quite easy to understand what the purpose of it was4 ,in verse #aj the object is said to be the renewing of brotherhood and friendship with the ,spartans2 but in the same breath1 as it were1 it is said that the ,jews needed none of these things1 8having for our encouragement the holy books which are in our hands40 ,then again1 in verse #ac1 after reference has been made to the afflictions which the ,jews had endured1 the letter continues 7in verses #ad1 #ae73 8,we were not mindful1 therefore1 to be troublesome unto you1 and to the rest of our confederates and friends1 in these wars2 for we have the help which is from heaven to help us1 and we have been delivered from our enemies1 and our enemies have been brought low40 ,the letter concludes with the words 7verses #ag1 #ah72 8,we commanded them 7i4e4 the ambassadors71 therefore1 to go also unto you1 and to salute you1 and to deliver you our letters concerning the renewing 7of friendship7 and our brotherhood4 ,and now ye shall do well if ye give us an answer thereto40 ,thus1 in one and the same letter1 while1 on the one hand1 friendship and brotherhood are asked for1 on the other1 it is said that these are not required2 and yet1 in the concluding words of the letter some anxiety is evinced that a reply should be forthcoming4 ,that a relationship of some kind had existed between the ,jews and the ,spartans is possible enough4 ,but the ambiguous character of this letter inclines one to doubt its genuineness4 ,probably it was inserted by a later editor who desired to emphasize the fact that a relationship had existed between his people and the ,spartans1 while not wishing to make it appear that his people had any need to depend upon foreign help in their struggle against their enemies4 ,in connection with this letter the following one must be considered4 7c7 ,a letter from ,areios1 king of the ,spartans1 to ,onias the high-priest 7xii4 #bj-bc74 ,this owes its presence here to the fact that in the letter just dealt with ,jonathan cites the existence of former friendship between the ,jews and the ,spartans as a reason for renewing the same 7xii4 #g-i72 it is added as an appendix to ,jonathan's letter4 ,the original of this document must have been written at least a century and a half earlier2 the fact of its being quoted here shows with what care such documents were preserved4 7d7 ,in xiv4 #bg-dg we have a source of an entirely different character4 ,this passage contains a panegyric on ,simon1 together with a rsum of his prosperous reign4 ,it is stated to have been engraved on tables of brass1 and to have been set up in a conspicuous place within the precincts of the sanctuary2 copies of it are also said to have been deposited in the treasury 7verses #bg1 #dh1 #di74 ,on comparing the details of ,simon's reign given in this section with those in chapters xi4-xiii41 however1 it will be found that there are several chronological discrepancies4 ,the course of the history1 as given in the book itself1 is acknowledged on all hands to be1 on the whole1 of a thoroughly trustworthy character2 but if the passage in question be really the copy of an original document1 which seems very probable1 the accuracy of chapters xi4-xiii4 is1 to some extent1 impugned4 ,it is difficult to suppose that one and the same author would write the historical account of ,simon's reign in these chapters1 and then in the very next chapter go on to give a rsum of what had preceded differing from it in a number of particulars4 ,the suggested explanation of the difficulty is as follows3 ,the original writer of the book gave in chapters xi4-xiii4 a substantially correct account of the period of history in question1 but was inaccurate in the sequence of events2 a later editor added a copy of the document under consideration1 to which the original author of the book1 for some reason or other1 did not have access4 ,the later editor was not concerned with the discrepancies between the written history and the copy of the document which he added1 because he saw that1 in the main1 they were in agreement4 ,thus the two accounts of ,simon's reign1 differing to some extent1 were left side by side4 ,a second class of documentary sources comprises letters from ,syrian kings to the ,jewish leaders4 7a7 ,the first is a letter from ,alexander ,balas 7he was not yet king at the time7 to ,jonathan 7x4 #ah-bj74 ,this is not a copy of the letter itself1 but merely its purport1 which the author of our book has woven into the narrative4 ,it is far too short and abrupt to be the actual letter of one who was seeking the help and alliance of the ,jewish leader1 and for whose friendship this aspirant to the ,syrian throne was bidding4 ,the author of the book1 moreover1 adds some words of his own in the middle of the letter 7verse #bj71 a thing which he would scarcely have done had he been quoting the actual words of the letter itself4 ,on the other hand1 there is not the slightest reason to doubt that use has here been made of a genuine document4 7b7 ,a letter from ,demetrius ,i to the ,jewish nation 7x4 #be-de74 ,this was written for the purpose of out-bidding ,alexander ,balas in promises of favour and privileges4 ,it is probably based on some original document2 but the accuracy of the details is open to question4 ,the promises and concessions are over-stated1 and correspond so exactly1 in many respects1 with the highest aspirations of the ,jews at this time that they suggest rather the expression of ,jewish ideals than actual promises4 7c7 ,a letter from ,demetrius ,,ii to ,jonathan1 enclosing one to ,lasthenes 7xi4 #cj-cg74 ,what has just been said applies here too4 ,it represents an original letter1 the contents of which were utilized by our author1 and elaborated by him in accordance with his ideals4 7d7 ,a letter from ,antiochus ,,vi to ,jonathan 7xi4 #eg74 ,this is clearly a succinct summing-up of the contents of the original letter2 its extreme shortness and the absence of salutation show that1 although written in the first person1 it does not profess to give more than the general sense of the original4 7e7 ,a letter from ,demetrius ,,ii to ,simon 7xiii4 #cf-dj74 ,this letter1 in which the ,syrian king acknowledges receipt of certain presents from the ,jewish high-priest1 and confirms earlier privileges1 is stamped with the mark of genuineness2 it reads like an original1 and is doubtless a copy of one4 7f7 ,a letter from ,antiochus ,,vii to ,simon 7xv4 #b-i74 ,to some extent what has been said in regard to 7b7 and 7c7 applies also to this letter4 ,it is probably not a verbatim copy of the original1 but represents1 at all events in parts1 the contents of the original4 ,on the other hand1 there are elements in it which are the expression of ardent desires rather than of actual facts4 ,lastly1 there is a third class of documentary sources which record the relations between the ,jews and the rulers of foreign kingdoms4 7a7 ,a treaty of alliance between the ,romans and the ,jews 7viii4 #bc-cb74 ,in verses #bd ff4 it is stated1 as one of the articles of the treaty1 that if the ,romans are attacked by an enemy the ,jews may not render that enemy any help1 whether of 8food1 arms1 money1 or ships0 7verse #bf74 ,this mention of ships is held by some to show that this document belonged to a date later than the time of ,judas1 in whose time the ,jews possessed no ships1 and that therefore the whole section is a later interpolation4 ,but it is quite possible that the foresight of the ,romans sufficiently explains this mention of ships2 or they might have assumed the possession of ships by a nation whose country had a long coast-line4 ,it was not long after the death of ,judas that the ,jews did acquire a harbour 7see xiii4 #bi1 xiv4 #e74 ,there seems no sufficient reason to doubt that a genuine document has here been utilized4 7b7 ,a letter from the ,spartans to ,simon 7xiv4 #bj-bb74 ,we are confronted here with a difficulty similar to that which occurs in the letter from ,jonathan to the ,spartans in xii4 #f-ah 7see above74 ,the section opens 7verse #af7 with the words3 8,and it was heard at ,rome that ,jonathan was dead1 and even unto ,sparta1 and they were exceedingly sorry40 ,it then goes on to say that the ,romans wrote to ,simon1 who had succeeded his brother ,jonathan1 on tables of brass to renew 8the friendship and the confederacy0 7verse #ah72 but then1 instead of giving a copy of this document1 as might reasonably be expected1 it goes on to say3 8,and this is a copy of the letter which the ,spartans sent40 ,in this letter it is stated that the two ,jewish ambassadors who were the bearers of it were ,numenius1 the son of ,antiochus1 and ,antipater1 the son of ,jason4 ,but then the narrative 7verse #bd7 goes on3 8,after this ,simon sent ,numenius to ,rome with a great shield of gold of a thousand pound weight1 in order to confirm the confederacy with them40 ,on the previous occasion on which mention is made of a confederacy between the ,jews and the ,romans1 on the one hand1 and the ,spartans on the other1 the same two ambassadors were sent1 first to the ,romans and then to the ,spartans1 on the same journey 7see xii4 #af1 #ag72 on the present occasion it is to be presumed1 for the text implies it1 that this was again done2 but if so1 how is one to account for the fact that in the letter to the ,spartans these ambassadors are said to be the bearers of it1 while1 immediately after 7verse #bd71 it is said that ,numenius started on his journey8 ,there is also a further difficulty2 is it likely1 as stated in the text1 that on the death of ,jonathan the ,romans would have taken the initiative in renewing the treaty with the ,jews8 ,this seems to be directly contradicted by what is said in verse #bd 7quoted above74 ,it would appear that verses #ag-bc are an interpolation added later2 this would also explain the otherwise unaccountable words1 8and even unto ,sparta10 in verse #af1 which were presumably put in because of the interpolation4 ,the contents of this letter read like an official document1 the probability is that use was made of some genuine record which was interpolated at a later period4 7c7 ,a letter from ,lucius1 the ,roman consul1 to ,ptolemy ,euergetes ,,ii1 king of ,egypt 7xv4 #af-ba74 ,this is the copy of a circular letter written in the name of 8,lucius the consul10 and brought back from ,rome by ,numenius4 ,in it the friendship between the ,romans and the ,jews is proclaimed2 copies of it are sent not only to the kings of ,egypt and ,syria1 but also to a number of small independent ,states4 ,now ,josephus 7,antiq41 ,,xiv1 viii4 #e7 mentions a letter from the ,roman ,senate1 written in the name of the praetor ,lucius ,valerius in reply to a message brought by a ,jewish embassy4 ,as in the case just referred to1 ,numenius1 the son of ,antiochus1 is one of the ambassadors 7two others accompany him71 and he brings a gift of a golden shield2 the contents of this letter are similar to those of the letter in our book1 and it is likewise sent to a number of petty independent ,states4 ,but1 according to ,josephus1 this happened in the ninth year of ,hyrcanus ,,ii1 who reigned ,b4,c4 #fc-dj4 ,now if1 as is maintained by some1 especially by ,willrich1#ddf ,josephus is right here1 the passage we are dealing with must be an interpolation4 ,mommsen#ddg has1 indeed1 proved that ,josephus is recording genuine history in saying that the praetor ,lucius ,valerius sent a letter to the ,jews1 with the contents as given1 during the reign of ,hyrcanus ,,ii4 ,this does not1 however1 constitute an insuperable difficulty1 for one of the consuls in ,b4,c4 #aci was named ,lucius ,calpurnius ,piso1 and the 8,consul ,lucius10 spoken of in the text 7xv4 #af7 could quite well refer to him4 ,what is more difficult is the fact of the great similarity in the contents between the letter given in our book and of that given by ,josephus2 ,mommsen maintains that they are not identical1 which would mitigate the difficulty2 but the mention of ,numenius1 the son of ,antiochus1 in both letters is a grave difficulty4 ,probably ,willrich is right in regarding the passage as a later interpolation1 added because it seemed to be appropriate in a place where ,simon's treaty with ,rome was mentioned4#ddh ,these1 then1 are the sources from which our book was compiled2 they show that the writer of #a ,maccabees had access to a number of official documents in addition to the accounts of events which he received from eye-witnesses4 ,the documentary sources shed a most valuable light on the external policy of the ,jews as well as on the important rle they played in shaping ,syrian politics2 so that for the history of the ,jews of this period our book may well be described as the most valuable source which we possess4 ,v4 ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,the ,,maccab,,an ,,struggle ,the momentous struggle for religious liberty and political independence which is described in our book deals with the period #age-ace ,b4,c41 i4e4 from the accession of ,antiochus ,epiphanes to the death of ,simon ,maccabus4 ,the divisions of the book are clearly marked1 recording respectively the progress of the war under the leadership of ,mattathias1 ,judas1 ,jonathan1 and ,simon2 and each division has as its central subject the description of an event of supreme importance to the ,jews1 thus3 the first division records the opening of the struggle and its cause2 the second tells of how religious liberty was acquired2 the third describes the establishment of the ,hasmonan high-priesthood2 and the last shows how the way to political independence was secured4#ddi ,the contents of these1 together with the short ,introduction by which they are prefaced1 must now occupy our attention4 7a7 ,the ,conquests of ,alexander the ,great1 and the ,division of his ,empire 7i4 #a-i7 ,in pregnant words ,alexander's conquests are thus summed up3 8,and he waged many wars1 and won strongholds1 and slew kings1 and pressed forward to the ends of the earth1 and took spoils from many peoples40 ,in describing what happened on ,alexander's death-bed the writer says that the kingdom was divided among the dying king's chief ministers 8while he was yet alive10 and that after he was dead 8they all assumed the diadem40 ,this does not agree with the statement made by ,justin ,martyr1 ,diodorus ,siculus1 and ,curtius1 to the effect that when the dying king was no longer able to speak he handed his signet-ring to the captain of his bodyguard1 ,perdiccas1 whom he thus indicated as his successor4 ,that all the chief ministers assumed the diadem after the king was dead is an inaccurate statement1 as only five of ,alexander's generals assumed the title of king1 and that not until ,b4,c4 #cjf1 seventeen years after his death4 ,here1 as in a number of other cases1 the writer of our book shows that his knowledge concerning the affairs of foreign nations is imperfect2 but the value of the book as a whole1 and the credibility of the narrative in general1 is not affected by these inaccuracies2 8we see in this only the simple standpoint of the observer who1 following his sources1 confines his view exclusively to the circle of ,jewish affairs0 7,schrer74 7b7 ,the ,original ,cause of the ,struggle2 the ,leadership of ,mattathias 7i4 #aj-;ii4 #gj7 ,as we are clearly shown in this division the original cause of the ,maccaban struggle was of a twofold character2 internal and external forces brought it about4 ,a not inconsiderable section of the ,jewish people had been captivated by the attractions of ,hellenism1 and were ready to give up their own faith and practice in exchange for that of the ,gentiles2 8they joined themselves to the ,gentiles1 and sold themselves to do evil0 7i4 #ae74 ,when ,antiochus ,epiphanes had overcome ,ptolemy1 king of ,egypt1 he proceeded to deal with the ,jews2 8he went up against ,israel and ,jerusalem with a great army2 and in his arrogance he entered into the sanctuary0 7i4 #bj1 #ba72 having taken everything in the ,temple on which he could lay hands1 he returned home4 ,for two years the people were left in peace2 then another blow was inflicted on them4 ,apollonius1 a 8chief collector of tribute10 was sent by ,antiochus to ,jerusalem with an army2 he pretended that his mission was a peaceful one1 and with smooth words imposed upon the people2 then suddenly he fell upon the city1 and a general sack seems to have taken place4 ,the citadel was occupied by the foreign troops1 and the people were reduced to sore straits4 ,all this1 however1 did not rouse the people to resistance4 ,then came the edict of uniformity of worship1 put forth by ,antiochus2 to realize how this was intended to affect the ,jews it will be well to quote some words from it2 the ,jews were commanded that 8they should practise customs foreign to the traditions of the land1 and that they should cease the sacrificing of the whole burnt-offerings1 and sacrifices1 and drink-offerings in the sanctuary2 and that they should profane the sabbaths and feasts1 and pollute the sanctuary and those who had been sanctified2 that they should1 moreover1 build high places1 and sacred groves1 and shrines for idols1 and that they should sacrifice swine and other unclean animals2 and that they should leave their sons uncircumcized1 and make themselves abominable by means of practising everything that was unclean and profane1 so that they might forget the ,law1 and change all the traditional ordinances0 7i4 #dd-di74 ,it was this which was the immediate cause of the ,maccaban revolt4 ,but it may be questioned whether ,antiochus would have attempted such a cruel coercion had it not been for the presence of that strong ,hellenistic party among the ,jews to which reference has already been made4 ,no sooner was the edict promulgated than this ,hellenistic party began to carry out its commands2 8many in ,israel took delight in the king's form of worship1 and they began sacrificing to idols1 and profaned the sabbath0 7i4 #dc74 ,the king's officers went from city to city to enforce the edict2 a rigorous search was also made for all copies of the ,law1 which were burned2 horrible cruelties were perpetrated on all who remained faithful to the ancestral religion4 ,intense indignation took hold of the faithful in ,israel2 numbers resisted1 and suffered death rather than deny their ,god2 but resistance of individuals was of no avail2 what was required was a leader around whom the people could gather1 and who would direct corporate action4 ,such a leader soon appeared4 ,in going from city to city to enforce the decrees of the king's edict1 the royal officers came to ,modin1 the present ,el-,medije1 east of ,lydda2 this was the native city of the family of the ,maccabees1 of whom ,mattathias was the head4 ,the officers called on him to set an example of obedience to the royal commands1 but he indignantly refused2 thereupon an apostate ,jew stepped forth with the object of sacrificing according to heathen rites on the altar at ,modin2 this aroused the righteous wrath of ,mattathias to the highest pitch1 he rushed upon his faithless fellow-townsman and killed him as he stood by the altar2 then1 turning upon one of the king's officers1 he slew him too4 8,let every one that is zealous for the ,law10 he then cried out to his people1 8and that would maintain the covenant1 come after me60 ,the standard of revolt was now definitely raised2 large numbers of the ,jews followed ,mattathias into the mountains1 among them many of the ,chassidim4 ,it was not sufficient for these patriots merely to act on the defensive1 but1 as the writer of our book says1 they 8smote sinners in their anger1 and lawless men in their wrath4444 ,mattathias and his friends went round about1 and pulled down altars1 and they circumcized by force the children that were uncircumcized 444 and they pursued after the sons of pride1 and the work prospered in their hand0 7ii4 #dd-dg74 ,in the following year 7,b4,c4 #afg-aff7 ,mattathias died2 but his bold step had done its work in consolidating a vigorous and determined body of patriots4 ,he directed that his third son1 ,judas1 should take his place as leader in war1 while ,simon1 the elder brother of ,judas1 should act as chief counsellor4 7c7 ,the ,leadership of ,judas ,maccabus2 ,religious ,liberty ,secured 7iii4 #a-;ix4 #bb7 ,judas' capacity as a military leader was very soon vindicated by two signal victories gained over ,apollonius1 already mentioned1 and ,seron1 the ,syrian commander4 ,judas had taken the initiative in attacking the armies under these two generals in each case2 his quickness in appreciating the position of affairs1 and his promptitude in action were the cause of these victories1 which seem to have had a profound moral effect both on his own people and on others4 ,even allowing for some very natural exaggeration the following words doubtless reflect the actual facts3 8,then began the fear of ,judas and of his brethren1 and the dread of them fell upon the nations round about them4 ,and his name came near even unto the king2 and every nation told of the battles of ,judas0 7iii4 #be1 #bf74 ,antiochus was1 of course1 greatly incensed when he heard of the defeats of his forces2 but being in want of money he found it necessary to go to ,persia in order to raise funds charging ,lysias1 8one of the seed royal10 to undertake to punish the rebels4 ,the first act of ,lysias was to raise a force of forty thousand footmen and seven thousand horse1 which he despatched under three of his generals1 ,ptolemy1 ,nicanor1 and ,gorgias1 to ,juda to subdue ,judas4 ,an attempted night surprise by ,gorgias with part of the ,syrian army failed through the vigilance of ,judas2 and the following day ,judas again took the initiative with great success1 the ,syrians fleeing in disorder1 and losing about three thousand men4 ,the next year ,lysias raised a still larger army which he commanded in person2 but again the fortune of war went against him1 and he suffered a serious defeat4 ,the ,jews were now able to enjoy a short respite1 which was utilized for the purpose of rebuilding and re-dedicating the ,temple4 ,it was on this occasion that the feast of ,chanukkah 78,dedication07 was instituted2 it has been regularly observed by orthodox ,jews ever since4 ,but peace did not last long2 the ,jews were now attacked by some of the smaller peoples who had made common cause with the chief enemy4 ,however1 ,judas had little difficulty in silencing these1 viz41 the ,edomites1 ,banites1 and ,ammonites4 ,scarcely was this accomplished1 when ,judas received news that many of his people in ,gilead were in straits owing to the hostility of the ,gentiles2 in ,galilee also the same thing was happening4 ,he thereupon sent his brother ,simon with an adequate force into ,galilee1 while he himself went over the ,jordan4 ,in both theatres of the war success continued to attend the ,jewish arms4 ,in ,b4,c4 #afc ,antiochus ,epiphanes died while yet in ,persia2 he was succeeded by his son1 ,antiochus ,eupator1 who had been nourished up while yet young by ,lysias4 ,but the death of ,epiphanes brought no rest to the ,jews4 ,judas had1 in the meantime1 returned to ,jerusalem2 and he determined now to expel the garrison which had been stationed in the citadel from the beginning of the struggle4 ,he1 therefore1 besieged the citadel1 and further strengthened his own position by fortifying ,bethsura2 this place occupied an important strategical position on the road between ,jerusalem and ,hebron2 ,josephus 7,antiq41 ,,xiii1 v4 #f7 speaks of it as 8the strongest place in all ,juda40 ,those who were besieged in the citadel managed to send word to the king1 who came1 accompanied by ,lysias1 with a large army to check the designs of ,judas4 ,in this he succeeded for the time2 ,bethsura was starved out1 and ,jerusalem was taken by means of an act of the basest treachery4 ,this happened in the following manner3 when ,antiochus ,epiphanes was on his death-bed he designated ,philip1 one of his nearest friends1 as regent during the minority of the new king 7vi4 #ad1 #ae72 but the latter had been under the special care of ,lysias hitherto2 and as ,philip was in ,persia1 while ,lysias1 with the new king1 was in ,syria at headquarters1 ,lysias took the place of adviser and guide to the king4 ,now while the king was busy fighting against ,judas1 as just recounted1 ,philip1 determined to assert himself1 returned from ,persia and 8sought to take unto him the government0 7vi4 #ef72 he had with him the army which ,epiphanes had led into ,persia2 the position was clearly serious for the king and ,lysias2 so on the advice of the latter peace was made with ,judas1 and all that he had been fighting for1 i4e4 religious liberty1 was accorded4 ,judas1 trusting to the good faith of the king and ,lysias1 came forth1 and 8the king entered into ,mount ,sion02 but having thus got possession of the stronghold the king repudiated his oath1 and had the place dismantled1 though the ,jews still retained their hold upon it4 ,then he went to deal with ,philip1 whom he found in possession of ,antioch1 the capital2 he fought against ,philip1 defeated him1 and took the city4 ,his triumph was1 however1 short-lived2 for in the following year he was assassinated by command of ,demetrius1 who now became king4 ,a short digression is necessary here in order to explain the position of ,demetrius4 ,when ,antiochus ,,iii 7the ,great7 died he left two sons1 ,seleucus ,,iv 7,philopator71 the elder1 who became king1 and ,antiochus 7afterwards ,epiphanes71 who lived at ,rome as a hostage4 ,in order that his brother might be released1 ,seleucus ,,iv sent his own son1 ,demetrius1 as a hostage to ,rome4 ,when ,antiochus reached ,syria he found that his brother had been murdered1 and instead of requiting the kindness that had been shown him by endeavouring to help ,demetrius1 the lawful heir1 to the throne1 he usurped the kingdom himself1 while ,demetrius was left in ,rome4 ,when ,antiochus ,epiphanes died his son1 as we have seen1 came to the throne1 though ,demetrius was1 of course1 still the rightful heir4 ,but ,demetrius succeeded in making his escape from ,rome1 and was thus enabled to come to his own4 ,this was in ,b4,c4 #afb2 he was the first king of this name to reign over ,syria1 and received the name of ,soter#dej2 he reigned till ,b4,c4 #aej4 ,no sooner was ,demetrius seated on the throne than the war against the ,jews recommenced4 ,bacchides1 one of the 8king's friends10 and the 8ungodly ,alcimus10 whom ,demetrius had made high-priest1 were sent against ,judas2 but ,bacchides soon returned to the king1 leaving ,alcimus with an army to look after the land4 ,he1 however1 also returned to the king when he saw that ,judas was too strong for him4 ,the king1 therefore1 sent a new army against the ,jews under the command of ,nicanor4 ,once more ,judas was victorious1 ,nicanor fell in the battle and his army was scattered4 ,then1 it is said1 8the land of ,judah had rest a little while0 7vii4 #ej74 ,if we are to trust the contents of chapter viii4 of our book1 ,judas at this point made an alliance with the ,romans 7see above1 p4 #dbj71 in consequence of which they wrote to ,demetrius1 saying1 8,wherefore hast thou made thy yoke heavy upon our friends and confederates the ,jews8 ,if1 therefore1 they plead any more against thee1 we will do them justice1 and fight thee by sea and land0 7viii4 #cb74 ,this threat did not1 however1 have any effect1 for on ,demetrius hearing of the death of ,nicanor and the defeat of his forces1 he despatched ,bacchides and ,alcimus a second time against ,judas2 this time they were too strong for the ,jews1 who were defeated1 and1 worst of all1 ,judas fell4 ,but ,jerusalem continued in the possession of the ,jews1 and the ,temple services were celebrated2 so that religious liberty had been gained and retained by the devoted courage and perseverance of ,judas4 7d7 ,the ,leadership of ,jonathan2 the ,establishment of the ,hasmonan ,high-priesthood 7ix4 #bc-xii4 #ec7 ,the first result of the death of ,judas was1 not unnaturally1 to fill the patriots with despair4 ,but this did not last long2 and the people came to his brother ,jonathan and elected him as their leader4 ,as soon as ,bacchides got to know of this he renewed the attack1 but was repulsed by ,jonathan4 ,this seems to have been a more crushing defeat1 judging by the sequel1 than the short account of it 7ix4 #dc-di7 would imply2 for the ,jews were left in peace for two years4 ,at the end of that time another futile attempt was made by ,bacchides1 and he was glad to make terms of peace with ,jonathan4 ,what immense progress had been made by the patriots can be seen by these pregnant words3 8,and the sword ceased from ,israel4 ,and ,jonathan dwelt at ,michmash4 ,and ,jonathan began to judge the people2 and he destroyed the ungodly out of ,israel0 7ix4 #gc74 ,the ,maccaban struggle now enters upon a new phase owing to the activity of the rival claimants to the ,syrian throne2 the ,maccaban power1 as it may now be called1 comes to occupy the position of the 8deciding factor10 and is thus courted first by one and then by the other claiment to the throne4 ,when it is said1 as quoted above1 that 8the sword ceased from ,israel 4440 the period of peace was1 according to our book1 one of about seven years2 during the whole of this time the only act of war recorded is the abortive attempt by ,bacchides to subdue ,jonathan1 as told in ix4 #eh-gc4 ,so that it looks as though ,demetrius ,i had given up the struggle against these formidable champions of liberty4 ,but the ,jews had not yet gained all they intended to have2 their first objective1 viz41 religious liberty1 was already attained1 mainly through the efforts of ,judas2 but they had now learned to realize their own power1 and had determined to acquire political independence as well4 ,in ,b4,c4 #aec1 when ,demetrius had ruled for about ten years1 a rival to the ,syrian throne appeared in the person of one ,alexander ,balas4 ,this man1 a low-born native of ,smyrna1 gave himself out to be the son of ,antiochus ,epiphanes2 the claim received some support owing to his resemblance to the late usurper1 ,antiochus ,eupator4 ,the cause of ,alexander was taken up by ,attalus ,,ii1 king of ,pergamum1 who supported his claims to the kingdom of ,syria against ,demetrius4 ,although1 according to ,polybius 7xxxiii4 #ad1 #f71 it was well known that the claims of ,alexander were without justification1 he was1 nevertheless1 supported by the ,roman ,senate1 who promised to help him4 ,his success1 to which we shall refer presently1 was largely due to the fact that ,demetrius was hated by his own people on account of his 8insolence and difficulty of access10 and because he was 8slothful and negligent about public affairs02 so ,josephus tells us 7,antiq41 ,,xiii1 ii4 #a74 ,alexander appeared suddenly upon the scene2 his first act was to take possession of ,ptolemais2 in this he had no difficulty1 for he was welcomed as king by the inhabitants4 ,as soon as ,demetrius heard of this he gathered his forces together2 but before going to battle he sought to gain ,jonathan for his cause2 8let us be beforehand to make peace with them10 he said1 8ere he make peace with ,alexander against us0 7x4 #d74 ,the promises of ,demetrius were1 however1 out-bidden by those of ,alexander1 who wrote to ,jonathan as soon as he heard of ,demetrius' action4 ,in his letter ,alexander writes3 8,we have appointed thee this day to be high-priest of thy nation44440 ,this was the first beginning of the establishment of the ,hasmonan#dea high-priesthood1 though it was not fully consolidated until some years later 7,b4,c4 #ada74deb ,it was in vain that ,demetrius wrote a second letter to ,jonathan full of the most extravagant promises#dec 7x4 #bf-de71 for ,jonathan and the people 8gave no credence0 to his words2 an alliance was1 on the other hand1 made with ,alexander4 ,a battle was then fought between ,alexander and ,demetrius2 but the account of this1 as given in x4 #dh ff41 is incomprehensible1 we have to turn to ,josephus 7,antiq41 ,,xiii1 ii4 #d7 to understand what really happened3 8,and when it was come to a battle1 the left wing of ,demetrius put those who opposed them to flight1 and pursued them a great way1 and slew many of them1 and spoiled their camp4 ,but the right wing1 where ,demetrius happened to be1 was beaten2 and as for all the rest1 they ran away4 ,but ,demetrius fought courageously1 and slew a great many of the enemy2 but as he was in pursuit of the rest1 his horse carried him into a deep bog1 where it was hard to get out1 and there it happened1 that upon his horse's falling down1 he could not escape being killed2 for when his enemies saw what had befallen him1 they returned back1 and encompassed ,demetrius round1 and they all threw their darts at him2 but he1 being now on foot1 fought bravely2 but at length he received so many wounds that he was not able to bear up any longer1 and fell40 ,the battle seems1 thus1 to have been indecisive until ,demetrius fell1 when evidently his followers lost heart4 ,alexander's next step was to make a treaty with ,ptolemy ,,vi1 ,philometor1 king of ,egypt1 whose daughter1 ,cleopatra1 he married1 the marriage being celebrated with great pomp at ,ptolemais2 the ,egyptian king himself was present4 ,alexander1 further1 invited ,jonathan to ,ptolemais1 where he was received with much honour1 the friendship and alliance between the two being thus consolidated4 ,for a few years ,alexander was left in peaceful possession of the ,syrian throne1 but in ,b4,c4 #adg the son of ,demetrius1 ,demetrius ,nicator1 came from ,crete1 where he had been living in exile since the war between his father and ,alexander began1 and sought1 as the rightful heir1 to regain his kingdom4 ,he appointed ,apollonius his commander-in-chief4 ,an army having been raised1 ,apollonius encamped in ,jamnia 7,jabneh71 and tried conclusions first with ,jonathan1 ,alexander's ally4 ,jonathan was ably seconded by his brother ,simon1 and between them they inflicted a severe defeat on ,apollonius4 ,alexander1 on hearing this1 8honoured ,jonathan yet more2 and he sent unto him a buckle of gold1 as the use is to give to such as are of the kindred of the kings2 moreover1 he gave him ,ekron and all the borders thereof for a possession0 7x4 #hi74 ,this friendship between ,alexander and ,jonathan was soon destined to place the latter in a very awkward position1 though he managed to extricate himself owing mainly to his having so firmly established his power4 ,this came about in the following way4 ,a treaty was made between ,ptolemy ,,vi and ,demetrius ,nicator1 in spite of the former's alliance with ,alexander4 ,antioch was besieged by ,ptolemy1 and ,alexander escaped to ,arabia2 but here he was treacherously murdered1 while ,ptolemy himself died only a few days afterwards4 ,this left all clear for ,demetrius1 who now became king4 ,as ,jonathan had supported the new king's rival1 his position was now of a somewhat awkward character4 ,however1 both the king and ,jonathan considered it to be of advantage to themselves if they were at peace1 so friendship was concluded between them4 ,but ,demetrius ,,ii was not to be left in peace long4 ,alexander had left a son1 ,antiochus1 in ,arabia1 whose cause was now about to be championed by ,tryphon2 the latter had been one of the close friends of ,alexander4 ,the time was propitious for ,tryphon to attempt to gain the kingdom for his late master's son1 for ,demetrius had unwisely disbanded the bulk of his troops when he saw that peace was established2 in consequence of this they had revolted4 ,in his distress he looked for help to ,jonathan2 nor did he look in vain2 for ,jonathan sent him three thousand men to ,antioch4 ,with the help of these ,demetrius was enabled to re-establish himself4 ,things might have continued to go well with him1 but he foolishly fell out with ,jonathan1 and had soon to pay the penalty4 ,for ,tryphon now made a second attempt2 he brought the young ,antiochus1 still a child1 with him1 and gathered around him all the troops which ,demetrius had disbanded4 ,with these he stormed ,antioch1 and ,demetrius had to flee4 ,the first act of ,antiochus 7the sixth as he now was7 again showed the position which ,jonathan had gained2 guided1 of course1 by ,tryphon1 he sent word to ,jonathan1 confirming him in the high-priesthood and in the governorship of the governments of ,juda1 ,ephraim1 ,lydda1 and ,ramathaim1 and conferring other honours upon him2 at the same time setting ,simon1 ,jonathan's brother1 over the district from 8the ladder of ,tyre0#ded to the ,egyptian frontier4 ,the ,jewish leaders were not slow to appreciate this politic step on the part of ,antiochus2 they immediately undertook a victorious campaign against their own enemies as well as against those of the king4 ,jonathan himself went to ,galilee1 whither ,demetrius had fled1 with the purpose of punishing him2 ,demetrius seems to have succeeded in gathering an army again1 and a pitched battle took place4 ,at first it looked as though ,jonathan were going to get the worst of it2 but ultimately he triumphed1 and ,demetrius again fled1 and1 for the present1 gave up the struggle in ,syria in order to try his fortune against the ,parthians2 but he was taken prisoner by the ,parthians1 and remained in captivity for ten years1 after which1 as we shall see1 he again appeared in ,syria4 ,in the meantime ,tryphon himself aspired to the ,syrian throne2 he caused ,antiochus ,,vi to be killed1 and usurped the kingdom4 ,but fearing ,jonathan1 ,tryphon captured him by treachery and imprisoned him4 7e7 ,the ,leadership of ,simon 7xiii4 #a-xvi4 #bd7 ,simon's first act was to try to avenge his brother2 he did1 indeed1 severely defeat ,tryphon and drive him out of the country1 but not until ,tryphon had murdered ,jonathan with his own hand4 ,it was ,simon's conviction that his wisest course would now be to bring about the re-instatement of ,demetrius ,,ii2 he accordingly sent messengers to ,demetrius with this intimation1 and1 of course1 received a very favourable reply 7xiii4 #cf-dj74 ,the next thing that we hear of ,demetrius is that he went into ,media to get help to fight against ,tryphon1 who had by no means given up his hopes of regaining the throne4 ,demetrius was captured1 however1 by the king of ,persia and ,media1 and again shut up in prison4#dee ,with ,demetrius ,,ii in prison1 and ,tryphon driven out of the country1 a new aspirant to the throne now appears in the person of ,antiochus ,,vii 7,sidetes71 the brother of ,demetrius4 ,the new king1 as had now become customary1 first addresses himself to the ,jewish leader2 having gained his good-will by making many promises1 ,antiochus enters into the kingdom4 ,here he finds ,tryphon1 whom he besieges in ,dor2 ,tryphon managed to escape by ship1 and is no more mentioned in our book4#def ,shortly after this ,antiochus1 believing1 presumably1 that his position was sufficiently strong1 and desiring to show that he could stand alone1 repudiated his treaty with ,simon1 and would not receive him1 8but set at nought everything that he had previously covenanted with him2 and he was estranged from him0 7xv4 #bg74 ,then he proceeded to send a force under ,cendebus to attack ,juda1 and to worry the ,jewish people in various ways4 ,simon1 feeling the weight of age upon him1 appointed his two eldest sons1 ,judas and ,john1 to undertake the further prosecution of the war4 ,they attack ,cendebus and defeat him2 ,judas was wounded1 but ,john returned to ,juda in peace 7xv4 #i1 #aj74 ,our book now gives an account of another act of treachery which threatened to annihilate the direct line of the family of the ,maccabees4 ,ptolemy1 8the son of ,abubus1 ,simon's son-in-law1 who had been appointed captain over the plain of ,jericho10 desired to secure for himself the supreme power1 for which purpose it was necessary that ,simon and his sons should be got out of the way4 ,the writer of our book recounts in pregnant phrases what happened3 8,now ,simon was visiting the cities that were in the country1 and taking care for the good ordering of them4 ,and he went down to ,jericho1 he himself and ,mattathias and ,judas1 his sons1 in the one hundred and seventy-seventh year ,b4,c4 #ace1 in the eleventh month1 the same is the month ,sebat ,february4 ,and the son of ,abubus received them deceitfully into the little stronghold that is called ,dk1 which he had built1 and he made them a great banquet2 and he hid men there4 ,and when ,simon and his sons had drunk freely1 ,ptolemy and they that were with him rose up1 and took their arms1 and came upon ,simon into the banqueting hall1 and slew him and his two sons1 and certain of his servants4 ,and he committed thus a great act of treachery1 and recompensed evil for good0 7xvi4 #ad-ag74 ,john was not with his father at the time1 but ,ptolemy despatched his creatures to ,gazara1 where ,john was staying1 to murder him4 ,fortunately1 however1 ,john was warned in time1 and 8he laid hands on the men that came to destroy him1 and slew them0 7xvi4 #bb74 ,our book closes with a reference to the acts of ,john which are written in 8the chronicles of his high-priesthood0 7xvi4 #bd74 ,,chapter ,,viii ,the ,greek ,ezra 7#a 7#c7 ,esdras7 ,,literature4--,fritzsche1 in ,exegetisches ,handbuch zu den ,apokryphen 7#ahea72 ,lupton1 in ,wace1 ,i1 pp4 #a-fi2 ,sir ,h4 ,h4 ,howorth in the ,academy 7#ahic71 and in the ,proceedings of the 8,society for ,biblical ,archology0 7#aija-aijb72 ,torrey1 ,ezra ,studies 7#aiaj72 ,s4 ,a4 ,cook1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #a-eh4 ,the articles by ,thackeray in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 and by ,volz in the ,encycl4 ,bibl4 ,i4 ,,the ,,title ,,of ,,the ,,book ,the book now to be considered has1 with few exceptions1 been treated with scant respect by scholars for many centuries4 ,jerome1 in his ,preface to the books of ,ezra and ,nehemiah1 condemned both the ,esdras books in our ,apocrypha with their 8dreams10 and the ,church has followed him in relegating them to a very inferior position4 ,it is only during the last decade or so that1 owing1 in the main1 to the labours of ,sir ,henry ,howorth1 scholars have come to realize the importance of #a 7#c7 ,esdras1 with which we are at present concerned4 ,the various titles of the ,ezra books are apt1 thanks largely to ,jerome1 to cause confusion2 it will therefore1 be advisable to set forth these different titles in tabular form1 which will also explain how they have arisen3 ,hebrew ,septuagint ,vulgate ,english ,english ,bible ,bible ,apocrypha ,ezra#deg #a ,esdras ,ezra ,nehemiah#deg #b ,esdras1 #b ,esdras ,nehemiah #b ,esdras or ,esdras ,b4 i4 ii4#deh #a ,esdras1 or ,esdras ,a1 together with #b ,chronicles xxxv41 ,ezra xxxvi4 and most of #c ,esdras ,ezra #a ,esdras ,nehemiah viii4 7the 8,greek ,ezra074 ,not extant #d ,esdras #b ,esdras iii4-xiv4 ,no equivalent #e ,esdras #b ,esdras xv41 xvi4 ,it will conduce to clearness if we speak of our present book as the 8,greek ,ezra0 and ignore these confusing titles4 ,by the 8,hebrew ,ezra0 is meant1 of course1 the canonical book of ,ezra4 ,,ii4 ,,contents ,,of ,,the ,,book ,as will be seen by referring to the table given above1 the contents of our book correspond substantially with parts of the canonical ,scriptures#dei2 but the 8,greek ,ezra0 does not run wholly parallel with the 8,hebrew ,ezra10 so that in enumerating the contents of the former it will be necessary to record against each section to what passage in the canonical ,scriptures it corresponds1 whether to some passage in the 8,hebrew ,ezra10 or in #b ,chronicles1 or in ,nehemiah4 i4 #a-eh 7 #b ,chron4 xxxv41 xxxvi4 #a-ba73 ,the book begins very abruptly with a long account of ,josiah's celebration of the ,passover in ,jerusalem 7verses #a-bd74 ,then follows the story of ,josiah's death at the battle of ,megiddo where he was defeated by the king of ,egypt2 reference is made to 8the book of the histories of the kings of ,juda10 where these things are written 7verses #be-cc74 ,the rest of the section deals with ,josiah's successors down to the destruction of ,jerusalem 7verses #cd-eh74 ii4 #a-ae 7 #b ,chron4 xxxvi4 #bb1 #bc and ,ezra i4 #a-aa73 ,cyrus the ,persian issues a decree permitting the return of the people and the rebuilding of the ,temple in ,jerusalem2 the sacred vessels of the ,temple are given back4 ii4 #af-cj 7 ,ezra iv4 #g-bd73 ,the ,samaritans address a letter to ,artaxerxes accusing the ,jews of the intention to rebel in rebuilding the walls of the city1 and warning him of what the result will be if the building is persisted in 7verses #af-bd74 ,the purpose of the letter is successful1 and the building ceases until the second year of ,darius 7verses #be-cj74 iii4 #a-v4 #c 7no corresponding passage in the canonical ,scriptures73 ,the wisdom competition among three young men of ,darius' bodyguard4 ,zerubbabel proves himself to be wisest and is rewarded by the king 7iii4 #a-;iv4 #df72 the reward consists in granting ,zerubbabel his request that the king would issue a decree permitting the ,jews to return to their country and rebuild the walls of ,jerusalem and the ,temple 7iv4 #dg-eg74 ,zerubbabel's thanksgiving 7iv4 #eh-fc71 and the return of the exiles 7v4 #a-c74 v4 #d-f 7no corresponding passage in the canonical ,scriptures73 ,these verses contain the fragment of a list of the returned exiles4 v4 #g-gc 7 ,ezra ii4 #a-;iv4 #e1 #bd and ,neh4 vii4 #f-gc73 ,a list of those who returned from ,babylon under ,zerubbabel1 ,joshua and ,nehemiah 7verses #g-df72 the rebuilding of the ,temple 7verses #dg-fe72 the ,samaritans desire to assist in the work1 but are refused2 in consequence of this they plot against the ,jews1 and the building is suspended 7verses #ff-gc74 vi4 #a-vii4 #ae 7 ,ezra v4 #a-vi4 #bb73 ,the building of the ,temple is begun 7vi4 #a-f72 the letter of ,sisinnes1 the governor of ,syria and ,phnicia1 to ,darius1 asking him to signify his approval of the undertaking 7vi4 #g-bb72 the favourable reply of ,darius 7vi4 #bc-cd74 ,the completion of the building of the ,temple1 and its dedication 7vii4 #a-i74 ,celebration of the ,feast of ,passover 7vii4 #aj-ae74 viii4 #a-;ix4 #cf 7 ,ezra vii4 #a-x4 #dd73 ,with the permission of ,artaxerxes1 ,ezra goes to ,jerusalem with 8certain of the children of ,israel and of the priests and ,levites0 7viii4 #a-g74 ,copy of the commission written by ,artaxerxes to ,ezra 7viii4 #h-bd74 ,a list of those who returned with ,ezra 7viii4 #be-fj74 ,the return to ,jerusalem1 and ,ezra's work in combating mixed marriages 7viii4 #fa-;ix4 #cf74 ix4 #cg-ee 7 ,neh4 vii4 #gc-viii4 #ab73 ,the reading of the ,law of ,moses by ,ezra4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it will thus be seen that the whole of our book1 with the exception of iii4 #a-v4 #f1 runs parallel with passages from the 8,hebrew ,ezra0 and parts of #b ,chronicles and ,nehemiah4 ,but it will be well to consider the relationship between our book and the 8,hebrew ,ezra10 and also to inquire as to the relationship of #b ,esdras1 or ,esdras ,b1 to our book4 ,,iii4 ,,the 8,,hebrew ,,ezra10 ,,the 8,,greek ,,ezra10 ,,and #b ,,esdras ,in the table given above it will be seen that the ,hebrew ,book of ,ezra is represented twice in the ,septuagint1 viz4 by #b ,esdras and the 8,greek ,ezra10 and that both the ,greek forms contain more than simply a translation of the 8,hebrew ,ezra10 since #b ,esdras has the whole of what was once a single ,hebrew book 7,ezra-,nehemiah71 and our 8,greek ,ezra0 has some matter in addition to the translation of ,ezra4 ,our first point is to see how the 8,hebrew ,ezra0 and the 8,greek ,ezra0 compare4 ,as regards the sequence of events there are only two cases of any considerable divergence1 namely1 ii4 #af-cj 7 ,ezra iv4 #g-bd7 is out of place1 and ix4 #cg-ee 7 ,neh4 vii4 #gc-viii4 #ab7 which follows viii4 #a-;ix4 #cf 7 ,ezra vii4 #a-x4 #dd7 varies from the order in the ,hebrew ,bible4 ,otherwise the material of the two is the same1 with the one exception of iii4 #a-v4 #c1 the story of the wisdom competition between the three young men of ,darius' bodyguard2 this is peculiar to our 8,greek ,ezra10#dfj and1 unlike the rest of the book1 was originally composed in ,greek4 ,the rest of the book is translated from the ,hebrew1 but the translation is free and paraphrastic4 ,turning now for a moment to #b ,esdras1 the point of chief importance here is that the translation is a very literal one1 it follows the ,hebrew text minutely and with almost painful accuracy1 sometimes giving renderings which are so close as to be rather lacking in sense in their translated form4 ,in his comparison of the two ,greek books ,thackeray says3 8,the two translations are of an essentially different character4 ,while the writer of ,esdras ,b 7#b ,esdras7 shows a slavish adherence to the ,hebrew1 often transliterating his original1 and making no pretensions to style1 ,esdras ,a 7the 8,greek ,ezra07 is marked by a free style of translation1 an elegant and idiomatic ,greek1 a happy rendering of ,hebraisms1 and an omission of difficulties1 which make it a far more readable book than the other4 ,it was clearly intended for ,greek readers unacquainted with ,hebrew4 ,the writer was a littrateur in possession of a wide ,greek vocabulary40#dfa ,the central problem of our book is to ascertain the relationship between it and the canonical ,hebrew book1 and #b ,esdras4 ,how do the 8,greek ,ezra0 and #b ,esdras stand to one another8 ,how comes it that both are contained in the ,septuagint8 ,do they both go back to the same ,hebrew original8 ,these and other questions which suggest themselves in studying the book are by no means easy to answer1 and very varying opinions are held by scholars2 nor does it appear that any solution offered is clear from objections of some kind4 ,to deal with these theories would be out of the question here1 for the discussion of them fills volumes#dfb2 a few facts may1 however1 be enumerated which must be taken into consideration in seeking to arrive at a conclusion4 7#a7 ,there are strong grounds for believing that the 8,greek ,ezra0 is of earlier date than #b ,esdras2 in the ,septuagint it precedes the latter2 ,josephus uses it1 and apparently does not know of #b ,esdras2 the writer of the 8,greek ,ezra0 utilizes ,chronicles1 ,ezra and ,nehemiah in such a way as to suggest that these three formed one whole1 and had not yet been divided up2 in #b ,esdras the 8,hebrew ,ezra0 is clearly a separate book4 ,the ,hebrew text which underlies the 8,greek ,ezra0 is often a purer1 and therefore in all probability an older1 one than that represented in #b ,esdras4 ,for these reasons we are justified in regarding the 8,greek ,ezra0 as of earlier date than #b ,esdras4 7#b7 ,the 8,greek ,ezra0 and #b ,esdras often agree in small details2 and1 what is more striking1 they not infrequently agree in deviating from the ,hebrew4 ,but1 on the other hand1 there are many passages in which the 8,greek ,ezra0 follows the ,hebrew more closely than #b ,esdras4 ,now1 seeing that one of the characteristics of #b ,esdras is that it follows its ,hebrew original in a slavish manner1 one is led to the conclusion that the ,hebrew text underlying the 8,greek ,ezra0 varied considerably from that which is represented in #b ,esdras4 ,but how is one to account for the agreements between the 8,greek ,ezra0 and #b ,esdras1 just mentioned8 ,we suggest that something of this kind took place3 ,that the ,hebrew text which underlay those two books respectively was not the same is clear2 the 8,greek ,ezra0 represents a text differing in many respects from the ,massoretic text1 and therefore in all probability an older one in which ,chronicles-,ezra-,nehemiah were all one book2 #b ,esdras represents in the main the ,massoretic text4 ,a ,greek translation was made of the earlier ,hebrew text1 before1 that is to say1 the ,hebrew text became fixed4 ,this ,greek translation was the immediate parent of our 8,greek ,ezra40 ,in the meantime the revision of the ,hebrew text took place1 and a translator translated this into ,greek1 utilizing at the same time the original ,greek translation2 this represents #b ,esdras4 ,so that a different ,hebrew text lies ultimately at the base of the 8,greek ,ezra0 and of #b ,esdras2 nevertheless both have to recognize the parentage of an intermediate ,greek translation1 which accounts for the elements of agreement between them2 while their differences are accounted for because they were translated from different ,hebrew texts4 ,the accompanying diagram will illustrate the suggestion made3 ,original ,hebrew ---------------------------------------- --- ,original ,greek ,revised ,hebrew ------------------------- 8,greek ,ezra0 ----------------- #b ,esdras ,this suggestion is a combination of those of ,ewald#dfc and ,sir ,h4 ,h4 ,howorth4#dfd ,what has been said does not account for all the difficulties2 there is1 for example1 the piece iii4 #a-v4 #c to be accounted for2 and the historical inaccuracies 7see next section7 constitute another difficulty4 ,much can1 however1 be explained by recognizing1 what seems to be an undoubted fact1 that a redactor has been at work on our book1 but has not finished his work2 there seems to have been a special purpose which this redactor had in view 7see section ,v7 and he was concerned with this more than with historical accuracy4 ,the difficulties are enhanced by the fact that the abrupt beginning and ending show that the book is incomplete in its present form4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,historicity ,,of ,,the ,,book ,in discussing the question of the historical character of our book it is obviously necessary to take the 8,hebrew ,ezra0 and ,nehemiah into account2 and it will help us to some extent in seeking to find our way about the hopelessly intricate historical maze in which we soon become involved if we begin by drawing up a chronological table4 ,we will1 however1 preface this with the following list of ,persian kings2 the names which are put in square brackets do not concern us1 but they are added for completeness' sake3 ,cyrus1 as king of ,persia1 ,b4,c4 #ech-ebi4 ,cambyses1 ,b4,c4 #ebi-ebb4 ,darius ,i1 ,hystaspes1 ,b4,c4 #ebb-dhf4 ,xerxes1 ,b4,c4 #dhf-dfe4 ,artaxerxes ,i1 ,longimanus1 ,b4,c4 #dfe-dbf4 ,now we give a chronological list of events with the references to the canonical ,chronicles-,ezra-,nehemiah2 for the corresponding references in the 8,greek ,ezra0 see the table on pp4 #ddj ff4 ,fall of ,jerusalem1 ,b4,c4 #ehf 7#b ,chron4 xxxvi4 #ag-ba74 ,edict of ,cyrus1 in his first year1 permitting the return of the ,jews to ,jerusalem under ,zerubbabel1 ,b4,c4 #ech 7,ezra i4 #a ff474 ,laying of the foundation-stone of the ,temple1 ,b4,c4 #ecf 7,ezra iii4 #h ff474 ,building of the ,temple interrupted till the second year of ,darius1 ,b4,c4 #ebj 7,ezra iv4 #a-e1 #bd in ,ezra iv4 #f-bc the reference is to interference with the building of the city walls1 not to the ,temple2 this section has either got out of place1 or it is a later insertion74 ,edict of ,darius permitting the building of the ,temple to be recommenced1 ,b4,c4 #ebj 7,ezra vi4 #a ff474 ,completion and dedication of the ,temple in the sixth year of ,darius1 ,b4,c4 #eaf 7,ezra vi4 #ac ff474 ,arrival of ,ezra in ,jerusalem1 in the seventh year of ,artaxerxes1 and his activity there1 ,b4,c4 #deh4 7,ezra vii4 #a ff47 ,note the gap of fifty-eight years between this and the previously recorded event4 ,arrival of ,nehemiah in ,jerusalem in the twenty-first year of ,artaxerxes1 ,b4,c4 #ddd2 permission given to rebuild the city walls 7,neh4 ii4 #a ff474 ,note the gap of fourteen years between this and the previously recorded event4 ,reading of the ,law by ,ezra1 ,b4,c4 #ddd1 late in the year 7,neh4 vii4 #gc;b1 viii4 #a ff474 99 99 99 99 99 ,on comparing the history of the 8,greek ,ezra0 with that of ,chronicles-,ezra-,nehemiah the two most prominent points to be noted are that1 7#a7 the 8,greek ,ezra0 makes the order of the ,persian kings the reverse of what that order actually was1 viz41 ,artaxerxes 7ii4 #ae-be71 ,darius 7iii4 #a-v4 #f71 ,cyrus 7v4 #g-gj71 while ,chronicles-,ezra-,nehemiah has the right order4 ,it is1 however1 well to remember that the 8,greek ,ezra0 in ii4 #a ff4 begins the list in the right order1 namely1 with ,cyrus4 ,and 7#b7 the 8,greek ,ezra0 takes no account of ,nehemiah i4 #a-vii4 #gb1 but gives the history as recorded in ,ezra vii4-x41 ,nehemiah vii4 #gc-viii4 #ab2 so that the 8,greek ,ezra0 does not present the gap of fourteen years found in ,ezra-,nehemiah1 for it makes the history of ,ezra continuous4 ,as regards the first of these two points1 it is evident that the writer of the 8,greek ,ezra0 was not unaware of the fact that the events were in their wrong order1 otherwise we should not have found ,cyrus mentioned first1 as in ii4 #a ff41 and ,artaxerxes last1 as in viii4 #a ff4 ,an important fact in this connection is that ,josephus1 who follows the 8,greek ,ezra0 and not #b ,esdras with its literal translation of the 8,hebrew ,ezra10 has 8,cambyses0 instead of 8,artaxerxes10 thus getting the order correct2 and1 in following the text of the 8,greek ,ezra10 he has a consistent chronology4 ,but the contents of the passage in question 7ii4 #af-cj7 show that the position in which it stands must be wrong because it speaks of the interruption of the building of the ,temple before the foundation is begun4 ,so that if ,josephus did not himself alter 8,artaxerxes0 to 8,cambyses10 which is very improbable1 he must have found it in the source he had before him2 in this case a redactor or compiler altered the name1 desiring to get the names of the ,persian kings in their right order4 ,but if this is so it suggests the fact that in the original translation of the book the chronology was inconsistent1 in which case the same must be true of the ,hebrew text which the translator had before him4 ,now when we look at the ,hebrew text of ,ezra-,nehemiah we find that it1 too1 contains historical inaccuracies of a serious character1 and that there has clearly been a considerable manipulation of the text4 ,what seems1 therefore1 to be pretty clear is that there were several different ,hebrew records of the history of the people since the ,return1 and that the knowledge of this history was hazy2 but that finally an authoritative1 revised1 ,hebrew form was made in which the general uncertainty regarding the historical events is strongly reflected2 not only so1 but for particular purposes 7see next section7 certain aspects of the history were emphasized1 while others were treated more scantily2 the final result being that before any ,greek translation was made there were two1 at least1 ,hebrew accounts of the history both characterized by a particular tendency1 and both characterized by historical inaccuracies4 ,our two ,greek versions represent these two ,hebrew 7or ,hebrew-,aramaic7 forms4 ,but it does not follow that the historicity of either of these was superior to the other2 in this matter each has something to contribute4 ,a striking example of the way in which the 8,greek ,ezra0 sometimes shows its superiority is the second point referred to above2 in this case the ,ezra story is more logical1 differing from the canonical account by making ,ezra vii4-x4 to be immediately followed by ,nehemiah vii4 #gc-viii4 #ab4 ,there are many other differences between the 8,greek ,ezra0 and the canonical books1 details of which would be out of place here1 but the two given illustrate the main point regarding the historicity of our book which we wish to emphasize1 namely1 that its historical value is1 at the lowest estimate1 on a level with that of its canonical rival2 each has many inaccuracies1 but each has something to contribute2 to use one without the other in dealing with the history of the period would be a great mistake4 8,it can no longer be assumed10 ,cook rightly points out1 8that the ,massoretic text necessarily represents a more trustworthy record of the age1 and that ,e 7 the 8,greek ,ezra07 is necessarily arbitrary and methodless4 ,both share fundamental imperfections4 ,e1 therefore1 in any case deserves impartial consideration1 and its problems involve those of ,ezra-,nehemiah4 ,these problems1 owing to the absence of decisive and independent evidence1 can be handled only provisionally2 but enough is clear to permit the conclusion that ,e represents a text in some respects older than the present ,massoretic text1 to which1 however1 some attempt seems to have been made to conform it4444 ,from a comparison of both with ,josephus and other sources 7notably ,daniel7 it would further appear that ,e represents one of the efforts to give an account of a period1 the true course of which was confused and forgotten1 if not intentionally obscured2 different attempts were made to remove difficulties and inconsistencies1 and the desire to give greater prominence to the priestly ,ezra than to the secular governor ,nehemiah is probably responsible for the arrangement of the extant texts40#dfe ,v4 ,,the ,,purpose ,,of ,,the ,,book ,it is an open question as to what the special purpose was which the writer of the original ,hebrew work had in his mind2 one might at first naturally suppose that it was the same as the writer of any other ,jewish historical book1 namely to give the history of the particular period dealt with4 ,but assuming1 as we may justly do1 that our ,greek translation gives1 upon the whole1 an equivalent of the ,hebrew that lay before it1 it is not difficult to discern a special tendency at work in it4 ,in the first place1 political history is quite relegated to the background2 but great stress is laid upon everything that has to do with worship and ritual1 the re-instatement of the sacrificial system and of the priests and their duties1 the due support of the priests1 the return of the holy vessels of the sanctuary1 the celebration of the festivals1 and the purification of the congregation4 ,in addition to this1 it is the rebuilding of the ,temple which is emphasized1 while the rebuilding of the city walls takes quite a secondary place4 ,it is pretty evident1 therefore1 that the object which the writer had in view was not so much that of giving the history of his people during the post-exilic period1 but rather to set forth the paramount importance of the worship of the ,temple4 ,in the second place1 and closely connected with this1 is the further purpose of presenting ,ezra as the one really important person who figures in ,jewish post-exilic history1 and with his name was1 of course1 indissolubly connected the ,law1 of which he was the great champion4 ,the title of the book1 in fact1 implies its purpose4 ,all this is in accordance with what we know to have been characteristic of the attitude of the ,jewish religious leaders during the late post-exilic period4 ,in the original form of the ,hebrew this was in all probability not so to the same extent1 but that original was worked over in the interests of the school of thought just referred to2 so that the actual form of the ,hebrew which lay before the ,greek translator was not the original form in which the book was written4 ,the present title was a subsequent addition4 ,,vi4 ,,the ,,story ,,of ,,the ,,three ,,young ,,men ,,of ,,darius' ,,bodyguard ,a few words about this section of our book is needed both because1 according to some scholars1 it is closely connected with the purpose for which our book was written1 and also because it is the part which is peculiar to the 8,greek ,ezra40 ,it occurs in iii4 #a-v4 #f1dff and is briefly as follows3 ,three young men of ,darius' bodyguard undertake to enter upon a competition as to which of them shall be able to put forth a 8sentence which shall seem wiser0 than those of the other two2 it seems to be taken for granted that the successful one will be richly rewarded by the king4 ,they1 therefore1 wrote their sentences and sealed them1 and laid them 8under the king his pillow40 ,the king and the three princes of ,persia are to be the judges as to which is the wisest of the three sentences1 these being3 8,wine is the strongest02 8,the king is strongest02 8,women are strongest1 but above all things ,truth beareth away the victory0 7iii4 #a-ab74 ,then the king1 having had these sentences placed before him1 calls upon all the state officials to assemble1 while he sits in the seat of judgement1 so that all may hear the explanations of their sentences which the three young men are invited to give 7iii4 #ac-ag74 ,the first seeks to establish the truth of his sentence by showing that its power is uniform over all men2 it affects all alike in that it enforces them to forget 7iii4 #ag;b-#bd74 ,the second1 by pointing to the unlimited power of the king over his subjects who obey his every command1 maintains that the king is the strongest 7iv4 #a-ab74 ,the third1 who1 it is added in parenthesis1 is ,zerubbabel1 speaks at greater length2 he deals first with women1 and shows that though the king is great1 and wine is strong1 yet 8,women have borne the king and all the people that bear rule by sea and land4 ,even of them came they2 and they nourished up them that planted the vineyards1 from whence the wine cometh40 ,man's succumbing to the fascination of woman1 and therefore her superior power1 is the theme of the verses that follow 7iv4 #ac-cb74 ,the second part of his oration is concerned with truth1 and it contains some really fine sentences3 8,o sirs1 are not women strong8 7,yet7 great is the earth1 high is the heaven1 swift is the sun in its course1 for it compasseth the heavens round about1 and fetcheth its course again to its own place in one day--is ,he not great that maketh these things8 ,therefore great is truth1 and stronger than all things4444 ,truth abideth1 and is strong for ever2 she liveth and conquereth for evermore4444 ,blessed be the ,god of ,truth40 ,and then all the people shouted and said3 8,great is truth1 and strong above all things02 in the ,latin ,version3 ,magna est veritas1 et praevalet 7iv4 #ac-da74 ,needless to say1 the last speaker is the winner1 and he receives the king's reward4 ,but the curious part is that here we suddenly get transported into an entirely different region of thought1 for on the king desiring him to make some further request over and above what had been originally settled1 he replies3 8,remember thy vow1 which thou didst vow to build ,jerusalem1 in the day when thou camest to thy kingdom1 and to send away all the vessels that were taken out of ,jerusalem4444 ,thou didst also vow to build up the temple 4440 7iv4 #db-df74 ,then the king gives orders that all this is to be carried out 7iv4 #dg-eg74 ,the young man 7he is not again referred to as ,zerubbabel7 offers up a prayer of thanksgiving 7iv4 #eh-fc72 the return of the exiles commences 7v4 #a-f74 ,now1 one can scarcely fail to perceive that the whole section1 from iv4 #da to the end1 does not really belong to the original story of the three young men2 or rather1 one should say that this story does not belong to the context in which it now stands1 or indeed to the historical record at all of which our book is a compilation1 for its presence creates great chronological confusion4 ,the words in iv4 #ac1 spoken in reference to the third young man1 8this was ,zerubbabel10 do not belong there2 they were added later to the story1 but they are important because they point to the reason why this story was interpolated into the historical compilation4 ,as we have seen1 the whole purpose of our book1 in the form in which we now have it1 was to lay stress on ritual and worship1 and to place the person and work of ,ezra in the foreground2 this reflects the orthodox and legalistic ,pharisaic attitude4 ,an attempt to counterbalance this was made by a ,hellenistic ,jew who inserted the story of the three young men 7whether his own composition1 or taken from some collection of stories does not affect the point71 and added the words 8this is ,zerubbabel0 for the purpose of bringing into prominence this personality1 and thereby making ,ezra and all which his name connoted not the sole important issue in ,jewry4 ,zerubbabel1 it will be remembered1 was the great instrument of the prophets ,haggai and ,zechariah 7see ,hag4 i41 ii41 ,zech4 iv472 he represented1 therefore1 the prophetical ideals expressed1 for example1 in such words as3 8,not by might1 nor by power1 but by my spirit1 saith the ,lord of ,hosts0 7,zech4 iv4 #f71 as against the legalism of ,ezra and the school that followed him1 above all his disciples1 the ,pharisees1 in the post-,maccaban period4 ,it need scarcely be added that this story did not belong to the ,hebrew even in its latest form2 it was in all probability written in ,greek by a ,hellenistic ,jew2 yet the possibility of an ,aramaic original is not excluded4 ,if it could be proved that ,hebrew or ,aramaic was the original language of this addition1 and that ,palestine was its home1 the interesting theory might then be put forth that it1 together with the inserted words 8this is ,zerubbabel10 was added by a ,sadducee in opposition to ,pharisaism2 ,zerubbabel's close connection with the high-priest 7see ,hag4 i4 #ab1 #ad1 ii4 #b1 #d1 and all ,zech4 iv47 would fully explain the reason of the inserted words4 ,but whichever view be correct the main purpose of the addition would be the same1 viz4 an attempt to counteract the influence of ,pharisaism4 ,,vii4 ,,the ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,book ,very few words are needed in speaking of the date of our book1 or rather1 of its compilation4 ,to fix the date of the original documents made use of by the compiler of the ,hebrew form is not in question here4 ,if we inquire as to the date of the ,hebrew form which lay before the ,greek translator it must be replied that this depends upon what that form was2 if it contained the marks of what may be called the 8,ezra-tendency10 then it must probably be post-,maccaban1 in which case our present ,greek translation might fairly be dated not later than the middle of the last century ,b4,c4 ,but if the ,hebrew did not contain these marks--we refer especially to the passage dealt with in the preceding section--and they are due to the ,greek translator or a redactor1 which we believe more probable1 then the ,hebrew1 even in the form in which it lay before the translator1 was pre-,maccaban1 and the ,greek form1 though post-,maccaban1 might well be dated about ,b4,c4 #ajj4 ,it is to this latter date that we incline2 and it is corroborated by considerations of vocabulary1 as has been well shown by ,dewick4#dfg ,,chapter ,,ix ,the ,book of ,wisdom 7,the ,wisdom of ,solomon7 ,,literature4--,grimm1 ,das ,buch der ,weisheit erklrt 7#ahfj72 ,montefiore1 ,the ,wisdom of ,solomon 7#ahhg72 ,farrar1 in ,wace1 ,i1 pp4 #djc-ecd2 ,deane1 ,the ,book of ,wisdom 444 7#ahha72 ,menzel1 ,der griechische ,einfluss auf ,prediger und ,weisheit ,salomos1 pp4 #ci-gj 7#ahhi72 ,bois1 ,essai sur les origines de la philosophie judo-alexandrine 7#ahij72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #bcj-bcg1 ,german ed41 pp4 #eje-eab2 ,siegfried1 in ,kautzsch1 ,i1 pp4 #dgf-ejg2 ,linke1 ,samarien und seine ,propheten1 pp4 #aai-add 7#aijc72 ,stevenson1 ,wisdom and ,jewish ,apocryphal ,writings 7#aijc72 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,griechische ,philosophie im ,alten ,testamente1 pp4 #ahb-bjh 7#aijd72 ,zeller1 ,outlines of ,greek ,philosophy 7#aiji72 ,gregg1 ,the ,wisdom of ,solomon 7#aiji72 ,holmes1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #eah-efh2 ,goodrick1 ,the ,book of ,wisdom 7#aiac74 ,see also the articles by ,freudenthal1 in 8,the ,jewish ,quarterly ,review10 ,,iii1 pp4 #gbb-gec 7#ahia71 ,siegfried1 in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 and ,toy1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl4 ,i4 ,,the ,,title ,,and ,,authorship ,,of ,,the ,,book ,the title 8,the ,wisdom of ,solomon0 in the ,english ,versions comes from the ,greek manuscripts1#dfh the three oldest of which have this exact title1 while1 in one form or another1 they all have it4 ,but the ,old ,latin ,version has only 8,the ,book of ,wisdom10 without any mention of ,solomon2 and the ,syriac ,version1 while ascribing it to ,solomon1 adds1 8of which there is a doubt2 whether another wise man of the ,hebrews wrote it in a prophetic spirit1 putting it in the name of ,solomon1 and it was received40#dfi ,although some of the early ,latin ,fathers believed that the book was the work of ,solomon1 they formed the exceptions2 it is obvious that it cannot have been written by him1 as we shall see as we proceed4 ,but it may well be asked why it should have been ascribed to ,solomon2 the usual and obvious answer that to the ,jews ,solomon was the wisdom-writer par excellence1 and that therefore anyone desiring to commend a book on wisdom would naturally choose this name as a pseudonym in preference to any other1 is doubtless correct in a general way2 but ,plumptre has suggested a stronger reason2 believing that the book was written in antagonism to ,ecclesiastes1#dgj he says3 8,let us remember in what light it i4e4 ,ecclesiastes must have presented itself to him i4e4 the writer of ,wisdom4 ,it had not 444 the claim which comes from the reverence due to the authority of a remote antiquity or an unquestioned acceptance4 ,he must have known that it had not been received as canonical without serious opposition1 that the strictest school of the ,pharisees had been against its reception1 that it had seemed to them tainted with the heresy of ,epicuranism and ,sadduceeism4 ,if it was interpreted then as it has often been interpreted since1 it may have seemed to him to sanction a lawless sensuality1 to fall in with the thoughts of those who said1 #8let us eat and drink1 for to-morrow we die1' and to throw doubt1 if not denial1 on the soul's immortality4 ,was this1 he seems to have asked himself1 the true ideal of wisdom8 ,was it not his duty to bring before men another ,solomon than that whose experience seemed to end in materialism and pessimism1 in the scepticism of an endless doubt8 ,and so he1 too1 adopts without any hesitation the form of personated authorship40#dga ,this puts the matter on a higher plane altogether4 ,that the writer of our book had what he considered to be the erroneous teaching of ,ecclesiastes in mind will be clear to any one who reads ,wisdom ii4 #a-i in conjunction with the following passages from ,ecclesiastes3#dgb ,wisdom ii4 #a with ,ecclesiastes ii4 #bc1 v4 #a4 0 ii4 #b 0 0 iii4 #ai1 cp4 ix4 ii4 0 ii4 #c 0 0 xii4 #g4 0 ii4 #d 0 0 i4 #aa1 ii4 #af1 ix4 #e1 ii4 #aa4 0 ii4 #e 0 0 vi4 #ab1 viii4 #h4 0 ii4 #f 0 0 ii4 #bd4 0 ii4 #g 0 0 ix4 #g4 0 ii4 #h 0 0 ix4 #h4 0 ii4 #i 0 0 iii4 #bb1 v4 #ah1 ix4 #h4 ,in ,wisdom ii4 #a ff4 78,for they said within themselves1 reasoning not aright 44407 the writer is describing the tenets of the ungodly2 and what he says agrees not only in substance1 but often even verbally1 with the corresponding passages in ,ecclesiastes4 ,bearing ,plumptre's words in mind1 therefore1 and remembering what has been said above#dgc regarding the estimate of the function and importance of authorship among ,easterns of earlier times1 we should not be justified in seeing any fraudulent intention on the part of our author in putting the name of ,solomon to the title of his book4 ,as to the personality of the author#dgd but very few data are to be gathered from the book2 he must in all probability have been a ,jew 7cp4 xii4 #bb71 but a ,hellenistic ,jew1 yet loyal to the ,law#dge 7xviii4 #d71 who lived and wrote in ,egypt 7see xii4 #bc ff41 xv4 #ah1 #ai1 xvi4 #a1 #i1 where reference is made to ,egyptian animal-worship72 his ,jewish feeling is evidenced throughout the book2 that he was domiciled in ,alexandria is highly probable1 for this was the centre of ,jewish-,hellenistic culture4 ,as ,gregg well points out1 the author 8makes no effort to disguise his sympathy with ,hellenic thought4 ,he is a ,euhemerist in his account of the origin of idol-worship 7xiv472 he is a ,platonist in his sense of the beauty of the world1 and in his argument that its beauty points to a supreme ,first ,cause4 ,he draws on ,plato for his doctrine of pre-existing matter 7xi4 #ag71 of the pre-existence of the soul 7viii4 #ai71 and of the body as an obstacle in the path to spiritual knowledge 7ix4 #ae74 ,the teaching of the ,stoics suggested to him the penetratingness of ,wisdom 7vii4 #bd71 and her quickness of understanding 7vii4 #bb74 ,the doctrine of ,providence 7xiv4 #c7 and the conception of the four cardinal virtues 7viii4 #g71 were a loan partly from ,plato and partly from the ,stoics4 ,this combination of knowledge of ,egypt and sympathy with ,greek studies points plainly to ,alexandria2 and the inference is strengthened by a comparison of ,wisdom with the writings of the ,alexandrian ,philo4 ,for the affinity between them is so close1 that the author has been styled a pre-,philonic ,philonist4 ,like ,philo 7but in a more uncompromising way71 he is a ,jew loyal to the national religion2 and no centre offered the same opportunities as did ,alexandria for a ,jew who wished to unite a liberal eclecticism with his traditional faith40#dgf ,for the influence of ,greek philosophy to be discerned in the book see ,part ,i1 ,chapter ,,iv4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,date ,,of ,,the ,,book ,among modern scholars controversy regarding the date of our book centres round the question as to whether it belongs to the middle of the last century ,b4,c4 or about a hundred years later1 though some 7e4g4 ,gregg1 ,op4 cit41 p4 xi47 would date it as early as 8within the last quarter of the second century ,b4,c40 ,there are three main points to be taken into consideration in seeking to fix an approximate date4 7a7 ,the author quotes from the ,septuagint of the ,book of ,isaiah 7ii4 #ab1 cp4 ,isa4 iii4 #aj1 and xv4 #aj1 cp4 ,isa4 xliv4 #bj71 and also from the ,book of ,job 7xii4 #ab1 cp4 ,job ix4 #ab1 #ai72 therefore these books must have already existed in their ,greek form4 ,now from the ,prologue to ,ecclesiasticus it is evident that the prophetical books had been translated into ,greek before ,sirach's grandson translated his grandfather's work1 and that therefore these books formed part of the ,septuagint before ,b4,c4 #acb4dgg ,but as regards the ,book of ,job1 and the ,hagiographa generally1#dgh we cannot say with any certainty at what precise period they were translated#dgi2 ,swete1 after reviewing the evidence1 says3 8,thus while the testimony of the first century ,a4,d4 does not absolutely require us to believe that all the books of the ,hebrew canon had been translated and were circulated in a ,greek version during the ,apostolic age1 such a view is not improbable2 and it is confirmed by the fact that they are all contained in the canon of the ,greek ,bible which the ,christian ,church received from its ,jewish predecessors40#dhj ,the fact1 therefore1 that the author of ,wisdom quotes from the ,book of ,job in its ,greek form makes it reasonably certain that our book was written during the last century ,b4,c4 7b7 ,the next point is as to the historical conditions reflected in the book4 ,quite recently ,goodrick has examined this question with great care1 and it is one which needs a brief consideration4 ,rightly or wrongly1 it is often taken for granted that the book was written at a time when the ,jews were suffering1 or had recently suffered1 persecution2 such passages as ii4 #aj-bj1 vi4 #e-i are supposed to be references to this4 ,what persecution is it1 then1 to which reference is made8 ,goodrick believes that the allusion is to a persecution under ,caligula 7,a4,d4 #cg-da74 ,after giving the historical details1 he sums up as follows3 8,a sore persecution has just been endured2 a persecution not to the death indeed1 but involving grave damage and distress4 ,this persecution1 founded in part on gross calumny1 had as one of its main features the attempted enforcement of idolatry1 and of idolatry in its most insane and revolting form--the worship of a living man4 ,this living man was a prince ruling at a distance1 but his commands were enforced by apostate ,jews dwelling close at hand1 who had surrendered their ancient belief without sincerely adopting any other1 and represented no religion except that of ,epicureanism1 for which they sought to find their text-book in the so-called ,solomon's #8,preacher4' ,this persecution had been carried on through the agency of the dregs of the populace of ,alexandria1 wherein were represented the superstition of ancient ,egypt at its worst1 combined with hereditary ,greek hatred of the ,jews1 and wild misrepresentation of their religion and ordinances4 ,finally1 a time of temporary repose must be pictured1 in which it was possible to substitute severe rebuke for furious complaint4 ,all these conditions the period from ,a4,d4 #da to #dd presents1 and an examination of the ,book of ,wisdom confirms the belief that it was then written40#dha ,in support of this ,goodrich refers first to ii4 #aj-bj1 where the ungodly say 8within themselves1 reasoning not aright0 7see ii4 #a73dhb #aj4 ,let us oppress the righteous poor2 ,let us not spare the widow1 ,nor reverence the grey hairs of the old man full of years4 #aa4 ,but let our strength be to us a law of righteousness1 ,for weakness is condemned as unprofitable4 #ab4 ,but let us lie in wait for the righteous1 for he is useless to us1 ,and is opposed to our doings1 ,and upbraideth us for sins against the ,law1 ,and denounceth to us sins against our discipline4 #ac4 ,for he professeth to have knowledge of ,god1 ,and calleth himself the servant of the ,lord4 #ad4 ,he became for us a rebuke to our machinations2 #ae4 ,he is grievous unto us even to look upon1 ,because his life is unlike other men's1 ,and his ways are peculiar4 #af4 ,as base metal were we accounted by him1 ,and he abstaineth from our ways as from uncleanness4 ,he calleth the latter end of the righteous blessed1 ,and vaunteth that ,god is his ,father4 #ag4 ,let us see if his words be true4 ,yea1 and make trial of what will happen at his going forth4 #ah4 ,for if the righteous man be ,god's son1 ,he will uphold him1 ,and will deliver him out of the hand of them that rise up against him4 #ai4 ,with insult and torture let us test him1 ,that we may know his tolerance1 ,and judge of his endurance of evil4 #bj4 ,let us condemn him to a shameful death1 ,so shall there be made examination of him from his own words4 ,goodrick maintains that we have here the description of the oppression of the righteous man4 ,of the calumnies which had instigated the persecution1 8that which had obtained the widest circulation 444 was that of the hatred of the ,jews for all mankind except their own nation4 ,it is probably alluded to in ii4 #ae1 and is controverted in xii4 #ai0 78444 the righteous must be a lover of mankind074 ,further1 he says that the allusion to the deification of living men is plain in xiv4 #af1 #ag3 ,then in time1 being enforced1 the impious custom was kept as a law1 ,and by the commands of despots graven images were worshipped1 ,whom men1 not being able to honour in their presence1 through dwelling at a distance1 ,counterfeiting their features far away1 ,made a visible image of the honoured king1 ,to flatter by their zeal the absent as present 7cp4 also vi4 #b74 ,finally1 the most striking reference to contemporary matters1 says ,goodrick1 is 8that in xix4 #e as to the rights of citizenship03 ,but these with feastings 7,first7 welcoming them that already shared the same rights1 ,vexed them with sore labours4 ,regarding the question of historical conditions by itself ,goodrick's contention as to the date of our book is weighty2 but even so his arguments do not necessarily carry conviction4 ,it is not necessary1 as ,toy points out1 8to suppose that the work was composed in the midst of one of the violently hostile movements4 ,the author1 even if he lived in a relatively quiet time1 would know enough of the general fortunes of his people to paint his pictures of suffering 7ii4-v41 xiv474 ,nor is his reference to the worship of the statues of kings 7xiv4 #af-bj7 chronologically decisive1 for divine worship was paid to ,ptolemy ,i1 and probably to ,antiochus ,,ii1 as well as to ,caligula and other ,roman emperors4 ,the author is1 in fact1 as ,grimm remarks1 giving a learned account of the origin of idolatry1 and it is unnecessary to assume that the deified princes to whom he refers were his contemporaries40#dhc ,it is also necessary to remember that the command to worship the statue of ,caligula meant the setting up of his effigy in the ,temple at ,jerusalem and in the synagogues of ,alexandria2 is it likely that our author1 loyal and ardent ,jew that he was1 would use the mild language that he does if it were a question of such a supreme outrage upon ,jewish belief and practice8 7c7 ,but there is another point to be taken into consideration in discussing the date of our book1 namely1 whether or not it is pre-,philonian4 ,diametrically opposed views are held by scholars2 ,schrer 7,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 iii4 p4 #bcd7 regards it as certain that our book precedes ,philo1 for 8his standpoint is a preliminary step to ,philo's40 ,this1 as he says1 would not in itself prove a higher antiquity2 8but with the near affinity of the two it is inconceivable that our author would have remained unaffected by ,philo if he had succeeded him40 ,farrar 7,op4 cit41 p4 #dba7 says that the impression left on his mind is that 8the book was composed in the ,roman epoch1 and by an author who was familiar with the speculations of ,philo1 but regarded them from a completely independent point of view4 ,the impression that he was to some extent influenced by the views of ,philo1 and that ,philo was not influenced by him1 is very strong4 ,if he had preceded ,philo1 some traces of the powerful style and individuality and phraseology of the ,pseudo-,solomon must surely have been observable in the voluminous pages of the ,jewish ,theosophist40 ,goodrick1 while agreeing with ,farrar that the author of our book regarded the speculations from a completely independent point of view1 does not think that there is the slightest reference or allusion in either from either4 ,while it is1 so far1 true that1 as ,goodrick says1 8we are left to the priori conjectures of scholars10 there is one important point1 emphasized by ,gregg1 which seems conclusive2 ,gregg writes 7,op4 cit41 p4 xii473 8,in spite of the remarkable similarity 7in some cases amounting almost to identity7 of the language of ,philo and that of ,wisdom1 there is one vital difference which points to a considerably earlier date for the latter4 ,the ,logos-idea is the leading feature of ,philo's system1 and there is in ,wisdom no trace of the ,philonian ,logos1 nor is the ,divine ,wisdom ever even identified with the ,logos4 ,in ,philo's time the ,logos-doctrine must have belonged to current ,alexandrian thought2 had ,philo been its originator1 he would have asserted it in a more polemical manner4 ,accordingly1 time must be allowed for the development of a doctrine which ,philo found ready to hand1 and that length of time must have separated the composition of ,wisdom from the writings of ,philo4 ,the inference is 7see ,grimm1 ,intr41 p4 #cd71 that ,wisdom was composed a considerable time1 perhaps a century1 before ,philo1 who was born about ,b4,c4 #bj1 began to write40 ,this is a strong argument1 though it does not seem necessary to date our book as much as a century before the time of ,philo4 ,holmes grants the validity of ,gregg's argument 7which is also that of ,grimm71 though1 as he says1 8it only means that the book must be earlier than the student-life of ,philo1 which may be placed from ,b4,c4 #e-;,a4,d4 #e4444 ,but ignorance of the ,alexandrine ,logos-doctrine can only affect the date of the first part of the book2 the second part may with ,bousset 7,religion des ,judenthums1 p4 #ce7 be dated after the beginning of the ,empire 7say ,b4,c4 #cj71 on account of xiv4 #ag1 where the likeness of an absent ruler is mentioned0 7,op4 cit41 p4 #eba74 ,all things considered1 the most probable date would seem to be the latter half of the last century ,b4,c41 the earlier half of the book belonging to the beginning1 the later half to the end1 of this period4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,question ,,of ,,composite ,,authorship ,the question of the unity1 or otherwise1 of the book is a difficult one2 the arguments used in support of either position are strong2 anyone who reads them all would1 we should imagine1 hesitate to pronounce a definite opinion unless he had some new argument to present on one side or the other4#dhd ,we shall briefly enumerate the reasons which have led many scholars to believe that the book is of composite authorship4 ,upon one point all authorities are agreed1 whether they accept the unity of the book or not1 namely1 that it is divided into two distinct parts3 ii4-xi4 #a1 and xi4 #b-xix4 ,it is the differences of various kinds between these two parts which have suggested composite authorship2 these are as follows3 7a7 ,the conception of ,god2 in part ,i ,god's action is represented in a way quite different from that taught in part ,,ii2 this will be seen from the few following quotations from each part4 ,in vii4 #bb-viii4 #a ,wisdom is spoken of in such a way as to show that ,god acts indirectly through it3 444 ,beneficent1 loving toward man1 ,steadfast1 sure1 free from care2 ,all-powerful1 all-surveying1 ,and penetrating through all spirits ,that are quick of understanding2 pure1 subtil1 ,for ,wisdom is more mobile than any motion2 ,yea1 she pervadeth and penetrateth all things by reason of her pureness4 ,for she is a breath of the power of ,god 444 444 ,for she is an effulgence from everlasting light1 ,and an unspotted mirror of the working of ,god1 ,and an image of ,his goodness4 ,and she1 though but one1 hath power to do all things 444 444 ,but she reacheth from one end of the world to the other with full strength1 ,and ordereth all things well 7cp4 also x4 #a ff474 ,and again in viii4 #f it is said3 ,who more than ,wisdom is an artificer of the things that are8 ,it is clear enough from these passages that the ,divine action is represented as being accomplished through the agency of ,wisdom4 ,in contrast to this ,god's action is represented as direct in part ,,ii2 for example1 in xv4 #a we read3 ,but ,thou1 our ,god1 art gracious and true1 ,longsuffering1 and in mercy ordering all things4 ,the same truth is taught in xiii4 #a3 ,for by nature all men were foolish1 and had no perception of ,god1 ,and from the good things to be seen had not power to know ,him that is1 ,neither by giving honour to the works did they recognize the ,artificer4 7b7 ,another thing which is believed to point to a difference of authorship is that in part ,i ,wisdom plays a most important rle1 whereas in part ,,ii it is never mentioned4#dhe ,this is rather striking1 especially when taken in conjunction with what has been said in 7a71 for so many opportunities occur in part ,,ii for ,wisdom to be mentioned2 in a number of passages it might have found a place very naturally4 ,for an author who has such an exalted conception of ,wisdom as the writer of part ,i1 it certainly strikes one as strange to find that he suddenly ignores it altogether in part ,,ii2 whereas if the latter was of different authorship no problem presents itself4 7c7 ,further1 the generally broad outlook of part ,i stands in striking contrast to the pronounced particularism of the second part4 ,this in itself is1 of course1 not sufficient to decide the question of authorship in favour of duality any more than the other arguments put forth2 but the cumulative effect of all cannot be ignored2 and this is emphasized by one more1 perhaps the strongest1 argument1 viz43 7d7 ,stylistic and linguistic differences4 ,in part ,i the style is 8relatively simple and direct1 with constant regard to the ,hebrew principle of parallelism1 whilst1 in the second part1 it is ambitious1 grandiloquent1 or turgid1 complicated and artificial1 often without parallelism40#dhf ,with regard to the linguistic differences ,holmes#dhg has recently made a careful examination of them1 and the results he gives are not to be ignored2 they are far too detailed and technical to be dealt with here4 ,but his own conclusion is that the difference in style1 presentation and tone1 together with those of language and diction1 taken together with other problems which present themselves1 are such that 8there are considerable difficulties in the way of accepting the unity of authorship which have not been met by its upholders4 ,if we could assume that the writer of the second part had studied the first part carefully1 and wished to write a supplement to it1 both resemblances and differences could be accounted for40 ,but the arguments in favour of dual authorship have not been ignored by the champions of unity of authorship2 their position has been well summed up by ,toy thus3 8,it may be said that a logical unity between the two parts is recognizable in the fact that the two points of attack in the work1 apostasy and idolatry1 represent the two great enemies of the later devout ,judaism1 and that a consciousness of unity is shown in ix4 #ah1 which makes the transition from the first part to the second1#dhh and has not the appearance of an editorial insertion2 that the similarity between i4 #a and vi4 #a suggests that the same speaker is intended throughout2 that the non-mention of ,wisdom after xi4 #a is due to the fact that the author became so immersed in his historical sketch 7which he meant as an indictment of his own contemporaries7 that he forgot the philosophical thesis with which he set out2 that the change of style is a natural consequence of the change of the subject-matter1 the moral and philosophical discussions falling more easily into the form of the ,book of ,proverbs1 the dramatic scenes of the earlier history readily suggesting legendary touches and highly-coloured language2 and that there are marked resemblances of tone and style in the two parts--e4g4 the rush of thoughts of the second part is paralleled in the description of the wicked 7v47 and of ,wisdom 7vii4 #bb-viii4 #a71 and the religiously elevated and dignified tone of the first part appears here and there in the second 7cp4 i4 #ac-ae1 ix4 #a-f with xi4 #bc-bf1 xii4 #ai1 xvi4 #g740 ,there is a great deal in what is here said2 it cannot be denied that it is very difficult to come to a definite conclusion where the arguments on both sides are so strong4 ,at the same time it is worth remembering that some writers who advocate unity of authorship recognize that their position is not impregnable2 ,eichhorn1 for example1 was so struck by the differences between the two parts that although he believed both were written by the same author he nevertheless thought that the second was written in his youth1 the former in maturer years4 ,similarly1 in one of the most recent commentaries on the book1 that of ,goodrick1 the author says3 8it is possible that a writer who had laid aside his work1 dictated in the beginning by irritation at apostasy and persecution1 gave it a new colour by adapting it to philosophic ideas which he had only lately assimilated1 and1 its original interest having passed with the times of persecution which suggested it1 should endeavour to obtain a vogue for it by the direct ascription of it to ,solomon40#dhi ,goodrick is convinced of the unity of authorship1 but thinks that the 8,solomonic chapters0 7vii4-ix47 were added after the rest of the book had been completed4 ,the possibilities of what the original facts of the case may have been are numerous2 upon the whole1 while fully recognizing the difficulties which surround the question1 we do not feel convinced that the advocates of unity of authorship have established their view beyond possibility of doubt4 ,dual authorship seems to us the easier and more natural solution1 though we are not blind to the fact that the easier way is not always the right one4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,purposes ,,for ,,which ,,the ,,book ,,was ,,written ,whether our book was written by a single author1 or whether each of the two parts were of different authorship 7see above1 ,,iii71 is immaterial so far as the aims and objects of the book are concerned2 for there is no doubt that it was of ,jewish authorship and that is was written for ,jews#dij--;,egyptian ,jews--who were beset by four special dangers1 viz4 ,scepticism1 ,materialism1 ,idolatry and ,persecution4 ,that the writer of each part was a ,jew we have already seen 7 ,i72 that the book was written for ,jews is clear enough from the fact that it contains numerous allusions to the past history of ,israel which are no more than allusions2 it is taken for granted that the readers understand them without further explanation4 ,moreover1 historical characters are again and again spoken of without mentioning their names2 it is assumed that the readers will know who is meant since the references are to persons who took a leading part in the past history of ,israel4 ,it is1 therefore1 for the benefit of his own people in ,egypt1 that the writer warns or encourages or denounces1 according to the particular danger combated4 7a7 ,scepticism4 ,the old problem of the godly in adversity and the wicked in prosperity was evidently exercising the minds of many ,jews in ,alexandria to the detriment of both their faith and morals4 ,since there was no divine justice1 and life was short1 they advocated making the most of life while they enjoyed it1 without considering others4 ,the writer1 in ii4 #a-bj1 describes the attitude of the wicked1 putting into their mouths the words which express this attitude3 ,short and sorrowful is our life1 ,and there is no remedy when a man cometh to his end1 ,and none was ever known that returned from ,hades4 ,because by mere chance were we born1 ,and hereafter we shall be as though we had never been4444 ,come1 therefore1 and let us enjoy the good things that now are2 ,and let us use creation with all earnestness as youth's possession4 ,let us fill ourselves with costly wine and perfumes 444 ,let us oppress the righteous poor1 ,let us not spare the widow1 ,nor reverence the hairs of the old man grey for length of years4444 ,we were accounted of him as base metal1 ,and he abstaineth from our ways as from uncleannesses4 ,the latter end of the righteous he calleth happy2 ,and he vaunteth that ,god is his father4 ,let us see if his words be true1 ,and let us try what shall befall in the ending of his life4 ,for if the righteous man is ,god's son ,he will uphold him1 ,and ,he will deliver him out of the hand of his adversaries4444 ,this attitude the writer combats by asserting first that the wicked will not escape punishment3 ,therefore no man that uttereth unrighteous things shall be unseen2 ,neither shall ,justice1 when it punisheth1 pass him by4 ,for the counsels of the ungodly shall be searched out1 ,and the report of his words shall come unto the ,lord ,for the punishment of his lawless deeds 444 7i4 #f-aa74 ,but the writer declares1 further1 that not only in this life shall the wicked be punished1 but in the next world as well1 while the godly will then be recompensed4 ,he says of the wicked that3 ,they knew not the mysteries of ,god1 ,neither hoped they for wages of holiness1 ,nor did they judge that there is a prize for blameless souls4 ,because ,god created man for incorruption 444 7ii4 #ba-bd74 ,then follows the well-known passage concerning the blessedness of the righteous3 ,but the souls of the righteous are in the hands of ,god 444 7iii4 #a-i71 and in the verses that follow 7iii4 #aj ff47 the writer describes the torment of the wicked in the world to come4 ,the true way to prepare in this world for the next is by the acquisition of ,wisdom3 ,for her true beginning is desire of instruction2 ,and the care for instruction is love of her2 ,and love of her is observance of her laws2 ,and to give heed to her laws is the assurance of incorruption2 ,and incorruption bringeth near to ,god2 ,so then the desire of ,wisdom promoteth to a kingdom 7vi4 #ag-bj74 ,one purpose1 therefore1 of the book is to bring the godless sceptics among the ,jews to a better frame of mind2 and this is done mainly by setting forth the doctrine of immortality1 and retribution or reward in the world to come4 7b7 ,materialism4 ,closely connected with the preceding was a second danger1 that of ,materialism1 the combating of which was another purpose that the writer had in view in writing his book4 ,in a passage already referred to1 which contains the words put by the writer into the mouth of the ungodly1 the existence of this danger is seen from the following words3 ,let us fill ourselves with costly wine and perfumes2 ,and let no flower of spring pass us by4 ,let us crown ourselves with rosebuds1 before they wither1 ,let there be no meadow without traces of our proud revelry4 ,everywhere let us leave tokens of our mirth1 ,because this is our portion1 and our lot is this 7ii4 #g-i74 ,for these materialists the writer has the same message as for the sceptics3 ,the ungodly shall be requited as they reasoned 7iii4 #aj74 ,they had reasoned that fulness of this life's enjoyment was their portion and their lot2 so it shall be2 but they are warned of what is to come hereafter3 ,they shall come1 when their sins are reckoned up1 with coward fear2 ,and their lawless deeds shall convict them to their face 7iv4 #bj2 and cp4 v4 #a-ad74 ,it is by means of the doctrine of immortality that the writer seeks to combat these dangers of scepticism and materialism4 ,the recognition of this truth of a life hereafter is wisdom 7see vi4 #ag-bj quoted above74 7c7 ,idolatry4 ,that a further object of the book is to utter a warning against idolatry is obvious from what is said in chapters xiii4-xv42 but whether the writer has in view mainly the ,gentiles among whom he was living or the renegades of his own race1 is differently answered by commentators4 ,probably both are in the writer's mind4 ,at any rate1 his polemic against idolatry is very thorough2 he regards it as the cause of all kinds of evil3 ,for the devising of idols was the beginning of fornication1 ,and the invention of them the corruption of life 444 ,and all things confusedly are filled with blood and murder1 theft and deceit1 ,corruption1 faithlessness1 tumult1 perjury4 ,disquieting of the good1 ,ingratitude for benefits received1 ,defiling of souls1 confusion of sex4 ,disorder in marriage1 adultery and wantonness4 ,for the worship of those unnameable idols ,is the beginning and cause and end of every evil 444 7xiv4 #ab-ca74 ,from the words that follow it would seem that in this passage1 at any rate1 it is apostate ,jews which the writer has in mind3 ,for their worshippers either make merry unto madness1 or prophesy lies1 ,or live unrighteously1 or lightly forswear themselves2 ,for1 putting their trust in lifeless idols1 ,they wickedly swear false oaths1 and look not to be harmed ,but for both sins shall the just doom pursue them1 ,because they had evil thoughts of ,god by giving heed to idols1 ,and swore unrighteously in deceit1 despising holiness 444 7xiv4 #bh-ca74 ,for such a particularist as the writer of the second part of our book the words1 8because they had evil thoughts of ,god0 could only refer to apostate ,jews1 for he would not contemplate the ,egyptians with their animal-worship as even thinking of ,god2 the same would apply to the words 8despising holiness40 7d7 ,persecution4 ,lastly1 the writer wrote with the purpose of comforting and encouraging his people in face of persecution which they were suffering from the ,egyptians2 as ,gregg rightly points out1 the ,jews must have been suffering from pressure from without1 for 8nothing else will account for the intensity of the writer's hatred of ,egypt1 which he gratifies as he lingers over the bondage of the ,israelites1 and labours the contrast between the fortunes of oppressors and oppressed 7x4 #af ff41 xi4 #a ff41 xvi4-xix474 ,history repeats itself1 and he regards the study of history as the best remedy for national depression4 ,if it was in respect of its divinities that ,egypt was smitten in the time of ,moses1 and if idolatry is not only folly but the cause of all social and civic decadence 7xiii4-xv471 the suppressed conclusion is that the ,egypt which still harries the resident ,jews and has not yet repented of its beast-worship1 will once again bend before ,israel40#dia ,v4 ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,the ,,book ,,on ,,st4 ,,paul ,there are a large number of passages in the ,pauline ,epistles in which the influence of our book is to be discerned2 to quote all the passages from ,wisdom and the corresponding ones in the ,epistles would be out of the question here2 but a few examples may be given in order to show how necessary the study of this book is for the ,new ,testament student4 ,in ii4 #bc1 #bd a doctrine of the ,fall is touched upon which reflects the ,jewish ideas on the subject current at the time3 ,because ,god created man for incorruption1 ,and made him an image of ,his own proper being2 ,but by the envy of the devil death entered into the world1 ,and they that belong to his realm experience it4 ,with these words should be compared the two following passages3 ,romans v4 #ab1 8,therefore1 as through one man sin entered into the world1 and death through sin2 and so death passed unto all men1 for that all sinned02 cp4 #a ,corinthians xv4 #ba1 #bb4 ,in iii4 #h it is said of the righteous departed that3 ,they shall judge nations1 and have dominion over peoples2 ,and the ,lord shall reign over them for evermore4 ,this reminds one forcibly of ,st4 ,paul's words in #a ,corinthians vi4 #b1 #c3 ,or know ye not that the saints shall judge the world4448 know ye not that we shall judge angels4448 ,in both these cases it is1 of course1 possible that the similarity exists solely because in both sets of passages current ,jewish ideas find expression2 in the following one1 however1 it is difficult to believe that it did not influence ,st4 ,paul when he wrote the well-known words in ,ephesians vi4 #aa-bj1 beginning3 8,put on the whole armour of ,god02 the passage in ,wisdom is v4 #ag-bj3 ,he shall take ,his jealousy as complete armour1 ,and shall make the whole creation ,his weapons for vengeance upon ,his enemies3 ,he shall put on righteousness as a breastplate1 ,and shall take judgement unfeigned as a helmet2 ,he shall take holiness as an invincible shield1 ,and shall sharpen stern wrath as a sword4 ,it is probable that the writer of this had in mind ,isaiah lix4 #ag3 8,and ,he put on righteousness as a breastplate1 and an helmet of salvation upon ,his head2 and ,he put on garments of vengeance for clothing1 and was clad with zeal as a cloke02 but while this passage was no doubt the original inspiration of both ,wisdom v4 #ag-bj and ,ephesians vi4 #aa-bj1 one cannot read these two latter without feeling convinced that ,st4 ,paul knew and utilized the ,book of ,wisdom4 ,on the other hand1 regarding the somewhat intricate subject of 8the elements of the world10 which is referred to more than once both in ,wisdom and by ,st4 ,paul1 while one would hesitate to assert definitely that the latter was influenced by the former it offers a good illustration of the need of studying ,st4 ,paul's writings in the light of this book4 ,to show what we mean it will suffice to put the respective passages in parallel columns1 and the reader will at once see the connection3 ,wisdom vii4 #ag3 8,for ,he hath ,colossians ii4 #h3 8,take heed lest given me unerring knowledge there shall be any one that of the things that are1 to maketh spoil of you through know the constitution of the his philosophy and vain deceit1 world1 and the working of the after the tradition of elements40 men1 after the elements of the world1 and not after ,christ40 ,wisdom xix4 #ah-ba3 8,for the elements changed their order ,colossians ii4 #bj3 8,if ye died with one with another44440 ,christ from the elements of the world1 seek the things that are ,wisdom xiii4 #b1 #c3 8,but whether above1 where ,christ is44440 fire1 or wind1 or swift air1 or circling stars1 or raging water1 ,galatians iv4 #c3 8,so we also1 or luminaries of heaven1 they when we were children1 were thought 7all7 were gods that held in bondage under the rule the world4 ,and if elements of the world40 through delight in their beauty they took them to be gods1 ,galatians iv4 #h1 #i3 8,howbeit at let them know how much that time1 not knowing ,god1 better than these is their ye were in bondage to them ,sovereign ,lord44440 which by nature are no gods2 but now that ye have come to know ,god1 or rather to be known of ,god1 how turn ye back again to the weak and beggarly elements1 whereunto ye desire to be in bondage over again80 7cp4 ,heb4 v4 #ab2 #b ,pet4 iii4 #aj1 #ab74 ,whatever may be meant here by 8the elements of the world10 it is clear that ,st4 ,paul is combating a false doctrine regarding belief in elemental spirits2 and for the study of this subject recourse to the ,book of ,wisdom is imperative4 ,an interesting parallel is that between ,wisdom ix4 #ae3 ,for a corruptible body weigheth down the soul1 ,and the earthly frame lieth heavy on the mind that is full of cares1 and #b ,corinthians v4 #a3 8,for we know that if the earthly house of our tabernacle be dissolved1 we have a building from 44410 and verse #d3 8,for indeed we that are in this tabernacle do groan1 being burdened44440 ,and once more1 in ,wisdom xi4 #bc it is said3 ,but ,thou hast mercy on all men1 because ,thou hast power to do all things1 ,and ,thou overlookest the sins of men to the end that they may repent4 ,we are at once reminded of ,st4 ,paul's words in ,romans ii4 #d3 8,or despisest thou the riches of ,his goodness and forbearance and long-suffering1 not knowing that the goodness of ,god leadeth thee to repentance80 7cp4 ,rom4 xi4 #cb74 ,still more striking is the following3 ,wisdom xv4 #g3 8,for a potter1 ,romans ix4 #ba-bc3 8,or hath kneading soft earth1 laboriously not the potter a right over the mouldeth each vessel for clay1 from the same lump to our service3 nay1 out of the make one part a vessel unto same clay doth he fashion both honour1 and another unto the vessels that minister to dishonour8 ,what if ,god1 clean uses1 and those of a willing to show ,his wrath1 contrary sort1 all in like manner2 and to make ,his power known1 but what shall be the endured with much longsuffering use of either sort1 the craftsman vessels of wrath himself is the judge40 fitted unto destruction2 and that ,he might make known the riches of ,his glory upon vessels of mercy44480 ,space forbids us to do more than merely refer to other striking resemblances and parallel passages which further illustrate the influence of this book upon ,st4 ,paul1 the three following subjects would1 however1 repay careful study3 the qualities of ,wisdom--with ,wisdom vii4 #bb-viii4 #a1 ix4 #f-ag compare #a ,corinthians ii4 #f-af2 the doctrine of ,predestination--with ,wisdom xii41 xv4 #g compare ,romans ix4 #ai-bc2 the question of heathen idolatry--with ,wisdom xiii41 xiv4 compare ,romans i4 #ah-cb4 ,the number of parallels1 in the words of ,thackeray1 8between ,st4 ,paul and ,wisdom put it beyond doubt that the ,apostle had at one time made a close study of the apocryphal book4 ,it was a book which no doubt had a wide circulation at an early time1 being the noblest product of the pre-,christian ,judaism of ,alexandria1 and combining in the choicest language the broader views of ,hellenism with the narrower national spirit of ,judaism3 a combination which would make it of special interest to the ,apostle who sought to make himself all things to all men that he might by all means gain some4 #8,a practical man with the sharp outlook for practical needs1 ,paul took what was good wherever it offered itself4' ,the influence is rather formal than substantial4 ,but in three1 not unimportant points1 the ,apostle's views on idolatry1 on predestination and on eschatology1 he has been to some extent affected by the matter1 and not only the manner1 of the ,alexandrian work40#dib ,for the further study of this subject the excellent book of ,thackeray's1 just quoted1 is invaluable1 as is also ,grafe's ,das ,verhltniss der ,paulinischen ,schriften zur ,sapientia ,salomonis 7#ahib72 see also ,sanday and ,headlam's ,romans1 passim1 and ,hausrath1 ,der ,apostel ,paulus1 p4 #bc 7#ahgb74 ,it is probable that the influence of ,wisdom is to be discerned in other books of the ,new ,testament2 ,gregg1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 liv4-lvi41 gives a long list of parallels between the book and ,st4 ,john's ,gospel2 and for parallels with the epistle of ,st4 ,james1 see the same author1 pp4 lix41 lx4 and ,mayor's ,st4 ,james1 p4 lxxv4 ,,chapter ,x ,the ,second ,book of ,maccabees ,,literature4--,grimm1 ,exegetisches ,handbuch zu #b4 ,makk4 7#ahec72 ,rawlinson1 in ,wace1 ,,ii1 pp4 #eci-fdh2 ,schlatter1 ,jason von ,kyrene 7#ahia72 ,willrich1 ,juden und ,griechen vor der makkabischen ,erhebung1 pp4 #gf ff4 7#ahie72 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #baa-baf1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #dhb-dhi2 ,kamphausen1 in ,kautzsch1 ,i1 pp4 #ha-aai2 ,bchler1 ,die ,tobiaden und die ,oniaden im #b4 ,makkaberbuche1 pp4 #bhb-cih 7#ahii72 ,niese1 ,kritik der beiden ,makkaberbcher 7#aijj72 ,moffatt1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #abe-aed4 ,see also the articles by ,westcott in ,smith's ,dict4 of the ,bible 7#bnd ed471 and ,torrey in the ,encycl4 ,bibl4 ,i4 ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,the ,,book ,in chapter ii4 #ai-cb of our book the writer explains in a preface the origin1 contents and purpose of his work4 ,he tells us that an account of all the heroic doings of ,judas ,maccabus and his brothers had been drawn up by ,jason the ,cyrenian in five books4 ,he does not say anything further about this ,jason1 and seems to take for granted that his readers will know who is meant4 ,neither ,jason nor his work are mentioned elsewhere4 ,however1 as the writer says1 his book is an epitome of ,jason's larger work3 8,these things1 then1 which have been made known by ,jason the ,cyrenian1 we will essay to epitomize in one volume0 7ii4 #bc74 ,the writer says further in his preface 7verses #cj1 #ca73 8,to enter into details1 and to indulge in long discussions1 and to be curious in particulars1 is the part of the original author of the history2 but to strive after brevity of expression1 and to avoid a laboured fulness in the treatment1 must be granted to him who puts the material into a new form40 ,these words plainly imply that the writer utilized ,jason's history as his sole source1 and that he confined himself to an abridgement of what ,jason had written4 ,his choice of excerpts was made on the principle that they must be interesting2 for1 as he says a little earlier in his preface 7verses #bd1 #be73 8,for having in view the confused mass of the numbers1 and the weariness which awaiteth them that would enter into the narratives of the history1 by reason of the abundance of the matter1 we were careful that they who choose to read may be attracted44440 ,he desires1 therefore1 to make his epitome popular by its attractiveness4 ,judging from the book itself1 it is evident that on the whole the writer adheres to his intention of being simply and solely an epitomist2 that is to say1 the words are as a rule1 but not always1 copied straight from ,jason1 though there are certainly cases where these are summarized4 ,the want of unity1 and the rather haphazard way in which events are jotted down1 fully supports the writer in saying that he is merely an epitomist4 ,at the same time1 the writer had1 as we shall see later1 a special purpose of his own1 owing to which there are some exceptions to this general rule4 ,but since our book relies for its main facts almost solely on ,jason's history1 which is thus to a considerable extent reflected in this later work1 it is pertinent to inquire whether any indications are to be discerned in it regarding the sources which ,jason used in compiling his history4 ,that he cannot have used the ,first ,book of ,maccabees will be seen when we discuss the relationship between #a and #b ,maccabees in a later section4 ,no indication of any other literary sources are given in the book2 and since ,jason's history cannot have been written very long after the ,maccaban struggle 7probably ,b4,c4 #abj-ajj71 he must in all likelihood have composed his history from oral sources4 8,the character of the history of which #b ,maccabees is the abridgement can best be explained by supposing that its author was a contemporary of men who had taken part in the ,maccaban struggle2 that he was obliged to depend mainly on oral accounts2 that he did not receive his information directly from those who had themselves taken part in these events1 but only after it had passed through other hands2 and that he was often unequal to the task of criticizing and arranging the material thus obtained40#dic ,it is well to mention here1 however1 that the epitomizer must in some instances have embellished and enlarged some of the material he used 7see below1 ,,iii72 so that the question has always to be kept in mind whether1 and in how far1 the epitomizer touched up for his own purposes any given passage4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,contents ,,of ,,the ,,book ,prefixed to the book are two letters purporting to have been addressed by the ,jews of ,palestine to their brethren of the ,dispersion2 but as these have nothing to do with the book itself1 and are evidently not part of the original work1 they do not concern us at present1 and will be dealt with separately 7 ,,vi74 ,the period of history covered by the book begins shortly before the accession of ,antiochus ,epiphanes to the throne 7,b4,c4 #age71 and goes down to the year ,b4,c4 #afa4 ,the book opens1 as pointed out in the previous section1 with a preface by the epitomist in which he explains the method he has adopted in the abridged history that is to follow 7ii4 #ai-cb74 ,in iii4 #a-ci an account is given of how ,heliodorus1 the king's chancellor1 was sent to seize the treasure in the ,temple1 but failed owing to the miraculous appearance of a 8terrible rider10 accompanied by two young men1 8beautiful in their glory and splendid in their apparel10 by whom ,heliodorus was scourged4 ,he returns1 discomfited1 to the king2 but testifies to all men 8the works of the most supreme ,god which he had seen with his own eyes40 ,in the section which then follows 7iii4 #dj-;iv4 #ej7 the writer describes the sordid intrigues on the part of aspirants to the high-priesthood at this time4#did ,with chapter v4 commences the history of the ,maccaban struggle which began with the profanation of the ,temple and the attempt on the part of ,antiochus ,epiphanes to hellenize the ,jews by force2 this1 together with some account of the persecution which followed1 and especially the story of how seven brothers and their mother were martyred1 is told in v4 i-vii4 #db4 ,the rest of the book deals with the details of the ,maccaban struggle3 the rising-up of ,judas ,maccabus and his first successes 7viii4 #a-cf72 an account of the death of ,antiochus ,epiphanes 7ix4 #a-bi72 the recapture of ,jerusalem and the dedication of the ,temple 7x4 #a-h72 further successes of ,judas ,maccabus and especially the capture of ,gazara1 when the ,jews were aided by five men from heaven1 splendidly arrayed and sitting on horses with golden bridles 7x4 #i-ch72 the defeat of ,lysias1 and a patched-up peace 7xi4 #a-ch72 more fighting1 after which ,lysias is again forced to make terms of peace 7xii4 i-xiii4 #bf72 three years' peace1 followed by an attack on the part of ,nicanor which results in his defeat and death 7xiv4 i-xv4 #cf74 ,the book then closes with a short and somewhat nave epilogue by the epitomist 7xv4 #cg-ci74 ,,iii4 ,,comparison ,,between #a ,,and #b ,,maccabees ,that the writers of these two books cannot have used the same sources becomes very obvious when one compares together the large portions of each which run parallel4#die ,in fact1 the first thing that strikes one in comparing the two is the difference in aim of the compilers and the contrast there is in their manner of presentation4 ,the writer of #a ,maccabees is1 as we have seen1#dif a sober and reliable historian1 mostly accurate1 who presents his facts without bias in a businesslike1 impartial way1 and therefore inspires confidence4 ,the epitomist of #b ,maccabees1 on the other hand1 has utilized his sources for a different purpose2 his aim is not so much to write history as to glorify the ,jews1 so he chooses episodes which will serve this purpose4 ,martyrdoms are described1 sometimes with painful realism1 to show the constancy of the ,jews in suffering when they are called upon to do this for their faith4 ,the writer desires1 moreover1 to inculcate certain religious truths1 chief among which is ,god's solicitude for ,his people2 so that he loves to dwell upon the marvellous appearances of heavenly messengers sent by ,god to succour ,his people at critical moments4 ,how far these accounts are due to ,jason and how far to the epitomist is a difficult question2 but if1 as there is reason to believe1 ,jason's work was compiled not long after the events they record1 there is little time for that growth of the miraculous which so often accompanies stories when they are repeated and handed down1 and which is characteristic of much that is recorded in #b ,maccabees4 ,in this case1 a good deal of the embellishment with which our book abounds1 in contrast with #a ,maccabees1 would have to be put down to the imagination of the epitomist4 ,and there are one or two facts which tend to support this supposition2 he says in his prefatory remarks that his intention is only to give an outline of the events he is about to chronicle1 8leaving to the historian the exact handling of every particular10 and that he has no intention of 8filling in the outlines of our abridgement02 but1 as a matter of fact1 he does on certain occasions give minute details1 and in most cases these are found in passages which illustrate the special aims which he has in view4 ,again1 he confesses that he writes with a view to attracting2 it will be no injustice to him to say that his idea of attractiveness consists in recording what is sensational4 ,in both these cases it is1 of course1 quite possible that the material in all its details comes from ,jason--for the epitomist is not afraid of contradicting himself--but when one remembers the aim of the latter the possibility of the other alternative must be conceded1 the more so in that the epitomist does1 on the face of it1 give us his own ideas at times4 ,here is a good example3 ,i beseech1 therefore1 those that read this book1 that they be not discouraged at such calamities he has been describing a peculiarly cruel case of martyrdom1 but to reflect that these punishments were not for the destruction but for the chastening of our race4 ,for1 indeed1 that those who act impiously be not let alone for any length of time1 but suffer retribution immediately1 is a sign of great kindness4 ,for in the case of the other nations the ,sovereign ,lord doth with long-suffering forbear1 until that ,he punish them when they have attained to the full measure of their sins4 ,but in our case ,he hath determined otherwise that ,his vengeance may not fall on us afterwards when our sins have reached their height4 ,wherefore ,he never withdraweth ,his mercy from us2 yet though ,he chasteneth ,his own people with calamity1 yet doth ,he not forsake them4 ,howbeit1 let what hath been said be a reminder to ourselves4 ,and after these few words we must come back to our narrative 7vi4 #ab-ag74 ,it should also be remarked that the doctrine of retribution here put forth1 and the teaching on prayers for the dead 7xii4 #dc1 #de71 and on the intercession of the departed saints 7xv4 #aa-af71 and the doctrine of the resurrection of the body 7vii4 #aa1 #bb1 #bc1 xiv4 #df71 are all doctrines which belong more specifically to a somewhat later time than ,jason's history4 ,for these reasons we are justified in believing that a not inconsiderable amount of matter in our book must be assigned to the epitomist4 ,but the superiority of #a ,maccabees is equally evident on comparing with it those many passages of #b ,maccabees1 forming of course the bulk of this book1 in which the same events are recorded in each book4 ,to go in to the details of these would be out of place here1 recourse must be had to the commentaries for the study of the subject2 but one good example may be referred to2 if one compares #a ,maccabees v4 #a-fh with the parallel account of the events given in #b ,maccabees x4 #ad-ch1 xii4 #aj-de1 one is inevitably led to the conclusion that the orderly narrative of #a ,maccabees contrasted with the confused records of #b ,maccabees stamps the former as the more reliable2 and the same applies to a number of other instances4 ,this conviction is strengthened when one comes across obvious mistakes in #b ,maccabees2 one example may be given3 in #b ,maccabees x4 #cg it is said that 8they slew ,timotheus who was hidden in a cistern10 yet later1 in chapter xii41 a good deal is recorded about ,timotheus' activity against the ,jews4 ,and lastly1 the question of the inferiority of #b ,maccabees is placed beyond further doubt#dig by the historical errors of an obvious character found in it4 ,here again we must refer our readers to the commentaries for details1 while merely pointing to a few instances1 viz4 ix4 #e-bi2 compare v4 #bb1 ix4 #bi with what is said in xiii4 #bc2 and cp4 xiii4 #bb with #a ,maccabees vi4 #di1 #ej and ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xii1 ix4 #e2 xi4 #a-ae2 cp4 xiv4 #a ff4 with #a ,maccabees vii4 #a ff4 ,,iv4 ,,the ,,historical ,,value ,,of #b ,,maccabees ,but in spite of what has been said it is not to be supposed that #b ,maccabees is wholly without historical value4 ,if1 as is probably the case1 the sources upon which it depends were themselves compiled1 in the main1 from the accounts of eye-witnesses of the events chronicled1 this fact in itself counts for something2 for example1 the following description is not without interest and certainly reads as though told by one who was present3 8,but at dawn on the five and twentieth day some young men belonging to the ,maccaban army1 burning with indignation because of these blasphemies1 stormed the wall like men1 and furious with passion hewed down everyone whom they met4 ,others in the meantime had followed them up by an encircling movement and had set fire to the towers1 thus kindling fires and burning the blasphemers alive1 while yet others burst open the gates and let in the rest of the band1 and thus took possession of the city4 ,and they slew ,timotheus who was hidden in a cistern1 and his brother ,chreas1 and ,apollophanes0 7x4 #ce-cg74 ,or1 again1 the graphic details given of the episode described in xii4 #ce must evidently have come originally from one who had witnessed it3 8,but a certain ,dositheus1 belonging to the ,tubieni1#dih a horseman and vigorous1 took hold of ,gorgias and1 seizing his cloke1 dragged him along by main force1 intending to take the accursed man alive2 but one of the ,thracian horsemen bore down upon him and disabled his shoulder1 so ,gorgias escaped to ,marisa40 ,these and other passages of a similar character containing vivid touches1 such as are not likely to have been supplied excepting by eye-witnesses1 have a distinct value of their own4 ,a point of importance in this connection is the fact that for some five or six years preceding the accession to the throne of ,antiochus ,epiphanes #b ,maccabees is the only existing source1 see iii4 i-iv4 #f2 this passage contains a number of details1 the historical reliability of which there is no reason to doubt4 ,the book also gives a good deal of information supplementary to that of #a ,maccabees for the subsequent period of about ten years 7,b4,c4 #agf-;,b4,c4 #aff71 cp4 #b ,maccabees iv4 #g-vii4 #da with #a ,maccabees i4 #aj-fd4 ,the final period treated of 7,b4,c4 #aff-afa7 also supplements #a ,maccabees in many particulars and is not without value4 ,while upon the whole1 therefore1 the historical worth of our book is not to be rated very highly1 it can be of real use in supplementing what is recorded in #a ,maccabees1 though it must be used with caution and discrimination4 ,v4 ,,the ,,purpose ,,of ,,the ,,book ,in reading our book it very soon becomes evident that it was written with the special purpose of emphasizing some religious truths1 and this with the object of upholding orthodox ,judaism and worship4 ,the predominating religious bent comes out clearly on reading such a passage as vi4 #ab-ag1 already quoted 7see also ii4 #ai1 #bj1 xii4 #dc-de71 and on noticing how everything that has to do with religion is extolled4 ,thus1 the references to the ,temple are numerous1 as well as those to the altar1 e4g41 x4 #a-c3 8,and ,maccabus and they that were with him1 the ,lord leading them on1 recovered the temple and the city4444 ,and having cleansed the sanctuary they made another altar of sacrifice 44402 cp4 further1 ii4 #bb1 iii4 #ab1 v4 #ae1 etc42 again in xiii4 #ad the people are exhorted 8to contend nobly even unto death for laws1 temple1 city1 country 44402 in like manner are mentioned the sabbaths 7vi4 #aa1 viii4 #bf1 xii4 #ch71 the feasts of ,tabernacles 7x4 #f f471 ,pentecost 7xii4 #ca71 ,dedication 7i4 #i1 #ah1 ii4 #af1 x4 #e-h71 ,purim 7xv4 #cf71 and the feast in celebration of the death of ,nicanor 7xv4 #cf74 ,regarding this latter feast and the feast of ,dedication ,torrey says3 8,many scholars since ,ewald have remarked the prominence given in the plan of the book not only to the feast celebrating the death of ,nicanor1 with the institution of which the whole history comes to an end1 but also to the feast of the re-dedication of the temple1 the description of which closes the first half of the book1 the passage x4 #a-h apparently being removed for this purpose from its proper place4 ,the account of the institution of the ,nicanor feast would have been a most natural point for ,jason to bring his book to a close1 in any case4 ,this would have been just the kind of ending best suited to his general purpose4444 ,the author's aim not being that of a historian1 there was no need for him to go on and narrate the death of ,judas2 his purpose was fully accomplished without that4 ,the transposition of x4 #a-h1 however1 is probably to be attributed to the epitomist who saw how the plan of the book could thus be made subservient to his more definite aim1 increased significance being thereby given both to the ,nicanor feast and to the feast of the ,dedication4 ,these were the two ,maccaban feasts1 by the observance of which the ,jews of the ,diaspora could share1 as in no other outward way1 in the national glory of that struggle40#dii ,this emphasizing of the national unity on the basis of religion and worship was1 we may well believe1 in the author's mind as well as in that of the epitomist4 ,his denunciation of those who are unfaithful to the national religion 7cp4 iv4 #ac-ag1 xii4 #ci-db7 only emphasizes this still further4 ,another feature in the religious attitude very prominent in this book is the stress laid upon divine interposition2 and here it is noticeable that both the direct intervening of ,god is contemplated as well as the accomplishment of ,his purposes by intermediary agents4 ,as illustrative of the former we may refer to ix4 #e where it is said in reference to ,antiochus ,epiphanes that 8the ,all-seeing ,lord1 the ,god of ,israel1 smote him with a fatal and invisible stroke02 again in xii4 #bh3 8,but calling upon the ,sovereign ,who with might breaketh in pieces the strength of ,his enemies1 they got the city into their hands 44402 cp4 further x4 #a1 xi4 #ac1 xii4 #aa1 xiii4 #ae4 ,on the other hand1 there are some striking instances of a belief in intermediate agencies1 the most noteworthy being that of the 8terrible rider0 accompanied by two young men who opposed ,heliodorus and prevented him from despoiling the ,temple treasury 7iii4 #bb-cj72 but there are other examples in the book1 see x4 #bi-ca1 xi4 #f-aa4 ,lastly1 brief mention must be made of the advanced teaching on the resurrection which was evidently one of the truths which was coming to be more and more definitely and emphatically taught as a tenet of orthodox ,judaism in the second half of the second century ,b4,c42 the important passages on this teaching are worth quoting1 for there is no other pre-,christian ,jewish book which puts forth the doctrine of the resurrection of the body more definitely4 ,in vii4 #i one of the martyrs addresses his persecutor thus3 8,thou miscreant1 thou dost send us away out of this present life1 but the ,king of the world shall raise us up1 who have died for ,his laws1 unto an eternal renewal of life40 ,another martyr1 after having had his limbs cut off1 is made to say3 8,from heaven ,i possess these2 but for ,his law's sake ,i count them as nothing1 and from ,him ,i hope to receive them back again0 7vii4 #aa74 ,and yet a third martyr says3 8,it is good for them that die at the hands of men to look for the hopes of ,god that we shall be raised up again by ,him4 ,but thou10 he says to his tormentor1 8thou shalt have no resurrection to life0 7vii4 #ad74 ,in xii4 #dc-de not only is this doctrine taught1 but its truth is substantiated by ,judas' action in offering sacrifices and prayers for the dead3 8,and he made a collection1 man by man1 to the sum of two thousand drachmas of silver2 and he sent this to ,jerusalem for a sin-offering1 acting therein well and honourably1 for he was bearing in mind the resurrection4 ,for if he were not expecting that the fallen would rise again1 it would have been superfluous and senseless to pray for the dead4 ,and if in doing this he was looking for the splendour of the gracious reward which is laid up for them that have fallen asleep in godliness1 holy and pious was the thought4 ,wherefore he made a propitiation for them that had died that they might be released from their sin0 7cp4 xiv4 #df74 ,,vi4 ,,the ,,integrity ,,of ,,the ,,book ,there is one portion of our book which neither belonged to ,jason's history nor yet to the epitomist1 viz4 i4-ii4 #ah4 ,this comprises two letters which must be considered separately4 ,the first letter1 i4 #a-i4 ,this purports to have been written by the ,jews of ,jerusalem to their brethren throughout ,egypt exhorting them to observe the feast of the ,dedication4 ,it begins with a greeting and a prayer that ,god may incline the hearts of the readers to serve ,him faithfully and keep ,his ,law4 ,then follows the date at which the letter was written1 i4e4 ,b4,c4 #adc1 after which the real object of the letter finds expression2 the readers are reminded of the original institution of the feast of ,dedication1 namely after the ,temple had been polluted by ,antiochus ,epiphanes2 8and we offered sacrifice and meal-offering1 and we lighted the lamps this was the central ceremony of the celebration1 and we set forth the shewbread02 after which the letter closes with the words3 8,and now see that ye keep the days of the feast of tabernacles of the month ,chislev40 ,to understand these final words one must read x4 #e-h3 8,now on the same day that the sanctuary had been profaned by aliens1 upon that very day did the cleansing of the sanctuary take place1 even on the twenty-fifth day of the same month1 which is ,chislev4 ,and they kept eight days with gladness in the manner of the feast of tabernacles1 remembering how that1 not long before1 during the feast of tabernacles they had been wandering like wild beasts in mountains and caves4 ,therefore bearing wands wreathed with leaves1 and fair boughs and palms1 they offered up hymns of thanksgiving to ,him that had prosperously brought to pass the cleansing of ,his own place4 ,they ordained also with a public order and decree1 for all the nation of the ,jews1 that they should keep these ten#ejj days every year40 ,so that this new feast was observed as something parallel1 in its joyfulness1 to the feast of ,tabernacles 7,succth7 which was also an eight-day feast1 but observed in the month ,tishri 7 ,october74#eja ,the interpretation of this letter given above regards the date mentioned in i4 #aj;a as belonging to the second letter#ejb2 there are objections to this1 but it seems the best way of dealing with what is in any case a difficult point4 ,we see no reason why this letter should not be the fragment of a genuine record1 added by the epitomist himself4 ,the second letter1 i4 #aj-aa4 #ah4 ,the date prefixed to this letter is #ahh of the ,seleucid era1 i4e4 ,b4,c4 #abd4 ,like the former letter this also purports to have been written by the ,jews#ejc of ,jerusalem to their brethren in ,egypt for the purpose of urging them to keep the feast of the ,dedication2 but it has the special object 8of demonstrating at length its historical significance1 indicating at the same time in other ways the analogy between the ,maccaban period and the other principal epochs of the nation's life40#ejd ,the ,antiochus whose death is described in i4 #ac-ag is not ,epiphanes1 concerning whose death an entirely different account is given in ix4 #a-bi1eje but far more probably1 as ,torrey has shown1 ,antiochus ,,vii ,sidetes4#ejf ,this1 like the first letter1 may be regarded as having been prefixed by the epitomist from some genuine record2 at any rate1 the arguments against this view are not strong enough to exclude the possibility of its being correct4 ,the extraordinary stories which the letter contains undoubtedly constitute a difficulty in regarding it as genuine 7i4 #bj-bb1 #ca-cd1 ii4 #a-ab71 but it is quite possible to regard these as ,midrashic comments on ,old ,testament texts written for the purpose of showing that the institution of the feast of the ,dedication was the logical outcome of ,old ,testament precedent and teaching4 ,torrey has rightly pointed out that 8one feature of the writer's demonstration deserves especial notice1 namely the extent to which it is based on the conception of the ,dedication as a restoration of the sacred fire to the altar and the temple4#ejg ,evidently at that time this idea had a most prominent place 7perhaps the central place7 in current ,jewish thought regarding the origin and meaning of this feast40#ejg ,it is perhaps this idea which is reflected in the name of the feast given by ,josephus1 8the feast of lights10#ejh and by its usual designation in the ,talmud1 8the ,feast of ,illumination10 though in the first instance no doubt these names had reference to the lamps lighted on each day of the feast1 eight on the first day1 and one less on each succeeding day4 ,however this may be1 if the stories referred to were originally ,midrashic comments there is no reason why they should not have been incorporated in a letter from ,jews to ,jews4 ,both these letters were originally written either in ,hebrew or ,aramaic2 and if1 as we do not see sufficient reason to doubt1 the epitomist prefixed them to his book1 his doing so1 considering that they emphasize the need of carrying out a religious ceremony1 would have been a natural proceeding on his part when one remembers the leading characteristic of his book as pointed out above4 ,although1 therefore1 these two letters do not belong to the book they may reasonably be regarded as having been prefixed by the epitomist4 ,whether there are other portions1 in the body of the book which the epitomist got from sources other than ,jason's history is a difficult question to which it does not seem possible to give a definite answer4 ,,vii4 ,,the ,,date ,,and ,,original ,,language ,,of ,,the ,,book ,there is scarcely anything in the book itself which gives us any indication as to when it was written1 the advanced doctrine of the future life 7in a non-apocalyptic book7 and the tendency to ascribe divine activity among men to intermediate agencies alone suggesting a comparatively late date4 ,on the other hand1 it is practically certain that ,philo was acquainted with the book1 for in his work ,quod omnis probus liber 7,mangey1 ii4 #de;a7 a description is given of the way in which in time past the godly have suffered at the hands of persecutors1 which forcibly recalls the words in #b ,maccabees concerning ,antiochus ,epiphanes4#eji ,nothing more specific as to date can1 therefore1 be given beyond saying that it was probably written shortly before the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,there is nothing in the book which points to its being a translation2 it was manifestly written in ,greek 7with the exception1 of course1 of the two prefixed letters7 as already ,jerome saw4#eaj 8,the style is extremely uneven2 at times it is elaborately ornate 7iii4 #ae-ci1 v4 #bj1 vi4 #ab-af1 #bc-bh1 vii41 etc472 and again1 it is so rude and broken up as to seem more like notes for an epitome than a finished composition 7viii4 #ai-bf740eaa ,in all probability the book was written in ,alexandria4 ,,viii4 ,,the ,,influence ,,of ,,the ,,book ,,on ,,new ,,testament ,,writers ,in only one instance can the influence of our book be seen directly in the ,new ,testament1 namely in ,hebrews xi4 #ce ff41 where we read3 8,women received their dead by a resurrection2 and others were tortured1 not accepting their deliverance2 that they might obtain a better resurrection2 and others had trial of mockings and scourgings44440 ,on comparing with this the whole of #b ,maccabees vi41 vii4 one cannot fail to see that the descriptions there given influenced the writer of the epistle to the ,hebrews here2 we may quote1 for example1 vi4 #ai where1 in speaking of the martyrdom of ,eleazar1 it is said3 8,but he1 welcoming death with renown rather than life with pollution1 advanced of his own accord to the instrument of torture 4440 7cp4 also verse #bh74 ,again1 in vii4 #bc the mother of the seven martyred sons says3 8,therefore the ,creator of the ,world1 ,who fashioned the generation#eab of man and devised the generation#eab of all things1 in mercy giveth back to you again your spirit and your life02 and in verse #bi she says3 8,fear not this butcher1 but1 proving thyself worthy of thy brethren1 accept thy death1 that in the mercy of ,god ,i may receive thee again with thy brethren0 7cp4 vii4 #a1 #g1 #i1 #ad74 ,in ,hebrews xi4 #ch1 once more1 the words 8wandering in deserts and mountains and caves1 and in the holes of the earth10 are in part repeated from #b ,maccabees x4 #f3 8,they were wandering in mountains and in caves after the manner of wild beasts40 ,in all these passages the similarity of the ,greek words is in each case very striking4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,the ,book of ,baruch and the ,epistle of ,jeremiah ,,literature4--,fritzsche1 in ,exegetisches ,handbuch zu den ,apokryphen 7#ahea72 ,kneucker1 ,das ,buch ,baruch1 7#ahgi72 ,gifford1 in ,wace1 ,,ii1 pp4 #bda-bhf2 ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #ahh-aie1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #dfj-dfg2 ,rothstein1 in ,kautzsch1 ,i1 pp4 #bac-bbe2 ,whitehouse1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #efi-eie4 ,see also the articles by ,marshall1 in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 ,bevan1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 and ,toy1 in the ,jewish ,encycl4 ,i4 ,,short ,,account ,,of ,,the ,,book1 ,,and ,,its ,,contents ,this short pseudepigraph is placed in the ,septuagint after the ,book of ,jeremiah1 and before ,lamentations1 owing to which it is quoted sometimes by the ,church ,fathers as though it were part of that book4#eac ,in some of the ,greek manuscripts the ,epistle of ,jeremiah follows ,baruch without a break2 in the ,vulgate1 and1 following it1 the ,english ,versions1 it is marked as chapter vi4 of ,baruch4 ,swete says that 8,baruch and the ,epistle occur in lists which rigorously exclude the non-canonical books40#ead ,we shall consider the ,epistle separately4 ,there was a considerable literature which arose and circulated both before and after the beginning of the ,christian era#eae2 our book belongs to this literature4 ,it purports to have been written by ,baruch1 the friend of ,jeremiah1 in ,babylon during the ,captivity2 and after it had been read there 8in the hearing of ,jechonias the son of ,joakim1 king of ,judah1 and in the hearing of all the people0 7i4 #c1 #d71 it was sent to ,jerusalem to be read there 7i4 #ad72 with it was also sent a collection of money to the high-priest ,joakim for the purpose of defraying the expenses of sacrifices 7i4 #f-aj72 the people in ,jerusalem are also asked to pray for ,nabuchodonosor1 king of ,babylon1 and for his son1 ,baltasar1 as well as for the exiles 7i4 #aa-ac74 ,this forms the introduction to the book4 ,then follows what purports to be the ,book of ,baruch itself and this consists of two parts3 i4 #ae-;ii4 #ab3 this1 which fully bears out the description given of it in i4 #ad as a book of confession1 begins with an ascription of righteousness to ,god1 after which follows a confession of sin2 the past history of the nation is recalled to show that in spite of ,god's mercy the people were disobedient to ,him and forsook ,him2 for this reason they are justly suffering for their sins in that they are in subjection to the nations round about them4 ii4 #ac-;iii4 #h3 a prayer to ,god for mercy forms the content of this section2 but it falls into three divisions2 first1 a prayer in the real sense of the word 7ii4 #ac-ai72 then1 an historical survey which is largely based on ,old ,testament passages1 especially from the ,books of ,daniel1 ,jeremiah and ,deuteronomy 7ii4 #bj-ce72 and1 lastly1 another prayer combined with confession 7iii4 #a-h74 ,so far the book is written in prose1 the remainder is in poetry1 and consists of two quite independent pieces3 iii4 #i-;iv4 #d3 this is a fragment of the ,wisdom ,literature type2 it tells of the reason why ,israel is exiled in the land of their enemies1 namely because they have forsaken 8the fountain of ,wisdom02 the people are1 therefore bidden to find out where ,wisdom is 7iii4 #ad72 the mighty rulers of the earth1 the wealthy1 the skilled--these have not known where ,wisdom is to be found 7iii4 #ae-ba71 nor has it been attained by those of ,canaan or ,teman 7iii4 #bb1 #bc72 the giants of old knew not ,wisdom1 they perished in their foolishness 7iii4 #bd-bh72 no one has gone up to heaven to fetch her1 nor gone over the sea to find her1 because they do not know her paths 7iii4 #bi-ca72 only ,he that knows all things knows ,wisdom1 and ,he ,who has found out all the ways of knowledge has given ,wisdom to ,israel1 and this ,wisdom is the ,law that endures for ever 7iii4 #cb-;iv4 #a72 therefore ,israel is exhorted to make use of his possession 7iv4 #b-d74 iv4 #e-v4 #i3 this piece is strongly reminiscent of the second half of ,isaiah2 it consists of two parts1 the first one being an ode of comfort spoken by ,jerusalem1 personified as a mother1 to her children in captivity 7iv4 #e-ce72 the second is an ode of comfort spoken to ,jerusalem who is bidden to rejoice1 for her children are to be led back to her from their captivity 7iv4 #cf-v4 #i74 ,,ii4 ,,examination ,,of ,,the ,,component ,,parts ,,of ,,the ,,book ,it will thus be seen that the book consists of three independent documents3 i4-iii4 #h1 iii4 #i-;iv4 #d1 iv4 #e-v4 #i2 and these three differ very much in content4 ,we must now examine them a little more closely in order to ascertain their nature1 purpose1 and approximate date4 7#a7 ,the ,book of ,confessions 7i-iii4 #h74 ,it is stated in i4 #b that the book was written in the 8fifth year02 presumably by this is meant the fifth year after the capture of ,jerusalem2 but ,jerusalem was captured in ,b4,c4 #eig1 and again in ,b4,c4 #ehg 7#b ,kings xxiv4 #ab-af2 #b ,kings ,,xxv4 #i71 so that our book is assigned either to ,b4,c4 #eib or ,b4,c4 #ehb4 ,both these dates are1 however1 impossible1 for two indications in the book show clearly that the writer utilized the ,book of ,daniel 7early in the ,maccaban era74 ,thus1 the mistake made in ,daniel v4 #ac1 etc41 where ,belshazzar is regarded as the son of ,nebuchadnezzar1#eaf is repeated in our book1 i4 #aa1 #ab2 so far as is known this mistake does not occur elsewhere1 the natural presumption1 therefore1 is that the writer of ,baruch got it from ,daniel1 especially when1 in the second place1 we find that both the confession and prayer which make up the whole section1 are based upon ,daniel ix4 #g-ai1 of which it is an elaboration4 ,further1 that the section cannot belong to the ,maccaban era is sufficiently clear from i4 #aa1 #ab1 where the people are recommended to pray for their oppressor and to acquiesce in his sovereignty over them2 such a recommendation on the part of a ,jew during the ,maccaban era1 when the people were fighting not only for their country and their homes1 but for their religion and for the honour of ,god1 is quite unthinkable4 ,the transference to an earlier historical period than that at which a writer lived is a literary device constructed for one of several reasons1 whether for dramatic effect1 as in the case of the ,book of ,judith1 where likewise the reign of ,nebuchadnezzar is chosen2 or for reasons of prudence1 as probably in the present case2 or because a somewhat parallel set of historical conditions is offered2 whatever the reason may be1 the procedure is not uncommon and need not occasion surprise4 ,in the present case there are strong grounds for believing that the actual period at which this section of our book was written was during the struggle of the ,jews against the ,roman power during the years1 ,a4,d4 #ff-gj2 the reasons for this conclusion are briefly these3 ,nebuchadnezzar and his son were1 according to the belief of the writer of our book1 the kings under whom the conquered ,jews lived2 their names might well stand1 therefore1 for ,vespasian and his son ,titus4 ,the ,jews are bidden to submit to their conquerors 78,thus saith the ,lord1 ,bow your shoulders to serve the king of ,babylon1 and remain in the land that ,i gave unto your fathers10 ii4 #ba72 this accords with what we know was the attitude of the ,pharisees towards their ,roman conquerors1 for they did their best to quiet the people and get them to submit to ,rome4#eag ,again1 the sufferings of the ,jews during the war with ,rome1 described by ,josephus1#eah seem to be indubitably referred to in ii4 #b1 where reference is made to 8great plagues1 such as never happened under the whole heaven1 as it came to pass in ,jerusalem02 in ii4 #c1 where it is said that every man ate the flesh of his own son and of his own daughter2 and in ii4 #bd1 #be1 where it is said that 8the bones of our kings1 and the bones of our fathers are taken out of their places2 and1 lo1 they are cast out to the heat by day1 and to the frost by night2 and they died in great miseries by famine1 by sword1 and by pestilence40 ,it is also said in i4 #b that ,jerusalem was burnt with fire4#eai ,an argument against this late date is that in ii4 #ag we have a conception of the future life which is the normal ,old ,testament belief on the subject1 viz43 8,for the dead that are in the grave1 whose breath is taken from their bodies1 will give unto the ,lord neither glory nor righteousness02 it is difficult to explain how such a conception can have found expression at the date postulated above1 unless we suppose that we have in ii4 #ag-ai an interpolation by one of the ,sadducan party2 it is certainly striking that in verse #ai there is a repudiation of the doctrine of the merits of the fathers1 which plays so large a part in the later ,jewish theology2 the verse runs3 8,for we do not present our supplication before ,thee1 ,o ,lord our ,god1 for the righteousness of our fathers1 and of our kings02 if in these last words there is an implicit reference to ,david the passage would be the more strikingly ,sadducan4 ,that the book as a whole1 however1 can be ,sadducan is out of the question2 if for no other reason on account of the penitential spirit contained in it which is quite un-,sadducan2 but that an interpolator has added these verses in the interests of his own school of thought is by no means an impossible explanation of the difficulty 7but see below74#ebj ,the period to which reference is intended in the book1 namely the war with ,rome1 being ,a4,d4 #ff-gj1 the fifth year after the destruction of ,jerusalem1 mentioned in i4 #b1 will give us the precise date of this portion of our book1 viz4 ,a4,d4 #gd or #ge4 ,but while the actual date of this portion of the book may thus be regarded as fixed1 it is necessary to point out that there are cogent reasons for believing that the writer has made use of earlier material4 ,the fact is that the whole piece i4 #ae-;iii4 #h reads remarkably like an extract of a liturgical character2 it has all the leading notes which we find so elaborated in the modern ,jewish ,liturgy1 a ,liturgy the essential elements of which go back to pre-,christian times4#eba ,thus1 in the passage under consideration the three outstanding notes are3 ,praise1 ,confession of sin 7disobedience in not observing the divine commandments71 and ,prayer for forgiveness 7i4e4 the turning away of ,god's wrath74 ,these all represent what have become technical liturgical terms1 viz4 ,berakah 78,praise10 lit4 8,blessing071 ,widdui 78,confession071 ,selichah 78,forgiveness074 ,when one studies the modern ,jewish ,liturgy one sees that it is just in its oldest portions that these three elements are so prominent2 for example1 the daily ,morning ,prayer has not only its special psalm of ,praise for each day1 but contains a large number of ,berakth 78,blessings07 which precede this2 while in the great ,amidah#ebb prayer1 which forms one of the central parts of the service1 the prominent elements are ,confession of sin and ,prayer for forgiveness4 ,it will be instructive to illustrate this by putting in parallel columns a few quotations from ,baruch and the ,amidah3 ,baruch ,amidah ,to the ,lord our ,god belongeth ,blessed art ,thou1 ,o ,lord our righteousness 7i4 #ae7 444 ,god1 and ,god of our fathers 444 we have sinned before the ,lord1 the great1 mighty and reverend and disobeyed ,him1 and have ,god1 the most high ,god1 ,who not hearkened unto the voice of bestowest loving-kindnesses1 the ,lord our ,god1 to walk in the and possessest all things4444 commandments of the ,lord that ,he ,cause us to return1 ,o our ,father1 hath set before us 7ii4 #ag1 #ah74 unto ,thy ,law2 draw us near1 444 ,let thy wrath turn from ,o our ,king1 unto ,thy service1 us2 for we are but a few left and bring us back in perfect among the heathen1 where ,thou repentance unto ,thy presence4 hast scattered us4 ,hear our ,blessed art ,thou1 ,o ,lord1 prayer1 ,o ,lord1 and our petition1 ,who delightest in repentance4 and deliver us for ,thine ,forgive us1 ,o our ,father1 for we own sake4444 ,o ,lord1 look have sinned2 pardon us1 ,o our down from ,thine holy house1 and ,king1 for we have transgressed2 consider us2 incline ,thine ear1 for ,thou dost pardon and forgive4 ,o ,lord1 and hear 444 7ii4 #ac-ag74 444 ,look upon our affliction and plead our cause1 and redeem us speedily for ,thy name's sake4444 ,sound the great horn for our freedom2 lift up the ensign to gather our exiles1 and gather us from the four corners of the earth4 ,a detailed consideration of the two shows many more points of contact between them and proves a very close relationship2 but this is not the place to go into great detail4 ,two other points must1 however1 be touched upon4 ,we suggested above that the passage ii4 #ag-ai might be an interpolation in the interests of ,sadducan teaching1 namely to emphasize the old traditional belief regarding the departed1 and to repudiate the doctrine of the merits of the fathers2 but the possibility 7perhaps even the probability7 must be recognized of verse #ag having been original1 and having first been altered in accordance with the developed ,pharisaic teaching1 and then having finally been restored to its original form by a ,sadducee4 ,verse #ai1 on the other hand1 would then have to be regarded as a ,pharisaic interpolation altered by the ,sadducee1 because there would be no point in the repudiation of the doctrine of the merits of the fathers unless the expression of this un-,sadducan tenet had stood there first2 but it is not likely to have stood in the original form of the section because the doctrine is a late one4 ,it is especially interesting and significant that the doctrines contained in these two verses respectively should appear in close proximity in the ,amidah2 let us place the two in parallel columns again3 ,baruch ,amidah ,for the dead that are in the ,thou1 ,o ,lord1 art mighty grave1 whose breath is taken for ever1 ,thou quickenest the from their bodies1 will give unto dead1 ,thou art mighty to save4444 the ,lord neither glory nor ,yea1 faithful art ,thou to righteousness 7ii4 #ag74 quicken the dead4 ,blessed art ,thou ,o ,lord1 ,who quickenest ,for we do not present our the dead4 supplication before ,thee1 ,o ,lord our ,god1 for the righteous- ,blessed art ,thou1 ,o ,lord ness of our fathers1 and of our our ,god 444 ,who rememberest kings 7ii4 #ai74 the pious deeds of the patriarchs4444#ebc ,the contrast here presented is the more striking on account of the essential similarity of the two pieces in other respects4 ,the second point which further supports our contention that this section is liturgical in character is that it contains references to the deliverance from ,egypt1 an invariable element in all forms of the ,jewish ,liturgy2 this occurs three times in the ,baruch section2 and in the modern ,jewish ,liturgy it is found1 among other places1 in the 8,benedictions0 following the ,shema1#ebd which immediately precedes the ,amidah4 8,from ,jeremiah xxiii4 #g it seems probable that reference to the deliverance from ,egypt in the public services goes back to the time of the first ,temple40#ebe ,from what has been said1 therefore1 the supposition seems justified that the section i4 #ae-;iii4 #h is an extract from the ,temple ,liturgy which has been enlarged by interjected clauses and adapted to the special circumstances of the time1 viz4 ,a4,d4 #gd or #ge4 7#b7 ,a ,sage's ,words of ,encouragement 7iii4 #i-;iv4 #d74 ,the entirely different style of writing of both this and the concluding piece from that of the one which we have just considered is of itself sufficient to show that there is a difference of authorship4 ,there is no reference to calamity as in the earlier piece2 here it is said of the ,israelites that they have 8waxen old in a strange country0 7iii4 #aj74 ,the contrast between the mental disquietude of i4 #ae-;iii4 #h and the calm of this section is very marked4 ,the assumed condition of the nation1 however1 is that of the former section1 the nation is in the land of exile4 ,the writer is an imitator of the ancient ,sage or ,wisdom writer2 his word of consolation to the people is that they should learn where ,wisdom is 7iii4 #ad72 but this ,wisdom is 8the ,law that endureth for ever0 7iv4 #a72 he bids his people reserve this for themselves and not impart it to outsiders2 8,give not thy glory to another1 nor the things that are profitable unto thee to a strange nation0 7iv4 #c74 ,finally1 a spirit of contentment breathes in the words3 8,o ,israel1 happy are we2 for the things that are pleasing to ,god are made known unto us0 7iv4 #d74 ,now1 although the indications of date are not very definite here1 one or two points of guidance do appear3 there is peace1 and the people have been settled for a good while in their exile2 therefore the section belongs to a period some time after the destruction of ,jerusalem4 ,the writer is a student of the ,law1 and he writes on ,wisdom1 and rejoices in the knowledge of the things that are pleasing unto ,god1 and exhorts others to do the same4 ,all these things lead one to suggest that the scene is one of those academies in ,babylonia1 such as that at ,nehardea1 which received a considerable influx of ,jews from ,palestine after the great calamity of ,a4,d4 #gj2 in these they studied in peace and reared up students of the ,law4 ,this section 7iii4 #i-;iv4 #d71 therefore1 may quite possibly have been written under these conditions at the commencement of the second century ,a4,d4 or even later1 though it must have been written not later than about ,a4,d4 #aej or thereabouts as the book is quoted by ,athenagoras and ,irenus4#ebf ,both the sections so far considered were probably written in ,hebrew1 or in the case of the second in ,aramaic2 ,marshall has given good grounds for the latter contention4#ebg 7#c7 ,a ,message of ,good ,cheer 7iv4 #e-v4 #i74 ,this section consists of two divisions1 but both have the same object in view and both are in all probability by the same author4 ,the object of them is to cheer the ,jewish people who are still pictorially represented as being in captivity 7iv4 #bd74 ,the thought and diction of the first division 7iv4 #e-ce7 are largely based on those of the ,old ,testament2 ,jerusalem is represented as the mother of the nation who tells her children why they are suffering1 namely through their own folly2 she does not wish to plunge them into despair by reminding them of this1 but only to witness to the facts for her children's good2 she has given herself to prayer1 and therefore is convinced that a new era will soon dawn for them4 ,the four times reiterated 8,be of good cheer0 7iv4 #e1 #ba1 #bg1 #cj7 distinctly shows the purpose of the poem4 ,the last division 7iv4 #cf-v4 #i7 is a message of comfort to ,jerusalem herself put into the mouth of ,god2 she is bidden to rejoice because her children are about to return 8from the east to the west at the word of the ,holy ,one0 7iv4 #cg74 ,the similarity between this piece and the eleventh of the ,psalms of ,solomon is striking1#ebh so much so that it is worth while putting the parallel passages in juxtaposition3 ,baruch ,psalms of ,solomon1 xi4 ,o ,jerusalem1 look about thee ,stand on the height1 ,o ,jerusalem1 toward the east1 and behold thy children1 ,and behold the joy that cometh ,from the east to the west1 unto thee from ,god4 gathered together by the ,lo1 thy sons come1 whom thou ,lord 7verse #c74 sentest away1 ,they come gathered together from the east to the west1 ,rejoicing in the glory of ,god 7iv4 #cf1 #cg74 ,put off1 ,o ,jerusalem1 the garment ,put on1 ,o ,jerusalem1 thy of thy mourning and glorious garments2 affliction1 ,make ready thy holy robe 444 ,and put on the comeliness of the 7verse #h74 glory that cometh from ,god for ever4 ,cast about thee the robe of the righteousness which cometh from ,god 444 7v4 #a1 #b74 ,for ,god hath appointed that ,high mountains hath ,he abased every high mountain1 into a plain for them2 ,and the everlasting hills should ,the hills fled at their entrance4 be made low1 ,the woods gave them shelter ,and the valleys filled up1 to as they passed by2 make plain the ground1 ,that ,israel may go safely in the ,every sweet-smelling tree ,god glory of ,god4 caused to spring up for them1 ,moreover the woods and every ,that ,israel might pass by in sweet-smelling tree the visitation of the glory ,have overshadowed ,israel of their ,god 7verses #e-g74 7v4 #g1 #h74 ,the ,psalms of ,solomon belong1 as we have seen1#ebi to about the middle of the last century ,b4,c41 and on the supposition that the ,baruch passage is dependent on the ,psalm 7,ryle and ,james71#ecj a terminus a quo is given for the date of the former4 ,the indications in the ,baruch passage1 however1 point to a much later date1 and we see no reason to regard the date of this piece as different from that of the section iii4 #i-;iv4 #d1 the background of each is a peaceful present and a calm future2 the beginning of the second century ,a4,d4 may be assigned as approximately the date of this section too4 ,the original language of the whole of iv4 #e-v4 #i is recognized by most scholars as having been ,greek from the beginning4 ,,the ,,epistle ,,of ,,jeremiah ,,literature4--,gifford1 in ,wace1 ,,ii1 pp4 #bhg-cjc2 ,rothstein1 in ,kautzsch1 ,i1 pp4 #bbf-bbi2 ,ball1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #eif-faa4 ,in the ,vulgate this ,epistle appears as the sixth chapter of ,baruch2 but in the ,septuagint it is treated as a separate book and comes after ,lamentations with the inscription 8,letter of ,jeremy10 and a title#eca which runs3 8,copy of a letter which ,jeremiah sent to those who were about to be led captives by the king of the ,babylonians1 to give them a message1 as it had been commanded him by ,god40 ,it has been thought by some that this letter was suggested by the letter referred to in ,jeremiah xxix4 #a1ecb which was sent 8from ,jerusalem unto the residue of the elders of the captivity1 and to the priests1 and to the prophets1 and to all the people1 whom ,nebuchadnezzar had carried away captive from ,jerusalem to ,babylon02 but this seems unlikely because the contents of the letter here spoken of are given in verses #d ff4 of the same chapter4 ,the letter before us is a not very skilfully composed polemic against idolatry based to a large extent upon ,jeremiah x4 #a-af1 ,psalm cxv4 #d-h1 and ,isaiah xlix4 #i-ai2 it is also reminiscent of such passages as ,wisdom xiii4 #aj-ai1 xv4 #ac-ag4 ,that the writer is seeking to check a real danger1 namely that of many of the ,dispersion ,jews falling into idolatry1 seems certain from the obvious earnestness with which he writes2 and this1 indirect as it is1 seems to be the only indication of the date of the writing4 ,for if this danger was real it implies that the time was one of peace for the ,jews4 ,we know from #b ,maccabees what was the result of seeking to force an alien religion upon them1 but from this letter it is clear that the real danger lay in the allurement which the idol-worship had for many of the ,jews1 and that their choice was free4 ,in times of stress loyalty to their religious beliefs and customs was always characteristic of the ,jews1 while when peace and quietude and prosperity was enjoyed by them laxity in religious matters arose4 ,the implication1 therefore1 is that this letter was written at a time when the ,jews were in the enjoyment both of religious liberty and peaceful surroundings4 ,another implication is that this period of quiet had lasted some time2 the danger of which the letter bears witness would have taken some time to develop4 ,then further1 there is no reference to the great calamity of ,a4,d4 #gj1 which affected the ,dispersion ,jews very deeply from a religious point of view1 and which would therefore have been referred to1 one may presume1 had the letter been written some time soon after this catastrophe4 ,the possibility of its having been written some time before this must be allowed2 ,marshall holds1 for example1 that it was written during the first century ,b4,c4#ecc2 and there is no strong argument against this2 the present writer prefers to date it along with the two preceding sections of this book1 though he fully realizes the force of ,cheyne's words that 8it is hardly possible to fix the date exactly1 and unsafe even to say that the epistle was written before #b ,maccabees1 the supposed reference to it in #b ,maccabees iii4 #a ff4 being disputed40#ecd ,the ,epistle was1 according to the opinion of most scholars1 written in ,greek2 ,ball1 with much ingenuity and learning1 seeks to show that it was written in ,hebrew2 but very ingenious as many of the instances are which he brings forward to show that the ,greek is a translation of either the genuine ,hebrew or1 in other cases1 of a corruption in the ,hebrew text1 they are by no means always convincing2 and while it may be said that he has shown the possibility of its having been translated from ,hebrew1 it can hardly be said that he has demonstrated the probability of this4 ,the ,hebraisms it contains may well be no more than what are characteristic of ,hellenistic ,greek4 ,if it could be proved that the epistle was written in ,b4,c4 #cjf1 as ,ball holds1 we should have to give up the idea of a ,greek original2 but in this case we should be at a loss to know why it was not included in the ,hebrew ,canon4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,the ,ezra ,apocalypse 7#b 7#d7 ,esdras7 ,,literature4--,volkmar1 ,das ,vierte ,buch ,esra 7#ahfc72 ,drummond1 ,the ,jewish ,messiah 7#ahgg72 ,lupton1 in ,wace 7#ahhh72 ,kabisch1 ,das vierte ,buch ,esra auf seine ,quellen untersucht 7#ahhi72 ,schrer1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #ic-aad 7#ahia7 ,german ed4 ,,iii4 pp4 #cae-cce 7#aiji72 ,ball1 in ,the ,variorum ,apocrypha2 ,bensly and ,james1 ,the ,fourth ,book of ,ezra2 the ,latin ,version edited from the ,,mss41 in 8,texts and ,studies10 ,,iii1 #b 7#ahie72 ,charles1 ,the ,apocalypse of ,baruch1 pp4 lxvii4-lxxvi 7#ahif72 ,gunkel1 in ,kautzsch1 ,,ii1 pp4 #cca-dja2 ,violet1 ,die ,esra-,apokalypse 7#d ,esra7 7#aiaj 44472 ,box1 ,the ,ezra-,apocalypse 7#aiab72 ,box1 in ,charles1 ,,ii1 pp4 #edb-fbd4 ,i4 ,,the ,,title ,,of ,,the ,,book ,as we shall see1 chapters i4 ii4 xv4 xvi4 did not originally belong to our book and are only found in the ,latin ,version 7the ,greek ,version is not extant74 ,in the oriental ,versions 7,syriac1 ,ethiopic1 ,arabic1 ,armenian7 the book consists of only chapters iii4-xiv4 ,in the later ,latin ,,mss4 we often find that3 8#b ,esdras0 chapters i4 ii41 8#c ,esdras0 #a ,esdras of our ,apocrypha1 8#d ,esdras0 chapters iii4-xiv41 and 8#e ,esdras0 chapters xv4 xvi4 of our book4 ,the reason1 therefore1 why the book is often referred to as #b 7#d7 ,esdras is because what in our ,apocrypha is designated 8#b ,esdras0 is in the ,vulgate entitled 8#d ,esdras40#ece ,the book is a pseudepigraph1#ecf for although the name of ,esdras 7,ezra7 occurs in the title1 it is obvious1 as will be seen as we proceed1 that no part of the book can have been written by him4 ,for the reason of such false ascriptions of authorship1 see above1 pp4 #bjj ff4 ,since the book consists of three independent writings it will be necessary to consider each separately4 ,we shall deal with the two later additions first4 ,,ii4 ,,chapters i4 ii4 ,these chapters1 which tell how ,ezra received the commission to declare to the ,jews their rejection by ,god1 contains a curious mixture of ,jewish and ,christian teaching2 i4 #d-bg speaks of the deliverance from ,egypt and the wanderings in the wilderness somewhat after the manner of ,psalm cvi4 ,a number of other passages suggest a mental atmosphere which is ,jewish1 notably i4 #ch-dj1 where it is said that 8a people that come from the east0 will have for their leaders the patriarchs and the prophets2 the enumeration which follows includes the names of ,abraham1 ,isaac1 ,jacob and those of the twelve minor prophets4 ,in another passage 7i4 #h7 evil is threatened against the ,jews because they have been disobedient to the ,law4 ,on the other hand1 these chapters plainly tell of the rejection of the nation as a whole1 e4g4 i4 #g3 8,let them be scattered abroad among the heathen1 let their names be blotted out of the earth2 for they have despised my covenant02 their heritage is to be given to others who have now become the people of ,god3 8,tell my people that ,i will give them the kingdom of ,jerusalem1 which ,i would have given unto ,israel40 ,this 8kingdom of ,jerusalem0 is the 8new ,jerusalem10 as is clear from the concluding verses of the whole piece 7ii4 #db-dh73 8,i1 ,esdras1 saw upon the mount ,sion a great multitude1 whom ,i could not number1 and they all praised the ,lord with songs4 ,and in the midst of them there was a young man of a high stature1 taller than all the rest1 and upon every one of their heads he set crowns4444 ,then said ,i unto the angel3 #8,what young man is he that setteth crowns upon them1 and giveth them palms in their hands8' ,so he answered and said unto me3 #8,it is the ,son of ,god1 ,whom they have confessed in the world4'4440 ,there are1 moreover1 a number of passages which are obviously based upon words in the ,gospels1 e4g43 8,i gathered you together as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings0 7i4 #cj1 cp4 ,matt1 xxiii4 #cg72 8,i sent unto you my servants the prophets1 whom ye have taken and slain1 and torn their bodies in pieces1 whose blood ,i will require of your hands0 7i4 #cb1 cp4 ,luke xi4 #ej1 #ea72 8,ask1 and ye shall receive2 pray for few days unto you1 that they may be shortened2 the kingdom is already prepared for you2 watch0 7ii4 #ac1 cp4 ,matt4 vii4 #g1 xxiv4 #bb1 xxv4 #ac1 #cb74 ,it seems1 therefore1 probable1 that these chapters were written by a ,jewish-,christian1 who compiled them from various sources4 ,they are a later addition to the body of the book1 though they contain material which is older4 ,it is impossible to say when they were added1 but there can be no doubt that they were prefixed before chapters xv4 xvi4 were added4 ,,iii4 ,,chapters xv4 xvi4 ,these chapters form an appendix to the book itself2 they consist of denunciations against ,egypt 7xv4 #e-bg71 ,asia and ,babylon 7xv4 #bh-xvi4 #ag72 while the remaining section1 8,the beginning of sorrows0 7xvi4 #ah-gh7 is a prophecy of terrors and tribulation which are to come upon the world2 only the ,lord's elect shall ultimately be delivered4 ,the entire section is written in the style of the ,old ,testament prophets1 interspersed1 however1 with words and thoughts from the ,new ,testament2 e4g43 8444 he that occupieth merchandize1 7let him be7 as he that hath no profit by it2 and he that buildeth1 as he that shall not dwell therein2 he that soweth1 as if he should not reap2 so also he that pruneth1 as he that shall not gather grapes2 they that marry1 as they that shall get no children2 and they that marry not1 as the widowed0 7xvi4 #da-dd1 cp4 #a ,cor4 vii4 #bi-ca74 ,the chapters1 therefore1 partake to some extent of the character of chapters i4 ii41 though the denunciation of the ,jewish nation is here quite absent4 ,as to their date1 ,thackeray1 following ,hilgenfeld 7,messias ,judorum1 p4 #bjh7 says they are placed 8about ,a4,d4 #bfh by most critics2 xv4 #aj-ab refers to the troubles of ,alexandria under ,gallienus 7#bfj-bfh71 when two-thirds of the population were destroyed by a plague following upon a famine 7,eusebius1 ,hist4 ,eccles41 vii4 #ba1 #bb74 xv4 #bh-cc refers to the conquests of the ,sassanid1 especially ,sapor ,i 7#bdj-bgc71 who overran ,syria1 but was repulsed by ,odenathus and ,zenobia1 the founders of ,palmyra2 they1 in turn1 were defeated by ,aurelian4 xv4 #cc describes the murder of ,odenathus at ,emesa 7#bff7 by his cousin ,monius4 xv4 #cd ff4 refer to the invasion of ,asia ,minor by the ,goths and ,scythians from the north of the ,euxine2 ,gallienus marched against them1 but was recalled by the revolt of ,aureolus4 xv4 #df alludes to the association of ,odenathus in the ,empire1 ,a4,d4 #bfd40ecg ,,iv4 ,,the ,,component ,,parts ,,of ,,chapters iii4-xiv4 ,before we come to consider the contents of the various sections composing our book it will be well to enumerate them1 and to discuss shortly the question of their authorship and date4 7a7 ,the ,salathiel ,apocalypse 7iii4-x472 this is divided into four ,visions3 ,first ,vision1 iii4 #a-v4 #bj4 ,second ,vision1 v4 #ba-vi4 #cd4 ,third ,vision1 vi4 #ce-;ix4 #be4 ,fourth ,vision1 ix4 #bf-x4 #ei4 7b7 ,the ,eagle ,vision 7xi4-xii4 #ci72 the passage xii4 #dj-ea is not part of the ,vision4 7c7 ,the ,vision of the ,man rising from the ,sea 7xiii474 7d7 ,an ,ezra ,legend 7xiv474 ,whether all this matter is to be assigned to one or more authors is a question concerning which a variety of opinions are held by scholars4 ,but on two points there is scarcely room for diversity of view2 in the first place1 a great deal that occurs in the book is traditional material which has been utilized by the writer2 this applies more especially to the eschatological portions2 examples will be given when we come to speak about these parts of the book4 ,the sources whence the writer of our book took this traditional material may well have been1 in all probability were1 written ones2 but the excerpts which were made from such writings have been so interwoven with what the writer himself composed that the attempt to indicate precisely how much belongs to a particular source seems to us somewhat precarious4 ,at any rate1 that the writer did utilize various sources will not be doubted4 ,another point upon which there can scarcely be disagreement is that the final form of the work is due to a redactor who has brought the component parts of the book into a more or less connected whole4 ,coming now to speak of the date of the book it must be explained that by this is meant the date at which the author wrote it4 ,since he used traditional material much of the essence of the book goes back to a time long anterior to that of the writer4 ,again1 the book in its present form1 having been worked over by a redactor1 is obviously of a later date than that in which it left the original writer's hands4 ,furthermore1 the study of the book makes it evident that the different parts of which it is composed were not all written at the same time4 ,even if the whole book 7apart from i4 ii4 xv4 xvi47 is substantially the work of one author1 there is no sort of doubt that he must have written the different parts of it at different times4 ,bearing these points in mind we turn first to the ,salathiel ,apocalypse4 ,in iii4 #a it is said that 8in the thirtieth year after the ruin of the city0 7cp4 iii4 #bi71 ,salathiel 7 ,shealtiel7 was in ,babylon1 and 8thoughts came up over his heart for he saw the desolation of ,sion40 ,the writer looks back and recalls to his mind the terrible catastrophe which befel his people long ago2 it was in the year ,b4,c4 #ehf that ,jerusalem was destroyed and the nation was carried into captivity to ,babylon4 ,thirty years after this ,salathiel1 living in captivity1 contemplated the ruin of the city and the dire distress of his people4 ,the writer chooses this episode and writes in the name of ,salathiel1 because he sees in it a type of his present experience2 now again the city has been ruined1 and he1 like ,salathiel of old1 contemplates the desolation of his people4 ,clearly enough there is but one destruction1 after that of ,b4,c4 #ehf1 of ,jerusalem which can be meant here1 namely that of ,a4,d4 #gj by ,titus4 ,so that when the writer gives the thirtieth year after the ruin of the city as that in which he experienced the visions he is about to describe1 the date of this portion of the book must be set down as not later than ,a4,d4 #ajj4 ,regarding the date of the ,eagle ,vision1 it is generally agreed to be about ,a4,d4 #if2 the indications of date in the ,vision are fairly clear2 we shall point out what these are when dealing with this ,vision4 ,the ,vision of the ,man rising from the ,sea contains more of traditional elements than any other part of the book1 so that as for as thought and conceptions are concerned it is probably the oldest portion of the whole book2 but as adapted by our author it implies1 as we shall see later1 an historical situation prior to the destruction of ,jerusalem i4e4 before1 but not long before1 ,a4,d4 #gj4 ,the ,ezra ,legend in chapter xiv4 belongs to the same period as the ,salathiel ,apocalypse1 viz4 about ,a4,d4 #ajj4 ,we shall now proceed to examine the contents and teaching of these ,visions1 and it will be best to take them in their chronological order4 ,v4 ,,the ,,vision ,,of ,,the ,,man ,,rising ,,from ,,the ,,sea4 ,this ,vision is as follows#ech3 ,and it came to pass after seven days that ,i dreamed a dream by night2 and1 behold1 a wind arose from the sea1 and it stirred up all the waves thereof4 ,and ,i looked1 and behold that wind caused to arise up from the heart of the sea as it were the form of a man4 ,and ,i looked1 and behold1 that man flew with the clouds of ,heaven2 and whithersoever he turned his face and looked1 everything quaked that was seen by him2 and whithersoever the voice from his mouth went1 all that heard his voice melted away1#eci like as wax melteth away when it feeleth the fire4 ,and after this ,i looked1 and behold1 a multitude of men1 without number1 from the four winds of ,heaven1 were gathered together to war against the man who had arisen from the sea4 ,and ,i looked1 and behold1 he cut out for himself a great mountain1 and did fly upon it4 ,but ,i sought to see the region of the place out of which the mountain had been cut2 but ,i could not4 ,and after this1 ,i looked1 and behold1 all those who had gathered together against him to make war upon him1 feared greatly2 nevertheless they dared to fight4 ,and behold1 when he saw the onslaught of the approaching multitude1 he neither raised his hand1 nor took hold of spear or other warlike weapon2 but ,i only saw how he sent forth from his mouth as it were a fiery stream1 and from his lips a flaming breath1 and from his tongue he shot forth a storm of sparks2 and all these were mixed together1 the fiery stream and the flaming breath and the mighty storm4#edj ,and these fell upon the approaching multitude1 ready to fight1 and burned them all1 so that suddenly nothing was seen of the immense multitude but the dust of ashes and the smell of smoke4 ,and ,i looked1 and was amazed4 ,and after this ,i saw that man coming down from the mountain and calling unto himself another1 a peaceful1 multitude4 ,and there drew unto him the faces of many men1 some of whom were glad1 and some were sorrowful1 and some were bound1 and some were leading others who were to be offered4 ,the writer's interpretation of this ,vision with which the rest of the chapter is taken up1 is as follows3 ,the man who ascended from the sea and flew with the clouds of ,heaven is the ,messiah2 the innumerable multitude of men who fight against him1 and who are annihilated1 are the nations of the world2 the great mountain which was cut out1 and concerning which the seer was in perplexity1 is the heavenly ,jerusalem which came down from ,heaven4 ,the fiery stream1 and flaming breath1 and storm of sparks represent the fire of the ,law whereby the enemies of the ,messiah are annihilated4 ,the peaceful multitude which the ,messiah called unto himself are the ten tribes gathered out of the lands of the ,dispersion4 ,those who were glad and those who were sorrowful are respectively ,jews and ,gentiles coming to do homage to the ,messiah4 ,those who were bound were ,jews who had been in captivity2 while those who were leading others to be offered1 were the heathen bringing ,jews as an oblation to the ,messiah1 according to the word of the prophet3 8,and they shall bring all your brethren out of all the nations to be an oblation to ,jehovah0 7,isa4 lxvi4 #bj74 ,stress must be laid upon the fact that between the ,vision itself and the writer's explanation of it there are some incongruities2 this1 as ,box truly points out 7,op4 cit41 pp4 #bha f471 8is a common phenomenon in apocalyptic2 the material employed by the apocalyptists is often extremely old1 and has been derived by the apocalyptic writer from a tradition which was already ancient when he wrote4 ,the meaning of certain details in the fixed tradition which he uses is not always clear to the apocalyptic writer himself4 ,hence the lack of adjustment between certain features in the ,vision and the interpretation4444 ,thus1 here the rising of the man from the sea is explained 7verse #eb7 as symbolical of the mysterious origin of the ,messiah 7,my ,son71 and the peaceable multitude as the lost ten tribes4 ,there are also features in the interpretation which have nothing corresponding to them in the ,vision itself1 viz41 the internecine war of the nations before they band themselves together against the ,messiah 7verses #ca f471 and the mention of the survivors who are found #8within my holy border1' and whom the ,messiah shall defend 7verses #dh1 #di74444 ,thus the first point to be noted is that when the ,vision first assumed a written form1 the real significance of many features in the original ,vision was already lost1 and was obscured by a more or less artificially adjusted interpretation4 ,in other words1 religious thought and outlook had long outgrown those of the fixed tradition4 ,it had become necessary to re-interpret the latter to suit later conditions40 ,what the ,vision and many of its curious details really mean is an intricate1 but very interesting1 question2 we cannot1 however1 deal with this here1 and must direct those who desire further information on the subject to the following works3 ,gunkel1 ,chaos und ,schpfung in ,urzeit und ,endzeit1 pp4 #fd ff4 7#ahie72 ,volz1 ,jdische ,eschatologie1 pp4 #bbj ff4 7#aijc72 ,gressmann1 ,der ,ursprung der israelitisch-jdischen ,eschatologie1 pp4 #cdi ff42 ,oesterley1 ,the ,evolution of the ,messianic ,idea1 passim 7#aijh72 ,box1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bhb ff4 ,,vi4 ,,the ,,eagle ,,vision ,this ,vision is too long to quote in full1 but1 put shortly1 its contents are as follows3 ,in his vision the seer sees an eagle ascending out of the sea1 having twelve wings and three heads4 ,the eagle spreads her wings over all the earth1 and the winds of heaven blow upon her4 ,out of her wings eight smaller wings grow2 but her heads remain at rest4 ,the middle head was greater than the others1 8yet rested it with them40 ,then the eagle flew to reign over the earth1 and all the earth was subject unto her4 ,and the seer heard the eagle bid her wings not all to watch at once1 but each in turn2 8but let the heads be kept until the end40 ,the voice which the seer heard came not from the heads1 but from the midst of the eagle's body4 ,then arose on the right side of the eagle one wing which reigned over the earth1 and then disappeared2 likewise a second wing arose1 and reigned for long1 then disappeared2 but concerning this second wing a voice declared that after it none should reign even half as long4 ,all the wings in turn arose1 reigned1 and then appeared no more4 ,and now the seer sees the little wings set up1 on the right side1 in order to reign2 some ruled1 but disappeared almost at once1 others rose up as though to rule1 but did not4 ,nothing remained now on the eagle's body but the three heads that rested1 and six little wings4 ,two of these latter divided themselves from the rest and remained under the head that was upon the right side1 the other four remained where they were4 ,of these four one assayed to reign1 but quickly disappeared1 then another vanished even more quickly2 before the other two could arise to reign the middle head awoke and united itself to the other two heads which it then devoured4 ,this head then ruled over all the earth with much oppression2 but1 like the wings1 it1 too1 suddenly disappeared4 ,there remained1 however1 the two heads1 who also reigned over the earth2 but presently that on the right side devoured that on the left4 8,then10 the seer proceeds1 8,i heard a voice1 which said unto me1 ,look before thee1 and consider the thing that thou seest40 ,and he sees a lion which comes1 roaring1 out of a wood1 and1 speaking with the voice of a man1 upbraids the eagle for her cruel oppression1 and announces her approaching destruction1 saying3 8,therefore appear no more1 thou eagle1 nor thy horrible wings1 nor thy evil little wings1 nor thy cruel heads1 nor thy hurtful talons1 nor all thy worthless body2 that all the earth may be refreshed1 being delivered from thy violence1 and may hope for judgement and mercy of him that made her40 ,while the lion spoke thus with the eagle the last head disappeared2 and the two little wings which had detached themselves and had gone over to it1 arose and sought to reign1 but 8their kingdom was small and full of uproar10 and they soon disappeared4 8,then the whole body of the eagle was burned1 so that the earth was in great fear40 ,thus the ,vision2 then follows the interpretation4 ,the eagle who arose from the sea1 he is told1 8is the fourth kingdom which appeared in vision to thy brother ,daniel40 ,in this kingdom twelve kings shall reign2 these are represented by the twelve wings4 ,of these kings the second shall reign longer than any of the others4 ,the eight smaller wings represented eight kings 8whose times shall be small1 and their years swift02 two of them shall perish when the 8middle time0 of the kingdom comes1 four shall be preserved until the approach of the end1 and two shall be kept until the end4 ,the interpretation of the three heads as given to the seer is that in the last days of the kingdom the ,most ,high will raise up three kings1 who will renew many things in the kingdom1 and bear tyrannous rule4 8,and whereas thou sawest that the great head appeared no more1 it signifieth that one of them shall die upon his bed1 and yet with pain4 ,but for the two that remained1 the sword shall devour them0 7xii4 #bf1 #bg74 ,the two wings that detached themselves and went to the head on the right are reserved for the end2 for a short time they shall reign after the last head has disappeared1 but their reign shall be troublous4 ,the voice proceeding from 8the midst of the body0 means that 8in the midst of the time of that kingdom0 there shall arise 8no small contentions1 and it shall stand in peril of falling2 nevertheless it shall not then fall1 but shall be restored again to its first estate0 7xii4 #ah74 ,finally1 the lion is the 8anointed one10 i4e4 the ,messiah1 ,whom the ,most ,high has kept to the end of days4 ,the ,vision represents history veiled in symbolical garb2 as in the ,vision of the ,man rising from the sea1 the seer's interpretation does not always harmonize with the contents of the ,vision itself2 this is to be accounted for by the fact that a redactor made alterations in order to bring the ,vision into agreement with the course of history as viewed from his1 chronologically later1 standpoint4 ,as to the meaning of the general historical outline of which the ,vision treats most scholars are agreed1 but they differ as to details4 ,the following table shows1 in the main1 the bulk of learned opinion 7cp4 ,gunkel1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #cde73 ,the ,eagle ,the ,roman ,empire1 the eagle being the military emblem of ,rome4 ,the ,sea ,the ,mediterranean sea2 the ,roman ,empire1 8for the ,orientals1 came up1 as a matter of historical fact1 from the sea1 and it is this fact which is doubtless in the apocalyptist's thought here0 7,box74 ,the ,twelve ,wings ,julius ,csar1 ,augustus1 ,tiberius1 ,caligula1 ,claudius1 ,nero1 ,galba1 ,otho1 ,vitellius1 ,vindex1 ,nymphidius1 ,piso4 ,the second wing1 mentioned in xi4 #ac-ag1 8which bare rule a great time10 symbolizes ,augustus1 who reigned for over fifty years4 ,the three heads ,vespasian1 ,titus1 ,domitian2 the middle head which is greater than the two others symbolizes ,vespasian4 ,the eight smaller wings 8 ,the two little wings 7xi4 #bd7 ,mucianus1 proconsul of ,syria1 and ,tiberius ,alexander1 prefect of ,egypt1 according to ,gunkel2 but he says that this interpretation is uncertain4 ,these two little wings are said to have remained under the head that was upon the right side2 this head symbolizes ,domitian4 ,the two heads that remained 7xi4 #cd1 #ce7 ,domitian and ,titus1 the latter is said to have been murdered by the former4 ,that this interpretation is not in all points satisfactory becomes clear as soon as it is studied in detail1 and the same applies to other interpretations that have been offered2 but recently a new solution has been put forth by ,box which merits attention2 we will give it in his own words 7,op4 cit41 p4 #bfe73 8,it may be assumed that in the original form of the vision#eda the three heads represent the three ,flavian emperors2 the twelve wings represent the six ,julian emperors from ,csar to ,nero1 reckoning the wings by pairs4 ,the present writer suggests that the reckoning by pairs in the original vision was intended only to apply to the twelve wings1 and had a symbolical significance4 ,the pairs served to emphasize the greater dignity and power of the real emperors as contrasted with the ephemeral rulers symbolized by the little wings4 ,in order to exaggerate the contrast the latter were intended to be reckoned singly4 ,the eight little wings represent1 in the original form of the vision1 ,vindex 7,march1 #fh71 ,nymphidius 7a few months later7--these disappeared about the same time as the last of the twelve wings 7end of ,nero's reign71 as represented in our text 7xi4 #bb74 ,the middle four represent ,galba1 ,otho1 ,civitis 7died ,june1 #fi71 and ,vitellius 7died ,dec41 #fi74 ,the two little wings that were to survive the last head probably signify ,roman governors or generals who were expected to claim the imperial throne at the last1 or possibly the two last members of the ,herodian family1 ,agrippa ,,ii and ,berenice4444 ,in its original form1 then1 the vision may date from the closing years of ,domitian's reign 7circa #ie ,a4,d474 ,but if the editor did not incorporate it into his book--our ,ezra-,apocalypse--till #abj ,a4,d4 or later 7some time certainly in the reign of ,hadrian71 what1 it may well be asked1 was the significance he himself attached to the vision8 ,he can no longer have identified the three heads with the ,flavian emperors1 seeing that the reigns of these had already long ended and the predicted deliverance had not yet come40 ,box holds that the ,redactor identified the three heads with ,trajan1 ,hadrian and ,lucius ,quietus1 the last of these being a favourite of ,trajan and regarded as destined for the throne4 ,further1 according to ,box's interpretation1 the ,redactor put a new meaning on to the 8twelve wings10 these being symbolic of the six ,julian emperors1 ,galba1 ,otho and ,vitellius1 together with the three ,flavian emperors4 ,there is much to be said in favour of this hypothesis1 though it will not be denied that some difficulties still remain4#edb ,,vii4 ,,the ,,salathiel ,,apocalypse ,this portion of our book1 of which it forms the bulk1 is of a very different character from those already considered4 ,it consists of four ,visions4 ,we retain the term 8,vision10 as it is that usually adopted1 but they are rather ,dialogues2 the writer addresses ,god1 but is answered by an angel4 ,the questions put by the former are prompted by moral difficulties which trouble him2 the answers are intended to solve these difficulties4 ,the ,first ,vision 7iii4 #a-v4 #ai74 ,salathiel1 8the same is ,esdras10 sees the desolation of ,sion1 and the prosperity of ,babylon4 ,this incongruousness between the adversity of ,god's chosen people and the prosperity of the godless ,gentiles causes perplexity to the mind of the seer1 and prompts him 8to speak words full of fear to the ,most ,high40 ,in the thoughts which follow it is noticeable1 first of all1 that the writer expresses a sense of sin which was deeper than that of the traditional ,jewish teaching on the subject4 ,hitherto the tendency had been to regard transgressions solely from the point of view of isolated acts2 but here the conviction is implied that such isolated sinful acts are symptomatic of something far worse than temporary lapses would lead one to suppose2 from ,adam onwards1 it is now taught1 the whole human race has been steeped in sin2 the existence not merely of sinful men but of sinful humanity--the realization of this fact is what plunges the writer into dark despair4 ,hence the sorrow and suffering in the world3 8,for the first ,adam1 clothing himself with a wicked heart1 transgressed and was overcome2 and not he only1 but all they also who were born of him4 ,thus disease was made permanent0 7iii4 #ba1 #bb72 there is no hope in this world4 ,then a further thought comes into the writer's mind2 sin is everywhere prevalent1 but how is it that while ,israel suffers for sin the ,gentiles are in such prosperity8 ,nay1 more1 is there any other nation that knows ,god besides ,israel8 ,and yet ,israel is not rewarded6 ,let ,god1 therefore1 weigh the sins of each in the balance4 ,all men sin2 yet assuredly ,israel1 if not better1 is not worse than the ,gentiles2 nevertheless1 these prosper1 but ,israel languishes4 ,then comes ,god's answer1 given by the angel ,uriel2 it takes the form of calling upon the seer to do three things3 8,weigh me the weight of fire40 8,measure me the measure of the wind40 8,recall me the day that is past40 ,but ,esdras answers1 who among the sons of man could do such things6 ,then the angel says1 if ,i had asked thee how many dwellings there are in the heart of the sea1 or how many springs in the source of the deep1 or how many ways above the firmament1 or where is the entrance to ,hades1 or the way to ,paradise--with reason thou wouldst have been unable to say2 but ,i have asked thee only concerning things within thine own cognizance1 and thou canst give me no answer6 ,then the angel concludes3 8,thine own things1 that are grown up with thee1 canst thou not know2 how then can thy vessel i4e4 the body2 containing the soul comprehend the way of the ,most ,high0 7iv4 #aj1 #aa74 ,in other words1 ,god's ways are inscrutable4 ,this does not satisfy ,esdras2 so the angel proceeds to show him how foolish it is for a mortal man to wish to penetrate into the divine secrets2 he would1 in any case1 be unable to understand them2 8he only that dwelleth above the heavens may understand the things that are above the height of the heavens0 7iv4 #ba74 ,to this ,esdras protests that it was not in his mind 8to be curious of the ways above10 but only concerning such things as he sees daily before him4 ,what he is unable to understand--and here he reverts to his initial difficulty--is why ,israel should be afflicted1 and in consequence the ,law made of none effect4 ,then he is told that a ,new ,age is about to dawn upon the world1 and then all things will be made clear4 ,on ,esdras asking when the ,new ,age will come1 and whether he will still be on the earth then1 the angel answers that he is unable to tell2 but he recounts the signs that are to precede the end4 ,these are given in v4 #a-ab2 they are1 in the main1 the traditional and stereotyped eschatological 8signs40 ,thus ends the first ,vision4 ,the ,second ,vision 7v4 #ba-vi4 #cd74 ,the subject-matter of this ,vision is the same as that of the preceding4 ,why does ,israel suffer at the hand of oppressors8 ,the angel replies by again showing ,esdras that the ways of ,god cannot be comprehended by man1 but that in spite of what appears ,god's love is for ,his people4 ,the seer then asks much about the coming of the ,end1 and is told that this will be brought about by ,god alone4#edc ,the ,vision concludes with a second enumeration of the signs of the ,end4 ,the ,third ,vision 7vi4 #ce-;ix4 #be74 ,once more the problem which was the burden of the two first ,visions is reiterated1 though put in a somewhat different form3 if the world was created for ,israel's sake1 and if the world is steeped in sin1 why does ,israel not enjoy his inheritance1 why is the world not subjected to ,israel8 8,if the world hath indeed been created for our sakes1 why do we not possess the world for our inheritance8 ,how long shall this endure80 7vi4 #ei74 ,the angel tells ,esdras that this present world is but a narrow and dangerous entrance which leads to the wide world which is to come2 it was1 indeed1 originally created for ,israel1 but through ,adam's sin it has become a place of sorrow and suffering1 and therefore the righteous suffer with the wicked4 ,there follows then 7vii4 #bf-dd7 a long eschatological description which seems to have fallen out of its place1 it breaks the course of the argument here4 ,in the glorious world which is to come1 it then continues1 only those will be worthy to partake of its joys who have fulfilled the ,law2 but who has truly done so8 ,who among mortals1 whether ,jew or ,gentile1 has not been guilty of transgressing the divine ,law8 ,the angel answers that there are some who are righteous1 but they are comparatively few2 for them future joy is reserved4 ,the rest of mankind will perish4 ,a long section then deals with the subject of the state of the soul after death and before the last ,judgement4 ,the righteous enter into bliss1 but the wicked are destined to suffer seven degrees of torment4 ,these descriptions1 as ,box truly remarks 7,op4 cit41 p4 #ada71 are 8psychological in character1 and apparently portray the emotional experiences of the soul through which it passes during the entire period of the intermediate state4 ,in its subtle delineation of the soul-life the whole section is remarkable1 and by the elevation and refinement of its conceptions affords a striking contrast to similar descriptions in other parts of the apocalyptic literature40 ,it is then shown to the seer that there is no escape for sinners1 and he bitterly bewails the terrible fate hanging over the mass of humanity4 ,but the angel has no further comfort to give than that there is more joy in heaven over the salvation of the few than sorrow over the loss of the many4 ,not unnaturally this reply does not satisfy the seer2 he cannot think that the divine mercy and love1 which are so lavishly displayed in the natural world around1 should be so restricted in regard to souls hereafter4 ,the reply to his question suggested by this thought1 viz41 that this world was made for the many1 but the next for few1 is so discouraging that he ceases to inquire concerning the human race as a whole1 and restricts himself to his own race1 the ,jewish4 ,but here again he is told that only the righteous1 among whom he is reckoned1 can enjoy felicity hereafter2 he is bidden to refrain from further questionings regarding the fate of the wicked2 they have but themselves to thank for their doom4#edd ,the seer reiterates his former objection2 to this a final reply is given3 ,all the sorrow and suffering of this world is due to the sins of men2 there was a time1 before men were created1 when none spoke against ,god1 or disobeyed ,him2 but now men are evil1 and have become 8corrupted in their manners0 7ix4 #ai72 only a grape from the cluster1 therefore1 only a plant from the great forest1 shall1 by ,god's mercy1 be saved4 8,let the multitude perish then1 which has been born in vain2 and let my grape be saved1 and my plant2 for with great labour have ,i made them perfect0 7ix4 #bb74 ,the ,fourth ,vision 7ix4 #bf-x4 #ei74 ,this ,vision begins with a soliloquy concerning the ,law which ,god gave to the fathers1 but they did not observe it any more than later generations did2 ,israel must1 therefore1 perish2 but the ,law will abide in glory4 ,in the same way1 the earthly ,jerusalem must perish1 but the heavenly ,jerusalem is eternal2 upon this latter hope must be fixed1 for it is to be the joy of those blessed ones who shall gain a glorious immortality in the world to come4 ,the seer then recounts a vision that he sees of a disconsolate woman who brought up an only son1 and he died on his wedding day4 ,while the seer speaks with this woman1 he looks1 and behold she vanishes1 and in her place 8there was a city builded1 and a place showed itself of large foundations0 7x4 #bg74 ,the woman is the heavenly ,jerusalem1 her son is the earthly ,jerusalem4 ,the heavenly reality is thus manifested to the seer1 and he is bidden to go and see 8the beauty and greatness of the building4444 ,for thou art blessed above many1 and with the ,most ,high art called by name1 like as but few0 7x4 #ee-eg74 99 99 99 99 99 ,in these ,visions1 then1 it will have been noticed that the problem which figures in some of the later ,psalms1 and in the ,book of ,job1 as to why the righteous suffer and the wicked are in prosperity1 is reiterated2 the solution given being that the righteous will come to their own when they attain immortal life hereafter4 ,the writer is deeply pessimistic as far as this world is concerned2 the universal prevalence of sin which is ingrained in humanity through the fall of ,adam1 and through which death1 originally unnatural to man1 has come into the world1 compels him to look upon the ultimate fate of humanity as hopeless4 ,though an ardent ,jew1 he sees but little hope even for himself or for his own people2 the divine ,law itself is of no avail1 for it cannot be truly observed2 8he despairs of a life of absolute obedience to the ,law1 even by ,israel1 not to speak of the world4 ,the unconscious and unexpressed cry of the book is for a moral dynamic1 which legalism could not supply40#ede ,there is1 thus1 an essential contradiction running through these ,visions2 on the one hand1 hope in the world to come1 on the other1 hopelessness here and hereafter because all mankind is irretrievably lost through sin4 ,nothing could better illustrate those alternating emotions which incessantly stir the human heart3 the voice of ,conscience1 and trust in the ,divine ,mercy4 ,if our writer's heart remains dark to the end1 it is because his true instinct concerning sin is not balanced by an equally true conception of ,god4 ,at first sight it appears illogical that1 in spite of all that the writer has said1 happiness hereafter should be declared to be secured for a righteous remnant1 among whom he himself is included2 the reason for this is1 however1 apparently that ,god's purpose in creating man for eternal life should not be wholly frustrated4 ,in his eschatological teaching the writer of these ,visions departs from the older doctrines2 8he does not look forward to a restoration of the ,jewish ,state1 or a rebuilding of ,jerusalem2 nor to a renewed and purified earth under the conditions of the present world-order4 ,his hopes are fixed on the advent of the new and better world which will follow the collapse of the present world4 ,consequently he anticipates merely the catastrophic end of the present world-order--his theology does not allow of any intermediate ,messianic ,age4 ,the new ,jerusalem which is to come will be the ,heavenly ,city 444 which belongs to the future ,age40#edf ,,viii4 ,,an ,,ezra ,,legend ,in chapter xiv4 occurs the legend of ,ezra re-writing the sacred books4 ,it tells of how ,ezra1 while sitting under an oak1 heard the voice of ,god 8out of a bush10 telling him that he would soon be taken away from men4 ,he is told to set his house in order1 to reprove his people1 to comfort the lowly1 to instruct the wise1 and to renounce the life that is corruptible4 ,ezra expresses his readiness to do as commanded2 but he asks who there will be to admonish those who are born after he is gone1 for the world is in darkness and ,god's ,law is burnt4#edg ,then ,ezra himself proposes that he should re-write the ,law 8that men may be able to find the path1 and that they who would live in the latter days may live0 7xiv4 #bb74 ,he is then commanded to prepare many tablets and to take five men with him who can write swiftly2 8and when thou hast done1 some things shalt thou publish openly1 and some things shalt thou deliver in secret to the wise0 7xiv4 #bf74 ,ezra does as he is commanded after having asked for the divine spirit to guide him2 so that before he commences his work he is given a cup to drink from1 full of water1 but the colour of it like fire4#edh ,when he had drunk from this cup his heart poured forth understanding1 and wisdom grew in his breast1 and his spirit retained its memory4 ,for forty days he dictated1 and by the end of this time ninety-four books were written by the five scribes4 ,then he is commanded by the ,most ,high to publish openly the first twenty-four books that had been written1 so that they might be read by the worthy and the unworthy2 but the last seventy he is told to keep in order to deliver them to 8such as be wise0 among his people4 ,this ,ezra does4 ,here the legend ends abruptly4 ,the twenty-four books refer to the canonical books of the ,bible1 8the seventy secret books included1 we may infer1 not only the book of signs and the secret 7apocalyptic7 tradition associated with the name of ,moses1 but many other apocalyptic books as well4444 ,thus1 according to the representation of our chapter1 ,ezra1 i4e4 the historical ,ezra living in ,jerusalem in the middle of the fifth century ,b4,c41 was the restorer not only of the canonical books of the ,old ,testament1 but also of the large apocalyptic literature1 including some apocalyptic books which detailed visions and revelations that had1 ostensibly1 occurred to himself4444 ,this amounts to a claim that the apocalyptic tradition occupies an essential place in genuine ,judaism4 ,it claims for itself the great names of ,moses and ,ezra1 #8the second ,moses4'0#edi ,box suggests that the object of the publication of our book1 and of associating it with the name of ,ezra1 was to uphold1 or to re-assert1 the authority of the apocalyptic literature1 and thus gain for it 8an officially recognized place within ,judaism as part of the oral tradition40 ,that this was one of the objects for which the book was published seems highly probable when it is remembered that the ,jewish religious authorities rejected the apocalyptic literature as a whole#eej2 it was to be expected that the apocalyptists should make strenuous efforts to secure the recognition of books which1 as they believed1 recorded genuine tradition1 and which in any case taught much that was edifying4 ,like the apocalyptic literature in general1 this story of a divine revelation accorded to ,ezra to re-write all the sacred books which had been destroyed1 enjoyed considerable recognition among the ,church ,fathers2 it was known not only as included in our book1 but as an independent tradition4 ,for references to it in patristic writings see ,bensly and ,james1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 xxxvii4 f4 99 99 99 99 99 ,every reader of the ,ezra-,apocalypse must1 as he reads1 be very soon struck by the many reminiscences of ,pauline thought and teaching which it contains4 ,but as the book is later than almost all the books of the ,new ,testament this is not the place to deal with this important and fascinating subject2 to those who might wish to pursue the study of the connection between #d ,esdras and ,pauline teaching on such doctrines as the ,fall and ,sin1 the ,law1 ,election1 ,justification and ,eschatology1 etc41 no better ,english book could be recommended than ,thackeray's ,the ,relation of ,st4 ,paul to ,contemporary ,jewish ,thought 7#aijj74 ,,general ,,index 7,pages printed in thick type indicate passages in which the subject in question is dealt with in detail47 ,aaron1 #adi1 #aej ,abinu ,malkenu1 #cia ,abtinas1 house of1 #aid ,abubus1 #dcg ,achikar1 #aie -- the ,wise1 story of1 #cdi ff4 ,achior1 #cgc ,adam1 #ebc -- and ,eve1 ,life of1 #bah1 #bbc ,adaptation of belief1 #bj ,additions to ,daniel1 #che-cig -- to ,esther1 #cih-djc -- --1 ,authorship of1 #djc -- --1 ,date of1 #djc ,aesculapius1 #cif ,agrippa ,,ii1 #eba ,ahasuerus1 #cii ,akiba1 ,rabbi1 #adc1 #aib1 #aid ,alcimus1 #dcj f4 ,alexander ,balas1 #dai1 #dcb -- ,jannus1 #cic -- the ,great1 #ab ff41 #af1 #ag1 #cj1 #cc1 #eb1 #fi -- --1 conquests of1 #ab f41 #bi1 #dbd -- --1 division of his empire1 #dbd -- ,zabinas1 #dcf ,alexandria1 #ag1 #ej1 #deh1 #eab --1 centre of ,jewish ,dispersion1 #ag --1 the ,jews in1 #ec f4 ,allegorical interpretation of ,scripture1 #eg ,allegorization of ancient myths1 #bb ,allegorizing of ,greek myths1 #eg ,allegory1 #bcj f4 -- in ,proverbs1 #gb ,almsgiving1 #cfa --1 means of atonement1 #bgb f4 ,altars to unknown gods1 #bc ,am-haarez1 #ic ,amidah1 #ejj ff4 ,amyrtus1 #ea ,angelology in ,apocalyptic ,literature1 #aaj --1 ,jewish1 #ch1 #ci -- of the ,essenes1 #dc f4 ,angels1 #ajb --1 doctrine of1 in ,additions to ,daniel1 #cja ff4 --1 --1 ,ecclesiasticus1 #cjj ff41 #cdj --1 --1 #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 #cjc ff4 --1 --1 ,esther1 #cjb --1 --1 ,ep4 of ,jeremiah1 #cjb --1 --1 #b ,maccabees1 #cjb f4 --1 --1 ,prayer of ,manasses1 #cjb --1 --1 ,tobit1 #cja --1 ,sadducan doctrine of1 #adg f4 ,anima ,mundi1 #hf ,antiochus ,epiphanes1 #cd1 #ce1 #gg1 #acd1 #aef1 #dbc1 #dbg1 #dha f41 #dhh1 #dic -- --1 death of1 #dhb -- --1 his attempt to stamp out ,judaism1 #dbe f4 -- ,eupator1 #dbh1 #dcb -- ,sidetes1 #dcg1 #dia -- the ,great1 #dcj -- ,,vi1 #dbj -- ,,vii1 #dbj ,antonines1 ,the1 #ac ,apama1 #dcg ,apocalypse of ,moses1 ,the1 #bah ,apocalyptic ,movement1 #dj1 #ij-ie1 #afj -- --1 beginnings of the1 #ij ff4 -- books1 authorship of1 #aii ff4 -- --1 ,hebrew and ,aramaic originals lost1 #bjj -- ,jewish1 #ij f4 -- ,literature1 #ia1 #aih-bbc -- --1 doctrinal teaching of1 #aja-aaj ,apocalyptic ,literature1 place claimed for in orthodox ,judaism1 #ecj -- -- rejected by ,pharisees1 #aii -- -- teaching on ,individualism1 #ajb f4 -- -- -- ,particularism1 #ajc f4 -- -- -- ,universalism1 #ajc f4 -- --1 ,supernatural colouring of1 #ig f4 ,apocalyptists1 ,the1 #ie-aab1 #afa1 #bje f41 #ecj --1 --1 asceticism of1 #aja --1 --1 claims of1 #ii --1 --1 concerned with the future1 #ig --1 --1 denunciations of1 #ig --1 --1 determinism of1 #ih f4 --1 --1 effects of teaching1 #if f4 --1 --1 inconsistency of teaching1 #ie f4 --1 --1 loyalty to the ,law1 #ii f4 --1 --1 other-worldliness of1 #ii --1 --1 prophets of the people1 #if --1 --1 religious conceptions regarding humanity1 #aje --1 --1 their message1 #if --1 --1 universalistic attitude of1 #aja --1 --1 upholders of the people's faith1 #ig ,apocrypha books1 dates of1 #cbj ,apocrypha1 ,doctrinal teaching of the1 #bea-cae --1 meaning of1 #ahc --1 traces of ,greek influence in1 #gg-hg ,apocryphal and canonical books1 #afa ff4 --1 use of term1 #ahg --1 -- by ,origen1 #ahi --1 -- ,jerome1 #aia ,apokryphos1 meaning of1 #ahe ff4 ,apollonius1 #dbe1 #dbg1 #dcd ,apollophanes1 #dhf ,apostolical ,constitutions1 #djg1 #daj ,apsu1 #bca ,arabia1 #dce ,aramaic papyri1 #ej ff41 #aid f41 #cdi -- ,targums1 #aic --1 the language of ,egyptian ,jews1 #fj ,areios1 #dah ,aristeas1 letter of1 #ddc ,aristotle1 #ae1 #af1 #ag ,armour of ,god1 ,the1 #dgd f4 ,artaxerxes1 #ea1 #djj1 #dda f41 #ddh ,artaxerxes ,,iii 7,ochus71 #ej ,ascalon1 #cj ,ascension of ,isaiah1 ,the1 #bai-bbj ,asceticism1 #cdd -- of the ,essenes1 #dc ,asmodus1 #ceh ,assidans 7see ,chassidim71 #abe ,assimilation1 faculty of1 among the ,jews1 #eh ,associations1 religious1 #bc ,assouan 7,syene71 #eh ,assumption of ,moses1 ,the1 #bah ,atheism1 #gc ,athens1 #ad ,athenians1 #ad ,atonement1 death a means of1 #cdb ,attalus ,,ii1 king of ,pergamum1 #dcb ,attic ,greek1 #ad -- ideals1 #ad -- sea-power1 #ad ,attitude towards religious beliefs1 #ba ,augustus1 #ec1 #ebj ,aurelian1 #eab ,aureolus1 #eab ,authorship1 function of1 in ancient times1 #bjj ,avesta1 #acc ,azariah1 ,prayer of1 #chf ff4 --1 --1 when composed1 #chh f4 --1 --1 liturgical character of1 #chi f4 ,azotus1 #cj ,babylonia1 #ch ,babylonian influence1 #bbg1 #bca f4 ,bacchides1 #dcj f4 ,badness of the ,body1 doctrine of1 #hd f4 -- --1 ,platonic doctrine of1 #he ,balas1 ,alexander1 #dai1 #dcb ,baptism of the ,essenes1 #de ,baruch1 book of1 #die-ejf --1 --1 ,a ,sage's ,words of ,encouragement in1 #cjc f4 --1 --1 account of1 #die ff4 --1 --1 ,book of ,confessions in1 #dig ff4 --1 --1 component parts of1 #dig ff4 --1 --1 contains liturgical material1 #ejb f4 --1 --1 contents of1 #die ff4 --1 ,greek ,apocalypse of1 #bbc --1 ,syriac ,apocalypse of1 #bbb ,bel and the ,dragon1 #chf1 #cid ff4 ,beliefs1 intermingling of1 #bb ,ben-,sira1 #aaf1 #abc1 #abd1 #aie --1 attitude towards ,gentiles1 #ccg f4 --1 autobiographical details1 #cbf f4 --1 his claim to be an inspired writer1 #cbe f4 --1 his house of instruction1 #cbe1 #cbh --1 his views on the sacrificial system1 #cci --1 his knowledge of the ,o4,t41 #cbd --1 his list of famous men1 #afe ff4 ,benedictions1 #ejb f4 ,bni ,zadok1 #acd1 #aed ,berakah1 #ejj ,berenice1 #eba ,bethsura1 #dbi ,bible1 ,hebrew1 contents of1 #afb ff4 --1 the ,greek 7see ,septuagint71 #afa 8,biblical0 ,greek1 #ae ,biography a science in the ,hellenistic period for the first time1 #ai ,blindness1 #cfg ,book of ,jubilees1 ,the1 #baf-bah -- of secret words of ,moses1 #bah ,books1 ancient ,jewish1 #aid --1 heretical1 #aih --1 reading of in ancient times1 #aie --1 the seventy1 #ebi --1 the twenty-four1 #ebi ,brotherhood of man1 #ah ,burial of the dead1 #ceh ,csarea1 #cj ,calendar1 ,jewish1 ,pharisaic and ,sadducan attitude towards1 #aej ff4 ,caligula1 #dfj1 #dfd1 #ebj ,cambyses1 #ddh ,canon1 ,hebrew1 #afb ff4 --1 ,hebrew1 formation of1 #afi-agd --1 idea of a1 #afa-afi --1 final fixing of1 #agc1 #agd-agf --1 meaning of the word1 #afb -- of ,old ,testament1 origin of1 #afj ff4 --1 unknown to ,ben-,sira1 #afg --1 -- ,ben-,sira's grandson1 #afh f4 ,canonical and apocryphal books1 #afa ff4 ,canonicity1 ,josephus' theory of1 #aga f4 --1 ,rabbinical theory of1 #agb ,cardinal virtues1 the four1 #hg1 #deh ,cendebus1 #dcg ,chreas1 #dhf ,chronea1 battle of1 #ad ,chakamim1 #aae1 #aaf1 #abg1 #bcc ,chanukkah1 #dbh ,chassid1 #db ,chassidim1 #ib1 #ic1 #abe f41 #bjc1 #bje1 #beg1 #cfe1 #dbg --1 creators of apocalyptic literature1 #ic --1 the spiritual ancestors of ,pharisees and ,apocalyptists1 #ic ff4 ,chijja1 ,rabbi1 #aid ,chislev1 #dij ,chlamys1 #cc ,chokmah1 #bcc ,civitis1 #eba ,claudius1 #ebj ,cleopatra1 #dcd ,cle-,syria1 #bi ,colonies1 ,greek-speaking1 #ae ,common meal of the ,essenes1 #de ,confession of sins1 #ejj ,connection between gnaz and apokryphos1 #ahh f4 ,cosmology1 ,babylonian1 #bca ,cosmopolitanism1 #ah ,crete1 #dcd ,critical faculty of the ,greeks1 #bj ,crocodile's liver1 #cfg ,cup of inspiration1 ,the1 #ebi ,cynic philosophers1 #ah ,cyrus1 #ddj ,daniel1 #cjb --1 ,additions to1 #che-cig ,darius1 #ab1 #ea1 #dda -- ,,ii1 #ea ,darius' bodyguard1 story of the three young men of1 #dea ff4 ,dead1 prayers for the1 #dhi f4 ,death1 means of atonement1 #bgb1 #cdb ,dedication1 feast of1 #dbh --1 #dhg1 #dij1 #dia f4 ,defile the hands1 meaning of1 #age f41 #agg ff4 ,deified princes1 #dfb f4 ,deities1 national1 #bb ,demetrius ,i1 #dai1 #dbi f4 -- ,,ii1 #dai1 #dcc ff4 -- ,nicator1 #dcd ,demonology in ,apocalyptic ,literature1 #aaj -- in ,ecclesiasticus1 #cjd -- in ,tobit1 #cjd f4 --1 ,jewish1 #ch ,didascalia1 #djg1 #daj ,dispersion1 ,the1 #ag1 #di-ed --1 ,eastern1 #ej ,divine ,immanence1 doctrine of1 #eg -- revelation accorded to ,ezra1 #ecj ,doctrine of ,god in ,baruch1 #beh -- -- #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 #beh -- -- #a ,maccabees1 #beg f4 -- -- ,wisdom1 #bei f4 ,doctrines1 inter-relation of1 #ci ,dk1 #dch ,domitian1 #ebj ,dor1 #dcg ,dositheus1 #dhf ,dualism of the ,essenes1 #dc ,ea1 #bca ,eagle ,vision1 ,the1 #eac f41 #eag ff4 ,eastern ,dispersion1 #ej ,ecclesiastes1 #def f4 --1 canonicity disputed1 #agj --1 traces of ,greek philosophy in1 #gd ff4 ,ecclesiasticus1 an apologetic book1 #cbg -- and the ,ep4 of ,st4 ,james1 #cdg f4 --1 author of1 #cbb --1 ,a4,v4 and ,r4,v4 of1 #cca ff4 --1 compared with ,tobit1 #cfd f4 --1 date of1 #cbg f4 --1 ,hebrew manuscripts of1 #cbi f4 --1 original language of1 #cbi f4 --1 ,pharisaic recension of1 #ccc1 #cdj ff4 --1 placed on 8,index ,expurgatorius10 #cdj --1 present form not intended to be final1 #cbb f4 --1 ,prologue to1 #afh f41 #dei --1 ,sadducan standpoint in1 #ccc ff4 --1 title of1 #cba f4 --1 traces of ,greek influence in1 #gg ff4 --1 unity of authorship1 #cbb --1 universalism in1 #cch --1 value of1 for ,n4,t4 study1 #cde ff4 ,egypt1 #ab1 #bh --1 ,jewish settlements in1 #ea ,ekron1 #dcd ,el1 #cid ,eleazar1 #ei ,election1 #eca ,elect ,one1 ,the1 #bdf ,elephantin1 #cdi1 #cec ,elephantin papyri1 #ej ff41 #aid f4 ,elijah1 #bhi f4 ,end1 signs of the1 #ebd ,enoch1 the book of1 #bja-bjh --1 --1 authorship1 #bjc f4 --1 --1 component parts of1 #bjb --1 --1 dates of component parts1 #bjb f4 --1 --1 original language of1 #bjg --1 --1 teaching1 #bjg f4 --1 ,book of the ,secrets of1 #bbj-bbb ,epheboi1 #cc ,ephraim1 #dce ,epicuranism1 #gi1 #ace1 #def1 #dfj ,epicuran teaching1 #ba f4 -- -- on immortality1 #ge -- -- in ,ecclesiastes1 #gd f4 ,epicurans not irreligious1 #ba ,epicuros1 #ba1 #ge ,epidaurus1 #cif ,epilepsy1 #cfg ,epistle of ,jeremiah1 #ejf-ejh ,eschatological signs1 #ebd ,eschatology1 ,jewish1 #ch ,esdras1 #a 7#c71 see ,greek ,ezra ,essene baptism1 #de -- communities1 #de --1 meaning of1 #db -- monotheism1 #de -- teaching on the ,resurrection1 #dd ,essenes1 ,the1 #da-df -- and the ,law of ,moses1 #de --1 asceticism of1 #dc --1 dualism of1 #dc --1 their angelology1 #dc f4 --1 their purifications1 #de --1 their ,sabbath observance1 #de ,essenism a blending of the ,mosaic and ,hellenic spirit1 #de -- a mystery-religion1 #de --1 influence of ,hellenism on1 #db --1 un-,jewish in many respects1 #db ff4 ,esther1 #cii --1 canonicity disputed1 #agj ,eternal seed-plant1 ,the1 #ajb ,ethical teaching of the ,hellenistical period1 #ah f4 ,euergetes ,i1 #cbh -- ,,ii1 ,physcon1 #cbh1 #dbb ,euhemerism1 #deh ,ezekiel1 #ca ,ezra1 #bh1 #ga1 #ib1 #aaf1 #aah1 #ddb1 #dej1 #dec1 #ebi --1 divine revelation accorded to1 #ecj --1 not mentioned in ,ecclesiasticus1 #cdj --1 opposition to1 #aba f4 ,ezra ,apocalypse1 ,the1 #eji-eca -- --1 an ,ezra ,legend in1 #eac f41 #ebh ff4 -- --1 contains reminiscences of ,pauline thought1 #ecj -- --1 chaps4 i4 ii41 #eaj f4 -- --1 chaps4 xv4 xvi41 #eaa f4 -- --1 chaps4 iii4-xiv41 #eab ff4 -- --1 recognized by ,church ,fathers1 #ecj -- --1 ,vision1 first1 #ebb ff4 -- --1 -- second1 #ebd -- --1 -- third1 #ebd ff4 -- --1 -- fourth1 #ebf f4 -- --1 title1 #eji f4 ,fables in ancient ,jewish ,literature1 #bcj ,faith1 traditional form of1 #bj ,fall1 ,the1 #dgd1 #eca ,fasting1 #bgb1 #cfa ,fatalism1 #gi ,fatalistic theory of the ,stoics1 #ba ,first ,cause1 ,platonic teaching on1 #deh ,formless matter1 creation of the world out of1 #he -- --1 ,platonic and ,stoic teaching concerning1 #he f4 ,free-will1 #ccf1 #cdb1 #dab ,future life1 #cdb1 #cfb -- --1 conception of1 #dii -- --1 developed belief in1 #bd -- --1 doctrine of1 in ,apocalyptic ,literature1 #ajg ff4 -- --1 -- in ,baruch1 #bic -- --1 -- in ,ecclesiasticus1 #bhh ff41 #bia ff4 -- --1 -- in #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 #bic ff4 -- --1 -- in ,judith1 #bij f4 -- --1 -- in #b ,maccabees1 #bib -- --1 -- ,pharisaic and ,sadducan doctrine of1 #adf f4 -- --1 -- in ,tobit1 #bij -- --1 -- in ,wisdom1 #bih ff4 ,galba1 #ebj ,gallienus1 #eab ,gamaliel ,i1 #ade -- ,,ii1 #agc ,gnaz1 meaning of1 #ahc ff4 ,gaza1 #cj ,gazara1 #dch1 #dhb ,gehenna1 #bhi ,genealogies1 ,the roll of1 #aid ,genizah1 #ahh f4 ,god1 conception of1 by the ,jews of the ,dispersion1 #eg --1 --1 in ,wisdom1 #dfe f4 --1 doctrine of1 #ci1 #dab --1 --1 in ,apocrypha1 #bed-bfj --1 ,pharisaic and ,sadducan doctrine of1 #add ff4 --1 ,philo's doctrine of1 #fc ,gorgias1 #dbh1 #dhf ,goths1 #eab ,governance of the world1 divine1 #cda ,grace and ,free-will1 doctrine of1 in ,ecclesiasticus1 #bgh -- --1 #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 #bhj f4 -- --1 #a ,maccabees1 #bgi -- --1 #b ,maccabees1 #bhj -- --1 ,tobit1 #bgh f4 --1 divine1 #ccf ,grco-,macedonian empire referred to in ,daniel1 #fi ,grammateia1 #dj ,granicus1 #ab ,grateful dead man1 story of the1 #cef f4 ,greek cities1 #ae -- culture1 superiority of1 #ce -- fashions1 #cd -- festivals1 fascination of1 #cb -- forms of thought1 #ae -- ideals1 #ae -- influence in ,apocrypha1 traces of1 #gg ff4 -- -- in ,o4,t41 traces of1 #fh ff4 -- -- on ,jewish eschatology1 #ch -- -- on ,judaism1 #beb f4 -- --1 signs of1 in ,o4,t4 and ,apocrypha1 #dj -- language1 #ad -- mind1 tendencies of1 #cc -- model of local government1 #cj1 #ca -- philosophy1 influence of1 #bh -- settlements in ,palestine1 #cj -- words in ,daniel1 #gj -- words hebraized1 #ce f4 ,greek ,ezra1 ,the1 #dci-ded -- --1 and #b ,esdras #ddd ff4 -- --1 chronological table of event in1 #ddf ff4 -- --1 ,the1 contents1 #ddj ff4 -- --1 date of1 #ded -- --1 historicity of1 #ddf ff4 -- --1 its relationship to the ,hebrew ,ezra1 #ddb ff4 -- --1 ,massoretic text of1 #ddi f4 -- --1 purpose of1 #dej f4 -- --1 title of1 #dci f4 ,greeks and 8barbarians10 #ag f4 --1 references to1 in ,o4,t41 #fh-gj --1 critical faculty of1 #bj --1 their ideal of wisdom1 #ai --1 their realism1 #ai --1 their sense of proportion1 #ah1 #bj ,guilds1 religious1 #bc ,gymnasium1 #cb f41 #dj ,habakkuk1 #cie ,hades1 #bhi1 #bib1 #ebc ,hadrian1 #ac1 #eba ,haggadic homiletics1 #bja -- literature1 #chj ,halakah1 #bja ,haman1 #cii ,ha-,gilynim1 #aih ,hasmonan high-priesthood1 #dbc f41 #dcc ,hasmonans1 ,the1 #daa ,hebrew ,bible1 contents of1 #afb ff4 -- ,canon1 ,the1 #afb ff4 -- --1 formation of1 #afi-agd ,hecatus of ,abdera1 #da ,heliodorus1 #cjb1 #dha f41 #dhi ,hellas1 #ad ,hellenic and ,hellenistic1 difference between1 #ab -- spirit1 #ac -- thought in book of ,wisdom1 #deh ,hellenism1 debased type in ,syria1 #dj --1 good and bad effects of1 #da --1 reaction against1 #da -- in its religious aspect1 #bj-bd --1 result of spread of1 #bh -- in its secular aspect1 #ab-bj ,hellenistic ,greek1 #ad f4 ,hellenistic influence1 direct and indirect1 #cg f4 -- -- on ,palestinian ,jews1 #cf -- -- on religion1 #ed ff4 -- -- reflected in ,job1 #gc f4 -- -- -- ,proverbs1 #ga ff4 -- -- -- the ,psalms1 #ga -- -- upon the ,jews of the ,dispersion1 #di-fg -- -- upon the ,jews of ,palestine1 #bg-dh -- ,movement1 ,the1 #aa-bf1 #afj f4 -- --1 effect of1 #bd -- -- a period of dissolution1 #af -- party1 #dbf -- period not one of irreligion1 #ba -- philosophy1 development of into theology1 #ba -- ,movement1 roots of1 #ac -- spirit1 #ib ff4 ,hellenization of cities1 #ah ,hellenized cities1 #bb ,heraclides1 #dcj ,heraclitus1 #hf ,hermes1 #cd ,high-priestly party1 #cc f4 ,hillel1 #acb --1 school of1 #agj ,holofernes1 #cgc1 #cge f4 ,hypostatization of ,wisdom1 #gc1 #bbf ,hyrcanus1 ,john1 #aec1 #dbb1 #dch ,hyrcania1 transportation of ,jews to1 #ej ,idolatry1 #dfi1 #dgb f4 --1 polemic against1 #ejg ,idol-worship1 #deh1 #ejg ,illumination1 ,feast of1 #dib ,illyrians1 #ad ,immanence1 divine1 doctrine of1 #eg ,immortality1 #ccg --1 doctrine of in ,wisdom1 #hc ff4 --1 ,plato's doctrine of1 #hd -- of the spirit1 #ajg -- -- soul1 #ci ,individual piety1 #bc ,individualism1 #ah1 #ca f4 -- in ,proverbs1 #ga f4 ,individualistic tendency in ,job1 #gc ,inspiration1 the cup of1 #ebi ,intermediate beings between ,god and man1 #bce f4 -- state1 #aaj1 #bie1 #cjj ,inter-relation of doctrines1 #ci ,ionians1 #fh ,ipsus1 battle of1 its indirect importance for the ,jews1 #bi ,isaiah1 book of1 #aje ,islam1 #cg ,issus1 battle of1 #ab ,jabneh1 ,council of1 #agc f4 ,jamnia 7,jabneh71 #dcd ,jason1 #cd f4 -- the ,cyrenian1 #dgi1 #dhd1 #dhh -- --1 his history1 #dhj ,javan1 #fh1 #fi ,jedoniah1 ,jewish governor in ,syene1 #ea ,jehoahaz1 #ea ,jeremiah1 #ea1 #cjc --1 ,epistle of1 #ejf-ejh ,jerome1 #ge ,jerusalem1 #ebi --1 earthly and heavenly1 #ebf f4 ,jewish alliance with ,rome1 #dbj f4 -- angelology1 #ch1 #ci -- ,apocalyptic1 #ij -- books1 ancient1 #aid -- ,church1 ,the1 #aje -- demonology1 #ch -- eschatology1 #ch -- ,liturgy1 #cij1 #cia1 #ejj1 #ejb -- mercenaries1 #ea -- propaganda1 #cif f4 ,jews in ,syene1 #ea ff4 -- of the ,dispersion1 their religious outlook1 #ee f4 ,job1 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,justification1 #eca ,kabbalah1 #afc ,khons1 tractate of1 #ceg1 #cfg ,knowledge1 increase of1 #af --1 departments of1 #af ,koheleth 7see ,ecclesiastes7 ,ladder of ,tyre1 #dce ,landmarks1 ,jewish historical1 #cff ,lasthenes1 #dai ,law1 ,the1 #afe1 #dej1 #ejc1 #ejd1 #ebe -- identified with ,wisdom1 #bda1 #bdd --1 ,jews the people of the1 #bh -- of ,moses venerated by the ,essenes1 #de --1 the oral1 #cch f4 --1 ,pharisaic and ,sadducan doctrine of1 #aci ff41 #aeb f4 --1 ,pharisaic teaching on in ,ecclesiasticus1 #cdc f4 --1 ,rabbinical teaching on1 the1 #bfb1 #bfe --1 doctrine of1 in ,baruch1 #bfd f4 --1 doctrine of1 in ,ecclesiasticus1 #bfj ff4 --1 --1 #a 7#c7 ,esdras1 #bfd --1 --1 #b 7#d7 ,esdras1 #bfe f4 --1 --1 ,judith1 #bfc f4 --1 --1 #b ,maccabees1 #bfd --1 --1 ,tobit1 #bfb f4 --1 --1 ,wisdom1 #bff f4 ,legalistic ,movement1 ,the1 #afj ,letter of ,aristeas1 #ei -- of ,purim1 #djc ,leucoma1 #cfg ,levitical ,impurity1 #age1 #agg-ahb ,lights1 ,feast of1 #dib ,little ,genesis1 #baf 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,,deuteronomy iv4 #f1 #bcc xviii4 #ah1 #bhb xix4 #ai1 #cic xxi4 #aj-ad1 #agh xxiii4 #ah1 #ahj xxxiii4 #a1 #cjj ,,judges ix4 #h-ae1 #bbi1 #bcj #a ,,samuel x4 #ab1 #bbh xxiv4 #ac1 #bbh xxv4 #bi1 #hc #b ,,samuel v4 #h1 #bbh viii4 #ag1 #aac xii4 #a-d1 #bcj xx4 #ah1 #bbh 8 #be1 #aac #a ,,kings iv4 #cj1 #bca 8 #cj-cd1 #bbg 8 #cb1 #aff x4 #a-i1 #bbg xvii4 #ag-bd1 #bij #b ,,kings xii4 #aa1 #aac xiv4 #i1 #bcj xvii4 #f1 #ej 8 #bc1 #ej xviii4 #aa1 #ej 8 #ah1 #aac xxiii4 #bi-cd1 #ea xxiv41 xxv41 #cgg xxiv4 #ab-af1 #dig 8 #ad-af1 #ej xxv4 #i1 #dig 8 #aa-ba1 #ej 8 #ai1 #aad 8 #bb1 #cgg #a ,,chronicles i4 #e-g1 #fh ii4 #ee1 #aah v4 #bg-da1 #acd vi4 #d-ae1 #adh 8 #ej-ec1 #adh xv4 #aa1 #acd xvi41 #acd 8 #d1 #e1 #afg xxi4 #ae1 #af1 #cjd xxiv4 #f1 #adh #b ,,chronicles xiii4 #bb1 #aic xxiv4 #aa1 #aac 8 #ag1 #aic xxxiii4 #f1 #djh 8 #aa1 #djg 8 #ab1 #ac1 #dje 8 #ah1 #ai1 #dje1 #djg xxxiv4 #ac1 #aai xxxv41 xxxvi4 #a-ba1 #ddj xxxvi4 #ag-ba1 #ddf 8 #bb1 #bc1 #ddj f4 ,,ezra i4 #a ff41 #ddf 8 #a-aa1 #ddj f4 ii4 #a-;iv4 #e1 #bd1 #dda 8 #ci1 #abj 8 #fa-fc1 #abj iii4 #h ff41 #ddf iv4 #a-e1 #bd1 #abj1 #ddf f4 8 #f-bc1 #ddf f4 8 #g1 #aic 8 #g-bd1 #dda f4 v4 #a-vi4 #bb1 #dda vi4 #a ff41 #ddg 8 #ac ff41 #ddg vii-x41 #ddi 8 #a-x4 #dd1 #dda f4 8 #a ff41 #ddg 8 #f1 #aaf1 #aah 8 #aj1 #bh1 #aaf vii4 #aa1 #ab1 #ba1 #aag 8 #be1 #aag ix4 #a1 #b1 #bh1 #abj x4 #aa1 #ag1 #bh 8 #ae1 #aba 8 #ah-dd1 #aba ,,nehemiah i4 #a-g1 #gb1 #ddg ii4 #a ff41 #ddg 8 #ai1 #abj iv4 #a ff41 #abj vi4 #aj-ad1 #aba 8 #ag1 #ai1 #aba vii4 #f-gc1 #dda 8 #gc-viii4 #bb1 #ddb1 #ddg1 #ddi viii4-x41 #aag 8 #b1 #c1 #aag 8 #g-i1 #aag 8 #h1 #aah1 #acb 8 #ac-ae1 #aag x4 #bh ff41 #abb xiii4 #d ff41 #abb 8 #ae ff41 #abb 8 #bc1 #bd1 #aba xiv4 #bh1 #aba ,,esther ii4 #ba-bc1 #djj iii4 #g1 #cii 8 #ab1 #aad 8 #ac1 #dja iv4 #af1 #djb v4 #a1 #b1 #djb 8 #c ff41 #djb viii4 #h ff41 #djb 8 #i1 #aad 8 #ab1 #djb ix4 #bd-cb1 #djj 8 #ca1 #djb ,,job v4 #a1 #cjj ix4 #ab-ai1 #dei xi4 #e1 #f1 #bch xv4 #h1 #bch 8 #ae1 #bed xxviii4 #ab-ad1 #bdf 8 #ab-bh1 #gd1 #bch 8 #bh1 #bcd xxxviii4 #ab-bh1 #bdi ,,psalms xviii41 #bhg xxxiii4 #f1 #i1 #bcg xxxvi4 #f1 #bcb xlv4 #b1 #aad lxxxix4 #g1 #cjj xc4-cl41 #gj xc4 #d1 #bba civ4 #a ff41 #d1 #cja cxi4 #f1 #bcd cxv4 #d-h1 #ejg cxix4 #ig1 #bfc cxlviii4 #e1 #bcg cxlix4 #a-i1 #abe ,,proverbs i4-ix41 #ga1 #gd 8 #g1 #bcd ii4 #ag-ai1 #gb viii4 #d1 #ga viii4 #ae1 #af1 #ag1 #gb 8 #bb-ca1 #gc1 #bcf1 #bcg 8 #bf-cj1 #bcb 8 #ca-cf1 #bdb ix4 #a-f1 #bdb 8 #d-f1 #ga 8 #aj1 #bcd xv4 #cc1 #bcd xxii4 #bd1 #bcf ,,ecclesiastes i4 #aa1 #deg 8 #ac1 #bdj 8 #ac-ah1 #bci ii4 #aa1 #deg 8 #ac-af1 #bci 8 #af1 #deg 8 #bc1 #bd1 #deg iii4 #a-h1 #gd 8 #ah1 #ai1 #gd 8 #ai1 #bb1 #deg v4 #a1 #ah1 #deg vi4 #c-h1 #bdj 8 #ab1 #deg vii4 #aa1 #ab1 #bdj 8 #be1 #bdj viii4 #a1 #bdj 8 #h1 #deg ix4 #a ff41 #af1 #bdj 8 #b1 #g1 #h1 #ge1 #deg 8 #e1 #bdj1 #deg 8 #ac-af1 #bci xii4 #g1 #deg 8 #aa1 #ab1 #aic 8 #ab1 #afh 8 #ag1 #gd ,,isaiah ii4 #d;a1 #bhf iii4 #aj1 #dei iv4 #e1 #f1 #bhf v4 #a-d1 #bcj ix4 #ab 7,septuagint71 #fi xi4 #b1 #bcc 8 #aa1 #ea xix4 #aa-ae1 #bca xxiv4 #ad1 #ae1 #fi xxviii4 #e1 #f1 #bhf xl4 #aj1 #bhf xliv4 #bj1 #dei xlix4 #i-ai1 #ejg 8 #bc1 #bhf lix4 #af1 #ag1 #bhf1 #dge lxii4 #c1 #bhf lxvi4 #ai1 #fi 8 #bj1 #eaf ,,jeremiah viii4 #i1 #aj1 #aad f4 x4 #a-af1 #ejg xviii4 #ah1 #aad1 #bcc xxvi4 #af 7,septuagint71 #fi xxix4 #a1 #d ff41 #ejf f4 xxxiii4 #bi1 #bbi xxxv4 #f-aj1 #aai xxxvi41 #aad f4 8 #aj-ab1 #aai xxxix41 xl41 #cgg xl4 #e1 #cgg xlii41 xliii41 #ea xliv4 #a1 #ea l4 #ce1 #bca li4 #eg1 #bca lii4 #ae1 #bh-cj1 #ej 8 #be1 #aad ,,ezekiel xiv4 #bj1 #afg xvii4 #c-h1 #bca xviii4 #b1 #bbi xxiv4 #c-e1 #bca xxvii4 #i1 #ac1 #fh xxxvi4 #a-aj1 #bca xlii4 #af-ai1 #afb xliv4 #ae ff41 #adh 8 #ai1 #ahj ,,daniel iii4 #e1 #g1 #aj-ae1 #gj 8 #bc1 #bd1 #chf f4 v4 #ac f41 #dig 8 #bf-bh1 #aai viii4 #ba1 #fi ix4 #d-ai1 #chi1 #dih x4 #bj1 #fi xi4 #b1 #fi xii4 #d1 #i1 #ahf ,,hosea viii4 #g1 #bbi xiv4 #aj1 #bcc ,,joel iii4 7,hebr4 iv47 #f-h1 #fh ,,haggai i41 ii41 #dec 8 #ab1 #ad1 #ded ii4 #b1 #d1 #ded 8 #aj ff41 #abc 8 #aa-ac1 #age ,,zechariah iv41 #dec f4 8 #f1 #dec ,,malachi i4 #aj-af1 #abb iv4 #f1 #cdf ,,index ,,of ,,passages ,,from ,,the ,,apocrypha ,,page ,,ecclesiasticus i4 #a1 #bdj 8 #a-bj1 #cdf 8 #d1 #bda 8 #ab1 #bef f41 #cjf 8 #ad1 #bcd1 #bgh 8 #ae1 #bdb 8 #ae1 #bj1 #bg1 #bcd 8 #bf1 #gh1 #bdb1 #cdg iii4 #cj1 #bgb iv4 #a-f1 #cdh 8 #ag1 #bdb 8 #bf1 #cdh v4 #i-vi4 #a1 #cbc 8 #aa1 #cdg 8 #ac1 #ad1 #cdh vi4 #e-ag1 #cbc 8 #ai1 #cdh 8 #bh-ca1 #bdb vii4 #ag1 #bhi 8 #ah1 #cbc 8 #bi-ca1 #cfa 8 #ce1 #cf1 #cdg f4 viii4 #c1 #cdh 8 #e1 #bfg 8 #ab1 #ac1 #cbc x4 #aa1 #bhh1 #ccg xi4 #ad1 #cdc f4 8 #ai1 #cdf xii4 #g1 #hb 8 #h-ah1 #cbc 8 #ah1 #cdg xiv4 #a1 #cdh 8 #ad1 #bj1 #dei 8 #bj-xvi4 #bc1 #cbb f4 xv4 #a1 #abc1 #bda1 #bfj 8 #aa1 #ab1 #gi 8 #aa-ac1 #bfh1 #cji1 #cdg 8 #ad-ag1 #ccf xvi4 #a-e1 #cbc 8 #ag-bc1 #cce f4 8 #ai1 #cda xvii4 #d1 #gi 8 #i1 #afg 8 #ag1 #bgi1 #cdb 8 #bb1 #cdc 8 #bj1 #beg1 #cjf 8 #bf;a1 #beg 8 #bg1 #bh1 #bhh1 #ccg1 #cfc 8 #ca1 #bgj xviii4 #a-ad1 #cfb 8 #b1 #cda 8 #h-ad1 #cch 8 #ae-ah1 #cfa 8 #ba1 #cdc 8 #bb1 #bgb1 #bia1 #cdb xix4 #e1 #cdd 8 #af1 #cdh 8 #ag1 #bia1 #cdb 8 #bj1 #bda1 #bfa xx4 #b1 #cdc 8 #ca1 #bgi1 #cdb xxi4 #b1 #c1 #bfi 8 #i1 #aj1 #bhi 8 #aj1 #bia 8 #aa1 #bda 8 #bg1 #bh1 #bfi xxii4 #c-f1 #cbc 8 #aa1 #bhh 8 #ai-bf1 #cbc 8 #bg1 #bfg xxiii4 #c ff41 #bfg 8 #g-ae1 #cbc 8 #h1 #bga 8 #bg1 #cda xxiv4 #c1 #bda 8 #e1 #bcb 8 #f-af1 #cch 8 #g f41 #bfb 8 #g-ab1 #bdb1 #cjh 8 #i1 #bda 8 #ab1 #bfb 8 #ai1 #bj1 #bdb 8 #bc1 #bef1 #bfj1 #cda 8 #bc1 #be1 #bda 8 #cj-cb1 #afg 8 #cj-cd1 #cbe 8 #cc1 #cd1 #afg xxv4 #bd1 #bfi 8 #bh1 #cdh xxviii4 #b1 #cdf 8 #f1 #bfa1 #cfc 8 #aj1 #cdf 8 #aa1 #ab1 #cdh 8 #ac-bf1 #cbc 8 #af-ah1 #cdh xxix4 #a-bj1 #cbc 8 #ai1 #cdd 8 #ba-bh1 #cbc xxx4 #ag1 #bhh 8 #ba-be1 #gi xxxi4 #c1 #cdf 8 #h1 #bfj 8 #ba-bc1 #bfa1 #bgb 8 #be1 #bf1 #bfb 8 #ca1 #bgb xxxii4 #c-h1 #hj 8 #ae-ag1 #cci 8 #ae-bd1 #bfa xxxiii4 #ac-ae1 #cji1 #ccf f4 8 #af-ah1 #cbe 8 #ai-bc1 #cbc xxxiv4 #h1 #abe 8 #aj-ab1 #cbf 8 #ah-bf1 #cci 8 #bb1 #cdh 8 #be1 #bf1 #cfb xxxv4 #a-c1 #cci 8 #a-aa1 #cfa xxxvi4 #a-e1 #cch 8 #ac-ae1 #bfh 8 #ag1 #cch xxxvii4 #a-f1 #cbc 8 #c1 #bfh 8 #ag1 #ah1 #ccf xxxviii4 #aa1 #bgb 8 #ac1 #bhh 8 #af-bc1 #ccg 8 #bd-xxxix4 #c1 #cbd xxxix4 #a-c1 #cbd1 #cbf 8 #a-aa1 #abc 8 #d1 #cbf 8 #f1 #bgh 8 #ab ff41 #cbe 8 #ah-ca1 #cae1 #cjd xl4 #aa1 #cfc xli4 #c1 #d1 #ccg xlii4 #b1 #bfa 8 #ae1 #bcg 8 #ae-xliii41 #bed1 #cjf 8 #af1 #bed1 #cjj1 #cad1 #cfd xliii4 #bf1 #cja1 #cfd 8 #bh-cb1 #bee xliv4-l41 #afe 8 #bd1 #cbd 8 #af1 #cdc 8 #bj1 #bfa xlv4 #e1 #afe 8 #e1 #ag1 #bfa 8 #ad-af1 #cfa 8 #bc1 #bgc 8 #bc-be1 #adi xlvi4 #a1 #afe 8 #aa1 #ab1 #ac1 #afe 8 #ad1 #bfa 8 #ai1 #bhh xlvii4 #b-g1 #h-aj1 #ag1 #bj1 #aff 8 #bb1 #bha xlviii4 #c1 #cdh 8 #e1 #bia 8 #aa1 #bhi f4 8 #bd1 #afe xlix41 #cbh 8 #d1 #afe 8 #f1 #h1 #aj1 #aff 8 #i1 #aff1 #dei l4 #a ff41 #afg1 #cbh 8 #bi1 #afg1 #aie li4 #a-ab1 #cbf f4 8 #ab1 #bha1 #cdj1 #cia 8 #ac1 #cbf 8 #bc-bh1 #cbe ,,tobit i4-iii41 #ceg f4 8 #c1 #cef1 #cgj 8 #c-;iii4 #f1 #cfh 8 #f1 #bfc 8 #f-h1 #cfj f4 8 #g1 #bfc 8 #ba1 #bb1 #ced ii4 #a1 #bfc 8 #a-i1 #cfa 8 #e1 #bfc 8 #h1 #cfb 8 #aa-ad1 #ceh iii4 #a-f1 #bij1 #ceh 8 #f1 #cfc 8 #g1 #cja 8 #h1 #ag1 #cjd f41 #cfd 8 #aj1 #aa1 #cfc 8 #af1 #ag1 #cja1 #cje1 #cei1 #cfc iv4-xi41 #cei iv4 #c1 #bfc 8 #c-ba1 #cei 8 #e1 #bgh 8 #f-aa1 #bfb f4 8 #g1 #h1 #i1 #cfi f4 8 #aj1 #bgc1 #bij1 #cee1 #cfa1 #cfc f4 8 #ab1 #cee1 #cgj 8 #ae1 #cfi f4 8 #af1 #cfa1 #cgj 8 #ag1 #ah1 #cee f4 8 #ai1 #bga 8 #ba1 #cgj v4-vi4 #b1 #cei 8 #ac1 #bfc vi4 #b-i1 #cei 8 #c1 #cff 8 #g-i1 #ad1 #af-ah1 #cfd 8 #aj-ah1 #cja1 #cfj 8 #ab1 #bfc 8 #ag1 #cje vii41 viii41 #cfj vii4 #ac1 #ad1 #bfc viii4 #b1 #c1 #cfd 8 #c1 #cje1 #cgj 8 #e1 #cfc 8 #ae1 #cja1 #cad ix41 #cfj x4 #a-g;a1 #cfj 8 #g;b-xi4 #h1 #cfj xi4 #ad1 #cfc 8 #ah1 #ced xii4-xiv41 #cfj 8 #f1 #cfc 8 #g1 #cef 8 #h1 #bfb1 #cfa 8 #h-aj1 #cfi 8 #i1 #bgc1 #cfc f4 8 #aj1 #cgj 8 #ab1 #cja1 #cgj 8 #ab-ad1 #cfc 8 #ae1 #cja1 #cfc xiii4 #a-h1 #cfe 8 #b1 #bij1 #cfc 8 #c1 #d1 #cff 8 #f1 #cff1 #cgj 8 #g-aa1 #cfb 8 #g-ah1 #bhb 8 #af-ah1 #cgj f4 8 #ah1 #cfc xiv4 #c-g1 #cfe 8 #d-f1 #bhb1 #cfb 8 #d1 #ae1 #cef 8 #f1 #bee 8 #aj1 #ced ,,judith i4 #i1 #cgb ii4 #a ff41 #cgg 8 #ba-;iii4 #aj1 #cgc iv4 #a-h1 #cgc 8 #b1 #c1 #cgg1 #cha 8 #f-h1 #cgg 8 #i-ae1 #cha 8 #ac1 #cha v41 vi41 #cgc 8 #ai1 #cha vii41 #cgd viii41 #cgd f4 8 #e1 #f1 #bfc1 #cha 8 #bj1 #ba1 #bd1 #cha 8 #ca1 #cha ix4 #a1 #h1 #ac1 #ad1 #cha x4-xii4 #i1 #cgf 8 #c1 #e1 #cha xi4 #ab1 #ac1 #bfc f4 8 #ab-ae1 #ag1 #cha xii4 #a-i1 #ai1 #cha xii4 #f1 #g1 #i1 #cha 8 #aj-xiii4 #aj1 #cgf xiii4 #c1 #d1 #g1 #aj1 #cha 8 #f1 #afb 8 #aa-xv4 #ac1 #cgg xiv4 #aj1 #cha xvi4 #b-ag1 #bfd1 #cjh1 #cgg 8 #ag1 #bij1 #cha 8 #ah-be1 #cgg 8 #ah1 #bfd 8 #bj1 #bd1 #cha ,,the ,,additions ,,to ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,daniel ,pr4 of ,azar4 #a1 #bc-bg1 #chf #b-bb1 #chf ff4 #e1 #i1 #chh #ab1 #bgc #ad1 #ae1 #chi #bf1 #bg1 #cja ,song of ,three ,children4 #bh1 #cij #fd-fh1 #cij ,susannah4 #dd1 #de1 #cja f4 #de1 #cid #ee1 #ei1 #fb1 #cjb #fb;a1 #cic ,bel and the ,dragon4 #bh1 #cb1 #cig #cc-ci;a1 #cig #cd-ci1 #cjb #ci;b1 #da1 #cig ,,the ,,additions ,,to ,,esther x4 #d-ac1 #djb f4 8 #d-xi4 #a1 #djb f4 xi4 #a1 #djc 8 #b-xii4 #f1 #djj xiii4 #a-g1 #djj f4 8 #h-ag1 #dja 8 #h-xiv4 #ai1 #dja f4 8 #ah1 #dja xv4 #a-af1 #djb 8 #ac1 #cjb xvi4 #a-bd1 #djb ,,prayer ,,of ,,manasses #d1 #g1 #ac1 #dji #h1 #bgc1 #dji #h-ac1 #bgd #aj1 #djg #ab1 #bia #ae1 #cjb #a ,,maccabees i4 #a-i1 #dbd 8 #aj-fd1 #dhf 8 #aj-;ii4 #gj1 #dbd ff4 8 #aa f41 #cb1 #gf 8 #aa-ae1 #chh f4 8 #ac1 #gg 8 #ae1 #dbe 8 #bj1 #ba1 #dbe 8 #bj-bd1 #cih 8 #da-fd1 #cih 8 #dc1 #dbf 8 #dc1 #dd1 #abe 8 #dd-di1 #dbe f4 ii4 #d1 #f1 #daa 8 #da1 #dab 8 #dd-dg1 #dbg 8 #eb ff41 #dab 8 #ed1 #adi iii4 #a-;ix4 #bb1 #dbg ff4 8 #ah ff41 #beg1 #cjf1 #dab 8 #be1 #bf1 #dbg iv4 #a-bd1 #dae 8 #aj ff41 #beh1 #dab 8 #df1 #bhb v4 #a-fh1 #dhe 8 #aj-ac1 #daf 8 #ae1 #daf vi4 #h-ag1 #dia 8 #ad1 #ae1 #dbi 8 #bh-ed1 #dae 8 #di1 #ej1 #dhe 8 #ef1 #dbi vii4 #a ff41 #dhe 8 #ab1 #ac1 #abe 8 #bf-ej1 #dae 8 #ej1 #dcj viii4 #bc-cb1 #dbj f4 8 #cb1 #dcj f4 ix4 #a-bb1 #dae 8 #bb1 #daf 8 #bc-xii4 #ec1 #dca ff4 8 #cb-ec1 #dae 8 #dc ff41 #df1 #dab 8 #dc-di1 #dca 8 #ed-eg1 #acd 8 #eh-gc1 #dcb 8 #gc1 #dca x4 #d1 #dcc 8 #ah-bj1 #dai 8 #be-de1 #dai 8 #bf-de1 #dcc 8 #cj-cg1 #dai f4 8 #dh ff41 #dcc 8 #ei-ff1 #dae 8 #hi1 #dcd xi4-xiii1 #dah f4 8 #ba1 #ce 8 #cg1 #daf 8 #eg1 #dbj xii4 #a-e1 #daf 8 #f-ah1 #daf1 #dba 8 #g-i1 #dah 8 #aj1 #ac1 #dag 8 #ad-ah1 #dag 8 #ae1 #dai 8 #bj-bc1 #dah xiii4 #a-xvi4 #bd1 #dcf ff4 8 #be1 #cj1 #dac 8 #bi1 #dba 8 #cf-dj1 #dbj1 #dcf xiv4 #d-ae1 #dad 8 #e1 #dba 8 #af1 #dba1 #dbb 8 #ag-bc1 #dbb 8 #ah1 #bg1 #dh f41 #daf1 #dah 8 #bj-bb1 #dba 8 #bd1 #dba 8 #bg-dg1 #dah 8 #cj1 #ce1 #acd 8 #da ff41 #acd1 #bhb f41 #dcc xv4 #f-ba1 #dbb f4 8 #i1 #aj1 #dcg 8 #bg1 #dcg xvi4 #ad-ag1 #dch 8 #bb1 #bd1 #dch 8 #bc1 #bd1 #dac1 #daf #a 7#c7 ,,esdras i4 #a-eh1 #ddj ii4 #a ff41 #ddg1 #ddh 8 #a-ae1 #ddj f4 8 #ae-be1 #ddg1 #ddh 8 #af-cj1 #dda f41 #ddh iii4 #a-ab1 #dea 8 #a-v4 #f1 #dda ff41 #dde1 #ddg1 #dea ff4 8 #ac-ag1 #dea 8 #ag;b-#bd1 #dea f4 iv4 #a-ab1 #deb 8 #ac1 #dec 8 #ac-eg1 #deb f4 8 #bi ff41 #ddc 8 #eh-fc1 #dec v4 #a-f1 #dec 8 #d-f1 #dda 8 #g-gc1 #dda1 #ddg vi4 #a-vii4 #ae1 #dda viii4 #a ff41 #ddh 8 #a-;ix4 #cf1 #dda f4 ix4 #cg-ee1 #ddb ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,wisdom i4-xi4 #a1 #bei 8 #a1 #dfg 8 #a-e1 #bha 8 #d-g1 #bdd 8 #f-aa1 #dgj 8 #g1 #hf 8 #ab ff41 #hd1 #bgg f4 8 #ab-af1 #bhj f4 8 #ac-ae1 #dfh 8 #ae1 #hd ii4-v41 #dfb 8 -xi41 #dfe 8 #a-i1 #deg 8 #a-bj1 #dgj 8 #g-i1 #dga f4 8 #aj-bj1 #dfj ff4 8 #ab1 #bff f41 #dei 8 #ae1 #dfb 8 #ba-bd1 #dga 8 #bc1 #bd1 #dgd1 #dgg 8 #bd1 #cje iii4 #a1 #i1 #bhd 8 #a-i1 #bhe1 #bih f41 #dga 8 #h1 #bhe1 #bii1 #dgd 8 #aj ff41 #bii1 #dga f4 iv4 #a1 #bcg 8 #ai1 #cjj 8 #bj1 #dgb v41 #dfh 8 #a-ad1 #bii1 #dgb 8 #b1 #cjj 8 #ae ff41 #bhf f41 #bii f4 8 #ag-bj1 #dgd f4 vi4 #a1 #dfg 8 #b1 #dfb 8 #d1 #bfg 8 #e-i1 #dfj 8 #ag-bj1 #dga f4 8 #ai1 #hd vii4-ix41 #dfi 8 #ag1 #dge 8 #ai1 #bj1 #hj 8 #bb-bd1 #hf1 #deh 8 #bb-viii4 #a1 #dfe1 #dfh1 #dgg 8 #be1 #bf1 #bdc 8 #bg1 #hf1 #bei viii4 #a1 #hf 8 #a1 #h1 #bei 8 #d1 #bdd 8 #f1 #dfe 8 #g1 #hg1 #deh 8 #ag1 #ah1 #bih 8 #ai1 #deh 8 #ai1 #bj1 #bgg ix4 #a1 #b1 #d1 #ag1 #bdd 8 #a-f1 #dfh 8 #f1 #bdc f4 8 #aj1 #aa1 #bei 8 #ae1 #deh1 #dgf 8 #ae1 #af1 #hd x4 #a ff41 #dfe 8 #g1 #dgg 8 #af ff41 #dgc 8 #ag1 #ah1 #cjd xi4 #a1 #dfg 8 #a ff41 #dgc 8 #b-xix41 #dfe 8 #ag1 #he1 #deh 8 #bc1 #dgf 8 #bc-bf1 #dfh xii41 #dgg 8 #aj1 #aa1 #bgg1 #caj 8 #ab1 #dei 8 #ai1 #dfb1 #dfh 8 #bb ff41 #deg f4 xiii41 xiv41 #dgg 8 -xv41 #dgb f4 8 #a1 #dff 8 #b1 #c1 #dge f4 8 #aj-ai1 #ejg xiv41 #deh1 #dfb 8 #a ff41 #bei f4 8 #b1 #dff 8 #c1 #deh 8 #f-bj1 #dfb 8 #g1 #dfd 8 #af1 #ag1 #dfb xv4 #a1 #dff 8 #b1 #h1 #ha1 #hc 8 #c1 #hd 8 #g1 #dgf f4 8 #aj1 #dei 8 #ac-ag1 #ejg 8 #ah1 #ai1 #deh xvi4-xix41 #dgc 8 #a1 #i1 #deh 8 #g1 #dfh xvii4 #ba1 #cjj 8 #bd1 #bdi xviii4 #d1 #deh 8 #ae1 #bdd 8 #ae1 #af1 #cjd xix4 #e1 #dfb 8 #ah-ba1 #hg1 #dge #b ,,maccabees i4-ii4 #ah1 #dij ff4 8 #a-i1 #dij ff4 8 #h1 #i1 #bfd 8 #i1 #ah1 #dhg 8 #ac-ag1 #dia 8 #bj-bb1 #dib 8 #bg1 #bhc 8 #ca-cd1 #dib ii4 #a-ab1 #dib 8 #af1 #dhg 8 #ah1 #bhc 8 #ai1 #bj1 #dhg 8 #ai-cb1 #dgi1 #dha 8 #bb1 #dhg 8 #bd1 #be1 #dhj 8 #cj-ca1 #dgi iii4 #a ff41 #ejh 8 #a-ci1 #dha 8 #a-;iv4 #f1 #dhf 8 #ab1 #dhg 8 #ae-ci1 #dic 8 #bb-cj1 #dhi 8 #bd ff41 #cjb f4 8 #dj-;iv4 #ej1 #dhb iv4 #g-ag1 #cd1 #ce 8 #g-vii4 #da1 #dhf 8 #ac-ag1 #bfd1 #dhh 8 #bj1 #ce v4 #a4-vii4 #db1 #dhb 8 #ae1 #dhg 8 #bj1 #dic 8 #bb1 #dhe vi41 vii4 #did 8 #a-aa1 #ce 8 #aa1 #dhg 8 #ab-af1 #bgd1 #dhd1 #dhg1 #dic 8 #ai1 #bh1 #did 8 #bc-bh1 #dic 8 #bf1 #bib vii41 #dic 8 #a1 #g1 #i1 #ad1 #did 8 #i1 #bfd1 #bib 8 #i1 #aa1 #ad1 #dhi 8 #aj1 #aa1 #bib 8 #aa1 #bb1 #bc1 #dhd1 #dhg 8 #ad1 #bib 8 #bc1 #bi1 #bib1 #did 8 #cf1 #bib viii4 #a-cf1 #dhb 8 #ai-bf1 #dic 8 #bc1 #agf 8 #bf1 #dhg ix4 #a-bi1 #dhb1 #dia 8 #e1 #dhh 8 #e-bi1 #dhh x4 #a1 #dhh 8 #a-c1 #dhg 8 #a-h1 #dhb1 #dhg f4 8 #e-h1 #dhg1 #dij f4 8 #f1 #did 8 #f f41 #dhg 8 #i-ch1 #dhb 8 #ad-ch1 #dhe 8 #bi-ca1 #dhi 8 #ce-cg1 #dhf 8 #cg1 #dhe xi4 #a-ch1 #dhb 8 #f-aa1 #cjc1 #dhi 8 #ac1 #dhh 8 #ce ff41 #did xii4 #a-xiii4 #bf1 #dhb 8 #aj-de1 #dhe 8 #aa1 #bh1 #dhh 8 #ca1 #ch1 #dhg 8 #ce1 #dhe 8 #ci-db1 #dhh 8 #dc-de1 #bib1 #dhd1 #dhg1 #dhi xiii4 #ae1 #dhh 8 #bb1 #bc1 #dhe xiv4 #a ff41 #dhe 8 #a-xv4 #cf1 #dhb 8 #f1 #abe 8 #df1 #bib f41 #dhd1 #dhg1 #dij xv4 #aa-af1 #cjc1 #dhd1 #dhg 8 #cf1 #dhg 8 #cg-ci1 #dhb ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,baruch i4 #c1 #d1 #dif 8 -iii4 #h1 #dig ff4 8 #f-aj1 #dif 8 #aa-ac1 #ad1 #dif 8 #ae-;ii4 #ab1 #dif 8 #ae-;iii4 #h1 #chi1 #ejj ff4 ii4 #ac-ag1 #eja 8 #ac-;iii4 #h1 #dif 8 #ag1 #bic1 #ejb 8 #ai1 #bgd1 #ejb iii4 #i-;iv4 #d1 #bfd f41 #cji1 #dif f41 #ejc f4 8 #ai1 #bic iv4 #a ff41 #bfe 8 #c1 #d1 #bfe 8 #e-v4 #i1 #beh1 #cjf1 #dig1 #ejd ff4 8 #be1 #ca ff41 #bhc 8 #ce1 #cje 8 #cf1 #cg1 #eje 8 #cf-v4 #i1 #bhc v4 #a1 #b1 #eje 8 #g1 #h1 #eje f4 ,ep4 of ,jer4 #g1 #cjb #b 7#d7 ,,esdras i41 ii41 #eji ff4 iii4-ix41 #bge iii4-x41 #bfe1 #bhc1 #cji1 #caa1 #eac ff4 iii4-xiv41 #eji 8 #a1 #ead 8 #a-v4 #ai1 #ebb ff4 8 #ai1 #bff 8 #bj-bb1 #bge 8 #ba1 #bb1 #ebc 8 #be1 #bf1 #bge 8 #bi1 #ead iv4 #a-aa1 #cjc 8 #aj1 #aa1 #beh1 #ebd 8 #aa1 #bid 8 #ba1 #ebd 8 #cj1 #bff1 #bge 8 #cc-cg1 #cjc 8 #cf1 #cg1 #ih v4 #a-ab1 #bhe f4 8 #ba-vi4 #cd1 #ebd 8 #ci1 #cjd 8 #dj1 #beh f4 vi4 #cb1 #aja 8 #ce-;ix4 #be1 #ebd ff4 8 #ch1 #bcg 8 #ei1 #ebe vii4 #ba1 #cjd 8 #bf-ca1 #big 8 #bf-dd1 #ebe 8 #bh1 #bi1 #bhc f4 8 #cb ff41 #big 8 #ef-ei1 #ajc 8 #gb1 #bff 8 #ge1 #bid 8 #gh-hg1 #bie 8 #hc1 #ajj 8 #hh1 #bic1 #bif 8 #hh-ii1 #bie 8 #if1 #bic 8 #ajj1 #bic 8 #aja1 #bid 8 #ajb-aje1 #ajb f4 8 #ajb-aae1 #bif 8 #aac1 #aad1 #bif 8 #aah1 #bge 8 #abe1 #aja 8 #acj1 #cjc viii4 #bi1 #ajj 8 #ce1 #bgf 8 #ch1 #ci1 #bie 8 #ec1 #bid ix4 #g-ab1 #ajj 8 #ai1 #ebf 8 #bb1 #ebf 8 #bd1 #aja 8 #bf-x4 #ei1 #ebf f4 8 #ca-cg1 #bfe 8 #cf1 #bic x4 #bg1 #ebg 8 #ee-eg1 #ebg xi4-xii4 #ci1 #bhd1 #cab1 #eag ff4 8 #ac-ag1 #ebj 8 #bb1 #bd1 #ebj 8 #cd1 #ce1 #ebj 8 #df1 #beh xii4 #ah1 #ebj 8 #bf1 #bg1 #eai 8 #cb1 #bhd 8 #cd1 #bhe 8 #cf-ch1 #ahf xiii41 #bhd1 #cab1 #eae ff4 8 #h-ac1 #bhe 8 #be1 #bf1 #bhd 8 #ca f41 #eag 8 #dh1 #di1 #eag 8 #eb1 #eag xiv41 #bhd1 #cab 8 #i1 #bhd 8 #bb1 #bf1 #ebi 8 #dd-dg1 #ahg1 #aia xv41 xvi41 #eji1 #eaa f4 8 #e-bg1 #eaa 8 #aj-ab1 #eab 8 #bh-cc1 #eab 8 #bh-xvi4 #ag1 #eaa 8 #cd ff41 #eab 8 #df1 #eab xvi4 #ah-gh1 #eaa ,,index ,,of ,,passages ,,from ,,the ,,pseudepigrapha ,,page ,,the ,,book ,,of ,,enoch i4 #h1 #if v4 #d1 #ii1 #ajj i4-xxxvi41 #bjf vi4-xxxvi41 #bjg x4 #af1 #ajb x4 #ba1 #ajc xi4 #a1 #b1 #ajd xx4 #h1 #cjc xxxii4 #c1 #bde xxxvii4 #a-d1 #bdf xxxvii4-lxxi41 #bje1 #bjh xlii4 #a1 #b1 #bdf xlv4 #c1 #ajf xlviii4 #c1 #d1 #ajf 8 #d1 #ajd 8 #g1 #ajf xlix4 #a1 #ajd 8 #c1 #bdf l4 #b-e1 #ajd li4 #b1 #c1 #ajf 8 #c1 #bdf lxi4 #h1 #ajf lxix4 #f1 #bfi 8 #aa1 #bjg 8 #bg-bi1 #ajf lxxii4-lxxxii41 #bjf 8 #a1 #bjd 8 #b1 #c1 #bdf lxxxii4 #d-g1 #bjd lxxxiv4 #c1 #bdf 8 #f1 #ajb xc4 #cj1 #ajd xci4-civ41 #bjg 8 #aj1 #bde 8 #ad1 #ajd xcii4 #g1 #h1 #ig xciii4 #ab-ag1 #bjf xciv4 #e1 #bdf xcix4 #b1 #ajj 8 #aj1 #bdf 8 #ad1 #ajj cii4 #f-h1 #ajg1 #bje ciii4 #a-h1 #ajh1 #aji civ4 #a1 #ajb cviii4 #a1 #ahf 8 #g1 #aja ,,sibylline ,,oracles iii4 #bga1 #ec 8 #bgf ff41 #ajj 8 #gjb-gbf1 #ajd 8 #gih-hjf1 #baj v4 #bfj-bhe1 #baj 8 #dad ff41 #ajf ,,test4 ,,xii ,,patr4 ,sim4 vi4 #g1 #bac ,levi ii4 #b1 #ajd 8 viii4 #ad1 #bab 8 xiv4 #b1 #bac 8 8 #c1 #d1 #ajd 8 xviii4 #aj1 #aa1 #aji ,jud4 xxiv4 #a1 #ajf 8 8 #e1 #f1 #bab ,naph4 iv4 #e1 #bab ,gad v4 #c1 #bad 8 vi4 #c-g1 #bad ,,psalms ,,of ,,solomon v4 #d1 #baf ix4 #f1 #baf xi4 #c1 #eje 8 #e-g1 #eje f4 8 #h1 #eje f4 xvii4 #bc ff41 #bae xvii41 xviii41 #ajf ,,book ,,of ,,jubilees v4 #ac ff41 #ajc vi4 #c1 #aea 8 #cd ff41 #aea ,,assumption ,,of ,,moses i4 #ab1 #ajc 8 #af-ah1 #ahg ix4 #f1 #aja x41 #bai ,,ascension ,,of ,,isaiah ii4 #a-;iii4 #ab1 #bbj iii4 #ac-v4 #a1 #bbj v4 #b-ad1 #bbj vi4-xi41 #bbj x41 #bai ,,secrets ,,of ,,enoch xxx4 #h1 #bdg xxxiii4 #c1 #bdg xliii4 #b1 #bdg lix4 #b41 #bba lxviii4 #b1 #ahf ,,syr4 ,,apoc4 ,,of ,,baruch xiv4 #ai1 #aad xix4 #c1 #ajj lix4 #b1 #ajj lxvii4 #e1 #ajd lxxxv4 #i1 #ajc ,,letter ,,of ,,aristeas #ab1 #ac1 #eg #aba1 #abb1 #ef #d ,,maccabees xviii4 #ab1 #adi ,,index ,,of ,,passages ,,from ,,the ,,new ,,testament ,,st4 ,,matthew iii4 #g1 #ade iv4 #af1 #cfi v4 #ag-bj1 #ada vi4 #a-f1 #cfi 8 #ad1 #cdf 8 #ai-ba1 #cfi vii4 #g1 #eaa 8 #ab1 #cfi xi4 #ai1 #cdf f4 xv4 #a-bj1 #ada xvi4 #a1 #ade xviii4 #ae1 #bad xxii4 #bc ff41 #adg 8 #cg-ci1 #bad xxiii4 #d-bf1 #aba 8 #ae1 #aca 8 #cg1 #eaa xxiv4 #bb1 #eaa xxv4 #ac1 #cb1 #eaa 8 #ce1 #cf1 #cfi 8 #ci1 #cdg xxviii4 #ci1 #cdg ,,st4 ,,mark ii4 #af1 #abg iv4 #b1 #aib vii4 #a-bc1 #ada ix4 #dh1 #bhi1 #cab ,,st4 ,,luke i4 #g1 #cdf v4 #cj1 #abg vi4 #ca1 #cfi vii4 #ce1 #cdg xi4 #cg-ed1 #ada 8 #ej1 #ea1 #eaa xii4 #ai1 #bj1 #cdf xvii4 #c1 #bad ,,st4 ,,john i4 #a-c1 #bch ,,acts iv4 #a1 #adg v4 #a ff41 #ade ix4 #cf1 #cgj x4 #d1 #cgj xii4 #ae1 #adh xvii4 #bc1 #bc xix4 #i1 #aie xxiii4 #a-aj1 #ade 8 #h1 #adg1 #adh1 #aeh 8 #i1 #abg ,,romans i4 #b1 #agf ii4 #d1 #dgf v4 #ab1 #dgd vi4 #bc1 #cgj ix4 #ai-bc1 #dgf f4 xi4 #cb1 #dgf #a ,,corinthians ii4 #f-af1 #dgg v4 #ab1 #ac1 #aib vi4 #b1 #c1 #dgd xv4 #ba1 #bb1 #dgd xvi4 #b1 #cgj 8 #da-dd1 #eab #b ,,corinthians v4 #a1 #d1 #dgf viii4 #ab1 #cgj ix4 #i1 #cfi ,,galatians iv4 #c1 #dge 8 #h1 #i1 #dge f4 vi4 #af1 #afb ,,ephesians v4 #ah1 #cgj vi4 #aa-bj1 #dgd f4 ,,colossians ii4 #h1 #dge 8 #bj1 #dge iv4 #e1 #aib #a ,,thessalonians iv4 #c1 #cgj 8 #ab1 #aib #a ,,timothy i4 #ag1 #cgj vi4 #f1 #cgj 8 #ai1 #cgj #b ,,timothy iii4 #ae1 #agf ,,hebrews v4 #ab1 #dgf xi4 #cg1 #bbj 8 #ch1 #did ,,st4 ,,james i4 #e1 #cdg 8 #ac1 #ad1 #cdg 8 #ai1 #cdg iii4 #b1 #cdh 8 #e1 #f1 #cdh 8 #h1 #cdh 8 #aj1 #cdh v4 #d1 #cdh 8 #g1 #cdh 8 #af1 #ag1 #cdh #b ,,peter iii4 #h1 #bba 8 #aj1 #ab1 #dgf ,,st4 ,,jude #ad1 #ae1 #bjh ,,revelation xx4 #b1 #cgj xxi4 #aj-ba1 #cga ,,index ,,of ,,passages ,,from ,,rabbinical ,,literature ,,mishnah ,aboth i4 #i1 #cic 8 ii4 #d1 #acb ,eduyoth v4 #c1 #agj ,jadaim iii4 #b1 #e1 #age 8 iii4 #e1 #agj 8 iv4 #e1 #f1 #age ,niddah iv4 #b1 #aca ,sanhedrin vi4 #b1 #cib 8 x4 #a1 #aib ,,talmud ,jebamoth #di;b1 #aid ,sanhedrin #aa;a1 #agc 8 #ij;b1 #adg 8 #ajj;a1 #agc 8 #ajj;b1 #cdj ,shabbath 7,talm4 ,jer47 xvi41 #aic ,yoma #ba;b1 #agc ,,midrash ,sifre #adc;b1 #hc ,printed for ,,robert ,,scott1 ,publisher1 ,,paternoster ,,row1 ,,london1 ,e4,c41 by ,,butler ,,tanner1 ,,frome4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,his first victory was in ,b4,c4 #ccd on the river ,granicus1 where he overcame the generals of ,darius4 ,in #ccc came the decisive victory at ,issus1 when ,darius himself was defeated4 ,in #ccb ,alexander marched victoriously down the coast of ,syria4 ,in #cca he became master of ,egypt2 and later in the same year he inflicted a crushing defeat again on ,darius1 taking ,babylon and ,susa4 ,in #ccj he continued his victories in ,persia4 ,during the next five years he was occupied in the further east1 fighting with invariable success4 ,he died suddenly in #cbc4 #b ,roman ,society from ,nero to ,marcus ,aurelius1 pp4 #d ff4 #c ,see1 e4g41 ,wendland1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #b-aa1 and the works of ,wilamovitz referred to by him4 #d ,the ,house of ,seleucus1 ,i1 p4 #ag4 #e ,swete1 ,introduction to the ,old ,testament in ,greek 7#ast ed471 p4 #bid4 #f ,the ,philology of the ,greek ,bible1 p4 #fa4 ,see also an interesting article by ,m4 ,f4 ,jones1 8,the ,language of the ,new ,testament10 in the ,church ,quarterly ,review1 ,october1 #aiac1 pp4 #aac-acc4 #g ,cp4 ,krger1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #i4 #h ,cp4 ,wendland1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #ed4 #i ,the city was founded in ,b4,c4 #cca4 #aj ,zeno1 the founder of the ,stoic school1 was born in ,b4,c4 #cdb1 and died in ,b4,c4 #bgj4 ,cp4 ,bevan1 ,stoics and ,sceptics1 ,lecture ii4 pp4 #dg-ha4 #aa ,cp4 ,wendland1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #di4 #ab ,bevan1 ,the ,house of ,seleucus1 pp4 #i1 #aj4 #ac ,cp4 ,wendland1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #ajg4 #ad ,b4,c4 #cda-bgj1 his lifetime thus coincided almost exactly with that of ,zeno4 #ae ,this had1 it is true1 to some extent taken place in earlier times as well2 but not in the way in which it was done during the ,hellenistic period1 of which it was characteristic4 #af ,cp4 ,kaerst1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 i4 pp4 #bgi ff4 #ag ,see ,kaerst1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 i4 p4 #bgi2 and on the general subject1 ,rev4 ,g4 ,friedlnder1 ,hellenism and ,christianity1 chap4 ,,ii4 #ah ,wendland1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #abh1 where references to original authorities will be found4 ,we are reminded of ,acts xvii4 #bc1 where ,st4 ,paul speaks of an altar which he had seen with the inscription3 8,to an unknown god40 ,on the whole subject of altars dedicated to 8unknown gods0 an immense deal of valuable matter will be found in ,norden's ,agnostos ,theos1 pp4 #ca-abd 7#aiac74 #ai ,ezra vii4 #aj1 x4 #aa4 #bj ,see ,ezra ix4 #a1 #b4 #ba ,cp4 ,ezra x4 #ag4 #bb ,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 p4 #aha4 #bc ,it may be well to recall here the following facts2 at the death of ,alexander in ,b4,c4 #cbc his empire was divided thus among his generals3 ,antigonus obtained the provinces of ,greater ,phrygia1 ,lycia1 and ,pamphylia2 ,seleucus1 ,babylonia2 ,ptolemy1 ,egypt2 ,lysimachus1 the ,hellespont2 and ,cassander1 ,macedonia 7cp4 ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xii4 i4 #a74 ,incessant wars1 however1 went on among these rulers4 ,but in ,b4,c4 #cjb an alliance against ,antigonus was made1 or rather renewed1 by the four other kings2 and in the following year1 as a result of the battle of ,ipsus1 the kingdom of ,antigonus 7he1 in common with the other rulers1 had assumed the title of king7 came to a final end4 ,the victorious allies divided his kingdom among themselves thus3 ,seleucus got ,syria proper2 ,lysimachus1 a large portion of ,asia ,minor2 ,cassander1 ,macedonia and ,greece2 while to the ,egyptian kingdom of ,ptolemy was added ,cle-,syria 7not1 however1 without a protest from ,seleucus71 which remained in the possession of the ,ptolemys for a century2 it was finally conquered by ,antiochus ,,iii 7the ,great71 through his victory at ,panias 7,b4,c4 #aih71 and it thus reverted to the ,syrian kingdom4 #bd ,cp4 ,schechter1 ,studies in ,judaism 7,second ,series71 p4 #gb4 #be ,he had1 for example1 settled ,macedonians in ,samaria4 #bf ,see further1 ,grote1 ,the ,history of ,greece1 ,x1 pp4 #bjh ff4 #bg ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 i4 pp4 #eg-eh1 ,german ed4 ,,ii1 p4 #ie4 ,cp4 also ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xiii1 xiii4 #c1 ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 xxi4 #i4 #bh 8,so long as the ,jewish ,state existed the principle of solidarity remained in force4444 ,but as soon as the nation is dead1 when the bonds that unite men in the organism of national life are dissolved1 then the idea of individual responsibility comes into immediate operation0 7,expositor's ,bible1 p4 #adc2 ed4 by ,w4 ,robertson ,nicoll74 #bi ,fairweather and ,black1 ,the ,first ,book of ,maccabees1 p4 #fj 7,cambridge ,bible74 #cj ,jerusalem under the ,high-priests1 p4 #ce4 #ca ,see ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xii1 v4 #a2 see also ,bchler's ,die ,tobiaden und die ,oniaden 4441 pp4 #h ff4 #cb ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xii1 iii4 #a1 says that in ,antioch the ,jews had privileges equal to those of the ,macedonians and ,greeks4 #cc ,a broad-brimmed hat which1 as the mark of ,hermes1 was the badge of the palstra 7wrestling-school74 #cd ,see also verses #ah-bj1 and vi4 #a-aa2 and cp4 #a ,macc4 xi4 #ba4 #ce ,though ,hellenistic influence asserted itself again at the beginning of the ,christian era2 it was1 in effect1 never wholly thrown off4 #cf ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 i4 pp4 #ca-dg1 ,german ed4 ,,ii1 pp4 #ei-hi2 and see also ,krauss1 ,talmudische ,archologie1 ,,ii1 pp4 #cdi ff4 #cg ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 i4 p4 #cj1 ,german ed4 ,,ii1 p4 #eg4 #ch ,israelitische und jdische ,geschichte1 pp4 #big f4 7#aijg74 #ci ,cp4 what was said in the preceding chapter about religious syncretism being a characteristic of the ,hellenistic ,movement4 #dj ,transactions of the ,international ,congress for the ,history of ,religions1 ,i1 pp4 #bgf f4 7#aijh74 #da ,op4 cit41 pp4 #dhh f4 #db ,for details see ,oesterley and ,box1 ,the ,religion and ,worship of the ,synagogue1 pp4 #aie-bba 7#aiaa74 #dc ,jerusalem under the ,high-priests1 pp4 #da f41 and see ,lecture ,,iii in the same writer's book1 ,stoics and ,sceptics1 pp4 #he-aah4 #dd ,quoted by ,reinach1 ,textes d'auteurs grecs et romains relatifs au ,judaisme1 pp4 #bj f4 7#ahie74 #de ,see1 for other theories regarding the derivation of the name1 ,lightfoot1 ,colossians1 pp4 #cdi ff4 #df ,zeller says3 8,they exhibit so important a relationship to the ,neo-,pythagoreans that we can only assume that they arose under the influence of ,orphic ,pythagorean asceticism1 and subsequently1 after the formation of a ,neo-,pythagorean philosophy1 adopted many of its doctrines0 7,outlines of ,greek ,philosophy1 p4 #cag74 ,wendland 7,op4 cit41 p4 #aia1 note #b7 disagrees with this2 he believes it improbable as being a hypothesis insufficiently supported by the facts4 #dg ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #b4 #dh ,quod omn4 prob41 ii4 #deg4 ,josephus 7,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #d7 says1 on the other hand1 that 8they have no one certain city1 but many of them dwell in every city02 but even if they did live in cities in the time of ,josephus1 they kept entirely to themselves1 for he says elsewhere of them that 8as they live by themselves they minister one to another0 7,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #e74 #di ,de septen41 ii4 #bgi1 quoted by ,friedlnder1 ,die rel4 ,bewegungen1 p4 #abd4 #ej ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #b2 cp4 also ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #e2 ,philo1 ,frag41 ii4 #fcb 7quoted by ,friedlnder1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #adc72 ,pliny1 ,hist4 ,nat41 v4 #ag4 #ea ,friedlnder1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #dc4 #eb ,antiq41 ,,xiii1 v4 #i4 #ec ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 vii4 #aa4 #ed ,antiq41 ,,xiii1 xi4 #b1 ,,xv1 x4 #e1 ,,xvii1 xiii4 #c4 #ee ,die rel4 ,bewegungen1 p4 #h4 #ef ,from a slab-inscription found at ,nimroud2 see ,pinches1 ,the ,old ,testament in the ,light of the ,historical ,records of ,assyria and ,babylonia1 p4 #cfc4 #eg ,he reigned from ,b4,c4 #ceh-cch4 #eh ,syncellus1 i4 #dhf 7ed4 ,dindorf74 #ei ,the ancient ,jb1 situated at the southern extremity of a small island in the ,nile1 between two and three miles long1 not far below the first cataract and opposite ,assouan1 the ancient ,syene4 #fj ,these papyri belong to the period ,b4,c4 #did-djj1 i4e41 from the twenty-seventh year of the reign of ,darius ,i1 through the reigns of ,xerxes 7#dhe-dfe71 ,artaxerxes ,i 7#dfe-dbd71 ,darius ,,ii 7#dbd-dje71 to the fifth year of ,amyrtus1 who threw off the ,persian yoke and made ,egypt independent4 #fa ,the ,jewish governor under ,darius ,,ii was1 according to the papyri1 one ,jedoniah4 #fb ,a detailed account of the excavations at ,elephantin during the years #aijf-aijh is given in the ,zeitschrift fr gyptische ,sprache1 vol4 xlix4 7#aiji74 ,the most elaborate work on the subject is ,sachau's ,aramische ,papyrus und ,ostraka aus einer jdischen ,militrkolonie zu ,elephantine 7#aiaa74 ,an excellent smaller work is ,ed4 ,meyer's ,der ,papyrusfund von ,elephantine 7#aiab71 which has been translated into ,english4 ,a valuable text-book for students is ,ungnad's ,aramische ,papyrus aus ,elephantine 7#aiaa74 #fc ,guthe1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 ,i1 #aaaj4 #fd ,quoted in ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xiv1 vii1 #b2 cp4 #a ,macc4 xv4 #af-bd1 from which it can be seen that ,jewish settlements existed not only in ,egypt1 but also in ,syria1 ,asia ,minor1 along the ,mediterranean coast1 and elsewhere4 #fe ,quoted in ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xix1 v4 #b4 #ff ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 xviii4 #g4 #fg ,in ,flaccum1 #h 7ed4 ,mangey1 ,,ii1 p4 #ebe74 #fh ,in ,flaccum1 #f 7ed4 ,mangey1 ,,ii1 p4 #ebc74 #fi ,for full details see ,schrer1 ,,ii1 ii4 pp4 #bai-cbg1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #a-ahh4 #gj ,cp4 ,josephus1 ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,vi1 ix4 #c4 #ga ,see further ,,iv of this chapter4 #gb ,this document belongs roughly to about the year ,b4,c4 #ajj2 though ,schrer would place it a century earlier2 many modern scholars1 however1 disagree with him in this4 #gc ,cp4 ,bousset1 ,die ,religion des ,judenthums1 pp4 #dje ff4 #gd ,when we find that in the first centuries of ,christianity even orthodox ,rabbis were to be found who held that ,baptism without ,circumcision sufficed for proselytes we may well ask whether the result of the ,hellenistic spirit was not a contributory cause of such a lapse from traditional ,judaism4 #ge ,transactions of the ,third ,international ,congress for the ,history of ,religions1 ,i1 p4 #bgg4 #gf ,it is dealt with in ,schrer1 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #aef-cbj2 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 pp4 #dbj-fcc4 #gg ,some account of the ,pseudepigrapha1 which are partly ,palestinian1 but mainly ,grco-,jewish1 is given below1 ,chap4 ,x4 #gh ,b4,c4 #bhe-bdf4 #gi ,some scholars assign this to the reign of ,ptolemy ,,vi 7,philometor71 ,b4,c4 #ahb-adf4 #hj ,philo and ,holy ,scripture1 p4 #cb 7#ahie72 see also ,swete1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #be f4 #ha ,cp4 ,meyer1 ,der ,papyrusfund von ,elephantin1 p4 #ai4 #hb ,for the further history of the ,septuagint1 and for the labours of ,aquila1 ,symmachus1 ,theodotion1 and above all of ,origen1 ,swete's book1 already mentioned1 should be consulted4 #hc ,the ,philology of the ,greek ,bible1 p4 #h4 #hd ,cohn and ,wendland's edition4 #he ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 viii4 #a ff4 #hf 8,the philosophy which ,philo expounds is essentially the popular ,greek philosophy1 a blend of ,platonism1 ,pythagoreanism1 and ,stoicism1 slightly modified by the ,hebrew belief in ,god0 7,edwyn ,bevan1 ,stoics and ,sceptics1 p4 #id74 #hg ,it is of importance for ,christian theology to notice that in several passages 7see ,lightfoot1 ,colossians and ,philemon1 p4 #baf7 ,philo interprets 8the image of ,god0 to mean the 8,logos02 so that when1 in ,gen4 i4 #bg1 man is said to have been created in 8the image of ,god10 it means that he was created in the likeness of the 8,logos40 #hh ,de ,migratione ,abrahami1 #ah1 quoted by ,lauterbach4 #hi ,on the whole subject of the relation between the ,philonian and the ,johannine ,logos doctrines see ,rville1 ,la doctrine du ,logos dans le quatrime vangile et dans les uvres de ,philon 7#ahgb72 ,baldensperger1 ,der ,prolog des ,vierten ,evangeliums 7#ahih74 #ij ,for the influence of ,philo upon ,st4 ,paul see ,thackeray1 ,the ,relation of ,st4 ,paul to ,contemporary ,jewish ,thought1 passim 7#aijj74 #ia ,cp4 ,ed4 ,meyer1 ,geschichte des ,alterthums1 ,i1 pp4 #dij ff4 #ib ,cp4 ,robertson ,smith1 in the ,encycl4 ,brit41 ,,xiii1 p4 #gje4 #ic ,box1 ,the ,book of ,isaiah1 p4 #aac4 #id ,kamphausen in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 ,i1 #ajji4 #ie ,to give but two examples3 ,robertson ,smith 7,the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church1 p4 #bab71 after having examined the subject carefully1 says3 8,we are thus led by a concurrence of arguments to assign the collection of ,psalms xc4-cl4 and the completion of the whole ,psalter to the early years of the ,maccabee sovereignty40 ,briggs 7,the ,book of ,psalms1 ,i1 pp4 xc41 xci47 assigns a large number of the ,psalms to the ,greek period4 #if ,cp4 ,stade1 ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel1 ii41 p4 #bae 7#ahhh74 #ig ,griechische ,philosophie im ,alten ,testament1 pp4 #be f4 7#aijd74 #ih ,friedlnder1 in his book just referred to1 sees many other signs of ,greek influence in the ,psalms 7pp4 #ae-eh72 it is probable that in some cases he is right2 in others this is doubtful4 #ii ,cp4 ,o4 ,holtzmann in ,onken's ,allgemeine ,geschichte in ,einzeldarstellungen1 ,,ii1 p4 #bie4 #ajj ,cp4 ,friedlnder1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #gb4 #aja e4g4 ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,stromateis1 ,i41 v4 #bi1 quoted by ,friedlnder1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #gc4 #ajb ,cp4 ,stade1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 p4 #baf2 ,o4 ,holtzmann1 ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 p4 #big2 ,m4 ,friedlnder1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #gi ff4 #ajc ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 p4 #cea4 #ajd ,op4 cit41 p4 #ajg4 ,friedlnder's contentions are combated by ,krger1 ,hellenismus und ,judentum im neutestamentlichen ,zeitalter1 pp4 #bb ff4 #aje ,ecclesiastes1 pp4 #aa ff2 he is followed by ,plumptre in his ,ecclesiastes2 ,siegfried1 ,prediger und ,hoheslied1 and ,haupt1 ,koheleth2 ,krger and ,friedlnder hold the same view4 #ajf ,see further1 ,haupt1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #f4 #ajg ,the ,book of ,ecclesiastes1 pp4 #cd-dc4 #ajh ,op4 cit41 p4 #ch4 #aji ,einleitung in das ,alte ,testament1 p4 #bfb 7#ahif72 ,friedlnder puts it more strongly1 see ,die rel4 ,bewegungen 4441 p4 #a1 ,griechische ,philosophie 4441 pp4 #aca ff4 #aaj ,comm4 in ,eccles41 quoted by ,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 p4 #bfb4 #aaa ,op cit41 p4 #bfb4 #aab ,op4 cit41 p4 #bga4 #aac ,few1 we imagine1 would date ,ecclesiastes earlier than the middle of the third century ,b4,c4 at the earliest4 #aad ,cheyne1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #bfe4 #aae ,see the present writer's ,ecclesiasticus in the ,cambridge ,bible1 p4 xxv4 #aaf ,jewish ,encycl41 ,,xi1 #cij;a4 #aag ,this is an exaggeration2 what ,ben-,sira says is3 ,speak1 ,o elder1 for it is thy privilege2 ,but be discreet in understanding1 and hinder not song4444 ,speak1 ,o young man1 if thou art compelled4444 ,sum up thy speech1 say much in little 7xxxii4 #c-h1 in ,hebrew74 #aah ,cp4 ,ecclesiastes xii4 #g3 8444 and the dust return to the earth as it was1 and the spirit 7rach7 return to ,god ,who gave it40 #aai ,outlines of ,greek ,philosophy 7,english translation1 #aiji71 pp4 #aeb f41 where references to ,plato's works are given in support of what is said4 #abj ,unless nphsh is used in the sense of nshmh in #a ,samuel xxv4 #bi1 where ,abigail says to ,david3 8444 ,yet the soul 7nphsh7 of my lord shall be bound in the bundle 7or bag7 of life with the ,lord thy ,god2 and the souls of thine enemies1 them shall ,he sling out1 as from the hollow of a sling02 but it is probably a quite different set of ideas which comes into question here4 ,at the same time the idea of ,god's solicitude for the souls of ,his beloved which ,he takes care of in the 8bundle of life10 and which are thus separable from the body even during life1 might easily1 with the advance of thought on the subject1 suggest the pre-existence of the soul4 #aba ,cp4 ,weber1 ,jdische ,theologie1 #b ed41 p4 #bje4 #abb ,menzel1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #eh4 #abc ,zeller1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #aee4 #abd ,op4 cit41 p4 #aee4 #abe ,op4 cit41 p4 #adg4 #abf ,cp4 ,zeller1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bbi-bee2 ,wendland1 ,die ,hellenistisch-,rmische ,kultur 444 pp4 #aaj-aae4 #abg ,op4 cit41 p4 #ecb4 #abh ,the same as the ,assidans referred to in #a ,maccabees ii4 #db4 #abi ,die rel4 ,bewegungen1 p4 #bb4 #acj ,op4 cit41 p4 #bc4 #aca ,the quotations from this book are from ,charles' translation4 #acb ,the ,ezra ,apocalypse1 pp4 #ce1 #cf4 #acc ,though this book is late it reflects earlier thought and practice4 #acd ,cp4 also the verses which follow1 and xlviii4 #a1 lviii4 #a-d1 etc4 #ace ,die rel4 ,bewegungen 4441 p4 #be4 #acf ,the verses which follow deal with the same subject2 cp4 the ,book of ,jubilees v4 #ac ff41 ,syriac ,apocalypse of ,baruch lxxxv4 #i4 #acg ,cp4 xlviii4 #g3 8,for in ,his name they are saved40 #ach ,see also the ,psalms of ,solomon1 xvii41 xviii4 #aci ,the ,pauline conception of a 8spiritual body0 was unknown to the ,apocalyptists4 ,the fact that this expression is a contradiction in terms need not trouble us2 that is simply due to the impossibility of expressing spiritual truths adequately in human language4 #adj ,as early as the end of the fourth century ,b4,c4 the ,jews of ,palestine became acquainted with the ,platonic doctrine of immortality1 though it was some time before this teaching was accepted1 cp4 ,friedlnder1 ,griechische ,philosophie 4441 p4 #ab4 #ada ,quotations from the ,apocalyptic ,literature dealing with the subject of this section have been collected in the present writer's ,the ,doctrine of the ,last ,things1 pp4 #gb-aba4 #adb i4e41 8,governor40 #adc ,we have no information of what happened during the ,exile itself regarding the teaching of the ,law2 but it is difficult to believe that such a zealous scribe and legalist as ,ezra could have been inactive2 his knowledge of the ,law was not merely the result of his coming to ,palestine1 cp4 ,ezra vii4 #f3 8,this ,ezra went up from ,babylon1 and he was a ready scribe in the ,law of ,moses40 #add ,cp4 ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #c4 #ade ,see1 for details1 ,ryle1 ,ezra and ,nehemiah1 p4 xxxv4 #adf ,this is in accordance with ,ben-,sira's identification of ,wisdom with the ,law1 see xv4 #a1 xxxiv4 #h1 etc4 #adg ,it will be remembered that the ,hebrews reckoned the historical books among the ,prophets4 #adh ,assidans1 also written ,hasidans1 is merely the ,grcized form of the ,hebrew ,chassidim2 in the ,authorized ,version the word is rendered 8saints40 #adi ,made high-priest by the ,syrian king4 #aej ,one of the ,syrian generals4 #aea ,cp4 #b ,maccabees xiv4 #f4 #aeb ,in the original constitution of the ,sanhedrin this was probably not the case2 for1 as first constituted1 the priestly aristocracy1 i4e41 the ,sadducan party1 dominated the ,sanhedrin4 ,the ,sadducees were1 however1 unable to resist the growing power of what came to be the popular party1 and before the ,new ,testament period began both ,scribes and ,pharisees were fully represented in the ,sanhedrin4 #aec ,it is sometimes said that they were 8separatists0 in the sense that they desired ,israel to be separate from all the world2 but this ignores the fact that the ,pharisees pursued an active missionary propaganda among the ,gentiles1 which is witnessed to1 e4g41 in ,matthew xxiii4 #ae1 where ,christ says that the ,pharisees 8compass sea and land to make one proselyte40 #aed ,antiq41 ,,xiii1 x4 #f4 #aee ,this is the explanation given by some of the ,church ,fathers1 e4g41 ,epiphanius1 ,haer4 xiv41 and ,jerome1 ,comm4 in ,matth41 xii4 #bc 7,schrer71 as well as by some modern scholars4 #aef ,encycl4 ,bibl41 iv4 #dbcf4 ,the present writer1 in conjunction with ,mr4 ,box1 was inclined to accept this interpretation 7,the ,religion and ,worship of the ,synagogue1 p4 #acd71 but further study of the subject has compelled them to revise their former view4 #aeg ,see the words of ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xiii1 x4 #f1 quoted below4 #aeh ,cp4 ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xi1 viii4 #g2 ,,xii1 ii4 #e1 iv4 #a1 #aj4 #aei ,antiochus made ,menelaus1 who was not of priestly family1 high-priest2 after him ,alkimus filled the office 7#a ,macc4 vii4 #e1 #i72 though a priest he was not of the sons of ,zadok 7,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xii1 ix4 #g74 ,on the death of ,alkimus 7#a ,macc4 ix4 #ed-eg7 the ,hasmonan high-priesthood began 7#a ,macc4 xiv4 #cj1 #ce1 #da ff42 cp4 ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xiii1 ii4 #c74 #afj ,two objections have been raised against the view that the term ,sadducees 7,zaddkim7 takes its origin from the personal name ,zadok4 ,one is that the double d in ,zaddkim does not permit of its being derived from ,zadok with only one2 this objection would be serious were it not that in the ,septuagint and in ,josephus ,zadok is spelled with two d's4 ,this objection1 therefore1 falls to the ground4 ,the other is that there is nothing to show that the ,sadducees were ever regarded as the sons of ,zadok1 nor that they themselves made such a claim4 ,this argumentum e silentio1 always precarious1 is upset by the evidence of the ,zadokite ,fragments4 ,hlscher's contention 7,op4 cit41 pp4 #ajb ff47 that the term 8sons of ,zadok0 was one of reproach does not appear to us to be necessary4 #afa ,vita1 #b1 cp4 ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #c4 #afb ,antiq41 ,,xv1 x4 #d4 #afc ,cp4 ,antiq41 ,x1 xi4 #g 7towards the end71 ,,xiii1 v4 #i2 ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 viii4 #ad1 where he speaks of these three as 8the philosophic sects among the ,jews40 #afd ,vita1 #b4 #afe ,op4 cit41 p4 #af4 #aff ,this was first pointed by ,jost1 ,blicke in die ,religionsgeschichte1 ii4 p4 #ic1 referred to by ,leszynsky1 p4 #be4 #afg ,not to be confused with the ,tosaphth1 i4e4 the 8additions0 made to ,rashi's ,commentary on the ,talmud by his disciples1 who for this reason are known as the ,tosaphists4 #afh ,other ,rabbinical sources1 of less importance1 are given by ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #cf ff4 #afi ,see further1 ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #af ff42 ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #cf ff4 #agj ,the name applied to a room adjoining the synagogue in which were stored disused manuscripts of the books of the ,bible which had been used in public worship and had become worn out2 heretical ,hebrew books were also placed in the ,genizah4 #aga ,bchler holds that this sect 8lived in ,damascus in the seventh or eighth century ,a4,d410 and that the manuscripts contain 8a picture artificially drawn to reflect assumed conditions shortly before the destruction of the second ,temple40 ,interesting and learned as ,bchler's article is1 the present writer is not convinced that ,schechter's main contentions have been weakened by it4 #agb ,some of the ,apocalyptic books may also be regarded as sources of information2 but the evidence in these is largely of an indirect character2 and as regards authorship differences of opinion exist2 so we have thought it best to restrict ourselves to the sources mentioned4 ,in dealing1 however1 with these ,apocalyptic books in ,chapter ,x1 we shall have occasion to refer to the evidence which in all likelihood may be adduced from them4 #agc ,see also ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #c1 #d4 #agd ,for examples of their fanatical zeal for the ,law see ,antiq41 ,,xiv1 iv4 #b f42 the followers of ,aristobulus there mentioned were of the ,sadducan party4 #age ,see especially ,matthew v4 #ag-bj2 and against the ,pharisees ,matthew xv4 #a-bj1 xxiii4 #d-bf1 ,mark vii4 #a-bc1 ,luke xi4 #cg-ed1 etc4 #agf ,op4 cit41 pp4 #af-cb4 ,hlscher's conclusions differ from those of ,leszynsky4 #agg ,op4 cit41 pp4 #cf-ada4 #agh ,cp4 ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #d1 where he says in reference to the ,sadducees that 8when they become magistrates1 sometimes against their will and by force they follow the ideas of the ,pharisees1 for otherwise the people would not put up with them40 #agi ,lauterbach 7,op4 cit41 p4 #ahf f47 would explain the matter a little differently1 though the final result is much the same2 he says that the ,sadducees 8laid down their own decisions and rules in a book called #8,book of ,decrees' or #8,decisions' to guide them in deciding questions to which no answer could be found in the ,mosaic ,code4 ,they did not deem it right or necessary to invent new rules of hermeneutics1 or to develop methods of interpretation to enable them to force their laws and decisions into the meaning of the words of the ,torah1 so as to pass off their own rules and decisions as part of1 or derived from1 a ,mosaic law1 thus making them of equal authority with1 and of the same binding character as1 the written ,law4 ,for1 in their opinion1 no other laws could ever acquire the authority of the ,laws of the ,torah4444 ,the ,sadducees distinguished strictly between the absolutely binding written laws and their additional laws and decisions4 ,the latter 444 were authoritative only as long as they were considered necessary or feasible by the leaders and rulers of the community4 ,for the same reason1 they did not consider the decisions and practices instituted by their predecessors1 the priests and teachers of former generations1 which constituted the traditional laws1 of absolute authority like the written ,law4 ,hence their peculiar attitude towards the traditional ,law1 and their objection to its authority4 ,they did not deny the existence of these old traditional laws1 for they themselves were the possessors and transmitters of the same4 ,nor did they reject them as spurious or as without any authority1 for they recognized the right of former priests and teachers to enact such laws4 ,they only refused to consider these traditional laws as of authority absolute and equal with the written ,law contained in the ,torah40 ,the result1 therefore1 so far as their controversy with the ,pharisees on this point was concerned1 was the same3 traditional laws1 by whomsoever put forth1 whether based on the written ,law or not1 were not permanently binding nor of equal authority with the written ,law2 the ,pharisees1 on the other1 since they contended that the oral ,law was based upon the written ,law1 regarded both as of equal authority and permanently binding4 #ahj ,op4 cit41 p4 #ada4 #aha ,matthew iii4 #g4 #ahb ,matthew xvi4 #a4 #ahc ,acts v4 #a ff4 #ahd ,antiq41 ,,xviii1 i4 #c4 #ahe ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #ah4 #ahf ,see further the section on ,messianic teaching1 below4 #ahg ,cp4 ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #ia4 ,it is also worth mentioning here that in ,ecclesiasticus1 which certainly represents the ,sadducan standpoint1 angels are referred to--see below1 ,chapter ,,xii1 7g74 #ahh ,with this compare the popular belief as reflected in ,acts xii4 #ae1 where it is said in reference to ,st4 ,peter1 8,it is his angel40 #ahi ,the descent of ,zadok is traced from ,eleazar1 the elder son of ,aaron1 in #a ,chronicles vi4 #d-ae1 #ej-ec1 xxiv #f4 #aij ,there is an important passage in ,ecclesiasticus 7xlv4 #bc-be1 ,hebr47 which must be referred to here2 in this passage ,phinehas is set beside ,moses and ,aaron as 8the third 444 and he made atonement for the children of ,israel4 ,therefore for him too1 ,he i4e4 ,god established an ordinance1 a covenant of peace to maintain the sanctuary2 that to him and to his seed should appertain the ,high-priesthood for ever40 ,then reference is made to ,david and to ,aaron2 the mention of these here in a chronological list of ,israel's great ones is quite out of place1 and therefore there must be some special purpose in referring to them2 that purpose is plain enough1 for in speaking of ,david it is said that 8the inheritance of the king is his son's alone10 while in speaking of ,aaron it is said that 8the inheritance of ,aaron belongs to his seed40 ,a differentiation is thus made between the royal line and the priestly line2 and as the royal line had ceased1 and only the priestly one continued1 and the ,high-priest 7the descendant of the house of ,zadok7 was both ecclesiastical and political leader1 it was from this line that the ,messiah would be expected to come4 ,in ,ecclesiasticus 7see pp4 #ccd ff47 the ,sadducan standpoint is represented4 ,see also #a ,maccabees ii4 #ed1 8,phinehas our father 444 obtained the covenant of an everlasting priesthood0 7cp4 #d ,macc4 xviii4 #ab74 #aia ,schechter1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 xii4-xiii4 #aib ,of course1 it is not to be supposed that the ,sadducees and ,pharisees actually kept the feasts at different periods2 the quarrel did not emerge out of the domain of theory2 actual difference in usage regarding such matters would have been quite out of the question4 #aic ,see ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #eb ff4 #aid ,op4 cit41 p4 #ea4 #aie ,for further details about the ,pharisees' teaching reference may be made1 in addition to the literature at the head of this chapter1 to ,schechter's ,some ,aspects of ,rabbinic ,theology 7#aiji7 and ,montefiore's article on 8,rabbinic ,conceptions of ,repentance0 in the ,jewish ,quarterly ,review1 ,,xvi 7,january1 #aijd71 pp4 #bji-beg4 #aif ,see ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xiii1 x4 #e1 #f2 ,schrer1 ,op4 cit41 ,i1 i4 pp4 #bhf-bij1 ,german ed41 ,i1 pp4 #bgj-bgc4 #aig ,op4 cit41 p4 #agg4 #aih ,for details see ,leszynsky1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #cf ff4 #aii ,with the ,greek word ,kann 7,canon7 compare the ,hebrew qneh1 a 8reed10 which is also used in the sense of a 8measuring rod0 7,ezek4 xlii4 #af-ai2 cp4 ,judith xiii4 #f1 where the ,greek word is used for the 8rail0 of a bed74 ,originally the word in ,greek meant a 8carpenter's rule10 and had nothing to do with the books of ,scripture4 ,in its technical sense it is ,christian1 being thus used for the first time1 so far as is known1 about the middle of the fourth century ,a4,d42 the fifty-ninth canon of the council of ,laodica 7about ,a4,d4 #cfj7 speaks of 8canonical books0 as opposed to uncanonical4 ,it is a still later usage1 so far as our present knowledge goes1 which applies the term ,canon to the whole collection of biblical books4 ,what the original idea was in using the expression in reference to the books of the ,bible is uncertain1 but probably it was that of 8norm0 or 8rule0 7cp4 ,gal4 vi4 #af2 #b ,cor4 x4 #ac72 just as 8canonical action0 7#a ,ep4 of ,clement vii4 #b7 was according to the ,christian norm1 so books judged by their contents1 authorship1 and history1 were declared to be according to the ,christian norm1 and therefore 8canonical02 cp4 the expressions 8rule 7or canon7 of truth10 8rule 7or canon7 of faith10 used in the early ,church4 ,it is probable that the adjective 8canonical0 preceded the use of the noun 8,canon0 in its technical sense4 #bjj ,the ,jews sometimes refer to the whole body of their canonical ,scriptures under the name of ,tenak1 i4e4 ,,tnk1 an abbreviation 7with vowels inserted in order to make it pronounceable7 formed by the initial letters of the names given to the three main divisions of the ,hebrew ,scriptures1 viz41 ,torah1 ,nebiim1 ,kethubim4 #bja ,in the authoritative lists of the canonical books the order varies somewhat2 but the order given above is that of the printed ,hebrew ,bibles4 #bjb ,in the earliest known ,hebrew manuscripts they appear as one book2 so1 too1 #a1 #b ,kings4 #bjc ,cp4 ,robertson ,smith1 ,the ,old ,testament in the ,jewish ,church 7#bnd ed471 p4 #adi4 #bjd ,ab is the fifth month in the ,jewish ,calendar1 and corresponds roughly to ,august2 it is called the 8,black ,fast10 and commemorates the destruction of the first and second temples4 #bje ,so according to the ,hebrew2 the ,greek is somewhat different4 #bjf ,so according to ,smend's probable conjecture4 #bjg ,kanonisch und ,apokryph1 p4 #bj4 #bjh ,see ,ecclesiastes xii4 #ab4 #bji ,ryle1 for example1 says that the expression by which ,ben-,sira's grandson 8designates the third group certainly lacks definiteness4 ,it does not warrant us to maintain that the #8,writings' or #8,kethubim' were all1 in their completed form1 known to the writer0 7,op4 cit41 p4 #aai74 ,and again 7p4 #aba73 8,these writings1 which are so well known to us1 were probably only samples1 though doubtless the choicest ones1 of an abundant literature to which every ,jew at the end of the third century ,b4,c4 had access40 ,on the other hand1 ,ryle believes that by about ,b4,c4 #bjj there was a definitely recognized ,hebrew ,canon of ,scripture consisting of the ,law and the ,prophets 7,op4 cit41 p4 #aac74 #baj ,this ,rabbinical phrase for denoting canonicity is explained below1 p4 #age4 #baa ,this book was denied a place in the ,canon by ,melito of ,sardis in the middle of the second century ,a4,d41 according to ,eusebius1 ,hist4 ,eccl41 iv4 #bf4 #bab ,josephus reckons ,ruth and ,lamentations as belonging to ,judges and ,jeremiah respectively4 #bac ,the addition here of the words 8as divine0 does not1 in all probability1 belong to the original text4 #bad ,op4 cit41 p4 #afd4 #bae ,for details see ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #cf ff4 #baf ,op4 cit41 pp4 #afe ff4 #bag ,see further below1 ,chapter ,x4 #bah ,this was accounted for in later days by saying that when ,haggai1 ,zechariah and ,malachi died the ,holy ,spirit left ,israel 7,sanhedrin #aa;a72 therefore 7this is the inference7 no inspired book can have been written in post-prophetic times1 cp4 ,yoma #ba;b4 #bai ,for details of the evidence see ,schrer ,,ii1 i4 pp4 #cff ff4 7,german ed41 ,,ii1 pp4 #dcb ff41 where the references are supplemented72 ,cheyne1 ,job and ,solomon1 pp4 #bhj ff42 ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #cb ff42 ,jewish ,encycl41 vii4 #ah4 #bbj ,for details see ,ryle1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #aib-bjb4 #bba ,vita1 #b4 #bbb ,thus ,jochanan ben ,zakkai 7middle of first century ,a4,d47 speaks of books which 8defile the hands0 7,jadaim iii4 #b1 #e2 iv4 #e1 #f74 #bbc ,see the ,additional ,note at the end of this chapter4 #bbd ,budde1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 i4 #fdi2 see further the ,additional ,note at the end of this chapter4 #bbe ,written1 probably1 about ,b4,c4 #ej4 #bbf ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #f4 #bbg ,romans i4 #b1 cp4 #b ,timothy iii4 #ae4 #bbh ,see1 among other passages1 ,leviticus vi4 #bg-cj1 xi4 #cb-dj1 xiv4 #a ff41 ,,xv4 #a ff41 #bd1 xvi4 #bf1 #bh1 xviii4 #ai2 ,numbers v4 #a-c2 ,deuteronomy xxi4 #aj-ad4 #bbi ,abundant material will be found in ,frazer's ,the ,golden ,bough3 ,taboo and the ,perils of the ,soul 7#aiaa74 #bcj ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #ddi 7#ahid72 and see ,jevons' ,introduction to the ,history of ,religion1 pp4 #ei-ie 7#aijd74 #bca ,cases of death are on record2 it was1 of course1 occasioned by fright1 but savages would see only the result of the spirit's anger4 ,instances of the infringement of custom would naturally be rare4 #bcb ,see ,leviticus xi4 #cb1 ,ezekiel xliv4 #ai1 and cp4 the idea of 8holiness0 in such passages1 among many1 as ,exodus xix4 #bb1 ,deuteronomy xxiii4 #ah1 where the ,hebrew root is identical1 though to us the ideas in either case are directly opposite4 #bcc ,he is referring to the rules of ceremonial purity observed by divine kings1 chiefs1 and priests1 as well as by homicides1 mourners1 women in childbed1 girls at puberty1 etc4 #bcd ,op4 cit41 p4 #bbd4 #bce ,for example1 in the case of a canonical book which 8defiled0 the hands the ,talmud 7,shabbath #ad;a7 says it was taught that the hands became unclean by contact with the ,holy ,scriptures in order that they should not be touched by uncovered hands6 #bcf ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #fj4 #bcg ,moore1 in the ,jewish ,encycl41 ,,ii1 #b;a4 #bch ,hlscher mentions1 with references1 a 8book of cures10 a ,targum which was forbidden1 and heretical books1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #fb4 #bci ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #fc4 #bdj ,ecclesiasticus is often quoted in the ,talmud4 #bda ,cp41 further1 ,buhl1 ,kanon und ,text des ,alten ,testaments 7,engl4 ,transl471 p4 #bf4 #bdb ,see further below4 #bdc ,james1 in the ,encycl4 ,biblica1 i4 #bdi4 #bdd ,james1 ,op4 cit41 says that this book 8may be as old as the first century ,a4,d402 but according to ,hlscher and the editors of the papyrus 7,leeman and ,dieterich7 it belongs to the third or fourth century ,a4,d4 #bde ,moore1 ,op4 cit41 ii4 p4 #a;a4 #bdf ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #dg4 #bdg ,ibid4 #bdh ,charles' edition4 #bdi ,charles' edition4 #bej ,box's edition4 #bea ,for this idea cp4 also the ,assumption of ,moses i4 #af-ah 7see below1 ,chapter ,x 7f771 where ,moses is commanded to anoint certain books with cedar oil and hide them in earthenware vessels1 these are to be secreted in a spot which had been created from the beginning of the world for this very purpose4 #beb ,lest1 in course of time1 the number of these soiled copies should unduly increase1 lest also1 in case of persecution arising1 they should run the risk of being desecrated1 it was thought well that after the lapse of a certain time these rolls should be done away with2 they were1 therefore1 sometimes burned1 or thrown down a well1 or in some cases placed in the grave of some respected ,rabbi2 more frequently1 however1 they were buried in a grave of their own in the cemetery4 #bec ,studies in ,judaism 7,second ,series71 p4 #b4 #bed ,jewish ,encycl41 ,v1 #fab;a4 #bee ,for references see ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #dh1 #di1 see also p4 #fd4 #bef ,see below1 ,chapter ,x4 #beg ,see ,zunz1 ,die ,gottesdienstlichen ,vortrge der ,juden1 pp4 #afe-agi 7#ahib74 #beh ,harnack1 ,privater ,gebrauch heiliger ,schriften in der alten ,kirche1 p4 #gb 7#aiab74 #bei ,for the private use in the early ,church of biblical as well as other books see ,harnack's book just mentioned4 #bfj ,but even these might only be read 8as one reads a letter10 not studied 7,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #de74 #bfa ,sanhedrin x4 #a 7,strack's edition1 #aiaj74 #bfb ,cp4 ,mark iv4 #aa2 #a ,cor4 v4 #ab1 #ac2 ,col4 iv4 #e2 #a ,thess4 iv4 #ab4 #bfc ,hlscher1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #df4 ,the ,minim 78heretics07 are very often mentioned in ,jewish writings2 ,herford says that the term 8in some cases certainly denotes ,christians0 7,christianity in ,talmud and ,midrash1 p4 #ii74 #bfd ,shabbath c4 #af 7,jerusalem ,talmud71 quoted by ,hlscher4 #bfe ,barton1 ,the ,book of ,ecclesiastes 7,the ,international ,critical ,commentary71 pp4 #aig-aii4 #bff ,cp4 ,ezra iv4 #g4 #bfg ,zunz1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #i2 ,strack1 ,einleitung in den ,talmud1 p4 #ad 7#aijh74 #bfh ,the term 8,midrash10 which occurs in the ,bible 7#b ,chron4 xiii4 #bb1 xxiv4 #ag7 denotes 8exposition0 or 8exegesis10 especially of an edifying and moralizing character2 see further ,oesterley and ,box1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #gg-ajj4 #bfi ,strack1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #ac1 #ad4 #bgj 8,such topics as astronomy and astrology1 medicine and magic1 theosophy and mysticism1 and similar subjects1 falling mostly under the heading of folklore1 pass as a rule also under the name of ,haggadah0 7,schechter74 #bga ,under this term is embraced all that belongs to the strictly legal or ritual element in ,scripture1 or that can be deduced therefrom1 including discussions of such points4 ,but1 as ,schechter says1 8the term extends also to the usages1 customs1 ordinances and decrees for which there is little or no authority in the ,scriptures40 #bgb ,in #aijd1 #aijf-aijh4 #bgc ,see above1 pp4 #ej ff4 #bgd ,this was in ,jerusalem2 cp41 in later days1 the 8,school of ,tyrannus0 in ,ephesus 7,acts xix4 #i74 #bge ,kanonisch und ,apokryph1 pp4 #db-df4 #bgf ,see ,friedlnder1 ,die rel4 ,bewegungen 4441 pp4 #bb-gg4 #bgg ,oesterley and ,box1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #cf4 #bgh ,see his editions of these books4 #bgi ,portions of this book are also found in the ,book of ,jubilees1 vii4 #bj-ci1 x4 #a-ae1 cp4 xxi4 #aj4 #bhj ,die ,worte ,jesu1 p4 #aii4 #bha ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bec ff4 #bhb ,see above1 pp4 #aej ff4 #bhc ,i4e4 8,the ,book of the ,heavenly ,luminaries10 as ,charles calls it4 #bhd ,i4e4 8the righteous02 a play on the word ,zaddkim1 the 8sons of ,zadok10 i4e4 8the ,sadducees40 #bhe ,see p4 #ic4 #bhf ,see also what is said above on the section called 8,the ,book of the ,heavenly ,luminaries10 or 8,book of ,astronomy40 #bhg ,die rel4 ,bewegungen 4441 pp4 #ei1 #fj4 #bhh i4-xxxii4 #f and xix4 #c-xxi4 #i in a duplicate form were discovered at ,akhmm in #ahhf-ahhg2 vi4-x4 #ad1 xv4 #h-xvi4 #a1 and viii4 #d-;ix4 #d in a duplicate form1 have been preserved in ,syncellus2 lxxxix4 #db-di occurs in a ,greek ,vatican ,,ms4 7,no4 #ahji72 there are also a few quotations in early ,greek ecclesiastical writings4 #bhi ,charles1 ,the ,book of ,enoch 7#bnd ed471 p4 ix4 #bij ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 iii4 #bgc4 #bia ,testaments of the ,twelve ,patriarchs1 pp4 liv4 ff4 #bib ,op4 cit41 pp4 xcvii4 f4 #bic ,there is1 indeed1 nothing to prohibit us from dating the book slightly later than ,charles does 7viz4 ,b4,c4 #aji-ajg71 and assigning it to the reign of ,alexander ,jannus1 ,b4,c4 #ajc-gf4 ,testament of ,levi viii4 #ad does not militate against this4 #bid ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bci ff4 #bie ,op4 cit41 p4 xcvii4 #bif ,op4 cit41 ,,ii1 p4 #fcj4 #big ,but see below1 pp4 #bah1 #bbc4 #bih ,the ,apocryph4 and ,pseud4 of the ,o4,t41 ,,ii1 p4 #daa4 #bii ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bfh ff4 #cjj ,proverbs1 ,job1 some of the later ,psalms1 ,ecclesiastes1 ,ecclesiasticus1 ,wisdom4 #cja ,gregg1 ,the ,wisdom of ,solomon1 p4 xxx4 #cjb ,griechische ,philosophie 4441 p4 #ac4 #cjc ,cp4 also the account of the meeting between ,solomon and the ,queen of ,sheba1 #a ,kings x4 #a-i4 #cjd ,toy1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 ,,iv1 #ecbb4 #cje ,see ,isaiah xix4 #aa-ae2 ,jeremiah l4 #ce1 li4 #eg4 #cjf ,jeremias1 ,das alte ,testament im ,lichte des alten ,orients1 pp4 #bi1 #hj4 #cjg ,so the ,greek2 the ,hebrew is not extant1 but the ,syriac has3 8in the roots of ,tehom10 so that the ,hebrew in all probability read 8,tehom40 ,see further1 ,proverbs viii4 #bf-cj4 #cjh ,on this see further in the next section4 #cji ,in the ,jewish ,encycl41 ,,xii1 #ecg;b4 #caj ,fairweather1 ,the ,background of the ,gospels1 p4 #hd4 #caa ,cp4 ,oesterley and ,box1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #aie-bba4 #cab ,fairweather1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #hd4 #cac ,cp4 also verse #i3 8,he spake and it was done10 and ,psalm cxlviii4 #e4 #cad ,barton1 ,ecclesiastes1 in the 8,international ,critical ,commentary10 p4 #cg4 #cae ,oesterley and ,box1 ,the ,wisdom of ,ben-,sira1 in ,charles' 8,the ,apocrypha and ,pseudepigrapha of the ,old ,testament10 ,i1 p4 #cjh4 #caf ,the idea appears already in ,proverbs viii4 #ca-cf1 ix4 #a-f2 but ,ben-,sira elaborates it in his own way4 #cag ,see1 on this subject1 the very interesting essay on 8,the ,holy ,spirit as ,wisdom10 by ,rees1 in the ,mansfield ,college ,essays 7#aiji74 #cah ,gregg1 ,the ,wisdom of ,solomon1 p4 xxxvi4 #cai ,the tree of wisdom in the ,garden is referred to in xxxii4 #c4 #cbj ,see above1 p4 #bjb4 #cba ,but cp4 ,job xxviii4 #ab-ad1 though the general conception of ,wisdom here differs from that of the later ,wisdom books4 #cbb ,hastings' ,d4,b41 ,v1 p4 #bge4 #cbc ,spoken of as 8the holy ones10 so too in ,job xv4 #ae2 cp4 also ,prayer of ,manasses1 verse #ae4 #cbd ,see pp4 #cca ff2 below4 #cbe ,for other examples see the present writer's section in the ,introduction to ,sirach in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #bhe f4 #cbf ,for the reason of this see below1 pp4 #dab f4 #cbg ,on the substitution of 8,heaven0 for the name of ,god1 see ,oesterley and ,box1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #ahf ff4 #cbh ,holmes in ,charles1 ,i1 #ebg4 #cbi ,cp4 the ,book of ,enoch lxix4 #f1 where it is said in reference to the evil angels3 8,now the third is ,gadreel2 he it is who taught the children of man all the blows of death2 and he led astray ,eve44440 #ccj ,these have been recounted in the preceding verses2 the writer is addressing ,jews4 #cca ,the ,ezra-,apocalypse1 pp4 xl4 f4 #ccb ,maldwyn ,hughes1 ,the ,ethics of ,jewish ,apocryphal ,literature1 p4 #bdj4 #ccc ,see further the next section1 on the ,future ,life4 #ccd ,in one passage in this ,vision1 xii4 #cd1 the ,messianic ,kingdom appears to be reserved for the children of ,israel only2 but it is probable that this verse does not belong to the original text4 #cce ,the whole passage1 iii4 #a-i1 deals with the lot of the righteous hereafter1 but the salient words in the present connection are those quoted above4 #ccf 8,behold1 the ,lord ,god will come as a mighty one and ,his arm shall rule for ,him2 behold1 ,his reward is with ,him1 and ,his recompense before ,him0 7,isa4 xl4 #aj74 8,and the ,lord will create over the whole habitation of mount ,zion1 and over her assemblies1 a cloud and smoke by day1 and the shining of a flaming fire by night2 for over all the glory shall be spread a canopy4 ,and there shall be a pavilion for a shadow in the day-time from the heat1 and for a refuge and for a covert from storm and from rain0 7,isa4 iv4 #e1 #f74 8,in that day shall the ,lord of hosts be for a crown of glory1 and for a diadem of beauty1 unto the residue of ,his people1 and for a spirit of judgement to him that sitteth in judgement1 and for strength to them that turn back the battle at the gate0 7,isa4 xxviii4 #e1 #f74 ,it is the thought1 not the language1 which shows connection between the two2 in the ,septuagint of ,isaiah xxviii4 #e1 for example1 8a diadem of beauty0 is differently expressed1 but see ,isaiah lxii4 #c 7,sept474 8,and ,he saw that there was no man1 and wondered that there was no intercessor2 therefore ,his own arm brought salvation unto ,him1 and ,his righteousness it upheld ,him4 ,and ,he put on righteousness as a breastplate1 and an helmet of salvation upon ,his head2 and ,he put on garments of vengeance for clothing1 and was clad with zeal as a cloke0 7,isa4 lix4 #af1 #ag74 ,cp4 also parts of ,psalm xviii4 #ccg ,see the present writer's ,ecclesiasticus1 p4 lxxvi4 #cch ,it is1 of course1 possible that this is due to a ,christian glossator2 but there is no doubt that the ,old ,latin contains many really ancient elements4 #cci ,we follow ,box here 7,the ,ezra ,apocalypse1 passim71 though we are not convinced that all which ,box assigns to the ,redactor is necessarily from this hand4 #cdj ,the meaning of the name is 8,god hath healed10 cp4 iii4 #ag1 8,and ,raphael was sent to heal them both40 #cda ,in ,enoch xx4 #h he is said to be him 8whom ,god set over those who rise40 #cdb ,see1 for details1 the present writer's ,ecclesiasticus1 in the ,cambridge ,bible1 pp4 #bfc f4 #cdc ,the ,apocrypha and ,pseudepigrapha of the ,old ,testament 7#aiac74 #cdd ,the final 8ch0 was added in ,greek to show that the name was indeclinable4 #cde ,in the ,hebrew text the author speaks of himself as3 8,simeon1 the son of ,jeshua 7,jesus71 the son of ,eleazar1 the son of ,sira40 #cdf ,see ,part ,i41 ,chap4 xii4 #cdg ,see the present writer's ,ecclesiasticus in the ,cambridge ,bible1 p4 xxiv4 #cdh ,euergetes ,i reigned for twenty-five years1 ,b4,c4 #bdg-bbb4 #cdi ,cowley and ,neubauer1 ,the ,original ,hebrew of a portion of ,ecclesiasticus1 pp4 x41 xi4 #cej ,cp4 ,maunde ,thompson1 ,handbook of ,greek and ,latin ,palography1 p4 #dc4 #cea ,see ,gaster in the ,jewish ,quarterly ,review1 xii4 pp4 #fhh ff4 #ceb ,oesterley1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 xci4 f4 7,see the ,literature at the head of the chapter47 #cec ,prof4 ,d4 ,s4 ,margoliouth1 ,the ,origin of the 8,original0 ,hebrew of ,ecclesiasticus4 #ced ,lvi1 in the ,jewish ,encycl41 xi4 #cic4 #cee ,see ,box and ,oesterley1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bgb-bgh4 #cef ,ibid41 p4 #bgg4 #ceg ,in this connection it is important to note the following facts3 all the ,greek manuscripts1 uncial as well as cursives1 have a great displacement in the text1 xxx4 #be-xxxiii4 #ac;a having exchanged places with xxxiii4 #ac;b-xxxvi4 #af;a2 since all the ,greek manuscripts have this displacement it is obvious that all ultimately go back to a single parent manuscript2 now the ,old ,latin ,version has not got the displacement1 and yet it is a translation from the ,greek2 consequently this version represents a condition of affairs which is older than the oldest ,greek manuscripts4 #ceh ,op4 cit41 p4 #bgd2 he adds in a note that these additions 8do not necessarily proceed from the hand of one individual02 we feel convinced that he is right here also4 #cei ,we use this term as being the most convenient1 but strictly speaking it is an anachronism1 for1 as we have seen above 7,chap4 vii71 the term belongs to post-,maccaban times2 we use it here as representing the pre-,maccaban tendency which later on developed into ,sadducanism4 #cfj ,cowley1 ,op4 cit41 iv4 #dbcg4 #cfa ,ibid4 #cfb ,nothing better illustrates this than ,ben-,sira's copious use of the ,psalms and ,proverbs4 #cfc ,see above1 pp4 #bfg ff4 #cfd ,i4e4 natural tendency1 or inclination4 #cfe ,perhaps the rendering of the ,syriac ,version is to be preferred here2 for 8wresteth reproofs0 it reads 8concealeth instruction40 #cff ,in his edition of ,pirqe ,aboth 7#bnd ed471 p4 #aae4 #cfg ,this is only preserved in ,hebrew4 #cfh ,the additions are found scattered in the ,greek cursives numbered #bc1 #ee1 #gj1 #ajf1 #bdh 7this is the foremost representative of the group71 #bec2 some were added by a later corrector of ,codex ,alexandrinus2 also in the ,syriac and ,old ,latin ,versions 7,st4 ,jerome incorporated this in the ,vulgate as it stood7 and in the ,syro-,hexapla2 as well as in the quotations from the book in the writings of ,clement of ,alexandria4 #cfi ,the fact that some of the additions are found in ,hebrew points to their having been made at an early date2 it is unlikely that a secondary ,hebrew text would have been written in post-,christian times4 #cgj ,this addition occurs in the ,hebrew text1 as well as in the cursives4 #cga ,the ,hebrew of chapter xxix4 is not extant2 but the addition probably existed in the secondary ,hebrew as it occurs in the ,syriac ,version as well as in the cursives and in the ,old ,latin ,version4 #cgb ,for further details see the commentaries of ,mayor1 and ,knowling1 on ,st4 ,james1 and ,zahn's ,einleitung1 ,i4 p4 #hg4 #cgc ,this is the form of the name given in the ,aramaic fragments4 #cgd 8,and when ,i saw them1 my tongue stammered and my limbs became faint2 and ,i sought for a single word from the words of wisdom1 and ,i found none10 iv4 #b 7,rendel ,harris' translation of the ,syriac ,version74 #cge ,so according to the ,aramaic1 the other ,versions read 8,sennacherib40 ,the ,aramaic text is given in ,ungnad's ,aramische ,papyrus aus ,elephantine1 pp4 #fb-hb 7#aiaa74 #cgf ,according to the ,armenian ,version 7,conybeare71 ,pharaoh threatens to attack the king of ,assyria and to take away his kingdom if he does not fall in with the proposal4 #cgg ,it is given in ,swete1 ,the ,old ,testament in ,greek1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #hae-hdh 7#ahif74 #cgh ,in the ,aramaic fragment this is not the case1 apparently4 #cgi ,in the ,achikar story he is called 8the ,secretary and ,great ,seal of ,sennacherib1 king of ,assyria and ,nineveh0 7,syriac ,version iii4 #h74 #chj ,although the ,greek omits the words 8and thy wine0 they occur in the ,latin1 ,aramaic1 and ,hebrew ,versions4 #cha ,simpson1 in ,charles1 ,i1 p4 #aia4 #chb ,see ,schrer1 ,,iii1 p4 #bda1 where further literature is given2 the ,english translation of ,schrer does not contain this2 it has been added to the last 7fourth7 ,german edition4 #chc ,see further1 ,simrock1 ,der gute ,gerhard und die dankbaren ,todten 7#ahef74 #chd ,for details see ,schneider1 ,kultur und ,denken der ,babylonier und ,juden1 pp4 #fch ff4 7#aiaj74 #che ,cp4 ,numbers xix4 #aa-ac1 #af ff4 #chf ,the reference to fasting in xii4 #h1 does not belong to the true text4 #chg ,see above1 pp4 #ib f4 #chh ,the idea that the book is historical and therefore belongs to the seventh century ,b4,c4 does not merit serious consideration4 #chi ,op4 cit41 ,i1 p4 #ahe4 #cij ,encycl4 ,brit4 art41 8,tobit40 #cia ,see1 further1 ,simpson1 ,op4 cit41 ,i1 p4 #ahe4 #cib ,origen1 ,ep4 ad ,afric41 xiii41 says that the book was not written in ,hebrew2 ,jerome1 ,praef4 in ,vers4 libri ,tob41 says he translated it from the ,chaldee 7i4e4 ,aramaic71 but this was itself a translation1 for while the ,greek puts the narrative from i4 #c-;iii4 #f in the first person and from here onwards continues in the third person1 ,jerome's ,aramaic 7which is in all probability represented by the manuscript edited by ,neubauer1 ,the ,book of ,tobit1 ,a ,chaldee text 444 #ahgh7 makes the whole narrative run in the third person2 but if the original form of the story was written in the third person throughout1 it is unthinkable that in a later form the first person would have been substituted in i4 #c-;iii4 #f alone4 ,on the other hand1 it would be quite natural for the original writer to commence his story in the first person and later to fall into the third person1 for this latter is the simpler and easier form of narration4 ,the ,hebrew ,versions are of quite late date1 and obviously translations2 see ,neubauer1 ,op4 cit41 and ,gaster1 ,two ,unknown ,hebrew ,versions of the ,tobit ,legend 7#ahig74 #cic ,torrey in the ,jewish ,encycl41 vii4 #chh;b4 #cid ,die gottesdienstlichen ,vortrge der ,juden 7#bnd ed471 p4 #acb4 #cie ,op cit41 vii4 #chh;a4 #cif ,these three cursives are all in the ,vatican ,library at ,rome4 #cig ,cp4 ,lhr1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #adg 7see the ,literature above74 #cih ,so according to ,scholz1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 xxiv4 f4 7see the ,literature above74 #cii ,see the ,literature above4 #djj ,op4 cit41 p4 #aca4 #dja ,the ,religious ,views of the ,pharisees1 p4 #b2 see also ,herford1 ,pharisaism1 its ,aim and its ,method1 pp4 #bhb-cce4 #djb ,see above1 p4 #ia4 #djc ,owing to the revolt of ,bar-,kokba4 #djd ,chapter lv41 where he speaks of 8,judith the blessed40 #dje ,see pp4 #bah f4 above4 #djf ,in the ,encycl4 ,biblica1 ii4 #bfde4 #djg ,lhr1 ,op4 cit41 i4 #adh4 #djh ,viz4 ,cod4 ,chisianus 7#hg71 a cursive of the ninth century4 #dji ,swete1 ,intr4 to the ,o4,t4 in ,greek1 p4 #bfj 7#aijj74 #daj ,swete1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #bfj4 #daa ,stromateis iv4 #dab ,eclog ,prophetic1 ,i4 #dac ,strom4 i4 #dad ,swete says3 8,the addition to ,daniel iii4 #bc is clearly ,midrashic and probably had a ,semitic original10 ,op4 cit41 p4 #bfa4 #dae ,singer1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #ee-eg4 #daf ,singer1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bgj-bgc4 #dag ,in the present writer's ,ecclesiasticus 7,cambridge ,bible7 a translation of this ,psalm is given together with the points of similarity between it and the 8,shemoneh #8,esreh10 pp4 #cdi1 #cej4 #dah ,in the ,mishna1 ,sanhedrin vi4 #b1 it is said3 8,if some cause for extenuation is brought forward on his 7i4e4 the condemned7 behalf1 he is liberated1 otherwise he goes out 7i4e4 of the hall of judgement7 to be stoned4 ,some 7accredited7 person calls out in front of him 7i4e4 as he is being led to the place of execution73 #8,so and so1 the son of so and so1 is going forth to be stoned for having committed such and such a sin1 and of which such and such are the witnesses2 whosoever has anything to bring forward in his favour let him come forth and utter it on behalf of him' 7i4e4 the condemned740 #dai ,see the works mentioned under the ,literature given above4 #dbj ,the ,jewish name was ,salome4 #dba 8,then shall ye do unto him as he thought to do unto his brother40 #dbb 8,the ,greek word translated #8dragon' denotes originally a large serpent4 ,homer uses drakn and ophis interchangeably without the least apparent difference4 ,even the drakn of ,greek mythology remains essentially a serpent0--,witton ,davies in ,charles1 ,i1 #fec4 #dbc ,rouse1 ,greek ,votive ,offerings1 pp4 #aic ff4 #dbd ,both ,berosus and ,helladius speak of gods worshipped as serpents in ,babylon 7,witton ,davies74 #dbe ,it should be noted that in the canonical ,esther the chapters run from i4 to x4 #c2 in the ,apocrypha the chapters are numbered as though they came consecutively after those of the canonical ,esther1 viz4 x4 #d to xvi4 #bd2 this unnecessary confusion is due to ,st4 ,jerome 8who relegated the ,greek interpolations to the end of the canonical book2 but it has had the effect of making them unintelligible0 7,swete1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #beg74 #dbf ,unless the mention of fasting1 in iv4 #af1 ix4 #ca1 can be included in this4 #dbg ,op4 cit41 p4 #beh4 #dbh ,in the margin of the ,revised ,version this note occurs3 8,or1 the seers4 ,so the ,septuagint02 this is1 no doubt1 what should be read4 #dbi ,op4 cit41 p4 #cfb4 #dcj ,op4 cit41 p4 #fab4 #dca ,see ,swete1 ,intro4 to the ,o4,t4 in ,greek1 p4 #adb 7#aijj74 #dcb ,see ,swete1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #bec4 ,the ,greek text is given in ,swete's ,the ,o4,t4 in ,greek1 iii4 pp4 #hbd-hbf4 #dcc ,where it follows a reference to #b ,chronicles xxxiii4 #ah4 #dcd ,in ii4 #bb4 #dce ,op4 cit41 p4 #fac4 #dcf ,ryle treats these words as though they stood in the text of ,cod4 ,t in addition to 8,i have set up 4440 7which is the case in the ,latin ,version72 but according to ,swete's apparatus criticus they are not an addition1 but a substitution4 #dcg ,the text of ,cod4 ,a agrees1 however1 with that of the ,apostolical ,constitutions4 #dch ,see ,fritzsche2 ,kurzgefasstes exeget4 ,handbuch zu den ,apokryphen des ,alten ,testamentes1 i4 pp4 #aeh ff42 ,ball1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #cfb ff4 #dci ,the ,didascalia was incorporated into the ,apostolical ,constitutions of which it forms the first six books2 the ,apostolical ,constitutions belongs to the fourth or fifth century4 #ddj ,oesterley1 ,op4 cit41 ,i1 p4 #ei4 #dda ,oesterley1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #fa4 #ddb ,see ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xiv1 iv4 #b-d2 ,bell4 ,jud41 ,i1 vii4 #c-f4 #ddc ,see further1 ,schrer1 ,op4 cit4 ,,ii1 iii4 pp4 #ac1 #ad4 #ddd ,the present writer has given many of these in his commentary referred to above4 #dde ,this section is taken substantially from the present writer's commentary in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #fa-fe4 #ddf ,juden und ,griechen vor der makkabischen ,erhebung1 pp4 #gj ff4 #ddg ,hermes1 ix4 pp4 #bhd ff41 cp4 ,kautzsch1 ,op4 cit41 i4 p4 #cj4 #ddh ,op4 cit41 p4 #gb4 #ddi ,though this did not actually come about until some time after the period dealt with in our book4 #dej 8,saviour10 on account of his having delivered the ,babylonians from the satrap ,heraclides4 #dea ,the name of the ,hasmonan dynasty comes from that of the ancestor of the house1 ,asmonus 7,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xii1 vi4 #a2 ,,xiv1 xvi4 #d2 ,,xvi1 vii4 #a71 who is said to have been the grandfather of ,mattathias4 #deb ,it is in #a ,maccabees xiv4 #da that we are told of the ratification by the people of the high-priestly and princely dignity in the house of ,asmonus2 8,and the ,jews and the priests were well pleased that ,simon should be their leader and high-priest for ever44440 #dec ,see above1 p4 #dai4 #ded ,according to ,josephus 7,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 x4 #b7 this was a high hill a hundred stadia north of ,ptolemais4 #dee ,no further mention is made of him in #a ,maccabees2 he was murdered three or four years later by the usurper ,alexander ,zabinas1 who gave himself out to be the son of ,alexander ,balas4 #def ,josephus 7,antiq41 ,,xiii1 vii4 #b7 says that he 8fled from ,dora to ,apama1 where he was taken during the siege1 and put to death1 when he had reigned three years40 #deg ,these formed originally one book1 as in the ,septuagint2 their division into two books is probably due to ,christian influence4 #deh ,in the ,septuagint there is no equivalent to these two chapters2 see on this below1 pp4 #eaj f4 #dei ,for the exceptions to this1 see below4 #dfj ,volz 7,encycl4 ,bibl41 ,,ii1 #adij7 says of this story that 8it is an independent piece of narrative that is also found standing by itself in a ,,ms4 of the ,vulgate 7,berger1 ,hist4 de la ,vulgate1 p4 #id #ahic74 ,to all appearance this piece is itself also a composite production1 the praise of truth being an addition4 ,the whole seems to have been originally written in ,greek1 and shows affinity with the epistle of ,aristeas 7,ewald1 ,hist41 v4 #afe72 the writer appears to have knowledge of the court history of ,persia 7iv4 #bi ff474 ,the hero of the story is not originally ,zerubbabel40 #dfa ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 ,i1 #gei f4 #dfb ,they are clearly and succinctly summarized by ,thackeray in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 ,i1 #geh-gfc4 #dfc ,history of ,israel1 v4 pp4 #abf ff4 #dfd ,in the ,academy for #ahic4 #dfe ,op4 cit41 p4 #b4 #dff ,cp4 ,josephus1 ,antiq41 ,,xi1 iii4 #b-f4 #dfg ,the ,international ,journal of ,apocrypha1 ,april #aiac1 pp4 #cc1 #cd4 #dfh ,that the book was originally written in ,greek admits of no doubt4 #dfi ,quoted by ,goodrick1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #cd4 #dgj ,he is followed by ,wright1 ,mc,neile1 and ,barton1 in their works on ,ecclesiastes4 #dga ,ecclesiastes1 or1 ,the ,preacher1 pp4 #gj f4 #dgb ,cp4 ,barton1 ,the ,book of ,ecclesiastes1 pp4 #eg f41 where the passages are quoted in full in parallel columns4 #dgc ,see pp4 #bjj f4 #dgd ,for the various untenable theories regarding the identity of the author1 see ,grimm1 pp4 #af ff41 ,farrar1 pp4 #daj ff42 the question of composite authorship is dealt with in the next section4 #dge ,some scholars hold strongly that the author was an ,essene2 earlier commentators have argued in favour of the author being a ,christian4 ,that the book was written for ,jews is probable1 apart from other considerations1 from the numerous references to the ,old ,testament and past history of the ,jews4 #dgf ,op4 cit41 p4 xvii4 #dgg ,see above1 pp4 #afe f4 #dgh ,it must be remembered that in the ,hebrew ,bible the ,book of ,job is reckoned among the ,hagiographa4 #dgi ,the words in the ,prologue to ,ecclesiasticus1 8and the rest of the books10 are too indefinite for us to assume that the writer meant the ,hagiographa as we understand them4 ,in the ,hebrew of ,ecclesiasticus 7xlix4 #i71 ,job is mentioned1 but only in reference to ,ezekiel xiv4 #ad1 #bj1 nothing is said of ,job as we know him from the book that bears his name4 #dhj ,introduction to the ,old ,testament in ,greek1 p4 #bf f4 #dha ,goodrick1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #ae4 #dhb ,we have adopted some of ,goodrick's renderings in this quotation as being superior to that of the ,revised ,version2 see ,swete's text1 ,the ,old ,testament in ,greek1 ii4 p4 #fjf f4 #dhc ,encycl4 ,bibl41 iv4 #ecdg4 #dhd ,mr4 ,gregg 7,op4 cit41 p4 xxvii47 says3 8,attacks upon the unity of the book have failed1 and no serious effort to dispute it has recently been made40 ,this is really not quite in accordance with the facts2 ,mr4 ,gregg has overlooked some not unimportant contributions to the literature on the subject2 during the years #aijc-aijf quite serious efforts have been made to show that the book is of composite authorship by at least five first-rate scholars4 #dhe ,it is true that ,wisdom is mentioned in xiv4 #b1 but it is used there in quite a different sense from that of the personified semi-divine ,wisdom of part ,i1 a fact which1 if anything1 strengthens the argument in favour of different authorship4 #dhf ,toy1 in ,encycl4 ,bibl41 iv4 #ecch4 #dhg ,op4 cit41 i4 pp4 #ebb1 #ebc4 #dhh ,it should1 however1 be pointed out that differences of opinion exist as to where the dividing line between the two parts lies2 ,toy follows ,houbigant here4 #dhi ,op4 cit41 p4 #gg4 #dij ,it is true that the book opens with an address to rulers2 but ,gregg is doubtless right in saying that this 8would seem to be a purely rhetorical artifice1 screening the real purpose of the book 4440 7,op4 cit41 p4 xxi474 #dia ,op4 cit41 pp4 xxiii4 f4 #dib ,the ,relation of ,st4 ,paul to ,contemporary ,jewish ,thought1 p4 #bca 7#aijj74 #dic ,torrey1 in the ,encycl4 ,bibl41 iii4 #bhgj4 #did ,on this obscure episode of pre-,maccaban ,jewish history see ,bchler1 ,die ,tobiaden und die ,oniaden1 pp4 #ajf ff4 #die ,these are very conveniently drawn up in parallel columns by ,moffatt1 in ,charles1 ,i1 pp4 #abf1 #abg4 #dif ,see above1 p4 #dae4 #dig ,there are some few scholars who take a different view1 e4g4 ,niese1 less directly in favour of #b ,maccabees are ,bchler and ,laqueur1 more modified in their opinion are ,sluys and ,wellhausen1 see ,schrer1 ,german ed41 ,,iii1 p4 #dhd 7not mentioned in the ,english edition74 #dih ,the text reads 8belonging to ,bacenor's company10 but this can scarcely be right1 as in xii4 #ag-ai ,dositheus belongs to the 8,jews that are called ,tubieni40 #dii ,encycl4 ,bibl41 iii4 #bhgc f4 #ejj ,this figure should be 8eight0 according to #a ,maccabees iv4 #ie4 #eja ,the month ,chislev approximately ,december4 #ejb ,cp4 ,torrey1 ,encycl4 ,bibl41 iii4 #bhge f4 #ejc 8,the senate and ,judas0 in verse #aj should be read1 with the ,syriac ,version1 8the senate of the ,jews40 #ejd ,torrey1 ,op4 cit41 iii4 #bhgg4 #eje ,cp4 the far more sober account in #a ,maccabees vi4 #h-ag4 #ejf ,op4 cit41 iii4 #bhgf4 #ejg ,op4 cit41 iii4 #bhgg4 #ejh ,antiq41 ,,xii1 vii4 #g4 #eji ,lucius1 ,der ,essenismus1 pp4 #cf ff4 #eaj ,in his ,prologus ,galeatus4 #eaa ,westcott1 in ,smith's ,dict4 of the ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #age4 #eab ,or 8first origin40 #eac ,e4g41 by ,irenus1 ,adv4 ,haeres41 v4 #ce2 ,clement of ,alexandria1 ,paed41 i4 #aj4 #ead ,intr4 to the ,o4,t4 in ,greek1 p4 #bgd 7#aijj74 #eae ,cp4 ,charles1 ,the ,apocalypse of ,baruch1 pp4 xvi4 f4 7#ahif74 #eaf ,belshazzar was the son of ,nabonidos1 the last king of ,babylon1 who was overthrown by ,cyrus4 #eag ,see the account given by ,josephus1 ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,ii1 xvii4 #c4 #eah ,see ,josephus1 ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,vi1 iii4 #d1 ix4 #b1 #c4 #eai ,see the long account given by ,josephus1 ,bell4 ,jud41 ,,vi1 iv4 #a-g4 #ebj ,cp4 the ,pharisaic additions in ,ecclesiasticus4 #eba ,see ,zunz1 ,die ,gottesdienstlichen ,vortrge der ,juden1 passim 7#ahib74 #ebb ,i4e41 the ,shemoneh ,esreh 78,eighteen ,benedictions072 the name ,amidah 78,standing07 is given to it because it is said standing4 #ebc ,in the liturgy the order of these two clauses is reversed4 #ebd ,i4e4 8#8,hear1' ,o ,israel1 the ,lord our ,god1 the ,lord is ,one10 ,deuteronomy vi4 #d-i2 xi4 #ac-ba2 ,numbers xv4 #cg-da2 in this last the deliverance from ,egypt is referred to4 #ebe ,oesterley and ,box1 ,the ,religion and ,worship of the ,synagogue1 p4 #cfg 7#aiaa74 #ebf ,according to ,cornill1 ,einleitung in das ,alte ,testament1 p4 #bgd 7#ahif74 #ebg ,in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 i4 #bec4 #ebh ,this was pointed out long ago by ,ryle and ,james1 ,the ,psalms of the ,pharisees1 pp4 lxxii4 ff4 #ebi ,see pp4 #bad ff4 #ecj ,op4 cit41 pp4 lxxii4-lxxvii4 #eca ,in the ,revised ,version wrongly reckoned as verse #a1 which is not done either in the ,vulgate or the ,septuagint4 #ecb xxxvi4 #a in the ,septuagint4 #ecc ,in ,hastings' ,dict4 of the ,bible1 ,,ii1 #egi4 #ecd ,encycl4 ,bibl41 ii4 #bcie4 #ece ,see further1 p4 #dci above4 ,in the ,vulgate the ,prayer of ,manasses1 #a 7#c7 ,esdras and #b 7#d7 ,esdras are not included among the ,apocrypha1 but are placed in an ,appendix at the end of the whole ,bible1 i4e4 after the ,book of ,revelation4 #ecf ,that it was originally written in ,hebrew does not admit of doubt4 ,see ,box1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 xiii4-xx4 #ecg ,hastings' ,d4,b41 i4 #gff;a4 #ech ,the following is translated from the ,latin text edited by ,bensly 7see the ,literature above72 the words in brackets are wanting in the ,latin1 and are supplied from the ,syriac ,version4 #eci ,so the ,syriac1 which is required by the context2 the ,latin reads1 8were burned40 #edj ,the text is corrupt here2 it reads multitudo tempestatio4 #eda ,box rightly sees the hand of the ,redactor in the form of the ,vision as we now have it2 he follows ,kabisch in holding that the date of the ,redactor is ,a4,d4 #abj1 possibly even a little later4 #edb ,for other interpretations that have been put forth1 see ,drummond1 ,op4 cit41 pp4 #ii-aad4 #edc ,the passage v4 #ef-vi4 #f is a polemic against ,christian teaching4 #edd ,at viii4 #fc the dialogue is interrupted by a section on the ,signs of the ,end2 at ix4 #ac it is taken up again4 #ede ,maldwyn ,hughes1 ,the ,ethics of ,jewish ,apocryphal ,literature1 p4 #bdj4 #edf ,box1 ,op4 cit41 p4 xlvi4 #edg ,i4e4 during the destruction of the city4 #edh ,this is the cup of inspiration1 8full of the holy spirit1 which1 clear as water1 is like fire0 7,box74 #edi ,box1 ,op4 cit41 p4 #cje2 see also his ,introduction1 pp4 lviii4 ff4 #eej ,see above1 pp4 #aih ff4 ,,transcriber',s ,,note ,footnotes #bgc1 #deg1 #ejg and #eab each have two anchors4 ,obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources4 ,some hyphens in words have been silently removed1 some added1 when a predominant preference was found in the original book4 ,except for those changes noted below1 all misspellings in the text1 and inconsistent or archaic usage1 have been retained4 ,pg ix3 added missing page number #8#gg' for ,ecclesiasticus4 ,pg xiii3 #87#a #c ,esdras7' replaced by #87#a 7#c7 ,esdras7'4 ,pg xiv3 #87#b #d ,esdras7' replaced by #87#b 7#d7 ,esdras7'4 ,pg #abd3 #8that three are' replaced by #8that there are'4 ,pg #aea3 #8this pseudepipraphic' replaced by #8this pseudepigraphic'4 ,pg #agd3 #8he might chose' replaced by #8he might choose'4 ,pg #bjb3 removed italic markup from #8,burkitt'4 ,pg #bcg3 #8should not trangress' replaced by #8should not transgress'4 ,pg #bfh3 #8is my trangression' replaced by #8is my transgression'4 ,pg #bhi3 #8together in the' replaced by #8together is the'4 ,pg #bic3 #8be sepa this' replaced by #8be separated from this'4 ,pg #bic3 #8the world to me' replaced by #8the world to come'4 ,pg #chf3 #8was astonied1 and' replaced by #8was astonished1 and'4 ,pg #dab3 #8centreing around' replaced by #8centering around'4 ,pg #dci3 #87#a #c ,esdras7' replaced by #87#a 7#c7 ,esdras7'4 ,pg #dhe3 #8one is unevitably' replaced by #8one is inevitably'4 ,pg #eji3 #87#b #d ,esdras7' replaced by #87#b 7#d7 ,esdras7'4 ,pg #eae3 #8out of whch' replaced by #8out of which'4 ,pg #ebc3 #8above the firmanent' replaced by #8above the firmament'4 ,pg #ece3 entry #8,civitis' moved up to its proper position4 ,footnote #bdj3 #8,ecclesiaticus' replaced by #8,ecclesiasticus'4