,a ,,guide ,,to ,,stoicism by ,st4 ,george ,stock ,,ten ,,cent ,,pocket ,,series ,,no4 #cdg ,edited by ,e4 ,haldeman-,julius4 ,,foreword ,if you strip ,stoicism of its paradoxes and its wilful misuse of language1 what is left is simply the moral philosophy of ,socrates1 ,plato and ,aristotle1 dashed with the physics of ,heraclitus4 ,stoicism was not so much a new doctrine as the form under which the old ,greek philosophy finally presented itself to the world at large4 ,it owed its popularity in some measure to its extravagance4 ,a great deal might be said about ,stoicism as a religion and about the part it played in the formation of ,christianity but these subjects were excluded by the plan of this volume which was to present a sketch of the ,stoic doctrine based on the original authorities4 ,,st ,,george ,,stock ,m ,a ,pemb4 ,coll4 ,oxford ,a ,,guide ,,to ,,stoicism4 ,,st ,,george ,,stock ,,philosophy ,,among ,,the ,,greeks ,,and ,,romans4 ,among the ,greeks and ,romans of the classical age philosophy occupied the place taken by religion among ourselves4 ,their appeal was to reason not to revelation4 ,to what1 asks ,cicero in his ,offices1 are we to look for training in virtue1 if not to philosophy8 ,now1 if truth is believed to rest upon authority it is natural that it should be impressed upon the mind from the earliest age1 since the essential thing is that it should be believed1 but a truth which makes its appeal to reason must be content to wait till reason is developed4 ,we are born into the ,eastern1 ,western or ,anglican communion or some other denomination1 but it was of his own free choice that the serious minded young ,greek or ,roman embraced the tenets of one of the great sects which divided the world of philosophy4 ,the motive which led him to do so in the first instance may have been merely the influence of a friend or a discourse from some eloquent speaker1 but the choice once made was his own choice1 and he adhered to it as such4 ,conversions from one sect to another were of quite rare occurrence4 ,a certain ,dionysius of ,heraclea1 who went over from the ,stoics to the ,cyrenaics1 was ever afterward known as the deserter4 ,it was as difficult to be independent in philosophy as it is with us to be independent in politics4 ,when a young man joined a school1 he committed himself to all its opinions1 not only as to the end of life1 which was the main point of division1 but as to all questions on all subjects4 ,the ,stoic did not differ merely in his ethics from the ,epicurean2 he differed also in his theology and his physics and his metaphysics4 ,aristotle1 as ,shakespeare knew1 thought young men unfit to hear moral philosophy4 ,and yet it was a question--or rather the question--of moral philosophy1 the answer to which decided the young man's opinions on all other points4 ,the language which ,cicero sometimes uses about the seriousness of the choice made in early life and how a young man gets entrammelled by a school before he is really able to judge1 reminds us of what we hear said nowadays about the danger of a young man's taking orders before his opinions are formed4 ,to this it was replied that a young man only exercised the right of private judgment in selecting the authority whom he should follow1 and1 having once done that1 trusted to him for all the rest4 ,with the analogue of this contention also we are familiar in modern times4 ,cicero allows that there would be something in it1 if the selection of the true philosopher did not above all things require the philosophic mind4 ,but in those days it was probably the case1 as it is now1 that1 if a man did not form speculative opinions in youth1 the pressure of affairs would not leave him leisure to do so later4 ,the life span of ,zeno1 the founder of ,stoicism1 was from ,b4,c4 #cdg to #bge4 ,he did not begin teaching till #cae1 at the mature age of forty4 ,aristotle had passed away in #cbb1 and with him closed the great constructive era of ,greek thought4 ,the ,ionian philosophers had speculated on the physical constitution of the universe1 the ,pythagoreans on the mystical properties of numbers2 ,heraclitus had propounded his philosophy of fire1 ,democritus and ,leucippus had struck out a rude form of the atomic theory1 ,socrates had raised questions relating to man1 ,plato had discussed them with all the freedom of the dialogue1 while ,aristotle had systematically worked them out4 ,the later schools did not add much to the body of philosophy4 ,what they did was to emphasize different sides of the doctrine of their predecessors and to drive views to their logical consequences4 ,the great lesson of ,greek philosophy is that it is worth while to do right irrespective of reward and punishment and regardless of the shortness of life4 ,this lesson the ,stoics so enforced by the earnestness of their lives and the influence of their moral teaching that it has become associated more particularly with them4 ,cicero1 though he always classed himself as an ,academic1 exclaims in one place that he is afraid the ,stoics are the only philosophers1 and whenever he is combating ,epicureanism his language is that of a ,stoic4 ,some of ,vergil's most eloquent passages seem to be inspired by ,stoic speculation4 ,even ,horace1 despite his banter about the sage1 in his serious moods borrows the language of the ,stoics4 ,it was they who inspired the highest flights of declamatory eloquence in ,persius and ,juvenal4 ,their moral philosophy affected the world through ,roman law1 the great masters of which were brought up under its influence4 ,so all pervasive indeed was this moral philosophy of the ,stoics that it was read by the ,jews of ,alexandria into ,moses under the veil of allegory and was declared to be the inner meaning of the ,hebrew ,scriptures4 ,if the ,stoics then did not add much to the body of ,philosophy1 they did a great work in popularising it and bringing it to bear upon life4 ,an intense practicality was a mark of the later ,greek philosophy4 ,this was common to ,stoicism with its rival ,epicureanism4 ,both regarded philosophy as 'the art of life1' though they differed in their conception of what that art should be4 ,widely as the two schools were opposed to one another1 they had also other features in common4 ,both were children of an age in which the free city had given way to monarchies1 and personal had taken the place of corporate life4 ,the question of happiness is no longer1 as with ,aristotle1 and still more with ,plato1 one for the state1 but for the individual4 ,in both schools the speculative interest was feeble from the first1 and tended to become feebler as time went on4 ,both were new departures from pre-existent schools4 ,stoicism was bred out of ,cynicism1 as ,epicureanism out of ,cyrenaicism4 ,both were content to fall back for their physics upon the pre-,socratic schools1 the one adopting the firm philosophy of ,heraclitus1 the other the atomic theory of ,democritus4 ,both were in strong reaction against the abstractions of ,plato and ,aristotle1 and would tolerate nothing but concrete reality4 ,the ,stoics were quite as materialistic in their own way as the ,epicureans4 ,with regard indeed to the nature of the highest god we may1 with ,senaca represent the difference between the two schools as a question of the senses against the intellect1 but we shall see presently that the ,stoics regarded the intellect itself as being a kind of body4 ,the ,greeks were all agreed that there was an end or aim of life1 and that it was to be called 'happiness1' but at that point their agreement ended4 ,as to the nature of happiness there was the utmost variety of opinion4 ,democritus had made it consist in mental serenity1 ,anaxagoras in speculation1 ,socrates in wisdom1 ,aristotle in the practise of virtue with some amount of favour from fortune1 ,aristippus simply in pleasure4 ,these were opinions of the philosophers4 ,but1 besides these1 there were the opinions of ordinary men1 as shown by their lives rather than by their language4 ,zeno's contribution to thought on the subject does not at first sight appear illuminating4 ,he said that the end was 'to live consistently1' the implication doubtless being that no life but the passionless life of reason could ultimately be consistent with itself4 ,cleanthes1 his immediate successor in the school1 is credited with having added the words 'with nature1' thus completing the well-known ,stoic formula that the end is 'to live consistently with nature4' ,it was assumed by the ,greeks that the ways of nature were 'the ways of pleasantness1' and that 'all her paths' were 'peace4' ,this may seem to us a startling assumption1 but that is because we do not mean by 'nature' the same thing as they did4 ,we connect the term with the origin of a thing1 they connected it rather with the end2 by the 'natural state' we mean a state of savagery1 they meant the highest civilization2 we mean by a thing's nature what it is or has been1 they meant what it ought to become under the most favourable conditions2 not the sour crab1 but the mellow glory of the ,hesperides worthy to be guarded by a sleepless dragon1 was to the ,greeks the natural apple4 ,hence we find ,aristotle maintaining that the ,state is a natural product1 because it is evolved out of social relations which exist by nature4 ,nature indeed was a highly ambiguous term to the ,greeks no less than to ourselves1 but in the sense with which we are now concerned1 the nature of anything was defined by the ,peripatetics as 'the end of its becoming4' ,another definition of theirs puts the matter still more clearly4 ',what each thing is when its growth has been completed1 that we declare to be the nature of each thing'4 ,following out this conception the ,stoics identified a life in accordance with nature with a life in accordance with the highest perfection to which man could attain4 ,now1 as man was essentially a rational animal1 his work as man lay in living the rational life4 ,and the perfection of reason was virtue4 ,hence the ways of nature were no other than the ways of virtue4 ,and so it came about that the ,stoic formula might be expressed in a number of different ways which yet all amounted to the same thing4 ,the end was to live the virtuous life1 or to live consistently1 or to live in accordance with nature1 or to live rationally4 ,,division ,,of ,,philosophy4 ,philosophy was defined by the ,stoics as 'the knowledge of things divine and human'4 ,it was divided into three departments2 logic1 ethic1 and physic4 ,this division indeed was in existence before their time1 but they have got the credit of it as of some other things which they did not originate4 ,neither was it confined to them1 but was part of the common stock of thought4 ,even the ,epicureans1 who are said to have rejected logic can hardly be counted as dissentients from this threefold division4 ,for what they did was to substitute for the ,stoic logic a logic of their own1 dealing with the notions derived from sense1 much in the same way as ,bacon substituted his ,novum ,organum for the ,organon of ,aristotle4 ,cleanthes we are told recognised six parts of philosophy1 namely1 dialectic1 rhetoric1 ethic1 politic1 physic1 and theology1 but these are obviously the result of subdivision of the primary ones4 ,of the three departments we may say that logic deals with the form and expression of knowledge1 physic with the matter of knowledge1 and ethic with the use of knowledge4 ,the division may also be justified in this way4 ,philosophy must study either nature 7including the divine nature7 or man2 and1 if it studies man1 it must regard him either from the side of the intellect or of the feelings1 that is either as a thinking 7logic7 or as an acting 7ethic7 being4 ,as to the order in which the different departments should be studied1 we have had preserved to us the actual words of ,chrysippus in his fourth book on ,lives4 ',first of all then it seems to me that1 as has been rightly said by the ancients1 there are three heads under which the speculations of the philosopher fall1 logic1 ethic1 physic2 next1 that of these the logical should come first1 the ethical second1 and the physical third1 and that of the physical the treatment of the gods should come last1 whence also they have given the name of completions to the instruction delivered on this subject'4 ,that this order however might yield to convenience is plain from another book on the use of reason1 where he says that 'the student who takes up logic first need not entirely abstain from the other branches of philosophy1 but should study them also as occasion offers4' ,plutarch twits ,chrysippus with inconsistency1 because in the face of this declaration as to the order of treatment1 he nevertheless says that morals rest upon physics4 ,but to this charge it may fairly be replied that the order of exposition need not coincide with the order of existence4 ,metaphysically speaking1 morals may depend upon physics and the right conduct of man be deducible from the structure of the universe but for all that1 it may be advisable to study physics later4 ,physics meant the nature of ,god and the ,universe4 ,our nature may be deducible from that but it is better known to ourselves to start with1 so that it may be well to begin from the end of the stick that we have in our hands4 ,but that ,chrysippus did teach the logical dependence of morals on physics is plain from his own words4 ,in his third book on the ,gods he says 'for it is not possible to find any other origin of justice or mode of its generation save that from ,zeus and the nature of the universe for anything we have to say about good and evil must needs derive its origin therefrom'1 and again in his ,physical ,theses1 'for there is no other or more appropriate way of approaching the subject of good and evil on the virtues or happiness than from the nature of all things and the administration of the universe--for it is to these we must attach the treatment of good and evil inasmuch as there is no better origin to which we can refer them and inasmuch as physical speculation is taken in solely with a view to the distinction between good and evil4' ,the last words are worth noting as showing that even with ,chrysippus who has been called the intellectual founder of ,stoicism the whole stress of the philosophy of the ,porch fell upon its moral teaching4 ,it was a favourite metaphor with the school to compare philosophy to a fertile vineyard or orchard4 ,ethic was the good fruit1 physic the tall plants1 and logic the strong wall4 ,the wall existed only to guard the trees1 and the trees only to produce the fruit4 ,or again philosophy was likened to an egg of which ethic was the yolk containing the chick1 physic the white which formed its nourishment while logic was the hard outside shell4 ,posidonius1 a later member of the school1 objected to the metaphor from the vineyard on the ground that the fruit and the trees and the wall were all separable whereas the parts of philosophy were inseparable4 ,he preferred therefore to liken it to a living organism1 logic being the bones and sinews1 physic the flesh and blood1 but ethic the soul4 ,,logic ,the ,stoics had a tremendous reputation for logic4 ,in this department they were the successors or rather the supersessors of ,aristotle4 ,for after the death of ,theophrastus the library of the ,lyceum is said to have been buried underground at ,scepsis until about a century before ,christ1 ,so that the ,organon may actually have been lost to the world during that period4 ,at all events under ,strato the successor of ,theophrastus who specialized in natural science the school had lost its comprehensiveness4 ,cicero even finds it consonant with dramatic propriety to make ,cato charge the later ,peripatetics with ignorance of logic6 ,on the other hand ,chrysippus became so famous for his logic as to create a general impression that if there were a logic among the gods it would be no other than the ,chrysippean4 ,but if the ,stoics were strong in logic they were weak in rhetoric4 ,this strength and weakness were characteristic of the school at all periods4 ,cato is the only ,roman ,stoic to whom ,cicero accords the praise of real eloquence4 ,in the dying accents of the school as we hear them in ,marcus ,aurelius the imperial sage counts it a thing to be thankful for that he had learnt to abstain from rhetoric1 poetic1 and elegance of diction4 ,the reader however cannot help wishing that he had taken some means to diminish the crabbedness of his style4 ,if a lesson were wanted in the importance of sacrificing to the ,graces it might be found in the fact that the early ,stoic writers despite their logical subtlety have all perished and that their remains have to be sought for so largely in the pages of ,cicero4 ,in speaking of logic as one of the three departments of philosophy we must bear in mind that the term was one of much wider meaning than it is with us4 ,it included rhetoric1 poetic1 and grammar as well as dialectic or logic proper1 to say nothing of disquisitions on the senses and the intellect which we should now refer to psychology4 ,logic as a whole being divided into rhetoric and dialectic3 rhetoric was defined to be the knowledge of how to speak well in expository discourses and dialectic as the knowledge of how to argue rightly in matters of question and answer4 ,both rhetoric and dialectic were spoken of by the ,stoics as virtues for they divided virtue in its most generic sense in the same way as they divided philosophy into physical1 ethical1 and logical4 ,rhetoric and dialectic were thus the two species of logical virtue4 ,zeno expressed their difference by comparing rhetoric to the palm and dialectic to the fist4 ,instead of throwing in poetic and grammar with rhetoric1 the ,stoics subdivided dialectic into the part which dealt with the meaning and the part which dealt with the sound1 or as ,chrysippus phrased it1 concerning significants and significates4 ,under the former came the treatment of the alphabet1 of the parts of speech1 of solecism1 of barbarism1 of poems1 of amphibolies1 of metre and music--a list which seems at first sight a little mixed1 but in which we can recognise the general features of grammar1 with its departments of phonology1 accidence1 and prosody4 ,the treatment of solecism and barbarism in grammar corresponded to that of fallacies in logic4 ,with regard to the alphabet it is worth noting that the ,stoics recognised seven vowels and six mutes4 ,this is more correct than our way of talking of nine mutes1 since the aspirate consonants are plainly not mute4 ,there were1 according to the ,stoics1 five parts of speech--name1 appellative1 verb1 conjunction1 article4 ',name' meant a proper name1 and 'appellative' a common term4 ,there were reckoned to be five virtues of speech--,hellenism1 clearness1 conciseness1 propriety1 distinction4 ,by ',hellenism' was meant speaking good ,greek4 ',distinction' was defined to be 'a diction which avoided homeliness4' ,over against these there were two comprehensive vices1 barbarism and solecism1 the one being an offence against accidence1 the other against syntax4 ,the famous comparison of the infant mind to a blank sheet of paper1 which we connect so closely with the name of ,locke1 really comes from the ,stoics4 ,the earliest characters inscribed upon it were the impressions of sense1 which the ,greeks called phantasies4 ,a phantasy was defined by ,zeno as an impression in the soul4 ,cleanthes was content to take this definition in its literal sense1 and believe that the soul was impressed by external objects as wax by a signet ring4 ,chrysippus1 however1 found a difficulty here1 and preferred to interpret the ,master's saying to mean an alteration or change in the soul4 ,he figured to himself the soul as receiving a modification from every external object which acts upon it just as the air receives countless strokes when many people are speaking at once4 ,further1 he declared that in receiving an impression the soul was purely passive and that the phantasy revealed not only its own existence1 but that also of its cause1 just as light displays itself and the things that are in it4 ,thus1 when through sight we receive an impression of white1 an affection takes place in the soul1 in virtue whereof we are able to say that there exists a white object affecting us4 ,the power to name the object resides in the understanding4 ,first must come the phantasy1 and the understanding1 having the power of utterance1 expresses in speech the affection it receives from the object4 ,the cause of the phantasy was called the phantast1 e4 g4 the white or cold object4 ,if there is no external cause1 then the supposed object of the impression was a phantasm1 such as a figure in a dream1 or the ,furies whom ,orestes sees in his frenzy4 ,how then was the impression which had reality behind it to be distinguished from that which had not8 ,by the feel is all that the ,stoics really had to say in answer to this question4 ,just as ,hume made the difference between sense-impressions and ideas to lie in the greater vividness of the former1 so did they2 only ,hume saw no necessity to go beyond the impression1 whereas the ,stoics did4 ,certain impressions1 they maintained1 carried with them an irresistible conviction of their own reality1 and this1 not merely in the sense that they existed2 but also that they were referable to an external cause4 ,these were called gripping phantasies4 ,such a phantasy did not need proof of its own existence1 or of that of its object4 ,it possessed self-evidence4 ,its occurrence was attended with yielding and assent on the part of the soul4 ,for it is as natural for the soul to assent to the self-evident as it is for it to pursue its proper good4 ,the assent to a griping phantasy was called comprehension1 as indicating the firm hold that the soul thus took of reality4 ,a gripping phantasy was defined as one which was stamped and impressed from an existing object1 in virtue of that object itself1 in such a way as it could not be from a non-existent object4 ,the clause in virtue of that object itself was put into the definition to provide against such a case as that of the mad ,orestes1 who takes his sister to be a ,fury4 ,there the impression was derived from an existing object1 but not from that object as such1 but as coloured by the imagination of the percipient4 ,the criterion of truth then was no other than the gripping phantasy4 ,such at least was the doctrine of the earlier ,stoics1 but the later added a saving clause1 when there is no impediment4 ,for they were pressed by their opponents with such imaginary cases as that of ,admetus1 seeing his wife before him in very deed1 and yet not believing it to be her4 ,but here there was an impediment4 ,admetus did not believe that the dead could rise4 ,again ,menelaus did not believe in the real ,helen when he found her on the island of ,pharos4 ,but here again there was an impediment4 ,for ,menelaus could not have been expected to know that he had been for ten years fighting for a phantom4 ,when1 however1 there was no such impediment1 then they said the gripping phantasy did indeed deserve its name1 for it almost took men by the hair of the head and dragged them to assent4 ,so far we have used phantasy only of real or imaginary impressions of sense4 ,but the term was not thus restricted by the ,stoics1 who divided phantasies into sensible and not sensible4 ,the latter came through the understanding and were of bodiless things which could only be grasped by reason4 ,the ideas of ,plato they declared existed only in our minds4 ,horse1 man1 and animal had no substantial existence but were phantasms of the soul4 ,the ,stoics were thus what we should call ,conceptualists4 ,comprehension too was used in a wider sense than that in which we have so far employed it4 ,there was comprehension by the senses as of white and black1 of rough and smooth1 but there was also comprehension by the reason of demonstrative conclusions such as that the gods exist and that they exercise providence4 ,here we are reminded of ,locke's declaration3 ',tis as certain there's a ,god as that the opposite angles made by the intersection of two straight lines are equal4 ,the ,stoics indeed had great affinities with that thinker or rather he with them4 ,the ,stoic account of the manner in which the mind arrives at its ideas might almost be taken from the first book of ,locke's ,essay4 ,as many as nine ways are enumerated of which the first corresponds to simple ideas-- 7#a7 by presentation1 as objects of sense 7#b7 by likeness1 as the idea of ,socrates from his picture 7#c7 by analogy1 that is1 by increase or decrease1 as ideas of giants and pigmies from men1 or as the notion of the centre of the earth1 which is reached by the consideration of smaller spheres4 7#d7 by transposition1 as the idea of men with eyes in their breasts4 7#e7 by composition1 as the idea of a ,centaur4 7#f7 by opposition1 as the idea of death from that of life4 7#g7 by a kind of transition1 as the meaning of words and the idea of place4 7#h7;by nature1 as the notion of the just and the good 7#i7;by privation1 as handless ,the ,stoics resembled ,locke again in endeavoring to give such a definition of knowledge as should cover at once the reports of the senses and the relation between ideas4 ,knowledge was defined by them as a sure comprehension or a habit in the acceptance of phantasies which was not liable to be changed by reason4 ,on a first hearing these definitions might seem limited to sense knowledge but if we bethink ourselves of the wider meanings of comprehension and of phantasy1 we see that the definitions apply as they were meant to apply to the mind's grasp upon the force of a demonstration no less than upon the existence of a physical object4 ,zeno1 with that touch of oriental symbolism which characterized him1 used to illustrate to his disciples the steps to knowledge by means of gestures4 ,displaying his right hand with the fingers outstretched he would say1 ,that is a phantasy1 then contracting the fingers a little1 ,that is assent1 then having closed the fist1 ,that is comprehension1 then clasping the fist closely with the left hand1 he would add1 ,that is knowledge4 ,a notion which corresponds to our word concept was defined as a phantasm of the understanding of a rational animal4 ,for a notion was but a phantasm as it presented itself to a rational mind4 ,in the same way so many shillings and sovereigns are in themselves but shillings and sovereigns1 but when used as passage money they become fare4 ,notions were arrived at partly by nature1 partly by teaching and study4 ,the former kind of notions were called preconceptions2 the latter went merely by the generic name4 ,out of the general ideas which nature imparts to us1 reason was perfected about the age of fourteen1 at the time when the voice--its outward and visible sign--attains its full development1 and when the human animal is complete in other respects as being able to reproduce its kind4 ,thus reason which united us to the gods was not1 according to the ,stoics1 a pre-existent principal1 but a gradual development out of sense4 ,it might truly be said that with them the senses were the intellect4 ,being was confined by the ,stoics to body1 a bold assertion of which we shall meet the consequences later4 ,at present it is sufficient to notice what havoc it makes among the categories4 ,of ,aristotle's ten categories it leaves only the first1 ,substance1 and that only in its narrowest sense of ,primary ,substance4 ,but a substance or body might be regarded in four ways-- 7#a7 simply as a body 7#b7 as a body of a particular kind 7#c7 as a body in a particular state 7#d7 as a body in a particular relation4 ,hence result the four ,stoic categories of-- substrates suchlike so disposed so related ,but the bodiless would not be thus conjured out of existence4 ,for what was to be made of such things as the meaning of words1 time1 place1 and the infinite void8 ,even the ,stoics did not assign body to these1 and yet they had to be recognized and spoken of4 ,the difficulty was got over by the invention of the higher category of somewhat1 which should include both body and the bodiless4 ,time was a somewhat1 and so was space1 though neither of them possessed being4 ,in the ,stoic treatment of the proposition1 grammar was very much mixed up with logic4 ,they had a wide name which applied to any part of diction1 whether a word or words1 a sentence1 or even a syllogism4 ,this we shall render by dict4 ,a dict1 then1 was defined as that which subsists in correspondence with a rational phantasy4 ,a dict was one of the things which the ,stoics admitted to be devoid of body4 ,there were three things involved when anything was said--the sound1 the sense1 and the external object4 ,of these the first and the last were bodies1 but the intermediate one was not a body4 ,this we may illustrate after ,seneca1 as follows3 ,you see ,cato walking4 ,what your eyes see and your mind attends to is a body in motion4 ,then you say1 ',cato is walking'4 ,the mere sound indeed of these words is air in motion and therefore a body but the meaning of them is not a body but an enouncement about a body1 which is quite a different thing4 ,on examining such details as are left us of the ,stoic logic1 the first thing which strikes one is its extreme complexity as compared with the ,aristotelian4 ,it was a scholastic age1 and the ,stoics refined and distinguished to their hearts' content4 ,as regards immediate inference1 a subject which has been run into subtleties among ourselves1 ,chrysippus estimated that the changes which could be rung on ten propositions exceeded a million1 but for this assertion he was taken to task by ,hipparchus the mathematician1 who proved that the affirmative proposition yielded exactly #ajc1jdi forms and the negative #caj1ifb4 ,with us the affirmative proposition is more prolific in consequences than the negative4 ,but then1 the ,stoics were not content with so simple a thing as mere negation1 but had negative arnetic and privative1 to say nothing of supernegative propositions4 ,another noticeable feature is the total absence of the three figures of ,aristotle and the only moods spoken of are the moods of the complex syllogism1 such as the modus penens in a conjunctive4 ,their type of reasoning was-- ,if ,a1 then ,b ,but ,a ,b ,the important part played by conjunctive propositions in their logic led the ,stoics to formulate the following rule with regard to the material quality of such propositions3 ,truth can only be followed by truth1 but falsehood may be followed by falsehood or truth4 ,thus if it be truly stated that it is day1 any consequence of that statement1 e4g4 that it is light1 must be true also4 ,but a false statement may lead either way4 ,for instance1 if it be falsely stated that it is night then the consequence that it is dark is false also4 ,but if we say1 ,the earth flies1 which was regarded as not only false but impossible ,footnote3 ,here we may recall the warning of ,arago to call nothing impossible outside the range of pure mathematics this involves the true consequence that the earth is4 ,though the simple syllogism is not alluded to in the sketch which ,diogenes ,laertius gives of the ,stoic logic1 it is of frequent occurrence in the accounts left us of their arguments4 ,take for instance the syllogism wherewith ,zeno advocated the cause of temperance-- ,one does not commit a secret to a man who is drunk4 ,one does commit a secret to a good man4 ,a good man will not get drunk4 ,the chain argument which we wrongly call the ,sorites was also a favorite resource with the ,stoics4 ,if a single syllogism did not suffice to argue men into virtue surely a condensed series must be effectual4 ,and so they demonstrated the sufficiency of wisdom for happiness as follows---- ,the wise man is temperate ,the temperate is constant ,the constant is unperturbed ,the unperturbed is free from sorrow ,whoso is free from sorrow is happy ,the wise man is happy ,the delight which the early ,stoics took in this pure play of the intellect led them to pounce with avidity upon the abundant stock of fallacies current among the ,greeks of their time4 ,these seem--most of them--to have been invented by the ,megarians and especially by ,eubulides of ,miletus a disciple of ,eucleides but they became associated with the ,stoics both by friends and foes who either praise their subtlety or deride their solemnity in dealing with them4 ,chrysippus himself was not above propounding such sophisms as the following-- ,whoever divulges the mysteries to the uninitiated commits impiety ,the hierophant divulged the mysteries to the uninitiated ,the hierophant commits impiety ,anything that you say passes through your mouth ,you say a wagon ,a wagon passes through your mouth ,he is said to have written eleven books on the ,no-one fallacy4 ,but what seems to have exercised most of his ingenuity was the famous ,liar1 the invention of which is ascribed to ,eubulides4 ,this fallacy in its simplest form is as follows4 ,if you say truly that you are telling a lie1 are you lying or telling the truth8 ,chrysippus set this down as inexplicable4 ,nevertheless he was far from declining to discuss it4 ,for we find in the list of his works a treatise in five books on the ,inexplicables an ,introduction to the ,liar and ,liars for ,introduction1 six books on the ,liar itself1 a work directed against those who thought that such propositions were both false and true1 another against those who professed to solve the ,liar by a process of division1 three books on the solution of the ,liar1 and finally a polemic against those who asserted that the ,liar had its premises false4 ,it was well for poor ,philetas of ,cos that he ended his days before ,chrysippus was born1 though as it was he grew thin and died of the ,liar1 and his epitaph served as a solemn reminder to poets not to meddle with logic-- ,philetas of ,cos am ,i ',twas the ,liar who made me die ,and the bad nights caused thereby4 ,perhaps we owe him an apology for the translation4 ,,ethic ,we have already had to touch upon the psychology of the ,stoics in connection with the first principles of logic4 ,it is no less necessary to do so now in dealing with the foundation of ethic4 ,the ,stoics we are told reckoned that there were eight parts of the soul4 ,these were the five senses1 the organ of sound1 the intellect and the reproductive principle4 ,the passions1 it will be observed1 are conspicuous by their absence4 ,for the ,stoic theory was that the passions were simply the intellect in a diseased state owing to the perversions of falsehood4 ,this is why the ,stoics would not parley with passion1 conceiving that if once it were let into the citadel of the soul it would supplant the rightful ruler4 ,passion and reason were not two things which could be kept separate in which case it might be hoped that reason would control passion1 but were two states of the same thing--a worse and a better4 ,the unperturbed intellect was the legitimate monarch in the kingdom of man4 ,hence the ,stoics commonly spoke of it as the leading principle4 ,this was the part of the soul which received phantasies and it was also that in which impulses were generated with which we have now more particularly to do4 ,impulse or appetition was the principle in the soul which impelled to action4 ,in an unperverted state it was directed only to things in accordance with nature4 ,the negative form of this principle or the avoidance of things as being contrary to nature1 we shall call repulsion4 ,notwithstanding the sublime heights to which ,stoic morality rose4 ,it was professedly based on self-love1 wherein the ,stoics were at one with the other schools of thought in the ancient world4 ,the earliest impulse that appeared in a newly born animal was to protect itself and its own constitution which were conciliated to it by nature4 ,what tended to its survival1 it sought2 what tended to its destruction1 it shunned4 ,thus self-preservation was the first law of life4 ,while man was still in the merely animal stage1 and before reason was developed in him1 the things that were in accordance with his nature were such as health1 strength1 good bodily condition1 soundness of all the senses1 beauty1 swiftness--in short all the qualities that went to make up richness of physical life and that contributed to the vital harmony4 ,these were called the first things in accordance with nature4 ,their opposites were all contrary to nature1 such as sickness1 weakness1 mutilation4 ,under the first things in accordance with nature came also congenial advantages of soul such as quickness of intelligence1 natural ability1 industry1 application1 memory1 and the like4 ,it was a question whether pleasure was to be included among the number4 ,some members of the school evidently thought that it might be1 but the orthodox opinion was that pleasure was a sort of aftergrowth and that the direct pursuit of it was deleterious to the organism4 ,the after growths of virtue were joy1 cheerfulness1 and the like4 ,these were the gambolings of the spirit like the frolicsomeness of an animal in the full flush of its vitality or like the blooming of a plant4 ,for one and the same power manifested itself in all ranks of nature1 only at each stage on a higher level4 ,to the vegetative powers of the plant the animal added sense and ,impulse4 ,it was in accordance therefore with the nature of an animal to obey the ,impulses of sense1 but to sense and ,impulse man superadded reason so that when he became conscious of himself as a rational being1 it was in accordance with his nature to let all his ,impulses be shaped by this new and master hand4 ,virtue was therefore pre-eminently in accordance with nature4 ,what then we must now ask is the relation of reason to impulse as conceived by the ,stoics8 ,is reason simply the guiding1 and impulse the motive power8 ,seneca protests against this view1 when impulse is identified with passion4 ,one of his grounds for doing so is that reason would be put on a level with passion1 if the two were equally necessary for action4 ,but the question is begged by the use of the word 'passion1' which was defined by the ,stoics as 'an excessive impulse4' ,is it possible then1 even on ,stoic principles1 for reason to work without something different from itself to help it8 ,or must we say that reason is itself a principle of action8 ,here ,plutarch comes to our aid1 who tells us on the authority of ,chrysippus in his work on ,law that impulse is 'the reason of man commanding him to act1' and similarly that repulsion is 'prohibitive reason4' ,this renders the ,stoic position unmistakable1 and we must accomodate our minds to it in spite of its difficulties4 ,just as we have seen already that reason is not something radically different from sense1 so now it appears that reason is not different from impulse1 but itself the perfected form of impulse4 ,whenever impulse is not identical with reason--at least in a rational being--it is not truly impulse1 but passion4 ,the ,stoics1 it will be observed1 were ,evolutionists in their psychology4 ,but1 like many ,evolutionists at the present day1 they did not believe in the origin of mind out of matter4 ,in all living things there existed already what they called 'seminal reasons1' which accounted for the intelligence displayed by plants as well as by animals4 ,as there were four cardinal virtues1 so there were four primary passions4 ,these were delight1 grief1 desire and fear4 ,all of them were excited by the presence or the prospect of fancied good or ill4 ,what prompted desire by its prospect caused delight by its presence1 and what prompted fear by its prospect caused grief by its presence4 ,thus two of the primary passions had to do with good and two with evil4 ,all were furies which infested the life of fools1 rendering it bitter and grievous to them2 and it was the business of philosophy to fight against them4 ,nor was this strife a hopeless one1 since the passions were not grounded in nature1 but were due to false opinion4 ,they originated in voluntary judgements1 and owed their birth to a lack of mental sobriety4 ,if men wished to live the span of life that was allotted to them in quietness and peace1 they must by all means keep clear of the passions4 ,the four primary passions having been formulated1 it became necessary to justify the division by arranging the specific forms of feeling under these four heads4 ,in this task the ,stoics displayed a subtlety which is of more interest to the lexicographer than to the student of philosophy4 ,they laid great stress on the derivation of words as affording a clue to their meaning2 and1 as their etymology was bound by no principles1 their ingenuity was free to indulge in the wildest freaks of fancy4 ,though all passion stood self-condemned1 there were nevertheless certain 'eupathies1' or happy affections1 which would be experienced by the ideally good and wise man4 ,these were not perturbations of the soul1 but rather 'constancies'2 they were not opposed to reason1 but were rather part of reason4 ,though the sage would never be transported with delight1 he would still feel an abiding 'joy' in the presence of the true and only good2 he would never indeed be agitated by desire1 but still he would be animated by 'wish1' for that was directed only to the good2 and though he would never feel fear still he would be actuated in danger by a proper caution4 ,there was therefore something rational corresponding to three out of four primary passions--against delight was to be set joy2 against grief there was nothing to be set1 for that arose from the presence of ill which would rather never attach to the sage4 ,grief was the irrational conviction that one ought to afflict oneself where there was no occasion for it4 ,the ideal of the ,stoics was the unclouded serenity of ,socrates of whom ,xanthippe declared that he had always the same face whether on leaving the house ,in the morning or on returning to it at night4 ,as the motley crowd of passions followed the banners of their four leaders so specific forms of feeling sanctioned by reason were severally assigned to the three eupathies4 ,things were divided by ,zeno into good1 bad1 and indifferent4 ,to good belonged virtue and what partook of virtue2 to bad1 vice and what partook of vice4 ,all other things were indifferent4 ,to the third class then belonged such things as life and death1 health and sickness1 pleasure and pain1 beauty and ugliness1 strength and weakness1 honour and dishonour1 wealth and poverty1 victory and defeat1 nobility and baseness of birth4 ,good was defined as that which benefits4 ,to confer benefit was no less essential to good than to impart warmth was to heat4 ,if one asked in what 'to benefit' lay one received the reply that it lay in producing an act or state in accordance with virtue1 and similarly it was laid down that 'to hurt' lay in producing an act or state in accordance with vice4 ,the indifference of things other than virtue and vice was apparent from the definition of good which made it essentially beneficial4 ,such things as health and wealth might be beneficial or not according to circumstances2 they were therefore no more good than bad4 ,again1 nothing could be really good of which the good or ill depended on the use made of it1 but this was the case with things like health and wealth4 ,the true and only good then was identical with what the ,greeks called 'the beautiful' and what we call 'the right'4 ,to say that a thing was right was to say that it was good1 and conversely to say that it was good was to say that it was right2 this absolute identity between the good and the right and1 on the other hand1 between the bad and wrong1 was the head and front of the ,stoic ethics4 ,the right contained in itself all that was necessary for the happy life1 the wrong was the only evil1 and made men miserable whether they knew it or not4 ,as virtue was itself the end1 it was of course choiceworthy in and for itself1 apart from hope or fear with regard to its consequences4 ,moreover1 as being the highest good1 it could admit of no increase from the addition of things indifferent4 ,it did not even admit of increase from the prolongation of its own existence1 for the question was not one of quantity1 but of quality4 ,virtue for an eternity was no more virtue1 and therefore no more good1 than virtue for a moment4 ,even so one circle was no more round than another1 whatever you might choose to make its diameter1 nor would it detract from the perfection of a circle if it were to be obliterated immediately in the same dust in which it had been drawn4 ,to say that the good of men lay in virtue was another way of saying that it lay in reason1 since virtue was the perfection of reason4 ,as reason was the only thing whereby ,nature had distinguished man from other creatures1 to live the rational life was to follow ,nature4 ,nature was at once the law of ,god and the law for man4 ,for by the nature of anything was meant1 not that which we actually find it to be1 but that which in the eternal fitness of things it was obviously intended to become4 ,to be happy then was to be virtuous1 to be virtuous was to be rational1 to be rational was to follow ,nature1 and to follow ,nature was to obey ,god4 ,virtue imparted to life that even flow in which ,zeno declared happiness to consist4 ,this was attained when one's own genius was in harmony with the will that disposed of all things4 ,virtue having been purified from all the dross of the emotions1 came out as something purely intellectual1 so that the ,stoics agreed with the ,socratic conception that virtue is knowledge4 ,they also took on from ,plato the four cardinal virtues of ,wisdom1 ,temperance1 ,courage1 and ,justice1 and defined them as so many branches of knowledge4 ,against these were set four cardinal vices of ,folly1 ,intemperance1 ,cowardice1 and ,injustice4 ,under both the virtues and vices there was an elaborate classification of specific qualities4 ,but notwithstanding the care with which the ,stoics divided and subdivided the virtues1 virtue1 according to their doctrine1 was all the time one and indivisible4 ,for virtue was simply reason and reason1 if it were there1 must control every department of conduct alike4 ',he who has one virtue has all1' was a paradox with which the ,greek thought was already familiar4 ,but ,chrysippus went beyond this1 declaring that he who displayed one virtue did thereby display all4 ,neither was the man perfect who did not possess all the virtues1 nor was the act perfect which did not involve them all4 ,where the virtues differed from one another was merely in the order in which they put things4 ,each was primarily itself1 secondarily all the rest4 ,wisdom had to determine what it was right to do1 but this involved the other virtues4 ,temperance had to impart stability to the impulses1 but how could the term 'temperate' be applied to a man who deserted his post through cowardice1 or who failed to return a deposit through avarice1 which is a form of injustice1 or yet to one who misconducted affairs through rashness1 which falls under folly8 ,courage had to face dangers and difficulties1 but it was not courage unless its cause were just4 ,indeed one of the ways in which courage was defined was a virtue fighting on behalf of justice4 ,similarly justice put first the assigning to each man his due1 but in the act of doing so had to bring in the other virtues4 ,in short1 it was the business of the man of virtue to know and to do what ought to be done1 for what ought to be done implied wisdom in choice1 courage in endurance1 justice in assignment and temperance in abiding by ones conviction4 ,one virtue never acted by itself1 but always on the advice of a committee4 ,the obverse to this paradox--,he who has one vice has all vices--was a conclusion which the ,stoics did not shrink from drawing4 ,one might lose part of one's ,corinthian ware and still retain the rest1 but to lose one virtue--if virtue could be lost--would be to lose all along with it4 ,we have now encountered the first paradox of ,stoicism1 and can discern its origin in the identification of virtue with pure reason4 ,in getting forth the novelties in ,zeno's teaching1 ,cicero mentions that1 while his predecessors had recognized virtues due to nature and habit1 he made all dependent upon reason4 ,a natural consequence of this was the reassertion of the position which ,plato held or wished to hold1 namely1 that virtue can be taught4 ,but the part played by nature in virtue cannot be ignored4 ,it was not in the power of ,zeno to alter facts4 ,all he could do was to legislate as to names4 ,and this he did vigorously4 ,nothing was to be called virtue which was not of the nature of reason and knowledge1 but still it had to be admitted that nature supplied the starting points for the four cardinal virtues--for the discovery of one's impulses1 for right endurances and harmonious distributions4 ,from things good and bad we now turn to things indifferent4 ,hitherto the ,stoic doctrine has been stern and uncompromising4 ,we have now to look at it under a different aspect1 and to see how it tried to conciliate common sense4 ,by things indifferent were meant such as did not necessarily contribute to virtue1 for instance health1 wealth1 strength1 and honor4 ,it is possible to have all these and not be virtuous1 it is possible also to be virtuous without them4 ,but we have now to learn that though these things are neither good nor evil1 and are therefore not matter for choice or avoidance1 they are far from being indifferent in the sense of arousing neither impulse nor repulsion4 ,there are things indeed that are indifferent in the latter sense1 such as whether you put out your finger this way or that1 whether you stoop to pick up a straw or not1 whether the number of hairs on your head be odd or even4 ,but things of this sort are exceptional4 ,the bulk of things other than virtue and vice do arouse in us either impulse or repulsion4 ,let it be understood then that there are two senses of the word indifferent-- 7#a7 neither good nor bad 7#b7 neither awaking impulse nor repulsion ,among things indifferent in the former sense1 some were in accordance with nature1 some were contrary to nature and some were neither one nor the other4 ,health1 strengths and soundness of the senses were in accordance with nature2 sickness weakness and mutilation were contrary to nature1 but such things as the fallibility of the soul and the vulnerability of the body were neither in accordance with nature nor yet contrary to nature1 but just nature4 ,all things that were in accordance with nature had 'value' and all things that were contrary to nature had what we must call 'disvalue'4 ,in the highest sense indeed of the term 'value'--namely that of absolute value or worth--things indifferent did not possess any value at all4 ,but still there might be assigned to them what ,antipater expressed by the term 'a selective value' or what he expressed by its barbarous privative1 'a disselective disvalue'4 ,if a thing possessed a selective value you took that thing rather than its contrary1 supposing that circumstances allowed1 for instance1 health rather than sickness1 wealth rather than poverty1 life rather than death4 ,hence such things were called takeable and their contraries untakeable4 ,things that possessed a high degree of value were called preferred1 those that possessed a high degree of disvalue were called rejected4 ,such as possessed no considerable degree of either were neither preferred nor rejected4 ,zeno1 with whom these names originated1 justified their use about things really indifferent on the ground that at court preferment could not be bestowed upon the king himself1 but only on his ministers4 ,things preferred and rejected might belong to mind1 body or estate4 ,among things preferred in the case of the mind were natural ability1 art1 moral progress1 and the like1 while their contraries were rejected4 ,in the case of the body1 life1 health1 strength1 good condition1 completeness1 and beauty were preferred1 while death1 sickness1 weakness1 ill condition1 mutilation and ugliness were rejected4 ,among things external to soul and body1 wealth1 reputation1 and nobility were preferred1 while poverty1 ill repute1 and baseness of birth were rejected4 ,in this way all mundane and marketable goods1 after having been solemnly refused admittance by the ,stoics at the front door1 were smuggled in at a kind of tradesman's entrance under the name of things indifferent4 ,we must now see how they had1 as it were1 two moral codes1 one for the sage and the other for the world in general4 ,the sage alone could act rightly1 but other people might perform the proprieties4 ,any one might honor his parents1 but the sage alone did it as the outcome of wisdom1 because he alone possessed the art of life1 the peculiar work of which was to do everything that was done as the result of the best disposition4 ,all the acts of the sage were perfect proprieties1 which were called rightnesses4 ,all acts of all other men were sins or wrongnesses4 ,at their best they could only be intermediate proprieties4 ,the term propriety1 then1 is a generic one4 ,but1 as often happens1 the generic term got determined in use to a specific meaning1 so that intermediate acts are commonly spoken of as proprieties in opposition to rightnesses4 ,instances of rightnesses are displaying wisdom and dealing justly1 instances of proprieties or intermediate acts are marrying1 going on an embassy1 and dialectic4 ,the word duty is often employed to translate the ,greek term which we are rendering by propriety4 ,any translation is no more than a choice of evils1 since we have no real equivalent for the term4 ,it was applicable not merely to human conduct1 but also to the acting of the lower animals1 and even to the growth of plants4 ,now1 apart from a craze of generalization we should hardly think of the stern daughter of the voice of ,god in connection with an amoeba corresponding successfully to stimulus1 yet the creature in its inchoate way is exhibiting a dim analogy to duty4 ,the term in question was first used by ,zeno1 and was explained by him1 in accordance with its etymology1 to mean what it came to one to do1 so that as far as this goes1 'becomingness' would be the most appropriate translation4 ,the sphere of propriety was confined to things indifferent1 so that there were proprieties which were common to the sage and the fool4 ,it had to do with taking the things which were in accordance with nature and rejecting those that were not4 ,even the propriety of living or dying was determined1 not by reference to virtue or vice1 but to the preponderance or deficiency of things in accordance with nature4 ,it might thus be a propriety for the sage in spite of his happiness1 to depart from life of his own accord1 and for the fool notwithstanding his misery1 to remain in it4 ,life1 being in itself indifferent1 the whole question was one of opportunism4 ,wisdom might prompt the leaving herself should occasion seem to call for it4 ,we pass on now another instance of accommodation4 ,according to the high ,stoic doctrine1 there was no mean between virtue and vice4 ,all men indeed received from nature the starting-points for virtue1 but until perfection had been attained they rested under the condemnation of vice4 ,it was1 to employ an illustration of the poet-philosopher ,cleanthes1 as though ,nature had begun an iambic line and left men to finish it4 ,until that was done they were to wear the fool's cap4 ,the ,peripatetics1 on the other hand1 recognized an intermediate state between virtue and vice1 to which they gave the name of progress and proficience4 ,yet so entirely had the ,stoics1 for practical purposes1 to accept this lower level1 that the word proficience has come to be spoken of as though it were of ,stoic origin4 ,seneca is fond of contrasting the sage with the proficient4 ,the sage is like a man in the enjoyment of perfect health4 ,but the proficient is like a man recovering from a severe illness1 with whom an abatement of the paroxysm is equivalent to health1 and who is always in danger of a relapse4 ,it is the business of philosophy to provide for the needs of these weaker brethren4 ,the proficient is still called a fool1 but it is pointed out that he is a very different kind of fool from the rest4 ,further1 proficients are arranged into three classes1 in a way that reminds one of the technicalities of ,calvinistic theology4 ,first of all1 there are those who are near wisdom1 but1 however near they may be to the door of ,heaven1 they are still on the wrong side of it4 ,according to some doctors1 these were already safe from backsliding1 differing from the sage only in not having yet realized that they had attained to knowledge2 other authorities1 however1 refused to admit this1 and regarded the first class as being exempt only from settled diseases of the soul1 but not from passing attacks of passion4 ,thus did the ,stoics differ among themselves as to the doctrine of final assurance4 ,the second class consisted of those who had laid aside the worst diseases and passions of the soul1 but might at any moment relapse into them4 ,the third class was of those who had escaped one mental malady but not another2 who had conquered lust1 let us say1 but not ambition2 who disregarded death1 but dreaded pain1 ,this third class1 adds ,seneca1 is by no means to be despised4 ,from these concessions to the weakness of humanity we now pass to the ,stoic paradoxes1 where we shall see their doctrine in its full rigor4 ,it is perhaps these very paradoxes which account for the puzzled fascination with which ,stoicism affected the mind of antiquity1 just as obscurity in a poet may prove a surer passport to fame than more strictly poetical merits4 ,the root of ,stoicism being a paradox1 it is not surprising that the offshoots should be so too4 ,to say that ,virtue is the highest good is a proposition to which every one who aspires to the spiritual life must yield assent with his lips1 even if he has not yet learned to believe it in his heart4 ,but alter it into ,virtue is the only good and by that slight change it becomes at once the teeming mother of paradoxes4 ,by a paradox is meant that which runs counter to general opinion4 ,now it is quite certain that men have regarded1 do regard1 and1 we may safely add will regard things as good which are not virtue4 ,but if we grant this initial paradox1 a great many others will follow along with it--as for instance that ,virtue is sufficient of itself for happiness4 ,the fifth book of ,cicero's ,tusculan ,disputations is an eloquent defense of this thesis1 in which the orator combats the suggestion that a good man is not happy when he is being broken on the wheel4 ,another glaring paradox of the ,stoics is that ,all faults are equal4 ,they took their stand upon a mathematical conception of rectitude4 ,an angle must be either a right angle or not1 a line must be either straight or crooked1 so an act must be either right or wrong4 ,there is no mean between the two and there are no degrees of either4 ,to sin is to cross the line4 ,when once that has been done it makes no difference to the offense how far you go4 ,trespassing at all is forbidden4 ,this doctrine was defended by the ,stoics on account of its bracing moral effect as showing the heinousness of sin4 ,horace gives the judgment of the world in saying that common sense and morality1 to say nothing of utility1 revolt against it4 ,here are some other specimens of the ,stoic paradoxes4 ,every fool is mad4 ,only the sage is free and every fool is a slave4 ,the sage alone is wealthy4 ,good men are always happy and bad men always miserable4 ,all goods are equal4 ,no one is wiser or happier than another4 ,but may not one man we ask be more nearly wise or more nearly happy than another8 ,that may be1 the ,stoics would reply1 but the man who is only one stade from ,canopus is as much not in ,canopus as the man who is a hundred stades off2 and the eight day old puppy is still as blind as on the day of its birth2 nor can a man who is near the surface of the sea breathe any more than if he were full five hundred fathom down4 ,it is only fair to the ,stoics to add that paradoxes were quite the order of the day in ,greece1 though they greatly outdid other schools in producing them4 ,socrates himself was the father of paradox4 ,epicurus maintained as staunchly as any ,stoic that ,no wise man is unhappy1 and1 if he be not belied1 went the length of declaring that the wise man1 if put into the bull of ,phalaris would exclaim3 ,how delightful6 ,how little ,i mind this6 ,it is out of keeping with common sense to draw a hard and fast distinction between good and bad4 ,yet this was what the ,stoics did4 ,they insisted on effecting here and now that separation between the sheep and the goats1 which ,christ postponed to the ,day of ,judgment4 ,unfortunately1 when it came to practice1 all were found to be goats1 so that the division was a merely formal one4 ,the good man of the ,stoics was variously known as 'the sage'1 or1 'the serious man'1 the latter name being inherited from the ,peripatetics4 ,we used to hear it said among ourselves that a person had become serious1 when he or she had taken to religion4 ,another appellation which the ,stoics had for the sage was 'the urbane man'1 while the fool in contradistinction was called 'a boor'4 ,boorishness was defined as an inexperience of the customs and laws of the state4 ,by the state was meant1 not ,athens or ,sparta1 as would have been the case in a former age1 but the society of all rational beings into which the ,stoics spiritualised the state4 ,the sage alone had the freedom of this city and the fool was therefore not only a boor1 but an alien or an exile4 ,in this city1 ,justice was natural and not conventional1 for the law by which it was governed was the law of right reason4 ,the law then was spiritualised by the ,stoics1 just as the state was4 ,it no longer meant the enactments of this or that community1 but the mandates of the eternal reason which ruled the world and which would prevail in the ideal state4 ,law was defined as right reason commanding what was to be done and forbidding what was not to be done4 ,as such1 it in no way differed from the impulse of the sage himself4 ,as a member of a state and by nature subject to law1 man was essentially a social being4 ,between all the wise there existed unanimity1 which was a knowledge of the common good1 because their views of life were harmonious4 ,fools1 on the other hand1 whose views of life were discordant1 were enemies to one another and bent on mutual injury4 ,as a member of society the sage would play his part in public life4 ,theoretically this was always true1 and practically he would do so1 wherever the actual constitution made any tolerable approach to the ideal type4 ,but1 if the circumstances were such as to make it certain that his embarking on politics would be of no service to his country1 and only a source of danger to himself1 then he would refrain4 ,the kind of constitution of which the ,stoics most approved was a mixed government containing democratic1 aristocratic1 and monarchical elements4 ,where circumstances allowed the sage would act as legislator1 and would educate mankind1 one way of doing which was by writing books which would prove of profit to the reader4 ,as a member of existing society the sage would marry and beget children1 both for his own sake and for that of his country1 on behalf of which1 if it were good1 he would be ready to suffer and die4 ,still he would look forward to a better time when1 in ,zeno's as in ,plato's republic1 the wise would have women and children in common1 when the elders would love all the rising generation equally with parental fondness1 and when marital jealousy would be no more4 ,as being essentially a social being1 the sage was endowed not only with the graver political virtues1 but also with the graces of life4 ,he was sociable1 tactful and stimulating1 using conversation as a means for promoting good will and friendship2 so far as might be1 he was all things to all men1 which made him fascinating and charming1 insinuating and even wily2 he know how to hit the point and to choose the right moment1 yet with it all he was plain and unostentatious and simple and unaffected2 in particular he never delighted in irony much less in sarcasm4 ,from the social characteristics of the sage we turn now to a side of his character which appears eminently anti-social4 ,one of his most highly vaunted characteristics was his self-sufficingness4 ,he was to be able to step out of a burning city1 coming from the wreck not only of his fortunes1 but of his friends and family1 and to declare with a smile that he has lost nothing4 ,all that he truly cared for was to be centered in himself4 ,only thus could he be sure that ,fortune would not wrest it from him4 ,the apathy or passionlessness of the sage is another of his most salient features4 ,the passions being1 on ,zeno's showing1 not natural1 but forms of disease1 the sage1 as being the perfect man1 would of course be wholly free from them4 ,they were so many disturbances of the even flow in which his bliss lay4 ,the sage therefore would never be moved by a feeling of favour towards any one2 he would never pardon a fault2 he would never feel pity2 he would never be prevailed upon by entreaty2 he would never be stirred to anger4 ,as to the absence of pity in the sage1 the ,stoics themselves must have felt some difficulty there since we find ,epictetus recommending his hearers to show grief out of sympathy for another1 but to be careful not to feel it4 ,the inexorability of the sage was a mere consequence of his calm reasonableness1 which would lead him to take the right view from the first4 ,lastly1 the sage would never be stirred to anger4 ,for why should it stir his anger to see another in his ignorance injuring himself8 ,one more touch has yet to be added to the apathy of the sage4 ,he was impervious to wonder4 ,no miracle of nature could excite his astonishment--no mephitic caverns1 which men deemed the mouths of hell1 no deep-drawn ebb tides--the standing marvel of the ,mediterranean dweller1 no hot springs1 no spouting jets of fire4 ,from the absence of passion it is but a step to the absence of error4 ,so we pass now to the infallibility of the sage--a monstrous doctrine which was never broached in the schools before ,zeno4 ,the sage1 it was maintained1 held no opinions1 he never repented of his conduct1 he was never deceived in anything4 ,between the daylight of knowledge and darkness of nescience ,plato had interposed the twilight of opinion wherein men walked for the most part4 ,not so however the ,stoic sage4 ,of him it might be said1 as ,charles ,lamb said of the ,scotchman with whom he so imperfectly sympathized3 ,his understanding is always at its meridian--you never see the first dawn1 the early streaks4 ,he has no falterings of self suspicion4 ,surmises1 guesses1 misgivings1 half intuitions1 semiconsciousness1 partial illuminations1 dim instincts1 embryo conceptions1 have no place in his brain or vocabulary4 ,the twilight of dubiety never falls upon him4 ,opinion1 whether in the form of an ungripped assent1 or a weak supposition1 was alien from the mental disposition of the serious man4 ,with him there was no hasty or premature assent of the understanding1 no forgetfulness1 no distrust4 ,he never allowed himself to be overreached or deluded1 never had need of an arbiter1 never was out in his reckoning nor put out by another4 ,no urbane man ever wandered from his way1 or missed his mark1 or saw wrong1 or heard amiss1 or erred in any of his senses2 he never conjectured nor thought of a better thing1 for the one was a form of imperfect assent1 and the other a sign of previous precipitancy4 ,there was with him no change1 no retraction1 and no tripping4 ,these things were for those whose dogmas could alter4 ,after this it is almost superfluous for us to be assured that the sage never got drunk4 ,drunkenness1 as ,zeno pointed out1 involved babbling1 and of that the sage would never be guilty4 ,he would not1 however1 altogether eschew banquets4 ,indeed1 the ,stoics recognized a virtue under the name of 'conviviality1' which consisted in the proper conduct of them4 ,it was said of ,chrysippus that his demeanor was always quiet1 even if his gait were unsteady1 so that his housekeeper declared that only his legs were drunk4 ,there were pleasantries even within the school on this subject of infallibility of the sage4 ,aristo of ,chios1 while seceding on some other matters1 held fast to the dogma that the sage never opined4 ,whereupon ,persaeus played a trick upon him4 ,he made one of two twin brothers deposit a sum of money with him and the other call to reclaim it4 ,the success of the trick however only went to establish that ,aristo was not the sage1 an admission which each of the ,stoics seems to have been ready enough to make on his own part1 as the responsibilities of the position were so fatiguing4 ,there remains one more leading characteristic of the sage1 the most striking of them all1 and the most important from the ethical point of view4 ,this was his innocence or harmlessness4 ,he would not harm others and was not to be harmed by them4 ,for the ,stoics believed with ,socrates that it was not permissible by the divine law for a better man to be harmed by a worse4 ,you could not harm the sage any more than you could harm the sunlight2 he was in our world1 but not of it4 ,there was no possibility of evil for him1 save in his own will1 and that you could not touch4 ,and as the sage was beyond harm1 so also was he above insult4 ,men might disgrace themselves by their insolent attitude towards his mild majesty1 but it was not in their power to disgrace him4 ,as the ,stoics had their analogue to the tenet of final assurance1 so had they also to that of sudden conversion4 ,they held that a man might become a sage without being at first aware of it4 ,the abruptness of the transition from folly to wisdom was in keeping with their principle that there was no medium between the two1 but it was naturally a point which attracted the strictures of their opponents4 ,that a man should be at one moment stupid and ignorant and unjust and intemperate1 a slave and poor1 and destitute1 at the next a king1 rich1 and prosperous1 temperate1 and just1 secure in his judgements and exempt from error1 was a transformation1 they declared1 which smacked more of the fairy tales of the nursery than of the doctrines of a sober philosophy4 ,,physic ,we have now before us the main facts with regard to the ,stoic view of man's nature1 but we have yet to see in what setting they were put4 ,what was the ,stoic outlook upon the universe8 ,the answer to this question is supplied by their ,physic4 ,there were1 according to the ,stoics1 two first principles of all things1 the active and the passive4 ,the passive was that unqualified being which is known as ,matter4 ,the active was the ,logos1 or reason in it1 which is ,god4 ,this1 it was held1 eternally pervades matter and creates all things4 ,this dogma1 laid down by ,zeno1 was repeated after him by the subsequent heads of the school4 ,there were then two first principles1 but there were not two causes of things4 ,the active principle alone was cause1 the other was mere material for it to work on--inert1 senseless1 destitute in itself of all shape and qualities1 but ready to assume any qualities or shape4 ,matter was defined as that out of which anything is produced4 ,the ,prime ,matter1 or unqualified being1 was eternal and did not admit of increase or decrease1 but only of change4 ,it was the substance or being of all things that are4 ,the ,stoics1 it will be observed1 used the term matter with the same confusing ambiguity with which we use it ourselves1 now for sensible objects which have shape and other qualities1 now for the abstract conception of matter1 which is devoid of all qualities4 ,both these first principles1 it must be understood1 were conceived of as bodies1 though without form1 the one everywhere interpenetrating the other4 ,to say that the passive principle1 or matter1 is a body comes easy to us1 because of the familiar confusion adverted to above4 ,but how could the active principle1 or ,god1 be conceived of as a body8 ,the answer to this question may sound paradoxical4 ,it is because ,god is a spirit4 ,a spirit in its original sense meant air in motion4 ,now the active principle was not air1 but it was something which bore an analogy to it--namely aether4 ,aether in motion might be called a 'spirit' as well as air in motion4 ,it was in this sense that ,chrysippus defined the thing that is1 to be a spirit moving itself into and out of itself1 or spirit moving itself to and fro4 ,from the two first principles which are ungenerated and indestructible must be distinguished the four elements which1 though ultimate for us1 yet were produced in the beginning by ,god and are destined some day to be reabsorbed into the divine nature4 ,these with the ,stoics were the same which had been accepted since ,empedocles--namely earth1 air1 fire and water4 ,the elements1 like the two first principles were bodies2 unlike them1 they were declared to have shape as well as extension4 ,an element was defined as that out of which things at first come into being and into which they are at last resolved4 ,in this relation did the four elements stand to all the compound bodies which the universe contained4 ,the terms earth1 air1 fire and water had to be taken in a wide sense3 earth meaning all that was of the nature of earth1 air all that was of the nature of air and so on4 ,thus1 in the human frame1 the bones and sinews pertained to earth4 ,the four qualities of matter--hot1 cold1 moist and dry--were indicative of the presence of the four elements4 ,fire was the source of heat1 air of cold1 water of moisture1 and earth of dryness4 ,between them1 the four elements made up the unqualified being called ,matter4 ,all animals and other compound natures on earth had in them representatives of the four great physical constituents of the universe1 but the moon1 according to ,chrysippus1 consisted only of fire and air1 while the sun was pure fire4 ,while all compound bodies were resolvable into the four elements1 there were important differences among the elements1 themselves4 ,two of them1 fire and air1 were light2 the other two1 water and earth1 were heavy4 ,by 'light' was meant that which tends away from its own centre1 by 'heavy1' that which1 tends towards it4 ,the two light elements stood to the two heavy ones in much the same relation as the active to the passive principle generally4 ,but further1 fire had such a primary as entitles it1 if the definition of element were pressed1 to be considered alone worthy of the name4 ,for the three other elements arose out of it and were to be again resolved into it4 ,we should obtain a wholly wrong impression of what ,bishop ,berkeley calls 'the philosophy of fire' if we set before our minds in this connection1 the raging element whose strength is in destruction4 ,let us rather picture to ourselves as the type of fire the benign and beatific solar heat1 the quickener and fosterer of all terrestrial life4 ,for according to ,zeno1 there were two kinds of fire1 the one destructive1 the other what we may call 'constructive1' and which he called 'artistic'4 ,this latter kind of fire1 which was known as aether1 was the substance of the heavenly bodies1 as it was also of the soul of animals and of the 'nature' of plants4 ,chrysippus1 following ,heraclitus1 taught that the elements passed into one another by a process of condensation and rarefaction4 ,fire first became solidified into air1 then air into water and lastly water into earth4 ,the process of dissolution took place in the reverse order1 earth being rarefied into water1 water into air1 and air into fire4 ,it is allowable to see in this old world doctrine an anticipation of the modern idea of different states of matter--the solid1 the liquid1 and the gaseous1 with a fourth beyond the gaseous which science can still only guess at1 and in which matter seems almost to merge into spirit4 ,each of the four elements had its own abode in the universe4 ,outermost of all was the ethereal 'fire' which was divided into two spheres3 first that of the fixed stars and next that of the planets4 ,below this lay the sphere of 'air'1 below this again that of 'water'1 and lowest or in other words1 most central of all was the sphere of 'earth'1 the solid foundation of the whole structure4 ,water might be said to be above earth because nowhere was there water to be found without earth beneath it1 but the surface of water was always equidistant from the centre1 whereas earth had prominences which rose above water4 ,when we say that the ,stoics regarded the universe as a plenum1 the reader must understand by 'the universe' the ,cosmos or ordered whole4 ,within this there was no emptiness owing to the pressure of the celestial upon the terrestrial sphere4 ,but outside of this lay the infinite void without beginning1 middle1 or end4 ,this occupied a very ambiguous position ,in their scheme4 ,it was not being1 for being was confined to body and yet it was there4 ,it was in fact nothing1 and that was why it was infinite4 ,for as nothing cannot be bound to any thing1 so neither can there be any bound to nothing4 ,but while bodiless itself1 it had the capacity to contain body1 a fact which enabled it1 despite its non-entity1 to serve1 as we shall see1 a useful purpose4 ,did the ,stoics then regard the universe as finite or as infinite8 ,in answering this question we must distinguish our terms1 as they did4 ,the ,all1 they said1 was infinite1 but the ,whole was finite4 ,for the ',all' was the cosmos and the void1 whereas the ',whole' was the cosmos only4 ,this distinction we may suppose to have originated with the later members of the school4 ,for ,appolodorus noted the ambiguity of the word ',all' as meaning1 7#a7 the cosmos only1 7#b7 cosmos void ,if then by the term universe we understand the cosmos1 or ordered whole1 we must say that the ,stoics regarded the universe as finite4 ,all being and all body1 which was the same thing with being1 had necessarily bounds1 it was only not being1 which was boundless4 ,another distinction1 due this time to ,chrysippus himself1 which the ,stoics found it convenient to draw1 was between the three words 'void1' 'place' and 'space'4 ,void was defined as 'the absence of body'1 place was that which was occupied by body1 the term 'space' was reserved for that which was partly occupied and partly unoccupied4 ,as there was no corner of the cosmos unfilled by body1 space1 it will be seen1 was another name for the ,all4 ,place was compared to a vessel that was full1 void to one that was empty1 and space to the vast wine-cask1 such as that in which ,diogenes made his home1 which was kept partly fully1 but in which there was always room for more4 ,the last comparison must of course not be pressed4 ,for if space be a cask1 it is one without top1 bottom or sides4 ,but while the ,stoics regarded our universe as an island of being in an ocean of void1 they did not admit the possibility that other such islands might exist beyond our ken4 ,the spectacle of the starry heavens1 which presented itself nightly to their gaze in all the brilliancy of a southern sky--that was all there was of being1 beyond that lay nothingness4 ,democritus or the ,epicureans might dream of other worlds1 but the ,stoics contended for the unity of the cosmos as staunchly as the ,mahometans for the unity of ,god1 for with them the cosmos was ,god4 ,in shape they conceived of it as spherical1 on the ground that the sphere was the perfect figure and was also the best adapted for motion4 ,not that the universe as a whole moved4 ,the earth lay in its centre1 spherical and motionless1 and round it coursed the sun1 moon1 and planets1 fixed each in its respective sphere as in so many concentric rings1 while the outermost ring of all1 which contained the fixed stars1 wheeled round the rest with an inconceivable velocity4 ,the tendency of all things in the universe to the centre kept the earth fixed in the middle as being subject to an equal pressure on every side4 ,the same cause also1 according to ,zeno1 kept the universe itself at rest in the void4 ,but in an infinite void1 it could make no difference whether the whole were at rest or in motion4 ,it may have been a desire to escape the notion of a migratory whole which led ,zeno to broach the curious doctrine that the universe has no weight1 as being composed of elements whereof two are heavy and two are light4 ,air and fire did indeed tend to the centre like everything else in the cosmos1 but not till they had reached their natural home4 ,till then they were of an upward-growing nature4 ,it appears then that the upward and downward tendencies of the elements were held to neutralise one another and to leave the universe devoid of weight4 ,the universe was the only thing which was perfect in itself1 the one thing which was an end in itself4 ,all other things were perfect indeed as parts1 when considered with reference to the whole1 but were none of them ends in themselves1 unless man could be deemed so who was born to contemplate the universe and imitate its perfections4 ,thus1 then1 did the ,stoics envisage the universe on its physical side--as one1 finite1 fixed in space1 but revolving round its own centre1 earth1 beautiful beyond all things1 and perfect as a whole4 ,but it was impossible for this order and beauty to exist without mind4 ,the universe was pervaded by intelligence as man's body is pervaded by his soul4 ,but as the human soul though everywhere present in the body is not present everywhere in the same degree1 so it was with the world-soul4 ,the human soul presents itself not only as intellect1 but also in the lower manifestations of sense1 growth1 and cohesion4 ,it is the soul which is the cause of the plant life1 which displays itself more particularly in the nails and hair2 it is the soul also which causes cohesion among the parts of the solid substances such as bones and sinews1 that make up our frame4 ,in the same way the world-soul displayed itself in rational beings as intellect1 in the lower animals as mere souls1 in plants as nature or growth1 and in inorganic substances as 'holding' or cohesion4 ,to this lowest stage add change1 and you have growth or plant nature2 super-add to this phantasy and impulse and you rise to the soul of irrational animals2 at a yet higher stage you reach the rational and discursive intellect1 which is peculiar to man among mortal natures4 ,we have spoken of soul as the cause of the plant life in our bodies1 but plants were not admitted by the ,stoics to be possessed of soul in the strict sense4 ,what animated them was 'nature' or1 as we have called it above1 'growth'4 ,nature1 in this sense of the principle of growth1 was defined by the ,stoics as 'a constructive fire1 proceeding in a regular way to production1' or 'a fiery spirit endowed with artistic skill'4 ,that ,nature was an artist needed no proof1 since it was her handiwork that human art essayed to copy4 ,but she was an artist who combined the useful with the pleasant1 aiming at once at beauty and convenience4 ,in the widest sense1 ,nature was another name for ,providence1 or the principle which held the universe together1 but1 as the term is now being employed1 it stood for that degree of existence which is above cohesion and below soul4 ,from this point of view1 it was defined as a cohesion subject to self originated change in accordance with seminal reasons effecting and maintaining its results in definite times1 and reproducing in the offspring the characteristics of the parent4 ,this sounds about as abstract as ,herbert ,spencer's definition of life1 but it must be borne in mind that nature was all the time a 'spirit'1 and as such a body4 ,it was a body of a less subtle essence than soul4 ,similarly1 when the ,stoics spoke of cohesion1 they are not to be taken as referring to some abstract principle like attraction4 ',cohesions1' said ,chrysippus1 'are nothing else than airs1 for it is by these that bodies are held together1 and of the individual qualities of things which are held together by cohesion1 it is the air which is the compressing cause which in iron is called hardness1 in stone thickness and in solver whiteness'4 ,not only solidarity then1 but also colours1 which ,zeno called 'the first schematisms' of matter were regarded as due to the mysterious agency of air4 ,in fact1 qualities in general were but blasts and tensions of the air1 which gave form and figure to the inert matter underlying them4 ,as the man is in one sense the soul1 in another the body1 and in a third the union of both1 so it was with the cosmos4 ,the word was used in three senses-- 7#a7 ,god 7#b7 the arrangement of the stars1 etc4 7#c7 the combination of both4 ,the cosmos as identical with ,god was described as an individual made up of all being who is incorruptible and ungenerated1 the fashioner of the ordered frame of the universe1 who at certain periods of time absorbs all being into himself and again generates it from himself4 ,thus the cosmos on its external side was doomed to perish and the mode of its destruction was to be by fire1 a doctrine which has been stamped upon the world's belief down to the present day4 ,what was to bring about this consummation was the soul of the universe becoming too big for its body1 which it would eventually swallow up altogether4 ,in the efflagration1 when everything went back to the primeval aether1 the universe would be pure soul and alive equally through and through4 ,in this subtle and attenuated state1 it would require more room than before and so expand into the void1 contracting again when another period of cosmic generation had set in4 ,hence the ,stoic definition of the ,void or ,infinite as that into which the cosmos is resolved at the efflagration4 ,in this theory of the contraction of the universe out of an ethereal state and ultimate return to the same condition one sees a resemblance to the modern scientific hypothesis of the origin of our planetary system out of the solar nebula1 and its predestined end in the same4 ,especially is this the case with the form in which the theory was held by ,cleanthes1 who pictured the heavenly bodies as hastening to their own destruction by dashing themselves1 like so many gigantic moths1 into the sun4 ,cleanthes however did not conceive mere mechanical force to be at work in this matter4 ,the grand apotheosis of suicide which he foresaw was a voluntary act2 for the heavenly bodies were ,gods and were willing to lose their own in a larger life4 ,thus all the deities except ,zeus were mortal1 or at all events1 perishable4 ,gods1 like men1 were destined to have an end some day4 ,they would melt in the great furnace of being as though they were made of wax or tin4 ,zeus then would be left alone with his own thoughts1 or as the ,stoics sometimes put it1 ,zeus would fall back upon ,providence4 ,for by ,providence they meant the leading principle or mind of the whole1 and by ,zeus1 as distinguished from ,providence1 this mind together with the cosmos1 which was to it as body4 ,in the efflagration the two would be fused into one in the single substance of aether4 ,and then in the fulness of time there would be a restitution of all things4 ,everything would come round regularly again exactly as it had been before4 ,to us who have been taught to pant for progress1 this seems a dreary prospect4 ,but the ,stoics were consistent ,optimists1 and did not ask for a change in what was best4 ,they were content that the one drama of existence should enjoy a perpetual run without perhaps too nice a consideration for the actors4 ,death intermitted life1 but did not end it4 ,for the candle of life1 which was extinguished now1 would be kindled again hereafter4 ,being and not being came round in endless succession for all save him1 into whom all being was resolved1 and out of whom it emerged again1 as from the vortex of some aeonian ,maelstrom4 ,,conclusion ,when ,socrates declared before his judges that there is no evil to a good man either in life or after death1 nor are his affairs neglected by the gods1 he sounded the keynote of ,stoicism1 with its two main doctrines of virtue as the only good1 and the government of the world by ,providence4 ,let us weigh his words1 lest we interpret them by the light of a comfortable modern piety4 ,a great many things that are commonly called evil may and do happen to a good man in this life1 and therefore presumably misfortunes may also overtake him in any other life that there may be4 ,the only evil that can never befall him is vice1 because that would be a contradiction in terms4 ,unless therefore ,socrates was uttering idle words on the most solemn occasion of his life1 he must be taken to have meant that there is no evil but vice1 which implies that there is no good but virtue4 ,thus we are landed at once in the heart of the ,stoic morality4 ,to the question why1 if there be a providence1 so many evils happen to good men1 ,seneca unflinchingly replies3 ,no evil can happen to a good man1 contraries do not mix4 ,god has removed from the good all evil3 because he has taken from them crimes and sins1 bad thoughts and selfish designs and blind lust and grasping avarice4 ,he has attended well to themselves1 but he cannot be expected to look after their luggage3 they relieve him of that care by being indifferent about it4 ,this is the only form in which the doctrine of divine providence can be held consistently with the facts of life ,again1 when ,socrates on the same occasion expressed his belief that it was not permitted by the divine law for a better man to be harmed by a worse1 he was asserting by implication the ,stoic position4 ,neither ,meletus nor ,anytus could harm him1 though they might have him killed or banished1 or disfranchised4 ,this passage of the ,apology1 in a condensed form1 is adopted by ,epictetus as one of the watchwords of ,stoicism4 ,there is nothing more distinctive of ,socrates than the doctrine that virtue is knowledge4 ,here too the ,stoics followed him1 ignoring all that ,aristotle had done in showing the part played by the emotions and the will in virtue4 ,reason was with them a principle of action2 with ,aristotle it was a principle that guided action1 but the motive power had to come from elsewhere4 ,socrates must even be held responsible for the ,stoic paradox of the madness of all ordinary folk4 ,the ,stoics did not owe much to the ,peripatetics4 ,there was too much balance about the master mind of ,aristotle for their narrow intensity4 ,his recognition of the value of the passions was to them an advocacy of disease in moderation3 his admission of other elements besides virtue into the conception of happiness seemed to them to be a betrayal of the citadel1 to say as he did that the exercise of virtue was the highest good was no merit in their eyes1 unless it were added to the confession that there was none beside it4 ,the ,stoics tried to treat man as a being of pure reason4 ,the ,peripatetics would not shut their eyes to his mixed nature1 and contended that the good of such a being must also be mixed1 containing in it elements which had reference to the body and its environment4 ,the goods of the soul indeed1 they said1 far outweighed those of body and estate1 but still the latter had a right to be considered4 ,though the ,stoics were religious to the point of superstition1 yet they did not invoke the terrors of theology to enforce the lesson of virtue4 ,plato does this even in the very work1 the professed object of which is to prove the intrinsic superiority of justice to injustice4 ,but ,chrysippus protested against ,plato's procedure on this point1 declaring that the talk about punishment by the gods was mere 'bugaboo'4 ,by the ,stoics indeed1 no less than by the ,epicureans1 fear of the gods was discarded from philosophy4 ,the ,epicurean gods took no part in the affairs of men2 the ,stoic ,god was incapable of anger4 ,the absence of any appeal to rewards and punishments was a natural consequence of the central tenet of the ,stoic morality3 that virtue is in itself the most desirable of all things4 ,another corollary that flows with equal directness from the same principle is that is better to be than to seem virtuous4 ,those who are sincerely convinced that happiness is to be found in wealth or pleasure or power prefer the reality to the appearance of these goods2 it must be the same with him who is sincerely convinced that happiness lies in virtue4 ,despite the want of feeling in which the ,stoics gloried1 it is yet true to say that the humanity of their system constitutes one of its most just claims on our admiration4 ,they were the first fully to recognise the worth of man as man2 they heralded the reign of peace for which we are yet waiting2 they proclaimed to the world the fatherhood of ,god and the brotherhood of man2 they were convinced of the solidarity of mankind1 and laid down that the interest of one must be subordinated to that of all4 ,the word philanthrop1 though not unheard before their time1 was brought into prominence by them as a name for a virtue among the virtues4 ,aristotle's ideal state1 like the ,republic of ,plato1 is still an ,hellenic city2 ,zeno was the first to dream of a republic which should embrace all mankind4 ,in ,plato's ,republic all the material goods are contemptuously thrown to the lower classes1 all the mental and spiritual reserved for the higher4 ,in ,aristotle's ideal the bulk of the population are mere conditions1 not integral parts of the state4 ,aristotle's callous acceptance of the existing fact of slavery blinded his eyes to the wider outlook1 which already in his time was beginning to be taken4 ,his theories of the natural slave and of the natural nobility of the ,greeks are mere attempts to justify practice4 ,in the ,ethics there is indeed a recognition of the rights of man1 but it is faint and grudging4 ,aristotle there tells us that a slave1 as a man1 admits of justice1 and therefore of friendship1 but unfortunately it is not this concession which is dominant in his system1 but rather the reduction of a slave to a living tool by which it is immediately preceded4 ,in another passage ,aristotle points out that men1 like other animals1 have a natural affection for the members of their own species1 a fact1 he adds1 which is best seen in travelling4 ,this incipient humanitarianism seems to have been developed in a much more marked way by ,aristotle's followers1 but it is the ,stoics who have won the glory of having initiated humanitarian sentiment4 ,virtue1 with the earlier ,greek philosophers1 was aristocratic and exclusive4 ,stoicism1 like ,christianity1 threw it open to the meanest of mankind4 ,in the kingdom of wisdom1 as in the kingdom of ,christ1 there was neither barbarian1 ,scythian1 bond1 nor free4 ,the only true freedom was to serve philosophy1 or1 which was the same thing1 to serve ,god2 and that could be done in any station in life4 ,the sole condition of communion with gods and good men was the possession of a certain frame of mind1 which might belong equally to a gentleman1 to a freedman1 or to a slave4 ,in place of the arrogant assertion of the natural nobility of the ,greeks1 we now hear that a good mind is the true nobility4 ,birth is of no importance2 all are sprung from the gods4 ,the door of virtue is shut to no man2 it is open to all1 admits all1 invites all--free men1 freedmen1 slaves1 kings and exiles4 ,its election is not of family or fortune2 it is content with the bare man4 ,wherever there was a human being1 there ,stoicism saw a field for well doing4 ,its followers were always to have in their mouths and hearts the well-known line-- ,homo sum humani nihil a me allenum puto ,closely connected with the humanitarianism of the ,greeks is their cosmopolitanism4 ,cosmopolitanism is a word which has contracted rather than expanded in meaning with the advance of time4 ,we mean by it freedom from the shackles of nationality4 ,the ,stoics meant this and more4 ,the city of which they claimed to be citizens was not merely this round world on which we dwell1 but the universe at large with all the mighty life therein contained4 ,in this city1 the greatest of earth's cities--,rome1 ,ephesus or ,alexandria1 were but houses4 ,to be exiled from one of them was only like changing your lodgings1 and death but a removal from one quarter to another4 ,the freemen of this city were all rational beings--sages on earth and the stars in heaven4 ,such an idea was thoroughly in keeping with the soaring genius of ,stoicism4 ,it was proclaimed by ,zeno in his ,republic1 and after him by ,chrysippus and his followers4 ,it caught the imagination of alien writers as of the author of the ,peripatetic ,de ,mundo who was possibly of ,jewish origin and of ,philo and ,st ,paul who were certainly so4 ,cicero does not fail to make of it on behalf of the ,stoics2 ,seneca revels in it2 ,epictetus employs it for edification and ,maucus ,aurelius finds solace in his heavenly citizenship for the cares of an earthly ruler--as ,antoninus indeed his city is ,rome1 but as a man it is the universe4 ,the philosophy of an age cannot perhaps be inferred from its political conditions with that certainty which some writers assume2 still there are cases in which the connection is obvious4 ,on a wide view of the matter we may say that the opening up of the ,east by the arms of ,alexander was the cause of the shifting of the philosophic standpoint from ,hellenism to cosmopolitanism4 ,if we reflect that the ,cynic and ,stoic teachers were mostly foreigners in ,greece we shall find a very tangible reason for the change of view4 ,greece had done her work in educating the world and the world was beginning to make payment in kind4 ,those who had been branded as natural slaves were now giving laws to philosophy4 ,the kingdom of wisdom was suffering violence at the hands of barbarians4 ,,dates ,,and ,,authorities ,,bc ,death of ,socrates #cii ,death of ,plato #cdg ,zeno #cdg #bge ,studied under ,crates #cbe ,studied under ,stilpo and ,xenocrates #cbe #cae ,began teaching #cae ,epicurus #cda #bgj ,death of ,aristotle #cbb ,death of ,xenocrates #cae ,cleanthes succeeded ,zeno #bge ,chrysippus died #bjg ,zeno of ,tarsus succeeded ,chrysippus --- ,decree of the ,senate forbidding the teaching of philosophy at ,rome #afa ,diogenes of ,babylon ,embassy of the philosophers to ,rome #aee ,antipater of ,tarsus ,panaetius ,accompanied ,africanus on his mission to the ,east #adc ,his treatise on ,propriety was the basis of ,cicero's ,de ,officiis4 ,the ,scipionic ,circle at ,rome ,the coterie was deeply tinctured with ,stoicism4 ,its chief members were-- ,the younger ,africanus the younger ,laelius ,l4 ,furius ,philus ,manilius ,spurius ,mummius ,p4 ,rutillus ,rufus ,q4 ,aelius1 ,tubero ,polybius and ,panaetius ,suicide of ,blossius of ,cumae1 the adviser of ,tiberius ,gracchus and a disciple of ,antipater of ,tarsus #acj ,mnesarchus1 a disciple of ,panaetius1 was teaching at ,athens when the orator ,crassus visited that city #aaa ,hecaton of ,rhodes ,a great ,stoic writer1 a disciple of ,panaetius and a friend of ,tubero ,posidonius ,about #abh-dd ,born at ,apameia in ,syria ,became a citizen of ,rhodes ,represented the ,rhodians at ,rome #hf ,cicero studied under him at ,rhodes #gh ,came to ,rome again at an advanced age #ea ,cicero's philosophical works #ed-dd ,these are a main authority for our knowledge of the ,stoics4 ,a4,d4 ,philo of ,alexandria came on an embassy to ,rome #ci ,the works of ,philo are saturated with ,stoic ideas and he displays an exact acquaintance with their terminology ,seneca ,exiled to ,corsica #da ,recalled from exile #di ,forced by ,nero to commit suicide #fe ,his ,moral ,epistles and philosophical works generally are written from the ,stoic standpoint though somewhat affected by ,eclecticism ,plutarch ,flor4 #hj ,the ,philosophical works of ,plutarch which have most bearing upon the ,stoics are-- ,de ,alexandri ,magni fortuna aut virtute1 ,de ,virtute ,morali1 ,de ,placitis ,philosophorum1 ,de ,stoicorum ,repugnantiis1 ,stoicos absurdiora poetis dicere1 ,de ,communibus ,notitiis4 ,epictetus ,flor4 #ij ,a freedman of ,epaphroditus1 ,disciple of ,c ,musonius ,rufus1 ,lived and taught at ,rome until ,a4 ,d4 #ij when the philosophers were expelled by ,domitian4 ,then retired to ,nicopolis in ,epirus1 where he spent the rest of his life4 ,epictetus wrote nothing himself1 but his ,dissertations1 as preserved by ,arrian1 from which the ,encheiridion is excerpted1 contain the most pleasing presentation that we have of the moral philosophy of the ,stoics4 ,c ,musonius ,rufus ,banished to ,gyaros 444 #fe ,returned to ,rome 444 #fh ,tried to intervene between the armies of ,vitellius and ,vespasian 444 #fi ,procured the condemnation of ,publius ,celer 7,tac ,h iv #aj1 ,juv ,sat iii #aaf7 444 -- ,q ,junius ,rusticus 444 ,cos #afb ,teacher of ,m ,aurelius who learnt from him to appreciate ,epictetus ,m ,aurelius ,antoninus ,emperor 444 #afa-ahj ,wrote the book commonly called his ,meditations under the title of to himself ,he may be considered the last of the ,stoics ,three later authorities for the ,stoic teaching are-- ,diogenes ,laertius 444 #bjj8 ,sextus ,empiricus 444 #bbe8 ,stobaeus 444 #ejj8 ,modern works-- ,von ,arnim's edition of the ,fragmenta ,stoicorum ,veterum ,pearson's ,fragments of ,zeno and ,cleanthes ,pitt ,press ,remains of ,c ,musonius ,rufus in the ,teubner series ,zeller's ,stoics and ,epicureans4 ,sir ,alexander ,grant1 ,ethics of ,aristotle ,essay ,,vi on the ,ancient ,stoics ,lightfoot on the ,philippians1 ,dissertation ,,ii1 ,st4 ,paul and ,seneca4