,,agricola ,,cambridge ,,university ,,press ,c4 ,f4 ,,clay1 ,,manager ,,london3 ,,fetter ,,lane1 ,e4,c4 #d ,illustration ,,new ,,york3 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,co4 ,,bombay ,,calcutta ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,ltd4 ,,madras ,,toronto3 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,co4 ,,of ,,canada1 ,,ltd4 ,,tokyo3 ,,maruzen-,,kabushiki-,,kaisha ,,all ,,rights ,,reserved ,,agricola ,a ,,study ,,of ,,agriculture ,,and ,,rustic ,,life ,,in ,,the ,,greco-,,roman ,,world ,,from ,,the ,,point ,,of ,,view ,,of ,,labour ,,by ,w ,e ,,heitland ,,ma ,,fellow ,,of ,,st ,,john',s ,,college ,,cambridge ,,at ,,the ,,university ,,press #aiba #8,inspect the basis of the social pile3 ,inquire1' said ,i1 #8how much of mental power ,and genuine virtue they possess who live ,by bodily toil1 labour exceeding far ,their due proportion1 under all the weight ,of that injustice which upon ourselves ,ourselves entail4' ,such estimate to frame ,i chiefly looked 7what need to look beyond87 ,among the natural abodes of men1 ,fields with their rural works2 recalled to mind ,my earliest notices2 with these compared ,the observations made in later youth1 ,and to that day continued--,for1 the time ,had never been when throes of mighty ,nations ,and the world's tumult unto me could yield1 ,how far soe'er transported and possessed1 ,full measure of content2 but still ,i craved ,an intermingling of distinct regards ,and truths of individual sympathy ,nearer ourselves4 ,,wordsworth1 ,prelude1 book ,,xiii4 ,,preface ,very few words are needed here1 for the book is meant to explain its own scope4 ,i have only to thank those to whose kindness ,i am deeply indebted4 ,professor ,buckland was so good as to help me when ,i was striving to utilize the evidence of the ,roman jurists4 ,chapter ,,xlix in particular owes much to his genial chastisement4 ,on chapters ,,ii and ,,lxi ,mr ,g ,g ,coulton has given me most valuable criticism4 ,yet ,i thank these gentlemen with some reluctance1 fearing that ,i may seem to connect their names with errors of my own4 ,mr ,t ,r ,glover kindly read chapter ,,xxix4 ,professor ,housman called my attention to the #8,farmer's ,law1' and kindly lent me ,mr ,ashburner's articles1 to which ,i have referred in ,appendix ,b4 ,to all these1 and to the ,syndics of the ,university ,press for undertaking the publication of this unconventional work1 ,i hereby express my sincere gratitude4 ,my reasons for adopting the method followed in this book are given on pages #e-f and #dfh4 ,w ,e ,,heitland ,,cambridge ,august #aibj ,,table ,,of ,,contents ,,pages ,,introductory ,i4 ,,evidence #a-g ,,ii4 ,,land ,,and ,,labour #g-ae ,,authorities ,,in ,,detail--,,greek ,,iii4 ,,the ,,iliad ,,and ,,odyssey #af-bb ,,iv4 ,,hesiod1 ,,works ,,and ,,days #bb-bd ,v4 ,,stray ,,notes ,,from ,,early ,,poets #bd-bf ,,vi4 ,,traces ,,of ,,serfdom ,,in ,,greek ,,states #bf-bh ,,vii4 ,,herodotus #bh-cj ,,viii4 ,,the ,,tragedians ,aeschylus and ,sophocles #ca-cc ,euripides #cc-cg ,,ix4 ,,the #8,,constitution ,,of ,,athens' ,,or #8,,old ,,oligarch' #cg-dj ,x4 ,,aristophanes #dj-dh ,,xi4 ,,thucydides #dh-eb ,,xii4 ,,xenophon #ec-fa ,,xiii4 ,,the ,,comic ,,fragments #fa-fe ,,xiv4 ,,early ,,lawgivers ,,and ,,theorists #fe-gj ,,xv4 ,,plato #gj-hj ,,xvi4 ,,the ,,earlier ,,attic ,,orators #hj-he ,,xvii4 ,,aristotle #he-ajc ,,xviii4 ,,the ,,later ,,attic ,,orators #ajc-aab ,,xix4 ,,the ,,macedonian ,,period ,,and ,,the ,,leagues #aab-acj ,polybius etc--,theocritus--,plautus and ,terence--,inscriptions--,letter of ,philip ,v to ,larisa--,evidence preserved by ,plutarch1 ,diodorus1 ,livy1 etc ,,rome--,,early ,,period ,,to #bjj ,,bc ,,xx4 ,,the ,,traditions ,,combined ,,and ,,discussed #aca-adi ,no contemporary authors ,,xxi4 ,,abstract ,,of ,,conclusions #adi-aej ,,rome--,,middle ,,period ,,xxii4 ,,introductory ,,general ,,view ,,of ,,period #bjj ,,bc-#ahj ,,ad #aea-afd ,growth of slavery--,slave risings1 etc ,,xxiii4 ,,cato #afd-agc ,,xxiv4 ,,agriculture ,,in ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,period #agd-agg ,,xxv4 ,,varro #agh-ahg ,,xxvi4 ,,cicero #ahg-aii ,,xxvii4 ,,sallust ,,etc #aii-bjb ,,rome--,,the ,,empire ,,xxviii4 ,,agriculture ,,and ,,agricultural ,,labour ,,under ,,the ,,roman ,,empire4 ,,general ,,introduction #bjc-bab ,,rome--,,augustus ,,to ,,nero ,,xxix4 ,,horace ,,and ,,vergil #bac-bda ,,xxx4 ,,the ,,elder ,,seneca ,,etc #bda-bdc ,,xxxi4 ,,seneca ,,the ,,younger #bdd-bdh ,,xxxii4 ,,lucan1 ,,petronius1 ,,etc #bdh-bej ,,xxxiii4 ,,columella #bej-bfi ,,age ,,of ,,the ,,flavian ,,and ,,antonine ,,emperors ,,xxxiv4 ,,general ,,introduction #bgj-bgd ,note on emigration from ,italy #bgd-bge ,,xxxv4 ,,musonius #bge-bhj ,,xxxvi4 ,,pliny ,,the ,,elder #bha-bhg ,,xxxvii4 ,,tacitus #bhg-bib ,note on an ,african inscription #bic ,,xxxviii4 ,,frontinus #bid-bif ,,xxxix4 ,,inscriptions ,,relative ,,to ,,alimenta #bif-cjj ,,xl4 ,,dion ,,chrysostom #cjj-cjc ,,xli4 ,,new ,,testament ,,writers #cjc-cje ,,xlii4 ,,martial ,,and ,,juvenal #cje-cag ,,xliii4 ,,pliny ,,the ,,younger #cag-cbe ,,xliv4 ,,suetonius ,,etc #cbe-cbh ,,xlv4 ,,apuleius #cbh-cce ,,commodus ,,to ,,diocletian ,,xlvi4 ,,general ,,introduction #ccf-cdb ,,xlvii4 ,,the ,,african ,,inscriptions #cdb-cec ,,xlviii4 ,,discussion ,,of ,,the ,,same #cec-cfa ,,xlix4 ,,the ,,jurists ,,of ,,the ,,digest #cfa-cgh ,l4 ,,the ,,later ,,colonate1 ,,its ,,place ,,in ,,roman ,,history #cgh-chd ,additional notes #che ,,from ,,diocletian ,,li4 ,,general ,,introduction #chf-cii ,,lii4 ,,libanius #cii-djb ,,liii4 ,,symmachus #djb-dji ,,liv4 ,,ammianus #dji-dae ,,lv4 ,,claudian #dae-dag ,,lvi4 ,,vegetius #dag-dai ,,christian ,,writers ,,lvii4 ,,lactantius #dbj-dbb ,,lviii4 ,,sulpicius ,,severus #dbb-dbc ,,lix4 ,,salvian #dbc-dbf ,,lx4 ,,apollinaris ,,sidonius #dbf-dcb ,,lxi4 ,,concluding ,,chapter #dcb-dei ,,appendix ,,some ,,byzantine ,,authorities ,a4 ,the ,geoponica #dfj-dfb ,b4 ,the #8,farmer's ,law' #dfb-dfd ,c4 ,modern books1 a few interesting extracts and references #dfe-df ,d4 ,list of some of the works found useful in this inquiry #dfh-dga ,,indices ,i4 ,,general #dgb-dgi ,,ii4 ,,words ,,and ,,phrases #dgi-dhb ,,iii4 ,,passages ,,cited #dhc-dhi ,,iv4 ,,modern ,,authorities #dhi-dij ,v4 ,,countries1 ,,places ,,and ,,peoples #dij-dib ,,introductory ,i4 ,,evidence4 ,the inquiry of which the results are set forth in these pages was undertaken in the endeavour to satisfy my own mind on a very important question in the history of the past4 ,circumstances have compelled me to interest myself in the civilization of the ,greco-,roman world4 ,and it has always been a painful disadvantage to students of the #8classical' systems that the available record neither provides adequate labour-statistics nor furnishes a criticism of existing labour-conditions from the point of view of the handworkers4 ,accustomed as we are nowadays to continual agitations for increase of wages and reduction of working hours1 with centuries of strange experience in the working of ,poor-laws1 we are in no danger of undervaluing the importance of the wage-earner in our social fabric4 ,we are rather in danger of forgetting other 7and perhaps not less vital7 considerations1 under pressure of the material claims of the labourer and his hire4 ,power goes by votes2 the handworker is now a voter2 and the voice of the handworker is loud in the land4 ,no scheme is too wild to find advocates2 and those who venture to assert the right of invention1 organization and thrift to superior recognition as public benefits often think it necessary to adopt an apologetic tone4 ,now it may be that this is a passing phase1 and that the so-called #8working-class'--that is1 handworkers for wages--will come to see that the civilization whose comforts they enjoy1 and whose discomforts they resent1 does not wholly depend upon the simple repeated acts of the handworkers themselves4 ,perhaps there are already signs of some such reaction4 ,but1 if so1 the reaction must be voluntary2 for no power exists in this country to constrain the handworker to take reasonable views1 in short to face facts4 ,in these words ,i am not implying any denial of the reasonableness of many of his claims4 ,to offer an opinion on questions of more or less is no business of mine4 ,but1 when we compare modern industries in general with those of the ancient world1 we find ourselves in presence of a very different situation4 ,the largest scale of operations attainable in antiquity seems small and crude by the side of recent achievements1 for instance the building of the ,pyramids compared with the ,panama canal4 ,machinery1 transport1 and scientific discovery in general1 have made it possible to carry out colossal undertakings with comparative ease and without wholesale destruction of human life4 ,the greatest works of the ancients are for the most part silent witnesses to the ruthless employment of forced labour1 either that of captives or bought slaves or that of the impressed subjects of an autocrat4 ,mere brute force1 applied in unlimited quantity#a with callous indifference to the sufferings of the toilers1 was the chief means at disposal3 mechanical invention had got so far as to render possible some tasks that without it could not have been performed at all4 ,it gave extended effect to the mass of forced labour1 and there it stopped1 for we have no reason to think that it improved the labourer's lot4 ,the surviving evidence as to the condition#b of slaves in mines and factories enables us to form some faint notion of the human wastage resulting from the cruel forced-labour system4 ,we may then state the position briefly thus3 to attempt great enterprises was only possible through the crude employment of labour in great masses3 the supply of this labour was1 or appeared to be1 procurable only by compulsion3 and compulsion was operative through the institution of slavery or the passive submission of cowed populations to the will of despots4 ,but if slavery promoted large-scale enterprise1 surely large-scale enterprise tended to establish slavery in the form of forced labour more firmly than ever4 ,in the modern world the necessity of employing free labour has stimulated scientific invention1 in mechanical and other departments1 the tendency of which is to require greater intellectual#c development in the labourer1 and in the long run to furnish him with effective means of asserting his own freedom4 ,under modern conditions1 the gradual displacement of small handicraftsmen by the growth of great capitalistic combinations is going on1 perhaps not always for good4 ,the public accept this result as fate4 ,and1 if economy in production and prime-cost cheapness are the only things worth considering1 it is not easy to condemn the process4 ,but events are steadily demonstrating the fear once entertained1 that handworkers in general would find their position weakened thereby1 to be groundless4 ,if the independent craftsman has lost ground1 the wage-earning journeyman has gained4 ,we need not follow out this topic in detail1 but note the contrast presented by the ancient world4 ,the #8small man' in crafts and trades was able to hold his own1 for without steam-power the capitalist was not strong enough to suppress him4 ,in a small way he was something of a capitalist himself1 and commonly owned slave-apprentices4 ,his part in ancient civilization was undoubtedly far more important than it appears in literature3 for he ministered to the ordinary needs of every day1 while literature1 then as now and more than now1 chiefly recorded the exceptional4 ,when we turn to the wage-earner1 who earns a living by hiring out his bodily powers to an employer1 we are dealing with a wholly different class4 ,these are the free men who in a slave-holding society have to compete with the slave4 ,in the course of the present inquiry we must keep a sharp look-out for every reference or allusion to such persons in the department of agriculture1 and in particular note numerous passages in which the status of labourers cannot be inferred with certainty from the language4 ,but the importance of this special point is of course not confined to agriculture4 ,i have chosen to limit my inquiry to the case of agriculture for these reasons4 ,first1 because it was and is the industry on which human life1 and therefore all other industries and all progress1 did and do rest4 ,secondly1 because its economic importance in the ancient world1 so far from declining1 manifestly increased4 ,the problem of food-supply was always there4 ,and it was never more pressing than in the later ages of ,rome1 when imperial efforts to enforce production1 if successful1 fed her barbarian armies1 at the same time attracting the attention of barbarian invaders to lands that promised the food-crops which they themselves were too lazy to produce4 ,thirdly1 because the importance of agriculture was and is not merely economic4 ,its moral value1 as a nursery of steady citizens and1 at need1 of hardy soldiers1 was and still should be recognized by thoughtful men4 ,therefore its conditions and its relative prosperity or decay deserve the attention of all historians of all periods4 ,unluckily statistical record of a scientific character is not available for the times that we call ancient1 and numbers are notoriously liable to corruption in manuscripts4 ,therefore ,i have only ventured to give figures seldom and with reserve4 ,for agriculture we have nothing on the scale of the inscriptions that record wages1 for instance on public works at ,athens4 ,on the other hand we have for certain periods the evidence of specialists such as ,cato1 ,varro and ,columella1 to whom we owe much information as to the actual or possible conditions of rustic enterprise and labour4 ,the relation of agriculture and agricultural labour to the state as a whole is a subject illustrated by great theorists such as ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,the practical problems of landowning and farming meet us now and then in the contemporary evidence of such men as ,xenophon and the younger ,pliny4 ,even orators1 though necessarily partisan witnesses1 at times give valuable help3 they may distort facts1 but it is not their interest to lessen their own power of persuasion by asserting what is manifestly incredible4 ,the ancient historians tell us very little1 even of the past2 contemporary evidence from them is especially rare4 ,they are preoccupied with public affairs1 and the conditions of rustic life and labour only concern them at moments when serious distress or disorder compels attention4 ,rhetoricians and poets are doubtful witnesses4 ,like the orators1 they use their matter freely and with much colouring for their immediate purposes4 ,but they are not1 like forensic orators1 in direct contact with practical emergencies4 ,the questions arising out of ,vergil's ,georgics are problems to be discussed by themselves4 ,the contribution of encyclopaedic or occasional writers is in some cases of value4 ,i will here only name the elder ,pliny and ,apuleius4 ,books of travel and geography1 for instance ,herodotus and ,strabo1 give stray details1 but generally in reference to distant countries1 mostly in the ,east and so hardly within my subject1 save for purposes of comparison4 ,there are however two topics with which ,i am not directly concerned1 but which it is impossible wholly to ignore in speaking of ancient agriculture4 ,first1 the relation of military duty to landholding the farmer as citizen soldier1 and mercenary service the rustic as volunteer for pay4 ,this has been so fully treated in modern handbooks that ,i need say little about it4 ,secondly1 the various conditions of tenure of land4 ,that rustic life and therewith rustic labour were directly and deeply affected by varieties of tenure1 needs no proof4 ,the cited opinions of ,roman lawyers in the ,digest are the main authority on points of this kind1 and stray references elsewhere serve to illustrate them4 ,in conclusion ,i have only to insist again on the fact that we have no direct witness of the labourer's1 or even the working farmer's1 point of view4 ,the evidence all comes from above2 and therefore generally gives us a picture of conditions as the law meant them to be and presumed them normally to be4 ,how far the practical working corresponded to the legal position1 is only to be guessed with caution from the admissions involved in the elaboration of legal remedies2 and1 in the case of imperial coloni1 from the unique evidence of the notable ,african inscriptions4 ,it is ,i trust after the above considerations not unreasonable to devote no special chapters to certain writers whom nevertheless it is often necessary to cite in notes4 ,diodorus1 ,livy1 ,athenaeus1 ,macrobius1 ,gellius1 ,palladius1 are cases of the kind4 ,stray references in their works are valuable1 but there is nothing to require a treatment of them as several wholes4 ,even ,livy is chiefly useful as handing down remains of past tradition3 hence he 7and ,dionysius and ,plutarch with him7 have a leading place in the introductory chapter on early ,rome4 ,so too the writers of the so-called historia ,augusta and the laws of the ,theodosian and ,justinian ,codes find their place in the notes to certain chapters4 ,on the other hand 7to omit obvious cases7 ,euripides1 ,xenophon1 the younger ,seneca1 ,martial1 the younger ,pliny1 ,apuleius1 ,ammianus1 ,symmachus1 ,apollinaris ,sidonius1 need careful treatment with full regard to the periods and circumstances by which their evidential values are severally qualified4 ,and in order to place each witness in his proper setting it is sometimes necessary to pause and group a number of circumstances together in a special chapter4 ,this arises from the endeavour to preserve so far as possible the thread of continuity1 which is always really there1 though at times very thin1 owing to the loss of many works in the course of ages4 ,in such chapters one has to look both backward and forward1 and often to digress for a moment on topics only connected indirectly with the main object4 ,i have tried to avoid needless repetitions1 but some repetitions are unavoidable1 since the same point often serves to illustrate different parts of the argument4 ,to make a system of cross-references from chapter to chapter quite complete is hardly possible1 and would add immensely to the bulk of footnotes4 ,it has seemed better to attempt completeness by elaboration of the ,index4 ,a few details from a period later than that with which ,i am concerned are given in the ,appendix1 as being of interest4 ,also the names of some books from which in a course of miscellaneous reading ,i have derived more or less help1 particularly in noting modern survivals or analogies4 ,for significant matter occurs in quite unexpected quarters4 ,and the observers who record facts of rustic life and labour in ,italy or ,france1 in ,north or ,central or ,south ,america1 without attempting to manipulate them in connexion with a theory1 deserve much gratitude4 ,it is evident that in the handling of evidence there is room for some variety of method4 ,and it seems reasonable to hold that the choice of method should be mainly guided by two leading considerations1 the nature of the evidence available and the aim of the inquiry pursued4 ,in the present case the inquiry deals with a part1 a somewhat neglected part1 of ,greco-,roman history3 and the subject is one that can by no means be strictly confined to ascertaining the bare facts of farm life and labour4 ,that the conditions of agriculture were not only important in connexion with food-supply1 but had an extensive moral and political bearing1 is surely beyond dispute4 ,and the nature of the surviving evidence favours1 or rather requires1 the taking of a correspondingly wide view4 ,outside the circle of technical writings1 the literary evidence almost always has an eye to the position of agriculture as related to the common weal2 nor is this point of view ignored even by the technical writers4 ,therefore1 in treating the subject as ,i have tried to treat it1 it is very necessary to take each witness separately so far as possible1 and not to appraise the value of his testimony without a fair consideration of his condition and environment4 ,this necessity is peculiarly obvious in the case of the theorists1 whose witness is instructive in a very high degree1 but only when we bear in mind the existing state of things from observation of which their conclusions were derived4 ,and the changes of attitude in philosophic thought are sometimes highly instructive4 ,take farm life and labour as it appears to ,plato and ,aristotle and later to ,musonius3 a whole volume of history1 economic moral and political1 lies in the interval of some #djj years4 ,inscriptions furnish little to the student of this subject1 but that little is worth having4 ,to conclude this paragraph1 ,i do not apologize for putting my authorities in the witness-box and questioning them one by one4 ,for only thus do ,i see a possibility of giving a true picture of the conditions with which ,i am concerned4 ,it is a long method1 but perhaps not uninteresting1 and ,i see no other4 ,it may seem necessary to explain why ,i have not devoted special chapters to rustic life and labour in ,oriental countries1 some of which eventually became parts of the ,roman empire4 ,such countries are for instance ,egypt1 ,palestine and ,syria4 ,one reason is that ,i could do nothing more than compile conclusions of the inquirers who have lately rescued a vast mass of detail1 chiefly from the ,egyptian papyri4 ,age forbade me to undertake this task unless it seemed clear that my inquiry really depended on it4 ,but1 inasmuch as ,i have not been trying to produce a technical treatise upon ancient agriculture1 ,i do not think it necessary4 ,that there is room for such a treatise1 ,i have no doubt3 nor that its writer will need to have many years at his disposal and a good knowledge of several sciences at his back4 ,with regard to eastern countries other than ,egypt1 practically the ,seleucid empire1 knowledge is at present very scanty1 as ,rostowzew has to confess4 ,ancient ,india lies quite beyond my range1 as having never been a part of the ,roman empire3 but there is evidently much of interest to be gathered in this field4 ,from these extensive and promising researches my limited effort is divided by a clearly marked line4 ,i am concerned with agriculture and agricultural labour not as the occupation of passive populations merely producing so much food year by year1 peoples over whom centuries might pass without ascertainable change of a moral social or political character4 ,such peoples1 in short1 as do not get beyond the conception of ruler and ruled to that of state and citizen1 or at least have not yet done so4 ,for of all conclusions to be drawn from the history of the ,greco-,roman world none seems to me more certain than the fact that1 while political social and moral movements affected the conditions of agriculture1 agricultural changes reacted upon political social and moral conditions4 ,thus the general history of the peoples1 comprising the rise and fall of ancient efforts towards self-government1 must always be kept in view3 the fluctuations of what ,i may call civic values1 and the position of farmers as labourers or employers of labour cannot be treated in separate compartments and their reciprocal effect ignored4 ,that in the later stages of my inquiry ,oriental influences begin to dominate ,roman imperial policy1 is evident1 and ,i have not left this factor out of account4 ,but this phenomenon announces the end of the old world4 ,the long struggle of the ,empire in the ,east and its final overthrow by the forces of ,islam1 its break-up in the ,west and the foundation of new nation-states1 are beyond my range4 ,in the ,appendix ,i have put some remarks on two documents of the ,byzantine period1 from which we get glimpses of changes that were proceeding in the eastern empire while it still held its ground and was indeed the most highly organized of existing powers4 ,to these ,i have subjoined a list of some of the books ,i have consulted and found helpful in various degrees1 particularly such as have furnished modern illustrations in the way of analogy or survival4 ,a few special quotations from some of these may serve to shew how very striking such illustrations can be4 ,,ii4 ,,land ,,and ,,labour4 ,of the many difficult questions connected with the past history of the human race few have evoked such a difference of opinion as the practical importance of slavery4 ,by some inquirers it has been held that the so-called #8classical' civilization of the ,greco-,roman world rested upon a slavery basis1 in short that slavery alone enabled that civilization to follow the lines of its actual development4 ,in reply to this doctrine it is urged#d that its holders have been led astray by an unhistorical method4 ,they have been deeply impressed by the all-pervading evils of the economic and domestic slave-system during the period 7say #bjj ,,bc-#bjj ,,ad roughly7 when it was in full extension and vigour4 ,the prepossession thus created has led them to misinterpret the phenomena of earlier ages1 and to ignore the significance of the later period of decline4 ,prejudiced eyes have detected slavery where it was not1 and have seen in it where existent an importance greater than impartial inquiry will justify4 ,moreover the discussion of slavery-questions in modern times1 conducted with the intemperate warmth of partisan controversy1 have had an influence unfavourable to the statement of facts in their true relations1 and therefore to the exercise of cool judgment4 ,according to this view the facts of our record shew that1 while slave-labour had its four centuries or so of predominance1 free-labour never ceased1 and on it1 and not on slavery1 the civilization of the #8classical' world was built up4 ,it is argued that in primitive conditions there was little slavery1 that growth of trade and exchange 7and therewith of civilization7 led to division of labour and the growth of larger enterprises4 ,on this follows a time in which the employment of slave-labour becomes more and more common1 and ends by being for some centuries the basis of economic and domestic life4 ,in due course comes the period of decline1 when for various reasons slaves became less numerous1 and the highly-organized civilization of antiquity relapses into the primitive conditions of the early ,middle ,age4 ,slavery is not extinct1 but reverts generally to various degrees of serfdom1 resembling that which meets us in the early traditions of ,greek slavery4 ,things have gone round the full circle1 and the world takes a fresh start4 ,this version of the process is attractive4 ,it presents to us a spectacle of cyclic movement1 pleasing from its simplicity and dignity4 ,but it seems to imply that the old civilization reached its height more or less concurrently with the growth of slavery4 ,one is driven to ask#e whether the concurrence was purely accidental or not4 ,so far as concerns the manufacture of articles for export by slave-industry1 it can hardly have been a mere chance3 nor is it denied that in this department it was the demand created by the needs of growing civilization that called forth the supply4 ,luxury too is merely a name for such needs when they clearly exceed strict necessaries of life3 and here too the monstrous extravagancies of domestic slavery were a characteristic feature of the civilization of the ,greco-,roman world4 ,that neither of these forms of servile employment could outlive the civilization that had produced them1 is surely no wonder4 ,the case of slavery in agriculture is less simple1 and several questions may suggest themselves to anyone who considers this subject with an open mind4 ,agriculture was long regarded1 from a social point of view1 as superior to other occupations dependent on bodily labour4 ,this opinion dated from very early times when1 as traditions agree1 the land was owned by privileged nobles who as members of powerful clans formed aristocracies of a more or less military character4 ,war was waged by men fighting hand to hand1 and it was natural that handwork of a kind likely to promote health and strength should be honoured above manual trades of a less invigorating and even sedentary character4 ,the development of cities and urban life1 which in many states led to the overthrow of the old clan aristocracies1 did not make handicraftsmen the equals of agriculturists in popular esteem4 ,pressure to win a firm footing on the land was as marked a feature in ,athenian ,attica as in ,roman ,latium4 ,agriculture was a profession worthy of the free citizen1 and the ownership of a plot of land stamped the citizen as a loyal and responsible member of a free and self-conscious community4 ,the ruin of ,attic farmers in the ,peloponnesian war1 the disastrous changes in ,italian agriculture after ,rome became imperial1 still left the old prepossession4 ,the charm of country life and pursuits remained as an ineffective ideal4 ,greek philosophers were impressed with the virtues of farmer-folk1 virtues social moral and ultimately political4 ,from them ,cicero and others learnt to praise rustic life3 the ,gracchi made vain efforts to revive it3 the poets1 led by ,vergil1 pictured the glories of old ,italian agriculture3 but the aspirations were vain4 ,the #8classical' civilization was urban in its growth1 and urban it remained4 ,writers on agriculture might lament that free men1 capable of tilling the land1 loitered idly in the city4 ,in practice they had to take facts as they found them1 and give elaborate precepts for a farm-system in which slavery was the essential factor4 ,it was and is possible to regard agriculture from various points of view4 ,three of these at least deserve a preliminary consideration4 ,the nakedly economic view1 that the production of food is necessary for any life above that of mere savages1 and therefore is worthy of respect1 can never have been wholly absent from men's minds in any age4 ,it was common property1 and found frequent expression4 ,even when various causes led to much dependence on imported corn1 the sentiment still survived1 and its soundness was recognized by philosophers4 ,the military view1 that the hardy peasant makes the best soldier1 was generally accepted in principle1 but its relation to agriculture in the strict sense of tillage was not always a direct one4 ,the technical training of skilled combatants began early in ,greece4 ,it was not only in the ,spartan or ,cretan systems that such training was normal3 the citizen armies of ,athens consisted of men who had passed through a long course of gymnastic exercises and drill4 ,during their training these young men can hardly have devoted much labour to the tillage of farms1 even those of them who were of country birth4 ,what percentage of them settled down in their later years to farm-life1 is just what one vainly wishes to know4 ,the helot-system supplied the tillage that fed the warrior-caste of ,sparta4 ,it would seem that the toils of hunting played a great part in producing the military fitness required of the young ,spartiate4 ,we may be pretty sure that the ,thessalian cavalry--wealthy lords ruling dependent cultivators--were not tillers of the soil4 ,boeotia and ,arcadia were both lands in which there was a large farmer class4 ,boeotian infantry were notable for their steadiness in the shock of battle4 ,but they were not untrained1 far from it4 ,united action was ever difficult in ,arcadia1 where small cities lay scattered in the folds of mountains4 ,hence no ,arcadian ,league ever played a leading part in ,greece4 ,but the rustics of these country towns and villages were man for man as good material for war-work as ,greece could produce4 ,in the later age of professional soldering they1 with the ,aetolians and others in the less civilized parts1 furnished numbers of recruits to the ,greek mercenary armies4 ,but the regular mercenary who had the luck to retire in comfortable circumstances1 on savings of pay and loot1 is portrayed to us as more inclined to luxury and wantonness in some great city than to the simple monotony of rustic life4 ,nor must we forget that slaves were often an important part#f of war-booty1 and that the professional warrior was used to the attendance of slaves 7male and female7 even on campaigns4 ,so far the connexion of peasant and soldier does not amount to much more than the admission that the former was a type of man able to endure the hardships of a military career4 ,the national regular army formed by ,philip son of ,amyntas in ,macedonia1 afterwards the backbone of ,alexander's mixed host1 is in itself a phenomenon of great interest3 for in making it ,philip made a nation4 ,that the ranks were mainly filled with country folk is certain4 ,but1 what with wastage in wars and the settlement of many old soldiers in the ,east1 there is little evidence to shew whether any considerable number of veterans returned to ,macedon and settled on the land4 ,i believe that such cases were few4 ,the endless wars waged by ,alexander's successors with mixed and mongrel armies were hardly favourable to rustic pursuits3 foundation of great new cities was the characteristic of the times4 ,when we turn to ,rome we find a very different story4 ,tradition represents landowners settled on the land and tilling it as the persons responsible for the defence of the state4 ,cincinnatus called from the plough to be dictator is the typical figure of early patriotic legend4 ,when the ,roman ,plebeians dislodged the ,patrician clans from their monopoly of political power1 the burden of military service still rested on the adsidui1 the men with a footing on the land4 ,tradition still shews us the farmer-soldier taking the risk of disaster to his homestead during his absence on campaigns4 ,in the historical twilight of fragmentary details1 coloured by later imagination1 thus much is clear and credible4 ,the connexion between landholding and soldiering was not openly disregarded until the reforms of ,marius4 ,the age of revolution was then already begun1 and one of its most striking features was the creation of a professional soldiery1 a force which1 as experience proved1 was more easy to raise than to disband4 ,the method of pensioning veterans by assigning to them parcels of land for settlement was in general a failure1 for the men were unused to thrift and indisposed to a life of patient and uneventful labour4 ,the problem of the ,republic was inherited by the ,empire1 and attempts at solution were only partially successful3 but the system of standing armies1 posted on the frontiers1 made the settlement of veterans in border-provinces a matter of less difficulty4 ,from the third century ,,ad onwards we find a new plan coming into use4 ,men were settled with their families on lands near the frontiers1 holding them by a military tenure which imposed hereditary liability to service in the armies4 ,thus the difficulty was for a time met by approaching it from the other end4 ,the superiority of the rustic recruit was as fully recognized as ever3 at the end of the fourth century it was reaffirmed#g by ,vegetius4 ,i pass on to the third point of view1 which ,i may perhaps call philosophic4 ,it appears in practice as the view of the statesman1 in theory as that of the speculative philosopher4 ,men whose life and interests are bound up with agriculture are in general a steady class1 little inclined to wild agitations and rash ventures4 ,on a farm there is always something not to be left undone without risk of loss4 ,the operations of nature go on unceasingly1 uncontrolled by man4 ,man must adapt himself to the conditions of soil and weather3 hence he must be ever on the watch to take advantage of his opportunities1 and this leaves him scant leisure for politics4 ,we may add that the habit of conforming to nature's laws1 and of profiting by not resisting what cannot be successfully resisted1 is a perpetual education in patience4 ,working farmers as a class were not men lightly to embark in revolutionary schemes1 so long as their condition was at all tolerable4 ,it must be borne in mind that before the invention of representative systems a citizen could only vote by appearing in person at the city1 where all the ,assemblies were held4 ,assemblies might be adjourned1 and two journeys1 to the city and back1 were not only time-wasting and tiresome1 but might have to be repeated4 ,accordingly we hear of the encouragement of ,attic farmers by ,peisistratus#h as being a policy designed to promote the stability of his government4 ,at ,rome we find reformers alarmed at the decay of the farmer-class in a great part of ,italy1 and straining to revive it as the sound basis of a national life1 the only practical means of purifying the corrupted institutions of the state4 ,selfish opposition on the part of those interested in corruption was too strong for reformers1 and the chance of building up a true ,italian nation passed away4 ,the working farmer had disappeared from ,roman politics4 ,the swords and the venal city mob remained1 and the later literature was left to deplore the consequences4 ,the course of agricultural decline in ,greece was different in detail from that in ,italy1 but its evil effects on political life were early noted1 at least in ,attica4 ,the rationalist ,euripides saw the danger clearly1 during the ,peloponnesian war2 and the sympathy of the conservative ,aristophanes with the suffering farmers was plainly marked4 ,the merits of the farmer-class as #8safe' citizens1 the backbone of a wise and durable state-life1 became almost a commonplace of ,greek political theory4 ,plato and ,aristotle might dream of ideal states1 governed by skilled specialists professionally trained for their career from boyhood4 ,in their more practical moments1 turning from aspirations to facts of the world around them1 they confessed the political value of the farmer-class4 ,to ,aristotle the best hope of making democracy a wholesome and tolerable form of government lay in the strengthening of this element3 the best ,demos is the 1 and it is a pity that it so often becomes superseded by the growing population devoted to trades and commerce4 ,i need not carry further these brief and imperfect outlines of the honourable opinion held of agriculture in the ,greco-,roman world4 ,as producing necessary food1 as rearing hardy soldiers1 as favouring the growth and maintenance of civic virtues1 it was the subject of general praise4 ,some might confess that they shrank from personal labour on the land4 ,yet even in ,caesarian ,rome it is somewhat startling when ,sallust#i dismisses farming in a few words of cynical contempt4 ,it is clear that the respect felt for agriculture was largely due to the opinion that valuable qualities of body and mind were closely connected with its practice and strengthened thereby4 ,so long as it was on the primitive footing1 each household finding labour for its own maintenance1 the separation of handwork and direction could hardly arise4 ,this primitive state of things1 assumed by theorists ancient and modern1 and depicted in tradition1 had ceased to be normal in the time of our earliest records4 ,and the employment of persons1 not members of the household1 as hired labourers1 or of bondmen only connected with the house as dependents1 at once differentiated these #8hands' from the master and his family4 ,the master could not habitually hire day-labourers or keep a slave unless he found it paid him to do so4 ,for a man to work for his own profit or for that of another were very different things4 ,this simple truism1 however1 does not end the matter from my present point of view4 ,it is necessary to ask whether the respect felt for agriculture was so extended as to include the hired labourer and the slave as well as the working master4 ,we shall see that it was not4 ,the house-master1 holding and cultivating a plot of land on a secure tenure1 is the figure glorified in traditions and legendary scenes4 ,the ,greek term 1 the man who does his own work1 is specially applied to him as a man that works with his own hands4 ,it crops up in literature often1 from ,euripides to ,polybius and ,dion ,chrysostom2 and sometimes1 when the word is not used1 it is represented by equivalents4 ,but both the hired labourer and the slave were employed for the express purpose of working with their own hands4 ,and yet1 so far as agriculture is concerned1 ,i cannot find that they were credited with 1 the connotation#aj of which is generally favourable1 seldom neutral1 never 7,i think7 unfavourable4 ,it seems then that the figure present to the mind was one who not only worked with his own hands1 but worked for his own profit--that is1 on his own farm4 ,and with this interpretation the traditions of early ,rome fully agree4 ,to admit this does not however imply that the working house-master employed neither hired labourer nor slave4 ,so long as he took a hand in the farm-work1 he was a working cultivator for his own profit4 ,the larger the scale of his holding1 the more he would need extra labour4 ,if prosperous1 he would be able to increase his holding or supplement his farming#aa by other enterprises4 ,more and more he would be tempted to drop handwork and devote himself to direction4 ,if still successful1 he might move on a stage further1 living in the city and carrying on his farms by deputy1 employing stewards1 hired freemen or slaves1 or freedmen1 his former slaves4 ,if he found in the city more remunerative pursuits than agriculture1 he might sell his land and the live and dead stock thereon1 and become simply an urban capitalist4 ,so far as ,i know1 this last step was very seldom taken2 and ,i believe the restraining influence to have been the prestige attached to the ownership of land1 even when civic franchises had ceased to depend on the possession of that form of property alone4 ,if this view be correct1 the fact is notable3 for the system of great landed estates1 managed by stewards#ab on behalf of wealthy owners who lived in the city1 was the ruin of the peasant farmer class1 in whose qualities statesmen and philosophers saw the guarantee for the state's lasting vigour4 ,no longer were a force in politics3 in military service the professional soldier1 idling in the intervals of wars1 superseded the rustic1 levied for a campaign and looking forward to the hour of returning to his plough4 ,it was in ,italy that the consummation of this change was most marked1 for ,rome alone provided a centre in which the great landlord could reside and influence political action in his own interest4 ,to ,rome the wealth extorted from tributary subjects flowed in an ever-swelling stream4 ,no small part of the spoils served to enrich the noble landlords1 directly or indirectly1 and to supply them with the funds needed for corrupting the city mob and so controlling politics4 ,many could afford to hold their lands even when it was doubtful whether estates managed by slaves or hirelings were in fact a remunerative investment4 ,if we may believe ,cicero1 it was financial inability#ac to continue this extravagant policy that drove some men of apparent wealth to favour revolutionary schemes4 ,the old-fashioned farmstead1 the villa1 was modernized into a luxurious country seat1 in which the owner might now and then pass a brief recess1 attended by his domestic slaves from ,town1 and perhaps ostentatiously entertaining a party of fashionable friends4 ,we have followed the sinister progress of what ,i will call the ,agricultural ,interest1 from the #8horny-handed' peasant#ad farmer to the land-proud capitalist4 ,no doubt the picture is a highly coloured one1 but in its general outlines we are not entitled to question its truth4 ,exceptions there certainly were4 ,in hilly parts of ,italy a rustic population#ae of freemen survived1 and it was from them that the jobbing gangs of wage-earners of whom we read were drawn4 ,and in the great plain of the ,po agricultural conditions remained far more satisfactory than in such districts as ,etruria or ,lucania1 where great estates were common4 ,a genuine farming population seems there to have held most of the land1 and rustic slavery appeared in less revolting form4 ,but these exceptions did not avail to stay the decline of rural ,italy4 ,true1 as the supply of slave-labour gradually shrank in the empire1 the working farmer reappeared on the land4 ,but he reappeared as a tenant gradually becoming bound#af to the soil1 worried by the exactions of officials1 or liable to a blood-tax in the shape of military service4 ,he was becoming not a free citizen of a free state1 but a half-free serf helplessly involved in a great mechanical system4 ,such a person bore little resemblance to the free farmer working with his own hands for himself on his own land1 the rustic figure from whom we started4 ,on the military side1 he was1 if a soldier1 now soldier first and farmer afterwards3 on the civic side1 he was a mere subject-unit1 whose virtues were of no political importance and commanded no respect4 ,in the final stage we find the government recruiting its armies from barbarians and concerned to keep the farmer on the land4 ,so cogent then was the necessity of insuring the supply of food for the empire and its armies4 ,at this point we must return to our first question1 how far the agriculture of the ,greco-,roman world depended on free or slave labour4 ,it is clear that1 while the presence of the slave presupposes the freeman to control him1 the presence of the freeman does not necessarily imply that of the slave4 ,dion ,chrysostom#ag was logically justified in saying that freedom comes before slavery in order of time4 ,and no doubt this is true so long as we only contemplate the primitive condition of households each providing for its own vital needs by the labour of its members4 ,but the growth of what we call civilization springs from the extension of needs beyond the limits of what is absolutely necessary for human existence4 ,by what steps the advantages of division of labour were actually discovered is a subject for the reconstructive theorist4 ,but it must have been observed at a very early stage that one man's labour might be to another man's profit4 ,those who tamed and employed other animals were not likely to ignore the possibilities offered by the extension of the system to their brother men4 ,it would seem the most natural thing in the world4 ,it might be on a very small scale1 and any reluctance on the bondsman's part might be lessened by the compensations of food and protection4 ,a powerful master might gather round him a number of such dependent beings1 and he had nothing to gain by treating them cruelly4 ,on them he could devolve the labour of producing food1 and so set free his own kinsmen to assert the power of their house4 ,in an age of conflict stronger units tended to absorb weaker1 and the formation of larger societies would tend to create fresh needs1 to encourage the division of labour1 and to promote civilization by the process of exchange4 ,labour under assured control was likely to prove an economic asset of increasing value4 ,in agriculture it would be of special importance as providing food for warriors busied with serving the community in war4 ,this imaginative sketch may serve to remind us that there are two questions open to discussion in relation to the subject4 ,first1 the purely speculative one1 whether the early stages of progress in civilization could have been passed without the help of slavery4 ,second1 the question of fact1 whether they were so passed or not4 ,it is the latter with which ,i am concerned4 ,the defects of the evidence on which we have to form an opinion are manifest4 ,much of it is not at first hand1 and it will often be necessary to comment on its unsatisfactory character4 ,in proceeding to set it out in detail1 ,i must again repeat that two classes of free handworkers must be clearly kept distinct--those who work for themselves1 and those who work for others4 ,it is the latter class only that properly come into comparison with slaves4 ,a man habitually working for himself may of course work occasionally for others as a wage-earner4 ,but here1 as in the case of the farmer-soldier1 we have one person in two capacities4 ,,authorities ,,in ,,detail--,,greek ,,iii4 ,,the ,,homeric ,,poems4 ,the ,iliad4 ,in a great war-poem we can hardly expect to find many references to the economic labours of peace4 ,and an army fighting far from home in a foreign land would naturally be out of touch with the rustic life of ,greece4 ,nor was the poet concerned to offer us the details of supply-service1 though he represents the commissariat as efficient4 ,free labour appears#ah in various forms of handicraft1 and the mention of pay 77#ai shews wage-earning as a recognized fact4 ,we hear of serving for hire 77#bj1 and the or farm-labourers#ba seem to be under a special name4 ,that labour is not viewed as a great degradation may fairly be inferred from the case of ,hephaestus the smith-god1 from the wage-service of ,poseidon and ,apollo under ,laomedon1 and from the herdsman-service of ,apollo under ,admetus4 ,agriculture is assumed1 and in the ,catalogue #8works' 77#bb occurs in the sense of #8tilled lands4' ,but it is chiefly in similes or idyllic scenes that we get glimpses of farming#bc operations4 ,thus we have ploughing1 reaping1 binding1 threshing1 winnowing4 ,most striking of all is the passage in which the work of irrigation#bd is graphically described4 ,there is no reason to suppose that any of the workers in these scenes are slaves3 they would seem to be wage-earners4 ,but ,i must admit that1 if slaves were employed under the free workers1 the poet would very likely not mention such a detail3 that is1 if slavery were a normal institution taken for granted4 ,for the present ,i assume only free labour in these cases4 ,we are made aware of a clear social difference between the rich and powerful employer and the employed labourer4 ,the mowers are at work in the field of some rich man#be 7 ' 71 who does not appear to lend a hand himself4 ,or again in the close of a ruler 7 7#bf1 with binders following them1 a busy scene4 ,the himself stands watching them in dignified silence1 staff in hand4 ,there is nothing here to suggest that the small working farmer was a typical figure in the portraiture of rural life4 ,flocks and herds are of great importance1 indeed the ox is a normal standard of value4 ,but the herdsmen are mean freemen4 ,achilles is disgusted#bg at the prospect of being drowned by ,scamander #8like a young swineherd swept away by a stream in flood4' ,for the heroes of the poem are warrior-lords3 the humble toilers of daily life are of no account beside them4 ,and yet the fact of slavery stands out clearly1 and also its connexion with the fact of capture in war4 ,the normal way of dealing with enemies is to slay the men and enslave the women4 ,the wife of a great warrior has many handmaidens1 captives of her lord's prowess4 ,a slave-trade exists1 and we hear of males being spared#bh and #8sold abroad'3 for they are sent #8to islands far away' or #8beyond the salt sea4' ,we do not find male slaves with the army3 perhaps we may guess that they were not wanted4 ,a single reference to 7properly slave-captives7 appears in ,,xix #ccc1 where ,achilles1 speaking of his property at home in ,phthia1 says 4 ,but we cannot be certain that these slaves are farm-hands4 ,we can only reflect that a slave bought and paid for was not likely to be fed in idleness or put to the lightest work4 ,in general it seems that what weighed upon the slave1 male or female1 was the pressure of constraint1 the loss of freedom1 not the fear of cruel treatment4 ,what ,hector keeps from the ,trojans#bi is the #8day of constraint1' 1 also expressed by 4 ,viewed from the other side we find enslavement consisting in a taking away#cj the #8day of freedom1' 4 ,the words ,,iii #dji and ,,vii #dge are isolated cases of substantives in passages the genuineness of which has been questioned4 ,on the whole it is ,i think not an unfair guess that1 if the poet had been depicting the life of this same ,greek society in their homeland1 and not under conditions of present war1 we should have found more references to slavery as a working institution4 ,as it is1 we get a momentary glimpse#ca of neighbour landowners1 evidently on a small scale1 engaged in a dispute concerning their boundaries1 measuring-rod in hand2 and nothing to shew whether such persons supplied the whole of their own labour in tillage or supplemented it by employing hired men or slaves4 ,the ,odyssey is generally held to be of later date than the ,iliad4 ,a far more important distinction is that its scenes are not episodes of war4 ,a curious difference of terms#cb is seen in the case of the word 1 which in the ,iliad seems to mean #8house-folk' including both free and slave1 in the ,odyssey to mean slaves only4 ,but as to the condition of slaves there is practically no difference4 ,a conquered foe was spared on the battlefield by grace of the conqueror1 whose ownership of his slave was unlimited3 and this unlimited right could be conveyed by sale#cc to a third party4 ,we find ,odysseus ready to consign offending slaves#cd to torture mutilation or death4 ,in the story of his visit to ,troy#ce as a spy we hear that he passed for a slave1 and that part of his disguise consisted in the marks of flogging4 ,yet the relations of master and mistress to their slaves are most kindly in ordinary circumstances4 ,the faithful slave is a type glorified in the ,odyssey3 loyalty is the first virtue of a slave1 and it is disloyalty1 however shewn1 that justifies the master's vengeance4 ,for they live on intimate terms#cf with their master and mistress and are trusted to a wonderful degree4 ,in short we may say that the social atmosphere of the ,odyssey is full of mild slavery1 but that in the background there is always the grim possibility of atrocities committed by absolute power4 ,and we have a trace even of secondary#cg slavery3 for the swineherd1 himself a slave1 has an under-slave of his own1 bought with his own goods from slave-dealers while his own master was abroad4 ,naturally enough we find slaves classed as a part of the lord's estate4 ,odysseus hopes#ch that before he dies he may set eyes on his property1 his slaves and his lofty mansion4 ,but another and perhaps socially more marked distinction seems implied in the suitors' question#ci about ,telemachus--#8who were the lads that went with him on his journey8 were they young nobles of ,ithaca1 or his own hired men and slaves 7 78' ,the answer is that they were #8the pick of the community1 present company excepted4' ,the wage-earner and the slave do not seem to be parted by any broad social line4 ,indeed civilization had a long road yet to travel before levelling movement among the free classes drew a vital distinction between them on the one side and slaves on the other4 ,free workers of various kinds are often referred to1 and we are1 owing to the circumstances of the story1 brought more into touch with them than in the ,iliad4 ,handicraftsmen#dj are a part of the life of the time1 and we must assume the smith the carpenter and the rest of the males to be free3 female slaves skilled in working wool do not justify us in supposing that the corresponding men are slaves4 ,beside these are other men who practise a trade useful to the community1 #8public-workers' 77#da1 but not necessarily handworkers4 ,thus we find the seer1 the leech1 the bard1 classed with the carpenter as persons whom all men would readily entertain as guests2 the wandering beggar none would invite4 ,the last is a type of #8mean freeman1' evidently common in that society4 ,he is too much akin to the suppliant1 whom religion#db protects1 to be roughly shewn the door3 he is #dc1 and trades on the reverence felt for one who appeals as stranger to hospitable custom4 ,thus he picks up a living#dd from the scraps and offals of great houses4 ,but he is despised1 and1 what concerns us here1 despised#de not only for his abject poverty but for his aversion to honest work4 ,that the poet admires industry is clear1 and is curiously illustrated by his contrasted pictures of civilization and barbarism4 ,in ,phaeacia are the fenced-in gardens#df that supply ,alcinous and his people with never-failing fruits3 the excellence of their naval craftsmen is expressed in the #8yarn' of ships that navigate themselves4 ,in the land of the ,cyclopes1 nature provides#dg them with corn and wine1 but they neither sow nor plough4 ,they have flocks of sheep and goats4 ,they have no ships or men to build them4 ,they live in caves1 isolated savages with no rudiments of civil life4 ,it is not too much to say that the poet is a believer in work and a contemner of idleness3 the presence of slaves does not suggest that the free man is to be lazy4 ,odysseus boasts of his activities 77#dh4 ,he is ready to split wood and lay a fire1 to prepare and serve a meal1 and in short to wait on the insolent suitors as inferiors do on nobles4 ,of course he is still the unknown wanderer3 but the contrast#di between him and the genuine beggar ,irus is an effective piece of by-play in the poem4 ,turning to agriculture1 we may note that it fills no small place4 ,wheat and barley1 pounded or ground to meal1 seem to furnish the basis of civilized diet4 ,the ,cyclops#ej does not look like a #8bread-eating man1' and wine completely upsets him to his ruin4 ,evidently the bounty of nature has been wasted on such a savage4 ,but the cultivation of cereal crops is rather assumed than emphasized in the pictures of ,greek life4 ,we hear of tilled lands 77#ea1 and farm-labour 77#eb is mentioned as too wearisome for a high-spirited warrior noble4 ,the tired and hungry plowman#ec appears in a simile4 ,but the favourite culture is that of the vine and olive and other fruits in orchards carefully fenced and tended4 ,one of the suitors makes a jesting offer#ed to the unknown ,odysseus #8,stranger1 would you be willing to serve for hire 771 if ,i took you on1 in an outlying field--you shall have a sufficient wage--gathering stuff for fences and planting tall trees8 ,i would see that you were regularly fed clothed and shod4 ,no1 you are a ne'er-do-weel 7 ' 7 and will not do farm-work 773 you prefer to go round cringing for food to fill your insatiate belly4' ,this scornful proposal sets the noble's contempt for wage-earning labour in a clear light4 ,and the shade of ,achilles1 repudiating#ee the suggestion that it is a great thing to be a ruler among the dead in the ghostly world1 says #8,i had rather be one bound to the soil1 serving another for hire1 employed by some landless man of little property1 than be king of all the dead4' ,he is speaking strongly3 to work for hire1 a mean destiny at best1 is at its meanest when the employer is a man with no land-lot of his own 771 presumably occupying on precarious tenure a bit of some lord's estate4 ,after such utterances we cannot wonder that as we saw above1 and are mentioned#ef in the same breath4 ,that slaves are employed on the farm is clear enough4 ,when ,penelope sends for old ,dolius#eg1 a servus dotalis of hers 7to use the ,roman expression7 she adds #8who is in charge of my fruit-garden1' ,so too the aged ,laertes1 living a hard life on his farm1 has a staff of slaves#eh to do his will1 and their quarters and farm duties are a marked detail of the picture4 ,the old man1 in dirty rags like a slave1 is a contrast#ei to the garden1 in which every plant and tree attests the devoted toil of his gardeners under his own skilled direction4 ,odysseus1 as yet unrecognized by his father1 asks him how he comes to be in such a mean attire1 though under it he has the look of a king4 ,then he drops this tone and says #8but tell me1 whose slave#fj are you1 and who owns the orchard you are tending8' ,the hero knows his father1 but to preserve for the present his own incognito he addresses him as the slave that he appears to be4 ,now if garden work was done by slaves1 surely the rougher operations of corn-growing were not confined to free labour1 and slaves pass unmentioned as a matter of course4 ,or are we to suppose that free labour had been found more economical in the long run1 and so was employed for the production of a staple food8 ,i can hardly venture to attribute so mature a view to the society of the ,odyssey4 ,we must not forget that animal food1 flesh and milk1 was an important element of diet1 and that the management of flocks and herds was therefore a great part of rustic economy4 ,but the herdsmen in charge are slaves1 such as ,eumaeus1 bought in his youth by ,laertes#fa of ,phoenician kidnappers4 ,in romancing about his own past experiences ,odysseus describes a raid in ,egypt1 and how the natives rallied#fb and took their revenge4 #8,many of our company they slew3 others they took alive into the country1 to serve them in forced labour4' ,as the ravaging of their #8beautiful farms' was a chief part of the raiders' offence1 the labour exacted from these captives seems most probably agricultural4 ,an interesting question arises in reference to the faithful slaves1 the swineherd and the goatherd4 ,when ,odysseus promises them rewards in the event of his destroying the suitors with their help1 does this include an offer of freedom8 ,have we here1 as some have thought1 a case of manumission--of course in primitive form1 without the legal refinements of later times8 ,the promise is made#fc so to speak in the character of a father-in-law3 #8,i will provide you both with wives and give you possessions and well-built houses near to me1 and you shall in future be to me comrades and brothers of ,telemachus4' ,the #8brotherhood' suggested sounds as if it must imply freedom4 ,but does it8 ,eumaeus had been brought up#fd by ,laertes as the playmate of his daughter ,ctimene2 yet he remained nevertheless a slave4 ,earlier in the poem ,eumaeus1 excusing the poor entertainment that he can offer the stranger 7,odysseus71 laments the absence#fe of his lord1 #8who' he says #8would have shewn me hearty affection and given me possessions such as a kindly lord gives his slave 771 a house and a land-lot 77 and a wife of recognized worth 771 as a reward for laborious and profitable service4' ,here also there is no direct reference to an expected grant of freedom3 nor do ,i think that it is indirectly implied4 ,it is no doubt tempting to detect in these passages the germ of the later manumission4 ,but it is not easy to say why1 in a world of little groups ruled by noble chiefs1 the gift of freedom should have been a longed-for boon4 ,however high-born the slave might have been in his native land1 in ,ithaca he was simply a slave4 ,if by belonging to a lord he got material comfort and protection1 what had he to gain by becoming a mere wage-earner8 surely nothing4 ,i can see no ground for believing that in the society of the #8heroic' age the bare name of freedom was greatly coveted4 ,it was high birth that really mattered1 but the effect of this would be local3 nothing would make ,eumaeus1 though son of a king1 noble in ,ithaca4 ,no doubt the slave might be at the mercy of a cruel lord4 ,such a slave would long for freedom1 but such a lord was not likely to grant it4 ,on the whole1 it is rash to read manumission into the poet's words4 ,reviewing the evidence presented by these #8,homeric' poems1 it may be well to insist on the obvious truism that we are not dealing with formal treatises1 charged with precise definitions and accurate statistics4 ,the information given by the poet drops out incidentally while he is telling his tale and making his characters live4 ,it is all the more genuine because it is not furnished in support of a particular argument3 but it is at the same time all the less complete4 ,and it is not possible to say how far this or that detail may have been coloured by imagination4 ,still1 allowing freely for the difficulty suggested by these considerations1 ,i think we are justified in drawing a general inference as to the position of handworkers1 particularly on the land1 in ,greek #8heroic' society as conceived by the poet4 ,if the men who practise handicrafts are freemen1 and their presence welcome1 this does not exalt them to anything like equality with the warrior nobles and chiefs4 ,and in agriculture the labourer is either a slave or a wage-earner of a very dependent kind4 ,the lord shews no inclination to set his own hand to the plough4 ,when one of the suitors derisively invites the supposed beggar to abandon his idle vagrancy for a wage-earning #8job on the land1' the disguised ,odysseus retorts#ff #8,ah1 if only you and ,i could compete in a match as reapers hard at work fasting from dawn to dark1 or at ploughing a big field with a pair of full-fed spirited oxen1--you would soon see what ,i could do4' ,he adds that1 if it came to war1 his prowess would soon silence the sneer at his begging for food instead of working4 ,now1 does the hero imply that he would really be willing to reap or plough8 ,i do not think so3 what he means is that he is conscious of that reserve of bodily strength which appears later in the poem1 dramatically shewn in the bending of the famous bow4 ,,iv4 ,,hesiod4 ,hesiod1 ,works and ,days4 ,whether this curious poem belongs in its present shape to the seventh century ,,bc1 or not1 ,i need not attempt to decide4 ,it seems certain that it is later than the great ,homeric poems1 but is an early work1 perhaps somewhat recast and interpolated1 yet in its main features representing conditions and views of a society rural1 half-primitive1 aristocratic4 ,i see no reason to doubt that it may fairly be cited in evidence for my present purpose4 ,the scene of the #8,works' is in ,boeotia3 the works 77 are operations of farming1 and the precepts chiefly saws of rustic wisdom4 ,poverty#fg is the grim spectre that haunts the writer1 conscious of the oppressions of the proud and the hardness of a greedy world4 ,debt1 want1 beggary1 must be avoided at all costs4 ,they can only be avoided#fh by thrift1 forethought1 watchfulness1 promptitude that never procrastinates1 and toil that never ceases4 ,and the mere appeal to self-interest is reinforced by recognizing the stimulus of competition 77#fi which in the form of honest rivalry is a good influence4 ,the poet represents himself as owner of a land-lot 77#gj1 part of a larger estate1 the joint patrimony of his brother ,perses and himself3 this estate has already been divided1 but points of dispute still remain4 ,hesiod suggests that ,perses has been wronging him with the help of bribed #8kings4' ,but wrongdoing is not the true road to wellbeing4 ,a dinner of herbs and a clear conscience are the better way4 ,as the proverb says #8half is more than the whole4' ,perses is treated to much good advice1 the gist of which is first and foremost an exhortation#ga to work 771 that is1 work on the land1 in which is the source of honourable wealth4 ,personal labour is clearly meant3 it is in the sweat#gb of his brow that the farmer is to thrive4 ,such is the ordinance of the gods4 ,man is meant to resemble#gc the worker bee1 not the worthless drone4 ,it is not but idleness 77 that is a reproach4 ,get wealth#gd by working1 and the idler will want to rival you3 honour and glory attend on wealth4 ,avoid delays#ge and vain talk3 the procrastinator is never sure of a living2 for he is always hoping1 when he should act4 ,whether sowing or ploughing or mowing1 off with your outer#gf garment1 if you mean to get your farm-duties done in due season4 ,the farmer must rise early1 and never get behindhand with his work3 to be in time1 and never caught napping by changes of weather1 is his duty4 ,here is a picture of humble and strenuous life1 very different from the scenes portrayed in the #8heroic' epics4 ,it seems to belong to a later and less warlike age4 ,but the economic and social side of life is in many respects little changed4 ,the free handicraftsmen seem much the same4 ,jealousy of rivals#gg in the same trade--potter1 carpenter1 beggar1 or bard--is a touch that attests their freedom4 ,the smith1 the weaver1 the shoemaker1 and the shipwright1 are mentioned#gh also4 ,seafaring#gi for purposes of gain illustrates what men will dare in quest of wealth4 ,you should not cast a man's poverty#hj in his teeth3 but do not fancy that men will give you#ha of their store1 if you and your family fall into poverty4 ,clearly the beggar is not more welcome than he was in the world of the ,odyssey4 ,suppliant and stranger are protected#hb by religion1 and a man should honour his aged father1 if he would see good days4 ,a motive suggested for careful service of the gods is #8that you may buy another's estate#hc and not another buy yours'--that is1 that the gods may give you increase4 ,just so you should keep a watch-dog1 that thieves#hd may not steal your goods by night4 ,hesiod's farmer is to keep the social and religious rules and usages--but he is before all things a keen man of business1 no ,roman more so4 ,the labour employed by this close-fisted countryman is partly free partly slave4 ,in a passage#he of which the exact rendering is disputed the hired man 77 and woman 77 are mentioned as a matter of course4 ,for a helper 7 7#hf his wage must be secure 77 as stipulated4 ,references to slaves 77#hg are more frequent1 and the need of constant watchfulness1 to see that they are not lazy and are properly fed housed and rested1 is insisted on4 ,the feeding of cattle and slaves is regulated according to their requirements in different seasons of the year3 efficiency is the object1 and evidently experience is the guide4 ,of female slaves there is no certain#hh mention3 indeed there could be little demand for domestic attendants in the farmer's simple home4 ,such work as weaving#hi is to be done by his wife4 ,for the farmer is to marry1 though the risks#ij of that venture are not hidden from the poet1 who gives plain warnings as to the exercise of extreme care in making a suitable choice4 ,the operations of agriculture are the usual ploughing sowing reaping threshing and the processes of the vineyard and the winepress4 ,oxen sheep and mules form the live-stock4 ,corn is the staple#ia diet1 with hay as fodder for beasts4 ,looking on the picture as a whole1 we see that the ,hesiodic farmer is to be a model of industry and thrift4 ,business1 not sentiment1 is the note of his character4 ,his function is to survive in his actual circumstances2 that is1 in a social and economic environment of normal selfishness4 ,if his world is not a very noble one1 it is at least eminently practical4 ,he is a true 1 setting his own hand to the plough1 toiling for himself on his own land1 with slaves and other cattle obedient to his will4 ,it is perhaps not too much to say that he illustrates a great truth bearing on the labour-question1--that successful exploitation of other men's labour is1 at least in semi-primitive societies1 only to be achieved by the man who shares the labour himself4 ,and it is to be noted that he attests the existence of wage-earning hands as well as slaves4 ,i take this to mean that there were in his rustic world a number of landless freemen compelled to make a living as mere farm labourers4 ,that we hear so much less of this class in later times is probably to be accounted for by the growth of cities and the absorption of such persons in urban occupations and trades4 ,v4 ,,stray ,,notes ,,from ,,early ,,poets4 ,a few fragments may be cited as of interest1 bearing on our subject4 ,the most important are found in the remains#ib of ,solon1 illustrating the land-question as he saw and faced it at the beginning of the sixth century ,,bc4 ,the poets of the seventh and sixth centuries reflect the problems of an age of unrest1 among the causes of which the introduction of metallic coinage1 susceptible of hoarding and unaffected by weather1 played a great part4 ,poverty1 debt and slavery of debtors1 hardship1 begging1 the insolence and oppression of rich and greedy creditors1 are common topics4 ,the sale of free men into slavery abroad is lamented by ,solon1 who claims to have restored many such victims by his measures of reform4 ,in particular1 he removed encumbrances on land1 thus setting free the small farmers who were in desperate plight owing to debt4 ,the exact nature and scope of his famous reform is a matter of dispute4 ,whether he relieved freeholders from a burden of debt1 or emancipated the clients#ic of landowning nobles from dependence closely akin to serfdom1 cannot be discussed here1 and does not really bear on the matter in hand4 ,in either case the persons relieved were a class of working farmers1 and the economic reform was the main thing3 political reform was of value as tending to secure the economic boon4 ,it is remarkable that ,solon1 enumerating a number of trades 7practically the old ,homeric and ,hesiodic list71 speaks of them merely as means of escaping the pressure of poverty1 adding #8and another man#id is yearly servant to those interested in ploughing1 and furrows land planted with fruit-trees4' ,this man seems to be a wage-earner 77 working for a large farmer1 probably the owner of a landed estate in the rich lowland 77 of ,attica4 ,the small farmers were mostly confined to the rocky uplands4 ,evidently it is not manual labour that is the hardship1 but the dependent position of the hired man working on another's land4 ,the hard-working independent peasant1 willing to till stony land for his own support1 is the type that ,solon encouraged and ,peisistratus#ie approved4 ,the life of such peasant farmers was at best a hard one1 and little desired by men living under easier conditions4 ,two fragments from ,ionia express views of dwellers in that rich and genial land4 ,phocylides of ,miletus in one of his wise counsels says #8if you desire wealth1 devote your care to a fat farm 7 71 for the saying is that a farm is a horn of plenty4' ,the bitter ,hipponax of ,ephesus describes a man as having lived a gluttonous life and so eaten up his estate 7 73 the result is that he is driven to dig a rocky hillside and live on common figs and barley bread--mere slave's fodder 7 74 ,surely the #8fat farm' was not meant to be worked by the owner singlehanded2 and the #8slave's fodder' suggests the employment of slaves4 ,ionia was a home of luxury and ease4 ,the oft-quoted scolion of the ,cretan ,hybrias illustrates the point of view of the warrior class in more military communities4 ,his wealth is in sword spear and buckler4 ,it is with these tools that he does his ploughing reaping or vintage4 ,that is1 he has command of the labour of others1 and enjoys their produce4 ,we shall speak below of the well-known lords and serfs of ,crete4 ,,vi4 ,,traces ,,of ,,serfdom ,,in ,,greek ,,states4 ,before passing on to the times in which the merits of a free farmer-class1 from military and political points of view1 became a matter of general and conscious consideration1 it is desirable to refer briefly to the recorded cases of agricultural serfdom in ,greek states4 ,for the rustic serf is a type quite distinct from the free farmer1 the hired labourer1 or the slave2 though the language of some writers is loose1 and does not clearly mark the distinction4 ,six well-known cases present themselves1 in connexion with ,sparta1 ,crete1 ,argos1 ,thessaly1 ,syracuse1 and ,heraclea on the ,pontus4 ,into the details of these systems it is not necessary to enter1 interesting though many of them are4 ,the important feature common to them all is the delegation of agricultural labour4 ,a stronger or better-organized people become masters of a weaker population1 conquering their country by force of arms1 and sparing the conquered on certain terms4 ,the normal effect of the compact is that the conquerors are established as a ruling warrior class1 whose subsistence is provided by the labour of the subject people4 ,these subjects remain on the land as farmers1 paying a fixed quota of their produce to their masters4 ,some are serfs of the state1 and pay their dues to the state authorities3 some are serfs of individuals1 and pay to their lords4 ,in either case they are strictly attached to the land1 and cannot be sold out of the country4 ,this clearly marks off the serf from the slave held in personal bondage4 ,in some cases certainly1 probably in all1 the warrior class 7at least the wealthier of them7 had also slaves for their own personal service4 ,the serf-system differs from a caste-system4 ,both1 it is true1 are hereditary systems1 or have a strong tendency to become so4 ,the ruling class do not easily admit deserving subjects into their own ranks4 ,and they take precautions to hinder the degradation of their equals into lower conditions through poverty4 ,the warrior's land-lot 771 the sale of which is forbidden1 is a favourite institution for the purpose4 ,that such warrior aristocracies could not be kept up in vigour for an indefinite time1 was to be proved by experience4 ,their duration depended on external as well as internal conditions4 ,hostile invasion might destroy the efficiency of state regulations1 however well adapted to keep the serfs under control4 ,sparta always feared her ,helots1 and it was essential to keep an enemy out of ,laconia4 ,early in the history of ,syracuse the unprivileged masses were supported by the serfs in their rising against the squatter-lords1 the whose great estates represented the allotments of the original settlers4 ,in ,crete and ,thessaly matters were complicated by lack of a central authority4 ,there were a number of cities3 subordination and cooperation were alike hard to secure1 and the history of both groups is a story of jealousy1 collisions1 and weakness4 ,the ,thessalian ,penestae often rebelled4 ,the two classes of ,cretan#if serfs 7public and private7 were kept quiet partly by rigid exclusion from all training of a military kind1 partly by their more favourable condition3 but the insular position of ,crete was perhaps a factor of equal importance4 ,the long control of indigenous barbarian serfs by the city of ,heraclea was probably the result of similar causes4 ,but in all these cases it is conquest that produces the relation between the tiller of the soil and his overlord4 ,whether the serf is regarded as a weaker ,greek or as a ,barbarian 7non-,greek7 is not at present the main question from my point of view4 ,the notion of castes1 belonging to the same society and influenced by the same racial and religious traditions1 but each performing a distinct function--priestly military agricultural etc4--as in ancient ,india1 is another thing altogether4 ,caste separates functions1 but the division is in essence collateral4 ,serfdom is a delegation of functions1 and is a compulsory subordination4 ,that the ,greeks of the seventh and sixth centuries ,,bc were already becoming conscious of a vital difference between other races and themselves1 is fairly certain4 ,it was soon to express itself in the common language4 ,contact with ,persia was soon to crystallize this feeling into a moral antipathy1 a disgust and contempt that found voice in the arrogant claim that while nature's law justifies the ruling of servile ,barbarians by free ,greeks1 a reversal of the relation is an unnatural monstrosity4 ,yet ,i cannot discover that ,greeks ever gave up enslaving brother ,greeks4 ,callicratidas in the field and ,plato in his school might protest against the practice2 it still remained the custom in war to sell as slaves those1 ,greek or ,barbarian1 whom the sword had spared4 ,we shall also find cases in which the remnant of the conquered were left in their homes but reduced to the condition of cultivating serfs4 ,among the little that is known of the ancient ,etruscans1 whose power was once widely extended in ,italy1 is the fact that they dwelt in cities and ruled a serf population who lived chiefly in the country4 ,the ruling race were apparently invaders not akin to any of the ,italian stocks3 their subjects probably belonged to the old ,ligurian race1 in early times spread over a large part of the peninsula4 ,that the ,etruscan cities recognized a common interest1 but in practice did not support each other consistently1 was the chief cause of their gradual weakening and final fall4 ,noble lords with warlike traditions had little bent for farm life or sympathy with the serfs who tilled the soil4 ,the two classes seem to have kept to their own#ig languages1 and the ,etruscan gradually died out under the supremacy of ,rome4 ,,vii4 ,,herodotus4 ,herodotus1 writing in the first half of the fifth century ,,bc1 partly recording the results of his own travels1 partly dependent on the work of his predecessors1 is a witness of great value4 ,in him we find the contrast and antipathy#ih of ,greek and ,barbarian an acknowledged fact1 guiding and dominating ,greek sentiment4 ,unhappily he yields us very little evidence bearing on the present subject4 ,to slavery and slave-trade he often refers without comment3 these are matters of course4 ,the servile character of oriental peoples subject to ,persia is contemptuously described#ii through the mouth of the ,greek queen of ,halicarnassus4 ,nor does he spare the ,ionian ,greeks1 whose jealousies and consequent inefficiency made them the unworthy tools of ,persian ambition2 a sad contrast to those patriotic ,greeks of old ,hellas who1 fired by the grand example of ,athens1 fought for their freedom and won it in the face of terrible odds4 ,the disgust--a sort of physical loathing--with which the free ,greek1 proud of training his body to perfection1 regarded corporal mutilation as practised in the ,east1 is illustrated by such passages#ajj as that in which the ,persians are astounded at the ,greek athletic competitions for a wreath of olive leaves1 and that in which he coolly tells the story of the eunuch's revenge4 ,but all this1 interesting as giving us his point of view1 does not help us in clearing up the relations of free and slave labour4 ,as for handicrafts1 it is enough to refer to the well-known passage#aja in which1 while speaking of ,egypt1 he will not decide whether the ,greeks got their contempt for manual trades from the ,egyptians or not4 ,that the ,greeks1 above all the ,spartans1 do despise 1 is certain2 but least true of the ,corinthians4 ,barbarians in general respect the warrior class among their own folk and regard manual trades as ignoble4 ,so the source of ,greek prejudice is doubtful4 ,that the craftsmen are free is clear from the whole context4 ,it is remarkable that in enumerating seven classes of the ,egyptian population he mentions no class#ajb as devoted to the tillage of the soil1 but two of herdsmen1 in charge of cattle and swine4 ,later authorities mention#ajc the 1 and connect them with the military class1 rightly1 it would seem3 for ,herodotus#ajd refers to the farms granted by the kings to this class4 ,they are farmer-soldiers4 ,it would seem that they were free1 so far as any ,egyptian could be called free1 and worked their land themselves4 ,if this inference be just1 we may observe that a ,greek thought it a fact worth noting4 ,was this owing to the contrast#aje offered by systems of serfage in the ,greek world8 ,it is curious that wage-labour is hardly ever directly mentioned4 ,in describing#ajf the origin of the ,macedonian kings1 who claimed descent from an ,argive stock1 he says that three brothers1 exiles from ,argos1 came to ,macedon4 ,there they served the king for wages as herdsmen in charge of his horses cattle sheep and goats4 ,the simplicity of the royal household is emphasized as illustrating the humble scale of ancient monarchies4 ,alarmed by a prodigy1 the king calls his servants 7 7 and tells them to leave his country4 ,the sequel does not concern us here3 we need only note that work for wages is referred to as a matter of course4 ,the same relation is probably meant in the case of the ,arcadian deserters#ajg who came to ,xerxes after ,thermopylae1 in need of sustenance 77 and wishing to get work 7 74 ,but the term is not used4 ,and the few ,athenians who stayed behind#ajh in the ,acropolis when ,athens was evacuated1 partly through sheer poverty 7' 71 would seem to be 4 ,it is fair to infer that hired labour is assumed as a normal fact in ,greek life4 ,for the insistence on poverty#aji as naturally endemic 77 in ,hellas1 only overcome by the manly qualities 77 developed in the conquest of hard conditions by human resourcefulness 771 shews us the background of the picture present to the writer's mind4 ,it is his way of telling us that the question of food-supply was a serious one4 ,out of her own soil ,hellas was only able to support a thin population4 ,hence ,greek forces were absurdly small compared with the myriads of ,persia3 but the struggle for existence had strung them up to such efficiency and resolute love of freedom that they were ready to face fearful odds4 ,the passage occurs in the reply of ,demaratus the ,spartan to a question of ,xerxes1 and refers more particularly to ,sparta4 ,in respect of courage and military efficiency the claim is appropriate3 but poverty was surely characteristic of nearly all the ,european ,hellas1 and the language on that point is strictly correct1 probably representing the writer's own view4 ,it is also quite consistent with the statement#aaj that in early times1 before the ,athenians had as yet driven all the indigenous population out of ,attica1 neither the ,athenians nor the ,greeks generally had slaves 774 ,the context seems to indicate that domestic slaves are specially meant4 ,i do not lay much stress on this allegation1 urged as it is in support of a case by one party to the dispute3 but it is a genuine tradition1 which appears again in the later literature4 ,in the time of ,herodotus there were plenty of domestic slaves4 ,accordingly he finds it worth while to mention#aaa that ,scythian kings are attended by persons of their own race1 there being no bought servants employed4 ,herodotus is a difficult witness to appraise justly1 partly from the occasional uncertainty as to whether he is really pledging his own authority on a point1 partly because the value of his authority varies greatly on different points4 ,but on the whole ,i take his evidence to suggest that agriculture was carried on in ,greece either by free labouring farmers employing hired men when needed1 or by serfs4 ,i do not see any evidence to shew that no slaves were employed4 ,the subject of his book placed him under no necessity of mentioning them3 and ,i can hardly believe that farm-slavery on a small scale had died out all over ,greece since the days of ,hesiod4 ,nor do ,i feel convinced on his authority that the poverty of ,greece was1 so far as mere food is concerned1 as extreme as he makes ,demaratus represent it4 ,when the ,spartans heard that ,xerxes was offering the ,athenians a separate peace1 they were uneasy1 and sent a counter-offer#aab on their own behalf4 ,not content with appealing to the ,hellenic patriotism of ,athens1 they said #8,we feel for you in your loss of two crops and the distress that will last some while yet4 ,but you shall have all this made good4 ,we1 ,spartans and confederates1 will find food for your wives and your helpless families#aac so long as this war lasts4' ,supposing this offer to have been actually made1 and to have been capable of execution1 surely it implies that there were food-stuffs to spare in the ,peloponnese4 ,it may be that ,i am making too much of this passage1 and of the one about poverty4 ,the dramatic touch of ,herodotus is present in both1 and ,i must leave the apparent inconsistency between them as it stands4 ,the question of ,peloponnesian agriculture will come up again in connexion with a passage of ,thucydides4 ,,viii4 ,,the ,,tragedians4 ,the lives of ,aeschylus 7died #def ,,bc7 ,sophocles and ,euripides 7both died #djf ,,bc7 cover a period of stirring events in the history of ,greece1 particularly of ,athens4 ,aeschylus had borne his part in the ,persian wars3 he was a fighting man when ,herodotus was born1 and ,sophocles a boy4 ,euripides saw the rise of ,athenian power to its greatest height1 and died with ,sophocles on the eve of its fall4 ,these men had seen strange and terrible things4 ,hellas had only beaten off the ,persian to ruin herself by her own internecine conflicts4 ,while the hatred and contempt for #8barbarians' grew from sentiment into something very like a moral principle1 ,greeks butchered or enslaved brother ,greeks on an unprecedented scale4 ,greek lands were laid waste by ,greek armies3 the devastation of ,attica in particular had serious effects on the politics and policy of ,athens4 ,athens at length lost her control of the ,euxine corn trade and was starved out4 ,for the moment a decision was reached3 the reactionary rural powers1 backed by the commercial jealousy of ,corinth1 had triumphed4 ,no thoughtful man in ,athens during the time when the rustic population were crowded into the city1 idle and plagued with sickness1 could be indifferent to the strain on democratic institutions4 ,this spectacle suggested reflexions that permanently influenced ,greek thought on political subjects4 ,the tendency was to accept democracy in some form and degree as inevitable in most states1 and to seek salvation in means of checking the foolish extravagancies of mob-rule4 ,the best of these means was the encouragement of farmer-citizens3 but the circumstances of ,greek history made practical success on these lines impossible4 ,in practice1 oligarchy meant privilege1 to which a scattered farming population would submit2 democracy meant mob-rule sooner or later1 and the dominance of urban interests4 ,the problem which ,plato and ,aristotle could not solve was already present in the latter part of the ,peloponnesian war4 ,aristophanes might ridicule ,euripides1 but on the country-and-town issue the two were agreed4 ,aeschylus indeed furnishes very little to my purpose directly4 ,the ,greek antipathy to the ,barbarian is very clearly marked2 but the only points worth noting are that in the ,persae#aad he makes ,persian speakers refer to their own people as 1 and that in a bitter passage of the ,eumenides he expresses#aae his loathing of mutilations and tortures1 referring no doubt to ,persian cruelties4 ,agriculture can hardly be said to be mentioned at all1 for the gift of weather-wisdom#aaf is useful to others than the farmer1 and the ,scythian steppes are untilled land4 ,a fragment1 telling of a happy land#aag where all things grow in plenty unsown without ploughing or digging1 reminds us of the ,odyssey1 minus the savages3 another1 referring to the advance made in domestication of beasts to relieve men of toil1 make up the meagre list4 ,all are in connexion with ,prometheus4 ,there are two interesting passages#aah in which the word 7landholder7 occurs1 but merely as an expression for a man with the rights and responsibilities of a citizen4 ,there is nothing of tillage4 ,it was natural for the champion of the power of the ,areopagus to view the citizen from the landholding side4 ,he is a respecter of authority1 but at the same time lays great stress on the duty and importance of deference to public opinion4 ,this tone runs through the surviving plays1 wherever the scene of a particular drama may be laid4 ,athenian conditions are always in his mind1 and his final judgment appears in the ,eumenides as an appeal to all true citizens to combine freedom with order4 ,ties of blood1 community of religious observances1 the relation between citizens and aliens1 are topics on which he dwells again and again4 ,in general it is fair to conclude that1 while he cheerfully accepted the free constitution of ,athens as it stood since the democratic reform of ,cleisthenes1 he thought that it was quite democratic enough1 and regarded more recent tendencies with some alarm4 ,now these tendencies1 in particular the reforms of ,ephialtes and ,pericles1 were certainly in the direction of lessening the influence of the ,attic farmers and increasing that of the urban citizens1 who were on the spot to take advantage of them4 ,to put it in the briefest form1 ,aeschylus must be reckoned an admirer of the solid and responsible citizens of the old school1 men with a stake in the country4 ,sophocles also supplies very little4 ,the antipathy of ,greeks to ,barbarians appears in a milder form3 ,aeschylus was naturally more bitter1 having fought against the ,persian invader4 ,the doctrine that public opinion 7of citizens7 ought to be respected1 that obedience to constituted authorities is a duty1 in short the principle that freedom should be combined with order1 is set forth in various passages of dramatic debate4 ,yet the scenes of the plays1 as those of ,aeschylus1 are laid in legendary ages that knew not democracy4 ,the awful potency of ties of blood1 and the relations of citizen and alien1 are topics common to both4 ,but ,i think it may fairly be said that political feeling is less evident in ,sophocles4 ,this is consistent with his traditional character4 ,in their attitude towards slavery there is no striking difference3 both treat it as a matter of course4 ,but in ,sophocles there are already signs#aai of the questioning that was soon to become outspoken1 as to the justice of the relation of master and slave4 ,agriculture is hardly mentioned4 ,the words 1 1 1 are 7as in ,aeschylus7 not used4 ,a reference to ploughing occurs in a famous passage#abj celebrating the resourcefulness of ,man4 ,the herdsman1 usually a slave1 is once#aba spoken of as perhaps a hired servant4 ,one curious passage#abb calls for notice4 ,in the ,trachiniae the indifference of ,heracles to his children is compared by his wife ,deianira to the conduct of a farmer 77 who has got a farm at a distance 7 7 and only visits it at seed-time and harvest4 ,the man is apparently a non-resident landowner1 living presumably in the city 7surely ,athens is in the poet's mind7 and working his farm by deputy--a steward--and only inspecting it at important seasons4 ,whether the labour employed is slave or free1 there is nothing to shew4 ,it is of interest to find the situation sufficiently real to be used in a simile4 ,but ,i infer that the situation1 like the conduct of ,heracles1 is regarded as exceptional4 ,euripides takes us into a very different atmosphere4 ,an age of movement was also an age of criticism and inquiry1 social religious political ethical4 ,the intellectual leaders came from various parts of the ,greek world1 but the intellectual centre of #8obstinate questionings' was ,athens1 and their poet ,euripides4 ,the use of drama1 with plots drawn from ancient legend1 as a vehicle for reflexions on human problems1 addressed to a contemporary audience and certain to evoke assent and dissent1 is the regular practice of ,euripides4 ,his plays give us a mass of information as to the questions exercising the minds of thoughtful men in a stirring period4 ,the point of view is that of the new school1 the enlightened #8thinkers' who claimed the right to challenge traditional principles1 opinions1 prejudices1 and institutions1 testing them by the canons of human reason fearlessly applied4 ,this attitude was naturally resented by men of the old school1 averse to any disturbing influence tending to undermine the traditional morality1 and certain to react upon politics4 ,their opposition can still be traced in the comedies of ,aristophanes and in various political movements during the ,peloponnesian war4 ,among the topics to which the new school turned their attention were two of special interest to ,euripides4 ,the power of wealth was shewing itself in the growth of capitalistic enterprise1 an illustration of which is seen in the case of the rich slaveowner ,nicias4 ,poverty#abc and its disadvantages1 sometimes amounting to sheer degradation1 was as ever a subject of discontent3 and this was closely connected with the position of free wage-earning labour4 ,at ,athens political action took a strong line in the direction of utilizing the wealth of the rich in the service of the state3 for the poor1 its dominant tendency was to provide opportunities of drawing state pay 771 generally a bare living wage1 for the performance of various public duties4 ,the other topic1 that of slavery1 had as yet hardly reached the stage of questioning the right or wrong of that institution as such4 ,but the consciousness that the slave1 like his master1 was a blend of human virtues and human vices1--was a man1 in short1--was evidently becoming clearer1 and suggesting the conclusion that he must be judged as a man and not as a mere chattel4 ,otherwise ,euripides would hardly have ventured to bring slaves on the stage#abd in so sympathetic a spirit1 or to utter numerous sayings1 bearing on their merits and failings1 in a tone of broad humanity4 ,in such circumstances how came it that there was no sign of a movement analogous to modern ,abolitionism8 ,if the slave was confessedly a man1 had he not the rights of a man8 ,the answer is plain4 ,that a man1 simply as a man1 had any rights1 was a doctrine not yet formulated or clearly conceived4 ,the antipathy#abe between ,greek and ,barbarian was a practical bar to its recognition4 ,the ,persian was not likely to moderate his treatment of ,greeks in his power from any such consideration3 superior force1 nothing less1 would induce him to conform to ,greek notions of humanity4 ,while force was recognized as the sole foundation of right as against free enemies1 there could not be much serious doubt as to the right of holding aliens in slavery4 ,but in this questioning age another theoretical basis of discussion had been found4 ,men were testing institutions by asking in reference to each #8is it a natural#abf growth8 does it exist by nature 778 or is it a conventional status8 does it exist by law 778' ,here was one of the most unsettling inquiries of the period4 ,in reference to slavery we find two conflicting doctrines beginning to emerge4 ,one is#abg that all men are born free 77 and that slavery is therefore a creation of man's device 774 ,the other is that superior strength is a gift of nature1 and therefore the rule of the weaker#abh by the stronger is according to nature4 ,the conflict between these two views was destined to engage some of the greatest minds of ,greece in later years1 when the political failure of the ,greek states had diverted men's thoughts to problems concerning the individual4 ,for the present slavery was taken for granted1 but it is evident that the seeds of future doubt had been sown4 ,among the stray utterances betraying uneasiness is the oft-quoted saying#abi of the sophist ,alcidamas #8god leaves all men free3 nature makes no man a slave4' ,the speaker was contemporary with ,euripides1 whose sayings are often in much the same tone1 if less direct4 ,a remarkable passage is that in which he makes ,heracles repudiate#acj the myths that represent slavery as existing among the gods4 ,no god that is a real god has any needs1 and such tales are rubbish--an argument that was destined to reappear later as bearing upon slavery among men1 particularly in connexion with the principles of the ,cynic school4 ,i have said enough as to the point of view from which the questioners1 such as ,euripides1 regarded slavery4 ,it is somewhat surprising that the poet's references to hired labour#aca are very few1 and all of a depressing kind1 treating as almost or quite equivalent to 4 ,the references or allusions to handicrafts are hardly to the point3 such men are doubtless conceived as 1 but they would generally direct themselves in virtue of their trade-skill3 they are not hired #8hands4' ,herdsmen often appear1 but generally if not always they seem to be slaves or serfs4 ,nor is it clear that the digger 77 is free2 he is referred to#acb as a specimen of the meanest class of labourer4 ,but in three of the plays there occur passages directly descriptive of the poor working farmer1 the of whom ,i have spoken above4 ,in the ,electra1 the prologue is put in the mouth of the poor but well-born to whom the crafty ,aegisthus has given ,electra in marriage4 ,the scene between husband and wife is one of peculiar delicacy and interest4 ,the points that concern us here are these4 ,the princess has been united#acc to a poor and powerless freeman4 ,he is fully occupied#acd with the hard labour of his farm1 which he apparently cultivates singlehanded4 ,he understands the motive of ,aegisthus1 and shews his respect for ,electra by refraining from conjugal rights4 ,she in turn respects his nobility1 and shews her appreciation by cheerfully performing#ace the humble duties of a cottar's wife4 ,when the breadwinner 77 comes home from toil1 he should find all ready for his comfort4 ,he is shocked to see her1 a lady of gentle breeding 7 7 fetch water from the spring and wait upon his needs4 ,but he has to accept the situation3 the morrow's dawn#acf shall see him at his labour on the land3 it is all very well to pray for divine aid1 but to get a living the first thing needful is to work4 ,now here we have a picture of the free farmer on a small scale1 who lives in a hovel and depends on the labour of his own hands4 ,he is the ancient analogue of the ,french peasant1 who works harder than any slave1 and whose views are apt to be limited by the circumstances of his daily life4 ,he has no slaves#acg4 ,again1 the ,theban herald in the ,supplices#ach1 speaking of the incapacity of a ,demos for the function of government1 says #8but a poor husbandman 7 71 even if not stupid1 will be too busy to attend to state affairs4' ,here is our toiling rustic1 the ideal citizen of statesmen who desire to keep free from popular control4 ,the same character appears again in the ,orestes1 on the occasion of a debate in the ,argive ,assembly 7modelled on ,athens71 as defender of ,orestes4 ,he is described#aci as #8not of graceful mien1 but a manly fellow1 one who seldom visits the city and the market-place1 a toiler with his hands 771 of the class on whom alone the safety of the country depends2 but intelligent and prepared to face the conflict of debate1 a guileless being of blameless life4' ,so vivid is this portrait1 that the sympathy of the poet with the rustic type of citizen can hardly be ignored4 ,now1 why did ,euripides take pains to shew this sympathy8 ,i take it to be a sign that he saw with regret the declining influence of the farmer class in ,attic politics4 ,can we go a step further1 and detect in these passages any sort of protest against a decline in the number of small working farmers1 and a growth of exploitation-farming1 carried on by stewards directing the labour of slaves or hired hands8 ,in the next generation we find this system in use1 as indeed it most likely always had been to some extent on the richer soils of lowland ,attica4 ,the concentration of the country folk in the city during the great war would tend to promote agriculture by deputy after the return of peace4 ,deaths1 and the diversion of some farmers to other pursuits1 were likely to leave vacancies in the rural demes4 ,speculators who took advantage of such chances to buy land would not as a rule do so with intent to live on the land and work it themselves2 and aliens were not allowed to hold real estate4 ,it seems fairly certain that landlords resident in ,athens1 to whom land was only one of many forms of investment1 and who either let their land to tenant-farmers or exploited its cultivation under stewards1 were a class increased considerably by the effects of the war4 ,we shall see further reasons below for believing this4 ,whether ,euripides in the passages cited above is actually warning or protesting1 ,i do not venture to say3 that he grasped the significance of a movement beginning under his very eyes1 is surely a probable conjecture4 ,that we should hear little of the employment of slaves in the hard work of agriculture1 even if the practice were common1 is not to be wondered at4 ,assuming the existence of slavery1 there was no need for any writer other than a specialist to refer to them4 ,but we have in the ,rhesus a passage#adj in which ,hector forecasts the result of an attack on the ,greeks while embarking3 some of them will be slain1 and the rest1 captured and made fast in bonds1 will be taught to cultivate 77 the fields of the ,phrygians4 ,that this use of captives is nothing extraordinary appears below1 when ,dolon the spy is bargaining for a reward in case of success4 ,to a suggestion that one of the ,greek chiefs should be assigned to him he replies #8,no1 hands gently nurtured 7 '7#ada are unfit for farm-work 774' ,the notion of captive ,greeks slaving on the land for ,asiatic lords is a touch meant to be provocative of patriotic indignation4 ,and the remark of ,dolon would surely fall more meaningly on the ears of men acquainted with the presence of rustic slavery in their own country4 ,to serfage we have a reference#adb in the ,heraclidae1 but the retainer 77 is under arms1 #8mobilized1' not at the time working on the land4 ,his reward1 when he brings the news of victory1 is to be freedom4 ,,ix4 ,,the #8,,constitution ,,of ,,athens' ,,or #8,,old ,,oligarch4' ,one of the most remarkable documents that have come down to us bearing upon ,athenian politics is the #8,constitution#adc of ,athens' wrongly assigned to ,xenophon4 ,it is certainly the work of an earlier writer1 and the date of its composition can be fixed as between #dcj and #dbd ,,bc4 ,thus it refers to the first years of the ,peloponnesian war1 during which ,attica was repeatedly invaded1 its rural economy upset1 and the manifold consequences of overcrowding in the city of refuge were beginning to shew themselves4 ,not a few of the #8better classes' of ,athenian citizens 7 7 were dissatisfied with the readiness of the ,demos1 under the guidance of ,pericles1 to carry out a maritime and aggressive policy abroad at the cost of sacrificing rural interests at home4 ,for the sacrifice fell on the landowners1 more particularly on the larger owners3 the compensations#add of state-pay and chances of plunder might suffice for the peasant farmer driven into ,athens4 ,at the same time it was undeniable that the astounding energy displayed by democratic ,athens had surprised the ,greek world2 and the most discontented ,athenian could hardly suppress an emotion of patriotic pride4 ,the writer of the pamphlet before us--for a pamphlet it is--was under the influence of these conflicting feelings4 ,whether it is right to describe him as an ,oligarch depends on what that term is taken to connote4 ,that he would greatly prefer a system#ade under which the educated orderly and honest citizens should enjoy greater consideration and power1 is evident3 also that in his view these qualities are normal attributes of the wealthier classes4 ,for he finds in poverty the main cause#adf of democratic misdeeds4 ,that the masses are ill-informed and lack judgment and self-control1 is the result of their preoccupation with necessities of daily life4 ,but from this conviction to aiming at a serious oligarchic revolution is a long step4 ,the democracy in its less aggressive form1 before the recent developments owing to the presence of an idle refugee population1 might conceivably have sufficed for his requirements4 ,he is a prejudiced contemporary witness1 frank and cynical in the extreme1 praising the ,demos for doing the very things that he hates and despises1 because those things are in the interest of the democracy such as it appears to him3 they would be fools to act otherwise4 ,for convenience sake ,i follow ,mr ,zimmern#adg in calling him the ,old ,oligarch4 ,his disgust at the lack of discipline in the slaves at ,athens1 and his ingenious explanation#adh of the causes that have led to toleration of the nuisance1 are very characteristic of his whole attitude4 ,but the slaves of whom he speaks are those labourers whom their owners allowed to work for hire in the city and ,peiraeus1 taking a share of their pay as rent for their services4 ,perhaps the state slaves are meant also4 ,he admits that you have to put up with the airs of these fellows1 who often become men of substance 7 7 and think themselves as good as the citizens4 ,truth is1 the master depends on the return he gets from his investment3 if the rent comes in regularly1 he asks no questions and the slave is given#adi a free hand4 ,no wonder the bondman jostles his betters in the public streets1 a state of things inconceivable in orderly ,sparta4 ,now on the face of it this picture has nothing to do with the agricultural situation4 ,but let us look further4 ,the stress of the great war had increased the city population4 ,the increased demand for imported food-stuffs and for materials of war 7such as ship-timber7 had undoubtedly increased the demand for dock-labourers1 boatmen1 porters1 carters1 and other #8hands4' ,male citizens had enough to do in services by land and sea4 ,from what source was the extra force of rough able-bodied labour recruited8 ,is it likely that a number of raw barbarian slaves were imported for the purpose8 ,i think not2 time would be needed to make them efficient1 and the available shipping had already a difficult task to keep up the supply of indispensable goods4 ,is it not much more likely that rustic slaves1 brought into ,athens by their owners1 were turned to account#aej in another department of labour1 thus earning wages for themselves while they maintained their masters8 ,the probability of this view will depend largely on proof that rustic slaves were employed in ,attica under normal conditions at this time4 ,we shall presently see how the evidence of ,aristophanes bears on the point4 ,meanwhile let us see what references to agriculture are to be found in this pamphlet4 ,in speaking of the nautical skill#aea now a common accomplishment among ,athenians1 the writer remarks that the possession of estates abroad1 and the duties of offices concerned with external affairs1 have something to do with it4 ,men have to cross the water3 they and their attendants 77 thus pick up skill by experience without intending it3 for it happens time and again that both master and slave 7 7 have to take a turn at the oar4 ,the estates referred to are chiefly state-lands allotted to ,athenian cleruchs in confiscated districts1 but also private properties4 ,the voyages to and fro are nothing exceptional4 ,whether a man resided on his estate and had need to visit ,athens1 or whether he resided in ,athens and had to visit his estate from time to time1 he must go to sea4 ,it is to be borne in mind that allottees in cleruchies often let their lands to the former owners as tenants4 ,in another passage#aeb he points out the disadvantage to ,athens1 as a maritime power1 of not being on an island and so secure from invasion4 #8,as things are1 those ,athenians who farm land or are wealthy 7 7 are more inclined to conciliate the enemy 7 cringe to71 while the ,demos1 well aware that their own belongings are in no danger of destruction1 is unconcerned and defiant4' ,a notable admission1 confirmed by other evidence1 as we shall see4 ,it is to be observed that farmers and wealthy men are coupled together4 ,the class more especially meant are probably those represented in ,aristophanes by the substantial farmers of the ,peace4 ,but capitalists with investments in land are also included1 and small-holders or tenants2 these last working the land themselves1 but not necessarily without employing hired or slave labour4 ,x4 ,,aristophanes4 ,aristophanes is a witness of great importance4 ,of eleven surviving plays the ,acharnians appeared in #dbe ,,bc1 the ,plutus in #chh4 ,thus we have from this prince of wit and humour a series of comments on the social and political life of ,athens and ,attica from the point of view of conservative admirers of good old times4 ,the evidence of ,comedy is liable to be suspect1 on the ground of a tendency to exaggerate and distort facts3 but to make allowances for this tendency is not a task of extreme difficulty4 ,nor can it fairly be said that the political bias of the poet is such as to deprive his evidence of all authority4 ,if he seems at times to be singularly detached from the prejudices of the war-party1 dominating ,athens under the democratic leaders1 and able to discern and boldly to declare that the right was not solely on their own side in the war2 still he was a warm patriot1 devoted to the ,athens whose defects he could not ignore4 ,among the striking events of the time nothing seems to have impressed him more forcibly than the devastation of ,attica and the consequent ruin of the agricultural interest4 ,that the cooping-up of the rural population#aec within the walls month after month was a progressive calamity1 could hardly escape the notice of any one then resident4 ,it was not merely the squalor or the appalling sickness1 though these were in themselves enough to produce a terrible strain4 ,discontent and recklessness took hold of the masses1 and other observers beside ,aristophanes remarked the degeneration of the democracy4 ,aristophanes was an opponent of the war-policy1 and strove hard to rally the farmer-folk in favour of peace4 ,he spared no pains to discredit the noisy demagogues1 accusing them of prolonging the war in order to retain or increase their own importance at the cost of the soundest element in the civic body4 ,but1 while he turned the farmers' grievances to account in political advocacy1 he was no mere unscrupulous partisan4 ,his frequent references to the homely joys of country life1 sometimes in sympathetic rural vignettes1 have the ring of sincerity4 ,like many another dweller in the unwholesome city1 he sighed for the fresh air1 the wholesome food1 the peace and quiet of ,attic farmsteads3 no doubt he idealized the surroundings1 though he did not depict them as scenes of spotless innocence4 ,but the details that drop out casually are often very significant from the point of view of my inquiry1 and very helpful as giving us a genuine picture of the time4 ,on no point is information more to be desired than the relation of agriculture to wealth4 ,is the typical farmer of the period a man of large estate or not8 ,we have seen that the #8old oligarch' classed together the wealthy and the farmers as favouring a peace-policy4 ,that such a body of opinion1 large or small1 existed in ,athens1 is also suggested by passages in ,aristophanes4 ,in the ,ecclesiazusae1 the play in which the leader of the female politicians offers to cure distress by a communistic scheme1 we are told#aed that a proposal to mobilize a fleet divides the ,assembly3 the poor man votes for it1 but the wealthy and the farmers are against it4 ,i take it that1 as in the case of the ,sicilian expedition1 the man who wants to get paid for service 7with a chance of profit7 supports the motion2 those who dislike having to pay for the enterprise1 or see no way of profiting by it1 are in opposition4 ,this is a phenomenon normal in politics1 and does not tell us whether the #8farmers' are cultivators on a large scale or small4 ,later in the play we find a protest#aee against the iniquity of the present juxtaposition of wealth and destitution1 the state of things in which one man farms much land while another has not enough to afford him a grave4 ,even a comic poet would hardly put this into the mouth of one of his characters if there were not some section of the audience to whom it might appeal4 ,it is probable that at the time 7#cic-b ,,bc7 communistic suggestions were among the currents of opinion in humbled and impoverished ,athens4 ,to squeeze the rich had long been the policy of the democrats1 and a jealousy of wealth in any form became endemic in the distressful city4 ,a few years later 7#chh ,,bc7 the poet gave in the ,plutus a pointed discussion#aef of economic questions1 ridiculing the notion that all could be rich at the same time3 for nobody would work1 and so civilization would come to an end4 ,true1 the individualistic bent of the average ,athenian1 grasping and litigious1 prevented the establishment of downright communism3 but ,athens was henceforth never free from the jealous and hardly patriotic demands of the clamorous poor ,we must remember that military service1 no longer offering prospects of profit in addition to pay1 was becoming unpopular2 that land-allotments#aeg in conquered territories had ceased2 and that agriculture in a large part of ,attica was toilsome and unremunerative4 ,poverty was widespread1 and commerce declined3 this implies that the supply of slaves1 and the money to buy them1 would be reduced4 ,was there then much to attract the poor man to the lonely tillage of a patch of rocky land8 ,the generation of small farmers before and during the great war had some outlook for themselves and their sons1 serving in victorious armies or fleets1 getting booty or allotments abroad4 ,hence they took a keen interest in politics4 ,the fall of ,athens had changed all this3 the profits of empire had departed1 and with them the buoyancy of an imperial pride4 ,no wonder if there were signs of unwillingness to follow a hard rustic life4 ,so the ,informer in the ,plutus#aeh1 when asked #8are you a husbandman8' replies #8do you take me for a madman8' ,earlier in the play#aei ,chremylus1 wishing to share with old cronies the profits of having captured the god of wealth1 says to his slave #8invite my fellow farmers3 ,i fancy you'll find them working themselves 77 on their farms4' ,i have taken this later picture first1 in order to bring out more clearly the contrast presented by that given in the earlier plays4 ,naturally enough1 many details are the same in both1 but the general character of the farmers is different4 ,the farmer class makes an important figure4 ,they are sturdy rustics#afj1 old-fashioned and independent1 rough in manners1 fond of simple country life1 and inclined 7perhaps justly7 to mistrust the city folk1 who cheat them in business whenever they can1 and take advantage of them in other ways1 such as liability to military service at short notice4 ,when driven to take refuge in ,athens1 their hearts are in their farms1 and they have to make up their minds whether to support the war-party in hope of regaining their homes and property by force of arms1 or to press for peace in order to end what is from their point of view an unnecessary war1 kept going in the interest of demagogues and others who are profiting by the opportunities of offices and campaigns abroad4 ,the issue appears in our earliest play1 the ,acharnians 7#dbe ,,bc74 ,the farmers of the deme ,acharnae1 one of whose occupations was wood-cutting and charcoal-burning1 at first come on as stubborn rustics1 all for war and revenge on the enemy4 ,but ,dicaeopolis the chief character of the play1 himself a farmer1 and a sufferer in the same kind by the ,spartan raids1 succeeds in persuading#afa them that ,athenian policy1 provocative and grasping1 is really to blame for their losses4 ,in the end they come over to his views1 and the play serves as a manifesto of the peace-party4 ,of course we are not to take it as history4 ,but the conflict between the two sections of opinion is probably real enough4 ,when ,dicaeopolis describes#afb himself as #8with my eyes ever turned to my farm1 a lover of peace1 detesting the city and hankering after my own deme1 that never yet bade me buy charcoal or rough wine or olive oil1' he is giving us a portrait of the rustic who is resolved not to part with cash for what can be produced on the farm4 ,but1 whatever policy may seem best adapted to achieve their purpose1 the purpose itself is clearly and consistently marked4 ,the desire of the war-time farmers is simply to return to their farms#afc and to resume the life of toil and plenty1 varied by occasional festivals1 that had been interrupted by the war4 ,they long to escape from the abominations of the crowding and unhealthiness prevailing in the city4 ,once they get back to their old surroundings1 all will be well4 ,time and labour will even repair the damages caused by the enemy4 ,no misgivings suggest that a change of circumstances may be found to have robbed ,attic country life of some of its charm4 ,nothing like the loss of the empire1 the fall of ,athens1 and the deadly depression of economic and political life1 is foreboded3 they face the sequel with undisturbed faith in the stability of the existing system4 ,nor indeed until the ,sicilian disaster 7#dac ,,bc7 was there much to cause uneasiness4 ,so we find the same spirit illustrated in the ,peace 7#dba ,,bc71 which may be regarded as driving home the lesson of the ,acharnians4 ,the agricultural interests are now represented as solidly in favour of the peace of ,nicias1 unsatisfactory though it soon proved to be4 ,while other interests are slack1 indifferent or even hostile1 farmers are whole-hearted#afd in determination to end the war and go home4 ,trygaeus their leader1 according to the ,greek sketch of the plot an elderly rustic1 describes himself#afe as a #8skilled vine-dresser1 one who is no informer or fomenter of troubles 7lawsuits74' ,needless to say1 he carries his point1 and the farmers march off triumphant#aff to their farms1 eager to take up the old easygoing life once more4 ,we must not take our comic poet too literally1 but we have no reason to doubt that feelings such as he depicts in this play did prevail1 and perhaps widely4 ,and1 though the peace was insincere1 and warfare never really ceased1 the immunity of ,attica from invasion for several years gave time for agriculture to revive4 ,when ,agis occupied ,deceleia in the winter of #dac1 his marauders would find on the ,attic farms all manner of improvements and new plantations to destroy4 ,and the destruction of the fruits of a laborious revival is to be reckoned among the depressing influences that weighed upon falling and desperate ,athens4 ,it was surely at work in the year #daa1 when ,aristophanes was preaching a policy of concord at home and sympathetic treatment of the ,allies in order to save the shaken empire4 ,in the ,lysistrata he represents the mad war-fury of the ,greek states as due to the misguided men1 whom the women coerce by privation into willingness for peace4 ,this is strung up into a passionate longing1 so that neither#afg of the principal parties is disposed to haggle over details4 ,the ,athenian breaks out #8,i want to strip and work my land at once4' ,the ,spartan rejoins #8and ,i want to be carting manure4' ,there is still no misgiving expressed1 and the poet is probably true to facts4 ,the struggles of the time were a fearful strain on ,athenian resources1 but it still seemed possible that the empire would weather the storm4 ,this brief sketch leads on to the inquiry1 what do we gather as to the labour employed on the farms8 ,we have to consider three possibilities 7a7 the farmer1 including his family1 7b7 hired labourers1 7c7 slaves4 ,it is well to begin by remarking that frequency of reference to one of these does not necessarily imply the same proportion in actual employment4 ,slavery being assumed as a fact in all departments of life 7as it is by all writers of the period71 and the slave being an economic or domestic appliance rather than a person1 there was no need to call special attention to his presence4 ,hence it is natural that the rustic slave should1 as such1 be seldom referred to in the plays4 ,he is in fact mentioned several times1 rather more often than the yoke of oxen4 ,nor was it necessary to mention the wage-earner1 the man employed for the job under a temporary contract1 and in connexion with agriculture he hardly appears at all4 ,but the working farmers were a class of citizens4 ,they had votes1 and they were on political grounds a class to whose sympathies the poet was anxious to appeal4 ,therefore he had no choice but to lay stress upon their virtues and magnify their importance4 ,any careful reader of ,aristophanes will ,i think admit that he does this consistently4 ,in doing this with political aims he was subject to the temptation of passing lightly over any considerations that might1 whether justly or unjustly1 be turned against his case4 ,this may serve to explain why he refers almost solely to the small working farmer1 who himself labours on the land4 ,we are not to infer that there were no large estates worked by deputy1 though probably there were not many3 to lay stress on the interested views of large landowners was not likely to please the jealous ,demos4 ,nor are we to infer that the small farmer used no slaves3 that he laboured himself is no proof1 for no man could get more out of a slave's labour than the working owner1 on whom the burden of making good his slave's neglect must fall4 ,i turn now to the passages from which the various details may be gleaned4 ,in the ,acharnians the working farmer ,dicaeopolis is delighted at having made a separate peace on his own account4 ,he holds it a fine thing#afh that he should now be able to perform religious rites and celebrate the festival of the rustic ,dionysia with his slaves4 ,he is back at home#afi in his own rural deme1 and he calls his slave ,xanthias to carry the phallus in the procession4 ,in the ,clouds#agj old ,strepsiades says that he lives in the heart of the country1 and his preference for the easy and rather squalid life on a farm is plainly expressed4 ,and the play opens with his complaint that in war-time a man has not a free hand to punish his slaves4 ,it is however not clear that he is supposed to be at the time living on the farm4 ,in the ,wasps the chorus of old dicasts are indignant#aga that their old comrade ,philocleon should be dragged off by his own slaves at the order of his son4 ,the old man himself1 struggling and protesting1 reminds the leading slave of the time when he caught the rogue stealing grapes 7obviously in his vineyard7 and thrashed him soundly4 ,in the ,peace a rustic scene#agb is described4 ,the weather being unfavourable for work on the land1 but excellent for the seed just sown1 it is proposed to make merry indoors4 ,country fare is made ready1 and the female slave ,syra is told to call in the man slave ,manes from the farm4 ,a little below ,trygaeus is mocking the workers in war-trades4 ,to the trumpet-maker he says1 fit up your trumpet differently#agc and you can turn it into a weighing-machine3 #8it will then do for serving out rations of figs to your slaves on the farm4' ,in the ,lysistrata the chorus1 being aware that an interval of distress will follow the conclusion of peace1 offers#agd to tide over the crisis by helping the fathers of large families and owners of hungry slaves by doles of food4 #8,let them bring their bags and wallets for wheat3 my ,manes shall fill them4' ,after these passages the announcement of the working of the communistic scheme#age in the ,ecclesiazusae carries us into a very different atmosphere4 #8,but who is to till the soil under the new order8' asks ,blepyrus4 #8,our slaves1' replies ,praxagora1 his typical better-half4 ,we see that this amounts to basing society on a serf-system1 for the slaves will be common property like the rest4 ,in the ,plutus old ,chremylus is a farmer1 apparently a working#agf farmer1 but he has a slave1 indeed more than one4 ,age has probably led him to do most of his work by deputy4 ,when ,poverty1 in the course of her economic lecture1 explains to him#agg that wealth for all means slaves for none and that he will have to plough and dig for his own proper sustenance1 he is indignant4 ,the weak points of the argument do not concern us here4 ,the solution offered in the play1 the cure of the ,wealth-god's blindness1 enabling him to enrich only the deserving1 is a mere piece of sportive nonsense1 meant to amuse an audience1 not to hold out a serious hope of better things4 ,enough has been said to shew that the slave had a place in farm life as depicted by ,aristophanes4 ,it will be observed that in the earlier plays the references are all of a casual kind3 that is to say1 that slave-labour calls for no particular attention or remark4 ,the consideration of slave-labour as such1 in fact as an economic phenomenon1 only appears later4 ,this is1 ,i repeat1 significant of the change that had come upon ,athens and ,attica in consequence of exhaustion4 ,in respect of hired labour it is obvious that pressure of poverty1 as stated#agh in the ,plutus1 directly influences the supply4 ,if the possession of a competency will deter men from professional industry in trades1 even more will it deter them from the drudgery of rough labour4 ,the hired men 77 were commonly employed in all departments1 for instance in the building trades1 to which there is a reference#agi in the ,birds4 ,but we may fairly assume that during the great war the number of such #8hands' available for civilian services was much reduced4 ,in agriculture there would be little or no demand for them4 ,and any able-bodied citizen could earn good pay from the state4 ,moreover rough labour was not much to the taste of the average ,athenian1--above all1 digging#ahj4 #8,i cannot dig' was proverbial4 ,on the other hand there were farm-duties in the performance of which sufficient care and intelligence could only be exacted through the medium of wage-paying4 ,such was that of olive-pickers1 to whom and their wage we have a reference#aha in the ,wasps4 ,they are probably free persons1 but it is possible that wage-earning slaves1 paying rent to their owners1 might be thus employed4 ,that in some occupations free and slave-labour were both employed indifferently1 is certain4 ,the carriage of burdens#ahb is a case in point4 ,but employment in odd jobs would be far more frequent in the city1 including ,peiraeus1 than in country places4 ,i do not think it rash to conclude that hired free labourers were few on the farms of ,attica in the time of ,aristophanes4 ,turning to citizen agriculturists1 it must be mentioned that views differ as to the proportion of large estates held and worked by wealthy owners in this period4 ,such estates would almost certainly employ slave-labour4 ,so far as the evidence of ,aristophanes goes1 ,i should infer that they were few4 ,no doubt he had reasons for not making much of such cases2 still ,i believe that the comfortable working farmer1 homely and independent1 the poet's favourite character1 was in fact the normal type4 ,they were not paupers1--far from it3 but their capital consisted in land1 buildings1 dead and live farm-stock1 and the unexhausted value of previous cultivation4 ,these items could not suddenly be converted into money without ruinous loss3 most of them could not be carried away in the flight to ,athens4 ,hence the dislike felt by such men to an adventurous policy1 in which their interests were sacrificed4 ,the passages in which agriculture is connected#ahc with large property occur in a play produced #cib ,,bc1 at which time great changes had happened4 ,it is highly probable that1 among these changes1 much ,attic land had passed from the hands of ruined yeomen into those of rich men possessed of ready money and able to buy in a glutted market4 ,in a later period we shall find used in the sense of acting the country landowner4 ,to illustrate the life and ways of the peasant farmers of this period ,aristophanes supplies endless references descriptive and allusive4 ,the chief of these have been cited above4 ,a few more may be added here4 ,in the ,clouds ,strepsiades1 urging his son to a rustic life1 hopes to see him dressed in a leathern jerkin1 like his father before him1 driving in the goats#ahd from the waste 71 the rocky hill-pasture74 ,here is a good instance of husbandry in the ,attic highlands1 in short a case of crofters4 ,what a refugee might hope to save in his flight and take back to his farm on the return of peace--it amounts to a few implements#ahe--;is set out in the ,peace4 ,loss of oxen1 a yoke of two1 driven off by ,boeotian raiders1 is pitifully bewailed#ahf by a farmer in the ,acharnians4 ,but in general the farmers of the earlier plays are represented as tough elderly men4 ,they are the #8elder generation1' and the poet genuinely admires them4 ,for the younger generation he has a profound contempt4 ,evidently he thought that the soundest breed of ,athenian citizens was dying out2 and ,i am not sure that he was wrong4 ,i conclude that the evidence of ,aristophanes on the whole points to an agriculture mainly carried on by working farmers with the help of slaves4 ,this system was subjected to a very severe strain by the war-conditions prevailing for many years1 and ,i do not think that it was possible to revive it on the same footing as before1 even when ,attica was no longer exposed to frequent raids4 ,it was not merely the loss of fixed capital that told on the farmer class4 ,importation of corn was so developed and organized to meet the necessities of the crowded city1 that it completely dominated the market1 and in the production of cereals the home agriculture could now no longer compete with foreign harvests4 ,there remained the culture of the olive and vine3 but it needed years to restore plantations of these and other fruit-trees1 and to wait for revival needed a capital possessed by few4 ,the loss of imperial revenues impoverished ,athens1 and the struggle with financial difficulties runs through all her later history4 ,it did not take the poorer citizens long to see that how to get daily bread was the coming problem4 ,state-pay was no longer plentiful1 and one aim of jealous franchise-regulations was to keep down the number of claimants4 ,had ,aristophanes any inkling of the evil days to come8 ,at all events he was aware that poverty works in two#ahg ways3 if it leads one man to practise a trade for his living1 it tempts another to evildoing1 perhaps to crime4 ,,xi4 ,,thucydides4 ,thucydides is a writer from whom it is extremely difficult to extract any evidence on the subject of agricultural labour4 ,the preeminent importance of the problem of food-supply in the ,greece of his day may be amply illustrated from his work2 but mainly in casual utterances1 the full significance of which is only to be gathered by thorough examination such as has been made#ahh by ,dr ,grundy4 ,the economic revolution in ,attica that followed the reforms of ,solon1 the extended culture of the vine and olive1 the reduced growth of cereal crops1 the development of manufactures and sea-borne trade1 the growing dependence on imported corn1 and the influence of these changes on the public policy of ,athens1 are now seen more clearly as a whole than ever before4 ,but to the great historian these things were part of the background of his picture4 ,they are parts of a movement taken for granted rather than understood4 ,and the same is true of the existence and application of slave-labour4 ,in the time of ,thucydides slavery was an economic and social fact1 unchallenged4 ,it may be that it affected unfavourably the position of the free handworker in the long run1 and gave opportunities to slaveowning capitalists4 ,but this effect came about slowly1 and freeman and slave could and did labour#ahi side by side1 for instance in the great public works promoted by ,pericles4 ,how far slave-labour was really cheaper than free is a question beyond my subject4 ,but it is important to note the attitude of the poor citizen towards the question of what we call a living wage4 ,once the great outlay on public works began to fall off1 and industries on a larger scale to compete with the individual craftsman1 how was the poor citizen to live8 ,directly or indirectly1 the profits of empire supplied the answer4 ,now it was obvious that the fewer the beneficiaries the larger would be the average dividend of each4 ,so the policy favoured by the poorer classes was a jealous restriction of the franchise4 ,it was not the slave as labour-competitor against whom protection was desired1 but the resident freeman of doubtful origin as a potential profit-sharer4 ,during nearly the whole of the period covered by the history of ,thucydides the public policy of ,athens was controlled by urban influences4 ,even before the rustic citizens were cooped up in the city1 it was no doubt city residents that formed the normal majority in the ,assembly1 and to whom most of the paid offices and functions fell4 ,even allowing for the recent growth of #8seafaring rabble' in ,peiraeus1 these ,athenians were not at all a mere necessitous mob4 ,but it must be remembered that the commercial and industrial capitalists were interested in foreign trade4 ,as ,mr ,cornford#aij points out1 even metics of this class must have had considerable influence owing to wealth and connexions4 ,thus the urban rich as well as the urban poor were tempted to favour a policy of adventure1 contrary to the wishes and interests of the ,attic farmers4 ,now these latter were the truest representatives of the old ,attic stock4 ,once they were crowded into the city and many of them diverted to state service1 any sobering influence that they might at first exercise would become less and less marked1 and they would tend to be lost in the mass4 ,therefore we hear only of the rustic life#aia from which they unwillingly tore themselves in #dca ,,bc3 we do not get any detailed picture of it1 for the historian's attention was otherwise occupied4 ,in the passage#aib accounting for the unpopularity of ,pericles in #dcj ,,bc we read that the ,demos was irritated because #8having less 7than the rich7 to start with1 it had been deprived of that little1' while the upper class 77 had lost their fine establishments4 ,here the context seems to imply that the referred to is especially the small farmers1 still dwelling on their losses and not yet otherwise employed4 ,one passage is so important that it must be discussed by itself4 ,pericles is made to encourage#aic the ,athenians in resistance to the ,spartan demands by pointing out the superiority of their resources compared with those of the enemy4 #8,the ,peloponnesians' he says #8are working farmers 774 ,they have no store of wealth 77 either private or public4 ,nor have they experience of protracted warfare with operations beyond the sea3 for their own campaigns against each other are short1 owing to poverty4' ,after explaining how they must be hampered by lack of means1 he resumes thus #8,and working farmers are more ready to do service in person than by payment4 ,they trust that they may have the luck to survive the perils of war2 but they have no assurance that their means will not be exhausted before it ends3 for it may drag out to an unexpected length--and this is likely to happen4' ,two questions at once suggest themselves4 ,is this a fair sketch of agricultural conditions in ,peloponnese8 ,does it imply that ,attic farmers were not 8 ,to take the latter first1 it is held by ,professor ,beloch#aid that the passage characterizes the ,peloponnese as a land of free labour1 in contrast with slave-holding ,athens4 ,to this view ,i cannot assent4 ,i am convinced that the ,attic farmer who worked with his own hands did often1 if not always1 employ slave-labour also4 ,he would not have a large gang of slaves1 like the large-scale cultivator3 he could not afford to keep an overseer4 ,but it might pay him to keep one or two slaves1 not more than he could oversee himself4 ,if the contrast be clearly limited1 so as to compare the wealth of ,athens1 now largely industrial and commercial1 with the wealth of a purely agricultural population1 scattered over a wide area1 and having little ready money1 it is reasonable and true4 ,but this does not raise the question of the ,attic farmer at all4 ,a little below#aie ,pericles is made to urge that class to submit quietly to invasion and serious loss4 ,they are not the people on whose resources he relies to wear out the enemy4 ,that enemy finds it hard to combine for common action or to raise money by war-taxes4 ,athens is a compact community1 able to act quickly1 and has at disposal the forces and tribute of her subjects1 secured by naval supremacy4 ,to the other question1 that of ,peloponnesian agriculture1 ,i see no simple answer4 ,all the southern parts1 the region of ,spartan helotry1 can hardly be called a land of free labour in any rational sense4 ,nor does it appear that ,argolis1 in spite of the various revolutions in local politics1 could rightly be described thus4 ,elis and ,achaia were hardly of sufficient importance to justify such a general description1 even if it were certain that it would apply to them locally4 ,arcadia1 mostly mountainous and backward1 is the district to which the description would be most applicable4 ,but that there were slaves in ,arcadia is not only probable but attested by evidence1 later in date but referring to an established#aif state of things4 ,at festivals1 we are told1 slaves and masters shared the same table4 ,this does not exclude rustic slaves3 it rather seems to suggest them4 ,the working farmer entertaining his slaves on a rural holiday is even a conventional tradition of ancient country life4 ,arcadia1 a land of peasant farmers1 where a living had to be won by hard work1 a land whence already in the fifth century 7and still more in the fourth7 came numbers of mercenary soldiers1 a land whence ,sparta raised no small part of her #8,peloponnesian' armies1 is what ,pericles has chiefly in mind4 ,and that ,arcadians were normally did not imply that they had no slaves4 ,so far as ,attica is concerned1 ,thucydides himself incidentally attests the presence of rustic slaves4 ,he would probably have been1 surprised to hear such an obvious fact questioned4 ,in refusing to repeal the #8,megarian decree' the ,athenians charged#aig the ,megarians with various offences1 one of which was the reception of their runaway slaves4 ,in the winter #dae-d ,,bc ,alcibiades1 urging the ,spartans to occupy ,deceleia1 is made to state#aih the advantages of that move thus #8,for of all the farm-stock in the country the bulk will at once come into your possession1 some by capture1 and the rest of its own accord 774' ,i take the last words to refer especially to slaves1--rustic slaves4 ,in recording the success of the plan1 the historian tells#aii us that more than #bjjjj slaves1 a large part of whom were artisans 771 deserted to the enemy4 ,we may guess that many or most of the artisan slaves had escaped from ,athens4 ,their loss would be felt in the reduction of manufacturing output1 so far as such enterprise was still possible at the time1 and perhaps in the dockyards4 ,but the rest would be rustic slaves1 many of them 7to judge by the map7 from a district#bjj in which there were probably many small farms4 ,on the other hand1 the slaves welcomed by the ,megarians were probably from larger estates in the ,thriasian plain4 ,turning from ,attica1 we find references to rustic slaves#bja in ,corcyra 7#dbg ,,bc7 and ,chios 7#dab ,,bc71 where they were numerous and important in their effect on operations4 ,and in other passages where the slaves belonging to the people of this or that place are mentioned we are not to assume that only urban slaves are meant4 ,for to live in a town1 and go out for the day's work on the land1 was and is a common usage in ,mediterranean countries4 ,an extreme case#bjb is where people live on an island and cross water to cultivate farms elsewhere4 ,it is perhaps hardly necessary to remark that rich slaveowners1 who could afford overseers1 did not need to reside permanently on their estates4 ,such a man might have more than one farm1 and in more than one district1 not necessarily in ,attica at all1 as ,thucydides himself exploited a mining concession in ,thrace4 ,in any case a well-equipped #8country place' was a luxury1 and is characterized as such#bjc in words put into the mouth of ,pericles1 who as the democratic statesman was concerned to stifle discontent by insinuating that it was a mere expression of the selfishness of the rich4 ,the settlement of ,athenians in colonies 77 or on allotments of conquered land 771 in the islands or on the seaboard has been fully treated#bjd by ,dr ,grundy4 ,he shews that this movement had two aims1 the occupation of strategic points as an imperial measure of security1 and the provision of land-lots for poorer citizens as a measure of economic relief4 ,the latter purpose is part of a general plan for reducing the financial liabilities of the state with respect to its citizen population1 the necessity for which ,dr ,grundy explains4 ,by these settlements abroad some surplus population was removed and provided with means of livelihood4 ,if the assumption of a surplus citizen population be sound 7and ,i am not in a position to challenge it71 we must also assume a certain degree of genuine land-hunger1 at least more than the ,attic territory could satisfy4 ,if there was such land-hunger1 it is perhaps not unreasonable to connect it with the survival of old ,attic traditions of country life4 ,and it would seem that the settlers1 cleruchs or colonists1 did as a rule#bje stay and live in their settlements4 ,they would probably work their lands on much the same general plan as their brethren in ,attica1 and their labour-arrangements would be much the same4 ,but in #dbg ,,bc1 when ,pericles was dead and there was surely no surplus population1 at least of able-bodied men1 owing to the war1 we find a curious record4 ,reconquered ,lesbos#bjf had to be dealt with4 ,it was not subjected to an assessed tribute 771 but parcelled into #cjjj allotments1 #bgjj of which were reserved for #bgjj ,athenian citizens1 those who drew the lucky lots 7 71 and these #bgjj were sent out4 ,but they did not stay#bjg there4 ,they let their shares to the old inhabitants as cultivating tenants1 at a rent of two minae per share per annum1 and evidently returned to ,athens4 ,by this arrangement a sum of about #bajjj a year would come in to the shareholders in ,athens1 who would have a personal interest in seeing that it was punctually paid4 ,whether these non-resident landlords were chosen by lot from all citizens1 rich or poor1 is not stated4 ,we know that in some cases#bjh at least the choice of settlers was confined to members of the two lowest property-classes2 and it may well be that on this occasion the opportunity#bji was taken to compensate to some extent members of rural families1 who had suffered loss from the invasions of ,attica1 but did not wish to go abroad4 ,in any case their tenants would farm as they had done before1 employing or not employing slave labour according to their means and the circumstances of the several farms4 ,so too in cases of lands let on lease1 and in the confiscations and redistributions of lands1 proposed or carried out1 it was simply their own profit and comfort that attracted the lessees or beneficiaries4 ,we are entitled to assume that if it paid to employ slaves1 and slaves were to be had1 then slaves were employed4 ,in short1 the scraps of evidence furnished by ,thucydides leave us pretty much where we were4 ,,xii4 ,,xenophon4 ,xenophon1 who lived somewhere between #ddj and #cej ,,bc1 introduces us to a great change in the conditions of the ,greek world4 ,the uneasiness and sufferings of the ,greek states from the fall of ,athens in #djd to the time of exhaustion resulting from the battle of ,mantinea in #cfb do not concern us here4 ,of such matters we hear much1 but very little directly of the economic changes that were undoubtedly going on4 ,poverty was as before a standing trouble in ,greece4 ,in the more backward parts#baj able-bodied men left their homes to serve as hired soldiers4 ,the age of professional mercenaries was in full swing4 ,arcadians ,achaeans ,aetolians ,acarnanians ,thessalians and other seekers after fortune became more and more the staple material of armies4 ,athens could no longer support imperial ambitions on imperial tributes1 and had to depend on the sale of her products to procure her supplies of food4 ,these products were chiefly oil and wine and urban manufactures1 and there is reason to think that in general the most economical method of production was by slave labour under close and skilful superintendence4 ,slaves were supplied by kidnappers from the ,euxine and elsewhere1 but prisoners captured by armies were another source of supply4 ,this living loot was one of the perquisites that made military life attractive1 and the captives found their way to such markets as the industrial centres of ,athens and ,corinth4 ,what happened in the rural districts of ,attica1 how far there was a revival of the small farmer class1 is a point on which we are very much in the dark4 ,the indirect evidence of ,xenophon is interesting but not wholly conclusive4 ,it is perhaps important to consider what significance should be attached to the mention of agricultural work done by men of military forces on land or sea4 ,in #djf ,,bc we hear of hardships#baa endured by the force under the ,spartan ,eteonicus who were cut off in ,chios after the defeat of ,arginusae4 ,during the summer months they #8supported themselves on the fruits of the season and by working for hire in the country4' ,this is meant to shew that they were in sad straits1 as the sequel clearly proves4 ,again1 in #cgb ,,bc ,iphicrates was with a force in ,corcyra1 and naval operations were for the time over4 ,so he #8managed#bab to provide for his oarsmen 77 chiefly by employing them in farm-work for the ,corcyraeans1' while he undertook an expedition on the mainland with his soldiers4 ,in both these cases want of pay was no doubt one reason for emergency-labour4 ,in the earlier case the destitution of the men led them to look for any paid work3 in the second the general had to do his best in spite of irregular and insufficient supplies from home4 ,in both cases it is the exceptional nature of the arrangement that makes it worth mentioning4 ,it can hardly be viewed as having any economic significance4 ,but it is of some interest in connexion with a passage of ,aristotle#bac that will require notice below4 ,in the ,anabasis ,xenophon reports his own arguments1 urging the ,greek army to fight their way out of the ,persian empire4 ,he feared that1 now ,cyrus was dead1 and they were cut off far from home in an enemy's country1 they might in despair surrender to the ,king and take service under him4 ,at best this meant giving up ,greece and settling in ,persia on the ,king's terms4 ,this he begged them not to do3 that they could under ,greek discipline cut their way out was evident from the independence of many peoples of ,asia ,minor1 who lived and raided as they chose in defiance of the ,persian power4 ,he added #8,therefore ,i hold#bad that our right and proper course is first to make a push to reach ,hellas and our own kinsmen1 and to demonstrate to the ,greeks that their poverty is their own fault3 for1 if they would only convey to these parts those of their citizens who are now living in want at home1 they could see them in plenty 774' ,but he reminds them that the good things of ,asia are only to be had as the reward of victory4 ,for my present purpose the one important point is that a mixed host of ,greek mercenaries are said to have been appealed to by a reference to the fact of poverty and land-hunger among their folks at home1 and that this reference is said to have been made by an ,athenian4 ,writing this in later life1 ,xenophon would hardly have set down such an argument had it not then1 as on the occasion recorded1 had considerable force4 ,in another passage#bae he gives an interesting account of the motives that had induced most of the men to join the expedition4 ,he is explaining why they were irritated at a rumour that they were to be pressed to settle down at a spot on the ,euxine coast4 #8,it was not lack of subsistence that had led most of the soldiers to go abroad on this paid service3 they had been told of the generosity of ,cyrus4 ,some had other men following them1 some had even spent money for the cause3 others had run away from their parents1 or left children behind1 meaning to win money and return to them1 on the faith of the reported prosperity of those already in the service of ,cyrus4 ,such was the character of the men1 and they were longing to get safe home to ,greece4' ,in short1 full-blooded men were not content to drag on poor ill-found stagnant lives in corners of ,greece4 ,and we may add that nothing stimulated the enterprises of ,greek adventurers in the ,east1 and led up to the conquests of ,alexander1 more effectually than the experiences of the ,ten ,thousand4 ,among these experiences was of course the capture of booty1 more particularly#baf in the form of marketable prisoners4 ,so many of these were sometimes in hand that they were a drag on the march3 in a moment of peril#bag they had to be abandoned4 ,even so1 a considerable sum had been raised by sales#bah and was shared out at ,cerasus4 ,the ,greek cities on the ,pontic seaboard would all no doubt be resorts of slave-dealers4 ,one of the ,ten ,thousand himself1 formerly a slave#bai at ,athens1 recognized as kinsmen by their speech the people of a mountain tribe in ,armenia4 ,in ,thrace too we hear of the chieftain ,seuthes1 when short of cash1 offering#bbj to make a payment partly in slaves4 ,nor was selling into slavery a fate reserved for barbarians alone4 ,greeks#bba had been treated thus in the great war lately ended2 and now the ,spartan harmost1 anxious to clear the remainder of the ,ten ,thousand#bbb out of ,byzantium safely1 made them an offer of facilities for a raid in ,thrace3 any that stayed behind in the town were to be sold as slaves4 ,and more than #djj were accordingly sold4 ,it seems reasonable to infer that at this time the slave-markets were as busy as ever1 perhaps more so than had been the case during the great war4 ,it may be going too far to say that in some parts of ,greece people were now trying to restore a broken prosperity by industrial exploitation of slave-labour1 while from other parts soldiers of fortune and kidnappers went forth to enlarge the supply of slaves4 ,but that there is some truth in such a statement ,i do not doubt4 ,it was evidently no easy matter for persons of small means to live in any sort of comfort at ,athens4 ,we hear of ,socrates#bbc discussing with a friend the embarrassments of a genteel household4 ,the late civil disorders have driven a number of this man's sisters cousins and aunts to take refuge in his house4 ,in the present state of things neither land nor house property are bringing in anything1 and nobody will lend4 ,how is he to maintain a party of #ad free persons in all8 ,socrates points to the case of a neighbour who provides for a still larger household without difficulty4 ,questions elicit the fact that this household consists of slave-artisans trained to useful trades4 ,the distressed party have been brought up as ladies1 to do nothing4 ,socrates suggests that they had better work for bread than starve4 ,the adoption of this suggestion produced the happiest results in every way4 ,such was the way in which ,socrates led his friend4 ,he drew from him the assertion that free people are superior to slaves1 and so brought him round to the conviction that superiority could not be shewn by mere incapacity for work4 ,in this conversation of ,socrates may be detected the germ of a complete revolution in thought on labour-subjects4 ,it avoids the topic of common humanity4 ,that the slave is a man and brother1 only the victim of misfortune1 had been hinted by ,euripides and was to become a theme of comic poets4 ,but ,socrates lets this point alone1 and argues from natural economic necessity4 ,elsewhere he denounces#bbd idleness and proclaims that useful labour is good for the labourer1 taking a moral point of view4 ,again1 he suggests#bbe that the shortcomings of slaves are largely due to their masters' slackness or mismanagement4 ,but he accepts slavery as a social and economic fact4 ,all the same he makes play at times with the notion of moral worthlessness1 which many people regarded as characteristic of slaves in general4 ,it is the knowledge of the true qualities#bbf of conduct1 in short of the moral and political virtues1 that makes men honourable gentlemen 7 71 and the lack of this knowledge that makes them slavish 774 ,but1 if the difference between a liberal and an illiberal training1 expressed in resulting habits of mind1 is thus great1 the slavish must surely include many of those legally free4 ,hence he even goes so far as to say #8,therefore we ought to spare no exertions to escape being slaves 774' ,and he lays stress on the need of moral qualities#bbg in slaves as well as freemen3 we should never be willing to entrust our cattle or our store-houses or the direction of our works to a slave devoid of self-control4 ,his position suggests two things3 first1 that the importance of the slave in the economic and social system was a striking fact now recognized3 second1 that the unavoidable moral degradation generally assumed to accompany the condition of slavery was either wrongfully assumed or largely due to the shortcomings of masters4 ,the conception of the slave as a mere chattel1 injury to which is simply a damage to its owner1 was proving defective in practice1 and the philosopher was inclined to doubt its soundness in principle4 ,xenophon had been brought into touch with such questionings by his intercourse with ,socrates4 ,it remains to see how far he shews traces of their influence when he comes to treat labour-problems in connexion with agriculture4 ,references to agriculture#bbh are few and unimportant in the ,memorabilia4 ,the ,economicus deals directly with the subject4 ,a significant passage throws light on the condition of rural ,attica at the end of the fifth century ,,bc4 ,the speaker ,ischomachus tells#bbi how his father made money by judicious enterprise4 ,he bought up farms that were let down or derelict1 got them into good order1 and sold them at a profit when improved4 ,clearly he was a citizen1 able to deal in real estate1 and a capitalist4 ,there can hardly be a doubt that he operated by the use of slave-labour on a considerable scale4 ,all through the ,economicus slavery is presupposed1 but the attitude of ,xenophon is characteristically genial and humane4 ,the existence of a slave-market#bcj1 where you may buy likely men1 even skilled craftsmen1 is assumed4 ,but the most notable feature of the book is the seriousness with which the responsibility of the master#bca is asserted4 ,there is no querulous evasion of the issue by laying the blame of failure on the incorrigible vices of slaves4 ,prosperity will depend on securing good service3 good service cannot be secured by any amount of chains and punishments1 if the master be slack and fitful3 both in the house and on the farm1 good sympathetic discipline1 fairly and steadily enforced1 is the secret of success4 ,carelessness malingering and desertion must be prevented or checked4 ,and to achieve this is the function of the economic art1 operating through the influence of hope rather than fear4 ,the training of slaves#bcb is a matter needing infinite pains on the part of the master and mistress4 ,she must train her housekeeper 77 as he trains his steward 771 and both are to act in a humane and kindly spirit4 ,yet the strictly animal view of slaves#bcc appears clearly in a passage where the training of slaves is compared with that of horses or performing dogs4 #8,but it is possible to make men more obedient by mere instruction 7 71 pointing out that it is to their interest to obey3 in dealing with slaves the system which is thought suitable for training beasts has much to recommend it as a way of teaching obedience4 ,for by meeting their appetites with special indulgence to their bellies you may contrive to get much out of them4' ,we gather that the better and more refined type of ,athenian gentleman with a landed estate1 while averse to inhumanity1 and aware that slaves were human1 still regarded his slaves as mere chattels4 ,his humanity is prompted mainly by self-interest4 ,as for rights1 they have none4 ,the system of rewards and punishments on the estate of course rests wholly on the masters will4 ,the whole success of the working depends on the efficiency of the steward or stewards4 ,accordingly the passage in which ,ischomachus explains how he deals with these trusted slaves is of particular interest4 ,having carefully trained a man1 he must judge him#bcd according to a definite standard--does he or does he not honestly and zealously discharge his trust8 #8,when ,i find that in spite of good treatment they still try to cheat me1 ,i conclude that their greediness is past curing1 and degrade them#bce from their charge4' ,this seems to mean that they are reduced to the position of the ordinary hands4 #8,but when ,i observe any induced to be honest#bcf not merely because honesty pays best1 but because they want to get a word of praise from me1 these ,i treat as no longer slaves 7 74 ,i not only enrich them1 but shew them respect as men of honour4' ,one is tempted to interpret these last words as implying that actual manumission takes place1 the services of the men being retained as freedmen4 ,but the words do not say so plainly1 and it is safer to read into them no technical sense4 ,that the men are trusted and allowed to earn for themselves1 is enough4 ,the agriculture depicted in the ,economicus is that of a landowner with plenty of capital1 not that of the peasant farmer4 ,the note of it is superintendence#bcg 771 not bodily labour 774 ,in one place is mentioned1 when agriculture is praised1 one of its merits being the bodily strength that those gain who work with their own hands4 ,it is as well to repeat here that the fact of a farmer labouring himself does not prove that he employs no other labour4 ,on the other hand there is good reason to infer that the other class1 those who #8do their farming by superintendence1' are not manual labourers at all4 ,the benefit to them is that agriculture #8makes them early risers and smart in their movements4' ,the master keeps a horse1 and is thus enabled to ride out#bch early to the farm and stay there till late4 ,it is remarkable that in this book we hear nothing of hired labourers4 ,there are two references#bci to the earning of pay1 neither of them in connexion with agricultural labour4 ,yet the existence of a class of poor people who have to earn their daily bread#bdj is not ignored4 ,socrates admires the economic skill#bda of ,ischomachus4 ,it has enabled him to be of service to his friends and to the state4 ,this is a fine thing1 and shews the man of substance4 ,in contrast1 #8there are numbers of men who cannot live without depending on others3 numbers too who are content if they can procure themselves the necessaries of life4' ,the solid and strong men are those who contrive to make a surplus and use it as benefactors4 ,i read this passage as indirect evidence of the depression of small-scale free industry and the increase of slaveowning capitalism in the ,athens of ,xenophon's time4 ,and ,i find another indication#bdb of this in connexion with agriculture4 ,in the course of the dialogue it appears that the chief points of agricultural knowledge are simple enough3 ,socrates knew them all along4 ,why then do some farmers succeed and others fail8 ,the truth of the matter is1 replies ,ischomachus1 that the cause of failure is not want of knowledge but want of careful superintendence4 ,this criticism is in general terms1 but it is surely inapplicable to the case of the working peasant farmer3 he who puts his own labour into the land will not overlook the shortcomings of a hired man or a slave4 ,in the agriculture of which this book treats it is the practical and intelligent self-interest of the master that rules everything4 ,his appearance on the field#bdc should cause all the slaves to brighten up and work with a will3 but rather to win his favour than to escape his wrath4 ,for in agriculture1 as in other pursuits1 the ultimate secret of success#bdd is a divine gift1 the power of inspiring a willing obedience4 ,i have kept back one passage which needs to be considered with reference to the steward#bde4 ,can we safely assume that an was always1 or at least normally1 a slave8 ,of those who direct the labourers1 the real treasure is the man who gets zealous and steady work out of the hands1 whether he be steward or director 7 or 74 ,what difference is connoted by these terms8 ,in the ,memorabilia#bdf1 ,socrates meets an old friend who is impoverished by the results of the great war1 and driven to earn his living by bodily labour4 ,socrates points out to him that this resource will fail with advancing age3 he had better find some employment less dependent on bodily vigour4 #8,why not look out for some wealthy man who needs an assistant in superintendence of his property8 ,such a man would find it worth his while to employ you as director 7or foreman1 71 to help in getting in his crops and looking after his estate4' ,he answers #8it would gall me to put up with a servile position 774' ,clearly the position of appears to him a meaner occupation than free wage-earning by manual labour4 ,in another place#bdg we hear of an for a mine-gang being bought for a talent 7#bce74 ,that superintendents1 whatever their title1 were at least normally slaves1 seems certain4 ,as to the difference between #8steward' and #8director' ,i can only guess that the former might be a slave promoted from the ranks1 but might also be what the #8director' always was1 a new importation4 ,it seems a fair assumption that1 as a free superintendent must have been a new importation1 a specially bought slave #8director' would rank somewhat higher than an ordinary #8steward1' whose title at once marked him as a slave4 ,in relation to the general employment of slave-labour there is practically no difference3 both are slave-driving #8overseers4' ,as the pamphlet on the ,revenues has been thought by some critics not to be the work of ,xenophon1 ,i pass it by1 only noting that it surely belongs to the same generation4 ,it fully attests the tendency to rely#bdh on slave-labour1 but it is not concerned with agriculture4 ,the romance known as ,cyropaedia wanders far from fact4 ,its purpose is to expound or suggest ,xenophon's own views on the government of men3 accordingly opportunities for drawing a moral are sought at the expense of historical truth4 ,but from my present point of view the chief point to note is that it does not touch the labour-question with which we are concerned4 ,true1 we hear#bdi of 1 and of the hardship and poverty of such cultivators1 gaining a painful livelihood from an unkind soil4 ,that the value of a territory depends on the presence of a population#bej able and willing to develop its resources1 is fully insisted on by ,cyrus4 ,but this is in connexion with conquest4 ,the inhabitants of a conquered district remain as tributary cultivators1 merely changing their rulers4 ,that the labour of the conquered is to provide the sustenance of the conquering race1 is accepted as a fundamental principle4 ,it is simply the right of the stronger3 if he leaves anything to his subject1 that is a voluntary act of grace4 ,the reason why we hear little of slavery is that all are virtually slaves save the one autocrat4 ,the fabric of ,xenophon's model government is a very simple one3 first1 an oriental ,great ,king1 possessed of all the virtues3 second1 a class of warrior nobles1 specially trained and dependent on the ,king's favour3 third1 a numerous subject population1 whose labour supports the whole1 and who are practically serfs4 ,a cynical passage#bea describes the policy of ,cyrus1 meant to perpetuate the difference of the classes4 ,after detailing minutely the liberal training enjoined on those whom he intended to employ in governing 7 444 71 ,xenophon proceeds to those whom he intended to qualify for servitude 7 444 74 ,these it was his practice not to urge to any of the liberal exercises1 nor to allow them to possess arms4 ,he took great care to spare them any privations3 for instance at a hunt3 the hunters had to take their chance of hunger and thirst1 being freemen1 but the beaters had ample supplies and halted for meals4 ,they were delighted with this consideration1 the design of which was to prevent their ever ceasing to be slaves 774 ,the whole scheme is frankly imperial4 ,all initiative and power rests with the autocrat1 and all depends on his virtues4 ,that a succession of such faultless despots could not be ensured1 and that the scheme was consequently utopian1 did not trouble the simple ,xenophon4 ,like many other thoughtful men of the time1 he was impressed by the apparent efficiency of the rigid ,spartan system1 and distrusted the individual liberty enjoyed in democratic states1 above all in ,athens4 ,in ,persia1 though he thought the ,persians were no longer what ,cyrus the ,great had made them1 he had seen how great was still the power arising from the control of all resources by a single will4 ,these two impressions combined seem to account for the tone of the ,cyropaedia1 and the servile position of the cultivators explains why it has so very little bearing on the labour-question in agriculture4 ,,xiii4 ,,the ,,comic ,,fragments4 ,in pursuing our subject from period to period1 and keeping so far as possible to chronological order1 it may seem inconsistent to take this collection#beb of scraps as a group4 ,for ,attic ,comedy covers nearly two centuries1 from the age of ,cratinus to the age of ,menander4 ,many changes happened in this time1 and the evidence of the fragments must not be cited as though it were that of a single witness4 ,but the relevant passages are few2 for the writers1 such as ,athenaeus and ,stobaeus1 in whose works most of the extracts are preserved1 seldom had their attention fixed on agriculture4 ,the longer fragments#bec of ,menander recently discovered are somewhat more helpful4 ,the adaptations of ,plautus and ,terence must be dealt with separately4 ,that country life and pursuits had their share of notice on the comic stage is indicated by the fact that ,aristophanes produced a play#bed named 1 and ,menander a 4 ,that the slave-market was active is attested by references in all periods4 ,so too is wage-earning labour of various kinds3 but some of these passages certainly refer to wage-earning by slaves paying a rent 77 to their owners4 ,also the problems arising out of the relation between master and slave1 with recognition of the necessity of wise management4 ,the difference between the man who does know how to control slaves#bee and the man who does not 7 and 7 was early expressed1 and indirectly alluded to throughout4 ,the good and bad side of slaves1 loyalty treachery honesty cheating etc1 is a topic constantly handled4 ,but these passages nearly always have in view the close relation of domestic slavery4 ,i think we are justified in inferring that the general tone steadily becomes more humane4 ,common humanity gains recognition as a guide of conduct4 ,many of the fragments have been handed down as being neatly put moral sentences1 and of these not a few#bef recognize the debt that a slave owes to a good master4 ,these are utterances of slaves1 for the slave as a character became more and more a regular figure of comedy1 as comedy became more and more a drama of private life4 ,side by side with this tone is the frank recognition of the part played by chance#beg in the destinies of master and slave2 a very natural reflexion in a state of things under which you had but to be captured and sold out of your own country1 out of the protection of your own laws1 to pass from the former condition to the latter4 ,a few references to manumission also occur1 and the ,roman adaptations suggest that in the later ,comedy they were frequent4 ,on the other hand several fragments seem to imply that circumstances were working unfavourably to the individual free craftsmen1 at least in some trades4 ,the wisdom of learning a craft 771 as a resource#beh that cannot be lost like external possessions1 is insisted on4 ,but in other passages a more despairing view#bei appears2 death is better than the painful struggle for life4 ,no doubt different characters were made to speak from different points of view4 ,it is to be noted that two fragments of the earlier ,comedy refer to the old tradition#bfj of a golden age long past1 in which there were no slaves 7see under ,herodotus71 and in which the bounty of nature#bfa provided an ample supply of food and all good things 7see the passages cited from the ,odyssey74 ,athenaeus1 who has preserved#bfb these extracts1 remarks that the old poets were seeking by their descriptions to accustom mankind to do their own work with their own hands 7 74 ,but it is evident that the subject was treated in the broadest comic spirit1 as his numerous quotations shew4 ,when in the restoration of good old times the articles of food are to cook and serve themselves and ask to be eaten1 we must not take the picture very seriously4 ,these passages do however suggest that there was a food-question at the time when they were written1 of sufficient importance to give point to them3 possibly also a labour-question4 ,now ,crates and ,pherecrates flourished before the ,peloponnesian war and during its earlier years1 ,nicophon was a late contemporary of ,aristophanes4 ,the evidence is too slight to justify a far-reaching conclusion1 but it is consistent with the general inferences drawn from other authorities4 ,in the fragments of the later ,comedy we begin to find passages bearing on agriculture1 and it is surely a mere accident that we do not have them in those of the earlier4 ,the contrast between life in town and life in the country is forcibly brought out#bfc by ,menander4 ,the poor man has no chance in town1 where he is despised and wronged3 in the country he is spared the galling presence of witnesses1 and can bear his ill fortune on a lonely farm4 ,the farm then is represented as a sort of refuge from unsatisfactory surroundings in the city4 ,when we remember that in ,menander's time ,athens was a dependency of one or other of ,alexander's ,successors1 a community of servile rich and mean poor1 fawning on its patrons and enjoying no real freedom of state-action1 we need not wonder at the poet's putting such a view into the mouths of some of his characters4 ,the remains of the play are of particular interest4 ,the old master is a tough obstinate old fellow1 who persists in working#bfd on the land himself1 and even wounds himself by clumsy use of his mattock4 ,but he has a staff of slaves1 barbarians1 on whom he is dependent4 ,these paid no attention to the old man in his misfortune2 a touch from which we may infer that the relations between master and slaves were not sympathetic4 ,but a young free labourer in his employ comes to the rescue1 nurses him1 and sets him on his legs again4 ,while laid up1 the old man learns by inquiry that this youth is his own son1 the fruit of a former amour1 whom his mother has reared in struggling poverty4 ,enough of the play remains to shew that the trials of the free poor were placed in a strong light1 and that1 as pointed out above1 the struggle for existence in the city was felt to be especially severe4 ,in this case whether the old man is rich or not does not appear3 at all events he has enough property to make amends for his youthful indiscretions by relieving the necessities of those who have a claim on him4 ,he is probably the character in whose mouth#bfe were put the words #8,i am a rustic 772 that ,i don't deny2 and not fully expert in affairs of city life 7lawsuits etc873 but ,i was not born yesterday4' ,the functions of the rustic slaves may give us some notion of the kind of farms that ,menander had in mind4 ,in the 1 the slave ,davus1 coming in from his day's labour1 grumbles#bff at the land on which he has to work3 shrubs and flowers of use only for festival decorations grow there as vigorous weeds1 but when you sow seed you get back what you sowed with no increase4 ,this savours of the disappointing tillage of an upland farm4 ,in the #bfg1 ,davus is a shepherd1 ,syriscus a charcoal-burner1 occupations also proper to the hill districts4 ,we must not venture to infer that ,attic agriculture was mainly of this type in the poet's day4 ,the favourite motive of plots in the later ,comedy1 the exposure of infants in remote spots1 their rescue by casual herdsmen or other slaves1 and their eventual identification as the very person wanted in each case to make all end happily1 would of itself suggest that lonely hill-farms1 rather than big estates in the fat lowland1 should be the scene4 ,from my point of view the fact of chief interest is that slave-labour appears as normal in such an establishment4 ,rustic clothing#bfh and food served out in rations#bfi are minor details of the picture1 and the arrangement by which a slave can work as wage-earner#bgj for another employer1 paying over a share to his own master 7the 71 surely indicates that there was nothing exceptional about it4 ,there are one or two other fragments directly bearing on agricultural labour4 ,one of uncertain age#bga speaks of a tiresome hand who annoys his employer by chattering about some public news from the city1 when he should be digging4 ,i doubt whether a slave is meant3 at least he is surely a hired one1 but why not a poor freeman1 reduced to wage-earning8 ,such is the position of ,timon#bgb in ,lucian-- --a passage in which adaptations from ,comedy are reasonably suspected4 ,that rustic labour has a better side to it1 that #8the bitter of agriculture has a touch of sweet in it1' is admitted#bgc by one of ,menander's characters1 but the passage which seems the most genuine expression of the prevalent opinion#bgd is that in which we read that a man's true part is to excel in war1 #8for agriculture is a bondman's task' 7 74 ,the nature and condition of the evidence must be my excuse for the unsatisfactory appearance of this section4 ,the number of passages bearing on slavery in general1 and the social and moral questions connected therewith1 is large and remote from my subject4 ,they are of great interest as illustrating the movement of thought on these matters1 but their bearing on agricultural labour is very slight4 ,to the virtues of agriculture as a pursuit tending to promote a sound and manly character ,menander#bge bears witness4 #8,a farm is for all men a trainer in virtue and a freeman's life4' ,many a town-bred man has thought and said the same1 but praise is not always followed by imitation4 ,even more striking is another#bgf remark1 #8farms that yield but a poor living make brave men4' ,for it was the hard-living rustics from the back-country parts of ,greece that succeeded as soldiers of fortune1 the famous ,greek mercenaries whose services all contemporary kings were eager to secure4 ,in short1 to the onlooker it seemed a fine thing to be bred a healthy rustic1 but the rustic himself was apt to prefer a less monotonous and more remunerative career4 ,,xiv4 ,,early ,,lawgivers ,,and ,,theorists4 ,the treatises of the two great philosophers on the state 7and therefore on the position of agriculture in the state7 did not spring suddenly out of nothing2 nor was it solely the questionings of ,socrates#bgg that turned the attention of ,plato and ,aristotle to the subject4 ,various lawgivers had shewn in their systems a consciousness of its importance1 and speculative thinkers outside#bgh the ranks of practical statesmen had designed model constitutions in which a reformed land-system played a necessary part4 ,it is to ,aristotle1 the great collector of experience1 that we owe nearly all our information of these attempts4 ,it is convenient to speak of them briefly together4 ,all recognize much the same difficulties1 and there is a striking similarity in the means by which they propose to overcome them4 ,the lawgivers#bgi referred to are ,pheidon of ,corinth and ,philolaus1 also a ,corinthian though his laws were drafted for ,thebes1 and thirdly#bhj ,solon4 ,the dates of the first two are uncertain1 but they belong to early times4 ,the two constitution-framers#bha are ,hippodamus of ,miletus1 whose birth is placed about #dge ,,bc1 and ,phaleas of ,chalcedon1 probably somewhat later4 ,both witnessed the growth of imperial ,athens1 and ,phaleas at least is thought to have been an elder contemporary of ,plato4 ,very little is known about them4 ,if we say that the attempt to design ideal state systems shews that they were not satisfied with those existing1 and that the failure of past legislation may have encouraged them to theorize1 we have said about all that we are entitled to infer4 ,on one point there was general agreement among ,greek states3 all desired to be #8free' or independent of external control4 ,for some special purpose one people might for a time be recognized as the ,leaders 77 of a majority of states1 or more permanently as ,representatives or ,patrons 774 ,but these unofficial titles only stood for a position acquiesced in under pressure of necessity4 ,each community wanted to live its own life in its own way1 and the extreme jealousy of interference remained4 ,side by side with this was an internal jealousy causing serious friction in most of the several states1 at first between nobles and commons1 later between rich and poor4 ,the seditions 77 arising therefrom were causes1 not only of inner weakness and other evils1 but in particular of intervention from without ,therefore it was often the policy of the victors in party strife to expel or exterminate their opponents1 in order to secure to themselves undisputed control of their own state4 ,this tendency operated to perpetuate the smallness of scale in ,greek states1 already favoured by the physical features of the land4 ,that the ,greeks with all their cleverness never invented what we call ,representative ,government is no wonder4 ,men's views in general were directed to the independence of their own state under control of their own partisans4 ,the smaller the state1 the easier it was to organize the control3 independence could only be maintained by military efficiency1 and unanimous loyalty was something to set off against smallness of numbers4 ,moreover the ,greek mind had an artistic bent1 and the sense of proportion was more easily and visibly gratified on a smaller scale4 ,the bulk of ,persia did not appear favourable to human freedom and dignity as understood in ,hellas4 ,in the ,persian empire there was nothing that a ,greek would recognize as citizenship4 ,the citizen of a ,greek state expected to have some voice in his own government3 the gulf between citizen and non-citizen was the line of division1 but even in ,sparta the full citizens were equals in legal status among themselves4 ,we may fairly say that the principle of equality 7 7 was at the root of ,greek notions of citizenship4 ,privilege did not become less odious as it ceased to rest on ancestral nobility and became more obviously an advantage claimed by wealth4 ,since the light thrown on the subject#bhb by ,dr ,grundy1 no one will dispute the importance of economic considerations in ,greek policy1 and in particular of the ever-pressing question of the food-supply4 ,the security of the land and crops was to most states a vital need1 and necessitated constant readiness to maintain it in arms4 ,closely connected therewith was the question of distribution4 ,real property was not only the oldest and most permanent investment4 ,long before ,aristotle#bhc declared that #8the country is a public thing' 771 that is an interest of the community1 that opinion was commonly held1 whether formulated or instinctive4 ,the position of the landless man was traditionally a dubious one4 ,the general rule was that only a citizen could own land in the territory of the state4 ,from this it was no great step to argue that every citizen ought to own a plot of land within the borders4 ,this was doubtless not always possible4 ,in such a state as ,corinth or ,megara or ,miletus commercial growth in a narrow territory had led to extensive colonization from those centres4 ,and the normal procedure in the foundation of ,greek colonies was to divide the occupied territory into lots 77 and assign them severally to settlers4 ,in course of time the discontents generated by land-monopolizing in old ,hellas were liable to reappear beyond the seas1 particularly in colonial states of rapid growth3 a notorious instance is found in the troubles arising at ,syracuse out of the squatter-sovranty created by the original colonists4 ,we meet with plans for confiscation and redistribution of land as a common phenomenon of ,greek revolutions4 ,the mischievous moral effects of so unsettling a process on political wellbeing did not escape the notice of thoughtful observers4 ,but on one important point we have practically no evidence4 ,did the new allottees wish to be1 and in fact normally become1 working farmers 778 ,or did they aim at providing for themselves an easy life1 supported by the labour of slaves8 ,i wish ,i could surely and rightly decide between these alternatives4 ,as it is1 ,i can only say that ,i believe the second to be nearer the truth4 ,under such conditions ,greek lawgivers and theorists alike seem to have looked to much the same measures for remedying evils that they could not ignore4 ,the citizen as landholder is the human figure with which they are all concerned4 ,to prevent destitution arising from the loss#bhd of his land-lot is a prime object4 ,some therefore would forbid the sale of the lot4 ,to keep land in the same hands it was necessary to regulate numbers of citizen households1 and this was attempted#bhe in the laws of ,pheidon4 ,families may die out1 so rules to provide for perpetuity by adoptions#bhf were devised by ,philolaus4 ,again1 there is the question of the size of the lots1 and this raises the further question of a limit to acquisition4 ,such a limitation is attributed#bhg to certain early lawgivers not named1 and with them apparently to ,solon4 ,phaleas would insist on equality of landed estate#bhh among his citizens3 a proposal which ,aristotle treats as unpractical1 referring to only one form of wealth1 and leaving out of account slaves1 tame animals1 coin1 and the dead-stock tools etc4 ,his exclusive attention to internal civic wellbeing is also blamed1 for it is absurd to disregard the relations of a state to other states3 there must be a foreign policy1 therefore you must provide#bhi military force4 ,the fanciful scheme of ,hippodamus1 a strange doctrinaire genius1 seems to have been in many points inconsistent from want of attention to practical detail4 ,from ,aristotle's account he appears not to have troubled himself with the question of equal land-lots1 but his fixing the number#bij of citizens 7#aj1jjj7 is evidence that his point of view necessitated a limit4 ,he proceeds on a system of triads4 ,the citizens are grouped in three classes1 artisans 771 husbandmen 771 and the military1 possessors of arms4 ,the land is either sacred 7for service of religion1 71 public 7 or 7 or the property of the husbandmen 774 ,the three classes of land and citizens are to be assumed equal4 ,the military are to be supported by the produce of the public land4 ,but who cultivates it8 ,aristotle shews that the scheme is not fully thought out4 ,if the soldiers1 then the distinction1 obviously intended1 between soldier and farmer1 is lost4 ,if the farmers1 then the distinction between the public and private land is meaningless4 ,if neither1 a fourth class1 not allowed for in the plan1 will be required4 ,this last is probably what ,hippodamus meant3 but to particularize the employment of slaves may have appeared superfluous4 ,into the purely constitutional details ,i need not enter1 but one criticism is so frankly expressive of ,greek ideas that it can hardly be omitted4 ,what1 says ,aristotle1 is the use of political rights to the artisans and husbandmen8 they are unarmed1 and therefore will practically be slaves of the military class4 ,this was the truth in ,greek politics generally1 and is one of the most significant facts to be borne in mind when considering the political failure of the ,greeks4 ,a curious difference of economic view is shewn in the position assigned to the artisan#bia or craftsman element by ,hippodamus and ,phaleas respectively4 ,phaleas would have them state-slaves 771 ,hippodamus makes them citizens1 though unarmed4 ,on the former plan the state would no doubt feed them and use their produce1 as we do with machinery4 ,of the latter plan ,aristotle remarks that are indispensable3 all states need them1 and they can live of the earnings of their crafts1 but the as a distinct class are superfluous4 ,we may reply that1 if the craftsmen live of their earnings and stick to their several crafts1 they will need to buy food1 and the farmers are surely there to supply it4 ,the reply is so obvious that one feels as if ,aristotle's meaning had been obscured through some mishap to the text4 ,for the present purpose it suffices that the professional craftsmen in these two ,utopias are to be either actual slaves or citizens de iure who are de facto as helpless as slaves4 ,in the scheme of ,hippodamus the farmer-class also are virtually the slaves of the military4 ,another notable point1 apparently neglected by ,hippodamus1 is the trust reposed in education#bib or training by both ,phaleas and his critic4 ,how to implant in your citizens the qualities needed for making your institutions work well in practice1 is the problem4 ,phaleas would give all the same training1 on the same principle as he gives equal land-lots4 ,to ,aristotle this seems crude nonsense3 the problem to him is the discovery of the appropriate training1 whether the same for all or not4 ,this insistence on training as the main thing in citizen-making is1 as we shall see1 a common feature of ,greek political speculation4 ,but in the artistic desire to produce the #8complete citizen1' and thereby make possible a model state1 the specializing mania outruns the humbler considerations of everyday human society1 and agriculture1 for all its confessed importance1 is apt to be treated with something very like contempt4 ,the tendency to regard farmer and warrior as distinct classes is unmistakeable4 ,the peasant-soldier of ,roman tradition is not an ordinary ,greek figure4 ,how far the small scale of ,greek states may have favoured this differentiation is very hard to say4 ,but ,greek admiration for the athlete type had probably something to do with the growth of military professionalism4 ,the recognition of a land-question and attempts to find a solution were probably stimulated by observation of contemporary phenomena1 especially in the two leading states of the fifth century4 ,sparta had long held the first place1 and even the rise of ,athens had not utterly destroyed her ancient prestige4 ,that her military system was effective1 seemed proved by the inviolability of ,laconian territory and the successes of her armies in external wars4 ,that it was supported by the labour of a ,greek population reduced to serfdom1 was perhaps a weak point in her institutions2 but that ,greek opinion was seriously shocked by the fact can hardly be maintained4 ,it was now and then convenient to use it as a passing reproach1 but even ,athens did not refuse to aid in putting down ,helot rebellions4 ,and this weak point was set off by a strong one4 ,whatever the reasons#bic for her policy1 she interfered very little in the internal affairs of her allies and did not tax them4 ,to be content with the leadership of confederates1 and not to convert it into an empire of subjects1 assured to her a certain amount of respectful sympathy in the jealous ,greek world4 ,thus she afforded an object-lesson in the advantages of rigid specialization4 ,she provided her own food in time of peace1 and took her opponents' food in time of war4 ,the disadvantages of her system were yet to appear4 ,athens on the other hand was becoming more and more dependent on imported food4 ,she was the leader of the maritime states and islands3 she had become their imperial mistress4 ,however easy her yoke might be in practice1 it left no room for independent action on the part of her subject allies3 what had been contributions from members of a league had become virtually imperial taxation1 and to ,greek prejudices such taxation appeared tyranny4 ,nor was this prejudice allowed to die out4 ,the rival interests of commercial ,corinth saw to it that the enslavement1 not of ,greeks but of ,greek states1 should be continually borne in mind4 ,the contrast between the two leading powers was striking4 ,but1 if many ,greek states feared in ,athens a menace to their several independence1 on the other hand they shrank from copying the rigid discipline of ,sparta4 ,no wonder that some of the more imaginative minds had dreams of a system more congenial to ,greek aspirations4 ,but the land-question was a stumbling-block4 ,that a citizen should take an active personal share in politics was assumed1 and that he should do this tended to make him depute non-political duties to others4 ,thus the notion that all citizens should be equal in the eye of the law and share in government--democracy in short--was not favourable to personal labour on the land4 ,no distribution of land-lots could convert the city politician into a real working farmer4 ,therefore either there must be a decline in agriculture or an increase of slave-labour1 or both4 ,from these alternatives there was no escape3 but ingenious schemers long strove to find a way4 ,and from those days to these no one has succeeded in constructing a sound and lasting civilization on a basis of slavery4 ,,xv4 ,,plato4 ,an ,athenian who died in #cdg ,,bc at the age of #hj or #hb years had witnessed extraordinary changes in the ,hellenic world1 more particularly in the position of ,athens4 ,with the political changes we are not here directly concerned4 ,but they were closely connected with economic changes1 both as cause and as effect4 ,the loss of empire#bid entailed loss of revenue4 ,the amounts available as state-pay being reduced1 the poorer citizens lost a steady source of income3 that their imperial pride had departed did not tend to make them less sensitive to the pinch of poverty4 ,athens1 thrown back upon her own limited resources1 had to produce what she could in order to buy what she needed1 and capital1 employing slave-labour1 found its opportunity4 ,in this atmosphere discontent and jealousy grew fast3 conflicting interests of rich and poor were at the back of all the disputes of political life4 ,athens it is true avoided the crude revolutionary methods adopted in some less civilized states4 ,the ,demos did not massacre or banish the wealthy ,few1 and share out their lands and other properties among the poor ,many4 ,but they consistently regarded the estates of the rich as the source from which the public outlay should as far as possible be drawn4 ,they left the capitalist free to make money in his own way1 and squeezed him when he had made it4 ,whether he were citizen or metic#bie mattered not from the economic point of view4 ,capitalistic industry was really slave-industry4 ,the #8small man' had the choice of either competing1 perhaps vainly1 with the #8big man' on the land or in the workshop1 or of giving up the struggle and using his political power to make the #8big man' disgorge some of his profits4 ,moreover military life no longer offered the prospects of conquest and gain that had made it attractive4 ,the tendency was to treat the citizen army as a defensive force1 and to employ professional mercenaries 7of whom there was now#bif no lack7 on foreign service4 ,to a thoughtful observer these phenomena suggested uneasy reflexions4 ,demos in ,assembly was a dispiriting spectacle4 ,selfish#big and shortsighted1 he cared more for his own belly and his amusements than for permanent interests of state4 ,perhaps this was no new story4 ,but times had changed1 and the wealthy imperial ,athens1 able to support the burden of her own defects1 had passed away4 ,bad government in reduced circumstances might well be productive of fatal results4 ,it was not ,athens alone that had failed4 ,fifteen years before ,plato's death the failure of both ,sparta and ,thebes had left ,hellas exhausted#bih and without a leading state to give some sort of unity to ,greek policy4 ,there was still a common ,hellenic feeling1 but it was weak compared with separatist jealousy4 ,antipathy to the ,barbarian remained3 but the ,persian power had been called in by ,greeks to aid them against other ,greeks1 and this was a serious danger to the ,greek world4 ,things were even worse in the ,west4 ,how anarchic democracy had paved the way for military tyranny at ,syracuse1 how the tyranny had lowered the standard of ,greek civilization in ,sicily and ,italy1 and had been the ruin of ,greek cities1 no man of that age knew better than ,plato4 ,plato was not singular in his distrust of democracy3 that attitude was common enough4 ,among the companions of ,socrates ,i need only refer to ,xenophon and ,critias4 ,socrates had insisted that government is a difficult art1 for success in which a thorough training is required4 ,now1 whatever might be the case in respect of tyrannies or oligarchies1 democracy was manifestly an assertion of the principle that all citizens were alike qualified for a share in the work of government4 ,yet no craftsman would dream of submitting the work of his own trade to the direction of amateurs4 ,why then should the amateur element1 led by amateurs1 dominate in the sphere of politics8 ,it was easy to find instances of the evil effects of amateurism in public affairs4 ,it is true that this line of argument contained a fallacy1 as arguments from analogy very often do4 ,but it had a profound influence on ,plato1 and it underlay all his political speculations4 ,it was reinforced by an influence that affected many of his contemporaries1 admiration of ,sparta on the score of the permanence#bii of her system of government4 ,that this admiration was misguided1 and the permanence more apparent than real1 matters not3 to a ,greek thinker it was necessarily attractive1 seeking for some possibly permanent principle of government1 and disgusted with the everlasting flux of ,hellenic politics4 ,nor was there anything strange in imagining an ideal state in which sound principles might be carried into effect4 ,the foundation of colonies1 in which the settlers made a fresh start as new communities1 was traditionally a ,greek custom4 ,such was the foundation1 logical and apparently consistent with experience1 on which ,plato designed to build an ,utopia4 ,avoiding the unscientific laisser-faire of democratic politics1 functions were to be divided on a rational system1 and government placed in the hands of trained specialists4 ,it is well to note some of the defects of ,greek civilization as ,plato saw it1 particularly in ,athens4 ,the confusion and weakness of democratic government1 largely the fruit of ignorance haste and prejudice1 has been referred to above4 ,in most states the free citizen population were born and bred at the will of their fathers under no scientific state-regulation1 not sifted out in youth by scientific selection1 and only trained up to the average standard locally approved4 ,something better was needed1 if more was to be got out of human capacity4 ,but it seems certain that ,plato found the chief and most deep-seated source of social and political evils in the economic situation4 ,the unequal distribution of wealth and the ceaseless struggle between rich and poor lay at the root of that lack of harmonious unity in which he saw the cause of the weakness and unhappiness of states4 ,to get rid of the plutocrat and the beggar#cjj was a prime object4 ,confiscation and redistribution#cja offered no lasting remedy1 so long as men remained what they were4 ,a complete moral change was necessary1 and this could only be effected by an education that should train all citizens cheerfully and automatically to bear their several parts in promoting the happiness of all4 ,there must be no more party-strivings after the advantage of this or that section3 the guiding principle must be diversity of individual functions combined with unity of aim4 ,an ideal state must be the ,happy ,land of the ,expert1 and each specialist must mind his own business4 ,thus each will enjoy his own proper happiness3 friction competition and jealousy will pass away4 ,there will be no more hindrance to the efficiency of craftsmen3 we shall not see one tempted by wealth#cjb to neglect his trade1 while another is too poor to buy the appliances needed for turning out good work4 ,the expert governors or ,guardians must be supplied with all necessaries#cjc by the classes engaged in the various forms of production4 ,thus only can they be removed from the corruptions that now pervert politicians4 ,to them at least all private property must be denied4 ,and1 in order that they may be as expert in their own function of government as other craftsmen are in their several trades1 they must be bred selected and educated on a strictly scientific system the very opposite of the haphazard methods now in vogue4 ,this brief sketch of the critical and constructive scope of the ,republic must suffice for my purpose4 ,plato laid his finger on grave defects1 but his remedies seem fantastic in the light of our longer and more varied experience4 ,any reform of society had to be carried out by human agency1 and for the difficulty of adapting this no adequate allowance is made4 ,he recognizes the difficulty of starting an ideal community on his model4 ,old prejudices will be hard to overcome4 ,so he suggests#cjd that it will be necessary for the philosophical rulers to clear the ground by sending all the adult inhabitants out into the country1 keeping in the city only the children of ten years and under3 these they will train up on their system4 ,he implies that with the younger generation growing up under properly regulated conditions the problems of establishment will solve themselves by the effect of time4 ,this grotesque proposal may indicate that ,plato did not mean his constructive design to be taken very seriously4 ,but a more notable weakness appears in the narrowness of outlook4 ,it was natural that a ,greek should think and write as a ,greek for ,greeks1 and seek lessons in ,greek experience4 ,but the blight of disunion and failure was already on the little ,greek states2 and their experience1 not likely to recur1 has in fact never really recurred4 ,hence the practical value of ,plato's stimulating criticism and construction is small4 ,in the labour-question we find no advance4 ,slavery is assumed as usual1 but against the enslavement of ,greeks1 of which recent warfare supplied many examples1 he makes#cje a vigorous protest4 ,euripides had gone further than this1 and questionings of slavery had not been lacking4 ,another very ,greek limitation of view comes out in the contempt#cjf for 1 the assumed physical and moral inferiority of persons occupied in sedentary trades4 ,that such men were unfitted for the rough work of war1 and therefore unfitted to take part in ruling an independent ,greek state1 was an opinion not peculiar to ,plato4 ,but this objection could not well be raised against the working farmer4 ,why then does ,plato exclude the farmer-class from a share in the government of his ideal state8 ,i think we may detect three reasons4 ,first1 the husbandman1 though necessary to the state's existence1 has not the special training required for government1 nor the leisure to acquire it4 ,second1 it is his intense occupation that alone secures to the ruling class the leisure needful for their responsible duties4 ,third1 the belief#cjg that a man cannot be at the same time a good husbandman and a good soldier4 ,these three may be regarded as one3 the philosopher would get rid of haphazard amateurism by making the expert specialist dominant in all departments of civil and military life4 ,the influence of the ,spartan system 7much idealized71 and the growth of professional soldiering1 on his theories is too obvious to need further comment4 ,reading the ,republic from the labour-question point of view1 one is struck by the lack of detail as to the condition of the classes whose labour feeds and clothes the whole community4 ,we must remember that the dialogue starts with an attempt to define ,justice1 in the course of which a wider field of inquiry is opened up by assuming an analogy#cjh between the individual and the state4 ,as the dominance of his nobler element over his baser elements is the one sure means of ensuring the individual's lasting happiness1 so the dominance of the nobler element in the state alone offers a like guarantee4 ,on these lines the argument proceeds1 using an arbitrary psychology1 and a fanciful political criticism to correspond4 ,the construction of a model state is rather incidental than essential to the discussion4 ,no wonder that1 while we have much detail as to the bodily and mental equipment of the #8,guardians' 7both the governing elders and the warrior youths7 we get no information as to the training of husbandmen and craftsmen4 ,like slaves1 they are assumed to exist3 how they become and remain what they are assumed to be1 we are not told4 ,we are driven to guess that at this stage of his speculations ,plato was content to take over these classes just as he found them in the civilization of his day4 ,but he can hardly have imagined that they would acquiesce in any system by which they would be excluded from all political power4 ,the hopeless inferiority of the husbandman is most clearly marked when contrasted with the young warriors of the #8,guardian' class4 ,duties are so highly specialized that men are differentiated for life4 ,the cannot be a good soldier4 ,but if a soldier shews cowardice he is to be punished#cji by being made a or --a degradation in itself1 and accompanied by no suggestion of a special training being required to fit him for his new function4 ,it is unnecessary to enlarge on such points3 constructors of ,utopias cannot avoid some inconsistencies and omissions4 ,the simple fact is that the arrangements for differentiation of classes in the model state are not fully worked out in detail4 ,plato's ,guardians are to have no private property2 for it is private property#caj that seems to him the cause of sectional and personal interests which divide and weaken the state and lead to unhappiness4 ,but the other classes are not so restricted4 ,they can own land and houses etc2 on exactly what tenure1 is less clear4 ,meanwhile1 what is it that the ,guardians have in common8 ,it is the sustenance 77 provided as pay 77 for their services by the mass of workers over whom they rule4 ,it is expressly stated#caa that in the model state the ,demos will call the ,rulers their ,preservers and ,protectors1 and the ,rulers call the ,demos their ,paymasters and ,sustainers4 ,in existing states other than democracies their mutual relation is too often expressed as that of ,masters and ,slaves4 ,i cannot refrain from noting that1 if the pay of the ,guardians consists in their sustenance1 this is so far exactly the case of slaves4 ,that power and honour should be reserved for men maintained thus1 without private emoluments1 is remarkable4 ,the ,spartiates1 however much an idealizing of their system may have suggested the arrangement1 were maintained by the sulky labour of ,helot serfs4 ,are the husbandmen in ,plato's scheme really any better than ,helots8 ,in describing the origin of states in general1 ,plato finds the cause#cab of that development in the insufficiency of individuals to meet their own needs4 ,but in tracing the process of the division of labour1 and increasing complexity of civilization1 he ignores slavery1 though slavery is often referred to in various parts of the book4 ,now1 if the husbandman has under him no slaves1 and is charged with the food-supply of his rulers1 he comes very near to the economic status of a serf4 ,he works with his own hands1 but not entirely at his own will or for his own profit4 ,and in one respect he would1 to ,greek critics1 seem inferior to a ,spartan#cac ,helot3 he is1 by the extreme specializing system1 denied all share in military service1 and so can hardly be reckoned a citizen at all4 ,how came ,plato to imagine for a single moment that a free ,greek would acquiesce in such a position8 ,i can only guess that the present position of working farmers and craftsmen in trades seemed to him an intolerable one4 ,if1 as ,i believe from the indications in ,xenophon and other authorities1 agriculture and the various industries of ,attica were now steadily passing into the hands of slaveowning capitalists1 and small men going to the wall1 there would be much to set a philosopher thinking and seeking some way of establishing a wholesomer state of things4 ,on this supposition speculations1 however fantastic and incapable of realization in fact1 might call attention to practical evils and at least prepare men's minds for practical remedies4 ,in admitting the difficulty of making a fresh start1 and the certainty that even his model state would in time lose its purity#cad and pass through successive phases of decay1 ,plato surely warns us not to take his constructive scheme seriously4 ,but whether he really believed that free handworkers could 7save in an oligarchy1 which#cae he detests17 be induced to submit to a ruling class1 and be themselves excluded on principle from political interests of any kind1 is more than ,i can divine4 ,that the scheme outlined in the ,republic was not a practical one was confessed by ,plato in his old age by producing the ,laws1 a work in which the actual circumstances of ,greek life were not so completely disregarded4 ,the main points that concern us are these4 ,government is to be vested in a detailed code of laws1 administered by magistrates elected by the citizens4 ,there is a ,council and an ,assembly4 ,pressure is put upon voters1 especially#caf on the wealthier voters1 to make them vote4 ,the influence of the ,solonian model is obvious4 ,provision is made#cag for getting over the difficulties of the first start1 while the people are still under old traditions which the new educational system will in due course supersede4 ,but1 so far from depending on perfect ,guardians with absolute power1 and treating law as a general pattern#cah modifiable in application by the ,guardians at their discretion1 we have law supreme and ,guardians dependent on the people's will4 ,it is a kind of democracy1 but ,demos is to be carefully trained1 and protected from his own vagaries by minute regulations4 ,the number of citizens#cai is by law fixed at #ejdj4 ,each one has an allotment of land1 a sacred that cannot be sold4 ,this passes by inheritance from father to son as an undivided whole4 ,extinction of a family may be prevented by adoptions under strict rules4 ,excess of citizen population may be relieved by colonies4 ,poverty is excluded#cbj by the minimum guaranteed in the inalienable land-lot1 excessive wealth by laws fixing a maximum4 ,it is evident that in this detailed scheme of the ,laws agriculture must have its position more clearly defined than in the ,republic4 ,so indeed it has4 ,in order that all may have a fair share1 each citizen's land-lot#cba is in two parts1 one near the city1 the other near the frontier4 ,thus we see that all citizens will be interested in cultivating the land4 ,we see also that this will be absolutely necessary3 for it is intended#cbb that the model state shall not be dependent on imported food 7like ,athens71 but produce its own supply4 ,indeed commerce is to be severely restricted4 ,what the country cannot produce must if necessary be bought1 and for this purpose only#cbc will a recognized ,greek currency be employed3 internal transactions will be conducted with a local coinage4 ,the evil effects#cbd seen to result from excessive commercial dealings will thus be avoided4 ,when we turn to the agricultural labour-question1 we find that wholesale employment of slaves#cbe or serfs is the foundation of the system4 ,for ,plato1 holding fast to the principle of specialization1 holds also that leisure#cbf is necessary for the citizens if they are to bear their part in politics with intelligent judgment4 ,as1 in this second-best ,utopia1 the citizens are the landowners1 and cannot divest themselves of their civic responsibilities1 they must do their cultivating by deputy4 ,and this practically amounts to building the fabric of civilization on a basis of slavery--nothing less4 ,in the matter of agriculture1 the industry on which this self-sufficing community really rests1 this dependence on slave-labour is most striking4 ,it even includes a system#cbg of serf-tenants 7probably for the borderland farms7 who are to be left to cultivate the land1 paying a rent or quota of produce 77 to the owners4 ,the importance of not having too large a proportion#cbh of the slaves in a gang drawn from any one race is insisted on as a means of preventing combinations and risings4 ,at the same time careful management is enjoined1 sympathetic#cbi but firm3 a master should be kind1 but never forget that he is a master3 no slave must be allowed to take liberties4 ,to implant a sound tradition of morality is recognized as a means of promoting good order in the community1 and this influence should be brought to bear#ccj on slaves as well as on freemen4 ,yet the intrinsic chattelhood of the slave appears clearly in many ways2 for instance1 the damage to a slave is made good by compensating#cca his owner4 ,the carelessness of ill-qualified practitioners#ccb who treat slaves1 contrasted with the zeal of competent doctors in treating freemen1 is another significant touch4 ,it seems then that ,plato1 the more he adapts his speculations to the facts of existing civilization1 the more positively he accepts slave-labour as a necessary basis4 ,the conception of government as an art is surely the chief cause of this attitude4 ,the extreme specialization of the ,republic is moderated in the ,laws1 but there is not much less demand for leisure1 if the civic artists are to be unhampered in the practice of their art4 ,of the dangers#ccc of servile labour on a large scale he was well aware1 and he had evidently studied with attention#ccd the awkward features of serfdom1 not only in the old ,hellas1 but in the ,greek colonial states of the ,east and ,west4 ,nevertheless he would found his economy on the forced labour of human chattels4 ,a system that had grown up in the course of events1 extending or contracting according to changes of economic circumstance1 was thus presented as the deliberate result of independent thought4 ,but the only theory at the back of traditional slavery was the law#cce of superior force--originally the conqueror's will4 ,plato was therefore driven to accept this law as a principle of human society4 ,to accept it was to bring his speculations more into touch with ,greek notions2 for no people have surpassed the ,greeks in readiness to devolve upon others the necessary but monotonous drudgery of life4 ,this attitude of his involves the conclusion that the ,barbarian is to serve the ,greek1 a position hardly consistent with his earlier#ccf doctrine1 that no true line could be drawn distinguishing ,greek and ,barbarian4 ,such a flux of speculative opinion surely weakens our respect for ,plato's judgment in these matters4 ,we can hardly say that he offers any effective solution of the great state-problems of his age4 ,but that these problems were serious and disquieting his repeated efforts bear witness4 ,and one of the most serious was certainly that of placing the agricultural interest on a sound footing4 ,its importance he saw3 but neither of his schemes1 neither passive free farmers nor slave-holding landlords1 was likely to produce the desired result4 ,to say this is not to blame a great man's failure4 ,centuries have passed1 and experience has been gained1 without a complete solution being reached3 the end is not yet4 ,a few details remain to be touched on separately4 ,the employment of hired labourers is referred to as normal#ccg in the ,politicus ,republic and ,laws4 ,they are regarded simply as so much physical strength at disposal4 ,they are free1 and so able to transfer their labour from job to job according to demand4 ,intellectually and politically they do not count4 ,but the is neither a chattel like the slave1 nor bound to the soil like the serf4 ,i have found no suggestion of the employment of this class in agriculture2 and1 as ,i have said above1 ,i believe that they were in fact almost confined to the towns1 especially such as the ,peiraeus4 ,it is also worth noticing that we find favourable mention of apprenticeship#cch as a method of learning a trade4 ,but this principle also seems not applied to agriculture4 ,again1 we are told#cci in the ,laws that one who has never served 77 will never turn out a creditable master 774 ,from the context this would seem to refer only to the wardens of the country 771 who must be kept under strict discipline in order to perform very responsible duties4 ,it does not apply to farmers4 ,another curious rule#cdj is that kidnapping of men is not to be allowed4 ,yet there are bought slaves1 and therefore a market4 ,that the dealer in human flesh should be despised#cda by his customers is a feeling probably older than ,plato1 and it lasted down to the days of ,uncle ,tom's ,cabin4 ,in view of ,plato's acceptance of the sharp line drawn between ,greek and ,barbarian 7and this does touch rustic slavery7 it is interesting to note that he observed#cdb with care the different characters of alien peoples4 ,he also refers#cdc to them without contempt in various contexts side by side with ,greeks1 and cites#cdd their common belief as a proof of the existence of the gods4 ,if ,i may venture to make a general comment on ,plato's position in relation to the labour-question1 ,i would remark that he is already in the same difficulty which proved embarrassing to ,aristotle1 and which has always beset those who seek to find a theoretical justification for slavery4 ,true1 he is less definite and positive than ,aristotle1 but the attempt to regard a human being as both a man and a chattel is a failure4 ,this point need not be further pressed here4 ,but it is well to observe that agriculture is the department in which the absurdity most strikingly appears4 ,heavy farm-labour without prospect of personal advantage was recognized as a function that no man would willingly perform4 ,hence to be sent to labour on a farm was one of the punishments that awaited the offending domestic slave4 ,hence overseers were employed to exact from rustic slaves their daily task under the menace of severe and often cruel punishments4 ,hence the humaner masters 7as ,xenophon shews us7 tried to secure more cheerful and effective service by a system of little rewards for good work4 ,in short there was in practical life a miserable attempt to treat the slave both as a brute beast and as a moral being capable of weighing consequences and acting accordingly4 ,one form of reward1 manumission1 was apparently not at this time common#cde in ,greece3 and it was one not easy to apply in agriculture4 ,it was not easy to know what to do with a worn-out farm-hand1 unless he was transferred to lighter duties on the farm2 for he would be useless elsewhere4 ,sooner or later a time would come when he could no longer do anything of any value4 ,what then8 ,was he charitably fed by the master#cdf whom he had served1 or was he cast adrift in nominal freedom8 ,from the fragments of ,comedy one may perhaps guess that the humaner practice generally prevailed4 ,but the silence of ,plato seems to suggest that to him1 and indeed to ,greeks generally1 the point was not an important one4 ,even for a citizen1 if destitute in old age1 the state-relief was very small4 ,we must therefore not wonder at the silence generally maintained as to the treatment of the worn-out rustic slave4 ,slave artisans1 and those whose services were let out to other employers with reservation of a rent to their own masters1 could scrape together the means of sustenance in their old age4 ,it is possible that manumission of rustic slaves may have occasionally taken place1 and that they too may have scraped together some small savings3 but ,i can find no ground for thinking that such cases were normal or even frequent4 ,in the ,laws ,plato allows for the presence of freedmen#cdg1 and frames regulations for their control1 probably suggested by experience of the ,attic laws and their defects4 ,manumission by the state#cdh as reward of slave-informers is also mentioned4 ,but there is nothing in these passages to weaken the natural inference that town slaves1 and chiefly domestics1 are the class to whom in practice such rules would apply4 ,in short1 we must not look to a philosopher reared in a civilization under which manual labour tended to become the burden of the unfree and the destitute1 and to be despised as mean and unworthy of the free citizen1 for a wholesome solution of the problem of farm-labour4 ,,xvi4 ,,the ,,earlier ,,attic ,,orators4 ,it is convenient to take the speeches and pamphlets of the masters of ,attic oratory in two sections1 though there can be no exact chronological division between the two4 ,the political background is different in the two cases4 ,to ,isocrates the urgent problem is how to compose ,greek jealousies by uniting in an attack on the common enemy1 ,persia3 to ,demosthenes it is how to save the separate independence of the weary ,greek states from the control of the encroaching king of ,macedon4 ,true1 the disunion of ,greece was not to be ended by either effort4 ,but the difficulties of ,isocrates lay largely outside ,athens3 the states did not want to have a leader2 ,philip1 to whom he turned in his old age1 was no more welcome to them than the rest of his proposed leaders4 ,demosthenes had to face the fact of a ,macedonian party in ,athens itself1 as well as to overcome the apathy and inertia which had been growing continually since the fall of the ,athenian empire4 ,his opponents were not all mere corrupt partisans of the ,macedonian king4 ,athens was now no longer a great power1 and they knew it3 ,demosthenes is forgiven by historians for his splendid defiance of facts4 ,naturally enough1 in the conflicts of political opinion from the time of the revolution of the ,four ,hundred to the death of ,demosthenes 7#daa-cbb ,,bc7 we have few references to agriculture4 ,yet we know that the question of food-supply was still a pressing one for many ,greek states1 above all for ,athens4 ,some of the references have a value as being contemporary4 ,but a large part of these are references to litigation1 and deal not with conditions of cultivation but with claims to property4 ,among the most significant facts are the importance attached to the control of the ,hellespontine trade-route and the careful regulations affecting the import and distribution#cdi of corn4 ,the period on which we get some little light from passages in the earlier orators is roughly about #daj-cej ,,bc4 ,it includes the general abandonment of agricultural enterprises abroad1 owing to the loss of empire and therewith of cleruchic properties4 ,by this shrinkage the relative importance of home agriculture must surely have been increased4 ,yet ,i cannot find a single direct statement or reference to this effect4 ,it seems reasonable to suppose that it was not necessary to assert what was only too obvious4 ,corn had to be imported1 and imported it was from various#cej sources of supply4 ,to guard against failure of this supply was a chief preoccupation of the ,athenian government4 ,but that some corn was still grown in ,attica is clear4 ,isocrates says#cea that one act of hostility to the ,thirty was the destruction of corn in the country by the democrats4 ,and in another place#ceb he lays stress upon the mythical legend of the earliest introduction of corn-growing1 the civilizing gift of ,demeter to her favoured ,attica4 ,yet there are signs that the culture of the olive and vine was more and more displacing cereal crops3 the fig tree1 often a sacred thing1 was1 and had long been1 a regular feature of the countryside4 ,live stock1 goats sheep and cattle1 were probably abundant1 though there was seldom need for an orator to mention them4 ,if we judge by the remaining references1 it would seem that land was not generally cultivated by its owners4 ,letting to tenant farmers#cec was the plan adopted by the state in dealing with public lands1 and the collection of the rents was farmed out in its turn to capitalist speculators by public auction4 ,we have several specimens#ced of mixed estates1 described by an orator in connexion with some litigation4 ,from these we may fairly infer that the policy of not putting all their eggs into one basket found favour with ,athenian capitalists4 ,landed estate is in such cases but one item1 side by side with house-property1 mortgages and money at interest on other securities1 slaves and other stock employed or leased to employers1 stock in hand1 specie and other valuables1 mentioned in more or less detail4 ,consistently with this picture of landlord and tenant is the statement#cee that formerly1 in the good old times before ,athens entered upon her ill-starred career of imperialism1 the country houses and establishments of citizens were superior to those within the city walls2 so much so1 that even the attraction of festivals could not draw them to town from their comfortable country-seats4 ,evidently a great change had come over rural ,attica1 if the writer is to be trusted4 ,we are not to suppose that personal direction of a farm by the owner of the land was altogether a thing of the past4 ,suburban farms at least were1 as we learn from ,xenophon1 sometimes managed by men living in the city and riding out to superintend operations and give orders4 ,the injured husband#cef defended by ,lysias may even have gone to and fro on foot4 ,he does not seem to have been a wealthy man1 and he may have been a 1 taking part in the labours of his farm3 that he earned his night's rest and slept sound seems suggested by the context of his curious story4 ,that there was no lack of interest in the prospects of agriculture generally may be inferred from various references to the different qualities of soils not only in ,attica but in other parts of ,greece and abroad4 ,the smallness of the cultivable area in rocky ,samothrace#ceg was noted by ,antiphon4 ,isocrates remarked#ceh that in ,laconia the ,dorian conquerors appropriated not only the greater part of the land but the most fertile4 ,the results of their greed and oppression had not been wholly satisfactory in the long run3 adversity carried with it the peril#cei of ,helot risings4 ,no fertility of soil can compensate for the ill effects of bad policy and lack of moderation3 the independence and wellbeing of cramped rocky ,megara1 contrasted#cfj with the embarrassments of wide fruitful ,thessaly1 is an object-lesson4 ,the ,greek race needs to expand#cfa1 as it did of old1 when ,athens led the colonization of the ,asiatic seaboard4 ,it is monstrous to try and wring contributions from 77#cfb the islanders1 who have to till mountain sides for lack of room4 ,it is in ,asia that the new ,greece must find relief1 at the expense of ,persia1 whose subjects let vast areas lie idle1 while the parts that they do cultivate keep them in great plenty2 so fertile is the land4 ,attica itself was once a prosperous farming country4 ,in the good old days1 before the unhappy dissension between selfish rich and grudging poor1 agriculture was one of the chief means#cfc used to avert poverty and distress4 ,farms let at fair rents kept the people profitably employed1 and so out of mischief4 ,men could and did#cfd live well in the country3 they were not jostling each other in the city to earn a bare subsistence by pitiful state-fees--beggars all--as they are doing now4 ,the great pamphleteer may be overdrawing his picture1 but that it contains much truth is certain1 and it seems pretty clear that he saw no prospect of a local revival4 ,athens had run her course of ambitious imperialism1 and the old country life1 developed in long security1 could not be restored4 ,any man who felt inclined to live a farmer's life would1 if ,i read the situation aright1 prefer some cheap and profitable venture abroad to the heavy and unremunerative struggles of a crofter in upland ,attica4 ,small farms in the rich lowland were ,i take it very seldom to be had4 ,and1 if he had the capital to work a large farm1 he was under strong temptation to employ his capital in urban industries1 state-contracts1 loans at interest1 etc1 and so to distribute his risks while increasing his returns4 ,for his main object was to make money1 not to provide himself and his family with a healthy and comfortable home4 ,the land-question in ,attica is illustrated by a passage of ,isaeus in which he refers to the fraud of a guardian4 ,the scoundrel1 he says1 has robbed his nephew of the estate3 he is sticking to the farm 7 7 and has given him a hill pasture#cfe 774 ,farming enterprise abroad had been a product of the ,athenian empire with its cleruchies and colonies1 and probably private ventures of individuals1 unofficial but practically resting on imperial protection4 ,the collapse of this system would ruin some settlers and speculators1 and impoverish more4 ,even those who returned to ,athens still possessed of considerable capital would not in all cases take to ,attic farming1 even supposing that they were willing to face its risks and that suitable farms were available4 ,it was to ,athens a most important object to retain or recover all she could of her island territories1 partly no doubt in order to control the cultivable lands in them4 ,in the peace-negotiations of #cij ,,bc the extreme opposition party at ,athens were not content#cff with the proposals by which she was to recover the islands of ,lemnos ,imbros and ,scyros3 they demanded also the restitution of the ,thracian ,chersonese and estates and debts elsewhere4 ,so strong was the feeling of dependence on these investments abroad4 ,and ,isocrates1 in depicting the evil results of imperial ambition1 recalls#cfg to the citizens that1 instead of farming the lands of others1 the ,peloponnesian war had for years prevented them from setting eyes upon their own4 ,thus far ,i have said nothing of the labour-question4 ,orators and pamphleteers were not likely to concern themselves much with this topic1 for there was nothing in the nature of an ,abolitionist controversy to bring them into discussion of the subject4 ,slavery is in this department of ,greek literature more a fundamental assumption than ever4 ,the frequent arguments on the torture of slave witnesses and the moral value of evidence so extracted are plain proof of this4 ,but what about agricultural labour8 ,in the case of the sacred olive-stump we hear from ,lysias#cfh that the farm in question several times changed hands by sale4 ,some of the purchasers let it to tenants4 ,the words used of the persons who actually farmed it from time to time are the usual ones1 1 etc4 ,that these tenants were not merely 1 but employers of labour1 may fairly be guessed from the case of the present tenant1 accused of sacrilege4 ,he at least is an owner of slaves1 and argues#cfi that he could never have been so mad as to put himself at their mercy4 ,they would have witnessed his sacrilege1 and could have won their freedom by informing against their master4 ,isocrates#cgj draws no real distinction between serfs and slaves in the case of ,sparta4 ,here too the slave was dangerous1 though in a different way3 but he was on the land4 ,a fragment of ,isaeus#cga runs #8he left on the farm old men and cripples4' ,the context is lost1 but the persons referred to must surely be slaves3 no one would employ wage-labour of this quality4 ,in another place he casually mentions#cgb the sale of a flock of goats with the goatherd4 ,these little scraps of evidence all serve to strengthen the impression1 derived from other sources1 of slave-labour as the backbone of ,attic agriculture in this period4 ,to free labour there are very few references1 and none of these seem to have any connexion with agriculture4 ,this does not prove that no hired freemen were employed on farms4 ,for special jobs1 as we shall see later1 they were called in3 but this was only temporary employment4 ,the or were a despised#cgc class3 some of them were freedmen4 ,the competition with slave-labour doubtless had something to do with this1 and to be driven by necessity to such labour was galling to a citizen1 as we have already learnt from ,xenophon4 ,,xvii4 ,,aristotle4 ,the great founder of the philosophy of experience is a witness#cgd of exceptional value4 ,he collected and recorded the facts and traditions of the past1 judging them from the point of view of his own day4 ,stimulated by the theories of his master ,plato1 he also strove1 by sketching the fabric of a model state1 to indicate the lines on which ,greek political development might be conducted with advantage4 ,inasmuch as ideal circumstances were rather to be desired than expected1 he did not restrict his interest in the future to the mere designing of an ideal3 taking states as he found them1 conditioned by their situation and past history1 he sought for the causes of their growth and decay1 and aimed at discovering cures for their various maladies4 ,but throughout1 whether looking to the past or the future1 he was guided by a characteristic moral purpose4 ,for him #8good living' 7 7 is the aim and object of political institutions4 ,it is in the state that man finds the possibility of reaching his full development3 for he is by nature a #8political animal4' ,that is1 he cannot live alone4 ,each step in association 7household1 village17 brings him nearer to that final union of the city4 ,in this he attains the highest degree of manhood of which he 7as ,man1 differentiated from other animals by reason and speech17 is capable4 ,this completion of his potentialities is the proof of his true nature2 that he realizes his best self in the shews that he is a 4 ,the animal needs met in the more primitive associations are of course met in the city also4 ,but there is something more1 and this something more is a moral element1 from which is derived the possibility of #8good living1' as contrasted with existence of a more predominantly animal character4 ,therefore1 though in point of time the man comes before the state1 in logical order the state comes first3 for the man can only exist in the fulness of his nature when he is a citizen4 ,he is by the law of his nature part of a state1 potentially3 as such a part he is to be regarded4 ,as states vary1 so do the several types of citizens4 ,in the best state the qualities of good man and good citizen are identical and complete4 ,the aim of political science 77 is to frame and employ the machinery of states so as to promote the perfection of human excellence 771 and to train the citizens on such principles as will insure the effective working and permanence of their institutions4 ,we may call it ,aristotle's response to the ,greek yearning after a stability which was in practice never attained4 ,to design a model state was one way of approaching the problem4 ,but ,aristotle was surely not the man to believe that such an ideal could be practically realised4 ,to make the best of existing systems was a more promising enterprise4 ,now in either procedure it was evident that material equipment#cge could not be left out of account4 ,without food clothing and shelter men cannot live at all1 and therefore cannot live well4 ,experience also shewed that the means of defence against enemies could not safely be neglected4 ,it is under the head of equipment 77 that we get the philosopher's view of the proper position of agriculture in the life of a state4 ,we must bear in mind the general ,greek conception of citizenship common to statesmen and theorists1 present to ,plato and ,aristotle no less than to ,cleisthenes or ,pericles4 ,residence gave no claim to it4 ,either it was hereditary1 passing from father to son on proof of citizen descent and certain religious qualifications2 or it was deliberately conferred on a person or persons as a privilege4 ,that beside the citizens there should be resident within the state#cgf a number of persons1 not citizens or likely to become citizens1 was a necessity generally admitted4 ,they might be free aliens1 more or less legally connected with the state1 or slaves public or private4 ,these alien persons were very numerous in some states1 such as ,athens or ,corinth4 ,subject or serf populations of ,greek origin1 as in ,laconia or ,thessaly1 are not to be distinguished from them for the present purpose4 ,one common mark of citizenship was the right of owning land within the territory of the state4 ,we know that the ,attic landowner must be an ,athenian citizen1 and such was the general rule4 ,who did the actual work of cultivation1 or tended the flocks and herds1 is another question4 ,we have seen reason for believing that personal labour#cgg of the owner on his farm had at one time been usual1 and that the practice still in the fourth century ,,bc prevailed in those parts of ,greece where there had been little development of urban life4 ,and that slave-labour was employed by farmers on a greater or less scale1 according to the size of their estates1 seems as certain as certain can be4 ,in ,attica the slave overseer1 entrusted with the direction of a gang of slave labourers1 had become#cgh a well-recognized figure1 and farming by deputy1 as well as labouring by deputy1 was an ordinary thing4 ,citizens resided in the city more than ever4 ,rich men visited their country estates to keep an eye on their overseers1 or paid the penalty of their neglect4 ,poor citizens1 resident and able to attend meetings of the ,assembly1 had to be kept quiet by systematic provision of fees for performance of civic functions4 ,it may be too strong to say that squeezing the wealthy was the leading fact of politics3 but there was too much of that sort of thing1 and the scramble for state pay was demoralizing4 ,immediate personal interest tended to deaden patriotism in a state that within human memory had1 whatever its faults1 been the most public-spirited community among the leading states of ,greece4 ,in treating of politics1 and therewith in assigning a position to agriculture1 ,aristotle was affected by three main influences4 ,first1 the historical2 the experience of ,greek states1 and more particularly of ,athens4 ,secondly1 the theoretical2 the various attempts of earlier philosophers1 particularly of ,plato1 to find a solution of political problems on speculative lines4 ,thirdly1 his own firm conviction that the lasting success of state life depended on devotion to a moral end4 ,it will be the simplest and best plan to consider his utterances on agriculture from these three points of view4 ,the supply of food being the first of necessities1 and being in fact 7as we have seen7 an ever-pressing problem in ,greece1 it is no wonder that land-hunger1 leading to wars for territory1 and land-grabbing1 a fertile cause of internal dissension and seditions in states1 were normal phenomena of ,greek history4 ,and what happened in old ,hellas was reproduced abroad1 as the ,greek colonists overflowed into lands beyond the seas4 ,once the possession of territory was secured by war1 and the means of its defence organized1 two problems soon presented themselves for solution4 ,it was at once necessary to decide by what labour the land was to be cultivated4 ,greek colonists1 desirous no doubt of an easier life than they had led in the old country1 generally contrived to devolve this labour upon others at a very early stage of their establishment4 ,either they reduced natives to the condition of serfs1 or they employed slaves1 whom the profits of growing trade and commerce enabled them to procure in larger and larger numbers4 ,meanwhile in the mother country various systems went on side by side4 ,there were large districts of agricultural serfage1 in which a race of conquerors were supported by the labour of the conquered4 ,in other parts independent peoples1 backward in civilization1 lived a free rustic life of a largely pastoral character4 ,others again devoted themselves more to the tillage of the soil1 with or without the help of slaves4 ,it was known that in earlier times a population of this kind in ,attica had long existed1 and that after the unification of ,attica and the reforms of ,solon it had for a time been the backbone of the ,athenian state4 ,but in fertile lowland districts there was a not unnatural tendency towards larger estates1 worked by hireling or slave-labour4 ,it seems fairly certain that in ,attica before the time of ,aristotle the supply of free wage-earners for farm-work was failing3 the development of the city and the ,peiraeus1 and the growing number of those in receipt of civil and military pay1 had drawn the poor citizen away from rustic labour4 ,nor is there reason to think that after the loss of empire there was any marked movement back to the land on the part of free labourers or even small farmers4 ,it would rather seem that ,attic land was passing into fewer hands1 and that the employment of stewards or overseers1 free or slave1 was one of the features of a change by which the farming of land was becoming a symptom of considerable wealth4 ,but beside the decision as to labour there was the question as to a means of checking land-monopoly4 ,such monopoly1 resulting in the formation of a discontented urban mob1 was a serious menace to the stability of a constitution4 ,for all poor citizens to get a living by handicrafts was perhaps hardly possible2 nor would the life of an artisan suit the tastes and wishes of all4 ,nature does 7or seems to do7 more for the farmer on his holding than for the artisan in his workshop1 and the claim to a share of the land within the boundaries of their states had led to seditions and revolutions1 ruinous and bloody1 followed by ill feeling1 and ever liable to recur4 ,colonial states1 in which the first settlers usually allotted the land 7or most of it7 among themselves and handed down their allotments to their children1 were particularly exposed to troubles of this kind4 ,the various fortunes of families1 and the coming of new settlers1 early raised the land-question there in an acute form1 as notoriously at ,syracuse4 ,no wonder that practical and theoretical statesmen tried to find remedies for a manifest political evil4 ,stability was only to be assured by internal peace4 ,to this end two main lines of policy#cgi found favour4 ,security of tenure was promoted by forbidding the sale of land-lots or making it difficult to encumber them by mortgages3 while the prohibition of excessive acquisition#chj was a means of checking land-grabbers and interesting a larger number of citizens in the maintenance of the land-system4 ,but there is no reason to think that measures of this kind had much success4 ,nor were vague traditions#cha of the equality of original land-lots in some ,greek states of any great importance4 ,some theoretical reformers might aim at such an arrangement1 but it was a vain aspiration4 ,indeed1 regarded from the food-producing point of view1 nothing like a true equality was possible in practice4 ,confiscation and redistribution were only to be effected at the cost of civil war1 and the revered wisdom of ,solon#chb had rejected such a proceeding4 ,communistic schemes had little attraction for the average ,greek1 so far as his own labour or interests might be involved3 even the dream of ,plato was far from a thoroughgoing communism4 ,of the farmer in his character of citizen#chc ,aristotle had a favourable impression formed from the experience of the past4 ,the restless activity of ,assemblies frequently meeting1 and with fees for attendance1 was both a cause and an effect of the degeneration of democracies in his day4 ,it meant that political issues were now at the mercy of the ignorant and fickle city-dwellers1 a rabble swayed by the flattery of self-seeking demagogues4 ,athens was the notable instance4 ,yet tradition alleged 7and it can hardly be doubted7 that in earlier times1 when a larger part of the civic body lived and worked in the country1 a soberer and steadier policy#chd prevailed4 ,the farmers1 never free from responsibilities and cares1 were opposed to frequent ,assemblies1 to attend which involved no small sacrifice of valuable time4 ,for this sacrifice a small fee would have been no adequate compensation1 and in fact they had none at all4 ,naturally enough ,aristotle1 admitting#che that in the states of his day democratic governments were mostly inevitable1 insists on the merits of the farmer-democracies of the good old times1 and would welcome their revival4 ,but the day for this was gone by1 never to return4 ,another important point arises in connexion with the capacity of the state for war1 a point seldom overlooked in ,greek political speculation4 ,in discussing the several classes out of which the state is made up1 ,aristotle observes#chf that individuals may and will unite in their own persons the qualifications of more than one class4 ,so the same individuals may perform various functions3 but this does not affect his argument1 for the same persons may be1 and often are1 both hoplites and cultivators1 who yet are functionally distinct parts of the state4 ,just below1 speaking of the necessity of #8virtue' 77 for the discharge of certain public duties 7deliberative and judicial71 he adds #8,the other faculties may exist combined in many separate individuals2 for instance1 the same man may be a soldier a cultivator and a craftsman1 or even a counsellor of state or a judge2 but all men claim to possess virtue1 and think they are qualified to hold most offices4 ,but the same men cannot be at once rich and poor4 ,the common view therefore is that ,rich and ,poor are the true parts of a state4' ,that is to say1 practical analysis can go no further4 ,in another passage#chg1 discussing the formation of the best kind of democracy1 he says #8for the best ,demos is that of farmers 7 73 so it is possible to form 7a corresponding87 democracy where the mass of the citizens gets its living from tillage or pasturage 7 74' ,after considering the political merits of the cultivators1 busy and moderate men1 he goes#chh on #8,and after the ,demos of cultivators the next best is that where the citizens are graziers 77 and get their living from flocks and herds 773 for the life in many respects resembles that of the tillers of the soil1 and for the purposes of military campaigning these men are peculiarly hardened#chi by training1 fit for active service1 and able to rough it in the open4' ,the adaptability of the rustic worker is further admitted#cij in a remark let fall in a part of his treatise where he is engaged in designing a model state4 ,it is to the effect that1 so long as the state has a plentiful supply of farm-labourers1 it must also have plenty of seamen 774 ,having just admitted that a certain amount of maritime commerce will be necessary1 and also a certain naval power1 he is touching on the manning of the fleet4 ,the marine soldiers will be freemen1 but the seamen 7oarsmen7 can be taken from unfree classes working on the land4 ,their social status does not at this stage concern us3 that such labourers could readily be made into effective oarsmen is an admission to be noted4 ,to the philosopher himself it is a comfort to believe that he has found out a way of doing without the turbulent #8seafaring rabble' 7 7 that usually throngs seaport towns and embarrasses orderly governments4 ,in other words1 it is a relief to find that in a model state touching the sea it will not be necessary to reproduce the ,peiraeus4 ,in considering the proposals of earlier theorists for the remedy of political defects it is hardly possible and nowise needful to exhaust all the indications of dissatisfaction with existing systems4 ,of ,euripides and ,socrates1 the two great questioners1 enough has been said above4 ,the reactionary ,isocrates was for many years a contemporary of ,aristotle4 ,what we can no longer reproduce is the talk of active-minded critics in the social circles of ,athens4 ,it happens that ,xenophon has left us a sketch of the ordinary conversations of ,socrates4 ,no doubt these were the most important examples of their kind1 and his method a powerful1 if sometimes irritating1 stimulus to thought4 ,but we are not to assume a lack of other questioners1 acute and even sincere1 more especially among men of oligarchic leanings4 ,that ,aristotle came into touch with such persons is probable from his connexion with ,plato4 ,certain passages in the ,constitution of ,athens1 in which he is reasonably suspected#cia of giving a partisan view of historical events1 point to the same conclusion4 ,we shall never know all the criticisms and suggestions of others that this watchful collector heard and noted4 ,but it is both possible and desirable to recall those to which his own record proves him to have paid attention4 ,both ,hippodamus and ,plato based their schemes on a class-system1 in which the farmer-class form a distinct body3 but the former made them citizens with voting rights4 ,being unarmed1 and so at the mercy of the military class1 ,aristotle held that their political rights were nugatory4 ,in the ,republic1 ,plato gave them no voice in state-affairs1 but in the ,laws he admitted them to the franchise4 ,while these two reformers made provision for a military force1 ,phaleas1 ignoring relations with other states1 made none4 ,to ,phaleas1 equality in landed estate seemed the best means of promoting harmony and wellbeing in the community2 and he would effect this equality by legal restrictions4 ,this proposition ,aristotle rejected as neither adequate nor suited to its purpose4 ,moral#cib influences1 hard work1 discretion1 even intellectual activity1 can alone produce the temper of moderation that promotes concord and happiness4 ,in short1 if you are to effect any real improvement1 you must start from the doctrine of the ,mean#cic and not trust to material equalizing4 ,the several tenure of land-lots was generally recognized1 with variations in detail2 ,plato in the ,laws abandoned the impracticable land-system of the ,republic1 and not only assigned a to each citizen household1 but arranged it in two#cid sections1 for reasons given above4 ,the attempt to ensure the permanence of the number of land-lots and households by strict legal regulation1 as some legislators had tried to do1 is also a general feature of these speculations4 ,plato in the ,laws even went further1 and would place rigid restrictions on acquisition of property of all kinds4 ,all agree in the usual ,greek contempt for those engaged in manual or sedentary trades4 ,such #8mechanical' 77 workers were held to be debased in both body and mind below the standard of #8virtue' required of the good soldier or citizen4 ,phaleas made these #8artisans' public slaves de iure3 ,hippodamus placed them1 with the farmers1 in nominal citizenship but de facto bondage4 ,plato tolerates them because he cannot do without them4 ,in the matter of hard bodily labour1 free or slave1 the position of ,plato is clear4 ,he would devolve it upon slaves2 in agriculture1 with a coexisting alternative system of serf-tenants4 ,but both classes are to be ,barbarians4 ,it seems that ,hippodamus meant the public1 if not the private1 land of his model state to be worked by slaves4 ,most striking is the fact that ,plato in his later years combined the aim of self-sufficiency with dependence on servile labour4 ,commerce is1 for the moral health of the state1 to be strictly limited4 ,the supply of necessary food-stuffs is to be a domestic industry1 carried on by alien serfs or slaves for the most part4 ,such communism as exists among the ,guardians in the ,republic is a communism of consumers who take no part in material production3 and it is abandoned in the ,laws4 ,the above outlines must suffice as a sketch of the situation both in practice and in theory when ,aristotle took the matter in hand4 ,the working defects of ,greek constitutions were obvious to many1 and the incapacity of the ignorant masses in democracies was especially evident to thoughtful but irresponsible critics4 ,yet the selfishness of the rich in oligarchies was not ignored1 and the instability of governments supported by only a minority of the citizens was an indisputable fact4 ,the mass of citizens 7that is1 full members of the state according to the qualification-rules in force7 had to come in somewhere1 to give numerical strength to a government4 ,how was governing capacity to be placed in power under such conditions8 ,experience suggested that things had been better for ,athens when a larger part of her citizens lived on the land4 ,use could no doubt be made of this experience in case an opening for increasing the number of peasant farmers#cie should occur4 ,but it was precisely in states where such a policy was most needed that an opening was least likely to occur4 ,it would seem then that the only chance of improving government lay in persuading the average citizen to entrust wider powers to a specially selected body of competent men1 in short to carry into politics the specializing principle#cif already developed by the advance of civilization in other departments4 ,now the average citizen was certain to test the plans of reformers by considering how their operation would affect cases like his own4 ,it was therefore necessary to offer him a reassuring picture of projects of this kind1 if they were to receive any hearing at all4 ,to own a plot of land1 inalienable and hereditary1 was a security against indigence4 ,to have the labour of cultivating it performed as a matter of course by others was a welcome corollary4 ,to be relieved of mechanical drudgery by aliens and slaves was a proposal sure to conciliate ,greek pride4 ,and the resulting leisure for the enlightened discharge of the peculiarly civic functions of war and government was an appeal to self-esteem and ambition4 ,but that the creation of a ruling class of ,guardians with absolute power1 such as those of ,plato's ,republic1 would commend itself to democratic ,greeks1 was more than any practical man could believe4 ,nor would the communism of those ,guardians appear attractive to the favourers of oligarchy4 ,therefore ,plato himself had to recast his scheme1 and try to bring it out of dreamland by concessions to facts of ,greek life4 ,not much was gained thereby1 and the great difficulty1 how to make a start1 still remained4 ,that much could be done by direct legislative action was a tradition in ,greek thought fostered by tales of the achievements of early lawgivers4 ,but to remodel the whole fabric of a state so thoroughly that an entire change should be effected in the political atmosphere in which the citizens must live and act1 while the citizens themselves would be the same persons1 reared in old conditions and ideas1 was a project far beyond the scope of ordinary legislation4 ,to ,aristotle it seemed that the problem must be approached differently4 ,this is not the place to discuss the two distinct lines taken by him2 first1 that the character of the state depends on that of its members1 and secondly1 that the individual only finds his true self as member of a state4 ,the subject has been fully#cig treated1 better than ,i could treat it2 and in constructing a model there remains the inevitable difficulty1 where to begin4 ,the highest development of the individual is only attainable under the training provided by the model state1 and this state is only possible as an association of model citizens4 ,if we may conjecture ,aristotle's answer from a rule#cih laid down in the ,ethics1 he would say #8first learn by doing1 and then you can do what you have learnt to do4' ,that is1 effort 7at first imperfect7 will improve faculty1 and by creating habit will develope full capacity4 ,but even so it would remain uncertain whether the individual1 starting on a career of self-improvement1 is to work up to the making of a model state1 or the imperfect state to start training its present citizens to perfection4 ,the practical difficulty is there still4 ,nor is it removed by putting the first beginnings of training so early#cii that they even precede the infant citizen's birth1 in the form of rules for eugenic breeding4 ,aristotle's procedure is to postulate favourable equipment1 geographical and climatic1 a population of high qualities 7that is1 ,greek17 and then to consider how he would organize the state and train its members--if the postulated conditions were realized and he had a free hand4 ,in this new ,utopia it is most significant to observe what he adopts from historical experience and the proposals of earlier theorists1 and in what respects he departs from them4 ,it is in particular his attitude towards ownership and tillage of land1 and labour in general1 that is our present concern4 ,as it follows from his doctrine of the ,mean that the virtue of the state and its several members must be based on the avoidance of extremes1 so it follows#djj from the moral aim of the state that its component elements are not all #8parts' of the state in the same strict sense4 ,economically1 those who provide food clothing etc are parts1 necessary to the existence of the community4 ,politically 7for politics have a moral end7 they are below the standard of excellence required for a share in the government of a perfect state4 ,they cannot have the leisure or the training to fit them for so responsible a charge4 ,therefore they cannot be citizens4 ,to maintain secure independence and internal order the citizens1 and the citizens only1 must bear arms4 ,and1 since the land must belong to the possessors of arms1 none but citizens can own land4 ,this does not imply communism4 ,there will have to be public#dja land1 from the produce of which provision will be made for the service of religion and for the common tables at which citizens will mess4 ,to maintain these last by individual contributions would be burdensome to the poor and tend to exclude them4 ,for rich and poor there will be4 ,but the evil of extreme poverty will be avoided4 ,there will be private land1 out of which each citizen 7that is evidently each citizen-household7 will have an allotment of land4 ,this will be in two#djb parcels1 one near the city and the other near the state-frontier1 so that issues of peace and war may not be affected by the bias of local interests4 ,the cultivation of these allotments will be the work of subjects1 either inhabitants of the district 77 or slaves2 in any case aliens1 not ,greeks2 and in the case of slaves care must be taken not to employ too many of the same race together or such as are high-spirited4 ,he is concerned to secure the greatest efficiency and to leave the least possible facilities for rebellion4 ,the labourers will belong to the state or to individual citizens according to the proprietorship of the land on which they are severally employed4 ,by these arrangements he has provided for the sustenance of those who in the true political sense are #8parts' of the state 771 and for their enjoyment of sufficient leisure#djc to enable them to conduct its government in the paths of virtue and promote the good life 7 7 which is the final cause of state existence4 ,the citizens then have the arms and the land and all political power4 ,among themselves they are on an equal footing1 only divided functionally according to age3 deliberative and judicial duties belonging to the elder men1 military activities to the younger4 ,it is impossible to overlook the influence of the ,spartan system on the speculations of ,aristotle as well as those of ,plato4 ,the equality of ,spartan citizens was regarded as evidence#djd of a democratic element in their constitution1 and we find this same theoretical equality among the full citizens at any given moment in the developing constitution of ,rome4 ,it is significant that ,aristotle felt the necessity of such an equality4 ,he remarks#dje that the permanence of a constitution depends on the will of the possessors of arms4 ,we may observe that he seldom refers to the mercenaries so commonly employed in his day1 save as his bodyguard of usurping tyrants4 ,but in one passage#djf he speaks of oligarchies being driven to employ them at a pinch for their own security against the ,demos1 and of their own overthrow in consequence4 ,therefore he did not ignore the risk run by relying on hirelings3 naturally he would prefer to keep the military service of his model state in the hands of his model citizens4 ,but he had no belief#djg in the blind devotion of ,sparta to mere preparation for warfare4 ,peace is the end of war1 not war of peace4 ,if you do not learn to make a proper use of peace1 in the long run you will fail in war also3 hence the attainment of empire was the ruin of ,sparta3 she had not developed the moral qualities needed for ruling in time of peace4 ,but in his model state he seems not to make adequate provision for the numbers required in war4 ,his agricultural labourers are not to be employed in warfare1 as the ,laconian ,helots regularly were4 ,he only admits them to the service of the oar1 controlled by the presence of marine soldiers1 who are free citizens like the poorer class of ,athenians who generally served in that capacity4 ,the servile character of rustic labour on his plan is thus reasserted1 and with it the superior standing of land forces as compared with maritime4 ,the days were past when ,athenians readily served at the oar in their own triremes1 cruising among the subject states and certain of an obsequious reception in every port4 ,hired rowers had always been employed to some extent1 even by ,athens3 in this later period the motive power of war-gallies of naval states was more and more obtained from slaves4 ,there was an economic analogy between farm-labour and oar-labour4 ,the slave was forced to toil for practically no more#djh than his food3 the profits of the farm and the profits of war-booty fell to be shared in either case by few4 ,aristotle1 who was well aware of the merits of the working farmer1 the peasant citizen1 and recognized that such men had been a sound and stable element in the ,athens of former days1 would surely not have treated agriculture as a work reserved for servile hands1 had he not been convinced that the old rural economy was gone and could never be revived4 ,for1 if suggestions from ,sparta influenced him when designing ,utopian institutions1 it is no less clear that the ,utopian setting--territory1 city1 port-town1--are merely modifications of ,attica1 ,athens1 ,peiraeus4 ,in ,greece there was no state so favoured geographically1 so well equipped by nature for independence prosperity and power4 ,if a ,greek community was ever to realize an artistic ideal1 and live in peaceful and secure moderation a model life of dignity and virtue1 it could hardly have a better chance of success than in some such advantageous position as that enjoyed by ,athens4 ,her defects lay in her institutions1 such as he viewed them at their present stage of development4 ,these could not be approved as they stood3 they needed both political and economic reform4 ,into the former we need not enter here3 the later democracy could not but disgust one who judged merit from the standpoint of his doctrine of the ,mean4 ,economically1 we may infer from his own model project that two great changes would be required4 ,citizens must all have an interest in the land1 though farmed by slave labour4 ,the port-town must no longer be a centre of promiscuous commerce1 thronged with a cosmopolitan population of merchants seamen dock-labourers etc and the various purveyors who catered for their various appetites4 ,in truth the ,peiraeus was a stumbling-block to him as to ,plato1 and probably to most men#dji who did not themselves draw income from its trade or its iniquities1 or who did not derive political power from the support of its democratic citizens4 ,to have a state #8self-sufficing' so far as to get its necessary food from its own territory1 and to limit commerce to a moderate traffic sufficient to procure by exchange such things as the citizens wanted but could not produce 7for instance#daj timber71 was a philosopher's aspiration4 ,while proposing to restrict commercial activity as being injurious in its effect1 when carried to excess1 on the higher life of the state1 ,aristotle like ,plato admits#daa that not only slaves but free aliens1 permanently or temporarily resident1 must form a good part of the population4 ,he does not even#dab like ,plato propose to fix a limit to the permissible term of metic residence4 ,apparently he would let the resident alien make his fortune in ,utopia and go on living there as a non-citizen of means4 ,but he would not allow him to hold real property within the state1 as ,xenophon or some other#dac writer had suggested4 ,that the services of aliens other than slaves were required for the wellbeing of the state1 is an important admission4 ,for it surely implies that there were departments of trade and industry in which slave-labour alone was felt to be untrustworthy1 while the model citizens of a model state could not properly be so employed4 ,the power of personal interest#dad in promoting efficiency and avoiding waste is an elementary fact not forgotten by ,aristotle4 ,now the slave1 having no personal interest involved beyond escaping punishment1 is apt to be a shirker and a waster4 ,the science of the master 77#dae1 we are told1 is the science of using slaves2 that is1 of getting out of them what can be got4 ,it is a science of no great scope or dignity4 ,hence busy masters employ overseers4 ,he suggests that some stimulus to exertion may be found in the prospect of manumission#daf for good service4 ,this occurs again in the ,economics1 but the question of what is to become of the worn-out rustic slave is not answered by him#dag any more than it is by ,plato4 ,my belief is that1 so far as farm staffs are concerned1 he has chiefly if not wholly in view cases#dah of stewards overseers etc4 ,these would be in positions of some trust1 perhaps occasionally filled by freemen1 and to create in them some feeling of personal interest would be well worth the masters while4 ,domestic slavery was on a very different footing1 but it too was often a worry#dai to masters4 ,here manumission played an obvious and important part1 and perhaps still more in the clerical staffs of establishments for banking and other businesses4 ,these phenomena of ,athenian life were interesting and suggestive4 ,yet ,aristotle is even more reticent#dbj than ,plato 7and with less reason7 on the subject of manumission3 which is matter for regret4 ,the model state then will contain plenty of free aliens1 serving the state with their talents and labour1 an urban non-landholding element4 ,they set the model citizens free for the duties of politics and war4 ,whether they will be bound to service in the army or the fleet1 like the ,athenian metics1 we are not told4 ,nor is it easy to guess how ,aristotle would have answered the question4 ,their main function is to carry on the various meaner or #8mechanical' trades and occupations1 no doubt employing or not employing the help of slaves according to circumstances4 ,all such trades were held to have a degrading effect#dba on both body and mind1 disabling those practising them from attaining the highest excellence1 that is the standard of model citizens in war and peace4 ,aristotle finds the essence of this taint in transgression of the doctrine of the ,mean4 ,specialization carried to extremes produces professionalism which1 for the sake of perfecting technical skill1 sacrifices the adaptability1 the bodily suppleness and strength and the mental all-round alertness and serene balance1--qualities which every intelligent ,greek admired1 and which ,aristotle postulated in the citizens of his model community4 ,so strong is his feeling on the point that it comes#dbb out in connexion with music4 ,the young citizens are most certainly to have musical training1 but they are not to become professional performers2 for this sort of technical excellence is nothing but a form of 4 ,if neither the farmer nor the artisan are to be citizens1 and the disqualification of the latter rests on his narrow professionalism1 we are tempted to inquire whether the claim of the farmer may not also have been regarded as tainted by the same disability4 ,that agriculture afforded scope for a high degree of technical skill is a fact not missed by ,aristotle4 ,he is at pains to point out#dbc that this most fundamental of industries is a source of profit if scientifically pursued1 as well as a means of bare subsistence4 ,for the exchange#dbd of products 7such as corn and wine7 by barter soon arises1 and offers great opportunities1 which are only increased to an injurious extent by the invention of a metallic currency4 ,now the founder of the ,peripatetic school was not the man to ignore the principles of scientific farming1 and the labour of collecting details had for him no terrors4 ,accordingly he refers to the knowledge#dbe required in several departments of pastoral and agricultural life4 ,he sketches briefly the development of the industry1 from the mere gathering of nature's bounty1 through the stage of nomad pasturage1 to settled occupation and the raising of food-crops by tillage of the soil4 ,but in the ,politics he does not follow out this topic4 ,his preoccupation is the development of man in political life3 so he dismisses further detail with the remark#dbf 7referring to the natural branch of 1 the art of profit-making1 which operates with crops and beasts7 that in matters of this kind speculation is liberal 7 worthy of a free man7 but practice is not4 ,this seems to imply that to be engrossed in the detailed study of various soils or breeds of beasts1 with a view to their appropriate and profitable management1 is an illiberal and cramping pursuit4 ,he does not apply to it the term 1 and the reason probably is that the bodily defects of the sedentary artisan are not found in the working farmer4 ,but the concentration upon mean details of no moral or political significance is common to both4 ,that all unskilled#dbg wage-earners fall under the same ban is a matter of course1 hardly worth mentioning4 ,in short1 all those who depend on the custom of others for a living are subject to a sort of slavery in a greater or less degree1 and unfit to be citizens4 ,the value attached to #8self-sufficiency' as evidence of freedom and of not living #8in relation to another' 7that is1 in dependence#dbh on another17 is in striking contrast to views that have enjoyed a great vogue in modern economic theory4 ,neither the man nor the state can be completely#dbi self-sufficing3 that ,aristotle1 and ,plato before him1 saw4 ,man1 feeling his way upward through the household to the state1 needs help4 ,he first finds#dcj a helper 7,i am omitting the sex-union7 in the ox1 the forerunner of the slave1 and still in primitive rustic life the helper of the poor4 ,growing needs bring division of labour and exchange by barter1 and so on4 ,as a political animal he can never be quite independent as an individual1 but it is the law of his being that the expanding needs which draw him into association with his fellows result in making him more of a man4 ,here lies a pitfall4 ,if through progress in civilization his daily life becomes so entangled with those of other men that his freedom of action is hampered thereby1 surely he has lost something4 ,his progress has not been clear gain1 and the balance may not be easy to strike4 ,it is therefore a problem1 how to find a position in which man may profit by the advantages of civilization without risking the loss of more than he has gained4 ,aristotle does not state it in terms so brutally frank4 ,but the problem is there1 and he does in effect attempt a solution4 ,the presence in sufficient numbers of slaves legally unfree1 and workers legally free but virtually under a defined or special kind#dca of servitude 7 71 is the only means by which a privileged class can get all the good that is to be got out of human progress4 ,his model citizens are an aristocracy of merited privilege1 so trained to virtue that to be governed by them will doubtless enable their subjects to enjoy as much happiness as their inferior natures can receive4 ,this solution necessitates the maintenance of slavery#dcb as existing by nature1 and the adoption of economic views that have been rightly called reactionary4 ,the student of human nature and experience unwisely departed from the safer ground of his own principles and offered a solution that was no solution at all4 ,as the individual man cannot live in complete isolation1 supplying his own needs and having no relations with other men1--for his manhood would thus remain potential and never become actual--so it will be with the state also4 ,it must not merely allow aliens to reside in it and serve its purposes internally3 it will have to stand in some sort of relations to other states4 ,this is sufficiently asserted by the provision made for the contingency of war4 ,but in considering how far a naval force would be required#dcc in his model state he remarks #8,the scale of this force must be determined by the part 7 7 played by our state3 if it is to lead a life of leadership and have dealings with other states 7 71 it will need to have at hand this force also on a scale proportioned to its activities4' ,then1 jealous ever of the ,mean1 he goes on to deny the necessity of a great #8nautical rabble1' in fact the nuisance of the ,peiraeus referred to above4 ,on the protection of such maritime commerce as he would admit he does not directly insist2 but1 knowing ,athens so well1 no doubt he had it in mind4 ,another illustration of the virtuous ,mean may be found in the rules of education4 ,the relations of the quarrelsome ,greek states had been too often hostile4 ,the ,spartan training had been too much admired4 ,but it was too one-sided1 too much a glorification of brute force1 and its inadequacy had been exposed since ,leuctra4 ,its success had been due to the fact that no other state had specialized in preparation for war as ,sparta had done4 ,once others took up this war-policy in earnest1 ,sparta's vantage was gone4 ,this vantage was her all4 ,beaten in war1 she had no reserve of non-military qualities to assuage defeat and aid a revival4 ,the citizens of ,utopia must not be thus brutalized4 ,theirs must be the true man's courage 77#dcd1 as far removed from the reckless ferocity of the robber or the savage as from cowardice4 ,it is surely not too much to infer#dce that military citizens of this character were meant to pursue a public policy neither abject nor aggressive4 ,it is in connexion with bodily training that we come upon views that throw much light on the position of agricultural labour4 ,there is1 he remarks1 a general agreement#dcf that gymnastic exercises do promote manly courage1 or as he puts it below #8health and prowess4' ,but at the present time there is1 in states where the training of the young is made a special object1 a tendency#dcg to overdo it3 they bring up the boys as regular athletes1 producing a habit of body that hinders the shapely development and growth of the frame4 ,the ,thebans in particular are thought to be meant4 ,his own system does not thus run to excess4 ,gentle exercises gradually extended will develop fine bodies to match fine souls4 ,now his labouring classes receive no bodily training of the kind4 ,the frame of the artisan is left to become cramped and warped by the monotonous movements of his trade4 ,so too the farm-labourer is left to become hard and stiff-jointed4 ,neither will have the supple agility needed for fighting as an art4 ,we have seen that this line had already been taken by ,plato in the ,republic2 indeed it was one that a ,greek could hardly avoid4 ,yet the shock-tactics of heavy columns were already revolutionizing ,greek warfare as much as the light troops organized by ,iphicrates4 ,were ,aristotle's military principles not quite up to date8 ,philip made the ,macedonian rustic into a first-rate soldier4 ,but the northern tribesman was a free man4 ,the rustic of the model state was to be a slave or serf3 therefore he could not be a soldier4 ,to keep him in due subjection he must not be allowed to have arms or trained to use them skilfully4 ,this policy is nothing more or less than the precautionary device#dch resorted to in ,crete2 the device that he twits ,plato with omitting in the ,republic1 though without it his ,guardians would not be able to control the landholding ,husbandmen4 ,and yet the weakness of the ,cretan system is duly noted#dci in its place4 ,the truth is1 ,aristotle was no more exempt from the worship of certain ill-defined political terms than were men of far less intellectual power4 ,the democrat worshipped #8freedom' in the sense#ddj of #8do as you please1' the mark of a freeborn citizen4 ,the philosopher would not accept so crude a doctrine1 but he is none the less determined to mark off the #8free' from the unfree1 socially as well as politically4 ,adapting an institution known in ,thessalian#dda cities1 he would have two open #8places' 77 in his model state2 one for marketing and ordinary daily business1 the other reserved for the free citizens4 ,into the latter no tradesman 77 or husbandman 771 or other person of like status 771 is to intrude--unless the magistrates summon him to attend4 ,it is a pity that ,aristotle has left us no estimate of the relative numerical strength of the various classes of population in ,utopia4 ,he neglects this important detail more completely even than ,plato4 ,yet ,i fancy that an attempt to frame such an estimate would very soon have exposed the visionary and unpractical nature of the whole fabric constructed on his lines4 ,it would1 ,i believe1 have been ultimately wrecked on the doctrine of the ,mean4 ,restriction of commerce had to be reconciled with financial strength1 for he saw that wealth was needed#ddb for both peace and war4 ,this could only arise from savings1 the accumulated surplus of industry4 ,the labouring classes would therefore have to provide not only their own sustenance etc and that of their rulers1 but a considerable surplus as well4 ,this would probably necessitate so numerous a labouring population that the citizens would have enough to do in controlling them and keeping them to their work4 ,to increase the number of citizens would add to the unproductive#ddc mouths1 and so on4 ,foreign war would throw everything out of gear1 and no hiring of mercenaries is suggested4 ,it is the carrying to excess of the principle of specialization that demands excess of #8leisure1' nothing less than the exemption of all citizens 7all persons that count1 in short17 from manual toil4 ,yet it was one who well knew the political merits of peasant farmers that was the author of this extravagant scheme for basing upon a servile agriculture the entertainment of a hothouse virtue4 ,the general effect produced by reviewing the evidence of ,aristotle on agriculture and the labour-question is that he was a witness of the decay of the working-farmer class1 and either could not or would not propose any plan for reviving it4 ,the rarity of the words and cognates is not to be wondered at in his works4 ,they do not occur in the ,politics4 ,the ,rhetoric furnishes two#ddd passages4 ,one refers to the kinds of men especially liable to unfair treatment 77 because it is not worth their while to waste time on legal proceedings1 citing as instances aliens and 4 ,rustics may be included1 but are not expressly mentioned4 ,the other#dde refers to qualities that men generally like and respect1 as justice4 #8,popular opinion finds this character in those who do not make their living out of others2 that is1 who live of their own labour1 for instance those who live by farming 7 71 and1 in other pursuits1 those most of all who work with their own hands4' ,here we have the working farmer expressly cited as a type worthy of respect4 ,but to single him out thus certainly does not suggest that the type was a common one4 ,the great ,aristotelian index of ,bonitz supplies three#ddf more passages1 all from the little treatise de mundo4 ,they occur in a special context4 ,god1 as the cause that holds together the universe1 is not to be conceived as a power enduring the toil of a self-working laborious animal 7 74 ,nor must we suppose that ,god1 seated aloft in heaven and influencing all things more or less directly in proportion as they are near or far1 pervades and flits through the universe regardless of his dignity and propriety to carry on the things of earth with his own hands 7 74 ,the third passage is in a comparison1 illustrating the divine power by the ,persian system1 in which the ,great ,king sitting on his throne pervades and directs his vast empire through his ministering agents4 ,such a fortiori is the government of ,god4 ,,xviii4 ,,the ,,later ,,attic ,,orators4 ,it has already been remarked that no clear chronological line can be drawn to divide this famous group into two sections1 but that there is nevertheless a real distinction between the period of hostility to ,persia and that in which fear of ,macedon was the dominant theme4 ,the jealousies and disunion of the ,greek states are the background of both4 ,isocrates#ddg had appealed in vain for ,greek union as a means of realizing ,greek ambitions and satisfying ,greek needs4 ,demosthenes1 so far as he did succeed in combining ,greek forces to resist the encroachments of ,philip1 succeeded too late4 ,in the fifth century ,,bc we see the ,greek states grouped under two great leading powers4 ,the conflict of these powers leaves one of them the unquestioned head of the ,greek world4 ,the next half century witnessed the fall of ,sparta1 earned by gross misgovernment1 and the rise and relapse of ,thebes4 ,in the same period ,athens made another bid for maritime empire1 but this second ,alliance had failed4 ,isolation of ,greek states was now the rule1 and the hopelessness of any common policy consummated the weakness of exhaustion4 ,at ,athens the old fervent patriotism was cooling down1 as we learn from the growing reluctance to make sacrifices in the country's cause4 ,demos was no longer imperial1 and he was evidently adapting himself to a humbler role4 ,his political leaders had to secure his food-supply and provide for his festivals1 and this out of a sadly shrunken income4 ,to provide efficient fighting forces on land and sea was only possible by appropriating the ,festival fund 771 and the mob of ,athens was unwilling either to fight in person or to surrender its amusements in order to hire mercenaries4 ,too often the result was that mercenaries1 hired but not paid1 were left to pillage friend and foe alike for their own support4 ,the truth is1 individualism was superseding old-fashioned patriotism4 ,the old simple views of life and duty had been weakened by the questionings of many thinkers1 and no new moral footing had yet been found to compete with immediate personal interest4 ,athens was the chief centre of this decline1 for the intellectual and moral influences promoting it were strongest there3 but it was surely not confined to ,athens4 ,the failure of ,thebes after the death of ,epaminondas was one of many symptoms of decay4 ,she had overthrown ,sparta1 but she could not herself lead ,greece3 her utmost achievement was a fatal equilibrium of weak states1 of which the ,macedonian was soon to take full advantage4 ,and everywhere1 particularly in rural districts1 the flower of the male population was being drained away1 enlisting in mercenary armies1 lured by the hope of gain and willing to escape the prospect of hard and dreary lives at home4 ,in short1 each was for his own hand4 ,such an age was not one to encourage the peaceful and patient toil of agriculture4 ,the great cities1 above all ,athens1 needed cheap corn4 ,their own farmers could not supply this1 and so importation#ddh was by law favoured1 and as far as possible inforced4 ,thus times of actual dearth seldom occurred1 and home-grown corn was seldom a paying crop4 ,thrown back all the more on cultivation of the olive and vine the products of which were available for export1 the farmer needed time for the development of his planted 77 land1 and the waiting for returns necessitated a larger capital4 ,he was then exposed to risk of greater damage in time of war4 ,for his capital was irretrievably sunk in his vineyard or oliveyard1 and its destruction would take years to repair--that is1 more waiting and more capital4 ,this was no novel situation4 ,but its effect in reducing the number of small peasant farmers was probably now greater than ever4 ,not only were mercenary armies relentless destroyers and robbers 7having no fear of reprisals and no conventional scruples to restrain them71 but their example corrupted the practice of citizen forces4 ,even if no fighting took place in this or that neighbourhood1 the local farmers#ddi must expect to be ruined by the mere presence of their own defenders4 ,when we bear in mind the risks of drought in some parts or floods in others1 the occasional losses of live stock1 and other ordinary misfortunes1 it is fair to imagine that the farmer of land needed to be a man of substance1 not liable to be ruined by a single blow4 ,and the sidelights thrown on the subject by the indirect references in the orators are quite consistent with this view4 ,the loss of the ,thracian ,chersonese in the disasters of #dje ,,bc had not only dispossessed the ,athenian settlers there1 but made that region a source of continual anxiety to ,athens4 ,she was no longer in secure control of the strait through which the corn-ships passed from the ,pontus4 ,a considerable revival of her naval power enabled her in #cfe to occupy the island of ,samos and to regain a footing in the ,chersonese4 ,to both of these cleruchs were sent4 ,but the tenure of the ,chersonese was disputed by ,thracian princes1 and it was necessary to send frequent expeditions thither4 ,the success or failure of these enterprises is recorded in histories of ,greece4 ,the importance of the position justified great efforts to retain it4 ,greek cities on the ,propontis and ,bosporus1 not ,thracian chiefs only1 gave trouble4 ,if short of supplies1 as in #cfb1 they were tempted to lay hands#dej on the corn-ships1 and consume what was meant for ,athens4 ,but the result of much confused warfare was that in #ceh the ,chersonese became once more a part of the ,athenian empire4 ,even after the dissolution of that empire in the war with the ,allies #ceh-f1 part of the peninsula still remained ,athenian4 ,but it was now exposed to the menace of the growing power of ,macedon under ,philip4 ,to induce the ,demos1 who needed the corn1 to provide prompt and adequate protection for the gate of ,pontic trade1 was one of the many difficult tasks of ,demosthenes4 ,demosthenes is by far the most important witness to the circumstances of his age2 though much allowance must be made for bias and partisan necessities1 this does not greatly affect references to agricultural matters4 ,unfortunately his supreme reputation caused the works of other authors to be attributed to him in later times4 ,thus the total number of speeches passing under his name is a good deal larger than that of the undoubtedly genuine ones4 ,but1 if we set aside a few mere forgeries of later rhetoricians1 the speeches composed by contemporary authors are no less authorities for stray details of rural life than those of ,demosthenes himself4 ,it is therefore not necessary to discuss questions of authorship1 on which even the ablest specialists are often not agreed4 ,but it is of interest to bear in mind that we are gleaning little items1 from a strictly ,athenian point of view1 bearing on the condition of the same ,athens and ,attica as came under the cool observation of the outsider ,aristotle4 ,the lives of ,aristotle and ,demosthenes1 from #chd-c to #cbb ,,bc1 are exactly contemporary4 ,and1 as in matters of politics the speeches of the orators often illustrate the philosopher's criticisms of democracy1 so it is probable that the matters of food-supply and rural economy1 referred to by speakers for purposes of the moment1 were among the particulars noted by ,aristotle when forming his conclusions on those subjects4 ,the right of owning real estate in ,attica being reserved for ,athenian citizens1 aliens were debarred from what was sometimes a convenient form#dea of investment4 ,if the possible return on capital so placed was lower than in more speculative ventures1 the risk of total loss was certainly much less1 of partial loss comparatively small4 ,moreover it gave the owner a certain importance#deb as a citizen of known substance4 ,it enabled a rich man to vary#dec his investments1 as references to mixed estates shew4 ,and he had a choice of policies in dealing with it3 he could reside on his own property and superintend the management himself1 or entrust the charge to a steward1 or let it to a tenant4 ,and1 if at any time he wanted ready money for some purpose1 he could raise it by a mortgage on favourable terms4 ,if the land lay in a pleasant spot not too far from the city1 he was tempted to make himself a #8place in the country' for his own occasional retirement and the entertainment of friends4 ,that landowning presented itself to ,athenians of the ,demosthenic period in the aspects just sketched is manifest from the speeches belonging to the years from #cfi to #cbb ,,bc4 ,of the small working farmer there is very little trace4 ,but that some demand for farms existed seems indicated by the cleruchs sent to the ,chersonese and ,samos4 ,no doubt these were meant to serve as resident garrisons at important points1 and it is not to be supposed that they were dependent solely on their own labour for tillage of their lots4 ,another kind of land-hunger speaks for itself4 ,the wars and wastings of this period placed large areas of land at the disposal of conquerors4 ,olynthian1 ,phocian1 ,boeotian territory was at one time or another confiscated and granted out as reward for this or that service4 ,no reproaches of ,demosthenes are more bitter than the references to these cruel and cynical measures of ,philip's corrupting policy4 ,individuals shared#ded these and other spoils3 the estates of ,aeschines and ,philocrates in ,phocis1 and later of ,aeschines in ,boeotia1 are held up as the shameful wages of treachery4 ,these estates can only have been worked by slave-labour under stewards1 for politicians in ,athens could not reside abroad4 ,they are specimens of the large-scale agriculture to which the circumstances of the age were favourable4 ,a dispute arising out of a case of challenge to exchange properties#dee 771 in order to decide which party was liable for performance of burdensome state-services1 gives us a glimpse of a large holding in ,attica4 ,it belongs to #ccj ,,bc or later4 ,the farm is an 1 that is a holding near#def the frontier4 ,it is stated to have been more than #dj stadia 7about #e miles7 in circuit4 ,the farmstead included granaries 77 for storing the barley and wheat which were evidently the chief crops on this particular farm4 ,it included also a considerable vineyard producing a good quantity of wine4 ,among the by-products was brushwood 71 not timber 7#deg4 ,the faggots were carried to market 7,athens1 ,i presume7 on the backs of asses4 ,the ass-drivers are specially mentioned4 ,the returns from the faggot-wood are stated at over #ab drachms a day4 ,the challenging speaker declares that this estate was wholly unencumbered3 not a mortgage-post 77 was to be seen4 ,he contrasts his own position1 a man who has lost most of his property in a mining venture1 though he has even toiled with his own#deh hands1 with that of the landlord 7,i presume not an 7 enriched by the late rise of the prices of corn and wine4 ,he may be grossly exaggerating the profits of this border-farm3 his opponent would probably be able to cite very different facts from years when the yield had been poor or prices low4 ,still1 to impress an ,athenian jury1 the picture drawn in this speech must at least have seemed a possible one4 ,the labour on the farm would be mainly that of slaves3 but to this ,i shall return below4 ,in another speech#dei we hear of a farmer in the far north1 on the ,,se ,crimean coast4 ,the sea-carriage of #hj jars of sour wine is accounted for by his wanting it for his farm-hands 774 ,slaves are probably meant1 but we cannot be sure of it in that slave-exporting part of the world4 ,at any rate he was clearly farming on a large scale4 ,if he was1 as ,i suppose1 a ,greek settler1 the case is an interesting one4 ,for it would seem to confirm the view of ,isocrates1 that ,greek expansion was a feasible solution of a felt need1 provided suitable territory for the purpose could be acquired2 and that of ,xenophon1 when he proposed to plant necessitous ,greeks in ,asiatic lands taken from ,persia4 ,the type of farmer known to us from ,aristophanes1 who works a holding of moderate size1 a man not wealthy but comfortable1 a well-to-do peasant proprietor who lives among the slaves whose labour he directs1 is hardly referred to directly in the speeches of this period4 ,demosthenes#dfj in #cee ,,bc makes the general remark #8,you cannot deny that farmers who live thrifty lives1 and by reason of rearing children and domestic expenses and other public services have fallen into arrear with their property-tax1 do the state less wrong than the rogues who embezzle public funds4' ,but he does not say that there were many such worthy citizen-farmers1 nor does he 7,i think7 imply it4 ,in a similar passage#dfa three years later he classes them with merchants1 mining speculators1 and other men in businesses1 as better citizens than the corrupt politicians4 ,such references are far too indefinite1 and too dependent on the rhetorical needs of the moment1 to tell us much4 ,in one of the earlier private speeches#dfb ,demosthenes deals with a dispute of a kind probably common4 ,it is a neighbours' quarrel over a wall1 a watercourse1 and right of way4 ,to all appearance the farms interested in the rights and wrongs were not large holdings4 ,they were evidently in a hilly district4 ,the one to protect which from floods the offending wall had been built had at one time belonged to a #8town-bred#dfc man' who disliked the place1 neglected it1 and sold it to the father of ,demosthenes' client4 ,there is nothing to shew that this farm was the whole of the present owner's estate3 so that it is hardly possible to classify him economically with any exactitude4 ,we do by chance learn that he had a staff of slaves1 and that vines and fig-trees grew on the land4 ,the author of one of the earlier speeches#dfd 7between #cfh and #cfe ,,bc7 furnishes much more detail in connexion with estates of what was apparently a more ordinary type4 ,neighbours are quarrelling as usual1 and we have of course only ex parte statements4 ,the farms1 worked by slave-labour1 produce vines and olives and probably some corn also4 ,the enclosure and tending of valuable plants is represented as kept up to a high standard4 ,incidentally we learn that the staff used to contract#dfe for the gathering of fruit 77 or the reaping and carrying of other crops 7 71 clearly on other estates4 ,the contract was always made by a person named1 who is thereby proved to have been the real owner of these slaves1--a point in the case4 ,according to his own account1 the speaker had for some time been settled 77 on the estate4 ,that is1 he had a house there and would sometimes be in residence4 ,the amenities of the place are indicated by the mention of his young rose-garden1 which was ravaged by trespassers1 as were his olives and vines4 ,the house from which they carried off #8all the furniture1 worth more than #bj minas1' seems to have been in ,athens1 and the mention of the lodging-house 77 that he mortgaged for #af minas shews that his estate was a mixed one4 ,country houses were no exceptional thing4 ,a mining speculator speaks of an opponent#dff as coming to his house in the country and intruding into the apartments of his wife and daughters4 ,a party protesting against being struck off the deme-register says#dfg that his enemies made a raid on his cottage in the country 7 74 ,he is probably depreciating the house1 in order not to have the dangerous appearance of a rich man4 ,we hear also of farms near ,athens1 the suburban position of which no doubt enhanced their value4 ,in the large mixed estate inherited and wasted by ,timarchus1 ,aeschines#dfh mentions 7#cdd ,,bc7 a farm only about a mile and a half from the city wall4 ,the spendthrift's mother entreated him to keep this property at least3 her wish was to be buried there4 ,but even this he sold1 for #bjjj drachms 7less than #hj74 ,in the speech against ,euergus and ,mnesibulus the plaintiff tells#dfi how his opponents raided his farm and carried off #ej soft-wooled sheep at graze1 and with them the shepherd and all the belongings of the flock1 also a domestic slave1 etc4 ,this was not enough3 they pushed on into the farm and tried to capture the slaves1 who fled and escaped4 ,then they turned to the house1 broke down the door that leads to the garden 771 burst in upon his wife and children1 and went off with all the furniture that remained in the house4 ,the speaker particularly points out#dgj that he had lived on the place from childhood1 and that it was near the race-course 7 74 ,it must then have been near ,athens4 ,the details given suggest that it was a fancy-farm1 devoted to the production of stock valued for high quality and so commanding high prices4 ,the garden seems to be a feature of an establishment more elegant than that of a mere peasant farmer4 ,it corresponds to the rose-bed in a case referred to above3 ,hyperides#dga too mentions a man who had a near the ,academy1 doubtless a pleasant spot4 ,the farm in the plain 7 7#dgb belonging to ,timotheus1 and mortgaged by him to meet his debts1 is only mentioned in passing 7#cfb ,,bc7 with no details3 we can only suppose it to have been an average holding in the rich lowland4 ,a few passages require separate consideration in connexion with the labour-question4 ,in the speech on the ,crown 7#ccj ,,bc7 ,demosthenes quotes#dgc ,aeschines as protesting against being reproached with the friendship 77 of ,alexander4 ,he retorts #8,i am not so crazy as to call you ,philip's or ,alexander's 1 unless one is to speak of reapers or other wage-earners as the friends of those who hire them 444 but on a former occasion ,i called you the hireling 77 of ,philip1 and ,i now call you the hireling of ,alexander4' ,here the reaper 77 is contemptuously referred to as a mere hireling4 ,such was the common attitude towards poor freemen who lived by wage-earning labour1-- in short4 ,but is it clear that the is necessarily a freeman8 ,the passage cited above from an earlier speech makes it doubtful4 ,if a gang of slaves could contract to cut and carry a crop 7 71 their owner acting for them1 surely they were strictly from the point of view of the farmer who hired them4 ,they were 1 to use the exact ,greek phrase4 ,in the speech against ,timotheus an even more notable passage#dgd 7#cfb ,,bc7 occurs4 ,speaking of some copper said to have been taken in pledge for a debt1 the speaker asks #8,who were the persons that brought the copper to my father's house8 ,were they hired men 771 or slaves 778' ,here1 at first sight1 we seem to have the hireling clearly marked off as free4 ,for the argument#dge proceeds #8or which of my slave-household 7 7 took delivery of the copper8 ,if slaves brought it1 then the defendant ought to have handed them over 7for torture73 if hired men1 he should have demanded our slave who received and weighed it4' ,strictly speaking1 slaves1 in status 1 are #dgf in relation to their owner1 of whose they form a part4 ,but if ,a in a transaction with ,b employed some slaves whom he hired for the purpose from ,c 7,c being in no way personally involved in the case71 would not these#dgg be 1 in the sense that they were not his own 1 but procured by for the job8 ,it is perhaps safer to assume that in the case before us the hirelings meant by the speaker are freemen1 but ,i do not think it can be considered certain4 ,does not their exemption from liability to torture prove it8 ,i think not1 unless we are to assume that the slaves hired from a third person1 not a party in the case1 could be legally put to question4 ,that this was so1 ,i can find no evidence1 nor is it probable4 ,the regular practice was this3 either a party offered his slaves for examination under torture1 or he did not4 ,if he did not1 a challenge 77 was addressed to him by his opponent1 demanding their surrender for the purpose4 ,but to demand the slaves of any owner1 not a party in the case1 was a very different thing1 and ,i cannot discover the existence of any such right4 ,i am not speaking of state trials1 in which the claims of the public safety might override private interests1 but of private cases1 in which the issue lay between clearly defined adversaries4 ,in default of direct and unquestionable authority1 ,i cannot suppose that an ,athenian slaveowner could be called upon to surrender his property 7even with compensation for any damage thereto7 for the purposes of a case in which he was not directly concerned4 ,stray references to matters of land-tenure1 such as the letting of sacred lands#dgh 77 belonging to a deme1 are too little connected with our subject to need further mention here4 ,and a curious story#dgi of some hill-lands 77 in the district of ,oropus1 divided by lot among the ten ,tribes1 apparently as tribal property1 is very obscure4 ,such allotments would probably be let to tenants4 ,what is more interesting in connexion with agriculture is the references to farming as a means of getting a livelihood1 few and slight though they are4 ,demosthenes#dhj in #cdi ,,bc tells the ,assembly that their right policy is to attack ,philip on his own ground1 not to mobilize and then await him in ,attica3 such mobilization would be ruinous to #8those of you who are engaged in farming4' ,the speech against ,phaenippus#dha shews us an establishment producing corn and wine and firewood and alleged to be doing very well owing to the prices then ruling in the market4 ,we have also indications of the presence of dealers who bought up crops1 no doubt to resell at a profit4 ,from the expressions#dhb and it might seem that fruit-crops in particular were disposed of in this way4 ,naturally a crop of this sort had to be gathered quickly1 and a field gang would be employed--slaves or freemen1 according to circumstances4 ,for that in these days poverty was driving many a free citizen#dhc to mean and servile occupations for a livelihood1 is not only a matter of certain inference but directly affirmed by ,demosthenes in #cde ,,bc4 ,aeschines#dhd in #cdd also denies that the practice of any trade to earn a bare living was any political disqualification to a humble citizen of good repute4 ,from such poor freemen were no doubt drawn casual hands at critical moments of farm life1 analogues of the ,british hop-pickers#dhe4 ,but1 with every allowance for possible occasions of employing free labour1 particularly in special processes where servile apathy was plainly injurious1 the farm-picture in general as depicted in these speeches is one of slave-labour4 ,and this suggests to me a question in reference to the disposal of ,greek slaves4 ,for the vast majority of slaves#dhf in ,greece1 whether urban or rustic1 were certainly ,barbarians of several types for several purposes4 ,the sale of the people of captured cities had become quite an ordinary thing4 ,sparta had sinned thus in her day of power1 and the example was followed from time to time by others4 ,the cases of ,olynthus in #cdh ,,bc and ,thebes in #cce fall in the present period4 ,aeschines mentions#dhg some captives working chained in ,philip's vineyard2 but these can only have been few4 ,the mass were sold1 and a large sum of money realized thereby4 ,at ,thebes the captives sold are said to have numbered #cj1jjj4 ,what markets absorbed these unhappy victims8 ,i can only guess that many found their way to ,carthage and ,etruria4 ,,xix4 ,,the ,,macedonian ,,period #cbb-adf ,,bc4 ,the deficiency of contemporary evidence illustrating the agricultural conditions of this troubled age in the ,greek world makes it necessary to combine the various scraps of information in a general sketch4 ,hellas had now seen its best days4 ,the break-up of the great empire of ,alexander did not restore to the little ,greek states the freedom of action which had been their pride and which had been a main influence in keeping up their vitality4 ,the outward and visible sign of their failure was the impossibility of an independent foreign policy4 ,the kingdoms of ,alexander's ,successors might rise and fall1 but ,greek states could do little to affect the results4 ,a new world was opened to ,greek enterprise in the ,east1 and ,greek mercenaries and ,greek secretaries traders and officials were carrying the ,greek language and civilization into wide lands ruled by ,macedonian kings4 ,but these were individuals1 attracted by the prospect of a gainful military or civil career4 ,either they settled abroad1 and drained ,greece of some of her ablest sons2 or they returned home enriched1 and formed an element of the population contrasting painfully with those who had stayed behind4 ,in either case it seems certain that the movement tended to lower the standard of efficiency and patriotism in their native states4 ,citizen armies became more and more difficult to maintain4 ,the influx of money no longer locked up in ,oriental treasuries only served to accentuate the old social distinction#dhh of ,rich and ,poor4 ,men who came back with fortunes meant to enjoy themselves1 and they did3 the doings of the returned soldier of fortune were proverbial1 and a fruitful theme for comic poets4 ,but the spectacle of wanton luxury was more likely to lure enterprising individuals into ventures abroad than to encourage patient industry at home4 ,and there is little doubt that such was the general result4 ,the less vigorous of the poor citizens remained1 a servile mob1 ever ready by grovelling compliments to earn the bounties of kings4 ,political decay and changes of social circumstance were accompanied by new movements in the sphere of thought4 ,it is generally observed that in this period philosophy more and more appeals to the individual man1 regardless of whether he be a citizen or not4 ,how far this movement arose out of changed conditions may be open to difference of opinion3 but1 as usual in human affairs1 what began as an effect continued to operate as a cause4 ,the rapid spread of the ,greek tongue and ,greek civilization eastwards1 known as ,hellenizing1 was a powerful influence promoting cosmopolitan views4 ,alien blood could no longer form an unsurmountable barrier3 the ,barbarian who spoke ,greek and followed ,greek ways had won a claim to recognition1 as had already been foreseen by the mild sincerity#dhi of ,isocrates4 ,but these half-,greeks1 some of them even of mixed blood1 were now very numerous4 ,they competed with genuine ,hellenes at a time when the pride of the genuine ,hellene was ebbing3 even in intellectual pursuits1 in which the ,hellene still claimed preeminence1 they were serious and eventually successful rivals4 ,it is no wonder that earlier questionings took new life1 and that consciousness of common humanity tended to modify old-established sentiment1 even on such subjects as the relation of master and slave4 ,it was not merely that the philosophic schools from different points of view1 ,cynic ,cyrenaic ,stoic ,epicurean1 persistently regarded man as a mental and moral unit1 whatever his political or social condition might be4 ,the fragments and echoes of the later ,comedy suffice to shew how frankly the slave could be presented on the public stage as the equal1 or more than equal1 of his master4 ,the foundation of new cities by the ,successor-kings was another influence acting in the same direction4 ,these were either royal capitals or commercial centres1 or both1 like ,alexandria4 ,others were important from their situation as strategic posts1 such as ,lysimacheia by the ,hellespont or ,demetrias commanding the ,pagasaean gulf4 ,competing powers could not afford to wait for gradual growth2 so great efforts were made to provide populations for the new cities without delay4 ,sometimes multitudes were transplanted wholesale from older communities4 ,in any case no strict inquiry into the past condition of transplanted persons can have taken place4 ,in ,sicily we know that ,syracuse had become the one great centre of what remained of ,greek power in that island4 ,but1 what with incorporation of foreign mercenaries and enfranchisement of slaves1 what with massacres of ,greek citizens1 the population of ,syracuse was a mongrel mob4 ,such1 if in a less degree1 were the populations of the new cities of the kings4 ,there was nothing national about them4 ,in some1 for instance ,alexandria1 a rabble wavering between apathy and ferocity was a subject of concern to the government4 ,others were more noted as centres of industry3 such were some of those in ,asia ,minor4 ,but common to them all was the condition1 a momentous change from a ,greek point of view1 of dependence4 ,they were not states1 with a policy of their own1 but parts of this or that kingdom4 ,however little their overlord might interfere with their internal affairs1 still it was he1 not they1 that stood in relation to the world outside4 ,they were not independent3 but as a rule they were prosperous4 ,in the new world of great state-units they filled a necessary place1 and beside them the remaining state-cities of the older ,greek world were for the most part decaying4 ,these for their own protection had to conform their policy to that of some greater power4 ,patriotism had little material in which to find expression3 apathy and cosmopolitan sentiment were the inevitable result4 ,such was in particular the case at ,athens1 which remained eminent as a centre of philosophic speculation1 attracting inquirers and students from all parts4 ,but the #8fierce democraty' of her imperial days was a thing of the past1 and she lived upon her former glories and present subservience4 ,if academic distinction and cosmopolitanism went easily together1 commercial activity was hardly likely to foster jealous state-patriotism of the old sort4 ,the leading centre of commerce in the eastern ,mediterranean was ,rhodes4 ,the island city was still a state4 ,its convenient position as a port of call on the main trade routes gave it wealth4 ,its usefulness to merchants from all parts enabled it to play off the kings against one another1 and to enjoy thereby much freedom of action4 ,its steady conservative government and its efficient navy made it a welcome check on piracy in time of peace1 and a valued ally in war4 ,it was also a considerable intellectual centre4 ,no power was so closely in touch with international questions generally1 or so often employed as umpire in disputes4 ,till an unfortunate blunder at the time of the war with ,perseus 7#afh ,,bc7 put an end to their old friendship with ,rome1 and led to their humiliation1 the wise policy of the ,rhodians preserved their independence and earned them general goodwill4 ,but it was surely not in a state thriving on trade and traffic that the old narrow ,greek patriotism could find a refuge4 ,it is not necessary to refer to more cases in particular4 ,the main point of interest is that in this age of cities and extensive maritime intercourse urban life was generally developing and rural life shrinking4 ,now it had been1 and still was1 the case that mixture of population normally took place in active cities1 especially in seaport towns4 ,it was in quiet country towns and hamlets that native purity of blood was most easily preserved4 ,if the general outline of circumstances has been fairly sketched in the above paragraphs1 we should expect to find that agriculture on a small scale was not prospering in this period4 ,unhappily there is hardly any direct evidence on the point4 ,even indirect evidence is meagre and sometimes far from clear4 ,one notable symptom of the age is seen in the rise of bucolic poetry4 ,this is not a rustic growth1 the rude utterance of unlettered herdsmen1 but an artificial product of town-dwelling poets1 who idealize the open-air life to amuse town-bred readers somewhat weary of the everlasting streets4 ,in the endeavour to lend an air of reality to scenes of rural life1 it was convenient to credit the rustics 7shepherds goatherds etc7 with a grossness of amorosity that may perhaps be exaggerated to suit the taste of urban readers4 ,of this tendency the idylls of ,theocritus furnish many instances4 ,we need not accept them as accurate pictures of the life of herds and hinds in ,sicily or elsewhere1 but they give us some notion of the ideas of rural life entertained by literary men of the ,alexandrian school4 ,beside the guardians of flocks and herds with their faithful dogs1 their flutes and pan-pipes1 idling in the pleasant shade and relieving the tiresome hours with musical competition1 we have the hinds ploughing mowing or busy with vintage and winepress4 ,some are evidently freemen1 others are slaves2 and we hear of overseers4 ,there is milking and making of cheese1 and woodmen#dij are not forgotten4 ,the bloom of flowers1 the murmur of streams1 the song of birds1 the whisper of the refreshing breeze1 form the setting of these rural scenes1 and might almost persuade us that we are privileged spectators of a genuine golden age4 ,but the sayings and doings of the rustics undeceive us4 ,and the artificiality of this poetry is further betrayed by that of the panegyric and pseudo-epic poems of the same author4 ,his admiration of ,hiero#dia of ,syracuse may be mainly sincere1 but his praises of ,ptolemy#dib ,philadelphus are the utterances of a courtier4 ,his excursions into the region of mythology are brief1 for the reading public of his day could not stand long epics on the adventures#dic of ,heracles or the ,dioscuri4 ,and the literary apparatus is antiquarian1 a more or less direct imitation of the old ,homeric diction1 but unable to reproduce the varied cadences4 ,it is generally remarked that the genius of ,theocritus finds its happiest and liveliest expression in the fifteenth idyll1 which depicts urban scenes4 ,in this respect that idyll may be compared with the mimes of ,herodas1 which illustrate1 probably with truth1 the shadier sides of urban life in cities of the period1 which ,theocritus ignores4 ,it is in a miniature epic#did of mythological setting that we find the most direct references to tillage of the soil combined with the keeping of live stock--general agriculture1 in short4 ,we read of the plowman#die in charge of the crops1 of the hard-working diggers#dif 7 71 of the herdsmen#dig1 of an overseer#dih or steward 774 ,the staff seems to consist entirely of slaves4 ,but it is not easy to say how far the picture is meant as a reproduction of the primitive labour-conditions of the traditional ,heroic age1 how far the details may be coloured by the conditions of ,theocritus' own day4 ,in the ,idylls we find a shepherd1 free presumably1 in charge of a flock the property#dii of his father4 ,on the other hand in one passage#ejj seems not to be a wage-earner1 but a black slave4 ,the of the tenth idyll#eja is probably a free man1 but he is enamoured of a slave girl4 ,no conclusion can be drawn from a reference#ejb to coarse but filling food meant for labourers4 ,roughness and a certain squalor are conventional rustic attributes3 a town-bred girl repulses the advances of a herdsman#ejc with the remark #8,i'm not used to kiss rustics1 but to press town-bred lips1' and adds further detail4 ,nor is the mention of ,thessalian#ejd serfs 77 in the panegyric of ,hiero anything more than a part of the poet's apparatus4 ,and the reference#eje to the visit of ,augeas to his estate1 followed by a comment on the value of the master's personal attention to his own interests1 is a touch of truism common to all peoples in every age4 ,to ,theocritus1 the one poet of learned ,alexandria who had high poetic genius1 the life and labour of farmers was evidently a matter of little or no concern4 ,he could hardly idealize the ,egyptian fellah4 ,and the one passage#ejf in which he directly illustrates the position of the ,greek contemporary farmer is significant4 ,discontented owing to a disappointment in love1 the man is encouraged by his friend to enter the service of the generous ,ptolemy as a mercenary soldier4 ,one or two small references may be gleaned from the ,characters of ,aristotle's successor ,theophrastus4 ,that the bulk of these typical portraits are drawn from town-folk is only to be expected1 but this point is not to be pressed overmuch1 for philosophers did not frequent country districts4 ,the general references to treatment of slaves1 the slave-market1 and so forth1 are merely interesting as illustrative of the general prevalence of slavery1 chiefly of course in ,athens4 ,but we do get to the farm in the case#ejg of the rustic boor 774 ,his lack of dignity and proper reserve is shewn in talking to his slaves on matters of importance3 he makes confidants of them1 and so far forgets himself as to lend a hand in grinding the corn4 ,it has been remarked that ,greek manners allowed a certain familiarity#ejh in the relations of master and slave4 ,but this person overdoes it3 in ,peripatetic language1 he transgresses the doctrine of the ,mean4 ,he employs also hired men 771 and to them he recounts all the political gossip 7 71 evidently a sign of his awkwardness and inability to hold his tongue4 ,i take these wage-earners to be poor freemen4 ,they might be slaves hired from another owner3 this practice appears elsewhere in connexion with town slaves4 ,but the general impoverishment of the old ,greece1 save in a few districts1 is beyond doubt3 and the demand for slaves in new cities would raise the price of slaves and tend to drive the free poor to manual labour4 ,the exact dates of the birth and death of ,polybius are uncertain1 but as an observer of events his range extended from about #aij or #ahi to #abb or #aba ,,bc4 ,though his references to agriculture are few and separately of small importance1 they have a cumulative value on certain points4 ,he wrote as historian of the fortunes of the civilized world of his day1 treated as a whole1 in which a series of interconnected struggles led up to the supremacy of ,rome4 ,his ,greece is the ,greece of the ,leagues4 ,no leading state of the old models had been able to unite the old ,hellas effectively under its headship1 but the ,macedonian conquest had plainly proved that in isolation#eji the little separate states had no future open to them but slavery4 ,the doings of ,alexander's ,successors further inforced the lesson4 ,it was clear that the only hope of freedom lay in union so far as possible1 for thus only could ,greek powers be created able to act with any sort of independence and self-respect in their relations with the new great powers outside4 ,accordingly there took place a revival of old local unions in districts where a community of interest between tribes or cities had in some form or other long been recognized4 ,such were the tribal ,league of ,aetolia and the city ,league of ,achaia4 ,but these two were but notable instances of a federative movement much wider4 ,the attempt to unite the scattered towns of ,arcadia1 with a federal centre at ,megalopolis1 seems to have been less successful4 ,but the general aim of the movement towards federalism in ,greece is clear4 ,that it did not in the end save ,greek freedom was due to two defects3 it was too partial and too late4 ,for no general union was achieved4 ,greek jealousy remained1 and ,leagues fought with ,leagues in internal strife3 then they were drawn into quarrels not their own1 as allies of great foreign powers4 ,it was no longer possible to remain neutral with safety4 ,no ,league was strong enough to face the risk of compromising itself with a victorious great power4 ,achaean statesmen did their best1 but they too could not save their country from ruin1 once the ,league became entangled in the diplomacy of ,rome4 ,nor was it the old ,hellas alone that thus drifted to its doom4 ,between ,rome and ,carthage the western ,greeks lost whatever power and freedom their own disunion and quarrels had left them4 ,the ,rhodian republic and its maritime ,league of islanders had to become the subject allies of ,rome4 ,one point stands out clearly enough4 ,in the ,greece of the third century ,,bc the question of food-supply was as pressing as it had ever been in the past4 ,the operations of ,king ,philip were often conditioned by the ease or difficulty of getting supplies#eaj of corn for his troops3 that is1 he had to work on an insufficient margin of such resources4 ,in #bai1 after driving the ,dardani out of ,macedonia1 he had to dismiss his men#eaa that they might get in their harvest4 ,in #bah1 the success of his ,peloponnesian campaign was largely dependent#eab on the supplies and booty captured in ,elis1 in ,cephallenia1 in ,laconia2 and on the subsidies of corn and money voted by his ,achaean allies4 ,the destruction of crops#eac was as of old a principal means of warfare4 ,and when he had to meet the ,roman invasion in #aig1 the race to secure what corn#ead was to be had was again a leading feature of the war4 ,it is true that the feeding of armies was a difficulty elsewhere#eae1 as in ,asia1 and in all ages and countries3 also that difficulties of transport were a considerable part of it4 ,but the war-indemnities#eaf fixed by treaties1 including great quantities of corn1 shew the extreme importance attached to this item4 ,and the gifts of corn#eag to the ,rhodian republic after the great earthquake 7about #bbe ,,bc71 and the leave granted them#eah in #afi by the ,roman ,senate to import a large quantity from ,sicily1 tell the same story4 ,another article in great demand1 only to be got wholesale from certain countries1 such as ,macedonia1 was timber4 ,it was wanted for domestic purposes and for construction of military engines1 which were greatly developed in the wars of the ,successors2 but above all for shipbuilding1 commercial and naval4 ,rhodes in particular#eai needed a great supply2 and the gifts of her friends in #bbd ,,bc were largely in the form of timber4 ,there was no doubt a great demand for it at ,alexandria1 ,syracuse1 ,corinth1 and generally in seaport towns4 ,it is evident that in strictly ,greek lands the wood grown was chiefly of small size1 suitable for fuel4 ,there is no sign of an advance on the conditions of an earlier time in the way of afforestation3 nor indeed was such a policy likely4 ,but food had to be found somehow4 ,agriculture therefore had to go on4 ,outside the commercial centres1 where food-stuffs could be imported by sea1 there was no alternative3 the population had to depend on the products of local tillage and pasturage4 ,a few cities celebrated as art-centres might contrive to live by the sale of their works1 but this hardly affects the general situation4 ,we should therefore very much like to know how things stood on the land4 ,was the tendency towards large landed estates1 or was the small-farm system reviving8 ,was farm-labour chiefly that of freemen1 or that of slaves8 ,if of freemen1 was it chiefly that of small owners1 or that of wage-earners8 ,in default of any authoritative statement1 we have to draw what inferences we can from slight casual indications4 ,that the career of ,alexander was directly and indirectly the cause of great disturbances in ,greek life1 is certain4 ,of the ways in which it operated1 two are of special importance4 ,the compulsory restoration of exiles#ebj whose properties had been confiscated led to claims for restitution2 and in the matter of real estate the particular land in question was easily identified and made the subject of a bitter contest4 ,now uncertainty of tenure is notoriously a check on improvement1 and the effect of the restorations was to make tenures uncertain4 ,at the same time the prospects of professional soldiering in the ,east were a strong temptation to able-bodied husbandmen who were not very prosperous4 ,from the rural parts of ,greece a swarm of mercenaries went forth to join the host of ,alexander1 and the movement continued long4 ,in the stead of one ,alexander1 there arose the rival ,successor-kings1 who competed in the military market for the intelligent ,greeks4 ,it was worth their while1 and they paid well for a good article4 ,so all through the third century there was a draining away of some of the best blood of ,greece4 ,some of these men had no doubt parted with farms before setting out on the great venture4 ,of those who survived the wars1 some settled down abroad as favoured citizens in some of the new cities founded by the kings4 ,the few who returned to ,greece with money saved did not come home to labour on a small farm3 they settled in some city where they could see life and enjoy the ministrations of male and female slaves4 ,now it is not likely that all lands disposed of by these men were taken up by husbandmen exposed to the same temptations4 ,probably the greater part were bought up by the wealthier residents at home1 and so went to increase large holdings4 ,how far do stray notices bear out this conclusion8 ,at ,athens in #cbb ,,bc a constitution was imposed by ,antipater1 deliberately framed for the purpose of placing power in the hands of the richer classes4 ,he left #ijjj citizens in possession of the full franchise1 excluding #abjjj poor4 ,for the latter he offered to provide allotments of land in ,thrace4 ,accounts#eba vary1 but it seems that some accepted the offer and emigrated4 ,it was not a compulsory deportation1 but it was exile4 ,economically it may have been a relief to ,athens by reducing the number of citizens who shared civic perquisites4 ,but it had no tendency to bring more citizens back on to ,attic land3 such a move would have implied displacement of present landholders1 whom it was ,antipater's policy to conciliate4 ,in the course of the third century we get a glimpse of the agrarian situation at ,sparta4 ,it is clear that the movement1 already noted by ,aristotle1 towards land-monopoly#ebb in the hands of a few rich1 had been steadily going on4 ,it ended by provoking a communistic reaction under the reforming kings ,agis ,,iv and ,cleomenes ,,iii4 ,blood was shed1 and ,sparta became a disorderly state1 the cause of many troubles in ,greece down to the time of the ,roman conquest4 ,the growing ,achaean ,league1 in the side of which revolutionary ,sparta was a thorn1 was essentially a conservative federation4 ,however democratic its individual members might be1 the constitution of the ,league worked#ebc very effectively in the interest of the rich4 ,on the occasion of the capture of ,megalopolis by ,cleomenes ,polybius is at pains to warn his readers#ebd against believing stories of the immense booty taken there4 ,though the ,peloponnese had enjoyed a period of prosperity1 still these stories are gross exaggerations4 ,megalopolis1 an important member of the ,league1 had been from the first laid out on too ambitious#ebe a scale4 ,that the #8,great ,city' was a great desert1 had found proverbial expression in a verse4 ,a little later1 when ,philip was campaigning in ,peloponnesus1 we hear of the great prosperity#ebf of ,elis1 especially in agriculture4 ,the ,eleans had enjoyed a great advantage in the protection afforded them by religion as guardians of ,olympia4 ,we may add that they were allied with the ,aetolian ,league1 whose hostility other ,greek states were not forward to provoke4 ,a class of wealthy resident landlords existed in ,elis1 and much of the country was good farming land under tillage4 ,but in most of the ,achaean and ,arcadian#ebg districts pastoral industry1 and therefore sparse population1 was the rule1 owing to the mountainous nature of those parts4 ,in central ,greece we need only refer to the restored ,thebes1 centre once more of a ,boeotian confederacy4 ,the fertile lowland of ,boeotia supplied plenty of victual2 and among ,greek delicacies the eels of the lake ,copais were famous4 ,boeotians were known as a well-nourished folk4 ,in the fragments of the comic poet ,eubulus#ebh 7assigned to the fourth century ,,bc7 we have them depicted as gluttonous1 with some grossness of detail4 ,such being their tradition1 ,i can see nothing strange in the picture#ebi given of the ,boeotians in his own day by ,polybius4 ,the ceaseless guzzling1 the idleness and political corruption of the people1 may be overdrawn4 ,i admit that such qualities were not favourable to lasting prosperity2 but their prosperity was not lasting4 ,in the view of ,polybius the subjection of ,greece by the ,romans was rather an effect than a cause of ,greek degeneracy1 and ,i dare not contradict him4 ,moreover a piece of confirmatory evidence relative to the third century ,,bc occurs in a fragment of ,heraclides ,ponticus4 ,in a traveller's description#ecj of ,greece ,boeotia is thus referred to4 ,round ,tanagra the land is not very rich in corn-crops1 but stands at the head of ,boeotian wine-production4 ,the people are well-to-do1 but live simply3 they are all farmers 771 not labourers 774 ,at ,anthedon on the coast the people are all fishermen ferrymen etc3 they do not cultivate the land1 indeed they have none4 ,of ,thebes he remarks that the territory is good for horse-breeding1 a green well-watered rolling country1 with more gardens than any other ,greek city owns4 ,but1 he adds1 the people are violent undisciplined and quarrelsome4 ,i think we may see here an earlier stage in the degeneracy that disgusted ,polybius4 ,in all this there is nothing to suggest that small farming was common and prosperous during the ,macedonian period in ,greece4 ,the natural1 inference is rather that agriculture in certain favoured districts was carried on by a limited number of large landowners on a large scale1 pastoral industry varying locally according to circumstances4 ,the development of urban life and luxury1 and the agrarian troubles in the ,peloponnese1 are both characteristic phenomena of the age4 ,in town and country alike the vital fact of civilization was the conflict of interests between rich and poor4 ,macedonia presents a contrast4 ,there no great cities drew the people away from the country4 ,a hardy and numerous population supplied the material for national armies whenever needed1 and loyalty to the reigning king gave unity to national action4 ,hence the long domination of ,macedon in ,greece2 the only serious opposition being that of the ,aetolian ,league4 ,of all the ,successor-kingdoms1 ,macedon alone was able to make any stand against the advance of ,rome4 ,it remains to consider the few indications--,i can hardly call them references--from which we can get a little light on the labour-question4 ,the passages cited from ,theophrastus and ,theocritus point to the prevalence of slave-labour4 ,and the same may be said of ,polybius4 ,in speaking#eca of the blunder in exaggerating the value of the booty taken at ,megalopolis1 he says #8,why1 even in these more peaceful and prosperous days you could not raise so great a sum of money in all the ,peloponnese out of the mere movables 77 unless you took slaves into account 7 74' ,his word for live-stock not human is 4 ,evidently to him slave-property is a large item in the value of estates4 ,again1 speaking of the importance of ,byzantium#ecb on the ,pontic trade-route1 he insists on the plentiful and useful supply of bestial and human stock to ,greece by this traffic4 ,the high farming of rural ,elis#ecc is shewn in its being full of and farm-stock 774 ,hence these #8bodies' formed a considerable part of the booty taken there by ,philip4 ,and in the claims#ecd made at ,rome in #ahc ,,bc against ,philip a part related to slave-property4 ,references to the sale of prisoners of war1 to piracy and kidnapping1 are frequent3 but they only concern us as indicating time-honoured means of supplying the slave-market4 ,as for rowing ships1 so for heavy farm-work1 able-bodied men were wanted4 ,at a pinch such slaves could be1 and were1 employed in war#ece1 with grant or promise of manumission3 but this was a step only taken in the last resort4 ,a curious remark#ecf of ,polybius when speaking of ,arcadia must not be overlooked4 ,in #bbj ,,bc an ,aetolian force invaded ,achaia and penetrated into northern ,arcadia1 where they took the border town of ,cynaetha1 and after wholesale massacre and pillage burnt it on their retreat4 ,the city had for years suffered terribly from internal strife1 in which the doings of restored exiles had played a great part4 ,polybius says that the ,cynaethans were thought to have deserved the disaster that had now fallen upon them4 ,why8 ,because of their savagery 774 ,they were ,arcadians4 ,the ,arcadians as a race-unit 77 enjoy a reputation for virtue throughout ,greece1 as a kindly hospitable and religious folk4 ,but the ,cynaethans outdid all ,greeks in cruelty and lawlessness4 ,this is to be traced to their neglect of the time-honoured ,arcadian tradition1 the general practice of vocal and instrumental music4 ,this practice was deliberately adopted as a refining agency1 to relieve and temper the roughness and harshness incidental to men living toilsome lives in an inclement climate4 ,such was the design of the old ,arcadians1 on consideration of the circumstances1 one point in which was that their people generally worked in person 7 74 ,on this ,i need only remark that he is referring to the past1 but may or may not include the ,arcadians of his own day3 and repeat what ,i have said before1 that to be does not exclude employment of slaves as well4 ,that there was still more personal labour in rural ,arcadia than in many other parts of ,greece1 is probable4 ,but that is all4 ,that the slavery-question was a matter of some interest in ,greece may be inferred from the pains taken by ,polybius#ecg to refute an assertion of ,timaeus1 that to acquire slaves was not a ,greek custom4 ,the context is lost1 and we cannot tell whether it was a general assertion or not4 ,if general1 it was no doubt nonsense4 ,a more effective piece of evidence is the report#ech of ,megasthenes1 who visited ,india early in the third century4 ,he told his ,greek readers that in ,india slavery was unknown4 ,the contrast to ,greece was of course the interesting point4 ,it is also affirmed#eci that in this period manumissions became more common1 as a result of the economic decline of ,greece combined with the moral evolution to be traced in the philosophic schools4 ,calderini1 from whom ,i take this1 is the leading authority on ,greek manumission4 ,and1 so far as the records are concerned1 the number of inscribed #8acts' recovered from the important centre of ,delphi#edj confirms the assertion4 ,from #bja to #adj ,,bc these documents are exceptionally numerous4 ,but the not unfrequent stipulation found in them1 that the freed man or woman shall remain in attendance#eda on his or her late owner for the owner's life or for some fixed period1 or shall continue to practise a trade 7or even learn a trade7 on the profits of which the late owner or his heirs shall have a claim1 suggest strongly that these manumissions were the rewards of domestic service or technical skill4 ,i do not believe that they have any connexion with rustic#edb slavery4 ,calderini also holds that as ,greek industries and commerce declined free labour competed more and more with slave-labour4 ,so far as urban trades are concerned1 this is probably true3 and likewise a certain decline in domestic slavery due to the straitened circumstances of families and experience of the waste and nuisance of large slave-households4 ,this last point1 already noticed#edc e4g4 by ,aristotle1 is to be found expressed in utterances of the comic poets4 ,rustic slavery appears in the fragments of ,menander's 1 but the old farmer's slaves are ,barbarians1 who will do nothing to help him when accidentally hurt1 and who are hardly likely to receive favours4 ,the ordinary view of agriculture in ,menander's time seems most truly expressed in his saying#edd that it is a slave's business4 ,mention of the comic poets may remind us that most of the surviving matter of the later ,comedy has reached us in the ,latin versions and adaptations of ,plautus and ,terence4 ,it is necessary to speak of their evidence separately1 in particular where slavery is in question1 for the relative passages are liable to be touched with ,roman colouring4 ,in the case of manumission this is especially clear1 but to pursue the topic in detail is beyond my present purpose4 ,the passages of ,plautus bearing on rustic life are not many1 but the picture so far as it goes is clear and consistent4 ,in general the master is represented as a man of means with a house in town and a country estate outside4 ,the latter is worked by slaves under a slave-bailiff or steward 7vilicus74 ,the town-house is staffed by slaves1 but the headman is less absolute than the steward on the farm3 departmental chiefs1 such as the cook1 are important parts of the household4 ,this is natural enough1 for the master generally resides there himself1 and only pays occasional#ede visits to the farm4 ,the two sets of slaves are kept apart4 ,if the steward#edf or some other trusted farm-slave has to come to town1 he is practically a stranger1 and a quarrel is apt to arise with leading domestics3 for his rustic appearance and manners are despised by the pampered menials4 ,but he is aware that his turn may come3 some day the master in wrath may consign the offending town-slave to farm-labour1 and then--4 ,apart from slavery1 rustic life is regarded#edg as favourable to good morals3 honest labour1 frugal habits1 freedom from urban temptations1 commend it to fathers who desire to preserve their sons from corrupting debauchery4 ,in short1 the urban moralist idealizes the farm4 ,whether he would by choice reside there1 is quite another thing4 ,clearly the average young citizen would not4 ,that the farm is occasionally used#edh as a retreat1 is no more than a point of dramatic convenience4 ,in one passage#edi we have a picture of a small farm1 with slave-labour employed on it4 ,freemen as agricultural labourers hardly appear at all4 ,but a significant dialogue#eej between an old freeman and a young one runs thus3 #8,country life is a life of toil4' #8,aye1 but city indigence is far more so4' ,the youth1 who has offered to do farm-work1 is representative of that class of urban poor1 whose lot was doubtless a very miserable one4 ,very seldom do we hear anything of them1 for our records in general only take account of the master and the slave4 ,in the play just referred to#eea there occur certain terms more or less technical4 ,the neutral operarius seems equivalent to 1 and mercennarius to 1 distinct from#eeb servus4 ,but these terms are not specially connected with agriculture4 ,the references in ,terence give us the same picture4 ,an old man of #fj or more is blamed#eec by a friend4 #8,you have a first-rate farm and a number of slaves3 why will you persist in working yourself to make up for their laziness8 ,your labour would be better spent in keeping them to their tasks4' ,the old man explains#eed that he is punishing himself for his treatment of his only son4 ,in order to detach the youth from an undesirable amour1 he had used the stock reproaches of fathers to erring sons4 ,he had said #8,at your time of life ,i wasn't hanging about a mistress3 ,i went soldiering in ,asia for a living1 and there ,i won both money and glory4' ,at length the young man could stand it no longer3 he went off to ,asia and entered the service of one of the kings4 ,the old man cannot forgive himself1 and is now busy tormenting himself for his conduct4 ,he has sold off#eee all his slaves1 male or female1 save those whose labour on the farm pays for its cost1 and is wearing himself out as a mere farm hand4 ,another#eef old farmer1 a man of small means who makes his living by farming1 is evidently not the owner but a tenant4 ,another#eeg has gone to reside on his farm1 to make it pay2 otherwise the expenses at home cannot be met4 ,in general country life is held up as a model#eeh of frugality and industry4 ,in one passage#eei we hear of a hired wage-earner employed on a farm 7a villa mercennarium7 whom ,i take to be a free man1 probably employed for some special service4 ,such are the gleanings to be got from these ,roman echoes of the later ,attic comedy4 ,i see no reason to believe that they are modified by intrusion of details drawn from ,italy4 ,the period in which ,plautus and ,terence wrote 7about #bcj-afj ,,bc7 included many changes in ,roman life1 particularly in agriculture4 ,in large parts of ,italy the peasant farmers were being superseded by great landlords whose estates were worked by slave-labour1 and the conditions of farm life as shewn by the ,attic playwrights were not so strange to a ,roman audience as to need recasting4 ,and we can only remark that the evidence drawn from the passages above referred to is in full agreement with that taken from other sources4 ,a very interesting sidelight on conditions in ,greece1 agriculture included1 towards the end of the third century ,,bc1 is thrown by the correspondence#efj of ,philip ,v of ,macedon with the authorities of ,larisa4 ,an inscription found at ,larisa preserves this important record4 ,two points must first be noted1 to give the historical setting of the whole affair4 ,thessaly was under ,macedonian overlordship1 and its economic and military strength a matter of concern to ,philip1 who had succeeded to the throne of ,macedon in #bbj ,,bc4 ,moreover1 the defeat of ,carthage in the first ,punic war 7#bfd-da71 the ,roman occupation of the greater part of ,sicily and ,sardinia1 the ,gallic wars and extension of ,roman dominion in ,italy1 the ,illyrian war 7#bcj-bi7 and intervention of ,rome beyond the ,adriatic1 had attracted the attention of all the ,greek powers4 ,the western ,republic had for some years been carefully watched1 and the admission of ,corcyra ,epidamnus and ,apollonia to the ,roman alliance was especially disquieting to the ,macedonian king4 ,so in #bai ,,bc1 just before the second ,punic war1 ,philip sent a letter to ,larisa1 pointing out that the number of their citizens had been reduced by losses in recent wars and urging them to include in their franchise the ,thessalians and other ,greeks resident in the city4 ,among other advantages1 the country#efa would be more fully cultivated4 ,the ,larisaeans obeyed his injunctions4 ,in #bag the war in ,greece was ended by his concluding peace with the ,aetolians1 his chief antagonists4 ,hannibal was now in ,italy1 and the victory of ,cannae in #baf raised hopes in ,philip of using the disasters of the ,romans to drive them out of ,illyria4 ,in #bae he concluded an alliance with ,hannibal4 ,the ,romans replied by naval activity in the ,adriatic and later by stirring up ,greek powers1 above all the ,aetolians1 to renew the war against him4 ,meanwhile things had not gone on quietly at ,larisa4 ,the old ,thessalian noble families had given way to the king's pressure unwillingly for the moment1 but internal troubles soon broke out4 ,the nobles regained control and annulled the recent concessions4 ,philip therefore addressed to them a second letter in #bad1 censuring their conduct1 and calling upon them to give effect to the enfranchisement-policy previously agreed to4 ,thus they would not only conform to his decision as their overlord1 but would best serve their own interests4 ,their city would gain strength by increasing the number of citizens1 and they would not have their territory disgracefully#efb lying waste 7 74 ,he went on to refer to the advantageous results of such incorporations elsewhere3 citing in particular the experience of ,rome1 whose growth and colonial expansion were the fruits of a franchise-policy so generous as to grant citizenship even to manumitted slaves4 ,he called upon the ,larisaeans to face the question without aristocratic prejudice 774 ,and the ,larisaeans again complied4 ,now here we have a glimpse of agricultural decline in one of the most fertile parts of ,greece4 ,the stress laid upon it by ,philip shews that to him it seemed a very serious matter4 ,he saw trouble coming1 and wished to keep his dependent allies strong4 ,that his difficulty lay in controlling the aristocratic families1 who still retained much of their former power1 is clear4 ,after his defeat in #aig the ,romans restored#efc the aristocratic governments in ,thessalian cities2 indeed all through the wars of this period in ,greece the popular parties inclined to ,macedon1 while the propertied classes favoured ,rome4 ,in ,thessaly the private estates of the nobles were cultivated by serfs4 ,how would an incorporation of more citizens tend to promote a fuller cultivation of the land8 ,i think we may take it for granted that the new citizens were not expected to till the soil in person4 ,that they were to have unemployed serfs assigned to them1 and so to enter the ranks of cultivating landlords1 is a bold assumption3 for we do not know that there were any unemployed serfs or that any distribution of land was contemplated4 ,i can only suggest that the effect of receiving citizenship would be to acquire the right of holding real estate4 ,then1 if we suppose that there were at the time landed estates left vacant by the war-casualties to which the king refers1 and that each of these carried with it a right to a certain supply of serf labour1 we do get some sort of answer to the question4 ,but so far as ,i know this is nothing but guesswork4 ,more owners interested in the profits of farming would tend1 if labour were available1 to employ more labour on the farms4 ,in short1 we have evidence of the decay of agriculture in a particular district and period1 but as to the exact causes of this decay1 and the exact nature of the means proposed for checking it1 we are sadly in the dark4 ,the garden or orchard had always been a favourite institution in ,greek life1 and the growth of cities did not make it less popular4 ,the land immediately beyond the city walls was often laid out in this manner4 ,when ,aratus in #bea ,,bc took ,sicyon and attached it to the ,achaean ,league1 the surprise was effected by way of a suburban#efd garden4 ,and we have no reason to suppose that holdings near a city lacked cultivators4 ,even in the horrible period of confusion and bloodshed at ,syracuse1 from the death of ,dionysius the elder to the victory of ,timoleon1 we hear#efe of ,syracusans living in the country1 and of the usual clamour for redistribution of lands4 ,in the endeavour to repopulate the city an invitation to settlers was issued1 with offer#eff of land-allotments1 and apparently the promise was kept4 ,these notices suggest that there was a demand for suburban holdings1 but tell us nothing as to the state of things in the districts further afield1 or as to the class of labour employed on the land4 ,in any case ,syracuse was a seaport1 and accustomed to get a good part of its supplies by sea4 ,very different was the situation in ,peloponnesus1 where the up-country towns had to depend chiefly on the produce of their own territories4 ,there land-hunger was ever present4 ,the estates of men driven out in civil broils were seized by the victorious party1 and restoration of exiles at once led to a fresh conflict over claims to restitution of estates4 ,one of the most difficult problems#efg with which ,aratus had to deal at ,sicyon was this2 and in the end he only solved it by the use of a large sum of money1 the gift of ,ptolemy ,philadelphus4 ,the restored exiles on this occasion are said to have been not less than #ehj in all4 ,they had been expelled by tyrants who had in recent years ruled the city1 and whose policy it had evidently been to drive out the men of property--sworn foes of tyrants--and to reward their own adherents out of confiscated lands4 ,to reverse this policy was the lifelong aim of ,aratus4 ,in the generation following1 the life of his successor ,philopoemen gives us a little light on agriculture from another point of view1 that of the soldier4 ,he was resolved to make the army of the ,achaean ,league an efficient force4 ,as a young man he concluded#efh that the ,greek athletic training was not consistent with military life1 in which the endurance of hardship and ability to subsist on any diet were primary necessities4 ,therefore he devoted his spare time to agriculture1 working#efi in person on his farm1 about #b miles from ,megalopolis1 sharing the labour and habits of the labourers 774 ,the use of the neutral word leaves a doubt as to whether freemen or slaves are meant3 taken in connexion with the passages cited from ,polybius1 it is perhaps more likely that the reference is to slaves4 ,but the chief interest of the story as preserved by ,plutarch lies in the discovery that1 compared with athletes1 husbandmen are better military material4 ,the conclusions of ,beloch#egj as to the population of ,peloponnesus in this period call for serious consideration4 ,his opinion is that the number capable of bearing arms declined somewhat since the middle of the fourth century1 though the wholesale emancipation of ,spartan ,helots must be reckoned as an addition4 ,but on the whole the free population was at the beginning of the second century about equal to the joint total of free and ,helot population at the end of the fifth century4 ,on the other hand1 the slave population had in the interval greatly increased4 ,he points to the importance of a slave corps#ega in the defence of ,megalopolis when besieged in #cah ,,bc3 to the ,roman and ,italian#egb slaves 7prisoners sold by ,hannibal7 in ,achaean territory1 found and released in #aid ,,bc1 some #abjj in number3 and to the levy#egc of manumitted home-born slaves in the last struggle of the ,league against ,rome4 ,i must say that this evidence1 taken by itself1 hardly seems enough to sustain the great historian's broad conclusion4 ,but many of the passages cited in preceding sections lend it support1 and ,i am therefore not disposed to challenge its general probability4 ,it may be added that increase in the number of slaves suggests an increase of large holdings cultivated by slave labour2 and that the breeding of home-born 77 slaves could be more easily practised by owners of a large staff than on a small scale4 ,moreover the loss of slaves levied for war purposes would fall chiefly on their wealthy owners4 ,the men of property were rightly or wrongly suspected of leaning to ,rome1 and were not likely to be spared by the demagogues who presided over the last frantic efforts of #8freedom' in ,greece4 ,the truth seems to be that circumstances were more and more unfavourable to the existence of free husbandmen on small farms1 the very class of whose solid merits statesmen and philosophers had shewn warm appreciation4 ,the division between the ,rich1 who wanted to keep what they had and get more1 and the ,poor1 who wanted to take the property of the ,rich1 was the one ever-significant fact4 ,and the establishment of ,roman supremacy settled the question for centuries to come4 ,roman capitalism1 hastening to exploit the world for its own ends1 had no mercy for the small independent worker in any department of life4 ,in ,greece under the sway of ,rome there is no doubt that free population declined1 and the state of agriculture went from bad to worse4 ,at this point1 when the ,greek world passes under the sway of ,rome1 it is necessary to pause and turn back to consider the fragmentary record of early ,italian agriculture4 ,this one great staple industry is represented as the economic foundation of ,roman political and military greatness4 ,no small part of the surviving ,latin literature glorifies the soundness of the ,roman farmer-folk and the exploits of farmer-heroes in the good old days1 and laments the rottenness that attended their decay4 ,how far this tradition is to be accepted as it stands1 or what reservations on its acceptance should be made1 and in particular the introduction or extension of slave-labour1 are the questions with which it will be our main business to deal4 ,,rome--,,early ,,period ,,xx4 ,,the ,,traditions ,,combined ,,and ,,discussed4 ,when we turn to ,roman agriculture1 and agricultural labour in particular1 we have to deal with evidence very different in character from that presented by the ,greek world4 ,this will be most clearly seen if we accept the very reasonable division of periods made by ,wallon in his ,history of ,slavery--the first down to #bja ,,bc1 the end of the second ,punic war1 the second to the age of the ,antonine emperors1 #bjj ,,bc to the death of ,marcus ,aurelius in #ahj ,,ad1 and the third that of the later ,empire4 ,for of the first we have no contemporary or nearly contemporary pictures surviving4 ,traditions preserved by later writers1 notes of antiquaries on words and customs long obscured by time and change1 are the staple material at hand4 ,even with the help of a few survivals in law1 inference from such material is unavoidably timid and incomplete4 ,in collecting what the later ,romans believed of their past we get vivid impressions of the opinions and prejudices that went to form the ,roman spirit4 ,but it does not follow that we can rely on these opinions as solid evidence of facts4 ,an instance may be found in the assertion#egd that a clause requiring the employment of a certain proportion of free labourers to slaves was included in the ,licinian laws of #cfg ,,bc4 ,this used to be taken as a fact1 and inferences were drawn from it1 but it is now with reason regarded as an #8anticipation1' transferring the fact of a later attempt of the kind to an age in which the slave-gangs were not as yet an evident economic and social danger4 ,in the second period1 that of ,roman greatness1 we have not only contemporary witness for much of the time in the form of references and allusions in literature1 but the works of the great writers on agriculture1 ,cato ,varro and ,columella1 not to mention the great compiler ,pliny1 fall within it1 and give us on the whole a picture exceptionally complete4 ,we know more of the farm-management and labour-conditions in this period than we do of most matters of antiquity4 ,the last period sees the development of a change the germs of which are no doubt to be detected in the preceding one4 ,the great strain on the ,empire1 owing to the internal decay and the growing pressure of financial necessities1 made the change inevitable2 economic freedom and proprietary slavery died down1 and we have before us the transition to predial serfdom1 the system of the unfree tenant bound to the soil4 ,the record of this change is chiefly preserved in the later ,roman ,law4 ,my first business is therefore to inquire what the tradition of early times amounts to1 and how far it may reasonably be taken as evidence of fact4 ,and it must be borne in mind that my subject is not the technical details of agriculture in general1 but the nature of the labour employed in agriculture4 ,in ages when voluntary peace between empires and peoples on bona fide equal terms was never a realized fact1 and as yet hardly a dream1 the stability of a state depended on the strength of its military forces1--their number1 efficiency1 and means of renewal4 ,mere numbers#ege were tried and failed4 ,the hire of professional soldiers of fortune#egf might furnish technical skill1 but it was politically dangerous4 ,their leaders had no personal sentiment in favour of the state employing them1 and their interest or ambition disposed them rather to support a tyrant1 or to become tyrants themselves1 than to act as loyal defenders of the freedom of the state4 ,mercenaries#egg hired in the mass1 barbarians1 were less skilled but not less dangerous4 ,that a well-trained army of citizens was the most trustworthy organ of state-protection1 was not disputed3 the combination of loyalty with skill made it a most efficient weapon4 ,the ratio of citizen enthusiasm to the confidence created by exact discipline varied greatly in the ,greek republics of the fifth century ,,bc4 ,but these two elements were normally present1 though in various proportions4 ,the common defect1 most serious in those states that played an active part1 was the smallness of scale that made it difficult to keep up the strength of citizen armies exposed to the wastage of war4 ,a single great disaster might and did turn a struggle for empire into a desperate fight for existence4 ,the constrained transition to employment of mercenary troops as the principal armed force of states was both a symptom and a further cause of decay in the ,greek republics4 ,for the sturdy soldiers of fortune were generally drawn from the rustic population of districts in which agriculture filled a more important place than political life4 ,there is little doubt that a decline of food-production in ,greece was the result3 and scarcity of food had long been a persistent difficulty underlying and explaining most of the doings of the ,greeks4 ,the rise of ,macedon and the conquests of ,alexander proved the military value of a national army of trained rustics1 and reasserted the superiority of such troops to the armed multitudes of the ,east4 ,but ,alexander's career did not leave the world at peace4 ,his empire broke up in a period of dynastic wars2 for to supply an imperial army strong enough to support a single control and guarantee internal peace was beyond the resources of ,macedonia4 ,if an army of considerable strength1 easily maintained and recruited1 loyal1 the servant of the state and not its master1 was necessary for defence and as an instrument of foreign politics1 there was room for a better solution of the problem than had been found in ,greece or the ,east4 ,it was found in ,italy on the following lines4 ,an increase of scale could only be attained by growth4 ,growth1 to be effective1 must not consist in mere conquest3 it must be true expansion1 in other words it must imply permanent occupation4 ,and permanent occupation implied settlement of the conquering people on the conquered lands4 ,a growing population of rustic citizens1 self-supporting1 bound by ties of sentiment and interest to the state of which they were citizens1 conscious of a duty to uphold the state to which they owed their homesteads and their security1 supplied automatically in response to growing needs the growing raw material of power4 ,nor was ,roman expansion confined to the assignation of land-allotments to individuals 7viritim74 ,old towns were remodelled1 and new ones founded1 under various conditions as settlements 7coloniae74 ,each settler in one of these towns received an allotment of land in the territory of the township1 and was officially speaking a tiller of the soil 7colonus74 ,the effect of these ,colonies was twofold4 ,their territories added to the sum of land in occupation of ,romans or ,roman ,allies3 so far the gain was chiefly material4 ,but they were all bound to ,rome and subjected to ,roman influences4 ,in their turn they influenced the conquered peoples among whom they were planted1 and promoted slowly and steadily the ,romanizing of ,italy4 ,being fortified1 they had a military value from the first1 as commanding roads and as bases of campaigns4 ,but their moral effect in accustoming ,italians to regard ,rome as the controlling centre of ,italy was perhaps of even greater importance4 ,we must not ignore or underrate the advantages of ,rome's position from a commercial point of view4 ,little though we hear of this in tradition1 it can hardly be doubted that it gave ,rome a marked superiority in resources to her less happily situated neighbours1 and enabled her to take the first great step forward by becoming dominant in central ,italy4 ,but the consolidation and completion of her conquest of the peninsula was carried out by means of an extended ,roman agriculture4 ,it was this that gave to ,roman expansion the solid character that distinguished republican ,rome from other conquering powers4 ,what she took1 that she could keep4 ,when the traditional story of early ,rome depicts the ,roman commons as hungry for land1 and annexation of territory as the normal result of conquest1 it is undoubtedly worthy of belief4 ,when it shews us the devastation of their enemies' lands as a chief part--sometimes the whole--of the work of a campaign1 it is in full agreement with the traditions of all ancient warfare4 ,when we read#egh that the ruin of farms by raids of the enemy brought suffering farmers into debt1 and that the cruel operation of debt-laws led to serious internal troubles in the ,roman state1 the story is credible enough4 ,the superior organization of ,rome enabled her to overcome these troubles1 not only by compromises and concessions at home1 but still more by establishing her poorer citizens on farms at the cost of her neighbours4 ,as the area under her control was extended1 the military force automatically grew1 and she surpassed her rivals in the cohesion and vitality of her power4 ,at need1 her armies rose from the soil4 ,so did those of other ,italian peoples4 ,but in dealing with them she enjoyed the advantage of unity as compared with the far less effective cooperation of ,samnite cantons or ,etruscan cities4 ,even the capture of ,rome by the ,gauls could not destroy her system1 and she was able to strengthen her moral position by proving herself the one competent defender of ,italy against invasion from the ,north4 ,when the time came for the struggle with ,carthage1 she had to face a different test4 ,but no blundering on the part of her generals1 no strategy of ,hannibal1 could avail to nullify the solid superiority of her military strength4 ,and this strength was in the last resort derived from the numbers and loyalty of the farm-population3 it was in fact the product of the plough rather than the sword4 ,the agricultural conditions of early ,rome#egi are a subject1 and have been the subject1 of special treatises4 ,only a few points can be noticed here4 ,that a communal system of some kind once existed1 whether in the form of the associations known to inquirers as ,village ,communities or on a gentile basis as ,clan-estates1 is a probable hypothesis4 ,but the evidence for it is slight1 and1 however just the general inferences may be1 they can hardly be said to help us much in considering the labour-question4 ,it may well be true that lands#ehj were held by clans1 that they were cultivated in common1 that the produce was divided among the households1 that parcels of the land were granted to the dependants 7clientes7 of the clan as tenants at will 7precario7 on condition of paying a share of their crops4 ,or it may be that the normal unit was a village in which the members were several freeholders of small plots1 with common rights over the undivided common-land1 the waste left free for grazing and miscellaneous uses4 ,and it is possible that at some stage or other of social development both these systems may have existed side by side4 ,in later times we find ,rome the mistress of a vast territory in ,italy1 a large part of which was reserved as state-domain 7ager publicus populi ,romani71 the mismanagement of which was a source of grave evils4 ,but in ,rome's early days there cannot have been any great amount of such domain-land4 ,that there was land-hunger1 a demand for several allotments in full ownership1 on which a family might live1 is not to be doubted4 ,and the formation of communities1 each with its village centre and its common pasture1 was a very natural means to promote mutual help and protection4 ,that men so situated worked with their own hands1 and that the labour was mainly 7and often wholly7 that of the father and his family1 is as nearly certain as such a proposition can be4 ,but this does not imply or suggest that no slave-labour was employed on the farms4 ,it merely means that farms were not worked on a system in which all manual labour was performed by slaves4 ,we have to inquire what is the traditional picture of agricultural conditions in the early days of ,rome1 and how far that picture is worthy of our belief4 ,now it so happens that1 three striking figures stand out in the traditional picture of the ,roman farmer-soldiers of the early ,republic4 ,others fill in certain details1 but the names of ,lucius ,quinctius ,cincinnatus1 ,manius ,curius ,dentatus1 and ,gaius ,fabricius ,luscinus1 were especially notable in ,roman legend as representing the strenuous patriotic and frugal lives of the heroes of old4 ,the story of ,cincinnatus#eha is told by ,cicero ,livy ,dionysius and ,pliny the elder1 and often referred to by other writers4 ,the hero is a ,patrician of the old simple frugal patriotic masterful type1 the admiration and imitation of which these edifying legends seek to encourage4 ,he had owned seven iugera of land1 but had been driven to pledge or sell three of these#ehb in order to provide bail for his son1 who had been brought to trial for disturbance of the public peace and had sought safety in flight4 ,the forfeit imposed on the father left him with only four iugera4 ,this little farm1 on the further side of the ,tiber1 he was cultivating1 when deputies from the ,senate came to announce that he had been named ,dictator to deal with a great emergency4 ,they found him digging or ploughing1 covered with dust and sweat3 and he would not receive them till he had washed and gowned himself4 ,then he heard their message1 took up the duties of the supreme office1 and of course saved the state4 ,it is to be noted that he chose as his ,master of the ,horse 7the ,dictator's understudy7 a man of the same#ehc sort1 ,patrician by birth1 poor1 but a stout warrior4 ,we may fairly suspect that a definite moral purpose has been at work1 modelling and colouring this pretty story4 ,in a later age1 when the power of moneyed interests was overriding the prestige of ,patrician blood1 the reaction of an #8old-,roman' party was long a vigorous force in ,roman life1 as we see from the career of the elder ,cato4 ,cato was a ,plebeian1 but any ,plebeian who admired the simple ways of early ,rome was bound to recognize that ,patricians were the nobility of the olden time4 ,now the fact of ,cincinnatus working with his own hands is the one material point in the story4 ,we need not doubt that there were many such men1 and that a name 7perhaps correct7 was necessary in order to keep the story current and to impress later generations with the virtues of their ancestors4 ,but1 if the man had under him a slave or slaves1 the fact would be quite unimportant for the purpose of the legend4 ,therefore it is no wonder that the versions of the story in general say nothing of slaves4 ,it is more remarkable that in the version of ,dionysius we read that ,cincinnatus1 after selling off most of his property to meet the liabilities incurred through his son1 #8kept for himself one small farm beyond the ,tiber1 on which there was a mean cabin3 there he was living a life of toil and hardship1 tilling the soil with a few slaves4' ,that ,dionysius was a rhetorician with an eye for picturesque detail1 and liable to overdraw a picture1 is certain3 but it is not evident how the mention of the slaves is to be accounted for by this tendency4 ,the impression of the hero's poverty and personal labour is rather weakened by mention of slaves4 ,the writer derived his story from ,roman sources4 ,now1 did the original version include the slaves or not8 ,did ,livy and the rest leave them out1 or did ,dionysius put them in8 ,were they omitted as useless or embarrassing for the uses of edifying1 or were they casually inserted owing to the prepossessions of a ,greek familiar only with a developed slave-system1 to whom #8with a few slaves' would fitly connote poverty8 ,to answer these questions with confidence is perhaps unwise4 ,but to me it seems far more likely that ,roman writers left the detail out than that a ,greek student put it in4 ,if the tradition of the early wars is of any value at all1 it may give a general support to this opinion through the frequent references to the existence of rustic slavery4 ,the devastation of an enemy's country is the normal occupation of hostile armies4 ,the capture of slaves#ehd1 as of flocks and herds and beasts of burden1 is a common item in the tale of booty from the farms4 ,that writers of a later age may have exaggerated the slave-element in the farm-labour of early times is highly probable4 ,the picturesque was an object1 and it was natural to attempt it with the use of touches suggested by daily circumstances of the world in which they were living4 ,but that they so completely misrepresented the conditions of a past age as to foist into the picture so important a figure as the slave1 without authority or probability1 is hardly to be believed1 unless there is good reason for thinking that slavery was unknown in the age and country of which they speak4 ,and the contrary is the case4 ,the dawn of ,roman history shews us a people already advanced in civilization to the stage of family and clan organization1 and the tradition allows for the presence of the slave in the familia from the first4 ,true1 he does not appear as the despised human chattel of later times1 but as a man whom misfortune has placed in bondage4 ,his master is aware that fortune may turn1 and that his bondman is quite capable of resuming his former position if restored in freedom to his native home4 ,the slave seems to be normally an ,italian#ehe1 a captive in some war2 he may have passed by sale from one owner to another4 ,but he is not a mere foreign animal1 good bad or indifferent1 a doubtful purchase from a roguish dealer4 ,he bears a name#ehf that connects him with his master1 ,publipor ,lucipor ,marcipor ,olipor and so on1 formed by adding the suffix por to the forename of ,publius ,lucius ,marcus or ,aulus4 ,but1 granting that all households might include a slave or two1 and that many so did1 also that agriculture was a common and honourable pursuit1--is it likely that a farming owner would himself plough or dig and leave his slave#ehg to look on8 ,i conclude therefore that the age was one in which agriculture prevailed and that the ordinary farmer worked himself and employed slave-labour side by side with his own so far as his means allowed4 ,all was on a small scale4 ,passages of ,livy or ,dionysius that imply the presence of great slave-gangs1 and desertions on a large scale in time of war are falsely coloured by #8anticipation' of phenomena well known from the experience of more recent times4 ,but1 on however small a scale1 slavery was there4 ,until there came an impulse of an #8industrial' kind1 prompting men to engage in wholesale production for a large market1 the slave remained essentially a domestic1 bearing a considerable share of the family labours1 whatever the nature of those labours might be4 ,as there is no difficulty in believing that ,cincinnatus and others of his type in the fifth century ,,bc worked with slaves beside them1 so it is evident that ,curius and ,fabricius in the first half of the third century are meant to illustrate the same frugal life and solid patriotism4 ,in both cases the story lays particular stress on the hero's incorruptibility and cheerful endurance of poverty4 ,a well-known scene#ehh represents ,curius at his rustic villa eating a dinner of herbs and refusing a gift of gold from ,samnite ambassadors4 ,he is an honest farmer-citizen of the good old sort4 ,fabricius is another1 famed especially for his calm defiance of the threats and cajolery of ,pyrrhus1 and impervious to bribes4 ,both these traditions received much legendary colouring in course of time4 ,the passage bearing most directly on my present inquiry is a fragment#ehi of ,dionysius1 in which ,fabricius is spurning the offers of king ,pyrrhus1 who is very anxious to secure the good man's services as his chief minister on liberal terms4 ,he says #8nor need ,i tell you of my poverty1 that ,i have but a very small plot of land with a mean cottage1 and that ,i get my living neither from money at interest 7 7 nor from slaves 7' 74' ,below he declares that living under ,roman conditions he holds himself a happy man1 #8for with industry and thrift ,i find my poor little farm sufficient to provide me with necessaries4' ,and his constitution 77 does not constrain him to hanker after unnecessary things4 ,here we have a good specimen of the moral stories with which the later rhetoricians edified their readers4 ,but what does #8from slaves' mean8 ,is ,fabricius denying that he employs slave-labour on his farm8 ,if so1 ,i confess that ,i do not believe the denial as being his own genuine utterance4 ,i take it to be put into his mouth by ,dionysius1 writing under the influence of the agricultural conditions of a much later time1 when great slaveowners drew large incomes from the exploitation of slave-labour on great estates4 ,but ,i am not sure that ,dionysius means him to be saying more than #8,i am not a big capitalist farming on a large scale by slave-gangs4' ,how far this writer really understood the state of things in the third century ,,bc1 is hard to say4 ,in any case he is repeating what he has picked up from earlier writers and not letting it suffer in the repetition4 ,taken by himself1 he is no more a sufficient witness to the practice of ,fabricius than to that of ,cincinnatus4 ,that there was slavery is certain3 that ,fabricius had scruples against employing slaves is hardly credible4 ,in the ages during which ,rome gradually won her way to the headship of ,italy the ,roman citizen was normally both farmer and soldier3 the soldier generally a man called up from his farm for a campaign1 the farmer of military age always potentially a soldier4 ,this state of things was evidently not peculiar to ,rome4 ,what makes it striking in the case of ,rome is the well-considered system by which the military machine was kept in working order4 ,the development of fortress colonies and extension of roads gave to ,roman farmers in the border-lands more security than any neighbouring power could give to its own citizens on its own side of the border4 ,mobilization was more prompt and effective on the ,roman side under a central control3 the fortresses served as a hindrance to hostile invaders1 as refuges to the rustics at need1 and as bases for ,roman armies4 ,it is no great stretch of imagination to see in this organization a reason for the prosperity of ,roman agriculture4 ,farms were no doubt laid waste on both sides of the border1 but the balance of the account was in the long run favourable to ,rome4 ,among the numerous legends that gathered round the name of king ,pyrrhus is a story#eij that in reply to some discontent on the part of his ,italian allies1 to whom his strategy seemed over-cautious1 he said #8the mere look of the country shews me the great difference between you and the ,romans4 ,in the parts subject to them are all manner of fruit-trees and vineyards3 the land is cultivated and the farm-establishments are costly3 but the estates of my friends are so laid waste that all signs of human occupation have disappeared4' ,the saying may be not authentic or merely overdrawn in rhetorical transmission4 ,but it probably contains the outlines of a true picture of the facts4 ,it was the power of giving to her farmer-settlers a more effective protection than her rivals could give to their own farmers that enabled ,rome to advance steadily and continuously4 ,the organization was simple enough3 the sword was ready to guard the plough1 and the plough to occupy and hold the conquests of the sword4 ,from the time of the first ,punic war we have a remarkable story relating to ,m ,atilius ,regulus1 the man around whose name so much patriotic legend gathered4 ,he appears as one of the good old farmer-heroes4 ,his farm#eia of seven iugera lay in an unhealthy part of the country1 and the soil was poor4 ,his advice to agriculturists1 not to buy good land in an unhealthy district nor bad land in a healthy one1 was handed down as the opinion of a qualified judge4 ,we are told#eib that after his victory in ,africa he desired to be relieved and return home2 but the ,senate did not send out another commander1 and so he had to stay on4 ,he wrote and complained of his detention4 ,among other reasons he urged in particular his domestic anxiety4 ,in the epitome of ,livy ,,xviii this appears as #8that his little farm had been abandoned by the hired men4' ,in ,valerius ,maximus#eic we find a fuller account1 thus #8that the steward in charge of his little farm 7seven iugera in the ,pupinia7 had died1 and the hired man 7mercennarium7 had taken the opportunity to decamp1 taking with him the farm-stock3 therefore he asked them to relieve him of his command1 for he feared his wife and children would have nothing to live on now the farm was abandoned4' ,on hearing this1 the ,senate ordered that provision should at once be made at the cost of the state 7a7 for cultivation of his farm#eid by contract 7b7 for maintenance of his wife and children 7c7 for making good the losses he had suffered4 ,the reference of ,pliny#eie rather confirms the details of ,valerius1 who by himself is not a very satisfactory witness4 ,livy is probably the source of all these versions4 ,they are part of the ,roman tradition of the first ,punic war4 ,polybius1 whose narrative is from another line of tradition1 says not a word of this story4 ,indeed1 he declares#eif that ,regulus1 so far from wishing to be relieved1 wanted to stay on1 fearing that he might hand over the credit of a final victory to a successor4 ,the two traditions cannot be reconciled as they stand4 ,probably neither is complete4 ,if we suppose the account of ,polybius to be true1 it does not follow as a matter of course that the other story is a baseless fiction4 ,in any case1 the relation of ,regulus to the agriculture of his day1 as represented by the story1 seemed credible to ,romans of a later age1 and deserves serious consideration4 ,we are told that in the middle of the third century ,,bc a man of such position and recognized merit that he was specially chosen to fill the place of a deceased consul in the course of a great war was a farmer on an estate of seven iugera1 from which he was supporting his wife and family4 ,in his absence on public duty he had left the farm in charge of a vilicus4 ,the only reference to the labour employed there speaks of hired men 7wage-earners1 mercennarii74 ,it does not say that there were no slaves4 ,but the natural inference is that the vilicus had the control of a staff consisting wholly or largely of free labourers4 ,now that a slave vilicus might in the ordinary run of business be left in control of labourers1 slave or free1 seems clear from directions given by ,cato#eig in the next century4 ,the vilicus in this story was therefore probably a slave1 as they were generally if not always4 ,his death left the hired men uncontrolled1 and they took the opportunity of robbing their employer4 ,roused by the absent consul's complaints 7whether accompanied by a request for relief or not71 the ,senate took up the matter and arranged to secure him against loss4 ,we do not hear of the punishment of the dishonest hirelings1 or even of a search for them4 ,this may be merely an omitted detail3 at any rate they had probably left the neighbourhood4 ,the curious thing is that we hear nothing of the wife of ,regulus3 that a ,roman matron submitted tamely to such treatment is hard to believe4 ,was it she who made the complaints and set the ,senate in motion8 ,the general outcome of the story is a conclusion that hired labour was freely employed in this age1 not to exclusion of slave labour1 but combined with it3 that is1 that the wage-earning work of landless men1 such as appears in the earlier traditions1 still went on4 ,it was not yet overlaid by the plantation-system1 and degraded by the associations of the slave-gang and the ergastulum4 ,when we pass on to the second ,punic war1 of which we have a fuller and less legendary record1 we find the circumstances somewhat changed1 but the importance of the ,roman farmer's grip of the land is recognized as clearly as before4 ,it is not unlikely that since the time of the ,pyrrhic war the practise of large-scale farming with slave-labour had begun to appear#eih in ,italy1 but it can hardly as yet have been widespread4 ,large or small1 the farms in a large part of the country had suffered from the ravages of ,hannibal1 and it would be the land of ,romans and their faithful allies that suffered most4 ,many rustics had to seek shelter in walled towns1 above all in ,rome1 and their presence was no doubt in many ways embarrassing4 ,naturally1 as the failure of ,hannibal became manifest1 the ,roman ,senate was desirous of restoring these refugees to the land and relieving the pressure on the city4 ,livy1 drawing no doubt from an earlier annalist1 tells us#eii that in #bjf ,,bc the ,senate instructed the consuls1 before they left for the seat of war1 to undertake the bringing back of the common folk 7plebis7 on to the land4 ,they pointed out that this was desirable1 and possible under the better conditions now prevailing4 #8,but it was for the people 7populo7 not at all an easy matter2 for the free farmers 7cultoribus7 had perished in the war1 there was a shortage of slaves 7inopia servitiorum71 the live stock had been carried off1 and the farmsteads 7villis7 wrecked or burnt4 ,yet under pressure from the consuls a good many did go back to the land4' ,he adds that what had raised the question at this particular juncture was the appeal of a deputation from ,placentia and ,cremona4 ,these two ,latin colonies1 founded twelve years before as fortresses to hold the region of the ,po1 had suffered from ,gaulish raids and had no longer a sufficient population1 many settlers having gone off elsewhere4 ,the ,roman commander in the district was charged to provide for their protection1 and the truant colonists ordered to return to their posts4 ,it was evidently thought that with full numbers and military support there would be an end to the derelict condition of their territories1 and that the two colonies would soon revive4 ,this attempt to reestablish the rustic population lays stress upon the general identity of farmer and soldier and the disturbance of agriculture by the ravages of war4 ,but most notable is the mention of the shortage of slave-labour as a hindrance to resumption of work on derelict farms4 ,it has been held#fjj that this clause refers only to large estates worked by slave-gangs1 while the free farmers stand for the men on small holdings1 who presumably employed no slaves4 ,now it is quite conceivable that this contrast may have been in ,livy's mind as he wrote in the days of ,augustus4 ,that it was the meaning of the older author from whom he took the facts is not an equally probable inference4 ,no doubt lack of slaves would hinder or prevent the renewal of tillage on a big estate4 ,but what of a small farm whose owner had fallen in the war8 ,the absence of the father in the army would be a most serious blow to the efficient working of the farm4 ,if the raids of the enemy drove his family to take refuge in ,rome1 and the farm was let down to weeds1 more labour than ever would be needed to renew cultivation4 ,when there was no longer any hope of his return1 the supply of sufficient labour was the only chance of reviving the farm4 ,surely there must have been many cases in which the help of one or two slaves was the obvious means of supplying it4 ,therefore1 if we recognize that slave-labour had long been a common institution in ,roman households1 we shall not venture to assert that only large estates are referred to4 ,that such estates1 worked by slave-gangs1 were numerous in #bjf ,,bc1 is not likely3 that small farmers often 7not always7 eked out their own labour with the help of a slave1 is far more so4 ,the actual shortage of slaves#fja had been partly brought about by the employment of many in military service4 ,some had no doubt simply run away4 ,and the period of great foreign conquests and a full slave-market had yet to come4 ,i do not venture to dispute that the accumulation of capital in the form of ready money available for speculation in state leases1 farming of revenues1 and other contracts1 had already begun at ,rome in the age of the great ,punic wars4 ,in the second war1 contracts for the supply of necessaries to the armed forces played a considerable part1 and we hear of contractors#fjb who practised shameless frauds on the state4 ,greed was a plant that throve in the soil of ,roman life3 the scandals of the later ,republic were merely the sinister developments of an old tendency favoured by opportunities4 ,land-grabbing in particular was1 if consistent tradition may be believed1 from early times a passion of ,roman nobles3 and the effect of a law#fjc forbidding them to become ship-owners and engage in commerce was to concentrate their enterprise on the acquisition of great landed estates4 ,another notable fact is the large voluntary loans#fjd which the government was able to raise in the critical period of the great war4 ,in the year #baj1 when the financial strain was extreme1 a very large contribution of the kind took place4 ,in #bjd the ,senate arranged a scheme#fje for repayment in three instalments4 ,in #bjj the lenders1 apparently alarmed by the delay in paying the second instalment1 became clamorous4 ,the ,punic war was at an end1 and war with ,philip of ,macedon just declared3 they wanted to get their money back4 ,we are told#fjf that the state was not able to find the cash1 and that the cry of many creditors was #8there are plenty of farms for sale1 and we want to buy4' ,the ,senate devised a middle way of satisfying them4 ,they were to be offered the chance of acquiring the state domain-land within fifty miles of ,rome at a valuation fixed by the consuls4 ,this seems to mean1 up to the amount of the instalment then in question4 ,but they were not thereby to receive the land in full private#fjg property4 ,a quit-rent of one as was to be set on each iugerum1 in evidence that the property still belonged to the state4 ,thus1 when the state finances should admit1 they might get back their ready money if they preferred it and give back the land to the state4 ,the offer was gladly accepted1 and the land taken over on these terms was called #8third-part land' 7trientabulum7 as representing of the money lent4 ,the final instalment appears to have been paid in cash#fjh in the year #aif4 ,that these patriotic creditors were men with a keen eye for a bargain1 and that they made a good one in the above arrangement1 is pretty clear4 ,this is the only occasion on which we hear of the trientabula plan of settling a money claim by what was in effect a perpetual lease at a nominal rent terminable by reconversion into a money claim at the pleasure of the lessee4 ,no doubt the valuation was so made as to give the creditor a good margin of security over and above the sum secured4 ,there was therefore no temptation to call for the cash and surrender the land4 ,from the reference#fji to trientabula in the agrarian law of #aaa ,,bc it would seem that some at least of these beneficial tenancies were still in existence after the lapse of nearly #ij years4 ,they would pass by inheritance or sale as the ordinary possessiones of state domains did1 and eventually become merged in the private properties that were the final result of the land-legislation of the revolutionary age4 ,for the capitalists1 already powerful in #bjj ,,bc1 became more and more powerful as time went on4 ,and this use of public land to discharge public debts was undoubtedly a step tending to promote the formation of the great estates 7latifundia7 which were the ruin of the wholesome old land-system in a great part of ,italy4 ,with this tendency the wholesale employment of slave-labour went hand in hand4 ,but we must not forget that the creditors in #bjj ,,bc are made to press for their money on the ground that they wanted to invest it in land1 of which there was plenty then in the market4 ,this may be a detail added by ,livy himself3 but surely it is more likely that he is repeating what he found in his authorities4 ,in any case the land referred to can hardly be other than the derelict farms belonging to those who had suffered by the war4 ,in earlier times we have traditions of men losing their lands through inability to pay the debts for which they stood pledged4 ,in a somewhat later time we hear#faj of small farmers being bought out cheaply by neighbouring big landlords1 and bullied if they made difficulty about leaving their farms4 ,the present case is different1 arising directly out of the war4 ,the father of a family might be dead1 or disinclined to go back to monotonous toil after the excitements of military life1 or unable to find the extra labour for reclaiming a wasted and weed-grown farm1 or means of restocking it4 ,he or his heir would probably not have capital to tide him over the interval before the farm was again fully productive3 his immediate need was probably ready money4 ,no wonder that farms were in the market1 and at prices that made a land-grabber's mouth water4 ,the great war certainly marked a stage in the decay of the small-farm agriculture1 the healthy condition of which had hitherto been the soundest element of ,roman strength4 ,before we leave the traditions of the early period it is necessary to refer to the question of free wage-earning labour4 ,have we any reason to think that under the conditions of early ,rome there was any considerable class of rustic#faa wage-earners8 ,nearly all the passages that suggest an affirmative answer are found in the work of ,dionysius1 who repeatedly uses#fab the ,greek word of this class of labour4 ,it is represented as being practically servile1 for it meant working with slaves or at least doing the work which according to the writer#fac was 7even in the regal period7 done by slaves4 ,the poor ,plebeians appear as loathing such service3 their desire is for plots of land on which each man can work freely for himself4 ,this desire their protectors1 kings or tribunes1 endeavour to gratify by allotments as occasion serves4 ,now that there was land-hunger from the earliest times1 and that agriculture was in itself an honourable trade1 we have no good reason for doubting4 ,but that the dislike of wage-earning labour as such was the main motive of land-hunger is a more doubtful proposition4 ,it may be true1 but it sounds very like an explanation supplied by a learned but rhetorical historian4 ,we know that ,dionysius regarded ,rome as a city of ,greek origin4 ,the legends of early ,attica were doubtless familiar to him4 ,we may grant that there was probably some likeness between the labour-conditions of early ,rome and early ,athens4 ,but historians are ever tempted to detect analogies in haste and remodel tradition at leisure4 ,i suspect that the two features of the same picture1 the prevalence of rustic slavery and also of rustic wage-earning1 are taken from different lines of tradition1 and both overdrawn4 ,in connexion with this question it is necessary to turn back to a remarkable passage#fad of ,livy referring to the year #cfb ,,bc4 ,the famous ,l ,manlius the martinet 7imperiosus7 was threatened with a public prosecution by a tribune for misuse of his powers as dictator in the year just past4 ,to create prejudice against the accused1 the prosecutor further alleged that he had treated his son ,titus with cruel severity4 ,the young man was slow of wit and speech1 but no wrongdoing had been brought home to him4 ,yet his father had turned him out of his city home1 had cut him off from public life and the company of other youths1 and put him to servile work1 shutting him up in what was almost a slaves' prison 7ergastulum74 ,the daily affliction of such a life was calculated to teach the dictator's son that he had indeed a martinet for his father4 ,to keep his son among the flocks in the rustic condition and habit of a country boor was to intensify any natural defects of his own offspring1 conduct too heartless for even the brute beasts4 ,but the young ,manlius upset all calculations4 ,on hearing what was in contemplation he started for ,rome with a knife1 made his way into the tribune's presence in the morning and made him solemnly swear to drop the prosecution by a threat of killing him then and there if he did not take the oath4 ,the tribune swore1 and the trial fell through4 ,the ,roman commons were vexed to lose the chance of using their votes to punish the father for his arbitrary and unfeeling conduct1 but they approved the dutiful act of the son1 and took the first opportunity of electing him a military officer4 ,this young man was afterwards the renowned ,t ,manlius ,torquatus1 who followed his father's example of severity by putting to death his own son for a breach of military discipline4 ,the story is a fine specimen of the edifying legends kept in circulation by the ,romans of later days4 ,that the greatness of ,rome was above all things due to their grim old fathers who endured hardness and sacrificed all tender affections to public duty1 was the general moral of these popular tales4 ,exaggeration grew with repetition1 and details became less and less authentic4 ,in particular the circumstances of their own time were foisted in by narrators whose imagination did not suffice to grasp the difference of conditions in the past4 ,in the above story we have a reference to ergastula1 the barracoons in which the slave-gangs on great estates were confined when not actually at work4 ,now the system of which these private prisons were a marked feature certainly belongs to a later period1 when agriculture on a large scale was widely practised1 not to make a living for a man and his family1 but to make a great income for a single individual by the labour of many4 ,here then we have a detail clearly not authentic1 which throws doubt on the whole setting of the story4 ,again1 we have agricultural labour put before us as degrading 7opus servile74 ,it is a punishment1 banishing a young ,roman from his proper surrounding in the life of ,rome1 and dooming him to grow up a mere clodhopper4 ,there may have been some points in the original story of which this is an exaggerated version3 for it is evident that from quite early days of the ,republic men of the ruling class found it necessary to spend much time in or quite close to the city4 ,but the representation of agriculture as a servile occupation is grossly inconsistent with the other legends glorifying the farmer-heroes of yore4 ,it is of course quite impossible to prove that no isolated cases of a young ,roman's banishment to farm life ever occurred4 ,but that such a proceeding was so far ordinary as fairly to be reckoned typical1 is in the highest degree improbable4 ,that later writers should invent or accept such colouring for their picture1 is no wonder4 ,in the ,attic ,new ,comedy1 with which ,roman society was familiarized#fae in the second century ,,bc1 this situation was found4 ,the later conditions of ,roman life1 in city and country1 tended to make the view of agriculture as a servile trade1 capable of being rendered penal1 more and more intelligible to ,romans4 ,accordingly we find this view cynically accepted#faf by ,sallust1 and warmly protested against#fag by ,cicero4 ,in order to weaken the case of his client ,sextus ,roscius1 it was urged that the young man's father distrusted him and sent him to live the life of a boor on his farm in ,umbria4 ,cicero1 evidently anxious as to the possible effect of this construction of facts on the coming verdict1 was at great pains to counter it by maintaining that the father's decision was in truth a compliment3 in looking for an honest and capable manager of his rustic estate he had found the right man in this son4 ,the orator surely did not enlarge on this point for nothing4 ,and it is to be noted that in insisting on the respectability of a farmer's life he sees fit to refer to the farmer-consuls of the olden time4 ,he feels1 no doubt1 that unsupported assertions#fah as to the employment of sons in agriculture by his contemporaries were not likely to carry much weight with the jury4 ,after the above considerations ,i come to the conclusion that ,livy's representation of agriculture as a servile occupation in the case of ,manlius is a coloured utterance of no historical value4 ,a minute consistency is not to be looked for in the writings of an author to whom picturesqueness of detail appeals differently at different moments4 ,for ,livy was in truth deeply conscious of the sad changes in ,italian country life brought about by the transition to large-scale agriculture4 ,under the year #che he is driven to moralize#fai on the constant renewal of ,volscian and ,aequian wars4 ,how ever did these two small peoples find armies for the long-continued struggle8 ,he suggests possible answers to the question1 the most significant of which is that in those days there was a dense free population in those districts1--districts which in his own time1 he says1 would be deserted but for the presence of ,roman slaves4 ,to describe vividly the decay of free population1 he adds that only a poor little nursery of soldiers is left 7vix seminario exiguo militum relicto7 in those parts4 ,the momentous results of the change of system are not more clearly grasped by ,lucan or ,pliny himself4 ,livy then is not to be cited as a witness to the existence of great numbers of rustic slaves in ,italy before the second ,punic war1 nor even then for the highly-organized gang-system by which an industrial character was given to agriculture4 ,one more story1 and a strange one1 needs to be considered1 for it bears directly on the labour-question4 ,the time in which it is placed is the latter part of the period of the ,roman conquest of ,italy4 ,in a fragment#fbj of one of his later books ,dionysius tells us of the arbitrary doings of a consul ,postumius1 a ,patrician of high rank who had already been twice consul4 ,after much bullying he made his colleague1 a ,plebeian of recent nobility1 resign to him the command in the ,samnite war4 ,this was an unpopular act1 but he went on to worse4 ,from his army he drafted some #bjjj men on to his own estate1 and set them to cut away brushwood without providing cutting tools 7 74 ,and he kept them there a long time doing the work of wage-earners or slaves 7 74 ,into the tale of his further acts of arbitrary insolence we need not enter here1 nor into the public prosecution and condemnation to a heavy fine that awaited him at the end of his term of office4 ,suffice it that the story is in general confirmed#fba by ,livy1 and that the hero of it seems to have been remembered in ,roman tradition as a classic instance of self-willed audacity and disregard of the conventions that were the soul of ,roman public life4 ,so far as the labour is concerned1 it seems to me that what was objected to in the consul's conduct was the use of his military supreme power 7imperium7 for his own private profit4 ,he treated a fatigue-party as a farm labour-gang4 ,freemen might work on their own land side by side with their slaves3 they might work for wages on another man's land side by side with his slaves4 ,any objection they might feel would be due to the unwelcome pressure of economic necessity4 ,but to be called out for military service 7and in most cases from their own farms71 and then set to farm-labour on another man's land under military discipline1 was too much4 ,we must bear in mind that a ,roman army of the early ,republic was not composed of pauper adventurers who preferred a life of danger with hopes of loot and licence to hard monotonous toil4 ,the very poor were not called out1 and the ranks were filled with citizens who had at least some property to lose4 ,therefore it might easily happen that a soldier set to rough manual labour by ,postumius had to do for him the service that was being done at home for himself by a wage-earner or a slave4 ,he was a soldier because he was a free citizen2 he was being employed in place of a slave because he was a soldier under martial law4 ,in no free republic could such a wrong be tolerated4 ,the words of the epitome of ,livy state the case with sufficient precision4 ,l ,postumius consularis1 quoniam cum exercitui praeesset opera militum in agro suo usus erat1 damnatus est4 ,it is remarkable that1 among the other epitomators and collectors of anecdotes who drew from the store of ,livy1 not one1 not even ,valerius ,maximus1 records this story4 ,to ,livy it must have seemed important1 or he would not have laid enough stress on it to attract the attention of the writer of the epitome4 ,so too the detailed version of ,dionysius1 probably drawn from the same authority as that of ,livy1 struck the fancy of a maker of extracts and caused his text to be preserved to us4 ,it surely descends1 like many other of the old stories1 in a line of ,plebeian tradition1 and is recorded as an illustration of the survival of ,patrician insolence in a headstrong consul after the two ,orders had been politically equalized by the ,licinian laws4 ,beside these fragments of evidence there are in the later ,roman literature many passages in which writers directly assert that their forefathers lived a life of simple frugality and worked with their own hands on their own little farms4 ,but as evidence the value of such passages is not very great4 ,they testify to a tradition3 but in most cases the tradition is being used for the purposes of moralizing rhetoric4 ,now the glorification of #8good old times' has in all ages tempted authors to aim rather at striking contrast between past and present than at verification of their pictures of the past4 ,to impute this defect to satirists is a mere commonplace4 ,but those who are not professed satirists are often exposed to the same influence in a less degree4 ,the most striking phenomenon in this kind is the chorus of poets in the ,augustan age4 ,the ,emperor1 aware that the character of ,reformer is never a very popular one1 preferred to pose as ,restorer4 ,the hint was given1 and the literary world acted on it4 ,henceforth the praises of the noble and efficient simplicity of the ancients formed a staple material of ,roman literature4 ,,xxi4 ,,abstract ,,of ,,conclusions4 ,in reference to the early period down to #bja ,,bc ,i think we are justified in coming to the following conclusions4 #a4 ,the evidence1 consisting of fragmentary tradition somewhat distorted and in some points exaggerated by the influence of moral purpose on later writers1 is on the whole consistent and credible4 #b4 ,from it we get a picture of agriculture as an honourable trade1 the chief occupation of free citizens1 who are in general accustomed to work with their own hands4 #c4 ,the ,roman citizen as a rule has an allotment of land as his own1 and an early classification of citizens 7the #8,servian ,constitution'7 was originally based on landholding1 carrying with it the obligation to military service4 #d4 ,the ,roman family had a place for the slave1 and the slave1 a domestic helper1 normally an ,italian1 was not as yet the despised alien chattel of whom we read in a later age4 #e4 ,as a domestic he bore a part in all the labours of the family1 and therefore as a matter of course in the commonest of all1 agriculture4 #f4 ,in this there was nothing degrading4 ,suggestions to that effect are the echoes of later conditions4 #g4 ,under such relations of master and slave it was quite natural that manumission should 7as it did7 operate to make the slave not only free but a citizen4 ,that this rule led to very troublesome results in a later period was owing to change of circumstances4 #h4 ,slavery then was1 from the earliest times of which we have any tradition1 an integral part of the social and economic system1 as much in ,italy as in ,greece4 ,it was there1 and only needed the stimulus of prospective economic gain for capitalists to organize it on a crudely industrial basis1 without regard to considerations of humanity or the general wellbeing of the state4 #i4 ,of wage-earning labour on the part of freemen we have little trace in tradition4 ,the reported complaints of day-labour performed for ,patrician nobles in early times are probably not unconnected with the institution of clientship1 and in any case highly coloured by rhetoric4 ,,rome--,,middle ,,period ,,xxii4 ,,introductory ,,general ,,view4 ,the overthrow of ,carthage put an end to a period of terrible anxiety to the ,roman government1 and the first feeling was naturally one of relief4 ,but the sufferings of the war-weary masses had produced an intense longing for peace and rest4 ,it might be true that a ,macedonian war was necessary in the interest of the state3 but it was only with great difficulty that the ,senate overcame opposition to a forward policy4 ,for the sufferings of the people1 more particularly the farmers1 were not at an end4 ,the war indemnities from ,carthage might refill the empty treasury1 and enable the state to discharge its public obligations to contractors and other creditors4 ,so far well3 but receipts of this kind did little or nothing towards meeting the one vital need1 the reestablishment of displaced peasants on the land4 ,the most accessible districts1 generally the best suited for tillage1 had no doubt suffered most in the disturbances of war2 and the future destinies of ,rome and ,italy were depending on the form that revival of agriculture would take4 ,the race of small farmers had been hitherto the backbone of ,roman power4 ,but the wars of the last two generations had brought ,rome into contact with an agricultural system of a very different character4 ,punic agriculture#fbb was industrial3 that is1 conducted for profit on a large scale and directed by purely economic considerations4 ,cheap production was the first thing4 ,as the modern large farmer relies on machinery1 so his ancient predecessor relied on domesticated animals2 chiefly on the animal with hands1 the human slave4 ,it is to be borne in mind that during the second ,punic war the ,roman practice of employing contractors for all manner of state services 7publica7 had been greatly developed4 ,companies of publicani had played an active part and had thriven on their enterprises4 ,these companies were probably already1 as they certainly were in later times1 great employers of slaves4 ,in any case they represented a purely industrial and commercial view of life1 the #8economic' as opposed to the #8national' set of principles4 ,their numbers were beyond all doubt greater than they had ever been before4 ,with such men the future interests of the state would easily be obscured by immediate private interests1 selfish appetite being whetted by the recent taste of profits4 ,if a large section of the farmer class seemed in danger of extinction through the absorption of their farms in great estates1 legislation to prevent it was not likely to have the warm support of these capitalists4 ,that financial interests were immensely powerful in the later ,roman ,republic is universally admitted1 but ,i do not think sufficient allowance is made for their influence in the time of exhaustion at the very beginning of the second century ,,bc4 ,the story of the trientabula1 discussed above1 is alone enough to shew how this influence was at work2 and it was surely no isolated phenomenon4 ,we have therefore reason to believe that many of the farmers dispossessed by the war never returned to their former homes1 and we naturally ask what became of them4 ,some no doubt were unsettled and unfitted for the monotonous toil of rustic life by the habits contracted in campaigning4 ,such men would find urban idleness1 or further military service with loot in prospect1 more to their taste3 some of these would try both experiences in turn4 ,we trace their presence in the growth of a city mob1 and in the enlistment of veterans to give tone and steadiness to somewhat lukewarm armies in new wars4 ,but it is not to be assumed that this element constituted the whole1 or even the greater part1 of those who did not go back to their old farms4 ,the years #bjj-ahj saw the foundation of #ai new coloniae1 and it is reasonable to suppose that the coloni included a number of the men unsettled by the great war4 ,the group founded in #aid-b were designed to secure the coast of southern ,italy against attack by an ,eastern power controlling large fleets4 ,those of #ahi-a were in the ,north1 the main object being to strengthen the ,roman grip of ,cisalpine ,gaul4 ,but already in #aih-e it had been found necessary to support the colonies on the ,po 7,placentia and ,cremona7 against attacks of the ,gauls1 and in #aij they were reinforced with contingents of fresh colonists4 ,for the firm occupation of northern ,italy was a policy steadily kept in view1 and only interrupted for a time by the strain of ,eastern wars4 ,in trying to form a notion of the condition of agriculture in the second century ,,bc1 and particularly of the labour question1 we must never lose sight of the fact that military service was still obligatory#fbc on the ,roman citizen1 and that this was a period of many wars4 ,the farmer-soldier1 liable to be called up at any time until his forty-sixth year1 might have to break off important work which could not without risk of loss be left in other hands4 ,at the worst1 a sudden call might mean ruin4 ,pauper wage-earners1 landless men1 were not reached by the military levy in the ordinary way4 ,how soon they began to be enrolled as volunteers1 and to what extent1 is uncertain4 ,but conscription of qualified citizens remained the staple method of filling the legions#fbd until the famous levy held by ,marius in #ajg4 ,conscription had for a long time been becoming more and more unpopular and difficult to enforce1 save in cases where easy victory and abundant booty were looked for4 ,the ,roman government fell into the habit of employing chiefly the contingents of the ,italian ,allies in hard and unremunerative campaigns4 ,this unfair treatment1 and other wrongs to match1 led to the great rebellion of #ij ,,bc4 ,but the grant of the ,roman franchise to the ,italians1 extorted by force of arms1 though it made more ,roman citizens1 could not make more ,roman farmers4 ,the truth is1 a specializing process was going on4 ,the soldier was becoming more and more a professional3 farming was becoming more and more the organized exploitation of labour4 ,long and distant wars unfitted the discharged soldiers for the monotonous round of rustic life3 while they kept the slave-market well supplied with captives1 thus making it easy for capitalists to take advantage of great areas of land cheaply acquired from time to time4 ,moreover1 the advance of ,roman dominion had another effect beside the mere supply of labouring hands4 ,it made ,rome the centre of the ,mediterranean world1 the place where all important issues were decided1 and where it was necessary to reside4 ,the wealthy landowner was practically compelled to spend most of his time in the ruling city1 in close touch with public affairs4 ,now this compelled him to manage his estates by stewards1 keeping an eye on them so far as his engagements in ,rome left him free to do so4 ,and this situation created a demand for highly-qualified stewards4 ,the supply of these had to come mainly from the eastern countries of old civilization4 ,but if technical skill could thus be procured 7and it was very necessary for the variety of crops that were taking the place of corn71 it was generally accompanied by an oriental subtlety the devices of which were not easy to penetrate4 ,from the warnings of the agricultural writers1 as to the need of keeping a strict watch on a vilicus1 we may fairly infer that these favoured slaves were given to robbing their masters4 ,the master1 even if he had the knowledge requisite for practical control1 seldom had the leisure for frequent visits to his estate4 ,what he wanted was a regular income to spend3 and the astute steward who was always ready with the expected cash on the appointed day had little fear of reprimand or punishment4 ,his own interest was that his own master should expect as little as possible1 and it is obvious that this would not encourage a sincere effort to get the most out of the estate in a favourable year4 ,his master's expectations would then rise1 and the disappointment of poor returns in a bad year might have serious consequences for himself4 ,these considerations may help us to understand why the history of the later ,roman ,republic gives so gloomy a picture of agriculture4 ,we find the small farmer1 citizen and soldier too1 dying out as a class in a great part of ,italy4 ,we find the land passing into the hands of a few large owners whose personal importance was vastly increased thereby4 ,whether bought cheap on a glutted market or #8possessed' in a sort of copyhold tenancy from the state1 whether arable or pasture1 it is at all events clear that the bulk of these latifundia 7if not the whole7 had been got on very easy terms4 ,the new holders were not hampered by lack of capital or labour1 as may often have been the case with the old peasantry4 ,slave-labour was generally cheap1 at times very cheap4 ,knowledge and skill could be bought1 as well as bone and muscle4 ,like the ox and the ass1 the slave was only fed and clothed and housed sufficiently to keep him fit for work3 his upkeep while at work was not the canker eating up profits4 ,with the influx of wealth1 the spoils of conquest1 the tribute of subject provinces1 the profits of blackmail and usury1 prices of almost everything were rising in the second century ,,bc4 ,corn1 imported and sold cheap to the ,roman poor1 was an exception3 but the ,italian landlords were ceasing to grow corn1 save for local consumption4 ,some authorities1 if not all1 thought#fbe that grazing paid better than tillage3 and it was notorious that pasturage was increasing and cultivation declining4 ,the slave-herdsmen1 hardy and armed against wolves and brigands1 were a formidable class4 ,when combined with mutinous gladiators they were1 as ,spartacus shewed in #gc-a ,,bc1 wellnigh irresistible save by regular armies in formal campaigns4 ,the owner of a vast estate1 controlling huge numbers of able-bodied ruffians who had nothing to lose themselves and no inducement to spare others1 was in fact a public danger if driven to desperation4 ,he could mobilize an army of robbers and cutthroats at a few days notice1 live on the country1 and draw recruits from all the slave-gangs near4 ,it was not want of power that crippled the representatives of large-scale agriculture4 ,and yet in the last days of the ,republic1 when the fabric of the state was cracking under repeated strains1 we are told that1 among the various types of men led by financial embarrassments to favour revolutionary schemes1 one well-marked group consisted of great landlords4 ,these men1 says#fbf ,cicero1 though deep in debt1 could quite well pay what they owe by selling their lands4 ,but they will not do this3 they are #8land-proud4' ,the income from their estates will not cover the interest on their debts1 but they go on foolishly trying to make it do so4 ,in this struggle they are bound to be beaten4 ,in other words1 the return on their landed estates is not enough to support a life of extravagance in ,rome4 ,so they borrow1 at high interest4 ,the creditors of course take good security1 with a margin for risks4 ,so1 in order to keep the social status of a great landlord1 the borrower takes a loan of less than the capital value of his land1 while he has to pay for the accommodation more than the income from the land4 ,ruin is the certain end of such finance1 and it is only in a revolution that there is any hope of #8something turning up' in favour of the debtor4 ,we must not suppose that all or most of the great landlords of the day had reached the stage of embarrassment described by ,cicero4 ,that there were some in that plight1 is not to be doubted1 even when we have allowed freely for an orator's overstatements4 ,but it is hardly rash to suppose that there were some landlords who were not in debt1 at least to a serious extent1 either through good returns from their lands or from other investments1 or even from living thriftily4 ,what seems quite clear is that large-scale farming of land was by no means so remunerative financially as other forms of investment2 and that though1 as pointed out above1 it was carried on with not a few points in its favour4 ,in the same descriptive passage#fbg the orator refers to another class of landowners ripe for revolution4 ,these were the veterans of ,sulla1 settled by him as coloni on lands of farmers dispossessed on pretext of complicity with his ,marian opponents4 ,their estates were no doubt on a smaller scale than those of the class just spoken of above4 ,but they were evidently comfortable allotments4 ,the discharged soldiers made bad farmers4 ,they meant to enjoy the wealth suddenly bestowed1 and they had no notion of economy4 ,their extravagance1 one form of which was the keeping of a number#fbh of slaves1 soon landed them hopelessly in debt4 ,so they also saw their only chance of recovery in a renewal of civil war and fresh confiscations4 ,it was said that a number of necessitous rustics 7probably some of the very men ejected from the farms7 were ready to join them in a campaign of plunder4 ,here we have a special picture of the military colonist1 one of the most sinister figures in the last age of the ,republic4 ,it is no doubt highly coloured1 but the group settled in ,etruria were probably some of the worst specimens4 ,in such hands agriculture could not flourish1 and the true interests of ,rome could hardly have suffered a more deadly blow than the transfer of ,italian lands from those who could farm them to those who could not4 ,it was not merely that lands were #8let down4' ,italy was made less able to maintain a native population1 fitted and willing to serve the state in peace and war4 ,the effects of this diminution of the free rustic population were most seriously felt under the ,empire4 ,writers of the ,augustan age deplore#fbi the disappearance of the old races in a large part of ,italy1 displaced by alien slaves2 and their cry is repeated by later generations4 ,the imperial country that had conquered the ,mediterranean world became dependent on subjects and foreigners for her own defence4 ,the evil plight of agriculture in ,cicero's day was merely a continuation and development of the process observable in the second century4 ,experience had probably moderated some of the crude and blundering methods of the land-grabbers whose doings provoked the agrarian movement of the ,gracchi4 ,but in essence the system was the same4 ,and it was a failure1 a confessed evil4 ,why8 ,it is easy to reply that slave-labour is wasteful2 and this is ,i believe an economic truism4 ,but it is well to look a little further4 ,let me begin by quoting from an excellent book#fcj written at a time when this subject was one of immediate practical interest4 #8,the profitableness which has been attributed to slavery is profitableness estimated exclusively from the point of view of the proprietor of slaves4444 ,the profits of capitalists may be increased by the same process by which the gross revenue of a country is diminished1 and therefore the community as a whole may be impoverished through the very same means by which a portion of its number is enriched4 ,the economic success of slavery therefore is perfectly consistent with the supposition that it is prejudicial to the material wellbeing of the country where it is established4' ,these propositions ,i do not dispute3 ,i had come to the same conclusion long before ,i read this passage4 ,i further admit that in the case of ,rome and ,italy the community as a whole was impoverished by the slave-system3 it was the constant influx of tributes from the provinces that kept up the appearance of wealth at the centre of empire4 ,but whether1 in the case of agriculture1 the capitalist landlords were really enriched by the profits of plantation slavery1 is surely a question open to doubt4 ,those of them whose capital sunk in great estates and gangs of slaves brought in only a moderate return1 while they were borrowing at a higher rate of interest1 were certainly not the richer for their landed investments4 ,to keep up a fictitious show of solid wealth for the moment1 they were marching to ruin4 ,but the man who made his income from landed estates suffice for his needs1--can we say that he was enriched thereby8 ,hardly1 if he was missing the chance of more remunerative investments by having his money locked up in land4 ,he made a sacrifice1 in order to gratify a social pride which had in ,roman public life a certain political value4 ,under the ,republic1 this political value might be realized in the form of provincial or military appointments1 profitable through various species of blackmail4 ,but the connexion of such profits with ownership of great plantations is too remote to concern us here4 ,a smart country-place1 where influential friends could be luxuriously entertained1 was politically more to the point4 ,now if1 as seems certain1 the great plantations were not always 7perhaps very seldom were7 a strictly economic success1 though protected against ,transalpine competition#fca in wine and oil1 can we discern any defects in the system steadily operating to produce failure8 ,when we admit that slave-labour is wasteful1 we mean that its output as compared with that of free labour is not proportionate to the time spent4 ,having no hope of bettering his condition1 the slave does only just enough to escape punishment2 having no interest in the profits of the work1 he does it carelessly4 ,if1 as we know1 the free worker paid by time needs constant watching to keep him up to the mark1 much more is this true of the slave4 ,hence a system of piece-work is disliked by the free man and hardly applicable in practice to the case of the slave4 ,but we are not to forget that the slave1 having been bought and paid for1 draws no money wage4 ,the interest on his prime cost is on the average probably much less than a free man's wage2 but the master cannot pay him off and be rid of him when the job is done4 ,the owned labourer is on his owner's hands so long as that owner owns him4 ,against this we must set the very low standard of feeding clothing housing etc allowed in the case of the slave4 ,nor must we ignore the economic advantage of slavery as ensuring a permanent supply of labour3 for the free labourer was 7and is7 not always to be had when wanted4 ,these were pretty certainly the considerations that underlay the organization described by the ,roman writers on res rustica2 a regular staff of slaves for everyday work1 supplemented by hired labour at times of pressure or for special jobs4 ,and the growing difficulty of getting hired help probably furnished the motive for developing the system of coloni4 ,by letting parcels of an estate to small tenants a landlord could secure the presence of resident freemen in his neighbourhood4 ,these in their spare time could be employed as labourers4 ,at how early a date stipulation for labour in part payment of their rents placed such tenants on a #8soccage' footing is not certain4 ,it has rightly or not1 been detected in ,columella4 ,at all events it contained the germ of predial serfdom4 ,now1 so long as slave-labour was the permanent and vital element in agriculture1 success or failure depended entirely on the efficiency of direction and control4 ,accordingly the regular organization of a great estate was a complete hierarchy4 ,at the head was the vilicus1 having under him foremen skilled in special branches of farm work and head-shepherds and the like4 ,even among the rank and file of the slaves many had special duties occupying all or part of their time1 for it was an object to fix responsibility4 ,but it is clear that the efficiency of the whole organization depended on that of the vilicus4 ,and he was a slave1 the chattel of a master who could inflict on him any punishment he chose4 ,the temptation to rob his master#fcb for his own profit was probably not nearly so strong as we might on first thoughts suppose4 ,if he had contrived to hoard the fruits of his pilferings in portable cash1 what was he to do with it8 ,he was not free to abscond with it4 ,he would be well known in the neighbourhood3 if any slave could escape detection as a runaway1 it would not be he4 ,and detection meant the loss of all his privileges as steward1 with severe punishment to boot4 ,his obvious policy was to cling to his stewardship1 to induce his master to let him keep a few beasts of his own 7as peculium7#fcc on some corner of the estate1 and to wait on events4 ,it might be that he looked forward to manumission after long service4 ,but ,i cannot find any authority for such a supposition1 or any concrete instance of a manumitted vilicus4 ,this inclines me to believe that in practice to such a man manumission was no boon4 ,he was in most cases a native of some distant country1 where he had long been forgotten4 ,the farm of his lord was the nearest thing he had to a home4 ,i am driven to suppose that as a rule he kept his post as long as he could discharge its duties1 and then sank into the position of a quasi-pensioned retainer who could pay for his keep by watching his successor4 ,ordinary slaves when worn out may have been put to light duties about the farm1 care of poultry etc1 and he might direct them1 so far as the new steward allowed4 ,i am guessing thus only in reference to average cases4 ,the brutal simplicity of selling off worn-out slaves for what they would fetch was apparently not unknown1 and is approved#fcd by ,cato4 ,it has been briefly hinted above that the steward's obvious interest lay in preventing his master from expecting too much in the way of returns from the estate4 ,the demand for net income1 that is to say the treatment of agriculture as an investment yielding a steady return year in and year out1 was economically unsound4 ,a landlord in public life wanted a safe income2 interest on good debentures1 as we should say4 ,but to guarantee this some capitalist was needed to take the risks of business1 of course with the prospect of gaining in good years more than he lost in bad ones4 ,now the ,roman landlord had no such protection4 ,in a business subject to unavoidable fluctuations he was not only entitled to the profits but liable to the losses4 ,imagine him just arrived from ,rome1 pledged already to some considerable outlay on shows or simple bribery1 and looking for a cash balance larger than that shewn at the last audit4 ,let the steward meet him with a tale of disaster1 and conceive his fury4 ,situations of this kind must surely have occurred1 perhaps not very seldom3 and one of the two men was in the absolute power of the other4 ,we need not imagine the immediate#fce sequel4 ,stewards on estates for miles round would be reminded of their own risks of disgrace and punishment1 and would look to their own security4 ,i suggest that the habitual practice of these trusted men was to keep the produce of an estate down to a level at which it could easily be maintained2 and1 if possible1 to represent it as being even less than it really was4 ,thus they removed a danger from themselves4 ,this policy implied an easygoing management of the staff1 but the staff were not likely to resent or betray it4 ,a master like ,cato was perhaps not to be taken in by a device of the kind3 but ,catos were rare1 and the old man's advice to look sharply after your vilicus sounds as if he believed many masters to be habitually fooled by their plausible stewards4 ,if such was indeed the case1 here we have at once a manifest cause of the decline of agriculture4 ,the restriction of production would become year by year easier to arrange and conceal1 harder and harder to detect4 ,the employment of freemen#fcf as stewards seems not to have been tried as a remedy2 partly perhaps because they would have insisted on good salaries1 partly because they were free to go1--and1 if rogues#fcg1 not empty-handed4 ,the cause to which ,i have pointed is one that could continue operating from generation to generation1 and was likely so to continue until such time as the free farmer should once more occupy the land4 ,the loving care that agriculture needs could only return with him4 ,it was not lack of technical knowledge that did the mischief2 ,varro's treatise is enough to prove that4 ,it was the lack of personal devotion in the landlords and motive in the stewards4 ,principles without practice failed1 as they have failed and will fail4 ,nor must we lay much stress on the disturbances of the revolutionary period4 ,had these1 damaging though they were1 been the effective cause of decline1 surely the long peace under the early ,empire would have led to a solid revival4 ,but1 though a court poet might sing of revival to please his master1 more serious witnesses tell a different tale4 ,in the middle of the first century ,,ad we have ,lucan ,columella and the elder ,pliny4 ,if ,lucan's pictures of the countryside peopled with slave-gangs1 and of the decay of free population1 are suspected as rhetorically overdrawn1 at least they agree with the evidence of ,livy in the time of ,augustus1 so far as the parts near ,rome are concerned4 ,columella#fch gravely deplores the neglect of agriculture1 in particular the delegation of management to slaves4 ,the landlord and his lady have long abdicated their interest in what was once a noble pursuit3 it is now a degrading one1 and their places are taken by the vilicus and vilica4 ,yet all he can suggest is a more perfect organization of the slave-staff1 and the letting of outlying farms to tenants4 ,pliny tells the same woeful story4 ,and while he vents his righteous indignation on the latifundia that have ruined ,italy1 he also mentions instances of great profits#fci made by cultivators of vines and olives on estates of quite moderate size4 ,but these successful men were not of the social aristocracy3 they were freedmen or other humble folks who themselves looked sharply after their own business4 ,therefore1 when we are told#fdj1 and rightly1 that with establishment of the ,empire the political attraction of ,rome was lessened1 and that the interest of wealthy landlords became more strictly economic in character1 we must not be in haste to identify this change with a return of genuine prosperity4 ,that a sort of labour-crisis followed the restoration of peace is reasonably inferred from the fact that the kidnapping#fda of freemen1 and their incorporation in the slave-gangs of great estates1 was one of the abominations with which the early ,principate had to deal4 ,in a more peaceful world the supply of new slaves fell off1 and the price doubtless rose4 ,it would seem that at the same time free wage-earners were scarce1 as was to be expected after the civil wars4 ,so the highwayman1 probably often a discharged soldier1 laid hands on the unprotected wayfarer4 ,after taking his purse1 he made a profit of his victim's person by selling him as a slave to some landowner in need of labourers1 who asked no questions4 ,once in the ergastulum the man had small chance of regaining his freedom unless and until an inspection of these private prisons was undertaken by the government4 ,such phenomena are not likely to be the inventions of sensational writers2 for the government1 heavily weighted with other responsibilities1 was driven to intervene and put down the scandal4 ,but to do this was not to supply the necessary labour4 ,that problem remained1 and in the attempt to solve it an important development in the organization of large estates seems to have taken place4 ,while the regular labour was as before furnished by the slave-staff1 and greater care taken#fdb to avoid losses by sickness1 and while even the breeding of slaves under certain restrictions was found worthy of attention1 the need of extra hands at certain seasons was met by an arrangement for retaining potential free labourers within easy reach4 ,this was an extension of the system of tenant coloni4 ,parcels of the estate were let to small farmers1 whose residence was thereby assured4 ,columella#fdc advises a landlord in dealing with his tenants to be more precise in exacting from them work 7opus7 than rent 7pensiones71 and ,weber#fdd takes opus to mean not merely the proper cultivation of their several plots but a stipulated amount of labour on the lord's farm4 ,the practice of exacting labour from debtors#fde in discharge of their debt was not a new one1 and this arrangement seems to be the same in a more systematic form4 ,by taking care to keep the little farm sufficiently small1 and fixing the rent sufficiently high1 the tenant was pretty certain to be often behind with his rent4 ,in such conditions1 even if the tenant did not encumber himself by further borrowing1 it is clear that he was very liable to sink into a #8soccage' tenant1 bound to render regular services without wage4 ,nominally free1 he was practically tied to the soil2 while the landlord1 nominally but the owner of the soil1 gradually acquired what was of more value than a money rent1--the ownership of his tenant's services4 ,in the growing scarcity of slave labour the lord had a strong motive for insisting on his rights1 and so the free worker travelled down the road to serfdom4 ,in reviewing the history of rustic slavery1 and its bearing on the labour-question1 from the end of the second ,punic war to the time of ,marcus ,aurelius1 it is not necessary to refer to every indication of the discontents that were normal in the miserable slave-gangs4 ,a few actual outbreaks of which we have definite records will serve to illustrate the sort of sleeping volcano1 ever liable to explode1 on which thousands of ,italian landlords were sitting4 ,the writers on agriculture were fully conscious of the peril1 and among various precepts designed to promote order 7and1 so far as possible1 contentment7 none is more significant than the advice#fdf not to have too many slaves of the same race4 ,dictated by the desire to make rebellious combinations difficult1 this advice is at least as old as ,plato#fdg and ,aristotle4 ,so early as #aif ,,bc we hear#fdh of a slave-rising in ,etruria1 put down with great severity by a military force4 ,in #ahe there was a great rising#fdi of slave-herdsmen 7pastores7 in ,apulia1 put down by the officer then commanding the ,,se district4 ,in about another half-century we begin the series of slave-wars which troubled the ,roman world for some #fj or #gj years and caused a vast destruction of lives and property4 ,it was the growth of the plantation system under a weak and distracted government that made such horrors possible4 ,in #aci we hear of a rising in ,sicily1 where the plantation system was in full swing4 ,from #ace there was fierce war#fej in the island1 not put down till #aca after fearful bloodshed4 ,the war of ,aristonicus#fea in the new province of ,asia1 from #acb to #acj1 seems to have been essentially a slave-war4 ,in ,sicily the old story#feb was repeated #ajc-ii with the same phenomena and results4 ,and in the last age of the ,republic1 #gc to #ga ,,bc1 ,italy was devastated by the bands of ,spartacus1 a joint force of gladiators#fec and rustic slaves4 ,for many months the country was at their mercy1 and their final destruction was brought about more by their own disunion than by the sword of ,roman legions4 ,it is recorded#fed to the credit of ,catiline that he refused to enlist rustic slaves in the armed force with which he fought and fell at ,pistoria1 resisting the less scrupulous advice of his confederates in ,rome4 ,during the upheaval of the great civil wars the slaves enjoyed unusual license4 ,many took arms3 probably many others escaped from bondage4 ,but the establishment of the ,empire1 though the supply of slave labour was not equal to the demand1 did not put an end to slave-risings4 ,for instance1 in #bd ,,ad a former soldier of the ,imperial ,guard planned an insurrection#fee in the neighbourhood of ,brundisium4 ,by promising freedom to the bold slave-herdsmen scattered about the ,apennine forests he got together what was evidently a force of considerable strength4 ,the lucky arrival of a squadron of patrol vessels enabled the local quaestor to break up the conspiracy before it could make head4 ,but ,tiberius did not dally with so serious a matter3 a detachment of troops carried off the ringleader and his chief accomplices to ,rome4 ,tacitus remarks that there was in the city a widespread uneasiness1 owing to the enormous growth of slave-gangs while the freeborn population was declining4 ,these specimens are enough to illustrate a public danger obvious a priori and hardly needing illustration4 ,the letter of ,tiberius#fef to the ,senate in #bb ,,ad shews how he had brooded over the social and economic condition of ,italy4 ,he saw clearly that the appearance of prosperity in a country where parks and mansions multiplied1 and where tillage was still giving way to pasturage1 was unsound4 ,he knew no doubt that these signs pointed to the decline of the free rural population as still in progress4 ,as an experienced general he could hardly ignore the value of such a free population for recruiting armies to serve the state1 or regard its decline with indifference4 ,he refers to the burden of imperial responsibilities4 ,now the system inherited from ,augustus set ,italy in a privileged position as the imperial land4 ,surely ,tiberius cannot have overlooked the corresponding liability of ,italy to take a full share in the defence of the empire4 ,yet in present circumstances her supply of vigorous manhood was visibly failing4 ,if the present tendencies continued to act1 the present system would inevitably break down4 ,but1 however much ,tiberius was inclined to do justice to the ,provinces1 he could not escape his first duty to ,italy without a complete change of system3 and for this he was not prepared4 ,such misgivings of course could not be expressed in a letter to the ,senate2 but that an ,emperor1 temperamentally prone to worry1 did not foresee the coming debility and degradation of ,italy1 and fret over the prospect1 is to me quite incredible4 ,the movement for checking luxury1 which drew this letter from ,tiberius1 resulted according to ,tacitus in a temporary reduction of extravagance in entertainments4 ,the influence of senators brought in from country towns or the ,provinces helped in promoting a simpler life4 ,it was example1 not legislation1 that effected whatever improvement was made4 ,it was the example of ,vespasian that did most to reform domestic economy4 ,but the historian was well aware that reforms depending on the lead of individuals are transient4 ,we have no reason to believe that any lasting improvement of agriculture was produced by these fitful efforts4 ,from stray references in ,tacitus1 from the letters of the younger ,pliny1 from notices in ,juvenal and ,martial1 it is evident that in the great plain of the ,cisalpine and in the ,italian hill country farming of one kind or another went on and prospered4 ,in such districts a real country life might be found4 ,but this was no new development3 it had never ceased4 ,two conditions were necessary1 remoteness from ,rome and difficulty of access1 which often coincided4 ,estates near the city 7suburbana7 were mostly1 if not in all cases1 held as resorts for rest or pleasure4 ,if a steward could grow a fair supply of farm-produce1 so much the better3 but the duty of having all ready for visits of the master and his friends was the first charge on his time and attention4 ,even at some considerable distance from the city the same condition prevailed1 if an estate lay near a main road and thus could be reached without inconvenient exertion4 ,,xxiii4 ,,cato4 ,the book de agri cultura#feg of ,m ,porcius ,cato 7#bcd-adi ,,bc7 is a remarkable work by a remarkable man4 ,it is generally agreed that it represents his views1 though the form in which it has come down to us has led to differences of opinion as to the degree in which the language has been modified in transmission4 ,we need only consider some of the contemporary facts and movements with which ,cato was brought into contact and which affected his mental attitude as a public man4 ,he took part in the second ,punic war1 and died just as the third war was beginning3 thus he missed seeing the destruction of the great city which it had in his later years been his passion to destroy4 ,the success of the highly organized ,punic agriculture is said#feh to have been one of the circumstances that alarmed his keen jealousy3 but we can hardly doubt that he like others got many a hint from the rustic system of ,carthage4 ,another of his antagonisms was a stubborn opposition to ,greek influences4 ,in the first half of the second century ,,bc1 the time of his chief activities1 these influences were penetrating ,roman society more and more deeply as ,roman supremacy spread further and further to the ,east4 ,we need not dwell on his denunciations of ,greek corruption in general and warnings against the menace to ,roman thrift and simplicity4 ,a good instance may be found in the injunction#fei to his son1 to have nothing whatever to do with ,greek doctors1 a pack of rascals who mean to poison all #8barbarians1' who charge fees to enhance the value of their services1 and have the impudence to apply the term #8barbarians' to us4 ,the leader of the good-old-,roman party was at least thorough in his hates4 ,and his antipathies were not confined to foreigners and foreign ways1 but found ample scope at home in opposition to the newer school of politicians1 whose views were less narrow and hearty than his own4 ,in ,cato's time the formation of great landed estates1 made easy by the ruin of many peasant farmers in the second ,punic war1 was in full swing4 ,the effective government of ,rome was passing more and more into the hands of the ,senate1 and the leading nobles did not neglect their opportunities of adding to their own wealth and power4 ,sharing the military appointments1 they enriched themselves with booty and blackmail abroad1 particularly in the eastern wars3 and1 being by law excluded from open participation in commerce1 they invested a good part of their gains in ,italian land4 ,from what we learn as to the stale of ,italy during the last century of the ,republic1 it seems certain that this land-grabbing process took place chiefly if not wholly in the more accessible parts of the country1 so far as arable lands were concerned4 ,etruria and the districts of central ,italy near ,rome were especially affected1 and also ,lucania4 ,apulia soon became noted for its flocks and herds1 which grazed there in winter and were driven in the summer months to the mountain pastures of ,samnium4 ,the pasturage of great private #8runs' 7saltus7 was thus supplemented by the use of wastes that were still state-property1 and the tendency to monopolize these latter on favourable terms was no doubt still growing4 ,with the troubles that arose later out of this system of possessiones we are not here concerned4 ,but the increase of grazing as compared with tillage is an important point2 for that it was the most paying sort of farming was one of the facts expressly recognised#ffj by ,cato4 ,the working of estates on a large scale was promoted by the plentiful supply of slaves in this period4 ,on arable lands they were now employed in large gangs1 sometimes working in chains1 under slave overseers whose own privileges depended on their getting the utmost labour out of the common hands4 ,in pastoral districts they enjoyed much greater freedom4 ,the time was to come when these pastores1 hardy ruffians1 often armed against wild beasts1 would be a public danger4 ,but for the present it is probable that one of their chief recommendations was that they cost next to nothing for their keep4 ,no man knew better than ,cato that it was not on such a land-system as this that ,rome had thriven in the past and risen to her present greatness4 ,he was proud#ffa of having worked hard with his own hands in youth1 and he kept up the practice of simple living on his own estate1 sitting down to meals with the slaves#ffb whom he ruled with the strictness of a practical farmer4 ,around him was going on the extension of great ill-managed properties owned by men whom political business and intrigues kept nearly all the year in ,rome1 and who gave little personal attention to the farming of their estates4 ,when the landlord rebuilt his villa1 and used his new country mansion mainly for entertaining friends1 the real charge of the farm more and more passed to the plausible slave who was always on the spot as steward4 ,cato knew very well that these vilici did not as a rule do the best for their lords4 ,they had no real interest in getting the most out of the land4 ,the owner1 who wanted ready money for his ambitions and pleasures1 was hardly the man to spend it on material improvements in hope of an eventual increase of income3 thus a steward could easily find excuses for a low standard of production really due to his own slackness4 ,all this demoralizing letting-down of agriculture was anathema to the champion of old-,roman ideas and traditions4 ,it was a grave factor in the luxury and effeminacy that to his alarm were undermining the solid virtues of the ,roman people4 ,above all things1 it had what to his intensely ,roman nature was the most fatal of defects--it did not pay4 ,roman nobles were in fact making their chief profits out of plundering abroad1 and ceasing to exercise old-fashioned economy at home4 ,with the former evil ,cato waged open war as statesman and orator4 ,how he dealt with the latter as a writer on agriculture ,i proceed to inquire4 ,we may classify the several points of view from which agriculture could be regarded under a few heads1 and see what position in relation to each of these was taken up by ,cato4 ,first1 as to the scale of farming operations4 ,he does not denounce great estates4 ,he insists on the maintenance of a due proportion#ffc between the house and the land4 ,neither is to be too big for the other4 ,a decent dwelling#ffd will induce the landlord to visit his estate more often2 a fine mansion will be costly and tempt him to extravagance4 ,secondly1 it is on this frequent personal attention that successful management depends4 ,for your steward needs the presence of the master's eye to keep him to his duty4 ,thirdly1 he accepts the position that the regular staff of labourers are to be slaves1 and some at least of these#ffe are in chains 7compediti74 ,for special work1 in time of harvest etc1 extra labour is to be hired1 and of this some is free labour1 perhaps not all4 ,for contractors employing gangs of labourers play a considerable part4 ,their remuneration may be in cash1 or they may receive a share#fff of the produce 7partiario74 ,some of their labourers are certainly free3 if they do not pay the wages regularly1 the dominus is to pay them and recover from the contractor4 ,but it is not clear that contractors employed freemen exclusively1 and there is some indication#ffg of the contrary4 ,fourthly1 there is no suggestion of a return to quite small peasant holdings1 though he opens the treatise with an edifying passage#ffh on the social political and military virtues of farmers1 and cites the traditional description of virum bonum as being bonum agricolam bonumque colonum4 ,for his own scheme is not one for enabling a poor man to win a living for himself and family out of a little patch of ground4 ,it is farming for profit2 and1 though not designed for a big latifundium1 it is on a considerable scale4 ,he contemplates#ffi an oliveyard of #bdj iugera and a vineyard of #ajj iugera1 not to mention all the other departments1 and the rigid precepts for preventing waste and getting the most out of everything are the most striking feature of his book4 ,the first business#fgj of an owner1 he says1 is not to buy but to sell4 ,fifthly1 it is important to notice that he does not suggest letting all or part of the estate to tenants4 ,he starts by giving good advice as to the pains and caution#fga needed in buying a landed property4 ,but1 once bought1 he assumes that the buyer will keep it in hand and farm it for his own account4 ,it has been said on high authority#fgb that the plan of letting farms to tenant coloni was #8as old as ,italy4' ,i do not venture to deny this4 ,but my inquiry leads me to the conviction that in early times such an arrangement was extremely rare3 the granting of a plot of land during pleasure 7precario7 by a patron to a client was a very different thing4 ,cato only uses the word#fgc colonus in the general sense of cultivator1 and so far as he is concerned we should never guess that free tenant farmers were known in ,italy4 ,sixthly1 whereas in ,varro and ,columella we find the influence of later ,greek thought shewn in a desire to treat even rustic slaves as human and to appeal to the lure of reward rather than the fear of punishment1 to ,cato the human chattel seems on the level of the ox4 ,when past work1 both ox and slave are to be sold#fgd for what they will fetch4 ,this he himself says1 and his doctrine was duly recorded by ,plutarch as a mark of his hard character4 ,it is therefore not surprising that he makes no reference to slaves having any quasi-property 7peculium7 of their own1 though the custom of allowing this privilege was surely well known to him1 and was probably very ancient4 ,if the final fate of the slave was to be sold as rubbish in order to save his keep1 there was not much point in letting him keep a few fowls or grow a few vegetables in some waste corner of the farm4 ,but another characteristic story raises some doubt in this matter4 ,we are told that1 having remarked that sexual passion was generally the cause of slaves getting into mischief1 he allowed them#fge to have intercourse with the female slaves at a fixed tariff4 ,now1 to afford himself this indulgence1 a slave must have had a peculium4 ,but ,cato did not think it worth mentioning1--unless of course we assume that a reference has dropped out of the text4 ,nor does he refer to manumission3 but we hear of his having a freedman--probably not a farm-slave at all4 ,cato's position1 taken as a whole1 shews no sign of a reactionary aim1 no uncompromising desire of reversion to a vanished past4 ,nor does he fall in with the latest fashion1 and treat the huge latifundium as the last word in landowning4 ,his precepts have in view a fairly large estate1 and perhaps we may infer that he thought this about as much as a noble landlord1 with other calls upon his energies1 could farm through a steward without losing effective control4 ,he does not1 like the ,carthaginian ,mago1 insist on the landlord residing#fgf permanently on the estate4 ,in truth he writes as an opportunist4 ,for this man1 who won his fame as the severest critic of his own times1 knew very well that contemporary ,romans of good station and property would never consent to abdicate their part in public life and settle down to merely rustic interests4 ,nor indeed would such retirement have been consistent with ,roman traditions4 ,but conditions had greatly changed since the days of the farmer-nobles who could easily attend the ,senate or ,assembly at short notice4 ,the far greater extent of territory over which modern estates were spread made it impossible to assume that they all lay near the city4 ,and yet the attraction of ,rome was greater than ever4 ,it was the centre and head of a dominion already great1 and in ,cato's day ever growing4 ,the great critic might declaim against the methods and effects of this or that particular conquest and denounce the iniquities of ,roman officials3 but he himself bore no light hand in advancing the power of ,rome1 and thereby in making ,rome the focus of the intrigues and ambitions of the ,mediterranean world4 ,so he accepted the land-system of the new age1 and with it the great extension of slave-labour and slave-management1 and tried to shew by what devotion and under what conditions it could be made to pay4 ,it must be borne in mind that slave-labour on the land was no new thing4 ,it was there from time immemorial1 ready for organization on a large scale2 and it was this extension of an existing institution that was new4 ,agriculture had once been to the ordinary ,roman citizen the means of livelihood4 ,it was now1 in great part of the most strictly ,roman districts of ,italy1 becoming industrialized as a field for investment of capital by the senatorial class1 who practically controlled the government and were debarred from openly engaging in commerce4 ,the exploitation of rustic properties as income-producing securities was merely a new phase of the grasping hard-fisted greed characteristic of the average ,roman4 ,polybius1 observing ,roman life in this very age with ,greek eyes1 was deeply impressed#fgg by this almost universal quality4 ,and ,cato himself was a ,roman of ,romans4 ,plutarch#fgh has preserved for us the tradition of his economic career4 ,as a young man of small means he led the hard life of a farmer1 as he was not shy of boasting#fgi in later years1 and was a strict master of slaves4 ,but he did not find farming sufficiently remunerative1 so he embarked on other enterprises4 ,farming remained rather as a pastime than a source of income3 but he took to safe and steady investments1 such as rights over lakes1 hot springs1 fullers' premises1 and land that could be turned to profit#fhj through the presence of natural pasture and woodland4 ,from these properties he drew large returns not dependent on the weather4 ,by employing a freedman as his agent1 he lent money on bottomry1 eluding the legal restriction on senators2 and by combining with partners in the transaction he distributed and so minimized the risks of a most profitable business4 ,and all through life he dealt in slaves#fha1 buying them young1 training them1 and selling at an enhanced price any that he did not want himself4 ,he bred some on his estate1 probably not many4 ,it is said that1 in addition to her own children1 his wife would suckle#fhb slave-babies1 as a means of promoting good feeling in the household towards her son4 ,in these details1 of the general truth of which there is no reasonable doubt1 we have a picture of a man of astounding versatility and force3 for of his political and military activities ,i have said nothing4 ,but as a writer on agriculture how are we to regard him8 ,surely not as a thoroughgoing reformer4 ,his experience had taught him that1 if you must have a good income 7a point on which he and his contemporaries were agreed71 you had better not look to get it from farming4 ,but if for land-pride or other reasons you must needs farm1 ,cato is ready to give you the best practical advice4 ,that many 7if indeed any7 men of property would take the infinite trouble and pains that his system requires from a landlord1 he was probably too wise to believe4 ,but that was their business4 ,he spoke#fhc as an oracle2 as in public life #8take it or leave it' was the spirit of his utterances4 ,the evidence of his life and of his book1 taken together1 is more clear as shewing the unsatisfactory position of rustic enterprise than from any other point of view4 ,a few details relative to the staff employed on the estate are worthy of a brief notice4 ,cato is keenly alive to the importance of the labour-question4 ,in choosing an estate you must ascertain that there is a sufficient local supply#fhd of labour4 ,on the face of it this seems to mean free wage-earning labour1 though the word operarius is neutral4 ,but in a notable passage1 in which he sets forth the advantage of being on friendly terms with neighbours 7neighbouring landlords71 he says #8,don't let your household 7familiam7 do damage3 if you are in favour with the neighbourhood1 you will find it easier to sell your stock1 easier#fhe to get employment for your own staff at a wage1 easier to hire hands3 and if you are engaged in building they 7the vicini7 will give you help in the way of human and animal labour and timber4' ,here we seem to come upon the hiring1 not of free labourers1 but of a neighbour's slave hands on payment of a rent to their owner4 ,the case would arise only when some special rough job called for a temporary supply of more labour4 ,it would be the landlord's interest to keep his neighbours inclined to oblige him4 ,thus by mutual accommodation in times of pressure it was possible to do with a less total of slaves than if each farm had had to be provided with enough labour for emergencies4 ,we may also remark that it made the slaveowner less dependent on free wage-earners1 who would probably have raised their demands when they saw the landlord at their mercy4 ,it must always be borne in mind that ,cato is writing solely from the landlord's point of view4 ,the leading fact relative to the staff is that the steward or head man 7vilicus7 under whom the various workers1 slave or free1 are employed is himself a slave4 ,so too the vilica1 usually his consort4 ,their position is made quite clear by liability to punishment and by their disqualification#fhf from performance of all save the most ordinary and trivial religious ceremonies4 ,their duties are defined by jealous regulations4 ,but in order to keep the steward up to the mark the master must often visit the estate4 ,it is significant that he is advised on arrival to make a round of the place#fhg without delay1 and not to question his steward until he has thus formed his own impressions independently4 ,then he can audit accounts1 check stores1 listen to excuses1 give orders1 and reprimand failure or neglect4 ,that the master needed to be a man of knowledge and energy in order to make his estate a source of profit when in charge of a steward1 is evident4 ,it may well be that ,cato insists so strongly on the need of these qualities because they were becoming rare among the nobles of his day4 ,but1 though he knew that the efficiency of a slave steward could only be maintained by constant and expert watching1 he never suggests the employment of a free man in that capacity4 ,the truth seems to be that the #8,manager1' a man paid by salary or percentage and kept up to the mark by fear of #8losing his place1' is a comparatively modern figure4 ,in antiquity the employment of ,freedmen in positions of trust was a move in that direction1 though patrons kept a considerable hold1 beyond the purely economic one1 on their freedmen4 ,but for charge of a farm ,cato does not suggest employment of a freedman4 ,the blending of free and slave labour might well have been brought out more clearly than it is3 but to the author writing for his own contemporaries it would seem needless to enlarge upon a condition which everyone took for granted4 ,yet there are passages where it is indicated plainly enough4 ,thus in the olive-press room a bed is provided#fhh for two free custodes 7apparently foremen7 out of three3 the third1 a slave1 is put to sleep with the factores1 who seem to be the hands employed#fhi to work the press1 probably slaves1 whose labour is merely bodily exertion4 ,the leguli who gather up the olives are probably free1 for they are interested#fij in making the amount so gathered as large as possible4 ,strippers1 strictores1 who pluck the olives from the tree1 are also mentioned#fia in the chapter dealing with the harvesting of a hanging crop by a contractor4 ,as the need of care to avoid damaging the trees is insisted on1 and all the workers are to take a solemn oath#fib that they have stolen none of the crop1 we may fairly infer that they are freemen4 ,when the process of manufacture is let to a contractor1 his factores are to take a similar oath1 and are probably free4 ,so too when a crop is sold hanging3 if the buyer neglects to pay#fic his leguli and factores 7which would cause delay7 the landlord may pay them himself and recover the amount from the buyer4 ,on the other hand in the grazing department the underlings are slaves4 ,in case of the sale of winter grazing1 provision is made#fid for an arbitration for settlement of damages done by the emptor aut pastores aut pecus emptoris to the dominus1 or by the dominus aut familia aut pecus to the emptor4 ,and1 until the compensation awarded is paid1 the pecus aut familia on the ground is to be held in pledge by the party to whom compensation is due4 ,this would generally be the landlord1 and the familia of the emptor would be his pastores4 ,even so1 when a speculator buys the season's lambs1 he provides a pastor for two months1 and the man is held in pledge#fie by the landlord until the account is finally settled4 ,there are casual references to other persons employed on the estate whose condition has to be inferred from various indications with more or less certainty4 ,thus the capulator1 who draws off the oil from the press into vessels1 is connected with the custos#fif and is not clearly distinct from him4 ,he may be a slave1 but the call for strict cleanliness and care at this stage of the operations rather suggests the free wage-earner4 ,an epistates is mentioned#fig in a chapter on food-rations 7familiae cibaria71 and grouped with the vilicus and vilica and the opilio4 ,they receive less food than the common hands engaged in rough manual labour4 ,they are probably all slaves1 the epistates being a foreman of some sort1 and the opilio the head shepherd1 the magister pecoris of whom we often hear later4 ,in the estimates#fih of the equipment required for a farm with oliveyard or vineyard the human staff is included with the other live and dead stock4 ,the operarii mentioned in this connexion are evidently slave hands1 and the bubulcus#fii subulcus asinarius opilio and salictarius are the same1 only specialized in function4 ,for an oliveyard of #bdj iugera the human staff is put at #ac 7summa homines xiii71 for a vineyard of #ajj iugera it is #af1 and the operarii in particular are #aj as against #e4 ,the greater amount of digging#gjj needed on a farm chiefly devoted to vines is the reason of the difference4 ,these estimates are for the permanent staff1 the familia1 owned by the landlords in the same way as the oxen asses mules sheep goats or pigs4 ,so far as common daily labour is concerned1 this staff should make the farm self-sufficing4 ,but there were many operations1 connected with the life of the farm1 for performing which it was either not desirable or not possible to rely on the regular staff4 ,it would never have paid to maintain men skilled in the work of special trades only needed on rare occasions4 ,thus for erecting buildings the faber#gja is called in3 the landlord finds materials1 the builder uses them and is paid for his work4 ,lime is needed for various purposes1 and it may be worth while#gjb to have a kiln on the estate and do the burning there4 ,but even so it is well to employ a regular limeburner 7calcarius7 for the job4 ,the landlord finds limestone and fuel1 and a way of payment is to work on shares 7partiario7 each party taking his share of the lime4 ,the same share-system 7according to ,keil's text7 is proposed for the operation known as politio1 which seems to include#gjc weeding and #8cleaning' of the land1 at least for cereal crops1 and also is prescribed for the skilled tending of a vineyard4 ,for such works as these it is fairly certain that the persons employed were assumed to be living in the neighbourhood4 ,in the case of the blacksmith#gjd 7faber ferrarius7 there can be no doubt1 for his forge is spoken of as a fit place for drying grapes1 hung presumably in the smoke of his wood fire4 ,now all these skilled men are evidently free1 and work on agreed terms4 ,some of them are certainly not singlehanded1 but whether their underlings are freemen or slaves or both we are left to guess4 ,in all cases their work is such as calls not only for skill and industry but also for good faith1 which cannot be expected from slaves4 ,it is in short contract-work1 whether the bargain be made in a formal agreement or not4 ,the employment of contractors1 each with his own staff1 at times of pressure such as the getting in and disposal of crops1 has been referred to above1 and it has been remarked that some at least of this emergency-labour was performed by freemen4 ,we must therefore conclude that in ,cato's time there was a considerable supply of casual labourers in country districts1 on whose services landlords could rely4 ,the contractor would seem to have been either a #8ganger' who bargained for terms with the landlord on behalf of his work-party1 or a capitalist owning a gang of slaves4 ,what made the difference would be the nature of the job in hand1 according as skill or mere brute strength was chiefly required4 ,but that slave labour was the essential factor1 on which ,catonian agriculture normally depended1 is beyond all doubt4 ,the slave steward is not only responsible#gje for the control of the slave staff 7familia7 and their wellbeing and profitable employment4 ,he is authorized to employ other labour1 even free labour1 at need2 only he must not keep such persons hanging about the place4 ,he is to pay them off and discharge them without delay1 no doubt in order to prevent them from unsettling the slaves by their presence4 ,and slaves must never be idle4 ,when a master calls his steward to account for insufficient results on the farm1 the latter is expected to plead in excuse not only the weather but shortage of hands2 slaves have been sick or have run away2 or they have been employed#gjf on state-work 7opus publicum effecisse71--probably in mending the roads1 for this is recognized below4 ,,xxiv4 ,,agriculture ,,in ,,the ,,revolutionary ,,period4 ,from the death of ,cato in #adi ,,bc to the date of ,varro's book de re rustica 7about #cg ,,bc7 is a space of more than a century4 ,the one great fact of this momentous period in relation to agriculture is the public recognition of the decay of the small farmers over a large part of ,italy1 and the vain attempt to revive a class well known to have been the backbone of ,roman strength4 ,but the absorption of small holdings in large estates had already gone so far in the affected districts that there was practically only one direction in which land-reformers could move4 ,to confiscate private property was forbidden by ,roman respect for legal rights3 it appears in ,roman history only after the failure of the ,gracchan movement1 and as a phenomenon of civil war4 ,there were however great areas of land of which the state was still in law proprietor1 held by individuals 7often in very large blocks7 under a system of recognized occupation known as possessio4 ,tradition alleged that in ,rome's early days this ager publicus had been a cause of quarrels between the needy ,commons who hungered for land and the rich nobles who strove to monopolize the land annexed by war and now state-property4 ,it was known that one of the effects produced by the political equalization of the ,orders in the fourth century ,,bc had been legislation to restrain land-monopoly4 ,but the ,licinian laws of #cfg ,,bc had not made an end of the evil4 ,soon evaded1 they had become in course of time wholly inoperative4 ,the new ,patricio-,plebeian nobility quieted the claims of the poor by colonial foundations and allotments of land in newly-conquered districts1 while they continued to enrich themselves by #8possession' of the public land4 ,undisturbed possession gradually obscured the distinction between such holdings and the estates held in full ownership as ager privatus4 ,boundaries were confused3 mixed estates changed hands by inheritance or sale without recognition of a legal difference in the tenure of different portions3 where improvements had been carried out1 they applied indistinguishably to lands owned or possessed4 ,the greater part of these possessiones was probably not arable but pasture1 grazed by numerous flocks and herds in charge of slave herdsmen4 ,now in ,cato's time the imports of foreign corn were already rendering the growth of cereal crops for the market an unremunerative enterprise in the most accessible parts of ,italy4 ,grazing paid better4 ,it required fewer hands1 but considerable capital and wide areas of pasturage4 ,it could be combined with the culture of the vine and olive2 for the live-stock1 brought down to the farmstead in the winter months1 supplied plentiful manure4 ,moreover1 the wholesale employment of slaves enabled a landlord to rely on a regular supply of labour4 ,the slave was not liable to military service3 so the master was not liable to have his staff called up at short notice4 ,in short1 economic influences1 aided by selfish or corrupt administration of the laws under the rule of the nobility1 gave every advantage to the rich landlords4 ,no wonder that patriotic reformers viewed the prospect with alarm1 and sought some way of promoting a revival of the peasant farmers4 ,the story of the ,gracchan movement and the causes of its failure are set forth from various points of view in histories#gjg of ,rome and special monographs4 ,what concerns us here is to remark that its remedial legislation dealt solely with land belonging to the state and occupied by individuals4 ,power was taken to ascertain its boundaries1 to resume possession on behalf of the state1 and to parcel it out in allotments among needy citizens4 ,how far success in the aim of restoring a free citizen population in the denuded districts was ever possible1 we cannot tell4 ,but we know that it did not in fact succeed4 ,by #aaa ,,bc whatever had been achieved#gjh was finally annulled4 ,the bulk of the ager publicus had disappeared4 ,the sale of land-allotments1 at first forbidden1 had been permitted1 and the process of buying out the newly created peasantry went on freely4 ,but large estates formed under the new conditions were subject to no defect of title4 ,they were strictly private property1 though the term possessiones still remained in use4 ,slave-labour on such estates was normal as before4 ,indeed rustic slavery was now at its height4 ,this short period of attempted land-reform comes between the two great ,sicilian slave-wars 7#ace-b and #ajc-ii ,,bc71 in the events of which the horrors of contemporary agriculture were most vividly expressed4 ,it was also a time of great wars abroad1 in ,gaul1 in ,africa1 and against the barbarian invaders from the ,north4 ,roman armies suffered many defeats1 and the prestige of ,roman power was only restored by the military remodelling under ,marius4 ,when ,marius finally threw over the principle that military service was a duty required of propertied citizens1 and raised legions from the poorest classes1 volunteering with an eye to profit1 he in effect founded the ,empire4 ,we can hardly help asking#gji from what quarters he was able to draw these recruits4 ,some no doubt were idlers already living in ,rome attracted by the distributions of cheap corn provided by the ,government in order to keep quiet the city mob4 ,but these can hardly have been a majority of the recruits of this class4 ,probably a number came in from rural districts1 hearing that ,marius was calling for volunteers and prepared to disregard altogether the obsolete rules which had on occasion been evaded by others before him4 ,it is perhaps not too bold a conjecture to suggest that the casual wage-earners1 the mercennarii referred to by ,cato1 were an important element in the ,new ,model army of ,marius4 ,this landless class1 living from hand to mouth1 may have been declining in numbers1 but they were by no means extinct4 ,we meet them later in ,varro and elsewhere4 ,and no man knew better than ,marius the military value of men hardened by field-labour1 particularly when led to volunteer by hopes of earning a higher reward in a career of more perils and less monotony4 ,it can hardly be supposed that agriculture throve under the conditions prevailing in these troubled years4 ,the tendency must have been to reduce the number of free rustic wage-earners1 while each war would bring captives to the slave-market4 ,we can only guess at these economic effects4 ,the following period of civil wars1 from the ,italian rising in #ij ,,bc to the death of ,sulla in #gh1 led to a further and more serious disturbance of the land-system4 ,the dictator had to reward his soldiery1 and that promptly4 ,the debt was discharged by grants of land1 private land1 the owners of which were either ejected for the purpose or had been put to death4 ,of the results of this wholesale confiscation and allotment we have abundant evidence1 chiefly from ,cicero4 ,making full allowance for exaggeration and partisan feeling1 it remains sufficient to shew that ,sulla's military colonists were economically a disastrous failure1 while both they and the men dispossessed to make room for them soon became a grave political danger4 ,the discharged soldiers desired an easy life as proprietors1 and the excitements of warfare had unfitted them for the patient economy of farming4 ,they bought slaves2 but slaves cost money1 and the profitable direction of slave-labour was an art calling for a degree of watchfulness and skill that few landlords of any class were willing or able to exert4 ,so this substitution of new landowners for old was an unmixed evil3 the new men failed as farmers1 and we hardly need to be told that the feeling of insecurity produced by the confiscations was a check on agricultural improvements for the time4 ,those of the #8,sullan men' who sold their allotments 7evading the law7 would certainly not get a good price1 and the money would soon melt away4 ,it will be seen that the old ,roman system1 under which the ordinary citizen was a peasant farmer who served the state as a soldier when needed1 was practically at an end4 ,compulsory levies were on certain occasions resorted to1 for no abolition of the old liability to service had taken place3 but voluntary enlistment of young men1 and their conversion into professional soldiers by technical training1 was henceforth the normal method of forming ,roman armies4 ,armies were kept on foot for long campaigns1 and the problem of their peaceful disbandment was one of the most serious difficulties of the revolutionary age4 ,the treasury had no large income to spend on money-pensions1 so the demand for allotments of land became a regular accompaniment of demobilization4 ,meanwhile the desperate condition of landlords in important districts1 and the danger from the slave-gangs1 were forcibly illustrated in the rising under ,spartacus 7#gc-a ,,bc7 and the ,catilinarian conspiracy4 ,it is unfortunate that the scope of the land-bill of ,rullus#gaj in #fc1 defeated by ,cicero1 is uncertain1 and the effect of ,caesar's land-law of #ei hardly less so4 ,but one thing seems clear4 ,in default of sufficient lands suitable for allotment1 legislators were driven to propose the resumption of the rich ,campanian domain4 ,this public estate had long been let to tenants1 real farmers1 in small holdings2 and the rents therefrom were one of the safest sources of public income4 ,to disturb good tenants1 and give the best land in ,italy to untried men as owners1 was surely a bad business4 ,it shews to what straits rulers were driven to find land for distribution4 ,to enter into the details of the various land-allotments between the abortive proposal of ,rullus and the final settlement of ,octavian would be out of place here4 ,but it is well to note that the plan of purchasing private land for pension-allotments1 proposed in the bill of ,rullus1 was actually carried out by the new ,emperor and proudly recorded#gaa by him in his famous record of the achievements of his life4 ,the violent transfer of landed properties from present holders to discharged soldiers of the triumviral armies had evidently been both an economic failure and a political evil4 ,to pay for estates taken for purpose of distribution was a notable step towards restoration of legality and public confidence4 ,whether it immediately brought about a revival of agriculture on a sound footing is a question on which opinions may justifiably differ4 ,much will depend on the view taken by this or that inquirer of the evidence of ,varro and the ,augustan poets ,horace and ,vergil4 ,,note--,in ,prendergast's ,cromwellian ,settlement of ,ireland 7ed #b1 #ahgj71 chapter ,,iv a1 much interesting matter may be found4 ,cruel expulsions1 corrupt influences1 and the sale of their lots by soldiers to officers1 their frequent failure as cultivators1 etc1 stand out clearly4 ,the analogy to the ,roman cases must of course not be too closely pressed1 as the conditions were not identical4 ,,xxv4 ,,varro4 ,m ,terentius ,varro wrote his treatise de re rustica in #cg-f ,,bc at the age of #hj4 ,the subject was only one of an immense number to which he devoted his talents and wide learning when not actively engaged in public duties4 ,the last republican rally under ,brutus and ,cassius had failed at ,philippi in #db1 and the ,roman world was shared out between the ,triumvirs4 ,in #cf the suppression of ,lepidus declared what was already obvious1 that ,antony and ,octavian were the real holders of power and probable rivals4 ,proscriptions1 confiscations1 land-allotments to soldiers1 the wars with ,antony's brother ,lucius and the great ,pompey's son ,sextus1 had added to the unsettlement and exhaustion of ,italy4 ,if it appeared to ,varro that a treatise on farming would be opportune 7and we may fairly conjecture that it did71 there was surely much to justify his opinion in the distressful state of many parts of the country4 ,but at this point we are met by a passage#gab in the work itself which seems to prove that he took a very different view of present agricultural conditions in ,italy4 ,some of the speakers 7the book is in form a dialogue7 declare that no country is better cultivated than ,italy1 that no other country is so fully cultivated all through 7tota71 that ,italian crops are in general the best of their several kinds1 and in particular that ,italy is one great orchard4 ,instances in point are given4 ,that ,varro1 like ,cicero1 took great care#gac to avoid anachronisms and improbabilities1 that his characters are real persons1 and that he tries hard to fit the several topics to the several characters1 is not to be denied4 ,but it is perhaps too much to assume that such general remarks as those just cited are meant to represent the known personal opinions of the speakers4 ,if we could be sure of the date at which the dialogue is supposed to be held1 we might have a more satisfactory standard for estimating the significance and historical value of these utterances4 ,unluckily we have no convincing evidence as to the intended date4 ,the scene of the second book can be laid in #fg ,,bc with reasonable certainty1 and that of the third in #ed ,,bc4 ,but no passage occurs in the first book sufficient to furnish material for a like inference4 ,when ,stolo refers#gad to ,varro's presence with the fleet and army at ,corcyra1 some have thought that he has in mind the time of the civil war in #di ,,bc4 ,it is much more likely that the reference is to ,varro's service#gae as one of ,pompey's lieutenants in the pirate war of #fg ,,bc4 ,the dialogue of ,book ,i would then be placed after the summer of that year1 probably not much later4 ,the boast of the speakers as to the splendid cultivation of ,italy in general would refer to the time when the disturbance caused by the confiscations and assignations of ,sulla was dying down and the rising of ,spartacus had lately been suppressed4 ,it would be placed before the later disturbances caused by measures designed to satisfy the claims of ,pompeian ,caesarian and ,triumviral armies4 ,vergil had not yet been driven from his ,cisalpine farm4 ,whether by placing ,book ,i in this interval1 and by supposing that the circumstances of that time would fit the utterances of ,varro's characters1 ,i am exceeding the limits of sober guesswork1 ,i cannot judge4 ,but ,i am convinced that in any case upland pastures and forest-lands#gaf accounted for a very large part of the surface of ,italy then1 as they do still4 ,indeed ,varro recognizes this in his references to the migration of flocks and herds according to the seasons1 and particularly when he notes not only the great stretches of rough land to be traversed but also the need of active and sturdy pastores able to beat off the assaults of wild beasts and robbers4 ,surely the complete cultivation of ,italy1 compared as it is with that of other countries1 is a description not to be taken literally1 but as a natural exaggeration in the mouth of a self-complacent ,roman agriculturist4 ,be this as it may1 the treatise marks a great advance on that of ,cato in some respects4 ,many details are common to both writers1 in particular the repeated insistence on the main principle that whatever the farmer does must be made to pay4 ,profit1 not sentiment or fancy1 was their common and truly ,roman aim4 ,but in the century or more that had elapsed since ,cato wrote other authors 7such as ,saserna7 had treated of farming1 and much had been learnt from ,greek and ,punic authorities4 ,knowledge of the products and practices of foreign lands had greatly increased1 and ,varro1 who had himself added to this store1 made free use of the wider range of facts now at the service of inquirers4 ,and the enlarged outlook called for a systematic method4 ,accordingly ,varro's work is clearly divided into three discussions1 of tillage 7,book ,i71 grazing and stock-breeding 7,,ii71 and keeping fancy animals 7,,iii7 chiefly to supply the market for table-luxuries4 ,and he goes into detail in a spirit different from that of ,cato4 ,cato jerked out dogmatic precepts when he thought fit1 for instance his wonderful list of farm-requisites4 ,varro is more concerned with the principles1 the reasons for preferring this or that method1 derived from the theories and experience of the past4 ,for instance1 in estimating the staff required1 he insists#gag on its being proportioned to the scale of the work to be done3 as the average day's work 7opera7 varies in efficiency according to the soil1 it is not possible to assign a definite number of hands to a farm of definite area4 ,nor is he content simply to take slave-labour1 supplemented by hired free labour and contract-work1 for granted4 ,in a short but important passage he discusses the labour-question1 with reasons for the preference of this or that class of labour for this or that purpose1 of course preferring whichever is likely to give the maximum of profit with the minimum of loss4 ,it is this passage#gah that is chiefly of interest from my present point of view1 and ,i will therefore translate it in full4 #8,so much for the four conditions#gai of the farm that are connected with the soil1 and the second four external to the farm but bearing on its cultivation4 ,now for the appliances used in tillage4 ,some classify these under two heads 7a7 men 7b7 the implements necessary for their work4 ,others under three#gbj heads 7a7 the possessed of true speech 7b7 the possessed of inarticulate speech 7c7 the speechless4 ,in these classes respectively are included#gba 7a7 slaves 7b7 oxen 7c7 waggons1 and such are the three kinds of equipment4 ,the men employed in all tillage are either slaves or freemen or both4 ,free labour is seen in the case of those who till their#gbb land themselves1 as poor peasants#gbc with the help of their families mostly do3 or in that of wage-earners#gbd1 as when a farmer hires free hands to carry out the more important operations on his farm1 vintage or hay-harvest and the like3 such also are those who were called 8tied men0#gbe in ,italy1 a class still numerous in ,asia ,egypt and ,illyricum4 ,speaking of these#gbf as a class1 ,i maintain that in the tillage of malarious land#gbg it pays better to employ free wage-earners than slaves2 even in a healthy spot the more important operations1 such as getting in vintage or harvest1 are best so managed4 ,as to their qualities1 ,cassius writes thus3 in buying#gbh labourers you are to choose men fit for heavy work1 not less than #bb years of age and ready to learn farm-duties4 ,this you can infer from giving them other tasks and seeing how they perform them1 or by questioning#gbi new slaves as to the work they used to do under their former owner4 ,slaves should be neither timid nor high-spirited4 ,their overseers#gcj should be men able to read and write1 in fact with a touch of education1 honest fellows1 somewhat older than the mere labourers just mentioned4 ,for these are more willing to obey their elders4 ,above all things the one indispensable quality in overseers is practical knowledge of farming4 ,for the overseer is not only to give orders1 but to take part in carrying them out2 so that the slave may do as he sees the overseer do1 and note the reasonableness of his own subordination to one his superior in knowledge4 ,on the other hand the overseer should not be allowed to enforce obedience by the lash rather than by reprimand1--of course supposing that the same effect#gca is produced4 ,again1 you should not buy too many slaves of the same race1 for nothing breeds trouble in the household#gcb more than this4 ,for the overseers there should be rewards to make them keen in their work3 care should be taken to allow them a private store#gcc and slave concubines to bear them children1 a tie which steadies them and binds them more closely to the estate4 ,it is these family ties that distinguish the slave-gangs from ,epirus and give them a high market-value4 ,you should grant favours to overseers to gain their goodwill1 and also to the most efficient of the common hands2 with these it is also well to talk over the work that is to be undertaken1 for it makes them think that their owner takes some account of them and does not utterly despise them4 ,they can be given more interest in their work by more generous treatment in the way of food or clothing1 or by a holiday or by leave to keep a beast or so of their own at grass on the estate1 or other privileges3 thus any who have been overtasked or punished may find some comfort#gcd and recover their ready goodwill towards their owner4' ,this passage well illustrates the advance in scientific treatment of the subject since the time of ,cato4 ,the analysis and classification may not be very profound1 but it tends to orderly method1 not to oracles4 ,the influence of ,greek writings is to be traced1 for instance in the rules for the choice and treatment of slaves4 ,the writings of ,aristotle and his school had been studied in ,rome since the great collection had been brought by ,sulla from the ,east4 ,how far ,varro actually borrows from ,aristotle or ,plato or ,xenophon is not always easy to say4 ,the advice to avoid getting too many slaves of one race or too spirited1 and to use sexual relations as a restraining tie1 were by this time common-places of slave-management1 and appear under ,cato in somewhat cruder practical forms4 ,but ,varro is involved in the difficulties that have ever beset those who try to work on double principles1 to treat the slave as at once the chattel of an owner and a partner in common humanity4 ,so he tells his reader #8manage your slaves as men1 if you can get them to obey you on those terms2 if not1--well1 you must make them obey--flog them4' ,humanitarian principles have not gone far in the system of ,varro1 who looks solely from the master's point of view4 ,the master gets rather more out of his slaves when they work to gain privileges than when they work merely to escape immediate punishment4 ,so he is willing to offer privileges1 and the prospect of promotion to the higher ranks of the staff4 ,overseers and the best of the common hands may form a little quasi-property of their own by the master's leave4 ,but these peculia do not seem to be a step on the road to manumission1 of which we hear nothing in this treatise4 ,we are left to infer that rustic slaves on estates generally remained there when past active work1 tolerated hangers-on1 living on what they could pick up1 and that to have acquired some peculium was a comfortable resource in old age4 ,in short1 the hopes of the worn-out rustic bondman were limited indeed4 ,when we note ,varro's attitude towards free labour we cannot wonder that humanitarianism is not conspicuous in his treatment of slavery4 ,hired men are more to be trusted than slaves1 so you will employ them1 as ,cato advised1 for jobs that need care and honesty and that cannot wait4 ,but he adds a sinister hint as to employing them on work dangerous to health4 ,your own slaves for whom you have paid good money are too valuable to be exposed to such risks4 ,the great merit of the mercennarius is that1 when the job is done and his wage paid1 you have done with him and have no further responsibility4 ,this brutally industrial view is closely connected with the legal atmosphere of ,roman civilization1 in which ,varro lived and moved4 ,the debtor discharging his debt by serving his creditor as a farm-hand1 once an ordinary figure in ,italy1 was now only found abroad3 ,varro mentions this unhappy class1 for he is not thinking of ,italy alone4 ,it is interesting to hear from him that peasant-farmers were not extinct in ,italy4 ,but we are not told whether they were still numerous or whether they were mostly to be found in certain districts1 as from other authorities we are tempted to infer4 ,nor do we learn whether men with small farms of their own often went out as wage-earners2 nor again whether landless mercennarii were in his time a numerous class4 ,these omissions make it very difficult for us to form any clear and trustworthy picture of rural conditions as they presented themselves to ,varro4 ,it would seem that they were in general much the same as in ,cato's time1 but that ,varro is more inclined to discuss openly some details that ,cato took for granted4 ,so in his turn ,varro takes some things for granted1 passing lightly over details that we cannot but wish to know4 ,there is however one important matter1 ignored by ,cato 7at least in his text as we have it71 to which reference is found in ,varro4 ,it is the presence of the free tenant farmer 7colonus7 in the agricultural system of ,italy4 ,he tells us that the formal lease#gce of a farm usually contained a clause by which the colonus was forbidden to graze a she-goat's offspring on the farm4 ,in another passage#gcf the same prohibition is mentioned1 but with this limitation1 that it applies only to land planted with immature saplings4 ,so poisonous were the teeth of nibbling goats thought to be4 ,the restriction imposed on the tenant suggests that the landlord was bargaining at an advantage2 the lessor could dictate his terms to the lessee4 ,that the tenant farmers of this period were at least in some cases humble dependants of their landlords is clearly shewn by a passage#gcg of ,caesar4 ,in order to hold ,massalia for ,pompey in #di ,,bc1 ,domitius raised a squadron of seven ships1 the crews for which he made up from his own#gch slaves freedmen and tenants4 ,soon after he refers to this force#gci as the tenants and herdsmen brought by ,domitius4 ,these herdsmen are no doubt some of the slaves before mentioned4 ,it is evident that the free retainers called tenants are not conceived as having much choice in the matter when their noble lord called them out for service4 ,probably their effective freedom consisted in the right to own property 7if they could get it71 to make wills1 to rear children of their own1 and other like privileges4 ,but their landlord would have so great a hold#gdj on them that1 though in theory freemen1 they were in practice compelled to do his bidding4 ,in later times we shall find the tenant farmer a common figure in rural life1 but very dependent on his landlord2 and it is by no means clear that his position had ever been a strong and independent one4 ,of ,varro all we can say is that he does refer to farm-tenancy as a business-relation1 and infer from his words that in that relation the landowner had the upper hand4 ,beside what we may call the legal sense of #8tenant1' ,varro also uses colonus in its older sense of #8cultivator4' ,in discussing the convenience of being able to supply farm needs1 and dispose of farm surplus1 in the neighbourhood1 he points out that the presence or absence of this advantage may make all the difference whether a farm can be made to pay or not4 ,for instance1 it is seldom worth while to keep skilled craftsmen#gda of your own3 the death of one such specialist sweeps away the 7year's7 profit of the farm4 ,only rich landowners can provide for such services in their regular staff4 ,so the usual practice of coloni is to rely on local men for such services1 paying a yearly fee and having a right to their attendance at call4 ,the coloni here are simply #8farmers1' and there is nothing to shew that they do not own their farms4 ,the connexion with the verb colere appears even more strongly where pastor is contrasted#gdb with colonus1 grazier with tiller3 and in that passage the colonus is apparently identical with the dominus fundi just below4 ,the coloni of these passages can hardly be mere tenants1 but on the other hand they are certainly not great landowners4 ,they seem to be men farming their own land1 but in a small way#gdc of business4 ,whether there were many such people in ,varro's ,italy1 he does not tell us4 ,nor do we find any indication to shew whether they would normally take part in farm work with their own hands4 ,when he deplores#gdd the modern tendency to crowd into the city1 where men use their hands for applauding shows1 having abandoned the sickle and the plough1 he is merely repeating the common lament of reformers4 ,there is no sign of any hope of serious reaction against this tendency3 the importation and cheap distribution of foreign corn is a degenerate and ruinous policy1 but there it is4 ,varro admired the small holdings and peasant farmers of yore1 but no man knew better that independent rustic citizens of that type had passed away from the chief arable districts of ,italy never to return4 ,that small undertakings were still carried on in the neighbourhood of ,rome and other urban centres1 is evident from the market-gardens of the ,imperial age4 ,a notable case#gde is that of the bee-farm of a single iugerum worked at a good profit by two brothers about #cj miles north of ,rome4 ,varro expressly notes that they were able to bide their time so as not to sell on a bad market4 ,he had first-hand knowledge of these men1 who had served under him in ,spain4 ,clearly they were citizens4 ,they can hardly have kept slaves4 ,it seems to have been a very exceptional case1 and to be cited as such3 it is very different from that of the peasant farmer of early ,rome1 concerned first of all to grow food for himself and his family4 ,agriculture as treated by ,varro is based on slave labour1 and no small part of his work deals with the quarters1 feeding1 clothing1 discipline1 sanitation1 and mating1 of the slave staff4 ,true to his legal bent1 he is careful to safeguard the rights of the slaveowner by explaining#gdf the formal details necessary to effect a valid purchase1 with guarantee of bodily soundness1 freedom from vice1 and flawless title4 ,again1 to keep slaves profitably it was urgently necessary to keep them constantly employed1 so that the capital sunk in them should not lie idle and the hands lose the habit of industry4 ,therefore1 while relying on local craftsmen for special skilled services occasionally needed1 he insists that a number of rustic articles should be manufactured on the farm4 #8,one ought not to buy anything that can be produced on the estate#gdg and made up by the staff 7domesticis familia71 such as wicker work and things made of rough wood4' ,moreover1 the organization of the staff in departments is an elaborate slave-hierarchy4 ,under the general direction of the vilicus1 each separate function of tillage or grazing1 or keeping and fattening fancy-stock has its proper foreman4 ,such posts carried little privileges1 and were of course tenable during good behaviour4 ,some foremen would have several common hands under them3 none would wish to be degraded back to the ranks4 ,it seems that some wealthy men kept#gdh birdcatchers huntsmen or fishermen of their own1 but ,varro1 writing for the average landlord1 seems to regard these as being properly free professionals4 ,as for the common hands1 the #8labourers' 7operarii71 on whose bone and sinew the whole economic structure rested1 their condition was much the same as in ,cato's time1 but apparently somewhat less wretched4 ,varro does not propose to sell off worn-out slaves2 this let us credit to humaner feelings4 ,he shews a marked regard for the health and comfort of slaves2 this may be partly humanity1 but that it is also due to an enlightened perception of the owner's interest is certain4 ,he does not provide for an ergastulum1 though those horrible prisons were well known in his day4 ,why is this8 ,perhaps partly because slave-labour was no longer normally employed on estates in the extremely crude and brutal fashion that was customary in the second century ,,bc4 ,and partly perhaps owing to the great disturbances of land-tenure since the measures of the ,gracchi and the confiscations of ,sulla4 ,the earlier latifundia had been in their glory when the wealthy nobles sat securely in power1 and this security was for the present at an end4 ,but1 if the slave operarii were somewhat better treated1 their actual field labour was probably no less hard4 ,many pieces of land could not be worked with the clumsy and superficial plough then in use4 ,either the slope of the ground forbade it1 or a deeper turning of the soil was needed1 as for growing#gdi vines4 ,this meant wholesale digging1 and the slave was in effect a navvy without pay or respite4 ,no wonder that fossor became a proverbial term for mere animal strength and dull unadaptability4 ,an interesting estimate of the capability of an average digger is quoted#gej from ,saserna4 ,one man can dig over #h iugera in #de days4 ,but #d day's work is enough for one iugerum 7about of an acre74 ,the #ac spare days allowed are set to the account#gea of sickness1 bad weather1 awkwardness1 and slackness4 ,truly a liberal margin to allow for waste4 ,it cannot have been easy to farm at a profit with slave-labour on such terms2 for the slave's necessary upkeep was1 however meagre1 a continual charge4 ,and yet we do not find ,varro suggesting that free wage-earning labour might in the long run prove more economical than slave-labour even for rough work4 ,nay more1 he does not refer to the employment of contractors with their several gangs1 each interested in getting his particular job done quickly and the price paid4 ,he only refers to mercennarii in general terms1 as we saw above4 ,nor does he speak#geb of politio as a special process1 as ,cato does4 ,it may be that he did not think it worth while to enter into these topics4 ,but it is more probable that the results of agrarian legislation and civil warfare in the revolutionary period had affected the problems of rustic labour4 ,the attempt to revive by law the class of small cultivating owners had been a failure4 ,military service as a career had competed with rustic wage-earning4 ,men waiting to be hired as farm hands were probably scarce4 ,otherwise1 how can we account for the great armies raised in those days8 ,to refer once more to a point mentioned above1 ,varro does not suggest that the charge of an estate might with advantage be entrusted to a freeman as vilicus4 ,that we can discover all the reasons for the preference of slaves as stewards is too much to hope for4 ,that it seemed to be a guarantee of honesty and devotion to duty1 the manager being wholly in his master's power1 is a fairly certain guess4 ,and yet ,varro like others saw the advisability of employing free labour for occasional work of importance4 ,perhaps the permanent nature of a steward's responsibilities had something to do with the preference4 ,it may well have been difficult to keep a hold on a free manager4 ,in management of a slave staff no small tact and intelligence were needed as well as a thorough knowledge of farming4 ,general experience needed to be supplemented by an intimate knowledge#gec of the conditions of the neighbourhood and the capacities of the particular estate4 ,and a free citizen1 whose abilities and energy might qualify him for management of a big landed estate1 had endless opportunities of turning his qualities to his own profit elsewhere4 ,whether as individuals or in companies1 enterprising ,romans found lucrative openings in the farming of revenues1 in state-contracts1 in commerce1 or in money-lending1 both in ,italy and in the ,provinces4 ,such employments1 compared with a possible estate-stewardship1 would offer greater personal independence and a prospect of larger gains4 ,and freemen of a baser and less effective type would have been worse than useless3 certainly far inferior to well-chosen slaves4 ,,xxvi4 ,,cicero4 ,it is hardly possible to avoid devoting a special section to the evidence of ,cicero1 though it must consist mainly of noting a number of isolated references to particular points4 ,with all his many country-houses1 his interest in agriculture was slight4 ,but his active part in public life of all kinds makes him a necessary witness in any inquiry into the facts and feelings of his time2 though there are few witnesses whose evidence needs to be received with more caution1 particularly in matters that offer opportunity for partisanship4 ,for our present purpose this defect does not matter very much4 ,it is chiefly as confirming the statements of others that his utterances will be cited4 ,when we reflect that ,cicero was himself a man of generous instincts1 and that he was well read in the later ,greek philosophies1 we are tempted to expect from him a cosmopolitan attitude on all questions affecting individuals4 ,he might well look at human rights from the point of view of common humanity1 differentiated solely by personal virtues and vices and unaffected by the accident of freedom or servitude4 ,but we do not find him doing this4 ,he might1 and did1 feel attracted by the lofty nobility of the ,stoic system2 but he could not become a ,stoic4 ,no doubt that system could be more or less adapted to the conditions of ,roman life3 it was not necessary to make the ,stoic principles ridiculous by carrying#ged priggishness to the verge of caricature4 ,but the notion that no fundamental difference existed between races and classes1 that for instance the ,wise ,man1 human nature's masterpiece1 might be found among slaves1 was more than ,cicero or indeed any level-headed ,roman could digest4 ,the imperial pride of a great people1 conscious of present predominance through past merit1 could not sincerely accept such views4 ,to a ,roman the corollary of accepting them would be the endeavour 7more or less successful7 to act upon them4 ,this he had no intention of doing1 and a mere theoretical assent#gee to them as philosophical speculations was a detail of no serious importance4 ,taking this as a rough sketch of the position occupied by ,romans of social and political standing1 we must add to it something more to cover the case of ,cicero4 ,he was a #8new man4' ,he was not a great soldier4 ,he was not a revolutionary demagogue4 ,he was ambitious4 ,in order to rise and take his place among the ,roman nobles he had to fall in with the sentiments prevailing among them3 the newly-risen man could not afford to leave the smallest doubt as to his devotion to the privileges of his race and class4 ,thus1 if there was a man in ,rome peculiarly tied to principles of human inequality1 it was ,cicero4 ,therefore we need not be surprised to find that this quick-witted and warm-hearted man looked upon those engaged in handwork with a genial contempt#gef sometimes touched with pity4 ,to him1 as to the society in which he moved1 bodily labour seemed to deaden interest#geg in higher things1 in fact to produce a moral and mental degradation4 ,in the case of slaves1 whose compulsory toil secured to their owners the wealth and leisure needed 7and by some employed7 for politics or self-cultivation1 the sacrifice of one human being for the benefit of another was an appliance of civilization accepted and approved from time immemorial4 ,but the position of the freeman working for wages1 particularly of the man who lived by letting out his bodily strength#geh to an employer for money1 was hardly less degrading in the eyes of ,roman society1 and therefore in those of ,cicero4 ,we have no description of the ,roman mob by one of themselves4 ,that the rough element#gei was considerable1 and ready to bear a hand in political disorder1 is certain4 ,but they were what circumstances had made them1 and it is probable that the riotous party gangs of ,cicero's time were not usually recruited among the best of the wage-earners4 ,it is clear that many slaves took part in riots1 and no doubt a number of freedmen also4 ,in many rural districts disputes between neighbours easily developed into acts of force and the slaves of rival claimants did battle for their several owners4 ,moreover1 slaves might belong1 not to an individual1 but to a company#gfj exploiting some state concession of mineral or other rights4 ,in such cases #8regrettable incidents' were always possible4 ,and the wild herdsmen 7pastores7 roaming armed in the lonely hill-country were a ready-made soldiery ever inclined to brigandage or servile rebellions1 a notorious danger4 ,it was an age of violence in city and country4 ,rich politicians at last took to keeping private bands#gfa of swordsmen 7gladiatores74 ,and it is to be borne in mind that1 while a citizen might be unwilling to risk the life of a costly#gfb slave1 his own property1 a slave would feel no economic restraint to deter him from killing his master's citizen enemy4 ,the employment of slaves in the affrays that took place in country districts over questions of disputed right is fully illustrated in the speeches#gfc delivered in cases of private law4 ,the fact was openly recognized in the legal remedies provided1 for instance in the various interdicta framed to facilitate the trial and settlement of disputes as to possessio4 ,the forms contemplated the probability of slaves being engaged in assailing or defending possession on behalf of their masters1 and the wording even varied according as the force in question had been used by men armed or unarmed4 ,counsel of course made much or little of the happenings in each case according to the interest of their clients4 ,but that bloodshed occurred at times in these fights is certain4 ,and there was no regular police force to keep order in remote corners of the land4 ,when slaves were once armed and set to fight1 they would soon get out of hand1 and a slaveowner might easily lose valuable men4 ,nay more1 an epidemic of local brigandage might result1 particularly in a time of civil war and general unrest1 and none could tell where the mischief would end4 ,we can only form some slight notion of the effect of such conditions as these on the prospects of peaceful agriculture4 ,the speech pro ,quinctio belongs to #ha ,,bc1 the pro ,tullio to #ga1 the pro ,caecina to #fi4 ,when we reflect that the slave rising under ,spartacus lasted from #gc to #ga1 and swept over a large part of ,italy1 we may fairly conclude that this period was a bad one for farming4 ,the most striking picture of the violence sometimes used in the disputes of rustic life meets us in the mutilated speech pro ,tullio1 of which enough remains to make clear all that concerns us4 ,first1 the form of action employed in the case was one of recent#gfd origin1 devised to check the outrages committed by bands of armed slaves1 which had increased since the disturbances of the first civil war4 ,the need for such a legal remedy must have been peculiarly obvious at the time of the trial1 for the rising of ,spartacus had only just been suppressed4 ,cicero refers to the notorious scandal of murders committed by these armed bands1 a danger to individuals and even to the state1 that had led to the creation of the new form of action at law4 ,in stating the facts of the case1 of course from his client's point of view1 he gives us details#gfe which1 true or not1 were at least such as would not seem incredible to a ,roman court4 ,tullius owned an estate in southern ,italy4 ,that his title to it was good is taken for granted4 ,but in it was reckoned a certain parcel of land which had been in undisputed possession of his father4 ,this strip1 which was so situated as to form a convenient adjunct to a neighbouring estate1 was the cause of trouble4 ,the neighbouring estate had been bought by two partners1 who had paid a fancy price for it4 ,the bargain was a bad one1 for the land proved to be derelict and the farmsteads all burnt down4 ,one of the partners induced the other to buy him out4 ,in stating the area of the property he included the border strip of land claimed by ,tullius as his own4 ,in the process of settlement of boundaries for the transfer to the new sole owner he would have included the disputed ground1 but ,tullius instructed#gff his attorney and his steward to prevent this3 they evidently did so1 and thus the ownership of the border strip was left to be determined by process of law4 ,the sequel was characteristic of the times4 ,the thwarted claimant armed a band of slaves and took possession#gfg of the land by force1 killing the slaves who were in occupation on behalf of ,tullius1 and committing other murders and acts of brigandage by the way4 ,we need not follow the case into the law-court4 ,what concerns us is the evidence of unfortunate land speculation1 of land-grabbing1 of boundary-disputes1 and of the prompt use of violence to supersede or hamper the legal determination of rights4 ,the colouring and exaggeration of counsel is to be allowed for2 but we can hardly reject the main outlines of the picture of armed slave-bands and bloodshed as a rural phenomenon of the sorely tried ,south of ,italy4 ,the speech pro ,caecina shews us the same state of things existing in ,etruria4 ,the armed violence alleged in this case is milder in form3 at least the one party fled1 and nobody was killed4 ,proceedings were taken under a possessory interdict issued by a praetor1 and ,cicero's artful pleading is largely occupied with discussion of the bearing and effect of the particular formula employed4 ,several interesting transactions#gfh are referred to4 ,a man invests his wife's dowry in a farm1 land being cheap1 owing to bad times1 probably the result of the ,sullan civil war4 ,some time after1 he bought some adjoining land for himself4 ,after his death and that of his direct heir1 the estate had to be liquidated for purpose of division among legatees4 ,his widow1 advised to buy in the parcel of land adjoining her own farm1 employed as agent a man who had ingratiated himself with her4 ,under this commission the land was bought4 ,cicero declares that it was bought for the widow1 who paid the price1 took possession1 let it to a tenant1 and held it till her death4 ,she left her second husband ,caecina heir to nearly all her property1 and it was between him and the agent ,aebutius that troubles now arose4 ,for ,aebutius declared that the land had been bought by him for himself1 and that the lady had only enjoyed the profits of it for life in usufruct under her first husband's will4 ,this was legally quite possible4 ,at the same time he suggested that ,caecina had lost the legal capacity of taking the succession at all4 ,for ,sulla had degraded the citizens belonging to ,volaterrae1 of whom ,caecina was one4 ,cicero is more successful in dealing with this side-issue than in establishing his client's claim to the land4 ,the dispute arising out of that claim1 the armed violence used by ,aebutius to defeat ,caecina's attempt to assert possession1 and the interdict granted to ,caecina1 were the stages by which the case came into court4 ,its merits are not certain4 ,but the greedy characters on both sides1 the trickery employed by one side or other 7perhaps both71 and the artful handling of the depositions of witnesses1 may incline the reader to believe that the great orator had but a poor case4 ,at all events farming in ,etruria appears as bound up with slave labour and as liable to be disturbed by the violence of slaves in arms4 ,in the above cases it suited ,cicero's purpose to lay stress on the perils that beset defenceless persons who were interested in farms in out-of-the-way#gfi places4 ,yet the use of armed force was probably most habitual on the waste uplands1 and his references to the lawless doings of the brigand slave-bands fully confirm the warnings of ,varro4 ,his tone varies according to the requirements of his client's case1 but he has to admit#ggj that wayfarers were murdered and bloody affrays between rival bands ever liable to occur4 ,he can on occasion#gga boldly charge a political opponent with deliberate reliance on such forces for revolutionary ends4 ,thus of ,c ,antonius he asserts #8he has sold all his live stock and as good as parted with his open pastures1 but he is keeping his herdsmen2 and he boasts that he can mobilize these and start a slave-rebellion whenever he chooses4' ,there was no point in saying this if it had been absurdly incredible4 ,another glimpse of the utter lawlessness prevalent in the wilds appears in the story#ggb of murders committed in ,bruttium4 ,suspicion rested on the slaves employed by the company who were exploiting the pitch-works in the great forest of ,sila under lease from the state4 ,even some of the free agents of the company were suspected4 ,the case1 which was dealt with by a special criminal tribunal1 belongs to the year #ach ,,bc1 and attests the long standing of such disorders4 ,and it is suggestive of guilty complicity on the part of the lessees that1 though they eventually secured an acquittal1 it was only after extraordinary exertions on the part of their counsel4 ,indeed these great gangs of slaves in the service of publicani were in many parts of ,italy and the ,provinces a serious nuisance4 ,wherever the exploitation of state properties or the collection of dues was farmed out to contractors1 a number of underlings would be needed4 ,the lower grades were slaves3 a few rose to higher posts as freedmen of the various companies4 ,now some of the enterprises1 such as mines quarries woodlands and the collection of grazing dues on the public pastures1 were generally in direct contact with rural life1 and employed large staffs of slaves4 ,the managers of a company were concerned to produce a high dividend for their shareholders3 so long as this resulted from the labours of their men1 it was a matter of indifference to them whether neighbouring farmers were robbed or otherwise annoyed4 ,that we hear little or nothing of such annoyances is probably owing to the practice of locking up slave-labourers at night in an ergastulum1 for fear of their running away1 not to keep them from doing damage4 ,runaways do not appear singly as a rustic pest4 ,but in bands there was no limit to the harm that fugitivi might do2 witness the horrors of the slave-wars4 ,in short1 wherever slaves were employed in large numbers1 the possibility of violence was never remote4 ,their masters had always at hand a force of men1 selected for bodily strength and hardened by labour1 men with nothing but hopeless lives to lose1 and nothing loth to exchange dreary toil for the dangers of a fight in which something to their advantage might turn up4 ,no doubt the instances of slaves called to arms in rustic disputes were far more numerous than those referred to by ,cicero3 he only speaks of those with which he was at the moment concerned4 ,is it then true that in the revolutionary period farming depended on slave-labour while its security was ever menaced by dangers that arose directly out of the slave-system8 ,i fear it is true1 absurd though the situation may seem to us4 ,between the great crises of disturbance were spells of comparative quiet1 in which men could and did farm profitably in the chief agricultural districts of ,italy4 ,but it must be remembered that many an estate changed hands in consequence of civil war1 and that many new landlords profited economically by appropriating the capital sunk in farms by their predecessors4 ,the case of ,sextus ,roscius of ,ameria gives us some light on this point4 ,the picture drawn#ggc by ,cicero of the large landed estate of the elder ,roscius1 of his wealth and interest in agriculture1 of his jealous and malignant relatives1 of the reasons why he kept his son ,sextus tied to a rustic life1 is undoubtedly full of colouring and subtle perversions of fact4 ,let it go for what it may be worth4 ,the accused was acquitted of the crime laid to his charge 7parricide71 but there is no sign that he was ever able to recover the estate and the home from which his persecutors had driven him4 ,they had shared the plunder with ,chrysogonus the favoured freedman of ,sulla1 who himself bought the bulk of the property at a mere fraction of its market value1 and it is practically certain that the rogues kept what they got4 ,it was easy to make agriculture pay on such terms4 ,but what of the former owners of such properties1 on whose ruin the new men's prosperity was built8 ,can we believe that genuine agricultural enterprise was encouraged by a state of things in which the fruits of long patience and skill were liable to sudden confiscation8 ,in ,cicero1 as in other writers1 we find evidence of a wage-earning class living by bodily labour alongside of the slave-population4 ,but in passages where he speaks#ggd of mercennarii it is often uncertain whether freemen serving for hire1 or slaves hired from another owner1 are meant4 ,in his language the associations#gge of the word are mean4 ,it is true that you may buy for money not only the day's-work 7operae7 of unskilled labourers but the skill 7artes7 of craftsmen4 ,in the latter case even ,roman self-complacency will admit a certain dignity2 for men of a certain social status#ggf such professions are all very well4 ,but the mere #8hand' is the normal instance2 and for the time of his employment he is not easily distinguished from a slave4 ,therefore ,cicero approves#ggg a ,stoic precept1 that justice bids you to treat slaves as you would hirelings--don't stint their allowances 7food etc71 but get your day's-work out of them4 ,in passages#ggh where the word mercennarius is not used1 but implied1 there is the same tone of contempt1 and it is not always clear whether the workers are free or slaves4 ,in short the word is not as neutral as operarius1 which connotes mere manual labour1 whether the labourer be free or not1 and is figuratively used#ggi to connote a merely mechanical proficiency in any art4 ,our #8journeyman' is sometimes similarly used4 ,there are other terms in connexion with land-management the use of which by ,cicero is worth noting4 ,thus a landlord may have some order to give in reference to the cultivation of a farm4 ,if he gives it to his procurator#ghj1 it is as an instruction1 a commission authorizing him to act2 if to his vilicus1 it is simply a command4 ,for the former is a free attorney1 able at need to represent his principal even in a court of law3 the latter is a slave steward1 the property of his master4 ,the procurator is hardly a #8manager'3 he seldom occurs in connexion with agriculture1 and seems then to be only required when the principal is a very #8big man1' owning land on a large scale1 and probably in scattered blocks4 ,in such cases it would be convenient for 7say7 a senator to give a sort of #8power of attorney' to an agent and let him supervise the direction of a number of farms1 each managed by a steward4 ,i take this policy to be just that against which the writers on agriculture warn their readers4 ,it sins against the golden rule1 that nothing is a substitute for the ,master's eye4 ,whether the agent referred to in the speech pro ,tullio1 who as well as the steward received#gha written instructions from ,tullius1 was guilty of any neglect or blunder1 we cannot tell4 ,that any act done to a procurator or by him was legally equivalent to the same done to or by his principal1 is a point pressed in the pro ,caecina1 no doubt because it was safe ground and an excuse for not dwelling on weak points in a doubtful case4 ,the colonus as a tenant#ghb farmer1 whom we find mentioned in ,varro but not in ,cato1 appears in ,cicero4 ,in the pro ,caecina we read#ghc that the widow lady took possession of the farm and let it 7locavit72 also that the tenant was after her death still occupying the farm1 and that a visit of ,caecina1 in which he audited the accounts of the tenant1 is a proof that ,caecina himself was now in possession4 ,that is1 by asserting control of the sitting tenant ,caecina made the man his agent so far as to retain possession through the presence of his representative4 ,if the facts were as ,cicero states them1 the contention would be legally sound4 ,for1 as he points out in another passage1 any representative#ghd will serve for these purposes of keeping or losing possession4 ,if the interdict-formula only says #8attorney' 7procurator71 this does not mean that only an attorney in the technical sense1 a plenipotentiary agent appointed by an absentee principal with full legal formalities1 is contemplated4 ,no1 the brief formula covers agency of any kind3 it will apply to your tenant your neighbour your client or your freedman1 in short to any person acting on your behalf4 ,in the great indictment of ,verres#ghe we find a good instance of tenancy in ,sicily1 where it seems to have been customary for large blocks of land to be held on lease from the state by tenants-in-chief 7aratores7 who sometimes sublet parcels to coloni4 ,in this case the trouble arose out of the tithe to which the land was liable4 ,verres1 in order to squeeze an iniquitous amount out of a certain farm1 appointed a corrupt court charged to inquire whether the 7arable7 acreage had been correctly returned by the colonus4 ,of course they were instructed to find that the area had been fraudulently understated4 ,but the person against whom judgment was to be given was not the colonus1 but ,xeno1 who was not the owner of the farm4 ,he pleaded that it belonged to his wife1 who managed her own affairs2 also that he had not been responsible for the cultivation 7non arasse74 ,nevertheless he was not only compelled to pay a large sum of money to meet the unfair damages exacted1 but subjected to further extortion under threat of corporal punishment4 ,the returns on which the tithes were assessed would seem to have been required from the actual cultivators1 and the lessees of the year's tithe to have had a right of action against the owners or chief-tenants of the land1 if the tenant farmer defaulted in any particular4 ,so far we are able to gather that tenant farmers were no exception at this time1 though perhaps not a numerous class2 and that they were not persons of much social importance4 ,that they were to a considerable extent dependent on their landlords is probable1 though not actually attested by ,cicero1 for we have seen evidence of it in a passage of ,caesar4 ,cicero's reference#ghf to the case of a lady who committed adultery with a colonus is couched in such terms as to imply the man's social inferiority4 ,in another passage#ghg we hear of a man in the ,order of equites equo publico being disgraced by a censor taking away his state-horse1 and of his friends crying out in protest that he was optimus colonus1 thrifty and unassuming4 ,here we have a person of higher social quality1 no doubt3 but ,i conceive colonus to be used in the original sense of #8cultivator4' ,to say #8he is a good farmer' does not imply that he is a mere tenant1 any more than it does in the notable passage of ,cato4 ,the vilicus generally appears in ,cicero as the slave steward familiar to us from other writers4 ,in one place#ghh he is contrasted with the dispensator1 who seems to be a sort of slave clerk charged with registering stores and serving out rations clothing etc4 ,as this functionary seldom meets us in the rustic system of the period1 we may perhaps infer that only large estates1 where the vilicus had no time to spare from purely agricultural duties1 required such extra service4 ,in saying that he can read and write 7litteras scit7 ,cicero may seem to imply that this is not to be expected from the vilicus3 but the inference is not certain1 for the agricultural writers require stewards to read at least4 ,in another passage#ghi we read that in choosing a slave for the post of steward the one thing to be kept in view is not technical skill but the moral qualities1 honesty industry alertness4 ,here it is plain that the orator is warping the truth in order to suit his argument3 ,varro would never have disregarded technical skill4 ,for ,cicero's point is that what the state needs most in its #8stewards' 7that is1 magistrates7 is good moral qualities4 ,on the same lines he had some #af years before compared#gij ,verres to a bad steward1 who has ruined his master's farm by dishonest and wasteful management1 and is in a fair way to be severely punished for his offence4 ,the tone of this passage is exactly that of old ,cato1 put in the rhetorical manner of an advocate4 ,a few words must be said on the subject of manumission4 ,in his defence of ,rabirius1 accused of high treason1 ,cicero launches#gia out into a burst of indignation at the attempted revival of an obsolete barbarous procedure designed for his client's destruction4 ,the cruel method of execution to which it points1 long disused1 is repugnant to ,roman sentiment1 utterly inconsistent with the rights of free humanity4 ,such a prospect#gib would be quite unendurable even to slaves1 unless they had before them the hope of freedom4 ,for1 as he adds below1 when we manumit a slave1 he is at once freed thereby from fear of any such penalties as these4 ,taken by itself1 this passage is better evidence of the liability of slaves to cruel punishment than of the frequent use of manumission4 ,but we know from ,cicero's letters and from other sources that freedmen were numerous4 ,and from a sentence#gic in one of the ,philippics we may gather that it was not unusual for masters to grant freedom to slaves after six years of honest and painstaking service4 ,i suspect that this utterance1 in the context in which it occurs1 should not be taken too literally4 ,that ,romans of wealth and position liked to surround themselves with retainers1 humble and loyal1 bound to their patron by ties of gratitude and interest1 is certain3 and early manumissions were naturally promoted by this motive4 ,but the most pleasing instances were of course those in which a community of pursuits developed a real sympathy1 even affection between owner and owned1 as in the case of ,tiro1 on whose manumission#gid ,quintus ,cicero wrote to congratulate his brother4 ,in all these passages1 however1 there is one thing to be noted4 ,they do not look to the conditions of rustic life2 and1 so far as the evidence of ,cicero goes1 they do not shake my conviction that manumission was a very rare event on country estates4 ,a topic of special interest is the evidence of the existence of farmers who1 whether employing slaves or not1 worked on the land in person4 ,what does ,cicero say as to 1 in his time8 ,it has been pointed out above that1 when it suits his present purpose1 he not only enlarges on the homely virtues of country folk but refers to the old ,roman tradition of farmer-citizens called from the plough to guide and save the state in hours of danger4 ,he made full use of this topic in his defence of ,sextus ,roscius1 and represented his client as a simple rustic1 reeking of the farmyard1--how far truly1 is doubtful4 ,but he does not go so far as to depict him ploughing or digging or carting manure4 ,it is reasonable to suppose that the slaves to whom he refers#gie did the rough farm-work under his orders4 ,when he can make capital out of the wrongs of the humble labouring farmer1 the orator does not shrink from doing so4 ,one of the iniquities laid to the charge#gif of ,verres is that he shifted the burden of taking legal proceedings from the lessees of the ,sicilian tithes 7decumani7 to the tithe-liable lessees of the land 7the aratores74 ,instead of the tithe-farmer having to prove that his demand was just1 the land-farmer had to prove that it was unjust4 ,now this was too much even for those farming on a large scale3 it meant in practice that they had to leave their farms and go off to make their appeals at ,syracuse4 ,but the hardship was far greater in the case of small farmers 7probably sub-tenants71 of whom he speaks thus3 #8,and what of those whose means of tillage#gig consist of one yoke of oxen1 who labour on their farms with their own hands--in the days before your governorship such men were a very numerous class in ,sicily--when they have satisfied the demands of ,apronius1 what are they to do next8 ,are they to leave their tillages1 leave their house and home1 and come to ,syracuse1 in the hope of reasserting their rights at law against an ,apronius#gih under the impartial government of a ,verres8' ,no doubt the most is made of these poor men and their wrongs4 ,but we need not doubt that there were still some small working farmers in ,sicily4 ,in the half-century or so before the time of ,verres we hear#gii of free ,sicilians who were sorely disturbed by the great servile rebellions and even driven to make common cause with the insurgent slaves4 ,some such #8small men' were evidently still to be found wedged in among the big plantations4 ,another important passage occurs in the artful speech against the agrarian bill of ,rullus4 ,it refers to the ager ,campanus1 on the value of which as a public asset#hjj ,cicero insists4 ,this exceptionally fertile district was1 and had long been1 let by the state to cultivating tenants1 whose regularly-paid rents were one of the safest items in the ,roman budget4 ,these farms were no latifundia1 but apparently of moderate size1 such that thrifty farmers could make a good living in this favoured land4 ,with the various political#hja changes1 carrying with them disturbances of occupancy1 caused by wars in the past1 we are not here concerned4 ,cicero declares that one aim of the bill was the assignation of this district to new freeholders1 which meant that the state treasury would lose a sure source of revenue4 ,this1 in the interest of the aristocratic party1 he was opposing1 and undoubtedly misrepresented facts whenever it suited his purpose4 ,in matters of this kind1 he says1 the cry is often raised#hjb that it is not right for lands to lie depopulated with no freemen left to till them4 ,this no doubt refers to the ,gracchan programme for revival of the peasant farmers4 ,cicero declares that such a cry is irrelevant to the present issue1 for the effect of the bill will be to turn out the excellent sitting tenants#hjc only to make room for new men1 the dependants and tools of a political clique4 ,the reason why1 after the fall of ,capua in the second ,punic war1 that city was deprived of all corporate existence1 and yet the houses were left standing1 was this3 the menace of a disloyal ,capua had to be removed1 but a town-centre of some sort could not be dispensed with4 ,for marketing1 for storage#hjd of produce1 the farmers must have some place of common resort3 and when weary with working on their farms they would find the town homesteads a welcome accommodation4 ,allowing for rhetorical colouring in the interests of his case1 perhaps we may take it from ,cicero that a fair number of practical working farmers were settled on the ,campanian plain4 ,his prediction#hje that1 if this district were to be distributed in freehold allotments1 it would presently pass into the hands of a few wealthy proprietors 7as the ,sullan allotments had been doing7 suggests a certain degree of sincerity4 ,but taken as a whole the utterances of ,cicero are too general1 and too obviously meant to serve a temporary purpose1 to furnish trustworthy data for estimating the numerical strength and importance of the working farmers in the ,italy of his day4 ,,xxvii4 ,,sallust ,,and ,,others4 ,in the writings of ,cicero's contemporaries other than ,varro there is very little to be found bearing upon rustic life and labour as it went on in their time4 ,literature was occupied with other themes appropriate to the political conflicts or social scandals or philosophic questionings that chiefly interested various individuals and the circles in which they moved4 ,the origins of civilization formed a fascinating problem for some1 for instance the ,epicurean ,lucretius3 but his theory of the development of agriculture deals with matters outside of our subject4 ,the one helpful passage of ,caesar#hjf has been noticed already4 ,so too has the contemptuous reference#hjg of ,sallust to agriculture as slaves' work4 ,this writer in a few places touches on points of interest4 ,for instance1 in speaking#hjh of the various classes of men who were ripe for revolution1 he says #8moreover there were the able-bodied men who had been used to earn a hard living as hired labourers on farms2 the attraction of private and public bounties had drawn them into ,rome1 where they found idle leisure preferable to thankless toil4' ,such statements1 unsupported by statistics1 must be received with caution1 but this assertion is so far backed up by what we learn from other sources1 that we can accept it as evidence4 ,how many such rustic immigrants of this class there were at any given moment1 is what we want to know1 and do not4 ,again1 in a passage#hji describing the popularity of ,marius in #ajh ,,bc1 he says #8in short1 the commons were fired with such enthusiasm that the handworkers and the rustics of all sorts1 men whose means and credit consisted in the labour of their hands1 struck work and attended ,marius in crowds1 putting his election before their own daily needs4' ,in this there is perhaps some exaggeration1 but the picture is probably true in the main4 ,the agrestes may include both small farmers and labourers4 ,but they can hardly have come from great distances1 and so were probably not very numerous4 ,the description is as loose as passages of the kind were in ancient writers1 and are still4 ,the references to rustic slave-gangs1 and ,catiline's refusal to arm them in support of his rising1 have been cited above4 ,we now pass into the period in which the last acts of the ,roman ,republican drama were played and the great senatorial aristocrats1 in whose hands was a great share of the best lands in ,italy1 lost the power to exploit the subject world4 ,not only by official extortion in provincial governorships1 but by money-lending at usurious interest#haj to client princes or provincial cities1 these greedy nobles amassed great sums of money1 some of which was employed in political corruption to secure control of government at home4 ,civil wars and proscriptions now thinned their ranks1 and confiscations threw many estates into the market4 ,the fall of ,antony in #ca ,,bc left ,octavian master of the whole empire of ,rome1 an emperor ruling under republican disguises4 ,now it was naturally and properly his aim to neutralize the effects of past disorders and remove their causes4 ,he looked back to the traditions of ,roman growth and glory1 and hoped by using the lessons thus learnt to revive ,roman prosperity and find a sound basis for imperial strength4 ,he worked on many lines3 that which concerns us here is his policy towards rustic life and agriculture4 ,as he persuaded and pressed the rich to be less selfish#haa and more public-spirited1 to spend less on ostentation and the adornment of their mansions and parks1 and to contribute liberally to works of public magnificence or utility1 a duty now long neglected2 even so he strove to rebuild ,italian farming1 to make it what it had been of yore1 the seed-bed of simple civic and military virtues4 ,but ancient civilization1 in the course of its development in the ,roman empire1 had now gone too far for any ruler1 however well-meaning and powerful1 to turn the tide4 ,socially it was too concentrated and urban1 economically too individualistic and too dependent on the manipulation of masses of capital4 ,in many directions the policy of the judicious emperor was marvellously successful3 but he did not succeed in reviving agriculture on the old traditional footing as a nursery of peasant farmers4 ,he sought to bring back a traditional golden age1 and court-poets were willing to assert#hab that the golden age had indeed returned4 ,this was not true4 ,the ever-repeated praises of country life are unreal4 ,even when sincere1 they are the voice of town-bred men1 weary of the fuss and follies of urban life1 to which nevertheless they would presently come back refreshed but bored#hac with their rural holiday4 ,that the science and art of agriculture were being improved1 is true2 hence the treatise of ,varro1 written in his old age4 ,but technical improvements could not set the small farmers as a class on their legs again4 ,the small man's vantage lay 7and still lies7 in minute care and labour freely bestowed1 without stopping to inquire whether the percentage of profit is or is not an adequate return for his toil4 ,moreover1 technical improvements often require the command of considerable capital4 ,the big man can sink capital and await a return on the investment3 but this return must be at a minimum rate or he will feel that it does not #8pay4' ,for in his calculations he cannot help comparing the returns#had on different kinds of investments4 ,under such conditions it is no wonder that we find latifundia still existing under the early ,empire in districts suited for the plantation system4 ,no doubt much of the large landholding was the outcome of social ambitions4 ,men who had taken advantage of civil war and its sequels to sink money in land took their profit either in a good percentage on plantations1 or in the enhanced importance gained by owning fine country places1 or in both ways4 ,a new class was coming to the front under the imperial rgime and among them were wealthy freedmen4 ,these had not yet reached the predominant influence and colossal wealth that marked their successors of the next generation4 ,but they had begun to appear#hae in the last age of the ,republic1 and were now a force by no means to be ignored4 ,such landowners were not likely to favour the revival of peasant farmers1 unless the presence of the latter could be utilized in the interest of the big estates4 ,there were two ways in which this result could be attained4 ,a small freeholder might1 from the small size of his farm1 have some spare time1 and be willing to turn it to account by working elsewhere for wages4 ,such a man would be a labourer of the very best kind1 but he could not be relied upon to be disengaged at a particular moment2 for1 if not busy just then on his own farm1 some other employer might have secured his services4 ,a small tenant farmer1 to whom part of a great estate was let1 would be governed by any conditions agreed upon between him and his landlord4 ,that these conditions might include a liability to a certain amount of actual service at certain seasons on his landlord's estate1 is obvious4 ,that the coloni of later times were normally in this position1 is well known4 ,that this system1 under which a tenant retaining personal freedom was practically 7and at length legally7 bound to the soil1 suddenly arose and became effective1 is most improbable4 ,whether we can detect any signs of its gradual introduction will appear as our inquiry proceeds4 ,we have already noted the few references to tenant coloni under the ,republic4 ,it is enough to remark here that1 whatever degree of improvement in agriculture may have taken place owing to the reestablishment of peace and order1 it could hardly have been brought about without employing the best labour to be had4 ,if therefore we find reason to believe that the supply of skilled free labour for special agricultural work was gradually found by giving a new turn to the tenancy-system1 we may hazard a guess that the first tentative steps in this direction belong to the quiet developments of the ,augustan peace4 ,,rome--,,the ,,empire ,,xxviii4 ,,agriculture ,,and ,,agricultural ,,labour ,,under ,,the ,,roman ,,empire4 ,,general ,,introduction4 ,that the position of the working farmer in the fourth and fifth centuries ,,ad was very different from what it had been in the early days of the ,roman ,republic1 is hardly open to question4 ,that in the last two centuries of the ,republic his position had been gravely altered for the worse in a large 7and that in general the best7 part of ,italy1 is not less certain4 ,this period1 from #bda to #ca ,,bc1 had seen the subjection to ,rome of the ,mediterranean countries1 and the ,italian peninsula was an imperial land4 ,it was inevitable that from a dominion so vast and various there should be some sort of reaction on its mistress1 and reaction there had been1 mostly for evil1 on the victorious ,roman state4 ,the political social and moral effects of this reaction do not concern us here save only in so far as the economic situation was affected thereby4 ,for instance1 the plunder of the ,provinces by bad governors and the extortions practised by subordinate officials1 the greed of financiers and their agents1 were the chief sources of the immense sums of money that poured into ,italy4 ,the corruption promoted by all this ill-gotten wealth expressed itself in many forms2 but in no way was it more effective than in degradation of agriculture4 ,it was not merely that it forwarded the movement towards great aggregations of latifundia4 ,it supplied the means of controlling politics by bribery and violence and rendering nugatory all endeavours to reform the land-system and give legislative remedies a fair trial4 ,the events of the revolutionary period left nearly all the land of ,italy in private ownership1 most of it in the hands of large owners4 ,the ,sullan and ,triumviral confiscations and assignations were social calamities and economic failures4 ,of their paralysing effect on agriculture we can only form a general notion1 but it is clear that no revival of a free farming peasantry took place4 ,changes there had been in agriculture1 due to influences from abroad4 ,farming on a large scale and organization of slave labour had given it an industrial turn4 ,the crude and brutal form in which this at first appeared had probably been somewhat modified by experience4 ,the great plantations clumsily adapted from ,punic models were not easily made to pay4 ,more variety in crops became the fashion1 and the specializing of labour more necessary4 ,in this we may surely trace ,greek and ,greco-oriental influences1 and the advance in this respect is reflected in the more scientific precepts of ,varro as compared with those of ,cato4 ,but1 so long as the industrial aim1 the raising of large crops for the urban market1 prevailed1 this change could not tend to revive the farming peasantry1 whose aim was primarily an independent subsistence1 and who lacked the capital needed for agricultural enterprise on industrial lines4 ,meanwhile there was the large-scale slavery system firmly established1 and nothing less than shrinkage of the supply of slaves was likely to shake it4 ,but the course of ,roman conquest and formation of ,provinces had brought ,italy into contact with countries in which agriculture and its relation to governments stood on a very different footing from that traditional in ,roman ,italy4 ,the independent peasant farmer living by his own labour on his own land1 a double character of citizen and soldier1 untroubled by official interference1 was a type not present to the eyes of ,romans as they looked abroad4 ,tribal ownership1 still common in the ,west1 had been outgrown in ,italy4 ,the ,carthaginian system1 from which much had been learnt1 was an exploitation-system1 as industrial as a government of merchant princes could make it4 ,in ,sicily it met a ,hellenistic system set up by the rulers of ,syracuse1 and the two seem to have blended or at least to have had common characteristics4 ,the normal feature was the payment of a tithe of produce 77 to the ,state4 ,for the ,state claimed the property of the land1 and reserved to itself a regular #aj in acknowledgement thereof4 ,this royal title had passed to ,rome1 and ,rome accordingly levied her normal decumae1 exemption from which was a special favour granted to a few communities4 ,now the principle that the ultimate ownership of land is vested in the ,king#haf was well known in the ,east1 and is to be traced in several of the monarchies founded by the ,successors of ,alexander4 ,in the ,seleucid and ,attalid kingdoms there have been found indications of it1 though the privileges of cities and temples checked its general application4 ,but in ,egypt it existed in full vigour1 and had done so from time immemorial4 ,it was in fact the most essential expression of oriental ideas of sovranty4 ,combined with it was the reservation of certain areas as peculiarly #8royal lands' the cultivators of which were #8royal farmers1' 1 standing in a direct relation to the ,king and controlled by his administrative officials4 ,the interest of the sovran was to extract a regular revenue from the crown-lands3 hence it was the aim of government to secure the residence of its farmers and the continuous cultivation of the soil4 ,the object was attained by minute regulations applied to a submissive people of small needs4 ,it is evident that agriculture under conditions such as these was based on ideas fundamentally different from those prevalent in ,italy4 ,there private ownership was the rule1 and by the end of the ,republic it was so more than ever4 ,the latifundia had grown by transfers of property#hag in land1 whether the holdings so absorbed were original small freeholds or allotments of state land granted under agrarian laws4 ,present estates1 whether large or small1 were normally held under a full proprietary title2 and the large ones at least were valued as an asset of social and political importance rather than as a source of economic profit4 ,the owner could do what he would with his own1 and in ,italy#hah there was no tax-burden on his land4 ,we may ask how it came about that the ,italian and ,provincial systems stood thus side by side1 neither assimilating the other4 ,the answer is that the contrast suited the interests of the moneyed classes who controlled the government of ,rome4 ,to exploit the regal conditions taken over by the ,republic abroad was for them a direct road to riches1 and the gratification of their ambitions was achieved by the free employment of their riches at home4 ,the common herd of poor citizens1 pauperized in ,rome or scattered in country towns and hamlets1 had no effective means of influencing policy1 even if they understood what was going on and had 7which they had not7 an alternative policy of their own4 ,so the ,empire took over from the ,republic a system existing for the benefit of hostile aristocrats and capitalists1 with whom it was not practicable to dispense and whom it was not easy to control4 ,we cannot suppose that the classes concerned with agriculture had any suspicion how far-reaching were the changes destined to come about under the new government4 ,they could not look centuries ahead4 ,for the present1 the ruler spared no pains to dissemble his autocratic power and pose as a preserver and restorer of the ,past4 ,caution and a judicious patronage inspired literature to praise the government and to observe a discreet silence on unwelcome topics4 ,the attitude of ,augustus towards agriculture will be discussed below4 ,here it is only necessary to remark that the first aim of his policy in this as in other departments was to set the machine working with the least possible appearance of change4 ,as the republican magistracies were left standing1 and gradually failed through the incompetence of senatorial guidance1 so no crude agrarian schemes were allowed to upset existing conditions1 and development was left to follow the lines of changing economic and political needs4 ,it is well to take a few important matters and see very briefly how imperial policy set going tendencies that were in course of time to affect profoundly the position of agriculture4 ,in the first place it was clear that no stable reconstruction was possible without a large and steady income4 ,to this end a great reform of the old methods of revenue-collection was necessary4 ,the wasteful system of tax-farmers practically unchecked in their exactions was exchanged for collection by officials of the state or of municipalities4 ,in the case of land-revenue this change was especially momentous1 for in no department had the abuses and extortions of publicani been more oppressive4 ,and it was in the ,emperor's ,provinces that this reform was first achieved4 ,agriculture was by far the most widespread occupation of the subject peoples2 and the true imperial interest was1 not to squeeze the most possible out of them at a given moment1 but to promote their continuous wellbeing as producers of a moderate but sure revenue4 ,that this wise policy was deliberately followed is indicated by the separate#hai treatment of ,egypt4 ,augustus did not present his new acquisition to the ,roman state4 ,he stepped into the position of the late ,ptolemies1 and was king there without the name4 ,as he found the cash of ,ptolemaic treasure a means of paying off debts and avoiding initial bankruptcy1 so by keeping up the existing financial system he enjoyed year by year a large income entirely at his own disposal1 and avoided the risk of disturbing institutions to which the native farmers had been used from time immemorial4 ,the possession of this vast private revenue undoubtedly had much to do with the successful career of ,augustus in establishing the empire4 ,so long as the empire was secure from invasion1 and the collection of taxes on a fair and economical plan afforded sufficient and regular returns1 general prosperity prevailed over a larger area than ever before4 ,the boon of peace was to the subject peoples a compensation for the loss of an independence the advantages of which were uncertain and in most cases probably forgotten4 ,if the benumbing of national feelings was in itself not a good thing1 the central government was able to pay its way1 and emperors could at need appear as a sort of benign providence1 by grants of money or temporary remissions of taxation in relief of extraordinary calamities4 ,and yet1 as we can now see in retrospect1 the establishment of the new monarchy had set in motion tendencies that were destined to upset the social and economic structure and eventually to give it a more ,oriental character4 ,italy long remained a favoured metropolitan land4 ,but the great landowning nobles no longer ruled it and the ,provinces also4 ,no dissembling could conceal the truth that their political importance was gone4 ,it may be#hbj that some of the great landlords gave more attention to their estates as economic units4 ,it is much more certain that large-scale landholding abroad#hba was more attractive than that in ,italy4 ,it was not a new thing1 and under the republican government great provincial ,roman landlords had enjoyed a sort of local autocratic position1 assured by their influence in ,rome4 ,but an emperor's point of view was very different from that of the old republican ,senate4 ,he could not allow the formation of local principalities in the form of great estates under no effective control4 ,these landlords had been bitter opponents of ,julius ,caesar3 ,augustus had been driven to make away with some of them3 the uneasiness of his successors at length found full vent in the action of ,nero1 who put to death six great landlords in ,africa1 and confiscated their estates4 ,half ,africa1 the ,province specially affected1 thus passed into the category of ,imperial ,domains1 under the control of a departmental bureau1 and later times added more and more to these praedia ,caesaris in many parts of the empire4 ,the convenient simplicity of having great areas of productive land administered by imperial agents more or less controlled by the officials of a central department1 into which the yearly dues were regularly paid1 cannot have escaped the notice of emperors4 ,but the advantages of such a system had been a part of their actual experience#hbb from the first in the case of ,egypt4 ,egypt too was the special home of finance based on a system of regulated agriculture and hereditary continuity of occupation4 ,in particular1 the interest of the government in the maintenance and extension of cultivation was expressed in minute rules for land-tenure and dues payable1 and the care taken to keep the class of #8royal farmers' in a prosperous condition4 ,thus there was recognized a sort of community of interest between peasant and king4 ,that middlemen should not oppress the former or defraud the latter was a common concern of both4 ,now in the ,roman empire we note the growth of a system resembling this in its chief features4 ,we find the tillage of imperial domains#hbc carried on by small farmers holding parcels of land1 generally as sub-tenants of tenants-in-chief holding direct from the emperor4 ,these small farmers were evidently workers1 whether they to some extent used slave-labour or not4 ,imperial policy favoured these men as steady producers turning the land to good account1 and thus adding to the resources of the empire without being 7like great landlords7 a possible source of danger4 ,hence great care was taken to protect the coloni ,caesaris from oppression by middlemen3 and1 so long as head-tenants and official agents did not corruptly combine to wrong the farmers1 the protection seems to have been effective4 ,moreover1 the advantage of retaining the same tenants on the land whose conditions they understood by experience1 and of inducing them to reclaim and improve further portions of the waste1 was kept clearly in view4 ,a policy of official encouragement in these directions was in full swing in the second century ,,ad and may perhaps have been initiated by ,vespasian4 ,it is not necessary to assume that these arrangements were directly copied from ,oriental1 particularly ,egyptian1 conditions4 ,the convenience of permanent tenants and the ever-pressing need of food-supply are enough to account for the general aim1 and experience of the ,east would naturally help to mature the policy4 ,the establishment of the ,empire made it possible4 ,but we must plainly note the significance of new ideas in respect of residence and cultivation4 ,in the ,roman land-system of ,italy private ownership was the rule1 and the general assumption that the owner cultivated on his own account3 stewards and slave-gangs were common but not essential phenomena4 ,it is true that the practice of letting farms to cultivating tenants existed1 and that in the first two centuries of the ,empire it was on the increase1 probably promoted by the comparative scarcity of slaves in times of peace4 ,but tenancy was a contract-relation1 and the law1 while protecting the tenant1 gave to the landlord ample means of enforcing regular and thorough cultivation4 ,and this automatically ensured the tenant's residence in any conditions short of final despair4 ,we shall see that as agriculture declined in ,italy it became more and more difficult to find and keep satisfactory tenants3 but the tenant was in the last resort free to go1 and the man who had to be compelled to cultivate properly was just the man on whom the use of legal remedies was least likely to produce the desired practical effect4 ,now on the imperial domains abroad we find a growing tendency to insist on residence1 as a rule imposed from above4 ,the emperor could not leave his coloni simply at the mercy of his head-tenants4 ,he was very ready to protect them1 but to have them flitting at will was another matter4 ,and this tendency surely points to ,egyptian analogies2 naturally too1 as the ,empire was becoming more definitely a ,monarchy4 ,we shall also find reason to think that both in ,italy and in the ,provinces there was a tendency to reduce farm-tenants to a considerable degree of de facto dependence by manipulation of economic relations4 ,a landlord could let a farm on terms apparently favourable but so arranged that it was easy for the tenant to fall into arrears and become his debtor4 ,the exploitation of debtors' necessities#hbd was a practice traditionally ,roman from very early times4 ,true1 it was seldom politic to sell up a defaulting tenant in the declining state of ,italian agriculture4 ,but the gradual acceptance of a liability to small burdens in lieu of cash payment might rob him of his effective independence before he was well aware of the change in his position4 ,on a great provincial domain1 the emperor being far away1 a head-tenant could deal with the sub-tenants on much the same lines4 ,a trifling requirement1 just exceeding what was actually due1 would be submitted to as not worth the trouble and risk of setting the appeal-machinery in motion4 ,further encroachments1 infinitesimal but cumulative1 might reduce the colonus to a semi-servile condition3 and1 the poorer he became1 the less his prospect of protection from the emperor's local agents1 too often men of itching palms4 ,still the coloni were freemen1 and we have evidence that they sometimes appealed to their imperial lord1 and with success4 ,it seems that in some respects coloni ,caesaris were at an advantage as compared with coloni of private landlords1 at least in the means of protection4 ,roman law was very chary of interference with matters of private contract1 and the principles guiding the courts were well known4 ,an astute landlord could see to it that his encroachments on a tenant's freedom did not entitle the man to a legal remedy4 ,but the imperial domains abroad were often1 if not always1 governed by administrative procedure under the emperor's own agents2 and these gentry could quickly be brought to order1 and compelled to redress grievances1 by a single word from headquarters4 ,that the word was forthcoming on occasion is not wonderful4 ,the policy of an emperor was to cherish and encourage the patient farmers whose economic value was a sound imperial asset1 while the head-tenant was only a convenient middleman4 ,but the private landowner had no imperial interest to guide him1 and looked only to his own immediate profit4 ,in tracing the influences that changed the condition of the working farmer we must not forget the establishment of a new military system4 ,the standing army created by ,augustus was an absolute necessity for imperial defence4 ,at the same time it was a recognition of the fact that the old system of temporary levies1 long proved inadequate1 must henceforth be abandoned4 ,frontier armies could not be formed by simply mobilizing free peasants for a campaign4 ,the strength of the armies lay in military skill1 not in numbers4 ,long service and special training made them uniformly professional1 and provision was duly made for regular conditions of retirement4 ,the ,italian peasant-farmers1 much fewer than of yore1 and no longer all potential soldiers1 were left to become simply professional farmers4 ,that agriculture nevertheless did not really prosper was due to causes beyond their control2 but that they1 both tenant coloni and any remaining small owners1 should tend to become a purely peasant class was inevitable4 ,augustus may have wished to rebuild ,italian agriculture on a sound foundation of the peasant-elements1 but circumstances were too contrary for the successful prosecution of any such design4 ,meanwhile the marked differentiation#hbe of soldier and farmer1 and the settlement of veterans on allotments of land1 mainly in frontier ,provinces1 was proceeding4 ,analogies from the ,east1 particularly from ,egypt1 where such arrangements#hbf were traditional1 can hardly have been ignored4 ,in ancient ,egypt the division of military and farming classes had been so marked as to present the appearance of a caste-system4 ,but this was not peculiar to ,egypt4 ,it was in full vigour in ancient ,india1 where it impressed#hbg ,greek observers1 to whom the general absence of slaves1 there as in ,egypt1 seemed one of its notable phenomena4 ,i do not venture to suggest that ,roman emperors set themselves deliberately to substitute a fixed attachment of working farmers to the soil for a failing system of rustic slave-labour4 ,but it is not likely that1 as labour-problems from time to time arose1 the well-known ,oriental solutions were without some influence on their policy4 ,we must not forget that ,greek thinkers had long ago approved the plan of strict differentiation of functions in ideal states1 and that such notions1 popularized in ,latin1 were common property in educated circles4 ,tradition#hbh even pointed to the existence of some such differentiation in primitive ,rome4 ,therefore1 when we find under the later ,empire a rigid system of castes and gilds1 and the coloni attached to the soil with stern penalties to hinder movement1 we must not view the situation with modern eyes4 ,the restraint1 that to us seems a cruel numbing of forces vital to human progress1 would come as no great shock to the world of the fourth century1 long prepared for the step by experience not encountered by theory4 ,to us it is a painful revolution that1 instead of the land belonging to the cultivator1 the cultivator had become an appendage of the land4 ,but it was the outcome of a long process3 as for progress in any good sense1 it had ceased4 ,government had become a series of vain expedients to arrest decay4 ,and the rule of fixed origo1 a man's officially fixed domicile1 was nothing more than the doctrine of the long prevalent in the ,east4 ,the true significance of the change binding the tiller to the soil he tilled is to be found in the fact that it was a desperate effort to solve a labour-question4 ,to secure a sufficient supply of food had been a cause of anxiety to the imperial government from the first4 ,the encouragement of increased production had become an important part of imperial policy in the second century4 ,it looked to the small working farmers as the chief producing agency1 men who provided all or most of the labour on their farms1 and in at least some cases a certain amount of task-work#hbi on the larger farms of the head-tenants4 ,but in the wars and utter confusion of the third century the strain on the system was too great4 ,the peaceful and prosperous parts of the empire suffered from increased demands on their resources to make good the deficiencies of the ,provinces troubled with invasions or rebellions4 ,and there can be no doubt that the working of governmental departments was interrupted and impeded by the general disorder4 ,in such times as those of ,gallienus and the so-called ,thirty ,tyrants the protection of the small farmers by intervention of the central authority must have been pitifully ineffective4 ,naturally enough1 we do not get direct record of this failure1 but the change of conditions that followed on the restoration of order by ,diocletian shews what had been happening4 ,the increase of taxation1 rendered necessary by the costly machinery of the new government1 led to increased pressure on the farmers1 and evasions had to be checked by increased restraints4 ,in a few years the facts were recognized and stereotyped by the law of ,constantine1 and the coloni were henceforth bound down to the soil by an act of state4 ,another notable change#hcj was introduced by requiring payment of dues to be made in kind4 ,the motive of this was to provide a certain means of supporting the armies and the elaborate civil service2 for the currency1 miserably debased in the course of the third century1 was a quite unsuitable medium for the purpose4 ,that ,diocletian1 in these institutions of a new model1 was not consciously applying oriental usage to the empire generally1 is hardly credible4 ,it only remained to reduce ,italy to the common level by subjecting ,italian land to taxation4 ,this he did1 and the new ,oriental ,monarchy was complete4 ,that a labour-question underlay the policy of attaching the coloni to the land1 is to be gathered from the following considerations4 ,the development of the plan of promoting small tenancies1 particularly on the imperial domains1 was undoubtedly calculated to take the place of large-scale cultivation by slave labour4 ,it was a move in the direction of more intensive tillage1 and economically sound4 ,so long as a firm hand was kept on large head-tenants and imperial officials1 the plan seems to have been on the whole a success4 ,but all depended on the protection of the small working farmers1 and of course on the moderation of government demands4 ,the disorders of the third century tended to paralyse the protection while they increased demands4 ,therefore the head-tenants1 aided by the slackness or collusion of officials1 gained a predominant power1 which imperial policy had been concerned to prevent4 ,by the time of ,diocletian their position was far stronger than it had been under ,hadrian4 ,to restore the former relations by governmental action would be certainly difficult1 perhaps impossible4 ,as middlemen1 through whose agency the collection of dues in non-municipal areas could be effected1 they were useful4 ,it was a saving of trouble to deal with a comparatively small number of persons1 and those men of substance4 ,the remodelling of the disordered ,empire was no doubt a complicated and laborious business1 and anything that promised to save trouble would be welcomed4 ,so the government accepted#hca the changed position as accomplished fact1 and left the coloni1 its former clients1 to the mercies of the men of capital4 ,but the big men1 controlling ever more lands1 whether as possessors or as imperial head-tenants or as #8patrons' of helpless villagers1 could not meet their obligations to the government without having the disposal of a sufficient and regular supply of labour4 ,and to the authorities of the later ,empire1 deeply committed to a rigid system of castes and gilds1 no way of meeting the difficulty seemed open but to extend the system of fixity to the class of toilers on the land4 ,the motive was a financial one1 naturally4 ,non-industrial1 and so unable to pay for imports by export of its own manufactures1 the civilization of the empire was financially based upon agriculture4 ,looking back on the past1 we can see that the deadening of hope and enterprise in the farming population was a ruinous thing4 ,but the empire drifted into it as the result of circumstances and influences long operative and eventually irresistible4 ,to displace the free peasant by the slave1 then the slave by the small tenant1 only to end by converting the small tenant into a serf1 was a part of the ,roman fate4 ,,rome--,,augustus ,,to ,,nero ,,xxix4 ,,horace ,,and ,,vergil4 ,for literary evidence bearing on agriculture in the time of ,augustus we naturally look to ,vergil and ,horace4 ,now these two witnesses1 taken separately and construed literally1 might convey very different1 even inconsistent1 impressions of farm life and labour in the world around them4 ,and ,vergil is the central figure of ,roman literature1 the poet who absorbed the products of the past and dominated those of many generations to come4 ,his quality as a witness to the present is what concerns us here4 ,i have tried to discuss this problem thoroughly and fairly in a special section4 ,in order to do this1 it has been necessary to deal pari passu with most of the evidence of ,horace1 the rest of which can be treated first by itself4 ,horace1 the freedman's son1 himself an illustration of the way in which the ranks of ,roman citizenship were being recruited from foreign sources1 yields to none in his admiration of the rustic ,romans of old#hcb and the manly virtues of the genuine stock4 ,in the dialogue between himself and his slave ,davus the latter is made to twit him with his praises of the simple life and manners of the commons of yore1 though he would never be content to live as they did4 ,a palpable hit1 as ,horace knew3 but he did not change his tone4 ,with due respect he speaks of the farmers of olden time1 men of sturdy mould and few wants4 ,it was as poor men on small hereditary farms#hcc that ,m' ,curius and ,camillus grew to be champions of ,rome4 ,in those far-off days the citizen might have little of his own1 but the public treasury#hcd was full2 a sharp contrast to present selfishness and greedy land-grabbing4 ,those old farmer folk put their own hand to the work4 ,their sons were brought up to a daily round of heavy tasks1 and the mother of such families#hce was a strict ruler and an active housewife4 ,for the scale of all their operations was small1 and personal labour their chief means of attaining limited ends4 ,they are not represented as using slave labour1 nor is the omission strange4 ,for the military needs of the great world-empire were never far from the minds of the ,augustan writers1 conscious as they were of their master's anxieties on this score4 ,now the typical peasant of old time was farmer and soldier too1 and it is of the rusticorum mascula militum proles that ,horace is thinking4 ,there was no need to refer to farm-slaves even in the case of ,regulus#hcf1 whom tradition evidently assumed to have been a slaveowner4 ,but1 when he refers to circumstances of his own day1 the slave meets us everywhere2 not only in urban life and the domestic circle1 but on the farm and in the contractor's#hcg labour-gang4 ,we then hear of great estates1 of great blocks of land mostly forest 7saltus7#hch bought up by the rich1 of the sumptuous villae of the new style1 all implying masses of slave labour3 also of the great estates outside#hci ,italy1 from which speculators were already drawing incomes4 ,side by side with these scenes of aggressive opulence1 we find occasional mention of a poorer class1 farming small holdings1 who are sometimes represented#hdj as cultivators of land inherited from their forefathers4 ,how far we are to take these references literally1 that is as evidence that such persons were ordinary figures in the rustic life of ,italy1 may be doubted4 ,the poet in need of material for contrasts1 which are inevitably part of his stock-in-trade1 has little in common with the statistician or even the stolid reporter4 ,nor can we be sure that the man who #8works his paternal farm with oxen of his own' or #8delights to cleave his ancestral fields with the mattock1' are workers doing the bodily labour in person4 ,even ,horace1 inclined though he is to realism1 cannot be trusted so far3 such words#hda as arat and aedificat for instance do not necessarily mean that the man guides the plough or is his own mason or carpenter4 ,when he speaks of #8all that the tireless ,apulian#hdb ploughs'--that is1 the harvests he raises by ploughing--he does not seem to have in mind the small farmer4 ,for the context clearly suggests corn raised on a large scale4 ,and yet elsewhere#hdc he gives us a picture of an ,apulian peasant whose hard toil is cheered and eased by the work and attentions of his sunburnt wife1 a little ideal scene of rural bliss4 ,apulia is a large district1 and not uniform#hdd in character1 so we need not assume that either of these passages misrepresents fact4 ,and there is a noticeable difference between the style of the ,satires and ,epistles on the one hand and that of the ,odes on the other4 ,in vocabulary1 as in metre and rhythm1 the former enjoy an easy license denied to the severer lyric poems on which he stakes his strictly poetic reputation4 ,in the ,odes#hde for instance colonus bears the old general sense #8tiller of the soil'3 in the ,satires we find it in the legal sense of #8tenant-farmer' as opposed to #8owner1' dominus4 ,he refers in both groups of poems to the military colonists#hdf pensioned by ,augustus with grants of land4 ,in neither place is the word coloni used2 this is natural enough4 ,we need only note the care with which the court-poet refers to the matter4 ,his master doubtless had many an anxious hour over that settlement3 the poet refers to the granting of lands1 and does not touch on the disturbance caused thereby4 ,nor is ,horace peculiar in this respect4 ,the caution that marks the utterances of all the ,augustan writers is very apt to mislead us when we try to form a notion of the actual situation4 ,the general truth seems to be that the beginning of the ,empire was a time of unrest tempered by exhaustion1 and that things only calmed down gradually as the sufferers of the elder generation died out4 ,wealth was now the one aim of most ambitions1 and the race to escape poverty was extreme4 ,the merchant#hdg in ,horace is a typical figure4 ,for a while he may have had enough of seafaring perils and turn with joy to the rural quiet of his country town3 but to vegetate on narrow means is more than he can stand1 and he is off to the seas again4 ,he is contrasted with the farmer content to till his ancestral fields1 whom no prospect of gain would tempt to face the dangers of the deep3 and he is ,i believe a much more average representative of the age than the acquiescent farmer4 ,one passage in the works of ,horace calls for special discussion by itself1 for the value of its evidence depends on the interpretation accepted1 and opinions have differed4 ,in the fourteenth epistle of the first book the poet expresses his preference for country life in the form of an address to the steward of his ,sabine estate1 beginning with these lines ,vilice silvarum et mihi me reddentis agelli1 quem tu fastidis habitatum quinque focis et quinque bonos solitum ,variam dimittere patres1 thus rendered by ,howes ,dear ,bailiff of the woody wild domain ,whose peace restores me to myself again1-- 7,a sprightlier scene1 it seems1 thy taste requires1 ,to ,varia though it send five sturdy sires ,the lords of five good households7-- and the question at once arises1 what sort of persons are meant by these #8five good fathers4' ,in agreement with the excellent note of ,wilkins ,i hold that they are free heads of households1 and that they are persons existing in the then present time1 not imagined figures of a former age4 ,it seems also clear that they were living on the modest estate 7agellus7 of ,horace4 ,if so1 then they can hardly be other than tenants of farms included therein4 ,therefore it has naturally been inferred that the estate consisted of a villa with a home-farm managed by a steward controlling the staff of eight slaves of whom we hear elsewhere3 and that the outlying portions were let to free farmers#hdh on terms of money rent or shares of produce4 ,horace would thus be the landlord of five coloni1 and his relations with them would normally be kept up through the agency of the resident slave-steward of the home-farm4 ,all this agrees perfectly with other evidence as to the customary arrangements followed on rural estates2 and ,i accept it as a valuable illustration of a system not new but tending to become more and more prevalent as time went on4 ,but it is well to note that the case is one from a hill district1 and that we must not from it draw any inference as to how things were moving on the great lowland estates1 the chief latifundial farm-areas of ,italy4 ,the patres referred to are virtually patres familias#hdi1 free responsible persons1 probably ,roman citizens1 but tenants1 not landowning yeomen of the ancient type4 ,whether their visits to ,varia 7,vicovaro7 were to bear their part in the local affairs of their market-town1 or to buy and sell1 or for both purposes1 is not quite clear2 nor does it here concern us4 ,but we should much like to know whether these five farmers1 or some of them1 employed#hej any slaves4 ,i do not see how this curiosity is to be gratified4 ,perhaps we may argue that their assumed liberty to come and go points to the employment of some labour other than their own3 but would this labour be slave or free8 ,if we assume 7as ,i think we fairly may7 that the labour needed would be mainly regular routine-work and not occasional help1 this points rather to slave-labour4 ,nor is there any general reason for distrusting that conclusion2 only it would probably mean slave-labour on a small scale4 ,there is moreover no reason to think that free wage-labourers for regular routine work were plentiful in the ,sabine hills4 ,and these small farmers were not likely to be creditors1 served by debtors 7obaerati7 working off arrears of debt1 a class of labour which according to ,varro seems to have been no longer available in ,italy4 ,there ,i must leave this question1 for ,i can add no more4 ,it remains to ask whether the identification of patres with patres familias exhausts the full meaning of the word4 ,in the ,aeneid 7,,xii #ebj7 a combatant slain is described as by craft a poor fisherman of ,lerna1 no dependant of the wealthy1 and then follow the words conductaque pater tellure serebat4 ,now most commentators and translators seem determined to find in this a reference to the man's father1 which is surely flat and superfluous4 ,the stress is not on pater but on conducta4 ,is not pater an honourable quality-term1 referring to the man#hea himself8 ,he would not be always fishing in the lake4 ,he had a dwelling of some sort1 most probably a patch of land1 to grow his vegetables4 ,the point is that even this was not his own1 but hired from some landowner4 ,i would render #8and the land where the honest man used to grow a crop from seed was rented from another4' ,that pater 7,aeneas etc7 is often used as a complimentary prefix1 is well known1 and ,i think it delicately expresses the poet's kindly appreciation of the poor but honest and independent rustic4 ,in the passage of ,horace ,i am inclined to detect something of the same flavour4 ,some have supposed that the five #8fathers' were decurions of the local township of ,varia1 who went thither to meetings of the local senate4 ,i shrink from reading this into the words of ,horace1 all the more as ,nissen#heb has shewn good reason for doubting whether ,varia was anything more than a subordinate hamlet 7vicus7 of ,tibur4 ,the general effect of the words1 taken in context with the rest of the epistle1 is this3 the vilicus1 once a common slave-labourer 7mediastinus7 in ,rome1 hankers after town life1 finding his rustic stewardship dull on a small estate such as that of ,horace4 ,to ,horace the place is a charming retreat from the follies and worries of ,rome4 ,to him the estate with its quiet homestead and the five tenants of the outlying farms is an ideal property3 he wants#hec a retreat1 not urban excitements4 ,to the steward it seems that there is #8nothing doing1' while the grandeur of a great estate is lacking4 ,so the master is contented1 while the slave is discontented1 with this five-farm property looked at from their different points of view4 ,but the most serious problem that meets us in endeavouring to appraise the evidence of the ,augustan literature is connected with the ,georgics of ,vergil4 ,passages from ,horace will be helpful in this inquiry1 in the course of which the remarkable difference between these two witnesses will appear4 ,the stray references in other writers of the period are for the most part not worth citing4 ,tibullus speaks of the farmer#hed who has had his fill of steady ploughing1 but this is in an ideal picture of the origins of agriculture4 ,his rural scenes are not of much significance4 ,in one place1 speaking of hope#hee that sustains a man in uncertainties1 for instance a farmer1 he adds #8,hope it is too that comforts one bound with a strong chain3 the iron clanks on his legs1 yet he sings as he works4' ,a rustic slave1 no doubt4 ,but that his hope is hope of manumission is by no means clear3 it may be hope of escape1 and the words are indefinite1 perhaps left so purposely4 ,that ,ovid#hef refers to the farmer statesmen and heroes of yore1 who put their hands to the plough1 is merely an illustration of the retrospective idealism of the ,augustan age4 ,like ,livy and the rest1 he was conscious of the decay of ,roman vitality1 and amid the glories and dissipations of ,rome recognized the vigour and simplicity of good old times4 ,for him1 and for ,manilius1 speculation#heg as to the origins of civilization1 imaginings of a primitive communism1 had attraction1 as it had for ,lucretius and ,vergil4 ,it was part of the common stock3 and in connexion with the development of building it forms a topic of some interest#heh in the architectura of ,vitruvius4 ,vergil4 ,all readers of ,vergil's ,georgics are struck by the poet's persistent glorification of labour and his insistence on the necessity and profit of personal action on the farmer's part4 ,yet on one very important point there is singular obscurity4 ,is slave-labour meant to be a part of his res rustica1 or not8 ,when he bids the farmer do this or that1 is he bidding him to do it with his own hands1 or merely to see to the doing of it1 or sometimes the one and sometimes the other8 ,so far as ,i know1 no sufficient attention#hei has been given to the curious1 and surely deliberate1 avoidance of direct reference to slavery in this poem4 ,to this subject ,i propose to return after considering the references in his pastoral and epic poetry4 ,for in the artificial world of piping shepherds and in the surroundings of heroic legend the mention of slaves and slavery is under no restraint4 ,this ,i hope to make clear2 and1 in relation to the contrast presented by the ,georgics1 to emphasize1 if not satisfactorily to explain1 one of the subtle reticencies of ,vergil4 ,the ,bucolics place us in an unreal atmosphere4 ,the scenic setting is a blend of ,theocritean ,sicily and the poet's own lowlands of the ,cisalpine4 ,the characters and status of the rustics are confused in a remarkable degree4 ,thus in the first eclogue ,tityrus appears as a slave who has bought his freedom late in life 7lines #bg-i71 having neglected to amass a peculium in earlier years 7#ca-b74 ,it was only by a visit to ,rome1 and the favour of ,octavian1 that he gained relief4 ,but this relief appears1 not as manumission1 but as the restoration of a landowner dispossessed by a military colonist4 ,the inconsistency cannot be removed by treating the first version as symbolic or allegorical4 ,it is there1 and the poet seems to have felt no sufficient inducement to remove it4 ,corydon in the second eclogue has a dominus1 and is therefore servus 7#b74 ,yet he boasts of his large property in flocks1 which are presumably his peculium 7#ai-bb74 ,his dwelling is a lowly cot in the rough grubby surroundings of the countryside 7#bh-i74 ,he is pastor 7#a71 but there are evidently aratores on the estate 7#ff74 ,he is warned that1 if it comes to buying favours with gifts1 he cannot compete with his master ,iollas 7#eg74 ,had he not better do some basket-work and forget his passion 7#ga-c78 ,in the third eclogue the status of ,damoetas is far from clear4 ,he appears as alienus custos of a flock1 the love-rival of the owner 7ipse71 whom he is robbing1 profiting by the latter's preoccupation with his amour 7#a-f74 ,he is in short head-shepherd 7#aja pecoris magistro71 and ,tityrus 7#if7 seems to be his underling4 ,menalcas in staking the cups explains that he dare not risk any of the flock under his charge1 which belongs to his father and is jealously counted 7#cb-dc74 ,he is owner's son1 with no opportunities of fraud2 probably free1 for we can hardly assume that the flock is a slave's peculium4 ,but whether ,damoetas is 7a7 a free hireling or 7b7 a slave hired from another owner or 7c7 a slave of the flock-owner1 is not to be inferred with confidence from so indistinct a picture4 ,in the ninth eclogue we are again#hfj brought across the rude military colonist 7#d7 of the first eclogue4 ,moeris1 who seems to be the steward of ,menalcas1 speaks of nostri 7agelli1 #b7 and nostra 7carmina1 #ab74 ,menalcas is ipse 7#af71 and supposed to represent ,vergil4 ,i incline to believe that ,moeris is a slave vilicus1 but cannot feel sure4 ,so also in the tenth1 we hear of opilio and subulci 7#ai71 of custos gregis and vinitor 7#cf74 ,these would in the ,italy of ,vergil's time be normally slaves4 ,but it is not the question of their status that is uppermost in the poet's mind4 ,they appear in the picture merely as figures suggesting the rustic environment on which he loves to dwell4 ,as for the fourth eclogue1 it is only necessary to remark that1 however interpreted1 it points to the return 7#f7 of a blissful age1 and accordingly assumes the former existence of good old times4 ,it has been justly noted that the merry singing and easy life of the swains in the ,bucolics are incongruous with the notorious condition of the rustic slaves of ,italy4 ,no doubt the contrast is painful4 ,but we must not presume to impute to the great and generous poet a light-headed and callous indifference to the miseries daily inflicted by capitalist exploiters of labour on their human chattels4 ,we must not forget that in hill districts1 where large-scale farming did not pay1 rural life was still going on in old-fashioned grooves4 ,nor must we forget that in his native ,cisalpine slavery was probably of a mild character4 ,some hundred years later we hear#hfa that chained gangs of slave-labourers were not employed there3 and the great armies recruited there in ,caesar's time do not suggest that the free population had dwindled there as in ,etruria or ,lucania4 ,the song-loving shepherds are an importation from the ,sicily of ,theocritus1 an extinct past1 an artificial world kept alive in literature by the genius of its singer4 ,in the hands of his great imitator the rustic figures become even more unreal4 ,hence the extreme difficulty of extracting any sure evidence on the status of these characters1 or signs of the poet's own sentiments1 from the language of the ,bucolics4 ,in the ,aeneid we have the legends of ancient ,italy and the origin of ,rome subjected to epic treatment4 ,the drift of the poem is conditioned by modern influence1 the desire of ,augustus to gain support for the new ,empire by fostering every germ of a national sentiment4 ,the tale of ,troy has to be exploited for the purpose1 and with the tale of ,troy comes the necessity of reproducing so far as possible the atmosphere of the #8heroic' age4 ,there is therefore hardly any reference to the matters with which ,i am now concerned4 ,when the poet speaks#hfb of the peoples of ancient ,italy it is in terms of general praise4 ,their warlike vigour and hardihood1 the active life of hunters and farmers1 can be admired without informing the reader whether they employed slave-labour or not4 ,and in the rare references#hfc to slavery in his own day ,vergil has in mind the relation of master and slave simply1 without any regard to agriculture4 ,but in depicting the society of the #8heroic' times1 in which the adventures of ,aeneas are laid1 a substratum of slavery was indispensable4 ,it was therefore drawn from the ,greek epic1 where it lay ready to hand4 ,yet the references to slaves are less numerous than we might have expected4 ,we find them employed in table-service 7,i #gja-f71 or as personal attendants 7,,ii #ehj1 #gab1 ,,iv #cia1 ,v #bfc1 ,,ix #cbi1 ,,xi #cd74 ,we hear of a woman skilled in handicrafts 7,v #bhd7 given as a prize1 and ,camilla is dedicated as a famula of ,diana 7,,xi #eeh74 ,these are not very significant references4 ,but that slavery is assumed as an important element in the social scheme may be inferred from the references to captives in war 7,,ii #ghf1 ,,iii #cbc1 ,,ix #bgb-c74 ,they are liable to be offered up as inferiae to the dead 7,,xi #ha-b71 and the victor takes the females as concubines at will 7,,iii #cbc-i1 ,,ix #edf74 ,a discarded concubine is handed over to a slave-consort 7,,iii #cbi71 and the infant children of a serva form part of a common unit with their dam 7,v #bhe74 ,two passages are worth notice from an economic point of view4 ,in ,,viii #djh-ab1 in a simile1 we have the picture of a poor hard-working housewife who rises very early to set her famulae to work on their allotted tasks of wool1 to #8keep the little home together4' ,one can hardly say that no such scene was possible in real life under the conditions of ,vergil's time1 though we may fairly doubt the reality of a picture in which grim poverty and the desire to bring up a family of young children are combined with the ownership and employment of a staff of domestic slaves4 ,for we find the not owning a single slave#hfd used as the most characteristic sign of poverty4 ,and ,i shrink from describing the situation industrially as the sweating of slave-labour to maintain respectability4 ,i do not think any such notion was in the poet's mind4 ,that the simile is suggested by ,greek models is pointed out by ,conington1 and to regard it as a borrowed ornament is probably the safest conclusion in general4 ,it is however to be noted that the famulae are not borrowed1 but an addition of ,vergil's own4 ,the other passage1 ,,xii #eag-bj1 relates the death in battle of an ,arcadian1 who in his home was a fisherman1 of humble station4 ,the last point is brought out in the words#hfe conductaque pater tellure serebat4 ,this seems to mean that he was a small tenant farmer1 a colonus of the non-owning class4 ,such a man might or might not have a slave or two4 ,but1 even were there any indication 7which there is not7 to favour either alternative1 the man's home is in ,arcadia1 though the picture may be coloured by the poet's familiarity with ,italian details4 ,take it all in all1 we are perhaps justified in saying that in the ,aeneid the realities of slavery and of humble labour generally are very lightly touched4 ,is this wholly due to the assumed proprieties of the heroic epic1 dealing with characters above the ordinary freeman in station or natural qualities8 ,or may we surmise that to ,vergil1 with his intense human sympathies1 the topic was in itself also distasteful1 only to be referred to when it was hardly possible to avoid it8 ,if little1 in fact almost nothing1 can be gleaned bearing on the subject of labour from the ,bucolics and ,aeneid1 we might hope to find plenty of information in the didactic poem specially addressed to farmers4 ,in the opening of the ,georgics 7,i #da7 ,vergil plainly says that he feels sorry for the rustic folk1 who know not the path to success in their vocation3 he appeals to the gods interested in agriculture1 and above all to ,augustus1 to look kindly on his bold endeavour to set farmers in the right way4 ,when he comes to speak of the peace and plenty1 the security and joys1 of country life1 he grows enthusiastic 7,,ii #deh-gd74 ,but among the advantages he does not omit to reckon the freedom from the extravagance and garish display of city life1 the freedom to drowse under trees1 the enjoyment of rural sights and sounds1 in short the freedom to take your ease with no lack of elbow-room 7latis otia fundis74 ,this hardly portrays the life of the working farmer1 to whom throughout the poem he is ever preaching the gospel of toil and watchfulness4 ,true1 he adds #8there you find forest-lands 7saltus7 with coverts for wild beasts1 and a population inured to toil and used to scanty diet1' among whom yet linger survivals of the piety and righteousness of old4 ,it is fair to ask1 who are these and what place do they fill in the poet's picture8 ,surely they are not the men who have fled from the vain follies of the city3 for they are genuine rustics4 ,surely not gang-slaves1 driven out to labour in the fields and back again to be fed and locked up1 like oxen or asses4 ,to the urban slave transference to such a life was a dreaded punishment4 ,are they free small-scale farmers8 ,no doubt there were still many of that class remaining in the upland parts of ,italy4 ,but were they men of leisure1 able to take their ease at will on broad estates8 ,i cannot think of them in such a character1 unless ,i assume them to own farms of comfortable size 7of course not latifundia7 and to employ some labour of slaves or hirelings4 ,and there is nothing in the context to justify such an assumption4 ,lastly1 are they poor peasants1 holding small plots of land and eking out a meagre subsistence by occasional wage-earning labour8 ,such persons seem to have existed1 at least in certain parts of the country3 but we know that some at least of this labour hired for the job was performed#hff by bands of non-resident labourers roaming in search of such employment4 ,no1 peasants of the #8crofter' type do not fit in with this picture of a rural life passed in plenty and peaceful ease4 ,i am therefore driven to conclude that the poet was merely idealizing country life in general terms without troubling himself to exercise a rigid consistency in the combination of details4 ,he has had many followers among poets and painters1 naturally3 but the claim of the ,georgics to rank as a didactic treatise is exceptionally strong1 owing to the citations of ,columella and ,pliny4 ,if then the poem seems in any respect to pass lightly over questions of importance in the consideration of farming conditions1 we are tempted rather to seek for a motive than to impute neglect4 ,but before proceeding further it is well to inquire in what sense the ,georgics can be called didactic4 ,what is the essential teaching of the poem1 and to whom is that teaching addressed8 ,in outward form it professes to instruct the bewildered farmers1 suffering at the time from effects of the recent civil wars as well as from economic difficulties of old standing2 and to convey sound precepts for the conduct of agriculture in its various branches4 ,but there is little doubt that the precepts are all or most of them taken directly from earlier#hfg writers1 ,roman or ,greek2 and we may reasonably suppose that most of them 7and those the most practical ones7 were well known to the very classes most concerned in their application4 ,it is absurd to suppose that agricultural tradition had utterly died out4 ,the real difficulty was to put it in practice4 ,now1 what class of farmers were to be benefited by the new poem8 ,was the peasant of the uplands1 soaked in hereditary experience1 to learn his business over again with the help of the poet-laureate's fascinating verse8 ,surely he spoke a rustic#hfh ,latin1 and sometimes hardly that4 ,was it likely that he would gradually absorb the doctrines of the ,vergilian compendium1 offered in the most refined language and metre of literary ,rome8 ,it is surely inconceivable4 ,nor can we assume that any remaining intensive farmers of the ,campanian plain were in much need of practical instruction3 what was needed there was a respite from the unsettling disturbances of the revolutionary period4 ,to suggest that a part of the poet's design was to supply much-needed teaching to the new coloni from the disbanded armies1 would be grotesque in any case1 and above all in that of ,vergil4 ,if we are to find a class of men to whom the finished literary art of the ,georgics would appeal1 and who might profit by the doctrines so attractively conveyed1 we must seek them in social strata#hfi possessed of education enough to appreciate the poem and sympathize with its general tone4 ,now all or most of such persons would be well-to-do people1 owners of property1 often of landed property3 people of more or less leisure3 in short1 the cultured class1 whose centre was ,rome4 ,these people would view with favour any proposal for the benefit of ,italian agriculture4 ,many landowners at the time had got large estates cheaply in the time of troubles1 and to them anything likely to improve the value of their lands1 and to draw a curtain of returning prosperity over a questionable past1 would doubtless be welcome4 ,they would applaud the subtle grace with which the poet glorified the duty and profit of personal labour4 ,but that they meant to work with their own hands ,i cannot believe4 ,in the true spirit of their age1 they would as a matter of course take the profit1 and delegate the duty to others4 ,two alternatives#hgj presented themselves to a landowner4 ,he might let his estate whole or in parcels to a tenant or tenants4 ,or he might work it for his own account1 either under his own resident direction1 or through the agency of a steward4 ,all the evidence bearing on the revolutionary period tends to shew that the resident landlord of a considerable estate1 farming his own land1 was a very rare type indeed4 ,it was found most convenient as a general rule to let an out-of-the-way farm to a cultivating tenant at a money rent or on a sharing system4 ,a more accessible one was generally put under a steward and so kept in hand by the owner4 ,the dwelling-house was in such cases improved so as to be a fit residence for the proprietor on his occasional visits4 ,growing luxury often carried this change to an extreme1 and made the villa a #8place in the country1' a scene of intermittent extravagance1 not of steady income-producing thrift4 ,true1 it seems that the crude and wasteful system of the earlier latifundia had been a good deal modified by the end of the ,republic4 ,a wealthy man preferred to own several estates of moderate size situated near main routes of traffic4 ,but this plan required more stewards4 ,and the steward 7vilicus71 himself a slave1 was the head of a slave-staff proportioned to the size of the farm4 ,now the public effectually reached by the ,georgics may be supposed to have included the landowners of education and leisure1 whether they let their land to tenants or kept it in hand4 ,i cannot believe that the coloni farming hired land#hga came under the poet's influence4 ,in other words1 the ,georgics1 in so far as the poem made its way beyond purely literary circles1 appealed chiefly if not wholly to a class dependent on slave-labour in every department of their lives4 ,maecenas1 to whom the poem is in form addressed1 had put pressure on ,vergil to write it4 ,at the back of ,maecenas was the new ,emperor1 anxious to enlist all the talents in the service of the new dispensation4 ,the revival of rural ,italy was one of the praiseworthy projects of the ,emperor and his confidential minister4 ,it was indeed on every ground manifestly desirable4 ,but was it possible now to turn ,romans of property into working farmers8 ,would the man-about-,rome leave urban pleasures for the plough-tail8 ,not he6 ,nor are we to assume that ,augustus was fool enough to expect it4 ,then what about ,maecenas8 ,his enjoyment of luxurious ease#hgb was a byword3 that he retained his native commonsense under such conditions is one of his chief titles to fame4 ,no one can have expected him to wield the spade and mattock or spread manure4 ,the poet writing with such a man for patron and prompter was not likely to find his precepts enjoining personal labour taken too seriously4 ,his readers were living in a social and moral atmosphere in which to do anything involving labour meant ordering a slave to do it4 ,that the ,emperor wished to see more people interested in the revival of ,italian agriculture was well understood4 ,but this interest could be shown by investing capital in ,italian land2 and this is what many undoubtedly did4 ,recent proscriptions and confiscations had thrown numbers of estates on the market4 ,it was possible to get a good bargain and at the same time win the favour of the new ruler by a well-timed proof of confidence in the stability of the new government4 ,now it is to say the least remarkable that ,dion ,cassius1 doubtless following earlier authorities1 puts into the mouth of ,maecenas some suggestions#hgc on this very subject4 ,after advising the ,emperor to raise a standing army by enlisting the able-bodied unemployed men in ,italy1 and pointing out that with the security thus gained1 and the provision of a harmless career for the sturdy wastrels who were at present a cause of disorders1 agriculture and commerce would revive1 he proceeds as follows4 ,for these measures money will be needed1 as it would under any government3 therefore the necessity of some exactions must be faced4 #8,the very first thing#hgd then for you to do is to have a sale of the confiscated properties1 of which there are many owing to the wars1 reserving only a few that are specially useful or indispensable for your purposes3 and then to employ all the money so raised by lending it out at moderate interest4 ,if you do this1 the land will be under cultivation 771 being placed in the hands of owners who themselves work 7 73 they will become more prosperous1 having the disposal of capital3 and the treasury will have a sufficient and perpetual income4' ,he then urges the necessity of preparing a complete budget estimate of regular receipts from the above and other sources1 and of the prospective regular charges both military and civil1 with allowance for unforeseen contingencies4 #8,and your next step should be to provide for any deficit by imposing a tax on all properties whatsoever that bring a profit 7 7 to the owner1 and by a system of tributary dues in all our subject provinces4' ,that this long oration attributed by ,dion to ,maecenas is in great part made up from details of the policy actually followed by the ,emperor1 is ,i believe generally admitted4 ,but ,i am not aware that the universal income-tax suggested was imposed4 ,the policy of encouraging agriculture certainly formed part of the imperial scheme1 and the function of the ,georgics was to bring the power of literature to bear in support of the movement4 ,the poet could hardly help referring in some way to the crying need of a great agricultural revival4 ,he did it with consummate skill4 ,he did not begin by enlarging on the calamities of the recent past1 and then proceed to offer his remedies4 ,such a method would at once have aroused suspicion and ill-feeling4 ,no1 he waited till he was able to glide easily into a noble passage in which he speaks of the civil wars as a sort of doom sanctioned by the heavenly powers4 ,no party could take offence at this way of putting it4 ,then he cries aloud to the ,roman gods1 not to prevent the man of the hour 7hunc iuvenem7 from coming to the relief of a ruined generation4 ,the needs of the moment are such that we cannot do without him4 ,the world is full of wickedness and wars3 #8the plough is not respected as it should be2 the tillers of the soil have been drafted away1 and the land is gone to weeds2 the crooked sickles are being forged into straight swords4' ,the passage comes at the end of the first book1 following a series of precepts delivered coolly and calmly as though in a social atmosphere of perfect peace4 ,the tone in which the words recall the reader to present realities1 and subtly hint at the obvious duty of supporting the one possible restorer of ,roman greatness1 is an unsurpassed feat of literary art4 ,it is followed up at the end of the second book in another famous passage1 in which he preaches with equal delicacy the doctrine that agricultural revival is the one sure road not only to personal happiness but to the true greatness of the ,roman people4 ,that this revival was bound up with the return to a system of farming on a smaller scale1 implying more direct personal attention on the landlord's part1 is obvious4 ,but the poet goes further4 ,his model farmer is to be convinced of the necessity and benefit of personal labour1 and so to put his own hand to the plough4 ,the glorification of unyielding toil#hge as the true secret of success was 7and is7 a congenial topic to preachers of the gospel of #8back to the land4' ,it may well be that the thoughtful ,vergil had misgivings as to the fruitfulness of his doctrine4 ,a cynical critic might hint that it was easy enough for one man to urge others to work4 ,but a man like ,maecenas would smile at such remarks4 ,to set other people to do what he would never dream of doing himself was to him the most natural thing in the world4 ,so the pressure of the patron on the poet continued1 and the ,georgics were born4 ,let me now turn to certain passages of the poem in which farm-labour is directly referred to1 and see how far the status of the labourers can be judged from the expressions used and the context4 ,and first of aratores4 ,in ,i #did and ,,ii #eac the agricola is a plowman2 free1 for all that appears to the contrary4 ,in ,,ii #bjg1 where he appears as clearing off wood#hgf and ploughing up the land1 the arator is called iratus3 this can hardly apply to an indifferent slave4 ,the arator of ,i #bfa1 represented as turning the leisure enforced by bad weather to useful indoor work1 odd jobs in iron and wood work etc1 may be one of a slave-staff whom his master will not have idle4 ,or he may be the farmer himself4 ,the scene implies the presence of a staff of some kind1 driven indoors by the rain4 ,and that the poet is not thinking of a solitary peasant is further indicated by mention of sheep-washing1 certainly not a #8one-man-job1' in line #bgb4 ,why ,conington 7after ,heyne7 takes agitator aselli in #bgc to be #8the peasant who happens to drive the ass to market1' and not an asinarius doing his regular duty1 ,i cannot say4 ,on ,,iii #djb1 a very similar passage1 he takes the pastor to be probably the farm-slave1 not the owner1 adding #8though it is not always easy to see for what class of men ,virgil is writing4' ,a remark which shews that my present inquiry is not uncalled for4 ,to return1 there is nothing to shew whether the ass-driver is a freeman or a slave4 ,nor is the status of messores#hgg clear4 ,in ,i #caf-g the farmer brings the mower on to the yellow fields2 that is1 he orders his hands to put in the sickle4 ,what is their relation to him we do not hear4 ,so too in ,,ii #daj postremus metito is a precept addressed to the farmer as farmer1 not as potential labourer4 ,on the other hand the messores in the second and third eclogues seem to be slaves1 for there is reference to domini in both poems4 ,the fossor is in literature the personification of mere heavy manual labour4 ,in default of evidence to the contrary1 we must suppose him to be normally#hgh a slave4 ,thus the fossor of ,horace odes ,,iii #ah is probably one of the famuli operum soluti of the preceding ode4 ,but the brawny digger of ,georgics ,,ii #bfd1 who aids nature's work by stirring and loosening the caked earth1 is left on a neutral footing4 ,nothing is said4 ,the reader must judge whether this silence is the result of pure inadvertency4 ,that pastores very often means slave-herdsmen1 is well known4 ,but ,vergil seems to attribute to them a more real and intelligent interest in the welfare of their charge than it is reasonable to expect from rustic slaves4 ,the pastores of ,,iv #bgh1 who gather the medicinal herb used in the treatment of bees1 may be slaves3 if so1 they are not mere thoughtless animals4 ,and the scene is in the ,cisalpine1 where we have noted that slavery was probably of a mild type4 ,in ,,iii #dbj the pastor is called upon to protect his beasts from snakes4 ,but we know#hgi that it was a part of slave-herdsmen's duty to fight beasts of prey1 and that they were commonly armed for that purpose4 ,in ,,iii #dee we find him shrinking from a little act of veterinary surgery1 which the context suggests he ought to perform4 ,but we know that the magister pecoris on a farm was instructed#hhj in simple veterinary practice1 and it is hardly likely that other slaves1 specially put in charge of beasts1 had no instructions4 ,the pastores 7if more than one1 the chief17 appear as pecorum magistri 7,,ii #ebi1 ,,iii #dde1 cf ,buc ,,iii #aja71 a regular name for shepherds3 they are not the same as the magistri of ,,iii #edi1 who are veterinary specialists disguised under mythical names4 ,in ,,ii #ebi-ca we have a holiday scene1 in which the farmer 7ipse7 treats the pecoris magistri to a match of wrestling and throwing the javelin4 ,if slaves are meant1 then ,vergil is surely carrying back rustic slavery to early days as part and parcel of the #8good old times' to which he points in the following lines hanc olim veteres vitam coluere ,sabini etc4 ,the ipse will then be a genial farmer of the old school1 whose slaves are very different from the degraded and sullen chattels of more recent years4 ,but in this as in other cases the poet gives us no clear sign4 ,a passage#hha in which the reticence of which ,i am speaking has a peculiar effect occurs in the description of the grievous murrain that visited northern ,italy some time before4 ,one of a pair of oxen falls dead while drawing the plough4 ,the tristis arator#hhb unyokes the other1 sorrow-stricken at the death of its fellow2 he leaves the plough where it stopped1 and goes his way4 ,then follows a piece of highly-wrought pathos#hhc describing the dejection and collapse of the surviving ox4 #8,what now avail him his toil or his services1 his past work in turning up the heavy land with the ploughshare8' ,and the hardness of the poor beast's lot is emphasized by the reflexion that disease in cattle is not induced by gluttony and wine-bibbing1 as it often is in the case of mankind1 nor by the worries 7cura7 that rob men of refreshing sleep4 ,this much-admired passage may remind us of the high value set upon the ox in ancient ,italy1 traditionally amounting to a kind of sanctity2 for it is said#hhd that to kill an ox was as great a crime as to kill a man4 ,we may wonder too what the luxurious but responsible ,maecenas thought of the lines contrasting the simple diet and untroubled life of the ox with the excesses and anxieties of man4 ,but1 if civilization owed much to the labours of the ox1 and if gratitude was due to man's patient helper1 what about the human slave8 ,is it not a remarkable thing that the ,georgics contain not a word of appreciative reference to the myriads of toiling bondsmen whose sweat and sufferings had been exploited by ,roman landlords for at least #aej years8 ,can this silence on the part of a poet who credits an ox with human affection be regarded as a merely accidental omission8 ,of poets in general it may ,i think be truly said that the relation between the singer and his vocabulary varies greatly in various cases4 ,personal judgments are very fallible3 but to me1 the more ,i read ,vergil1 the more ,i see in him an extreme case of the poet ever nervously on his guard#hhe against expressing or suggesting any meaning or shade of meaning beyond that which at a given moment he wishes to convey4 ,this is no original discovery4 ,but in reaching it independently ,i have become further convinced that the limitations of his vocabulary are evidence of nice and deliberate selection4 ,the number of well-established ,latin words1 adaptable to verse and to the expression of ideas certain to occur1 that are used by other poets of note but not by him1 is considerable4 ,i have a long list3 here ,i will mention only one1 the adjective vagus4 ,the word may have carried to him associations below the pure dignity of his finished style4 ,yet ,horace used it freely in the ,odes1 and ,horace was surely no hasty hack careless of propriety1 and no mean judge of what was proper4 ,now1 when ,i turn to the ,georgics1 ,vergil's most finished work1 ,i am struck by the absence of certain words the presence of which would seem natural1 or even to be expected1 in any work professedly treating of agriculture in ,roman ,italy4 ,thus servus does not occur at all1 serva in the ,aeneid only1 and servitium in the strict sense only ,buc ,i #dj and ,aen ,,iii #cbg4 ,in ,georg ,,iii #afg-h ubi libera colla servitio adsuerint he is speaking of the breaking-in of young oxen#hhf in figurative language4 ,so too dominus and domina occur in the ,bucolics and ,aeneid but not in the ,georgics4 ,the case of opera and the plural operae may seem to be on a somewhat different footing in so far as the special sense of opera #8the average day's work#hhg of a labourer' would perhaps have too technical and prosaic a flavour4 ,in the single instance 7,aen ,,vii #cca-b71 where it occurs in the familiar phrase da operam1 it is coupled with laborem1 which rather suggests a certain timidity in the use of a colloquial expression4 ,the plural1 frequent in the writers on agriculture1 he does not use at all1 whether because he avoids the statistical estimates in which it most naturally comes1 or from sheer fastidiousness due to the disreputable associations of operae in political slang4 ,perhaps neither of these reasons is quite enough to account for the absence of the word from the ,georgics4 ,that famulus and famula occur in the ,aeneid only is not surprising1 for they represent the and of ,greek heroic poetry4 ,but famula appears in the ,moretum1 of which ,i will speak below4 ,that ,vergil is all the while pointing the way to a system of small farms and working farmers1 though some topics 7for instance stock-keeping7 seem to touch on a larger scale of business1 may be gathered from his references to coloni4 ,the word is in general used merely as the substantive corresponding to colere1 and its place is often taken by agricola 7,i #cjj1 ,,ii #dei7 or rusticus 7,,ii #djf7 or other substitutes4 ,in ,,ii #dcc homines means much the same as the agrestis of ,i #da1 only that the former need stimulus and the latter guidance4 ,the typical picture of the colonus comes in ,i #bia-cjb1 where the small farmer and his industrious wife are seen taking some relaxation in the winter season1 but never idle4 ,it is surely a somewhat idealized picture4 ,the parallel in ,horace 7epode ,,ii7 is more matter-of-fact1 and clearly includes slaves1 an element ignored by ,vergil4 ,the colonus is not a mere tenant farmer1 but a yeoman tilling his own land1 like the veteres coloni of the ninth eclogue1 a freeman1 and we may add liable to military service1 like those in ,i #ejg whose conscription left the farms derelict4 ,a curious and evidently exceptional case is that of the ,corycius senex 7,,iv #abe-df71 said to be one of ,pompey's pirate colonists4 ,the man is a squatter on a patch of unoccupied land1 which he has cultivated as a garden1 raising by unwearied industry quite wonderful crops of vegetables fruit and flowers1 and remarkably successful#hhh as a bee-keeper4 ,perhaps this transplanted ,oriental had no slave1 at least when he started gardening4 ,but ,i note that his croft was more than a iugerum 7pauca relicti iugera ruris7 at the time when ,vergil saw it1 and ,i imagine the process of reclaiming the waste to have been gradual4 ,when this small holding was complete and in full bearing1 would the work of one elderly man suffice to carry it on8 ,i wonder4 ,but we get no hint of a slave or a hireling1 or even of a wife4 ,all ,i can venture to say is that this story is meant to be significant of the moral and material wellbeing of the small cultivator4 ,it is curious that just above 7#aah1 cf #adg-h7 the poet is at pains to excuse his omission to discuss in detail the proper management of horti1 on the pretext of want of space4 ,for he was no mean antiquary1 and ,pliny tells#hhi us that in the ,twelve ,tables hortus was used of what was afterwards called villa1 a country farm1 while heredium stood for a garden2 and adds that in old time per se hortus ager pauperis erat4 ,but hortus is to ,vergil strictly a garden1 and the old ,corycian is cited expressly as a gardener3 his land1 we are told1 was not suited for growing corn or vines4 ,the mention of gardening invites me to say a few words on the short descriptive idyll ,moretum which has been regarded as a youthful composition of ,vergil 7perhaps from a ,greek original7 with more justice than some other pieces attributed to him4 ,i see no strong objection to admitting it as ,vergilian1 but it is of course crude and far removed from the manner and finish of the mature ,georgics4 ,the peasant ,simylus1 exigui cultor rusticus agri1 is a poor small farmer whose thrift and industry enable him to make a living #8in a humble and pottering way1' as ,gilbert puts it4 ,his holding is partly ordinary arable land1 but includes a hortus as well4 ,in the latter he skilfully grows a variety of vegetables1 for which he finds a regular market in the city4 ,poor though he is1 and accustomed to wait on himself1 apparently unmarried1 he yet owns a slave 7famulam1 #ic7 and she is a negro1 fully described 7#ca-e71 woolly hair1 thick lips1 dark skin1 spindle shanks1 paddle feet1 etc4 ,she probably would do the house-work1 but the preparation of food is a duty in which her master also bears a part4 ,we hear of no male slave1 and the ploughing of fields and digging the garden are apparently done by himself singlehanded4 ,the yoke of oxen are mentioned in the last lines4 ,the picture is such as may have been true of some humble homesteads in ,italy1 but the tradition of a ,greek original1 and the names ,simylus and ,scybale1 must leave us in some doubt as to whether the scene be really ,italian4 ,the position is in fact much the same as it is in regard to the ,bucolics4 ,whatever may be the correct view as to the authorship and bearing of the ,moretum1 there are ,i think certain conclusions to be drawn from an examination of the ,georgics1 which it is time to summarize4 ,first1 the tendency of the poem is to advocate a system of smaller holdings and more intensive cultivation than had for a long period been customary in a large part of ,italy4 ,this reform is rather suggested by implication than directly urged1 though one precept1 said to be borrowed#hij from old ,cato1 recommends it in plain words4 ,for the glorification of labour in general is all the while pointing in this direction4 ,secondly1 the policy of the new ,emperor1 who posed as ,restorer and ,preserver rather than ,reformer1 finds a sympathetic or obedient expression in this tendency4 ,for it is delicately conveyed that the reform of an evil agricultural present virtually consists in the return to the ways of a better past4 ,and the poet1 acting as poet simply1 throws on this better past the halo of a golden age still more remote4 ,the virtues of the ,sabines of old#hia are an example of the happiness and honour attainable by a rustic folk4 ,but to ,vergil1 steeped in ancient legend1 the historic worthies of a former age are not the beginning of things4 ,they come #8trailing clouds of glory' from the mythical origin#hib of mankind1 from a world of primeval abundance and brotherly communism1 a world which he like ,lucretius pauses to portray4 ,thirdly1 the reaction of ,augustus against the bold cosmopolitanism of ,julius ,caesar has ,i think left a mark on the ,georgics in the fact that the poem is1 as ,sellar says1 so thoroughly representative of ,italy4 ,roman ,italy was not yet ready to become merely a part of an imperial estate4 ,if people were to acquiesce in a monarchy1 it had to be disguised1 and one important disguise was the make-believe that the ,roman people were lords of the world4 ,a very harmless method of ministering to ,roman self-complacency was excessive praise of ,italy1 its soil1 its climate1 its natural features1 its various products1 its races of men and their works1 and all the historic associations of the victorious past4 ,it is a notable fact that this panegyric#hic breaks out in the utterances of four very dissimilar works that still survive3 for beside the ,georgics ,i must place#hid the so-called ,roman ,antiquities of ,dionysius1 the ,geography of ,strabo1 and the de re rustica of ,varro4 ,these four are practically contemporaries4 ,it seems to me hardly credible that there was not some common influence operative at the time and encouraging utterances of this tone4 ,the actual success or failure of the attempt to revive ,roman agriculture on a better footing is not only a question of fact in itself historically important3 its determination will throw light on the circumstances in which ,vergil wrote1 and perhaps help somewhat in suggesting reasons for his avoidance of certain topics4 ,if we are to believe ,horace#hie1 the agricultural policy of ,augustus was a grand success3 security1 prosperity1 virtue1 good order1 had become normal3 fertility had returned to the countryside4 ,i had better say at once that ,i put little faith in these utterances of a court poet4 ,far more significant is the statement1 preserved by ,suetonius#hif1 of the evils dealt with by ,augustus in country districts4 ,parties of armed bandits infested the country4 ,travellers1 slaves and freemen alike1 were kidnapped and ergastulis possessorum supprimebantur4 ,he checked the brigandage by armed police posted at suitable spots1 and ergastula recognovit4 ,but it is not said that he did away with them3 he cleared out of them the persons illegally held in bondage 7suppressi74 ,not only is rustic slavery in full swing in the treatise of ,varro3 some #hj years later the ergastulum is adopted as a matter of course by ,columella1 and appears as a canker of agriculture in the complaints of ,pliny4 ,the neglect of rustic industry is lamented by all three writers1 and to the testimony of such witnesses it is quite needless to add quotations from writers of merely literary merit4 ,there is no serious doubt that the reconstruction of agriculture on the basis of small farms tilled by working farmers was at best successful in a very moderate degree2 and this for many a long year4 ,organized slave-labour remained the staple appliance of tillage until the growing scarcity of slaves and the financial policy of the later ,empire brought about the momentous change by which the free farmer gradually became the predial serf4 ,another point to be noted in the ,georgics is the absence of any reference to coloni as tenants under a landlord4 ,yet we know that this relation existed in ,cicero's time1 and tenant farmers appear in ,varro#hig and ,columella#hih4 ,vergil1 but for a stray reference in the ,aeneid1 might seem never to have heard of the existence of such people4 ,it is easy to say that the difference between an owner and a tenant is a difference in law1 and unsuited for discussion in a poem4 ,but it also involves economic problems4 ,the landlord wants a good return on his capital1 the tenant wants to make a good living1 and the conditions of tenancy vary greatly in various cases4 ,the younger ,pliny#hii had to deal with awkward questions between him and his tenants1 and there is no reason to suppose that his case was exceptional4 ,surely the subject was one of immediate interest to an agricultural reformer1 quite as interesting as a number of the details set forth here and there in the ,georgics2 that is1 assuming that the author meant his farmer to be economically prosperous as well as to set a good example4 ,it may be argued that the operations enjoined on the farmer would greatly improve the farm and enhance the value of the land1 and that no man in his senses would do this unless the land were his own3 there was therefore no need to discuss tenancy1 ownership being manifestly implied4 ,the argument is fair1 so far as it goes4 ,but it does not justify complete silence on what was probably at the moment a question of no small importance in the eyes of landowners4 ,some passages of ,horace may serve to shew that circumstances might have justified or even invited some reference to this topic4 ,in the seventh epistle of the first book he tells the story of how ,philippus played a rather scurvy trick on a freedman in a small way of business as an auctioneer4 ,as a social superior1 his patronage turned the poor man's head4 ,taking him for an outing to his own ,sabine country place1 he infected him with desire of a rustic life4 ,he amused himself by persuading him to buy a small farm1 offering him about #fj as a gift and a loan of as much more4 ,the conversion of a regular town-bred man into a thoroughgoing farmer was of course a pitiful failure4 ,devotion and industry availed him nothing4 ,the losses and disappointments incidental to farming were too much for him4 ,he seems to have had no slave3 he probably had not sufficient capital4 ,he ended by piteously entreating his patron to put him back into his own trade4 ,the story is placed about two generations before ,horace wrote4 ,but it would be pointless if it were out of date in its setting1 which it surely is not2 it might have happened to a contemporary1 nay to ,horace himself4 ,it is addressed to his own patron ,maecenas1 the generous donor of his own ,sabine estate4 ,here we have a clear intimation that to buy a little plot and try to get a living out of it by your own labour was an enterprise in which success was no easy matter4 ,in the second satire of the second book we have the case of ,ofellus1 one of the yeomen of the old school4 ,he had been a working farmer on his own land1 but in the times of trouble his farm had been confiscated and made over to a discharged soldier4 ,but this veteran wisely left him in occupation as cultivator on terms4 ,whether he became a sort of farm-bailiff1 working for the new owner's account at a fixed salary1 or whether he became a tenant1 farming on his own account and paying a rent1 has been doubted4 ,i am strongly of the second opinion4 ,for it was certainly to the owner's interest that the land should be well-farmed1 and that his own income 7the endowment of his later years7 should be well-secured by giving the farmer every motive for industry4 ,these considerations do not suit well with the former alternative1 which also makes colonus hardly distinguishable from vilicus4 ,again1 the colonus is on the farm#ijj cum pecore et gnatis4 ,the pecus1 like the children1 is surely the farmer's own1 and it is much more likely that the live-stock should belong to a rent-paying tenant than to a salaried bailiff4 ,moreover1 there is no mention of slaves4 ,the man works the farm with the help of his family4 ,is it likely that he would turn them into a household of serfs8 ,therefore ,i render line #aae fortem mercede colonum #8a sturdy tenant-farmer sitting at a rent'2 that is1 on a holding that as owner he formerly occupied rent-free4 ,he can make the farm pay even now3 as for the mere fact of ground-landlordship1 that is an idle boast1 and in any case limited by the span of human life4 ,i claim that these two passages are enough to prove the point for which ,i am contending2 namely1 that questions of the tenure under which agriculture could best be carried on were matters of some interest and importance about the time when ,vergil was writing the ,georgics4 ,but the help of ,horace is by no means exhausted4 ,he refers to a story of a wage-earning labourer 7mercennarius7 who had the luck to turn up a buried treasure1 a find which enabled him to buy the very farm on which he was employed1 and work it as his own4 ,there is no point in this #8yarn' unless it was a well-known tale1 part of the current stock of the day4 ,the famous satire in which it occurs 7,,ii #f7 seems to be almost exactly contemporary with the appearance of the ,georgics4 ,in it the restful charm of country life is heartily preferred to the worries and boredom of ,rome4 ,his ,sabine estate1 with its garden1 its unfailing spring of water1 and a strip of woodland1 is of no great size1 but it is enough3 he is no greedy land-grabber4 ,when in ,rome he longs for it4 ,there he can take his ease among spoilt young slaves1 born#ija on the place1 keeping a sort of ,liberty ,hall for his friends4 ,the talk at table is not de villis domibusve alienis but of a more rational and improving kind3 envy of other men's wealth is talked out with an apposite fable4 ,here we have mention of wage-earning1 land-purchase1 and slaves4 ,and the poet's estate is evidently in the first place a residence1 not a farm worked on strict economic lines4 ,that the number of slave hands 7operae7 employed there on the ,home ,farm#ijb was eight1 we learn from another satire 7,,ii #g #aah74 ,to the smart country seats1 which advertise the solid wealth of rich capitalists1 he refers in express terms in epistles ,i #ae #de-f1 and by many less particular references4 ,the land-grabbers are often mentioned1 and the forest-lands 7saltus7 used for grazing1 in which much money was invested by men #8land-proud1' as a sign of their importance4 ,in short1 the picture of rural ,italy given by ,horace reveals to us a state of things wholly unfavourable to the reception of the message of the ,georgics4 ,when he speaks of pauper ruris colonus or of inopes coloni he is surely not betraying envy of these toilers' lot4 ,far from it4 ,when enjoying a change in his country place1 he may occasionally divert himself with a short spell#ijc of field-work1 at which his neighbours grin4 ,on the other hand the spectacle of a disreputable freedman1 enriched by speculations in time of public calamity1 and enabled through ill-gotten wealth to become a great landlord1 is the cause of wrathful indignation 7epode ,,iv74 ,and these and other candid utterances come from one whose father was a freedman in a country town1 farming in quite a small way1 to whose care and self-denial the son owed the education that equipped him for rising in the world4 ,horace indeed is one of the best of witnesses on these points4 ,there are points on which ,vergil and ,horace are agreed1 though generally with a certain difference of attitude4 ,thus1 both prefer the country to the town1 but ,horace frankly because he enjoys it and likes a rest3 he does not idealize country life as such1 still less agricultural labour4 ,both disapprove latifundia1 but ,horace on simple commonsense grounds1 not as a reformer4 ,both praise good old times1 but ,horace without the faintest suggestion of possible revival of them1 or anything like them4 ,both refer to the beginnings of civilization1 but ,vergil looks back to a golden age of primitive communism1 when in medium quaerebant and so forth2 a state of things ended by ,jove's ordinance that man should raise himself by toil4 ,horace1 less convinced of the superiority of the past1 depicts#ijd the noble savage as having to fight for every thing1 even acorns2 and traces steps1 leading eventually to law and order1 by which he became less savage and more noble4 ,horace is nearer to ,lucretius here than ,vergil is4 ,neither could ignore the disturbing effect of the disbanding of armies and ejectment of farmers to make way for the settlement of rude soldiers on the land4 ,but to ,horace1 personally unconcerned1 a cool view was more possible4 ,so1 while hinting at public uneasiness#ije as to the detailed intentions of the new ruler in this matter1 he is able to look at the policy in general merely as the restoration of weary veterans to a life of peace and the relief of their chief's anxieties4 ,vergil1 himself a sufferer1 had his little fling in the ,bucolics1 and was silent#ijf in the ,georgics4 ,again1 ,vergil shuns the function of war as a means of supplying the slave-market4 ,he knows it well enough1 and as a feature of the #8heroic' ages the fate of the captive appears in the ,aeneid4 ,horace makes no scruple#ijg of stating the time-honoured principle that a captive is to the conqueror a valuable asset3 there is a market for him as a serviceable drudge1 and not to spare his life is sheer waste4 ,that there may be sarcasm underlying the passage does not impair its candour4 ,and it distinctly includes rustic slavery in the words sine pascat durus aretque4 ,lastly1 while both poets praise the restfulness of the countryside with equal sincerity1 it is ,horace who recognizes#ijh that the working farmer himself1 after his long labours at the plough1 looks forward to retirement and ease when he has saved enough to live on4 ,his is a real rustic1 ,vergil's an ideal4 ,it will be admitted that all writers are1 as sources of evidence1 at their best when they feel free to say or to leave unsaid this or that according to their own judgment4 ,if there is in the background some other person whom it is necessary to please1 it is very hard to divine the reason of an author's frankness1 and still more of his reticence4 ,for instance1 the omission of a topic naturally connected with a subject need not imply that a patron forbade its introduction4 ,i cannot believe that such a man as ,maecenas#iji banned the free mention of slavery in the ,georgics4 ,but1 if a whole subject is proposed for treatment under conditions of a well-understood tendency1 the writer is not unlikely to discover that artistic loyalty to that tendency will operate to render the introduction of this or that particular topic a matter of extreme difficulty4 ,if the task of ,vergil was to recommend a return to a more wholesome system of agriculture1 reference to the labour-question or to land-tenure bristled with difficulties4 ,my belief is that the poet shirked these topics1 relevant though they surely were1 because he did not see how to treat them without provoking controversy or ill-feeling2 a result which ,maecenas and the ,emperor were undoubtedly anxious to avoid4 ,it was simpler and safer not to refer to these things4 ,true1 the omission was a restraint on full-blooded realism4 ,an indistinct picture was produced1 and modern critics have some reason to complain of the difficulty of understanding many places of the ,georgics4 ,whether chronological considerations may throw any light on the influences to which this indistinctness is due1 and1 if so1 what is their exact significance1 are very difficult questions1 to which ,i cannot offer a definite answer4 ,the completion of the ,georgics is placed in the year #cj ,,bc1 after seven years more or less spent on composition and revision4 ,now it was in that year that the new ruler1 supreme since the overthrow of ,antony1 organized the great disbandment of armies of which he speaks in the famous inscription#iaj recording the events of his career4 ,he tells us that he rewarded all the discharged men1 either with assignations of land or with sums of money in lieu thereof4 ,the lands were bought by him 7not confiscated7 and the money-payments also were at his cost 7a me dedi74 ,below he refers to the matter again1 and adds that to pay for lands taken and assigned to soldiers was a thing no one had ever done before4 ,that he paid in all cases1 and paid the full market value1 he does not expressly say2 ,mommsen shews cause for doubting it4 ,the only remark ,i have to make is that in the years between ,philippi and ,aetium there was plenty of fighting and negotiations4 ,maecenas was for most of the time in a position of great trust1 and pretty certainly in touch with all that went on4 ,the fact that a wholesale discharge of soldiers was surely coming1 and that the future of agriculture in ,italy was doubtful1 was perhaps not likely to escape the forecast of so far-sighted a man4 ,is it just possible that ,vergil may have had a hint from him1 to stick to generalities and avoid controversial topics8 ,we are credibly informed#iaa that ,maecenas was well rewarded by his master for his valuable services1 and it has been pointed out#iab that his position of authority offered many opportunities of profitable transactions on his own account4 ,there is even an express tradition that he was concerned in the liquidation of one estate4 ,in short1 he was one of the land-speculators of the time4 ,to such a man it would seem not untimely to praise the virtues of the rustic ,romans of old and to recommend their revival in the coming age2 but to call attention to the uncertainties of the present1 involving many awkward problems1 would seem imprudent4 ,in suggesting1 doubtfully1 that a patron's restraining hand may have had something to do with the poet's reticence1 ,i may be exaggerating the pressure exercised by the one on the other4 ,but that ,maecenas interested himself in the slowly-growing poem is hardly to be doubted4 ,early in each of the four books he is addressed by name4 ,his haud mollia iussa 7,,iii #da7 may imply nothing more than the general difficulty of ,vergil's task3 but may it not faintly indicate just the least little restiveness under a guidance that could not be refused openly8 ,to reject the suggestion of actual interference on ,maecenas' part is not to say that the ,georgics exhibits no deference to his wishes4 ,that many a veiled hint could be given by a patron in conversation is obvious4 ,that ,maecenas would be a master of that judicious art1 is probable from what we know of his character and career4 ,but1 while it is plain that questions of land-tenure would from his point of view be better ignored1 how would his likes and dislikes affect the mention of slavery and the labour-question8 ,here ,i must refer to the three great writers on agriculture4 ,cato1 about #aej years earlier1 and ,columella1 about #hj years later1 both contemplate the actual buying of land1 and insist on the care necessary in selection4 ,the contemporary ,varro seems certainly to assume purchase4 ,all three deal with slave-labour1 ,cato like a hard-fisted dominus of an old-,roman generation just become consciously imperial and bent on gain1 ,columella as a skilful organizer of the only regular supply of labour practically available3 ,varro1 who makes more allowance#iac for free labour beside that of slaves1 reserves the free man for important jobs1 where he may be trusted to use his wits1 or for unhealthy work1 in which to risk slaves is to risk your own property4 ,all the ordinary work in his system is done by slaves4 ,the contemporary ,livy#iad tells us that in his time large districts near ,rome had scarce any free inhabitants left4 ,the elder ,pliny1 reckoning up the advantages of ,italy for the practice of agriculture1 includes#iae among them the supply of servitia1 though no man knew better than he what fatal results had issued from the plantation-system4 ,it is to be borne in mind that this evidence relates to the plains and the lower slopes of hills1 that is to the main agricultural districts4 ,it is to these parts that ,gardthausen#iaf rightly confines his remarks on the desolation of ,italy1 which began before the civil wars and was accelerated by them4 ,other labour was scarce1 and gangs of slaves1 generally chained1 were almost the only practicable means of tillage for profit4 ,speaking broadly1 ,i think the truth of this picture is not to be denied4 ,if then the word had gone forth that a return to smaller-scale farming was to be advocated as a cure for present evils1 it was hardly possible to touch on slavery without some unfavourable reference to the plantation-system4 ,now surely it is most unlikely that ,maecenas1 a cool observer and a thorough child of the age1 sincerely believed in the possibility of setting back the clock4 ,the economic problem could not be solved so simply1 by creating a wave of #8back-to-the-land' enthusiasm4 ,i suggest that he saw no good to be got by openly endeavouring to recreate the race of small working farmers by artificial means4 ,would it be wise to renew an attempt in which the ,gracchi had failed8 ,now to ,vergil1 who had passed his youth in a district of more humane agriculture1 the mere praise of farming1 with its rich compensations for never-ending toil and care1 would be a congenial theme4 ,the outcome of their combination was that a topic not easily idealized in treatment was omitted4 ,the realistic value of the picture was impaired to the relief of both poet and patron4 ,but what the poem gained as a beautiful aspiration it lost as a practical authority4 ,can we suppose that ,vergil did not know how important a place in contemporary agriculture was filled by slave-labour8 ,i think not3 surely it is inconceivable4 ,what meets us at every turn in other writers cannot have been unknown to him4 ,macrobius#iag has preserved for us a curious record belonging to #dc ,,bc1 when the great confiscations and assignations of land were being carried out in the ,cisalpine by order of the ,triumvirs4 ,money and arms1 needed for the coming campaign of ,philippi1 were being requisitioned at the same time4 ,the men of property threatened by these exactions hid themselves4 ,their slaves were offered rewards and freedom if they would betray their masters' hiding-places1 but not one of them yielded to the temptation4 ,the commander who made the offer was ,pollio4 ,no doubt domestics are chiefly meant1 but there were rustic slaves1 and we have reason to think that they were humanely treated in those parts4 ,dion ,cassius#iah tells us that in #da ,,bc ,octavian1 under great pressure from the clamorous armies1 saw nothing to be done but to take all ,italian lands from present owners and hand them over to the soldiers 4 ,circumstances necessitated compromise1 which does not concern us here4 ,but it is well to remember that it was just the best land that the soldiers wanted1 and with it slaves and other farm-stock4 ,for it was a pension after service1 not a hard life of bodily drudgery1 that was in view4 ,the plan of letting the former owner stay on as a tenant has been referred to above4 ,i hold then that ,vergil's silence on the topics to which ,i have called attention1 however congenial it may have been to him1 was intentional3 and that the poem1 published in honorem ,maecenatis#iai1 was limited as to its practical outlook with the approval1 if not at the suggestion1 of the patron4 ,it is essentially a literary work4 ,in it ,vergil's power of gathering materials from all quarters and fusing them into a whole of his own creation is exemplified to a wonderful degree4 ,his own deep love of the country1 with its homely sights and sounds1 phenomena of a ,nature whose laws he felt unable to explore1 helped him to execute the task of recommending a social and economic reform through the medium of poetry4 ,by ignoring topics deemed unsuitable1 he left his sympathies and enthusiasm free course1 and without sympathies and enthusiasm the ,georgics would not have been immortal4 ,even when digressing from agriculture1 as in his opening address to the ,emperor1 there is more sincerity than we are at first disposed to grant4 ,he had not been a ,republican1 like ,horace1 and probably had been from the first attached to the cause of the ,caesars4 ,i can discover no ground for thinking#ibj that ,vergil was ever himself a farmer4 ,that ,pliny and ,columella cite him as an authority is in my opinion due to the predominance of his works in the literary world4 ,as writers of prose dealing with facts often of an uninspiring kind1 it would seem to raise the artistic tone of heavy paragraphs if the first name in ,latin literature could be introduced with an apposite quotation in agreement with their own context4 ,vergil-worship began early and lasted long2 and indeed his admirers in the present day are sometimes so absorbed in finding#iba more and more in what he said that they do not trouble themselves to ask whether there may not be some significance#ibb in his silences4 ,rightly or wrongly1 ,i am persuaded that this question ought at least to be asked in connexion with the ,georgics4 ,i have reserved till the last a passage#ibc of ,seneca1 in which he challenges the authority of ,vergil in some points connected with trees1 speaking of him as ,vergilius noster1 qui non quid verissime sed quid decentissime diceretur aspexit1 nec agricolas docere voluit sed legentes delectare4 ,now ,seneca was devoted to the works of ,vergil1 and is constantly quoting them4 ,he has no prejudice against the poet4 ,the view of the ,georgics set forth in these words implies no literary dispraise1 but a refusal to let poetic excellence give currency to technical errors4 ,seneca is often tiresome1 but in this matter his criticism is in my opinion sound4 ,in the matter of labour my contention is not that the poet has inadvertently erred1 but that he has for some reason deliberately dissembled4 ,,xxx4 ,,the ,,elder ,,seneca ,,and ,,others4 ,the comparatively silent interval1 between the ,augustan circle and the new group of writers under ,claudius and ,nero1 furnishes little of importance4 ,the one writer who stands out as giving us a few scraps of evidence is the elder ,seneca1 the earliest of the natives of ,spain who made their mark in ,latin literature4 ,but the character of his work1 which consists of examples of the treatment of problem-cases in the schools of rhetoric1 makes him a very peculiar witness4 ,when he tells us how this or that pleader of note made some point neatly1 the words have their appropriate place in the texture of a particular argument4 ,often they contain a fallacious suggestion or a misstatement useful for the purpose of ex parte advocacy1 but having as statements no authority whatever4 ,still there are a few references of significance and value4 ,thus1 when the poor man's son refuses the rich man's offer to adopt him1 and his own father approves the proposal1 one rhetorician made the young man#ibd say #8,great troops of slaves whom their lord does not know by sight1 and the farm-prisons echoing to the sound of the lash1 have no charm for me3 my love for my father is an unbought love4' ,again1 a poor man1 whose property has been outrageously damaged by a rich neighbour1 protests#ibe against the whims of modern luxury4 #8,country districts' he says #8that once were the plough-lands of whole communities are now each worked by a single slave-gang1 and the sway of stewards is wider than the realms of kings4' ,now1 we cannot cite the old rhetorician as an authority on agriculture directly3 but he gives us proof positive that references to estates worked by gangs#ibf of slaves1 and the ergastula in which the poor wretches were shut up after the hours of labour1 would not in his time sound strange to ,roman audiences4 ,another passage#ibg touches on a very typical lecture-room theme1 an unnatural son4 ,a father is banished for unintentional homicide4 ,the law forbids the sheltering and feeding of an exile4 ,but the father contrives to return and haunt an estate adjoining the main property1 now controlled by his son4 ,the son hears of these visits1 flogs the vilicus for connivance1 and compels him to exclude the old man4 ,the piece is one of which only a brief abstract remains1 but there is enough to shew that1 while the gist of it was a casuistic discussion of a moral problem1 it assumes as a matter of course the liability of a trusted slave to the lash4 ,the faithful and kindly slave is contrasted with the unnatural son4 ,there are in these curious collections other utterances indicative of the spread of humanitarian notions4 ,thus in the piece first cited#ibh above1 the poor man's son in refusing the rich man's offer of adoption1 as a situation to which he could never accommodate himself1 is made to add #8,if you were selling a favourite slave1 you would inquire whether the buyer was a cruel man4' ,such ideas come from the later ,greek philosophies1 chiefly ,stoic1 the system on which ,seneca brought up his more famous son4 ,in one place#ibi we find an echo of an earlier ,greek sentiment1 when a rhetorician propounds the doctrine that ,fortune only1 not ,nature1 distinguishes freemen from slaves4 ,indeed it is evident1 from the many passages that touch on slavery and expose some of its worst horrors1 that the subject was at this time beginning to attract more general attention than heretofore4 ,and the relations of patron and freedman1 also discussed in these artificial school-debates1 are a further illustration of this tendency4 ,milder and more humane principles were germinating1 though as yet they had not found expression in law4 ,in arguing on a peculiarly revolting case 7the deliberate mutilation of child-beggars7 a speaker incidentally refers#icj to wealthy landowners recruiting their slave-gangs by seizing freemen4 ,the hearers are supposed to receive this reference to kidnapping as no exceptional thing extravagantly suggested4 ,we have seen that both ,augustus and ,tiberius had to intervene to put down this suppressio4 ,one little note of interest deserves passing mention4 ,in a discussion on unequal marriages the question is raised whether even the very highest desert on a slave's part could justify a father in taking him as a son-in-law4 ,a speaker cites the case#ica of ,old ,cato1 who married the daughter of his own colonus4 ,here we clearly have the tenant farmer in the second century ,,bc ,in ,plutarch the man appears as a client4 ,neither writer makes him a freedman in so many words4 ,but it is probably the underlying fact4 ,that the daughter was ingenua does not rule out this supposition4 ,velleius and ,valerius ,maximus also belong to the reign of ,tiberius4 ,the former in what remains of his history supplies nothing to my purpose4 ,valerius made a collection of anecdotes from ,roman and foreign histories illustrating various virtues and vices1 classifying the examples of good and bad action under heads4 ,they are #8lifted' from the works of earlier writers3 many are taken from ,livy1 already used as a classic quarry4 ,the book is pervaded by tiresome moralizing1 and points of interest are few4 ,there is the story of the farm#icb of ,regulus1 of the patriotic refusal#icc of ,m' ,curius to take more than the normal seven iugera of land as a reward from the state1 of the horny-handed rustic voter#icd being asked whether he walked on his hands2 also reference to the simple habits of the famous ,catos1 and a passing remark that the men of old had few slaves4 ,those of the above passages that are of any value at all have been noticed in earlier sections4 ,the freedman ,phaedrus gives us next to nothing in his fables1 unless we care to note the items#ice of a farm-property1 agellos pecora villam operarios boves iumenta et instrumentum rusticum1 and a fable specially illustrating the fact that a master's eye sees what escapes the notice of the slave-staff1 even of the vilicus4 ,,xxxi4 ,,seneca ,,the ,,younger4 ,the chief literary figure of the reigns of ,claudius and ,nero was ,l ,annaeus ,seneca1 a son of the rhetorician above referred to1 and like his father born in ,spain4 ,his life extended from #d ,,bc to #fe ,,ad4 ,for the purpose of the present inquiry his surviving works are mainly of interest as giving us in unmistakeable tones the point of view from which a man of ,stoic principles regarded slavery as a social institution4 ,the society of imperial ,rome1 in which he spent most of his life1 was politically dead4 ,to meddle with public affairs was dangerous4 ,even a senator needed to walk warily1 for activity was liable to be misinterpreted by the ,emperor and by his powerful freedmen#icf1 who were in effect ,imperial ,ministers4 ,to keep on good terms with these departmental magnates1 who had sprung from the slave-market to be courted as the virtual rulers of freeborn ,roman citizens1 was necessary for all men of note4 ,under such conditions it is not wonderful that the wealthy were tempted to assert themselves in ostentatious luxury and dissipation3 for a life of careless debauchery was on the face of it hardly compatible with treasonable conspiracy4 ,the immense slave-households of ,rome were a part and an expression of this extravagance2 and the fashion of these domestic armies was perhaps at its height in this period4 ,now1 nothing kept the richer ,romans in subjection more efficiently than this habit of living constantly exposed to the eyes and ears of their menials4 ,cruel laws might protect the master from assassination by presuming#icg the guilt of all slaves who might have prevented it4 ,they could not protect him from the danger of criminal charges1 such as treason#ich1 supported by servile evidence3 indeed the slave was a potential informer1 and a hated master was at the mercy of his slaves4 ,under some ,emperors this possibility was a grim reality1 and no higher or more heartfelt praise could be bestowed#ici on an ,emperor than that he refused to allow masters to be done to death by the tongue of their slaves4 ,meanwhile the slave was still legally#idj his 7or her7 master's chattel1 and cases of revolting cruelty#ida and other abominations occurred from time to time4 ,yet more humane and sympathetic views were already affecting public sentiment1 chiefly owing to the spread of ,stoic doctrines among the cultivated classes4 ,of these doctrines as adapted to ,roman minds ,seneca was the leading preacher4 ,thus he cites the definition of #8slave' as #8wage-earner for life1' propounded#idb by ,chrysippus3 he insists on the human quality common to slave and free alike3 he reasserts the equality of human rights1 only upset by ,fortune1 who has made one man master of another3 he sees that the vices of slaves are very often simply the result of the misgovernment of their owners3 he reckons them as humble members#idc of the family circle1 perhaps even the former playmates of boyhood3 he recommends a kindly consideration for a slave's feelings1 and admits#idd that some sensitive natures would prefer a flogging to a box on the ear or a harsh and contemptuous scolding4 ,we need not follow up his doctrines in more detail4 ,the general tone is evident and significant enough4 ,but it is the relations of the domestic circle that he has primarily in view4 ,his references to agriculture and rustic labour are few1 as we might expect from the circumstances of his life4 ,but we are in a better position to judge their value having considered his attitude towards slavery in general4 ,it should be noted1 as a specimen of his tendency to ,romanize ,greek doctrine1 that he lays great stress on the more wholesome relations#ide of master and slave in the good old times of early ,rome1--here too without special reference to the rustic households of the rude forefathers round which tradition centred4 ,judged by a modern standard1 a defect in ,stoic principles was the philosophic aloofness from the common interests and occupations of ordinary workaday life4 ,to the ,wise ,man all things save ,virtue are more or less indifferent1 and in the practice of professions and trades there is little or no direct connexion with ,virtue4 ,contempt for manual labour1 normal in the ancient world and indeed in all slaveowning societies1 took a loftier position under the influence of ,stoicism4 ,hence that system1 in spite of its harsh and tiresome features1 appealed to many of the better ,romans of the upper class1 seeming as it did to justify their habitual disdain4 ,seneca's attitude towards handicrafts is much the same as ,cicero's1 only with a touch of ,stoic priggishness added4 ,wisdom1 he says#idf1 is not a mere handworker 7opifex7 turning out appliances for necessary uses4 ,her function is more important3 her craft is the art of living1 and over other arts she is supreme4 ,the quality of an artist's action#idg depends on his motive3 the sculptor may make a statue for money or to win fame or as a pious offering4 ,arts1 as ,posidonius#idh said1 range from the #8liberal' ones to the #8common and mean' ones practised by handworkers3 the latter have no pretence of moral dignity4 ,indeed many of these trades are quite unnecessary1 the outcome of modern#idi extravagance4 ,we could do without them1 and be all the better for it3 man's real needs are small4 ,but to work for a living is not in itself a degradation3 did not the ,stoic master ,cleanthes draw water#iej for hire8 ,in short1 the ,wise ,man may be a king or a slave1 millionaire or pauper4 ,the externals cannot change his true quality1 though they may be a help or a hindrance in his growth to perfect wisdom4 ,in his references to agriculture and country matters it is to be remarked that ,seneca confirms the impression derived from other sources1 that the letting of land to tenant farmers was on the increase4 ,discoursing on the greedy luxury of the rich1 their monstrous kitchens and cellars1 and the toiling of many to gratify the desires of one1 he continues #8,look at all the places where the earth is being tilled1 and at all the thousands#iea of farmers 7colonorum7 ploughing and digging2 is this1 think you1 to be reckoned one man's belly1 for whose service crops are being raised in ,sicily and in ,africa too8' ,the coloni here mentioned may be merely #8cultivators' in a general sense4 ,but ,i think they are more probably tenants of holdings on great estates4 ,in speaking of his arrival at his ,alban villa1 and finding nothing ready for a meal1 he philosophically refuses to let so small an inconvenience make him angry with his cook and his baker4 #8,my baker#ieb has got no bread2 but the steward has some1 and so have the porter and the farmer4' ,a coarse sort of bread1 no doubt1 but you have only got to wait1 and you will enjoy it when you are really hungry4 ,here we seem to have an instance of what was now probably an ordinary arrangement3 the villa1 homestead with some land round it1 kept as a country #8box' for the master by his steward1 who would see to the garden and other appurtenances1 while the rest of the land is let to a humble tenant farmer4 ,in another passage we have an interesting glimpse of a tenant's legal position#iec as against his landlord4 #8,if a landlord tramples down growing crops or cuts down plantations1 he cannot keep his tenant1 though the lease may be still in being3 this is not because he has recovered what was due to him as lessor1 but because he has made it impossible for him to recover it4 ,even so it often happens that a creditor is cast in damages to his debtor1 when he has on other grounds taken from him more than the amount of the debt claimed4' ,i gather from this passage that damage done by the lessor to the lessee's interest in the farm deprived him of right of action against the lessee1 in case he wanted to enforce some claim 7for rent or for some special service7 under the terms of the existing contract#ied of lease4 ,if this inference be just1 the evidence is important4 ,for the colonus is conceived as a humble person1 whose interest a brutal inconsiderate landlord would be not unlikely to disregard1 and to whom a resort to litigation would seem a course to be if possible avoided4 ,to this question of the rights of landlord and tenant ,seneca returns later1 when engaged in reconciling the ,stoic thesis that #8all things belong to the ,wise ,man' with the facts of actual life4 ,the ,wise ,man is in the position of a ,king to whom belongs the general right of sovranty 7imperium7 while his subjects have the particular right of ownership 7dominium74 ,illustrating the point he proceeds#iee thus4 #8,say ,i have hired a house from you4 ,of its contents some belong to you and some to me4 ,the thing 7res7 is your property1 but the right of user 7usus7 of your property is mine4 ,just so you must not meddle with crops1 though grown on your own estate1 if your tenant forbids it2 and in a season of dearness or dearth you will be like the man in ,vergil wistfully gazing at another's plenteous store1 though the land where it grew1 the yard where it is stacked1 and the granary it is meant to fill1 are all your own property4 ,nor1 when ,i have hired a lodging1 have you a right to enter it1 owner though you be3 when a slave of yours is hired for service by me1 you have no right to withdraw him3 and1 if ,i hire a trap from you and give you a lift1 it will be a good turn on my part1 though the conveyance belongs to you4' ,i have quoted this at some length1 in order to make the farm-tenant's position quite clear4 ,his rights are presumed to be easily ascertainable1 and his assertion of them will be protected by the law4 ,his contract1 whether a formal lease or not1 is also presumed to guarantee him complete control of the subject for the agreed term4 ,whether encroachments by landlords and legal proceedings for redress by tenants were common events in rural ,italy1 ,seneca need not and does not say4 ,i suspect that personal interest on both sides was in practice a more effective restraint than appeals to law4 ,there are other references to agricultural conditions1 which though of less importance are interesting as confirming other evidence as to the latifundia of this period4 ,a good specimen is found in his denunciation of human greed as the cause of poverty1 by bringing to an end the happy age of primitive communism1 when all shared the ownership of all4 ,cramped and unsatisfied1 this avaritia can never find the way back to the old state of plenty and happiness4 #8,hence1 though she now endeavour to make good#ief what she has wasted2 though she add field to field by buying out her neighbours or wrongfully ejecting them2 though she expand her country estates on the scale of provinces1 and enjoy the sense of landlordism in the power of touring mile after mile without leaving her own domains2 still no enlargement of bounds will bring us back to the point from whence we started4' ,again1 in protesting against the luxurious ostentation of travellers and others1 he shews that they are really in debt4 #8,so-and-so is1 you fancy1 a rich man 444 because he has arable estates#ieg in all provinces of the empire 444 because his holding of land near ,rome is on a scale one would grudge him even in the wilds of ,apulia4' ,such a man is in debt to ,fortune4 ,in these as in other passages the preacher illustrates his sermon by references calculated to bring home his points4 ,naturally he selects for the purpose matters familiar to his audience2 and it is this alone that makes the passages worth quoting4 ,the same may be said of his sympathetic reference#ieh to the hard lot of a slave transferred from the easy duties of urban service to the severe toil of farm labour4 ,in general it may be remarked that the evidence of ,seneca and other literary men of this period is to be taken in connexion with the treatise of ,columella1 who is the contemporary specialist on agriculture4 ,the prevalence of slave labour and the growth of the tenant-farmer class are attested by both lines of evidence4 ,,xxxii4 ,,lucan1 ,,petronius1 ,,and ,,others4 ,lucan1 ,seneca's nephew1 has a few interesting references in his poem on the great civil war4 ,thus1 in the eloquent passage#iei lamenting the decay of ,roman vital strength1 a long process to be disastrously completed in the great ,pharsalian battle1 he dwells on the shrinkage of free ,roman population in ,italy4 ,the towns and the countryside alike are empty1 houses deserted1 and it is by the labour of chained#ifj slaves that ,italian crops are raised4 ,elsewhere#ifa he looks further back1 and traces this decay to the effect of luxury and corruption caused by the influx of vast wealth1 the spoils of ,roman conquests4 ,among the symptoms of disease he notes the latifundia1 which it was now becoming the fashion to denounce1 the land-grabbing passion that prompted men to monopolize great tracts of land and incorporate in huge estates1 worked by cultivators unknown#ifb to them1 farms that once had been ploughed and hoed by the rustic heroes of old4 ,but all such utterances are merely a part of a declaimer's stock-in-trade4 ,we may fairly guess that they are echoes of talk heard in the literary circle of his uncle ,seneca4 ,that they are nevertheless consistent with the land-system of this period1 is to be gathered from other sources1 such as ,petronius and ,columella4 ,it remains to note that the word colonus is used by ,lucan in the senses of #8cultivator' and #8farmer1' rather suggesting ownership1 and of #8military colonist1' clearly implying it4 ,that of #8tenant' does not occur3 there was no need for it in the poem4 ,again1 he has servire servilis and servitium1 but servus occurs only in a suspected#ifc line1 and as an adjective4 ,his regular word for #8slave' is famulus4 ,the bucolic poems of this period are too manifestly artificial to serve as evidence of value4 ,for instance1 when ,calpurnius declares#ifd that in this blessed age of peace and prosperity the fossor is not afraid to profit by the treasure he may chance to dig up1 we cannot infer that a free digger is meant1 though it is hardly likely that a slave would be suffered to keep treasure-trove4 ,petronius1 in the curious mixed prose-verse satire of which part has come down to us1 naturally says very little bearing directly on agriculture4 ,but in depicting the vulgar freedman-millionaire ,trimalchio he refers pointedly to the vast landed estates belonging to this typical figure of the period4 ,he owns estates #8far as the kites#ife can fly4' ,this impression is confirmed in detail by a report delivered by the agent for his properties4 ,it is a statement#iff of the occurrences in a domain of almost imperial proportions during a single day4 ,so many children1 male and female1 were born3 so many thousand bushels of wheat were stocked in the granary3 so many hundred oxen broken in3 a slave was crucified for disloyalty to his lord3 so many million sesterces were paid in to the chest1 no opening for investment presenting itself4 ,on one park-estate 7hortis7 there was a great fire1 which began in the steward's house4 ,trimalchio cannot recall the purchase of this estate1 which on inquiry turns out to be a recent acquisition not yet on the books4 ,then comes the reading of notices issued by officials#ifg of the manors1 of wills#ifh made by rangers1 of the names of his stewards2 of a freedwoman's divorce1 the banishment of an atriensis1 the committal of a cashier for trial1 and the proceedings in court in an action between some chamberlains4 ,of course all this is not to be taken seriously1 but we can form some notion of the state of things that the satirist has in mind4 ,too gross an exaggeration would have defeated his purpose4 ,the book is full of passages bearing on the history of slavery1 but it is domestic slavery1 and that often of the most degrading character4 ,,xxxiii4 ,,columella4 ,the great interest taken in agriculture after the establishment of the ,roman peace by ,augustus is shewn by the continued appearance of works on the subject4 ,the treatise of ,celsus1 who wrote in the time of ,tiberius1 was part of a great encyclopaedic work4 ,it was probably one of the most important books of its kind3 but it is lost1 and we only know it as cited by other writers1 such as ,columella and the elder ,pliny4 ,it is from the treatise of ,columella1 composed probably under ,nero1 that we get most of our information as to ,roman husbandry 7rusticatio1 as he often calls it7 in the period of the earlier ,empire4 ,the writer was a native of ,spain1 deeply interested1 like other ,spanish ,romans1 in the past present and future of ,italy4 ,it is evident that in comparing the present with the past he could not avoid turning an uneasy eye to the future4 ,like others1 he could see that agriculture1 once the core of ,roman strength1 the nurse of a vigorous free population1 was in a bad way4 ,it was still the case that the choicest farm-lands of ,italy were largely occupied by mansions and parks1 the property of non-resident owners who seldom visited their estates1 and hardly ever qualified themselves to superintend their management intelligently4 ,the general result was hideous waste4 ,in modern language1 those who had command of capital took no pains to employ it in business-like farming3 while the remaining free rustics lacked capital4 ,agriculture was likely to go from bad to worse under such conditions4 ,the ,empire would thus be weakened at its centre1 and to a loyal ,provincial1 whose native land was part of a subject world grouped round that centre1 the prospect might well seem bewildering4 ,columella was from the first interested in agriculture1 on which his uncle#ifi at ,gades 7,cadiz7 was a recognized authority1 and his treatise de re rustica is his contribution to the service of ,rome4 ,the serious consequences of the decay of practical farming1 and the disappearance of the small landowners tilling their own land1 had long been recognized by thoughtful men4 ,but the settlement of discharged soldiers on allotted holdings had not repopulated the countryside with free farmers4 ,the old lamentations continued1 but no means was found for solving the problem how to recreate a patient and prosperous yeoman class1 firmly planted on the soil4 ,technical knowledge had gone on accumulating to some extent1 though the authorities on agriculture1 ,greek ,carthaginian or ,roman1 appealed to by ,columella are mainly the same as those cited by ,varro some eighty years before4 ,the difficulty at both epochs was not the absence of knowledge but the neglect of its practical application4 ,columella1 like his forerunners1 insists on the folly#igj of buying more land than you can profitably manage4 ,but it seems that the average wealthy landowner could not resist the temptation to round off#iga a growing estate by buying up more land when a favourable opportunity occurred4 ,it is even hinted that ill-treatment#igb of a neighbour1 to quicken the process by driving him to give up his land1 was not obsolete4 ,moreover1 great estates often consisted of separate holdings in different parts of the country4 ,for owners of vast1 and sometimes#igc scattered1 estates to keep effective control over them was an occupation calling for qualities never too common1 technical skill and indefatigable industry4 ,the former could1 if combined with perfect honesty1 be found in an ideal deputy2 but the deputy1 to be under complete control1 must be a slave3 and1 the more skilled the slave1 the better able he was to conceal dishonesty4 ,therefore1 the more knowledge and watchful attentiveness was needed in the master4 ,now it is just this genuine and painstaking interest in the management of their estates that ,columella finds lacking in ,roman landlords4 ,they will not live#igd in the country1 where they are quickly bored and miss the excitements of the city1 and ,my ,lady detests country life even more than ,my ,lord4 ,but they will not even take the trouble to procure good#ige ,stewards1 let alone watching them so as to keep them industrious and honest4 ,thus the management of estates has generally passed from masters to vilici1 and the domestic part of the duties even more completely from house-mistresses to vilicae4 ,as to the disastrous effect of the change upon rustic economy1 the writer entertains no doubt4 ,but the evil was no new phenomenon4 ,it may well be that it was now more widespread than in ,varro's time2 but in both writers we may perhaps suspect some degree of overstatement1 to which reformers are apt to resort in depicting the abuses they are wishing to reform4 ,i do not allow much for this consideration1 for the picture1 confirmed by general literary evidence1 is in the main unquestionably true4 ,so much for the case of estates administered by slave stewards for the account of their masters4 ,but this was not the only way of dealing with landed properties4 ,we have already noted the system of letting farms to cultivating tenants1 and commented on the fewness of the references to it in literature4 ,this plan may have been very ancient in origin1 but it was probably an exceptional arrangement even in the time of ,cicero4 ,the very slight notice of it by ,varro indicates that it was not normal1 indeed not even common4 ,in ,columella we find a remarkable change4 ,in setting out the main principles#igf of estate management1 and insisting on the prime importance of the owner's attention 7cura domini71 he adds that this is necessary above all things in relation to the persons concerned 7in hominibus74 ,now the homines are coloni or servi1 and are unchained or chained4 ,after this division and subdivision he goes on to discuss briefly but thoroughly the proper relations between landlord and tenant-farmer1 the care needed in the selection of satisfactory tenants1 and the considerations that must guide a landlord in deciding whether to let a piece of land to a tenant or to farm it for his own account4 ,he advises him to be obliging and easy in his dealings with tenants1 and more insistent in requiring their work or service 7opus7#igg than their rent 7pensiones73 this plan is less irritating1 and after all it pays better in the long run4 ,for1 barring risks of storms or brigands1 good farming nearly always leaves a profit1 so that the tenant has not the face to claim#igh a reduction of rent4 ,a landlord should not be a stickler for trifles or mean in the matter of little perquisites1 such as cutting firewood1 worrying his tenant unprofitably4 ,but1 while waiving the full rigour of the law1 he should not omit to claim his dues in order to keep alive his rights3 wholesale remission is a mistake4 ,it was well said by a great landowner that the greatest blessing for an estate is when the tenants are natives#igi of the place1 a sort of hereditary occupiers1 attached to it by the associations of their childhood's home4 ,columella agrees that frequent changes of tenant are a bad business4 ,but there is a worse2 namely the town-bred#ihj tenant1 who prefers farming with a slave staff to turning farmer himself4 ,it was a saying of ,saserna1 that out of a fellow of this sort you generally get not your rent but a lawsuit4 ,his advice then was1 take pains to get country-bred farmers#iha and keep them in permanent tenancy3 that is1 when you are not free to farm your own land1 or when it does not suit your interest to farm it with a slave staff4 ,this last condition1 says ,columella1 only refers to the case of lands derelict#ihb through malaria or barren soil4 ,there are however farms on which it is the landlord's own interest to place tenants rather than work them by slaves for his own account4 ,such are distant holdings1 too out-of-the-way for the proprietor to visit them easily4 ,slaves out of reach of constant inspection will play havoc with any farm1 particularly one on which corn is grown4 ,they let out the oxen for hire1 neglect the proper feeding of live stock1 shirk the thorough turning of the earth1 and in sowing tending harvesting and threshing the crop they waste and cheat you to any extent4 ,no wonder the farm gets a bad name thanks to your steward and staff4 ,if you do not see your way to attend in person to an estate of this kind1 you had better let it to a tenant4 ,from these remarks it seems clear that the writer looks upon letting land to tenant farmers as no more than an unwelcome alternative1 to be adopted only in the case of farms bad in quality or out of easy reach4 ,indeed he says frankly that1 given fair average conditions1 the owner can always get better returns by managing a farm himself than by letting it to a tenant3 he may even do better by leaving the charge to a steward1 unless of course that steward happens to be an utterly careless or thievish fellow4 ,taking this in connexion with his remarks about stewards elsewhere1 the net result seems to be that a landlord must choose in any given case what he judges to be the less of two evils4 ,a few points here call for special consideration4 ,in speaking of the work or service 7opus7 that a landlord may require of a tenant1 as distinct from rent1 what does ,columella precisely mean8 ,it has been held#ihc that he refers to the landlord's right of insisting that his land shall be well farmed4 ,this presumably implies a clause in the lease under which such a right could be enforced4 ,but there are difficulties4 ,in the case of a distant farm1 let to a tenant because it has #8to do without the presence#ihd of the landlord1' the right would surely be inoperative in practice4 ,in the case of a neighbouring farm1 why has the landlord not kept it in hand1 putting in a steward to manage it8 ,this interpretation leaves us with no clear picture of a practical arrangement4 ,but this objection is perhaps not fatal4 ,the right to enforce proper cultivation is plainly guaranteed to landlords in ,roman ,law1 as the jurists constantly assert in discussing tenancies4 ,and opus is a term employed#ihe by them in this connexion4 ,it is therefore the safer course to take it here in this sense1 and to allow for a certain want of clearness in ,columella's phrase4 ,at the same time it is tempting to accept another#ihf view1 namely this1 that the writer has in mind service rendered in the form of a stipulated amount of auxiliary labour on the landlord's #8,home ,farm' at certain seasons4 ,that a corve arrangement of this kind existed as a matter of course on some estates1 we have direct evidence#ihg in the second century1 evidence that suggests an earlier origin for the custom4 ,true1 it implies that landlords were in practice able to impose the burden of such task-work on their free tenants1 in short that they had the upper hand in the bargain between the parties4 ,but this is not surprising3 for we read#ihh of a great landlord calling up his coloni to serve on his private fleet in the great civil war1 a hundred years before ,columella4 ,still1 it is perhaps rash to see in this passage a direct reference to the custom of making the supply of auxiliary labour at certain seasons a part of tenant's obligations4 ,granting this1 it is nevertheless reasonable to believe that the first beginnings of the custom may belong to a date at least as early as the treatise of ,columella4 ,for it is quite incredible that such a practice should spring up and become prevalent suddenly4 ,it has all the marks of gradual growth4 ,another point of interest is the criticism of the town-bred colonus4 ,he prefers to work the farm with a slave staff1 rather than undertake the job himself4 ,i gather from this that he is a man with capital1 also that he means to get a good return on his capital4 ,he fears to make a loss on a rustic venture1 being well aware of his own inexperience4 ,so he will put in a steward with a staff of slaves4 ,the position of the steward will in such a case be peculiarly strong4 ,if he is slack and thievish and lets down the farm1 he can stave off his master's anger by finding fault with the soil or buildings1 and involve the tenant and landlord in a quarrel over the rent4 ,to devise pretexts would be easy for a rogue1 and a quarrel might end in a lawsuit4 ,that ,saserna1 writing probably about #ajj ,,bc1 laid his finger on this possible source of trouble1 is significant4 ,it is evidence that there were tenant-farmers in his time1 and bad ones among them3 but not that they were then numerous1 or that their general character was such as to make landlords let their estates in preference to managing them through their own stewards for their own account4 ,and this agrees with ,columella's own opinion some #aej years later4 ,if you are to let farms to tenants1 local men who are familiar with local conditions are to be preferred1 but he gives no hint that such tenants could readily be found4 ,his words seem rather to imply that they were rare4 ,one point is hardly open to misunderstanding4 ,in ,columella's system the typical tenant-farmer1 the colonus to be desired by a wise landlord1 is a humble person1 to whom small perquisites are things of some importance4 ,he is not a restless or ambitious being1 ever on the watch for a chance of putting his landlord in the wrong or a pretext for going to law4 ,such as we see him in the references of ,seneca1 and later in those of the younger ,pliny and ,martial1 such he appears in ,columella4 ,for the landlord it is an important object to keep him--when he has got him--and to have his son ready as successor in the tenancy4 ,from other sources we know#ihi that the value of long undisturbed tenancies are generally recognized4 ,but we have little or nothing to shew whether the tenant-farmers of this age usually worked with their own hands or not4 ,that they employed slave labour is not only a priori probable1 but practically certain4 ,we have evidence that at a somewhat later date it was customary#iij for the landlord to provide land farmstead 7villa7 and equipment 7instrumentum71 and we know that under this last head slaves could be and were concluded4 ,it is evident that the arrangement belongs to the decisive development of the tenancy system as a regular alternative to that of farming by a steward for landlord's own account4 ,the desirable country-bred tenant would not be a man#iia of substantial capital1 and things had to be made easy for him4 ,it is not clear that a tenant bringing his own staff of slaves would have been welcomed as lessee3 from the instance of the town-bred colonus just referred to it seems likely that he would not4 ,while ,columella prescribes letting to tenants as the best way of solving the difficulties in dealing with outlying farms1 he does not say that this plan should not be adopted in the case of farms near the main estate or #8,home ,farm4' ,i think this silence is intentional4 ,it is hard to believe that there were no instances of landlords either wholly non-resident or who so seldom visited their estates that they could not possibly keep an eye on the doings of stewards4 ,in such cases there would be strong inducement to adopt the plan by which they could simply draw rents and have no stewards to look after4 ,that stewards needed to be carefully watched was as clear to ,columella as to ,cato or ,varro4 ,true1 letting to tenants was a policy liable to bring troubles of its own4 ,we shall see in the case of the younger ,pliny what they were and how he met them4 ,meanwhile he may serve as an example of the system4 ,it is also plain that a large continuous property could be divided#iib into smaller parcels for convenience of letting to tenants4 ,whether the later plan of keeping a considerable ,home ,farm in hand under a steward1 and letting off the outer parcels of the same estate to tenants1 was in vogue already and contemplated by ,columella1 is not easy to say4 ,in connexion with this question it is to be noted that he hardly refers at all to free hired labour#iic as generally available4 ,the migratory gangs of wage-earners1 still known to ,varro1 do not appear1 nor do the itinerant medici4 ,when he speaks of hiring hands at any price1 or of times when labour is cheap1 he may mean hiring somebody's slaves1 and probably does4 ,slave labour is undoubtedly the basis of his farm-system1 and its elaborate organization fills an important part of his book4 ,yet two marked consequences of the ,roman ,peace had to be taken into account4 ,fewer wars meant fewer slaves in the market1 and a rise of prices3 peace and law in ,italy meant that big landowners could add field to field more securely than ever1 while great numbers of citizens were settling in the ,provinces1 taking advantage of better openings#iid there4 ,to keep some free labour within call as an occasional resource was an undeniable convenience for a large owner with a farm in hand4 ,small tenants#iie under obligation to render stipulated service at certain seasons would obviously supply the labour needed4 ,and1 if we picture to ourselves a ,home ,farm round the lord's mansion1 worked by steward and slave staff1 with outlying #8soccage' tenants on holdings near1 we are already in presence of a rudimentary ,manor4 ,as time went by1 and the system got into regular working order1 the landlord had an opportunity of strengthening his hold on the tenants4 ,by not pressing them too severely for arrears of rent1 and occasionally granting abatements1 he could gradually increase their services4 ,what he thus saved on his own labour-bill might well be more than a set-off against the loss of money-rents4 ,more and more the tenants would become dependent on him4 ,nominally free1 they were becoming tied to the soil on onerous terms1 and the foundation was laid of the later relation of ,lord and ,serf4 ,such ,i conceive to be the rustic situation the beginnings of which are probably to be placed as early as ,columella's time1 though we do not find him referring to it4 ,he says nothing of another point1 which was of importance#iif later1 namely the admission of slaves or freedmen as tenants of farms4 ,it has all the appearance of a subsequent step1 taken when the convenience of services rendered by resident tenants had been demonstrated by experience4 ,it is no great stretch of imagination to suggest that1 as the supply of slaves fell off1 it was the policy of owners to turn their slave-property to the best possible account4 ,when a steward or a gang-foreman was no longer in his prime1 able 7as ,columella enjoins7 to turn to and shew the common hands how work should be done1 how could he best be utilized8 ,a simple plan was to put him on a small farm with a few slave labourers4 ,this would secure the presence of a tenant whose dependence was certain from the first1 while a younger man could be promoted to the arduous duties of the big ,home ,farm4 ,be this as it may1 it is certain that problems arising from shortage of slaves were presenting themselves in the middle of the first century ,,ad4 ,for slave-breeding1 casual in ,cato's day and incidentally mentioned by ,varro1 is openly recognized by ,columella1 who allows for a larger female element in his farm staff and provides rewards for their realized fertility4 ,if the system of farm-tenancies was already becoming a part of land-management so important as the above remarks may seem to imply1 why does the management of a landed estate for landlord's account under a steward occupy almost the whole of ,columella's long treatise8 ,i think there are several reasons4 ,first1 it is management of tillage-crops and gardens and live stock with which he is chiefly concerned1 not tenures and labour-questions3 and technical skill in agriculture is of interest to all connected with it1 though the book is primarily addressed to landlords4 ,secondly1 the desirable tenant was 7and is7 a man not much in need of being taught his business3 as for an undesirable one1 the sooner he is got rid of the better4 ,thirdly1 the plan of steward-management was still the normal one3 the only pity was that the indolence of owners led to appointment of bad stewards and left them too much power4 ,only sound knowledge can enable landlords to choose good stewards and check bad management4 ,seeing agriculture in a bad way1 ,columella writes to supply this knowledge1 as ,cato ,varro and others had done before him4 ,accordingly he begins with the general organization of the normal large estate1 and first discusses the choice and duties of the vilicus1 on whose character and competence everything depends4 ,to this subject he returns in a later part of the treatise1 and the two passages#iig enforce the same doctrine with very slight variations in detail4 ,the steward#iih must not be a fancy-slave1 a domestic from the master's town house1 but a well-tried hardy rustic1 or at the very least one used to hard labour4 ,he must not be too old1 or he may break down under the strain2 nor too young1 or the elder slaves will not respect him4 ,he must be a skilled farmer 7this is most important7#iii1 or at least thoroughly painstaking1 so as to pick up the business quickly3 for the functions of teaching and giving orders cannot be separated4 ,he need not be able to read and write1 if his memory be very retentive4 ,it is a remark of ,celsus1 that a steward of this sort brings his master cash more often than a book3 for he cannot make up false accounts himself1 and fears to trust an accomplice4 ,but1 good bad or indifferent1 a steward must have a female partner#ajjj allotted him1 to be a restraining influence on him and in some respects a help4 ,being#ajja his master's agent1 he must be enjoined not to live on terms of intimacy with any of the staff1 and still less with any outsider4 ,yet he may now and then invite a deserving worker to his table on a feast-day4 ,he must not do sacrifice#ajjb without orders1 or meddle with divination4 ,he must attend markets only on strict business1 and not gad about1 unless it be to pick up wrinkles#ajjc for the farm1 and then only if the place visited be close at hand4 ,he must not allow new pathways to be made on the farm1 or admit as guests any but his master's intimate friends4 ,he must be instructed to attend carefully#ajjd to the stock of implements and tools1 keeping everything in duplicate and in good repair1 so that there need be no borrowing from neighbours3 for the waste of working time thus caused is a more serious item than the cost of such articles4 ,he is to see to the clothing#ajje of the staff 7familiam7 in practical garments that will stand wet and cold3 this done1 some work in the open is possible in almost any weather4 ,he should be not only an expert in farm labour1 but a man of the highest mental and moral character#ajjf compatible with a slave-temperament4 ,for his rule should be sympathetic but firm3 he should not be too hard#ajjg upon the worse hands1 while he encourages the better ones1 but aim at being feared for his strictness rather than loathed for harshness4 ,the way to achieve this is to watch and prevent1 not to overlook and then punish4 ,even the most inveterate rogues are most effectively controlled by insisting on performance#ajjh of their tasks1 ensuring them their due rights1 and by the steward being always on the spot4 ,under these conditions the various foremen#ajji will take pains to carry out their several duties1 while the common hands1 tired out1 will be more inclined to go to sleep than to get into mischief4 ,some good old usages tending to promote content and good feeling are unhappily gone beyond recall1 for instance#ajaj the rule that a steward must not employ a fellow-slave's services on any business save that of his master4 ,but he must not suffer them to stray off the estate unless he sends them on errands2 and this only if absolutely necessary4 ,he must not do any trading#ajaa on his own account1 or employ his master's cash in purchase of beasts etc4 ,for this distracts a steward's attention1 and prevents the correct balancing of his accounts at the audit1 when he can only produce goods instead of money4 ,in general1 the first#ajab requisite is that he should be free from conceit and eager to learn4 ,for in farming mistakes can never be redeemed3 time lost is never regained3 each thing must be done right1 once for all4 ,the above is almost a verbal rendering of ,columella's words4 ,at this point we may fairly pause to ask whether he seriously thought that an ordinary landlord had much chance of securing such a paragon of virtue as this pattern steward4 ,that all these high bodily mental and moral qualities combined in one individual could be bought in one lot at an auction#ajac must surely have been a chance so rare as to be hardly worth considering as a means of agricultural development4 ,i take it that the importance of extreme care in selecting the right man1 and in keeping him to his duties1 is insisted on as a protest against the culpable carelessness of contemporary landlords1 of which he has spoken severely above4 ,if1 as ,i believe1 in the great majority of cases a new steward required much instruction as to the details of his duties and as to the spirit in which he was both to rule the farm-staff and to serve his master1 surely the part to be played by the master himself#ajad was of fundamental importance3 indeed little less so than in the scheme of old ,cato4 ,to ,columella ,i am convinced that his recommendations stood for an ideal seldom1 if ever1 likely to be realized4 ,to say this is not to blame the good man1 but rather to hint that his precepts in general must not be taken as evidence of a state of things then normally to be found existing on farms4 ,to express aspirations confesses the shortcomings of achievement4 ,to return to our author's precepts4 ,he goes on to tell us of his own way of treating#ajae his farm-hands1 remarking that he has not regretted his kindness4 ,he talks to a rustic slave 7provided he is a decent worker7 more often1 and more as man to man 7familiarius7 than he does to a town slave4 ,it relieves the round of their toil4 ,he even exchanges pleasantries with them4 ,he discusses new work-projects with the skilled hands and so tests their abilities3 this flatters them1 and they are more ready to work on a job on which they have been consulted4 ,there are other points of management on which all prudent masters are agreed1 for instance the inspection#ajaf of the slaves in the lock-up4 ,this is to ascertain whether they are carefully chained1 and the chamber thoroughly secured1 and whether the steward has chained or released any of them without his master's knowledge4 ,for he must not be permitted to release the chained on his own responsibility4 ,the paterfamilias should be all the more particular in his inquiries as to slaves of this class1 to see that they are dealt with fairly in matters of clothing and rations1 inasmuch as they are under the control#ajag of several superiors1 stewards foremen and warders4 ,this position exposes them to unfair treatment1 and they are apt to be more dangerous through resenting harshness and stinginess4 ,so a careful master should question them as to whether they are getting#ajah their due allowance4 ,he should taste their food and examine their clothes etc4 ,he should hear and redress grievances1 punish the mutinous1 and reward the deserving4 ,columella then relates#ajai his own policy in dealing with female slaves4 ,when one of them had reared three or more children she was rewarded3 for #c she was granted a holiday1 for #d she was manumitted4 ,this is only fair1 and it is a substantial increment#ajbj to your property4 ,in general1 a landlord is enjoined to observe religious duties1 and to inspect the whole estate immediately on his arrival from ,town1 checking all items carefully4 ,this done regularly year after year1 he will enjoy order and obedience on his estate in his old age4 ,next comes a general statement of the proper classification of the slave staff according to varieties#ajba of function4 ,for departmental foremen you should choose steady honest fellows1 watchfulness and skill being needed rather than brute strength4 ,the hind or plowman must be a big man with a big voice1 that the oxen may obey him4 ,and the taller he is the better will he throw his weight on the plough-tail4 ,the mere unskilled labourer#ajbb only needs to be fit for continuous hard work4 ,for instance1 in a vineyard you want a thickset type of labourer to stand the digging etc1 and if they are rogues it does not matter much1 as they work in a gang under an overseer 7monitore#ajbc74 ,by the by1 a scamp is generally more quick-witted than the average1 and vineyard work calls for intelligence3 this is why chained hands#ajbd are commonly employed there4 ,of course1 he adds1 an honest man is more efficient than a rogue1 other things being equal3 don't charge me with a preference for criminals4 ,another piece of advice is to avoid#ajbe mixing up the various tasks performed by the staff on the plan of making every labourer do every kind of work4 ,it does not pay in farming4 ,either what is every one's business is felt to be nobody's duty in particular2 or the effort of the individual is credited to the whole of the gang4 ,this sets him shirking1 and yet you cannot single out the offender2 and this sort of thing is constantly happening4 ,therefore keep plowmen vineyard-hands and unskilled labourers apart4 ,then he passes to numerical#ajbf divisions4 ,squads 7classes7 should be of not more than ten men each1 decuriae as the old name was1 that the overseer may keep his eye on all4 ,by spreading such squads over different parts of a large farm it is possible to compare results1 to detect laziness1 and to escape the irritating unfairness of punishing the wrong men4 ,the general impression left on a reader's mind by ,columella's principles of slave-management is one of strict control tempered by judicious humanity4 ,it pays not to be harsh and cruel4 ,whether we can fairly credit him with disinterested sympathy on grounds of a common human nature1 such as ,seneca was preaching1 seems to me very doubtful4 ,that he regarded the slave as a sort of domesticated animal1 cannot so far as ,i know be gathered from direct statements1 but may be inferred by just implication from his use of the same language in speaking of slaves and other live stock4 ,thus we find#ajbg the #8labouring herd1' and #8draught-cattle when they are putting in a good spell of work4' ,so too the steward is to drive home his slave-gang at dusk #8after the fashion#ajbh of a first-rate herdsman1' and on arrival first of all to attend to their needs #8like a careful shepherd4' ,the motive of this care is to keep the staff in good working order4 ,both steward and stewardess are required to pay great attention to the health of the staff4 ,not only are there prescriptions given for treatment of ailments and injuries1 but the slave really stale from overwork is to have a rest2 of course malingering must be checked4 ,for the sick there is a special#ajbi sick-room1 always kept clean and aired1 and the general sanitation of the farmstead is strictly enforced4 ,this too is dictated by enlightened self-interest1 a part of the general rule#ajcj that upkeep is as important as acquisition4 ,the position of the female staff of the farm has also a bearing on this subject4 ,they do not appear to be numerous1 though perhaps proportionally more so than in the scheme of ,varro4 ,the vilica has a number of maids under her for doing the various house-work#ajca and spinning and weaving4 ,we have already noted the rewards of fertility on their part4 ,for the production of home-bred slaves 7vernae71 always a thing welcomed by proprietors1 is most formally recognized by ,columella4 ,why it needed encouragement may perhaps receive some illustration from remarks upon the behaviour of certain birds in the matter of breeding4 ,thus peafowl do well in places where they can run at large1 and the hens take more pains to rear their chicks1 being so to speak#ajcb set free from slavery4 ,and other birds there are that will not breed in captivity4 ,the analogy of these cases to that of human slaves can hardly have escaped the notice of the writer4 ,the distinction between the slaves who are chained and those who are not appears the more striking from ,columella's references to the lock-up chamber or slave-prison4 ,his predecessors pass lightly over this matter1 but he gives it the fullest recognition4 ,the ergastulum should be a chamber#ajcc below ground level1 as healthy as you can get1 lighted by a number of slits in the wall so high above the floor as to be out of a man's reach4 ,this dungeon is only for the refractory slaves1 chained and constantly inspected4 ,for the more submissive ones cabins 7cellae7 are provided in healthy spots near their work but not so scattered as to make observation difficult4 ,there is even a bath house#ajcd1 which the staff are allowed to use on holidays only3 much bathing is weakening4 ,whether on an average farm the chained or unchained slaves are assumed to be the majority is not quite clear2 probably the unchained1 to judge by the general tone of the precepts4 ,but that a lock-up is part of the normal establishment is clear enough4 ,and it is to be noted that in one passage#ajce ergastula are mentioned in ill-omened juxtaposition with citizens enslaved by their creditors4 ,whether it is implied that unhappy debtors were still liable to be locked up as slaves in creditors' dungeons as of old1 is not easy to say4 ,columella is capable of rhetorical flourishes now and then4 ,it is safer to suppose that he is referring to two forms of slave-labour2 first1 the working off arrears of debt#ajcf by labour of a servile kind2 second1 the wholesale slave-gang system suggested by the significant word ergastula4 ,or are we to read into it a reference to the kidnapping#ajcg of wayfarers which ,augustus and ,tiberius had striven to put down8 ,before we leave the subject of the slave-staff it is well to note that no prospect of freedom is held out1 at least to the males4 ,fertility1 as we have seen1 might lead to manumission of females4 ,but we are not told what use they were likely to make of their freedom1 when they had got it4 ,my belief is that they stayed on the estate as tolerated humble dependants2 for they would have no other home4 ,some were natives of the place1 and the imported ones would have lost all touch with their native lands4 ,perhaps the care of poultry#ajch is a specimen of the various minor functions in which they could make themselves useful4 ,at all events they were free from fetters and the lash4 ,and the men too may have been occasionally manumitted on the same sort of terms4 ,silence does not prove a negative4 ,for instance1 we hear of peculium1 the slave's quasi-property1 only incidentally#ajci as being derived from pecus4 ,yet we are not entitled to say that slaves were not free to make savings under the system of ,columella4 ,though the vilicus appears in this treatise as the normal head of the management1 there are signs that this was not the last word in estate-organization4 ,that he is sometimes#ajdj referred to as being the landlord's agent 7actor71 but usually not1 rather suggests that he could be1 and often was1 confined to a more restricted sphere of duty1 namely the purely agricultural superintendence of the farm in hand4 ,this would make him a mere farm-bailiff1 directing operations on the land1 but with little or no responsibility for such matters as finance4 ,and in a few passages we have mention of a procurator4 ,this term must be taken in its ordinary sense#ajda as signifying the landlord's #8attorney' or full legal representative4 ,he is to keep an eye on the management1 for instance#ajdb the threshing-floor1 if the master is not at hand4 ,the position of his quarters indicates his importance3 as the steward's lodging is to be where he can watch goings-out and comings-in1 so that of the procurator is to be where#ajdc he can have a near view of the steward as well as doings in general4 ,judging from the common practice of the day1 it is probable that he would be a freedman4 ,now1 why does ,columella1 after referring to him thus early in the treatise1 proceed to ignore him afterwards8 ,the only reasonable explanation that occurs to me is that the appointment of such an official would only be necessary in exceptional cases3 in short1 that in speaking of a procurator he implies an unexpressed reservation #8supposing such a person to be employed4' ,circumstances that might lead to such an appointment are not far to seek4 ,the landlord might be abroad for a long time on public duty or private business4 ,there might be large transactions pending 7purchases1 sales1 litigation1 etc7 in connexion with the estate or neighbourhood2 in the case of a very large estate this was not unlikely4 ,the estate might be one of several owned by the same lord1 and the procurator intermittently resident on one or other as from time to time required4 ,or lastly the services of an agent with full legal powers may have been desirable in dealing with free tenantry4 ,if a landlord had a number of tenant farmers on his estates1 it is most unlikely that his vilici1 slaves as they were1 would be able to keep a firm hand#ajdd on them3 and the fact of his letting his farms surely suggests that he would not desire to have much rent-collecting or exaction of services to do himself4 ,one point in which ,columella's system seems to record a change from earlier usage may be found in the comparative disuse of letting out special jobs to contractors4 ,in one passage#ajde1 when discussing the trenching-work required in pastinatio1 and devices for preventing the disputes arising from bad execution of the same1 he refers to conductor as well as dominus4 ,the interests of the two are liable to clash1 and he tries to shew a means of ensuring a fair settlement between the parties without going to law4 ,i understand the conductor to be a man who has contracted for the job at an agreed price1 and exactor operis just below to be the landlord1 whose business it is to get full value for his money4 ,thus conductor here will be the same as the redemptor so often employed in the scheme of ,cato4 ,i cannot find further traces of him in ,columella4 ,nor is the sale of a hanging#ajdf crop or a season's lambs to a speculator referred to4 ,but we have other authority for believing that contracts of this kind were not obsolete1 and it is probable that the same is true of contracts for special operations4 ,that such arrangements were nevertheless much rarer than in ,cato's time seems to be a fair inference4 ,the manifest reluctance#ajdg to hire external labour also points to the desire of getting1 so far as possible1 all farming operations performed by the actual farm-staff4 ,if ,i have rightly judged the position of tenant farmers1 it is evident that their stipulated services would be an important help in enabling the landlord to dispense with employment of contractors' gangs on the farm4 ,this was in itself desirable3 that the presence of outsiders was unsettling to your own slaves had long been remarked1 and in the more elaborate organization of ,columella's day disturbing influences would be more apprehensively regarded than ever4 ,it is hardly necessary to follow out all the details of this complicated system and enumerate the various special functions assigned to the members of the staff4 ,to get good foremen even at high prices was one of the leading principles3 an instance#ajdh is seen in the case of vineyards1 where we hear of a thoroughly competent vinitor1 whose price is reckoned at about #hj of our money1 the estimated value of about #d acres of land4 ,the main point is that it is a system of slave labour on a large scale1 and that ,columella1 well aware that such labour is in general wasteful1 endeavours to make it remunerative by strict order and discipline4 ,he knows very well that current lamentations over the supposed exhaustion#ajdi of the earth's fertility are mere evasions of the true causes of rural decay1 neglect and ignorance4 ,he knows that intensive cultivation#ajej pays well1 and cites striking instances4 ,but the public for whom he writes is evidently not the men on small holdings1 largely market-gardeners#ajea1 who were able to make a living with or without slave-help1 at all events when within reach of urban markets4 ,he addresses men of wealth1 most of whom were proud of their position as landlords1 but presumably not unwilling to make their estates more remunerative1 provided the effort did not give them too much trouble4 ,this condition was the real difficulty2 and it is hard to believe that ,columella1 when insisting on the frequent presence of the master's eye1 was sanguine enough to expect a general response4 ,his attitude towards pastoral industry seems decidedly less enthusiastic than that of his predecessors4 ,stock#ajeb must be kept on the farm1 partly to eat off your own fodder-crops1 but chiefly for the sake of supplying manure for the arable land4 ,in quoting ,cato's famous saying on the profitableness of grazing1 he agrees that nothing pays so quickly as good grazing1 and that moderately good grazing pays well enough4 ,but if1 as some versions have it1 he really said that even bad grazing was the next best thing for a farmer1 ,columella respectfully dissents4 ,the breeding and fattening of all manner of animals for luxurious tables#ajec remains much the same as in the treatise of ,varro4 ,a curious caution is given#ajed in discussing the fattening of thrushes4 ,they are to be fed with #8dried figs beaten up with fine meal1 as much as they can eat or more4 ,some people chew the figs before giving them to the birds4 ,but it is hardly worth while to do this if you have a large number to feed1 for it costs money to hire#ajee persons to do the chewing1 and the sweet taste makes them swallow a good deal themselves4' ,now1 why hire labour for such a purpose8 ,is it because slaves would swallow so much of the sweet stuff that your thrushes would never fatten8 ,it is well known that importation of corn from abroad led to great changes in ,italian agriculture in the second century ,,bc4 ,the first was the formation of great estates worked by slave-gangs1 which seems to have begun as an attempt to compete with foreign large-scale farming in the general production of food-stuffs4 ,if so1 it was gradually discovered that it did not pay to grow cereal crops for the market1 unscrupulous in slave-driving though the master might be4 ,therefore attention was turned to the development on a larger scale of the existing culture of the vine and olive and the keeping of great flocks and herds4 ,food for these last had to be found on the farm in the winter1 and more and more it became usual only to grow cereals as fodder for the stock1 of course including the slaves4 ,no doubt there was a demand for the better sorts1 such as wheat1 in all the country towns1 but the farms in their immediate neighbourhood would supply the need4 ,that ,columella assumes produce of this kind to be normally consumed on the place1 is indicated by his recommending#ajef barley as good food for all live-stock1 and for slaves when mixed with wheat4 ,also by his treating the delicate#ajeg white wheat1 much fancied in ,rome1 as a degenerate variety1 not worth the growing by a practical farmer4 ,his instructions for storage shew the same point of view4 ,the structure and principles of granaries#ajeh are discussed at length1 and the possibility of long storage#ajei is contemplated4 ,the difficulties of transport by land had certainly been an important influence in the changes of ,roman husbandry1 telling against movements of bulky produce4 ,hence the value attached#ajfj to situations near the seaboard or a navigable stream 7the latter not a condition often to be realized in ,italy7 by ,columella and his predecessors4 ,military roads served the traveller as well as the armies1 but took no regard#ajfa of agricultural needs4 ,moreover they had special#ajfb drawbacks4 ,wayfarers had a knack of pilfering from farms on the route1 and someone or other was always turning up to seek lodging and entertainment4 ,thus it was wise not to plant your villa close to one of these trunk roads1 or your pocket was likely to suffer4 ,but to have a decent approach#ajfc by a country road was a great convenience1 facilitating the landlord's periodical visits and the carriage of goods to and from the estate4 ,certain words call for brief notice4 ,thus opera1 the average day's work of an average worker1 is ,columella's regular labour-unit in terms of which he expresses the labour-cost#ajfd of an undertaking4 ,in no other writer is this more marked4 ,occasionally operae occurs in the well-known concrete sense#ajfe of the #8hands' themselves4 ,the magistri mentioned are not always the foremen spoken of above1 but sometimes#ajff directors or teachers in a general sense or even as a sort of synonym for professores4 ,to recur once again to colonus1 the word1 as in other writers1 often means simply #8cultivator1' not #8tenant-farmer4' ,the latter special sense occurs in a passage#ajfg which would be useful evidence for the history of farm-tenancies1 if it were not doubtful whether the text is sound4 ,there remains a question1 much more than a merely literary problem1 as to the true relation of ,columella to ,vergil4 ,that he constantly quotes the poet1 and cites him as an authority on agriculture1 is a striking fact4 ,one instance will shew the deep veneration with which he regards the great master4 ,in speaking#ajfh of the attention to local qualities of climate and soil needed in choosing an estate1 he quotes lines from the first ,georgic1 the matter of which is quite traditional1 common property4 ,but he speaks of ,vergil 7to name the poet#ajfi was unnecessary7 as a most realistic#ajgj bard1 to be trusted as an oracle4 ,nay1 so irresistible is to him the influence of ,vergil1 that he must needs cast his own tenth book into hexameter verse3 the subject of that book is gardens1 a topic on which ,vergil had confessedly#ajga not fully said his say4 ,and yet in the treatment of the land-question there is a fundamental difference between the two writers4 ,columella's system is based on slave labour organized to ensure the completest efficiency3 ,vergil practically ignores slavery altogether4 ,columella advises you to let land to tenant farmers whenever you cannot effectively superintend the working of slave-organizations under stewards3 ,vergil ignores this solution also1 and seems vaguely to contemplate a return to the system of small farms owned and worked by free yeomen in an idealized past4 ,columella is concerned to see that capital invested in land is so employed as to bring in a good economic return3 ,vergil dreams of the revival of a failing race1 and possible economic success and rustic wellbeing are to him not so much ends as means4 ,the contrast is striking enough4 ,in the chapter on ,vergil ,i have already pointed out that the poet had at once captured the adoration of the ,roman world4 ,it was not only in quotations or allusions1 or in the incense of praise1 that his supremacy was held in evidence so long as ,latin literature remained alive4 ,his influence affected prose style also1 and subtle reminiscences of ,vergilian flavour maybe traced in ,tacitus4 ,but all this is very different from the practice of citing him as an authority on a special subject1 as ,columella did and the elder ,pliny did after him4 ,i would venture to connect this practice with the ,roman habit of viewing their own literature as inspired by ,greek models and so tending to move on parallel lines4 ,cicero was not content to be a ,roman ,demosthenes2 he must needs try to be a ,roman ,plato too1 if not also a ,roman ,aristotle4 ,now citation of the ,homeric poems as a recognized authority on all manner of subjects1 not to mention casual illustrations1 runs through ,greek literature4 ,plato and ,aristotle are good instances4 ,it is surely not surprising that we find ,roman writers patriotically willing to cite their own great poet1 more especially as the ,georgics lay ready to hand4 ,in the next generation after ,columella1 ,quintilian framed his criticism#ajgb of the two literatures 7as food for oratorical students7 on frankly parallel lines4 ,vergil is the pair to ,homer3 second to the prince of singers1 but a good second3 and he is quoted and cited throughout the treatise as ,homer is in ,aristotle's ,rhetoric4 ,true1 the cases are not really parallel4 ,whatever preexistent material may have served to build up the ,homeric poems1 they are at least not didactic poems1 made up of precepts largely derived from technical writers1 and refined into poetic form with mature and laborious skill4 ,to quote the ,georgics1 not only for personal observation of facts but for guiding precepts1 is often to quote a secondary authority in a noble dress1 and serves but for adornment4 ,but in such a consideration there would be nothing to discourage ,roman literary men4 ,to challenge ,vergil's authority on a rustic subject remained the prerogative of ,seneca4 ,additional note to page #bfc ,varro de lingua ,latina ,,vii #aje says liber qui suas operas in servitutem pro pecunia quadam debebat dum solveret nexus vocatur1 ut ab aere obaeratus4 ,this antiquarian note is of interest as illustrating the meaning of operae1 and the former position of the debtor as a temporary slave4 ,,age ,,of ,,the ,,flavian ,,and ,,antonine ,,emperors ,,xxxiv4 ,,general ,,introduction4 ,it is not easy to find a satisfactory line of division between the period of the ,flavian emperors and that of the adoptive series that came after them4 ,the ,plebeian ,flavians had no family claim1 through birth or adoption1 to a preeminent position in the ,roman world1 and the rise of ,vespasian to power was indeed a revolution4 ,henceforth1 though outward forms and machinery remained1 the real control of the empire rested with those supported directly or indirectly by the great armies4 ,but the sound administrative policy set going by the common sense of ,vespasian long maintained the imperial fabric in strength1 and it is commonly held that from #fi to #ahj ,,ad was the ,empire's golden age4 ,nevertheless its vitality was already ebbing1 and the calamities that beset it in the days of ,marcus ,aurelius found it unable to renew its vigour after holding in check its barbarian invaders4 ,the ,flavian-,antonine period must be treated as one1 and from the point of view of the present inquiry certain significant facts must always be borne in mind4 ,the ,italian element in the armies was becoming less and less4 ,military policy consisted chiefly in defence of the frontiers1 for the annexations of ,trajan were not lasting1 and they exhausted strength needed for defence4 ,it was an ominous sign that the ,roman power of assimilation was failing4 ,mixed armies of imperfectly ,romanized soldiery1 whether as conquerors or as settlers1 could not spread ,roman civilization in the same thorough way as it had become at length established in ,spain or southern ,gaul4 ,to spread it extensively and not intensively meant a weakening of ,roman grasp2 and at some points#ajgc it seems as if the influx of barbarism was felt to be a menace in time of peace1 not effectively counteracted by the peaceful penetration of ,rome4 ,now1 if the protection of ,italy by chiefly alien swords was to relieve the imperial centre from the heavy blood-tax borne by it in the old days of ,roman expansion1 surely it remained an ,italian function or duty to provide carriers#ajgd of ,roman civilization1 that is1 if border lands were to be solidly ,romanized as a moral bulwark against barbarism4 ,but this duty could only be performed by a healthy and vigorous ,italy1 and ,italy#ajge was not healthy and vigorous4 ,internal security left the people free to go on in the same ways as they had now been following for generations1 and those ways1 as we have seen1 did not tend to the revival of a free rural population4 ,country towns were not as yet in manifest decay1 but there were now no imperial politics1 and municipal politics1 ever petty and self-regarding1 offered no stimulus to arouse a larger and common interest4 ,municipalities looked for benefactors1 and were still able to find them4 ,in this period we meet with institutions of a charitable kind1 some even promoted by the imperial government1 for the benefit of orphans and children of the poor4 ,this was a credit to the humanity of the age1 but surely a palliative of social ailments1 not a proof of sound condition4 ,in ,rome there was life1 but it was cosmopolitan life4 ,rome was the capital of the ,roman world1 not of ,italy4 ,in the eyes of jealous patriots it seemed that what ,rome herself needed was a thorough ,romanizing4 ,it was not from the great wicked city1 thronged with adventurers#ajgf of every sort1 largely ,oriental ,greeks1 and hordes of freedmen1 that the better ,roman influences could spread abroad4 ,nor were the old ,provinces1 such as ,spain and southern ,gaul1 where ,roman civilization had long been supreme1 in a position to assimilate#ajgg and ,romanize the ruder border-lands by the ,rhine and ,danube4 ,they had no energies to spare3 moreover1 they too depended on the central government1 and the seat of that government was ,rome4 ,italy alone could have vitalized the empire by moral influence1 creating in the vast fabric a spiritual unity1 and making a great machine into something more or less like a nation1--that is1 if she had been qualified for acting such a part4 ,but ,italy had never been a nation herself4 ,the result of the great ,italian war of #ij and #hi ,,bc had been to merge ,italy in ,rome1 not ,rome in ,italy4 ,italians1 now ,romans1 henceforth shared the exploitation of the subject countries and the hatred of oppressed peoples4 ,but under the constitution of the ,republic politics became more of a farce the more the franchise was extended1 and the most obvious effect of ,italian enfranchisement was to increase the number of those who directly or indirectly made a living out of provincial wrongs4 ,the ,provinces swarmed with bloodsuckers of every kind4 ,the establishment of the ,empire at length did something to relieve the sufferings of the ,provinces4 ,but it was found necessary to recognize ,italy as a privileged imperial land4 ,in modern times such privilege would take the form of political rights and responsibilities4 ,but political life was dead1 and privilege could only mean local liberties1 exemption from burdens1 and the like4 ,and in the long run the maintenance or abolition of privilege would have to depend on the success or failure of the system4 ,now the emperors of the first two centuries of the ,empire did their best to maintain the privileged position of ,italy4 ,but even in the time of ,augustus it was already becoming clear that ,romanized ,italy depended on ,rome and that ,rome1 so far as the ,senate and ,magistrates were concerned1 could not provide for the efficient administration of ,italy or even of ,rome itself4 ,then began the long gradual process by which ,italy1 like the rest of the empire1 passed more and more under the control of the imperial machine4 ,in the period we are now considering this was steadily going on1 for brief reactions1 such as that under ,nerva1 did not really check it1 and ,italy was well on the way to become no more than a ,province4 ,the feature of this period most important in connexion with the present inquiry is the evidence#ajgh that emperors were as a rule painfully conscious of ,italian decay4 ,alive to the dangers involved in its continuance1 they accepted the responsibility of doing what they could to arrest it4 ,their efforts took various forms1 chiefly 7a7 the direct encouragement of farming 7b7 relief of poverty 7c7 measures for providing more rural population or preventing emigration of that still existing4 ,it is evident that the aim was to place and keep more free rustics on the land4 ,in the numerous allotments of land to discharged soldiers a number of odd pieces#ajgi 7subsiciva71 not included in the lots assigned1 were left over1 and had been occupied by squatters4 ,vespasian1 rigidly economical in the face of threatened state-bankruptcy1 had the titles inquired into1 and resumed and sold those pieces where no valid grant could be shewn4 ,either this was not fully carried out1 or some squatters must have been allowed to hold on as #8possessors1' probably paying a quit-rent to the treasury4 ,for ,domitian#ajhj found some such people still in occupation and converted their tenure into proprietorship1 on the ground that long possession had established a prescriptive right4 ,nerva tried to go further#ajha by buying land and planting agricultural colonies3 but little or nothing was really effected in his brief reign4 ,in relief of poverty it was a notable extension to look beyond the city of ,rome1 where corn-doles had long existed1 and continued to exist4 ,the plan adopted was for the state to advance money at low rates of interest to landowners in municipal areas1 and to let the interest received form a permanent endowment for the benefit of poor parents and orphans4 ,we must remember that to have children born did not imply a legal obligation to rear them1 and that the prospect of help from such funds was a distinct encouragement to do so4 ,whether any great results were achieved by this form of charity must remain doubtful3 flattering assurances#ajhb to ,trajan on the point can no more be accepted without reserve than those addressed to ,augustus on the success of his reforms1 or to ,domitian on his promotion of morality4 ,but it seems certain that private charity was stimulated by imperial action1 and that the total sums applied in this manner were very large4 ,begun by ,nerva1 carried out#ajhc by ,trajan1 extended by ,hadrian and ,antoninus ,pius1 the control of these endowments was more centralized by ,marcus4 ,in his time great dearth in ,italy had made distress more acute1 and the hour was at hand when the inner disorders of the empire would cause all such permanent foundations to fail and disappear4 ,they may well have relieved many individual cases of indigence1 but we can hardly suppose their general effect on the ,italian population to have been a healthy one4 ,they must have tended to deaden enterprise and relax self-help1 for they were too much after the pauperizing model long established in ,rome4 ,the provision of cheap loan-capital for landowners may or may not have been a boon in the long run4 ,the increase of rustic population through excess of births over deaths could not be realized in a day1 even if the measures taken to promote it were successful4 ,so we find ,trajan#ajhd not only founding colonies in ,italy but forbidding colonists to be drawn from ,italy for settlement in the ,provinces2 a restriction said to have been#ajhe disregarded by ,marcus4 ,but one important sequel of the frontier wars of ,marcus1 in which ,german mercenaries were employed1 was the transplanting#ajhf of large numbers of ,german captives into ,italy4 ,such removals had occurred before1 but seldom and on a small scale4 ,this wholesale transplantation under ,marcus made a precedent for many similar movements later on4 ,it may be taken for granted that the emperor did not turn out ,italians in order to find room for the new settlers4 ,it is also probable that these were bound to military service4 ,the great military colonies of later date1 formed of whole tribes or nations settled near the frontiers1 certainly held their lands on military tenure4 ,such was the system of frontier defence gradually forced upon ,rome through the failure of native imperial forces sufficient for the purpose3 and this failure was first conspicuous in ,italy4 ,among the various measures taken by emperors to interest more persons in promoting ,italian agriculture we may notice ,trajan's#ajhg ordinance1 that ,provincials who aspired to become ,roman ,senators must shew themselves true children of ,rome by investing one third of their property in ,italian land4 ,the order seems to have been operative1 but the reduction#ajhh of the fixed minimum proportion from to by ,marcus looks as if the first rule had been found too onerous4 ,there is no reason to think that the state of rural ,italy was materially bettered by these well-meant efforts4 ,and the introduction of barbarian settlers1 who had to be kept bound to the soil in order to be readily available when needed for military service1 tended to give the rustic population a more and more stationary character4 ,it was in fact becoming more usual to let farms to free coloni2 but the coloni1 though personally free1 were losing freedom of movement4 ,,note ,,on ,,emigration ,,from ,,italy4 ,in the ,journal of ,roman ,studies 7vol ,,viii7 ,i have discussed the question whether the emigration from ,italy to the ,provinces was to a serious extent agricultural in character1 and in particular whether we can believe it to have carried abroad real working rustics in large numbers4 ,are we to see in it an important effective cause of the falling-off of the free rustic population of ,italy8 ,that the volume of emigration was large may be freely granted2 also that settlements of discharged soldiers took place from time to time4 ,nor does it seem doubtful that many of the emigrants became possessors of farm-lands#ajhi in the ,provinces4 ,but that such persons were working rustics1 depending on their own labour1 is by no means clear4 ,and1 if they were not1 the fact of their holding land abroad does not bear directly on the decay of the working farmer class in ,italy4 ,that commerce and finance and exploitation in general were the main occupations of ,italian#ajij emigrants1 ,i do not think can be seriously doubted4 ,and that many of them combined landholding with their other enterprises is probable enough4 ,professor ,reid kindly reminds me that soldiers from ,italy1 whose term of service expired while they were still in a ,province1 were apt to settle down there in considerable numbers4 ,the case of ,carteia in ,spain is well known1 and that of ,avido1 also in ,spain1 was probably of the same nature4 ,these were not regular ,colonies4 ,so too in ,africa ,marius seems to have left behind him communities of soldiers not regularly organized#ajia as coloniae4 ,when the town of ,uchi ,maius received the title of colonia from the emperor ,severus1 it called itself#ajib colonia ,mariana1 like the one founded by ,marius in ,corsica4 ,and the same title appears in the case#ajic of ,thibari4 ,with these ,african settlements we may connect the law carried by ,saturninus in #ajj ,,bc to provide the veterans of ,marius with allotments of land in ,africa1 on the scale of #ajj iugera for each man4 ,if this record#ajid is to be trusted 7and the doubtful points cannot be discussed here71 the natural inference is that farms of considerable size are meant1 for the working of which no small amount of labour would be required4 ,nor is this surprising1 for the soldiers of ,marius were at the time masters of the situation1 and not likely to be content with small grants4 ,whether the allotments proposed were in ,africa or in ,cisalpine ,gaul#ajie is not quite certain4 ,marius seems to have left ,africa in the winter of #aje-d ,,bc4 ,since then he had been engaged in the war with the northern barbarians1 and the lands recovered from the invaders were in question4 ,still1 the proposal may have referred to ,africa1 for it is certain that the connexion of ,marius with that ,province was remembered#ajif long after4 ,the important point is that the persons to be gratified were not civilian peasants but discharged veterans of the ,new ,model army1 professionalized by ,marius himself4 ,neither the retired professional mercenaries of ,greco-,macedonian armies1 nor the military colonists of ,sulla1 give us reason to believe that such men would regard hard and monotonous labour with their own hands as a suitable reward for the toils and perils of their years of military service4 ,surely they looked forward to a life of comparative ease1 with slaves to labour under their orders4 ,if they kept their hold on their farms1 they would become persons of some importance in their own provincial neighbourhood4 ,such were the milites or veterani whom we find often mentioned under the later ,empire3 and these too were evidently not labourers but landlords and directors4 ,therefore ,i hold that the class of men1 many of them ,italians by descent1 whom we find holding land in various ,provinces and living on the profits of the same1 were mostly if not all either soldier-settlers or persons to whom landholding was one of several enterprises of exploitation4 ,that the mere ,italian peasant emigrated in such numbers as seriously to promote the falling-off of the free rustic population of ,italy1 is a thesis that ,i cannot consider as proved or probable4 ,,xxxv4 ,,musonius4 ,in earlier chapters ,i have found it necessary to examine the views of philosophers on the subject of agriculture and agricultural labour1 holding it important to note the attitude of great thinkers towards these matters4 ,and indeed a good deal is to be gleaned from ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,free speculations on the nature of the ,state included not only strictly political inquiries1 but social and economic also4 ,but in the ,macedonian period1 when ,greek states no longer enjoyed unrestricted freedom of movement and policy1 a change came over philosophy4 ,the tendency of the schools that now shewed most vital energy1 such as the ,epicurean and ,stoic1 was to concern themselves with the ,individual rather than the ,state4 ,the nature of ,man1 and his possibilities of happiness1 became more and more engrossing topics4 ,as the political conditions under which men had to live were now manifestly imposed by circumstances over which the ordinary citizen had no control1 the happiness of the ,individual could no longer be dependent on success in political ambitions and the free play of civic life4 ,it had to be sought in himself1 independent of circumstances4 ,the result was that bold questioning and the search for truth ceased to be the prime function of philosophic schools1 and the formation of character took the first place4 ,hence the elaboration of systems meant to regulate a man's life by implanting in him a fixed conception of the world in which he had to live1 and his relation to the great universe of which he and his immediate surroundings formed a part4 ,and this implied a movement which may be roughly described as from questioning to dogma4 ,the teacher became more of a preacher1 his disciples more of a congregation of the faithful2 and more and more the efficiency of his ministrations came to depend on his own personal influence1 which we often call magnetism4 ,when ,greek literature and thought became firmly established in ,rome during the second century ,,bc1 it was just this dogmatic treatment of moral questions that gave philosophy a hold on a people far more interested in conduct than in speculation4 ,the ,roman attempts1 often clumsy enough1 to translate principle into practice were1 and continued to be1 various in spirit and success4 ,stoicism in particular blended most readily with the harder and more virile types of ,roman character1 and found a peculiarly sympathetic reception among eminent lawyers4 ,the reigns of the first emperors were not favourable to moral philosophy2 but the accession of ,nero set literature1 and with it moralizing1 in motion once more4 ,a kind of eclectic ,stoicism came into fashion1 a ,roman product1 of which ,seneca was the chief representative4 ,a touch of timeserving was needed to adapt ,greek theories for practical use in the world of imperial ,rome4 ,seneca was both a courtier and a wealthy landowner1 and was one of the victims of ,nero's tyranny4 ,we have seen that while preaching ,stoic doctrine1 for instance on the relations of master and slave1 he shews little interest in agriculture for its own sake or in the conditions of agricultural labour4 ,it is interesting to contrast with his attitude that of another ,stoic1 a man of more uncompromising and consistent type1 whose life was partly contemporaneous with that of ,seneca1 and who wrote only a few years later under the ,flavian emperors4 ,musonius#ajig ,rufus1 already a teacher of repute in ,nero's time1 seems to have kept himself clear of conspiracies and intrigues1 recognizing the necessity of the monarchy and devoting himself to his profession of moral guide to young men4 ,but any great reputation was dangerous in ,nero's later years1 and a pretext was found for banishing the philosopher in #fe4 ,under ,galba he returned to ,rome1 still convinced of the efficacy of moral suasion1 witnessed the bloody successions of emperors in #fi1 and risked his life in an ill-timed effort to stay the advance of ,vespasian's soldiery by discoursing on the blessings of peace4 ,vespasian seems to have allowed him to remain in ,rome1 and he is said to have been tutor to ,titus4 ,yet he had not shrunk from bringing to justice an informer guilty of the judicial murder of a brother ,stoic1 and he was generally regarded as the noblest of ,roman teachers1 both in principles and in practice4 ,he has been spoken of as a forerunner of ,epictetus and ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,evidently no timeserver1 he seems to have made allowance for human needs and human weakness in the application of strict moral rules4 ,it is a great pity that we have no complete authentic works of his surviving3 but some of the reports by a pupil or pupils have come down to us4 ,one of these extracts#ajih is so complete in itself1 and so striking in its view of agriculture and agricultural labour1 that ,i have translated it here4 ,we are to bear in mind that the opinions expressed in it belong to a time when a small number of great landlords owned a large part 7and that the most attractive7 of ,italy1 and vast estates in the provinces as well4 ,it is the luxurious and slave-ridden world of ,petronius and ,seneca that we must keep before us in considering the advice of ,musonius2 advice which we cannot simply ignore1 however much we may see in this good man a voice crying in the wilderness4 #8,there is also another resource#ajii1 nowise inferior to the above1 one that might reasonably be deemed superior to it1 at least for a man of strong body3 ,i mean that derived from the land1 whether the farmer owns it or not4 ,for we see that there are many who1 though cultivating land owned by the state#aajj or by other persons1 are yet able to support not only themselves but wives and children2 while there are some who by the devoted industry of their own hands#aaja attain to great abundance in this way of life4 ,for the earth responds most fairly and justly to the care bestowed upon her1 returning manifold what she receives and providing a plenty of all things necessary to life for him that will labour2 and she does it consistently with a man's self-respect and dignity4 ,for nobody1 other than an effeminate weakling1 would describe any of the operations of husbandry as disgraceful or incompatible with manly excellence4 ,are not planting ploughing vine-dressing honourable works8 ,and sowing reaping threshing1 are not these all liberal pursuits1 suited to good men8 ,nay1 the shepherd's life1 if it did not degrade ,hesiod or hinder him from winning divine favour and poetic renown1 neither will it hinder others4 ,for my part1 ,i hold this to be the best of all the tasks comprised in husbandry1 inasmuch as it affords the soul more leisure for pondering and investigating what concerns mental culture4 ,for all tasks that bend the body and keep it fully on the strain do at the same time force the soul to give them its whole attention1 or nearly so1 sharing as it does the strain of the body3 but all those that permit the body to escape excessive strain do not prevent the soul from reasoning out important questions and from improving its own wisdom by such reasonings1 a result which is the special aim of every philosopher4 ,this is why ,i set such special value on the art of shepherds4 ,if however a man does#aajb combine tillage with philosophy1 ,i hold no other life comparable with this1 and no other means of livelihood preferable to it4 ,surely it is more according to nature to get your sustenance from ,earth1 our nurse and mother1 than from some other source4 ,surely it is more manly#aajc to live on a farm than to sit idle in a city4 ,surely out-of-door pursuits are healthier than sheltered retirement4 ,which1 pray1 is the freeman's choice1 to meet his needs by receiving from others1 or by contrivance of his own8 ,why1 it is thought far more dignified to be able to satisfy your own requirements unaided than with aid of others4 ,so true is it that to live by husbandry1 of course with due respect#aajd to what is good and honourable1 is beautiful and conducive to happiness and divine favour4 ,hence it was that the god 7,delphic ,apollo7 proclaimed#aaje that ,myson of ,chenae was a wise man and greeted ,aglaus of ,psophis as a happy one2 for these both led rustic lives1 working with their own hands and not spending their time in cities4 ,surely then it is a worthy ambition to follow these men's example and devote ourselves to husbandry in earnest4 #8,some may think it a monstrous notion that a man of educative power1 qualified to lead youths on to philosophy1 should till the soil and do bodily labour like a rustic4 ,and1 if it had been the fact that tilling the soil hinders the pursuit of philosophy or the lending help to others in that pursuit1 the notion would have been monstrous indeed4 ,but1 as things are1 if young men could see their teacher at work in the country1 demonstrating in practice the principle to which reason guides us1 namely that bodily toil and suffering are preferable to dependence on others for our food1 ,i think it would be more helpful to them than attendance at his lectures in town4 ,what is to hinder the pupil1 while he works at his teacher's side1 from catching his utterances on self-control or justice or fortitude8 ,for the right pursuit of philosophy is not promoted by much talking1 and young men are under no necessity to learn off the mass of speculation on these topics1 an accomplishment of which the ,professors#aajf are so vain4 ,for such discourses are indeed sufficient to use up a man's lifetime3 but it is possible to pick up the most indispensable and useful points even when one is engaged in the work of husbandry1 especially as the work will not be unceasing but admits periods of rest4 ,now ,i am well aware that few will be willing to receive instruction by this method3 but it is better that the majority of youths who profess the pursuit of philosophy should never attend a philosopher at all1 ,i mean those unsound effeminate creatures whose presence at the classes is a stain upon the name of philosophy4 ,for of those that have a genuine love of philosophy not one would be unwilling to spend his time with a good man on a farm1 aye though that farm were one most difficult#aajg to work2 seeing that he would reap great advantages from this employment4 ,he would have the company of his teacher night and day2 he would be removed from the evils of city life1 which are a stumbling-block to the pursuit of philosophy2 his conduct1 good or bad1 could not escape notice 7and nothing benefits a pupil more than this72 moreover1 to be under the eye of a good man when eating and drinking and sleeping is a great benefit4' ,at this point the writer digresses for a moment to quote some lines of ,theognis and to interpret them in a sense favourable to his own views4 ,he then continues #8,and let no one say that husbandry is a hindrance to learning or teaching4 ,surely it is not so1 if we reflect that under these conditions the pupil enjoys most fully the company of his teacher while the teacher has the fullest control of his pupil4 ,such then being the state of the case1 it is clear that of the philosopher's resources none is more useful or more becoming than that drawn from husbandry4' ,in this extract three points simply stand for principles dear to all sincere ,stoics2 7#a7 the duty and benefit of living #8according to ,nature1' 7#b7 the duty and benefit of self-sufficiency and not depending on the support of others1 7#c7 the duty and satisfaction of continued self-improvement4 ,consistent practice on these lines would go far to produce the ,stoic ideal1 the ,wise ,man1 happy and perfect in his assurance and dignity4 ,but the attempt to combine all these in a #8back to the land' scheme of moral betterment has surely in it a marked personal note4 ,it is the dream of a singular man in the surroundings of a rotten civilization2 a civilization more rotten1 and a dream more utopian1 than the dreamer could possibly know4 ,aspirations towards a healthy outdoor life had been felt by many before ,musonius4 ,admiration of rustic pursuits was no new thing1 but it was generally freedom from worries1 with the occasional diversions of the chase1 that were attractive to the town-bred man4 ,ploughing and digging1 and the responsible charge of flocks and herds1 had long been almost entirely left to slaves1 and ,musonius is driven to confess that few youths of the class from which he drew pupils would be willing to undertake such occupations4 ,it was useless to urge that bodily labour is not degrading3 that it is exhausting1 and engrosses the whole attention1 he could not deny4 ,he falls back on pastoral duties as light and allowing leisure for serious discourse4 ,the suggestion seems unreal1 though sincere1 when we remember that ,italian shepherds had to fight wolves and brigands4 ,moreover1 the preference of grazing to tillage was in no small degree due to the fewer persons employed in it1 and the stockmen were a notoriously rough class4 ,even the idealized shepherds of the bucolic poets exhibit a coarseness not congenial to conversation savouring of virtue4 ,but to a ,stoic preacher who could try to pacify a licentious soldiery the notion of using pastoral pursuits as a means to moral excellence may well have seemed a reasonable proposal4 ,it is at least clear that the futility of philosophy as administered by lecturers in ,rome had made a strong impression on ,musonius4 ,the fashionable company to whom the discourses were addressed1 whether they for the moment shed some of their self-satisfaction or not1 were seldom or never induced to remodel their worthless lives4 ,so ,musonius urges them to break away from solemn trifling and take to rustic labour4 ,he probably chose this remedy as one specially ,roman1 following the tradition of the heroes of ancient ,rome4 ,but no artificial revival of this kind was possible1 whatever his generous optimism might say4 ,his contemporary the elder ,pliny1 who was content to glorify the vanished past and deplore the present1 had a truer appreciation of the facts4 ,farm-work as a means of bringing personal influence to bear1 treating body and mind together1 a sort of #8,wisdom while you dig1' was in such a society a merely fantastic proposal4 ,the importance of farming and food-production was a commonplace1 but the vocation of ,musonius was moralizing and character-production4 ,there is no reason to think that he had any practical knowledge of agriculture4 ,his austere life proves nothing of the kind4 ,the only remark that shews acquaintance with conditions of landholding is his reference to the farmers who make a living on hired land4 ,and this is in too general terms to have any historical value4 ,,xxxvi4 ,,pliny ,,the ,,elder4 ,among the writers of this period who refer to agricultural matters the most important is the elder ,pliny1 who contrived in a life of public service#aajh in various departments to amass a prodigious quantity of miscellaneous learning and to write many erudite works4 ,his naturalis historia1 an extraordinary compilation of encyclopaedic scope1 contains numerous references to agriculture1 particularly in the eighteenth book4 ,he collected and repeated the gleanings from his omnivorous reading1 and the result is more remarkable for variety and bulk than for choice and digestion4 ,as a recorder he is helpful1 preserving as he does a vast number of details1 some not otherwise preserved1 others of use in checking or supplementing other versions4 ,far removed as the book is from being a smooth and readable literary work1 the moralizing rhetoric of the age shews its influence not only in the constant effort to wring a lesson of some kind out of the topic of the moment1 but in the longer sermonizing passages that lead up to some subject on which the writer feels deeply4 ,one of these#aaji occurs in introducing agriculture1 and in pursuing the subject he loses no opportunity of contrasting a degenerate present with a better past4 ,we need not take his lamentations at their full face-value1 but that they were in the main justified is not open to doubt4 ,it has been so often necessary to cite him in earlier chapters1 that we shall not have to dwell upon him at great length here4 ,the functions of compiler and antiquarian are apt to coincide very closely1 and it is in his picture of the earlier conditions of ,roman and ,italian farming that ,pliny's evidence is most interesting4 ,the old traditions#aaaj of the simple and manly yeomen1 each tilling his own little plot of ground1 content with his seven iugera of land or even with two in the earliest times1 ,cincinnatus and the rest of the farmer-heroes1 to whom their native soil1 proud of her noble sons1 responded#aaaa with a bounteous fertility that she denies to the heartless labour of slave-gangs on modern latifundia1--these are the topics on which he enlarges with a rhetorical or even poetic warmth4 ,the ruin of ,italy1 nay of ,provinces too1 through the land-grabbing and formation of vast estates1 is denounced#aaab in a classic passage4 ,he sees no end to the process4 ,six landlords held between them half the ,province of ,africa in the time of ,nero4 ,wanting money1 the emperor put them to death for the sake of their property4 ,he does not add1 but doubtless reflected1 that such measures only added to the resources controlled by a tyrant ruler1 not a desirable object4 ,we may add further that such iniquities inevitably disposed virtuous emperors to leave the land-monopolizers a free hand1 perhaps unwillingly2 but these gentry were not breaking the law by buying land1 and an emperor conscious of the burden of administration1 and desiring to carry on his work undisturbed by internal disloyalty1 had strong reasons for not provoking wealthy capitalists4 ,to conciliate them1 and if possible to engage their cooperation in schemes designed for the public good according to the ideas of the time1 was to proceed on the line of least resistance4 ,among the traditional precepts handed on by ,pliny from ,cato and others are many with which we are already familiar4 ,such is the rule of ,regulus#aaac1 that in buying a farm regard must be had to the healthiness of the situation as well as to the richness of the soil4 ,another is the need of keeping a due proportion#aaad between farm-house and farm4 ,great men of the late ,republic1 ,lucullus and ,scaevola1 erred on this point in opposite directions3 ,marius on the other hand laid out a villa so skilfully that ,sulla said #8here was a man at last with eyes in his head4' ,the value of the master's eye is another old friend4 ,we have also seen above that ,mago's#aaae advice1 when you buy a farm1 to sell your town house1 was not a policy to be followed by ,romans of quality1 who felt it a duty not to cut themselves off from touch with public affairs4 ,another tradition is that of the sentiment of the olden time1 holding it criminal#aaaf to slay man's fellow-worker1 the ox4 ,in referring to the technical skill required in a steward1 a favourite topic of ,cato1 ,pliny gives his own view#aaag briefly1 #8the master ought to set the greatest store by his steward1 but the fellow should not be aware of it4' ,the calculation of labour-cost#aaah in terms of operae1 as with others1 so with him1 is a regular way of reckoning4 ,and we meet once more the saying that1 while good cultivation is necessary1 too high farming does not pay4 ,he illustrates this by an instance#aaai of comparatively modern date4 ,a man of very humble origin1 who rose through military merit to the consulship1 was rewarded by ,augustus with a large sum of money3 this he spent on buying land#aabj in ,picenum and fancy-farming4 ,in this course he ran through his property1 and his heir did not think it worth his while to claim the succession4 ,the general tendency of all these precepts and anecdotes is to commend moderation and to rebuke the foolish ambition of land-proud capitalists of his own day4 ,his praise of the ancient ways and regret for their disappearance do not suggest any hope of their revival4 ,to ,pliny as to others it was only too clear that legends of conquering consuls setting their own hands to the plough had no practical bearing on the conditions of the present age4 ,thoughtful men#aaba could not ignore the fact that the decline in production of cereal crops left ,italy exposed to risk of famine4 ,at any moment storms might wreck the corn-fleets from ,egypt or ,africa1 and the strategic value of ,egypt#aabb as a vital food-centre had been shewn quite recently in strengthening the cause of ,vespasian4 ,no wonder ,pliny is uneasy1 and looks back regretfully#aabc to the time when ,italy was not fed by the ,provinces1 when thrifty citizens grew their own staple food-stuffs1 and corn was plentiful and cheap4 ,he quotes some prices from the time of the great ,punic wars and earlier1 which shew the remarkable cheapness of wine oil dried figs and flesh1 as well as of various grains4 ,this result was not due to great estates owned by individual landlords#aabd who elbowed out their neighbours1 but to the willing work of noble citizens tilling their little holdings4 ,to look for similar returns from the task-work of chained and branded slaves is a sheer libel on ,mother ,earth4 ,that he treats at great length of agricultural details1 not only of grain-crops in their various kinds1 but fruits1 vegetables1 indeed everything he can think of1 and all the processes of cultivation1 is due to his encyclopaedic bent1 and need not detain us here4 ,when he tells us#aabe that vine-growing was a comparatively late development among the ,romans1 who long were content with grain-growing1 it is a passing sigh over a vanished age of simple life4 ,the meaning of words changes and records the change of things4 ,when the ,twelve ,tables#aabf spoke of hortus1 it was not a garden in the modern sense1 a place of pleasure and luxury1 that was meant1 but a poor man's small holding4 ,by that venerable code it was made a criminal offence#aabg to cut or graze off under cover of night the crops raised on a man's plough-land4 ,a man whose farm was badly cultivated was disgraced by the censors4 ,for1 as ,cato#aabh said1 there is no life like the farmer's for breeding sturdy men to make efficient soldiers and loyal citizens4 ,the gist of these utterances1 picked out of the mass1 is that ,pliny would like to see ,italy able to provide for her own feeding and her own defence1 but knows very well that no such ideal is within the range of hope4 ,his interest in agriculture such as he saw it around him is shewn in recording recent or contemporary doings1 such as that of the man mentioned above who squandered a fortune on ill-judged farming4 ,a more successful venture#aabi was that of ,remmius ,palaemon1 apparently in the time of ,claudius4 ,he was a freedman1 not a farmer1 but a school-master 7grammaticus7 of repute1 a vainglorious fellow4 ,he bought some land1 not of the best quality and let down by bad farming4 ,to farm this he engaged another freedman1 one ,acilius ,sthenelus1 who had the vineyards thoroughly overhauled 7pastinatis de integro74 ,before eight years were out1 he was able to sell a hanging crop for half as much again as it had cost him to buy the land1 and within ten years he sold the land itself to ,seneca 7not a man for fancy prices7 for four times as much as he had given for it4 ,truly a fine speculation4 ,sthenelus had carried out another of the same kind#aacj on his own account4 ,we must note that both were in the vine-culture1 not in corn-growing1 and the appearance of freedmen1 probably oriental ,greeks1 as leaders of agricultural enterprise in ,italy4 ,there is nothing to shew that these undertakings were on a large scale3 the land in ,sthenelus' own case is stated as not more than #fj iugera4 ,but no doubt he was1 like many of his tribe1 a keen man of business#aaca and not too proud or preoccupied to give close attention to the matter in hand4 ,such a man would get the utmost out of his slaves and check waste3 he would keep a tight grip on a slave steward if 7which we are not told7 he found it necessary to employ one at all4 ,for ,pliny1 as for most ,romans1 a profitable speculation had great charms4 ,he cannot resist repeating the old ,greek story#aacb of the sage who demonstrated his practical wisdom by making a #8corner' in olive-presses1 foreseeing a #8bumper' crop4 ,only he turns it round1 making it a #8corner' in oil1 in view of a poor crop and high prices1 and tells it not of ,thales but of ,democritus4 ,there were of course many principles of agriculture that no economic or social changes could affect4 ,the #8oracle' of ,cato1 as to the importance#aacc of thorough and repeated ploughing followed by liberal manuring1 was true under all conditions4 ,but just for a moment the veil is lifted to remind us that in the upland districts there was still an ,italy agriculturally1 as socially1 very different from the lowland arable of which we generally think when speaking of ,italian farming4 #8,ploughing on hillsides#aacd is cross-wise1 and so toilsome to man that he even has to do ox-team's work3 at least the mountain peoples#aace use the mattock for tillage instead of the plough1 and do without the ox4' ,it is to be regretted that we have so little evidence as to the condition of the dalesmen1 other than the passages of such writers as ,horace and ,juvenal1 who refer to them as rustic folk a sojourn among whom is a refreshing experience after the noise and bustle of ,rome4 ,for it seems certain that in these upland retreats there survived whatever was left of genuine ,italian life1 and we should like to be able to form some notion of its quantity2 that is1 whether the population of freemen on small holdings1 living mostly on the produce of their own land1 was numerically an important element in the total population of ,italy4 ,that great stretches of hill-forest were in regular use simply as summer pastures1 and that the bulk of the arable lands were held in great estates1 and slaves employed in both departments1 we hear in wearisome iteration4 ,but to get a true picture of the country as a whole is1 in the absence of statistics1 not possible4 ,i have not been able to discover in ,pliny any definite repugnance to slavery as a system4 ,it is true that he is alive to the evils of the domestic slavery prevalent in his day4 ,the brigades of slaves 7mancipiorum legiones7#aacf filling the mansions of the rich1 pilfering at every turn1 so that nothing is safe unless put under lock and seal1 are a nuisance and a demoralizing influence4 ,they are an alien throng 7turba externa7 in a ,roman household2 a sad contrast#aacg to the olden time1 when each family had its one slave1 attached to his master's clan1 when the whole household lived in common1 and nothing had to be locked up4 ,but this is only one of ,pliny's moralizing outbreaks1 and it is the abuse and overgrowth of slavery1 not slavery in itself1 that he is denouncing4 ,in speaking of agriculture he says #8to have farms cultivated by slave-gangs#aach is a most evil thing1 as indeed are all acts performed by those who have no hope4' ,here the comparative inefficiency of workers who see no prospect of bettering their condition is plainly recognized2 but it is the economic defect1 not the outrage on a common humanity1 that inspires the consciously futile protest4 ,and at the very end of his great book1 when he breaks out into a farewell panegyric#aaci on ,italy1 and enumerates the various elements of her preeminence among the countries of the world1 he includes the supply of slave-labour#aadj in the list4 ,spain perhaps comes next1 but here too the organized employment#aada of slaves is one of the facts that are adduced to justify her praise4 ,now ,i do not imagine that ,pliny was a hard unkindly man4 ,but he evidently accepted slavery as an established institution1 one of the economic bases of society4 ,he saw its inferiority to free labour1 but a passing protest seemed to him enough4 ,had he been asked1 ,why don't you recommend free labour directly8 ,i think he would have answered1 ,where are you going to find it in any quantity8 ,and it is obvious that1 slave labour once assumed1 the great thing was to have enough of it4 ,nor again have ,i found him using colonus in the sense of tenant farmer4 ,in that of #8cultivator' it occurs several times1 as in the quotation#aadb from ,cato1 that to call a man bonum colonum was of old the height of praise4 ,figuratively it appears in comparisons1 as when the guilt of the slayer of an ox is emphasized#aadc by the addition #8as if he had made away with his colonus4' ,so of the fertilizing ,nile he says #8discharging the duty#aadd of a colonus4' ,in the passage where he warns his readers against too high farming#aade he remarks #8,there are some crops that it does not pay to gather1 unless the owner is employing his own children or a colonus of his own or hands that have on other grounds to be fed--,i mean1 if you balance the cost against the gain4' ,here it is just possible that he means #8a tenant of his own1' that is a tenant long attached to the estate1 like the coloni indigenae of ,columella3 but ,i think it is quite neutral1 and probably he has in mind either a relative or a slave4 ,the #8persons for whose keep he is responsible' sums up to the effect that if you have mouths to fill you may as well use their labour1 for it will add nothing to your labour-bill4 ,so far as ,i have seen1 the difference between ownership and tenancy is not a point of interest to ,pliny4 ,in continuation of what has been said above as to the relations of ,vergil and ,columella1 it is necessary to discuss briefly the attitude of ,pliny towards these two writers4 ,the indices to the ,natural ,history at once disclose the fact that citations of ,vergil#aadf are about six times as numerous as those of ,columella4 ,indeed he seldom refers to the latter2 very often to ,varro1 even more often to ,cato4 ,the frequent references to ,vergil may reasonably be explained as arising from a wish to claim whenever possible the moral support of the now recognized chief figure of ,roman literature4 ,this was all the more easy1 inasmuch as ,vergil's precepts in the ,georgics#aadg are mostly old or borrowed doctrine cast into a perfect form4 ,columella had used them in a like spirit1 but in dealing with the labour-question he faced facts1 not only instructing his readers in the technical processes of agriculture1 but setting forth the forms of labour-organization by which those processes were to be carried on4 ,now ,pliny records an immense mass of technical detail1 but of labour-organization he says hardly any thing2 for his laments over a vanished past are only of use in relieving his own feelings4 ,and yet the labour-question1 and the tenancy-question connected therewith1 were the central issues of the agricultural problem4 ,it was not the knowledge of technical details that was conspicuously lacking1 but the will and means to apply knowledge already copious4 ,not what to do1 but how to get it done1 was the question which ,columella tried to answer and ,pliny1 like ,vergil1 did not really face4 ,it is curious to turn out the eight distinct references to ,columella in ,pliny4 ,in none of these passages is there a single word of approval1 and the general tone of them is indifferent and grudging4 ,sometimes the words seem to suggest that his authority is not of much weight1 or pointedly remark that it stands quite alone4 ,in one place#aadh he is flatly accused of ignorance4 ,when we consider that ,pliny speaks of ,varro with high respect1 and positively worships ,cato and ,vergil1 it is clear that there must have been some special reason for this unfriendly and half-contemptuous attitude4 ,the work of ,columella did not deserve such treatment4 ,it evidently held its ground in spite of sneers1 for ,palladius in the fourth century cites it repeatedly as one of the leading authorities4 ,it is not difficult to conjecture possible causes for the attitude of ,pliny3 but none of those that occur to me is sufficient1 even if true1 to justify it4 ,i must leave it as one of the weak points in the ,natural ,history4 ,,xxxvii4 ,,tacitus4 ,p ,cornelius ,tacitus1 one of the great figures of ,roman literature1 passed through the time of the ,flavian emperors1 but his activity as a writer belonged chiefly to the reign of ,trajan4 ,like most historians1 he gave his attention to public and imperial affairs1 and we get from him very little as to the conditions of labour4 ,of emperors and their doings evil or good1 of the upper classes and their reactionary sympathies1 their intrigues and perils1 we hear enough3 but of the poor wage-earners#aadi and slaves hardly anything1 for to one who still regretted the ,republic while accepting the ,empire1 an aristocrat at heart1 the lower orders were of no more importance than they had been to ,cicero4 ,indeed they were now less worthy of notice1 as free political life had ceased and the city rabble1 no longer needed for voting and rioting1 had merely to be fed and amused4 ,a populace of some sort was a necessary element in the imperial capital3 that it was in fact a mongrel mob could not be helped1 and year by year it became through manumissions of slaves a mass of more and more cosmopolitan pauperism4 ,the ,provinces and the frontier armies were matters of deep interest1 but the wars of the succession after ,nero only served to exhibit with irresistible stress the comparative unimportance of ,italy4 ,tacitus1 a ,roman of good family1 born in ,italy if not in ,rome1 dignified and critical by temperament1 was not the man to follow the fashion of idle and showy rhetoric4 ,he does not waste time and effort in vainly deploring the loss of a state of things that could not be restored4 ,that the present condition of ,italy grieved him1 we may feel sure4 ,but he viewed all things in a spirit of lofty resignation4 ,that he was led to contrast the real or assumed virtues of ,german barbarians with the flagrant vices of ,roman life was about the limit of his condescension to be a preacher3 and it is not necessary to assume that the pointing of a moral was the sole motive of his tract on the land and tribes of ,germany4 ,i have already referred to the uneasiness of ,tiberius as to the food-supply#aaej of ,rome1 dependent on importations of corn which were liable to be interrupted by foul weather and losses at sea4 ,the risk was real enough1 and the great artificial harbours constructed at the ,tiber mouth by ,claudius and ,trajan were chiefly meant to provide accommodation for corn-fleets close at hand1 with large granaries to store cargoes#aaea in reserve4 ,the slave rising of #bd ,,ad in south-eastern ,italy1 and its suppression1 have also been mentioned#aaeb above4 ,these passages1 and a passing reference to the unproductiveness#aaec of the soil 7of ,italy7 are significant of the inefficiency of ,italian agriculture in the time of ,tiberius4 ,but in reporting these matters ,tacitus writes as historian1 not as a contemporary witness1 and enough has been said of them above4 ,a curious passage1 not yet referred to1 is that describing the campaign#aaed against money-lenders in #cc ,,ad4 ,a law passed by ,julius ,caesar in ,,bc #di with the object of relieving the financial crisis without resorting to a general cancelling of debts1 long obsolete1 was raked up again1 and there was widespread alarm1 for most senators had money out on loan4 ,it seems that some trials and condemnations actually took place1 and that estates of the guilty were actually seized and sold for cash under the provisions of a disused law4 ,further trouble at once followed1 for there was a general calling in of mortgages1 while cash was scarce1 the proceeds of the late sales having passed into one or other of the state treasuries4 ,eighteen months grace had been granted to enable offending capitalists to arrange their affairs in conformity with the law4 ,evidently these gentry were in no hurry to reinvest their money as it came in1 but waited for a fall in the price of land1 certain to occur as a consequence of dearer money4 ,in order to guard against such a result1 the ,senate had ordered that each 7that is1 each paid-off creditor17 should invest of his loanable capital in ,italian real estate1 and that each debtor#aaee should repay of his debt at once4 ,but the creditors were demanding payment in full1 and it did not look well for the debtors to weaken their own credit 7by practically confessing insolvency74 ,so there was great excitement1 followed by uproar in the praetor's court3 and the measures intended to relieve the crisis--the arrangements for sale and purchase--had just the opposite effect4 ,for the capitalists had locked up all their money with a view to the 7eventual7 purchase of land4 ,the quantity of land thrown on the market sent prices down1 and the more encumbered a man was the more difficult he found it to dispose of his land 7that is1 at a price that would clear him of debt74 ,numbers of people were ruined1 and the situation was only saved by ,tiberius1 who advanced a great sum of money to be used in loans for three years free of interest1 secured in each case on real estate#aaef of twice the value4 ,thus confidence was restored and private credit gradually revived4 ,but1 ,tacitus adds1 the purchase of land on the lines of the ,senate's order was never carried through3 in such matters it is the way of the world to begin with zeal and end with indifference4 ,if ,i have rightly given the sense of this passage1 it furnishes some points of interest4 ,it sets before us a state of things in which a number of landowners have raised money by mortgaging their real estate1 disregarding the provisions 7whatever they were7 of a law practically disused4 ,this reminds us that one very general use of ,italian land was as a security on which money could at need be raised4 ,it was the only real security always available1 and this inclined people to keep their hold on it1 though as a direct income-producer it seldom gave good returns4 ,no doubt they had to pay on their borrowings a higher rate#aaeg of interest than they got on their capital invested in land4 ,to be forced suddenly to sell their lands in a glutted market was manifest ruin2 for the whole strength of their position lay in the justified assumption that the capital value of their land in the market exceeded the amount of their mortgage debts4 ,otherwise1 who would have lent them the money on that security8 ,we can hardly avoid the suspicion that the frequent use of land as a pledge may have had something to do with that unsatisfactory condition of agriculture on which the evidence of ,latin writers has driven us to dwell4 ,the mortgagor1 once he had got the money advanced1 had less interest in the landed security3 the mortgagee1 so long as he got his good return on the money lent1 was unconcerned to see that his debtor's income was maintained2 and that1 in taking a mortgage1 he had insisted on a large margin of security for his capital1 is not to be doubted4 ,for what purpose these loans were generally contracted1 we are not told4 ,those who borrowed money to waste it in extravagance would surely have found it more business-like to sell their land outright4 ,the number of those who preferred to keep it1 though encumbered on onerous terms1 simply from social pride1 cannot have been really large2 but they would hardly make wise landlords4 ,probably some men raised money to employ it in speculations#aaeh that seemed to offer rich returns4 ,so long as the empire stood strong1 mercantile speculation was far-reaching and vigorous4 ,but those engaged in this line of business would seldom be able to find large sums in ready cash at short notice4 ,hence to them1 as to spendthrifts1 the sudden calling in of mortgages was a grave inconvenience4 ,the picture of the wily capitalists1 hoarding their money till the #8slump' in land-values had fully developed1 is one of all #8civilized' peoples and ages4 ,what is notable on this particular occasion is the sequel according to ,tacitus4 ,once their design of profiting by their neighbours' necessities was checked by the intervention of ,tiberius1 the investment in real estate was no longer attractive4 ,the ,senate's order was not enforced and the money-lenders could1 and did1 reserve their ready cash for use in some more remunerative form of investment4 ,the slackness of the ,senate may have been partly due to careless neglect1 as the words seem to suggest4 ,but it may be suspected that some members of that body had private reasons for wishing the ,order of the ,house not to be seriously enforced4 ,tacitus remarks that1 on the matter being laid before the ,fathers1 they were thrown into a flutter1 since there was hardly one among them#aaei that had not broken the law4 ,this surely refers to the time-honoured trick of ,roman senators1 who1 forbidden to engage in commerce 7and money-lending was closely connected with commerce71 evaded the restriction in various ways1 such as holding shares in companies or lending through their freedmen as agents4 ,so now1 seeking a high rate of interest on their capital1 they did not wish to lock up any more of it in land4 ,most of them would already own enough real estate for social purposes4 ,from this episode we have some right to infer that in the period of the early ,empire it had already become clear that very extensive landowning in ,italy was an unwise policy for men who wanted a large income4 ,yet the preferential position of ,italy had not ceased to be a fact2 and even in the time of ,trajan we have seen an imperial ordinance bidding new senators from the ,provinces to invest of their fortunes in ,italian land4 ,this might raise prices for the moment1 but it had nothing directly to do with promoting agriculture4 ,practical farming seems to have been passing more and more into the hands of humbler persons1 often freedmen1 who treated it as a serious business4 ,that the attention of ,tacitus had been directed to the methods of capitalists in ,italy1 and therewith to money-lending1 landholding1 and slavery1 may be gathered from the remarks on these subjects in his ,germany4 ,he writes1 as ,herodotus and others had done before him1 taking particular notice of customs differing from those prevalent in his own surroundings4 ,thus he notes#aafj the absence of money-lending at interest4 ,he describes the system of communal ownership of land by village-units1 and its periodic redistribution among the members of the community4 ,the wide stretches of open plains#aafa enable the ,germans to put fresh fields under tillage year by year1 leaving the rest in fallow 7no doubt as rough pasture74 ,intensive culture is unknown4 ,to wring the utmost out of the soil by the sweat of their brow is not their aim3 they have no orchards or gardens or fenced paddocks1 but are content to raise a crop of corn4 ,all this is in marked contrast with ,italian conditions4 ,even to get rid of fallows was an ambition of agriculturists in ,italy1 and a rotation-system#aafb had been devised to this end4 ,and1 whatever may have been the case in prehistoric times1 full property in land had long been established by the ,roman ,law1 and there was in the ,italian land-system no trace of redistribution for short terms of use4 ,in treating of slavery1 the first point made is its connexion#aafc with the inveterate ,german habit of gambling4 ,losers will end by staking their own freedom on a last throw2 if this also fails1 they will submit to be fettered and sold4 ,to the ,roman this seems a false notion of honour4 ,he adds that to take advantage of this sort of slave-winning is not approved by ,german sentiment3 hence the winner combines#aafd scruples with profit by selling a slave of this class into foreign lands4 ,other slaves are not employed in ,roman fashion as an organized staff of domestics4 ,each has a lodging and home of his own3 his lord requires of him a fixed rent#aafe of so much corn or live-stock or clothing1 as of a tenant3 and he renders no service beyond this4 ,house-work is done by a man's own wife and family4 ,slaves are seldom flogged or chained or put to task-work4 ,the ,german may kill his slave1 but it will not be as a penalty for disobedience1 but in a fit of rage4 ,freedmen are of little more account than slaves1 and are only of influence at the courts of the kings who rule some of the tribes4 ,there they rise above the freeborn and noble3 but in general the inferiority of freedmen serves to mark the superiority of the freeborn4 ,tacitus had held an important official post in ,belgic ,gaul or one of the so-called #8,germanies' along the ,rhine1 and had been at pains to learn all he could of the independent barbarians to the ,east4 ,the ,rhine frontier was one of the ,roman borders that needed most careful watching1 and ,roman readers took an uneasy interest in the doings of the warrior tribes whose numbers1 in contrast to their own falling birth-rate1 were ever renewed and increased by alarming fertility4 ,he was not alone in perceiving the contrasts between ,italian and ,german institutions and habits1 or in reading morals therefrom1 expressed or implied4 ,germans had been employed as mercenary soldiers by ,julius ,caesar1 and were destined to become one of the chief elements of the ,roman armies4 ,but in ,italy they were perhaps more directly known as slaves4 ,we have just seen that ,tacitus speaks of a regular selling of slaves over the ,german border1 and another passage#aaff incidentally illustrates this fact in a curious manner4 ,in the course of his conquest of ,britain1 ,agricola established military posts on the ,,nw coast over against ,ireland4 ,it seems to have been in one of these that a cohort of ,usipi were stationed4 ,they had been raised in the ,roman ,germanies1 and apparently sent over in a hurry4 ,not liking the service1 they killed their officer and the old soldiers set to train them1 seized three vessels1 and put to sea4 ,after various adventures and sufferings in a voyage round the north of ,britain1 they fell into the hands of some tribes of northern ,germany1 who took them for pirates--those that were left of them4 ,of the fate reserved for some of these ,tacitus remarks #8,some were sold as slaves#aafg and1 passing from purchaser to purchaser1 eventually reached the ,roman bank 7of the ,rhine71 where their extraordinary story aroused much interest4' ,such were the strange possibilities in the northern seas and lands where the ,roman and the ,german met4 ,,note ,,on ,,an ,,african ,,inscription4 ,it may be convenient to notice here an inscription#aafh relative to irrigation in ,africa4 ,in all parts of the empire subject to drought the supply of water to farmers was a matter of importance1 as it is in most ,mediterranean countries today4 ,good soils1 that would otherwise have lain waste1 were thus turned to account4 ,in the ,african ,provinces much was done to meet this need1 as the remains of works for storage of water clearly testify4 ,the period #fi-ahj ,,ad seems to have been marked by a considerable extension of cultivation in these parts1 and particularly in southern ,numidia1 which at that time was included in the ,province ,africa4 ,in this district1 between ,sitifis 7,setif7 and ,trajan's great city ,thamugadi 7,timgad71 lay the commune of ,lamasba#aafi1 the members of which appear to have been mainly engaged in agriculture4 ,there has been preserved a large portion of a great inscription dealing with the water-rights of their several farms4 ,there is nothing to suggest that the holders of these plots were tenants under great landlords4 ,they seem to be owners1 not in the full sense of ,roman civil law1 but on the regular provincial#aagj footing1 subject to tribute4 ,to determine the shares of the several plots in the common water-supply was probably the most urgent problem of local politics in this community4 ,the date of the inscription has been placed in the reign of ,elagabalus2 but it is obviously based on earlier conditions and not improbably a revision of an earlier scheme4 ,it deals with the several plots one by one1 fixing the number of hours#aaga during which the water is to be turned on to each1 and making allowance for variation of the supply according to the season of the year4 ,a remarkable feature of this elaborate scheme is the division of the plots into those below the water level into which the water finds its way by natural flow 7declives71 and those above water level 7acclives74 ,to the latter it is clear that the water must have been raised by mechanical means1 and the scale of hours fixed evidently makes allowance for the slower delivery accomplished thereby4 ,for the #8descendent' water was to be left flowing for fewer hours than the #8ascendent4' ,as a specimen of the care taken in such a community to prevent water-grabbing by unscrupulous members this record is a document of high interest4 ,that many others of similar purport existed1 and have only been lost to us by the chances of time1 is perhaps no rash guess4 ,the water-leet is called aqua ,claudiana4 ,the regulations are issued by the local senate and people 7decreto ordinis et colonorum71 for the place had a local#aagb government4 ,names of #dc possessors remain on the surviving portion of the stone4 ,in form they are generally ,roman#aagc4 ,it is noted that only three of them have a praenomen4 ,of the quality of the men it is not easy to infer anything4 ,some may perhaps have been ,italians4 ,whether they1 or some of them1 were working farmers must remain doubtful4 ,at all events they do not seem to belong to the class of coloni of whom we shall have to speak below1 but to be strictly cultivating possessors4 ,what labour they employed it is hardly possible to guess4 ,,xxxviii4 ,,frontinus4 ,sextus ,julius ,frontinus1 a good specimen of the competent departmental officers in the imperial service1 was not only a distinguished military commander but an engineer and a writer of some merit4 ,his little treatise#aagd on the aqueducts of ,rome has for us points of interest4 ,from it we can form some notion of the importance of the great water-works1 not only to the city but to the country for some miles in certain directions4 ,for water-stealing by the illicit tapping of the main channels was practised outside as well as within the walls4 ,landowners#aage did it to irrigate their gardens1 and the underlings of the staff 7aquarii7 connived at the fraud3 to prevent this abuse was one of the troubles of the curator4 ,but in certain places water was delivered by branch supplies from certain aqueducts4 ,this of course had to be duly licensed1 and license was only granted when the flow of water in the particular aqueduct was normally sufficient to allow the local privilege without reducing the regular discharge in ,rome4 ,the municipality of ,tibur#aagf seems to have had an old right to a branch of the ,anio vetus4 ,the aqua ,crabra had been a spring serving ,tusculum#aagg1 but in recent times the ,roman aquarii had led off some of its water into the ,tepula1 and made illicit profit out of the supply thus increased in volume4 ,frontinus himself with the emperor's approval redressed the grievance1 and the full supply of the ,crabra again served the ,tusculan landlords4 ,the jealous attention given to the water-works is illustrated by the decrees#aagh of the ,senate in the time of the ,republic and of emperors since1 by which grants of water-rights can only be made to individuals named in the grant1 and do not pass to heirs or assigns3 the water must only be drawn from the reservoir named1 and used on the estate for which the license is specifically granted4 ,the office of curator aquarum was manifestly no sinecure4 ,it was not merely that constant precautions had to be taken against the stealing of the water4 ,an immense staff#aagi had to be kept to their duties1 and the cleansing and repair of the channels needed prompt and continuous attention4 ,and it seems that some of the landowners through whose estates the aqueducts passed gave much trouble#aahj to the administration4 ,either they erected buildings in the strips of land reserved as legal margin on each side of a channel1 or they planted trees there1 thus damaging the fabric2 or they drove local roads over it2 or again they blocked the access to working parties engaged in the duties of upkeep4 ,frontinus quotes decrees of the ,senate dealing with these abuses and providing penalties for persons guilty of such selfish and reckless conduct4 ,but to legislate was one thing1 to enforce the law was another4 ,yet the unaccommodating#aaha landlords had no excuse for their behaviour4 ,it was not a question of #8nationalizing' the side strips1 though that would have been amply justified in the interests of the state4 ,but the fact is that the old practice of ,republican days was extremely tender of private rights4 ,if a landlord made objection to selling a part of his estate1 they took over the whole block and paid him for it4 ,then they marked off the portions required for the service1 and resold the remainder4 ,thus the state was left unchallenged owner of the part retained for public use4 ,but the absence of any legal or moral claim has not availed to stop encroachments3 the draining away of the water still goes on1 with or without leave1 and even the channels and pipes themselves are pierced4 ,no wonder that more severe and detailed legislation was found necessary in the time of ,augustus4 ,the writer ends by recognizing the unfairness of suddenly enforcing a law the long disuse of which has led many to presume upon continued impunity for breaking it4 ,he therefore has been reviving it gradually1 and hopes that offenders will not force him to execute it with rigour4 ,what stands out clearly in this picture of the water-service is the utter lack of public spirit imputed to the landowners near ,rome by a careful and responsible public servant of good repute4 ,there is none of the sermonizing of ,seneca or the sneers and lamentations of ,pliny4 ,frontinus takes things as they are1 finds them bad1 and means to do his best to improve them1 while avoiding the temptations of the new broom4 ,that a great quantity of water was being1 and had long been1 diverted from the public aqueducts to serve suburban villas and gardens1 is certain4 ,what we do not learn is whether much or any of this was used for the market-gardens of the humble folk who grew#aahb garden-stuff for the ,roman market4 ,it is the old story1--little or nothing about the poor1 save when in the form of a city rabble they achieve distinction as a public burden and nuisance4 ,it does however seem fairly certain that licenses to abstract water were only granted as a matter of special favour4 ,therefore1 so far as licensed abstraction went1 it is most probable that influential owners of suburbana were the only beneficiaries4 ,theft of water with connivance#aahc of the staff was only possible for those who could afford to bribe4 ,there remains the alternative of taking it by eluding or defying the vigilance of the staff4 ,is it probable that the poor market-gardener ventured to do this8 ,not often1 ,i fancy3 we can only guess1 and ,i doubt whether much of the intercepted water came his way4 ,there was it is true one aqueduct#aahd the water of which was of poor quality4 ,it was a work of ,augustus1 intended to supply the great pond 7naumachia7 in which sham sea-fights were held to amuse the public4 ,when not so employed1 this water was made available for irrigation of gardens4 ,this was on the western or ,vatican side of the ,tiber4 ,many rich men had pleasure-gardens in that part1 and we cannot be sure that even this water was in practice serving any economic purpose4 ,,xxxix4 ,,inscriptions ,,relative ,,to ,,alimenta4 ,it is impossible to leave unnoticed the inscriptions#aahe of this period relative to alimenta1 and ,mommsen's interpretation#aahf of the two chief ones1 though their connexion with my present subject is not very close4 ,in the bronze tablets recording respectively the declarations of estate-values in the communes of ,ligures ,baebiani 7#aja ,,ad7 and ,veleia 7#ajc ,,ad71 made with the view of ascertaining the securities upon which the capital endowment was to be advanced1 we have interesting details of this ingenious scheme for perpetuating charity4 ,but neither these1 nor some minor inscribed records of bequests1 nor again the experience of ,pliny the younger in a benefaction#aahg of the same kind1 give us direct evidence on labour-questions4 ,it is in connexion with tenure of land and management of estates that these documents mainly concern us4 ,the fact that there was felt to be a call for charities to encourage the rearing of children was assuredly not a sign of social or economic wellbeing2 but this ,i have remarked above4 ,the following points stand out clearly in the interpretation of ,mommsen4 ,the growth of large estates as against small is shewn in both the tablets as having gone far by the time of ,trajan3 but not so far as modern writers have imagined4 ,in the case of the ,ligures ,baebiani there is record of a considerable number of properties of moderate value1 indeed they are in a majority4 ,at ,veleia1 though small estates have not disappeared1 there are more large ones1 and the process of absorption has evidently been more active4 ,this was not strange1 for the former case belongs to the ,hirpinian hill country of southern ,italy1 the latter to the slopes of the ,apennine near ,placentia1 including some of the rich plain of the ,po4 ,the latter would naturally attract capital more than the former4 ,i have more than once remarked that in the upland districts agricultural conditions were far less revolutionized than in the lowlands4 ,this seems to be an instance in point3 but the evidence is not complete4 ,there is nothing to shew that the estates named in these tablets were the sole landed properties of their several owners4 ,nor is it probable4 ,to own estates in different parts of the country was a well understood policy of landlords4 ,how we are to draw conclusions as to the prevalence of great estates from a few isolated local instances1 without a statement of the entire landed properties of the persons named1 ,i cannot see4 ,that writers of the ,empire1 when they speak of latifundia1 are seldom thinking of the crude and brutal plantation-system of an earlier time1 is very true4 ,those vast arable farms with their huge slave-gangs were now out of fashion1 and ,mommsen points out that our records are practically silent as to large-scale arable farming4 ,we are not to suppose that it was extinct1 but it was probably rare4 ,the most valuable part of this paper is its recognition of the vital change in ,italian agriculture1 the transfer of farming from a basis of ownership to one of tenancy4 ,the yeoman or owner-cultivator of olden time had been driven out or made a rare figure in the most eligible parts of ,italy4 ,the great plantations1 which had largely superseded the small-scale farms1 had in their turn proved economic failures4 ,both these systems1 in most respects strongly contrasted1 had one point in common3 the land was cultivated by or for the owner1 and for his own account4 ,but the failure of the large-scale plantation-system did not so react as to bring back small ownership4 ,large ownership still remained1 supported as it was by the social importance attached to landowning1 and occasionally by governmental action directed to encourage investment in ,italian land4 ,large owners long struggled to keep their estates in hand under stewards farming for their masters' account4 ,but this plan was doomed to failure1 because the care and attention necessary to make it pay were in most cases greater than landlords were willing to bestow4 ,by ,columella's time this fact was already becoming evident4 ,he could only advise the landlords to be other than he found them1 and meanwhile point to an alternative1 namely application of the tenancy-system4 ,it was this latter plan that more and more found favour4 ,the landlord could live in town and draw his rents1 himself free to pursue his own occupations4 ,the tenant-farmer was only bound by the terms of his lease2 and1 being resident1 was able to exact the full labour of his staff and prevent waste and robbery4 ,the custom was for the landlord to provide#aahh the equipment 7instrumentum7 of the farm1 or at least most of it1 including slaves4 ,thus he was in a sense partner of his tenant1 finding most of the working capital4 ,whether he had a claim to a money rent only1 or to a share of crops also1 depended on the terms of letting4 ,it seems that rents were often in arrear1 and that attempts to recover sums due by selling up tenants' goods did not always cover the debts4 ,the typical tenant-farmer was certainly a #8small man4' ,to let the whole of a large estate to a #8big man' with plenty of capital was not the practice in ,italy4 ,why8 ,i think the main reason was that a big capitalist who wanted to get the highest return on his money could at this time do better for himself in other ventures3 if set upon a land-enterprise1 he could find far more attractive openings in some of the ,provinces4 ,anyhow1 as ,mommsen says1 #8,grosspacht' never became acclimatized in ,italy1 though we find it on ,imperial domains1 for instance in ,africa4 ,in connexion with this matter ,i am led to remark that small tenancy #8,kleinpacht' seems to have existed in two forms1 perhaps indistinguishable in law1 but different in their practical effect4 ,when a landlord1 letting parcels of a big estate to tenants1 kept in hand the chief villa and its appurtenances as a sort of ,manor ,farm1 and tenants fell into arrear with their rent1 he had a ready means of indemnifying himself without #8selling up' his old tenants and having possibly much difficulty in finding better new ones4 ,he could commute arrears of rent into obligations of service#aahi on the ,manor ,farm4 ,most tenants would probably be only too glad to get rid of the immediate burden of debt4 ,it would seem a better course than to borrow for that purpose money on which interest would have to be paid1 even supposing that anyone would be willing to lend to a poor tenant confessedly in difficulties4 ,and such an arrangement would furnish the landlord with a fixed amount of labour 7and labour was becoming scarcer7 on very favourable terms--he or his agent would see to that4 ,but it was not really necessary to reserve a #8,manor ,farm' at all1 and a man owning land in several districts would hardly do so in every estate1 if in any4 ,such a landlord could not readily solve the arrears-problem by commutation4 ,he was almost compelled#aaij to #8sell up' a hopeless defaulter3 and1 since most of the stock had probably been supplied by himself1 there would not be much for him to sell4 ,that such cases did occur1 we know for certain2 the old tenant went1 being free to move1 and to find a good new one was no easy matter1 particularly as the land was sure to have been left in a bad state4 ,arrears of farm-rents had a regular phrase 7reliqua colonorum7 assigned to them1 and there is good reason to believe that they were a common source of trouble4 ,it has been well said#aaia that landlords in ,italy were often as badly off as their tenants4 ,the truth is that the whole agricultural interest was going downhill4 ,if the tenant-farmer was1 as we see1 becoming more and more the central figure of ,italian agriculture1 we must next inquire how he stood in relation to labour4 ,it is a priori probable that a man will be more ready to work with his own hands on a farm of his own than on one hired3 no man is more alive to the difference of meum and alienum than the tiller of the soil4 ,it is therefore not wonderful that we find tenant-farmers employing slave labour4 ,from the custom of having slaves as well as other stock supplied by the landlord we may fairly infer that tenants were1 at least generally1 not to be had on other terms4 ,mommsen remarks#aaib that actual handwork on the land was more and more directed rather than performed by the small tenants4 ,thus it came to be more and more done by unfree persons4 ,this recognizes1 no doubt rightly1 that the system of great estates let in portions to tenants was not favourable to a revival of free rustic labour1 but told effectively against it4 ,he also points out#aaic that under ,roman ,law it was possible for a landlord and his slave to stand in the mutual relation of lessor and lessee4 ,such a slave lessee is distinct from the free tenant colonus4 ,it appears that there were two forms of this relation4 ,the slave might be farming on his own#aaid account1 paying a rent and taking the farm-profits as his peculium4 ,in this case he is in the eye of the law quasi colonus4 ,or he might be farming on his master's account2 then he is vilicus4 ,in both cases he is assumed to have under him slave-labourers supplied#aaie by the landlord1 and it seems that the name vilicus was sometimes loosely applied even in the former case4 ,in the latter case he cannot have been very different from the steward of a large estate worked for owner's account4 ,i can only conclude that he was put in charge of a smaller farm-unit and left more to his own devices4 ,probably this arrangement would be resorted to only when an ordinary free tenant was not to be had2 and satisfactory ones were evidently not common in the time of the younger ,pliny4 ,so far as ,i can see1 in this period landlords were gradually ceasing to keep a direct control over the management of their own estates1 but the changes in progress did not tend to a rehabilitation of free labour4 ,one detail needs a brief special consideration4 ,the landlord's agent 7actor7 is often mentioned1 and it is clear that the actor was generally a slave4 ,but there is reference to the possible case#aaif of an actor living 7like his master7 in town1 not on the farms1 and having a wife#aaig and daughter4 ,this suggests a freedman1 not a slave1 and such cases may have been fairly numerous4 ,another point for notice is the question of vincti1 alligati1 compediti1 in this period4 ,mommsen#aaih treats the chaining of field-slaves as being quite exceptional1 in fact a punishment1 in ,italy under the ,empire4 ,surely it was always in some sense a punishment4 ,from what ,columella#aaii says of the normal employment of chained labourers in vineyard-work ,i can not admit that the evidence justifies ,mommsen's assertion4 ,that there was a growing reluctance to use such barbarous methods1 and that local usage varied in various parts of the country1 is certain4 ,,xl4 ,,dion ,,chrysostom4 ,we have seen that there is no lack of evidence as to the lamentable condition of ,italian agriculture in a large part of the country4 ,but things were no better in certain ,provinces1 more particularly in ,greece4 ,plutarch deplores#abjj the decay and depopulation of his native land1 but the most vivid and significant picture preserved to us is one conveyed in a public address#abja by the famous lecturer ,dion of ,prusa1 better known as ,dion#abjb ,chrysostom4 ,it describes conditions in the once prosperous island of ,euboea4 ,the speaker professes to have been cast ashore there in a storm1 and to have been entertained with extraordinary kindness by some honest rustics who were living an industrious and harmless life in the upland parts1 the rocky shore of which was notorious as a scene of shipwrecks4 ,there were two connected households1 squatters in the lonely waste1 producing by their own exertions everything they needed1 and of course patterns of every amiable virtue4 ,the lecturer recounts the story of these interesting people as told him by his host4 ,how much of it is due to his own imagination1 or put together out of various stories1 we cannot judge3 but it is manifest that what concerns us is to feel satisfied that the experiences described were possible1 and not grotesquely improbable1 in their setting of place and time4 ,i venture to accept the story as a sketch of what might very well have happened1 whether it actually did so or not4 ,we live mostly by the chase1 said the hunter1 with very little tillage4 ,this croft 77 does not belong to us either by inheritance or purchase4 ,our fathers1 though freemen1 were poor like ourselves1 just hired herdsmen1 in charge of the herds of a rich man who owned wide farm-lands and all these mountains4 ,when he died1 his estate was confiscated3 ,it is said that the emperor#abjc made away with him to get his property4 ,well1 they drove off his live-stock for slaughter1 and our few oxen with them1 and never paid our wages4 ,so we did the best we could1 taking advantage of the resources of the neighbourhood in summer and winter4 ,since childhood ,i have only once visited the city#abjd4 ,a man turned up one day demanding money4 ,we had none1 and ,i told him so on my oath4 ,he bade me come with him to the city4 ,there ,i was arraigned before the mob as a squatter on the public land1 without a grant from the people1 and without any payment4 ,it was hinted that we were wreckers1 and had put together a fine property through that wicked trade4 ,we were said to have valuable farms and abundance of flocks and herds1 beasts of burden1 slaves4 ,but a wiser speaker took a different line4 ,he urged that those who turned the public land to good account were public benefactors and deserved encouragement4 ,he pointed out that two thirds of their territory was lying waste through neglect and lack of population4 ,he was himself a large landowner3 whoever was willing to cultivate his land was welcome to do so free of charge1--indeed he would reward him for his pains--the improvement would be worth it4 ,he proposed a plan for inducing citizens to reclaim the derelict lands1 rent-free for ten years1 and after that rented at a moderate share of the crops4 ,to aliens less favourable terms might be offered1 but with a prospect of citizenship in case of reclamation on a large scale4 ,by such a policy the evils of idleness and poverty would be got rid of4 ,these considerations he enforced by pointing to the pitiful state of the city itself4 ,outside the gates you find1 not a suburb but a hideous desert4 ,within the walls we grow crops and graze beasts on the sites of the gymnasium and the market-place4 ,statues of gods and heroes are smothered in the growing corn4 ,yet we are forsooth to expel these hard-working folks and to leave men nothing to do but to rob or steal4 ,the rustic1 being called upon to state his own case1 described the poverty of the squatter families1 the innocence of their lives1 their services to shipwrecked seafarers1 and so forth4 ,on the last topic he received a dramatic confirmation from a man in the crowd1 who had himself been one of a party of castaways hospitably relieved three years before by these very people4 ,so all ended well4 ,the stress laid on the simple rusticity of the rustic1 and the mutual distrust and mean jealousy of the townsfolk1 shew in numerous touches that we have in this narrative a highly coloured scene4 ,but the picture of the decayed city1 with its ancient walls a world too wide for its shrunk population1 is companion to that of the deserted countryside4 ,both panels of this mournful diptych could have been paralleled in the case of many a city and territory in ,italy and ,greece4 ,the moral reflexions1 in which the lecturer proceeds to apply the lessons of the narrative1 are significant4 ,he enlarges on the superiority of the poor to the rich in many virtues1 unselfishness in particular4 ,poverty in itself is not naturally an evil4 ,if men will only work with their own hands1 they may supply their own needs1 and live a life worthy of freemen4 ,the word occurs more than once in this spirited appeal1 shewing clearly that ,dion had detected the plague-spot in the civilization of his day4 ,but he honestly admits the grave difficulties that beset artisans in the various trades practised in towns4 ,they lack necessary#abje capital3 everything has to be paid for1 food clothing lodging fuel and what not1 for they get nothing free but water1 and own nothing but their bodies4 ,yet we cannot advise them to engage in foul degrading vocations4 ,we desire them to live honourably1 not to sink below the standards of the greedy usurer or the owners of lodging-houses or ships or gangs of slaves4 ,what then are we to do with the decent poor8 ,shall we have to propose turning them out of the cities and settling them on allotments in the country8 ,tradition tells us rural settlement prevailed throughout ,attica of yore3 and the system worked well1 producing citizens of a better and more discreet type than the town-bred mechanics who thronged the ,assemblies and law-courts of ,athens4 ,it may be said that ,dion is a mere itinerant philosopher1 who travels about seeing the world and proposing impracticable remedies for contemporary evils in popular sermons to idle audiences4 ,but he knew his trade1 and his trade was to make his hearers #8feel better' for attending his discourses4 ,when he portrays the follies or vices of the age1 he is dealing with matters of common knowledge1 and not likely to misrepresent facts seriously4 ,when he suggests remedies1 it matters little that there is no possibility of applying them4 ,present company are always excepted1 and the townsfolk who listened to the preacher would neither resent his strictures on city life nor have the slightest intention of setting their own hands to the spade or plough4 ,that there was a kind of moral reaction#abjf in this period1 and that lecturers and essayists contributed something to the revival of healthier public sentiment1 ,i do not dispute2 though ,i think too much success is sometimes#abjg ascribed to their good intentions4 ,at any rate they cannot be credited with improving the conditions of rustic life4 ,to the farmer the voice of the great world outside was represented by the collectors of rents and taxes1 the exactors of services1 not by the sympathetic homilies of popular teachers4 ,,xli4 ,,new ,,testament ,,writers4 ,the authors of the books of the ,new ,testament1 whom it is convenient to view together as a group of witnesses bearing on the condition of a part of the ,roman ,east under the early ,empire1 supply some interesting matter4 ,we read of an agriculture that includes corn-growing1 the culture of vines1 and pastoral industry3 the olive1 and above all the fig-tree1 appear as normal objects of the countryside4 ,plough spade and sickle1 storehouse threshing-floor and winepress1 are the familiar appliances of rustic life1 as they had been from time immemorial4 ,farmers need not only hard work1 but watchfulness and forethought1 for the business of their lives4 ,live stock have to be protected from beasts of prey1 and need endless care4 ,and the rustic's outlook is ever clouded by the fear of drought and murrain4 ,all this is an ordinary picture1 common to many lands3 only the anxiety about water-supply is perhaps specially ,oriental4 ,the ox and the ass are the chief beasts of draught and burden4 ,in short1 country life goes on as of old1 and much as it still does after many changes of rulers4 ,from the way in which farmers are generally spoken of ,i infer that they are normally peasant#abjh landowners4 ,that is to say1 not tenants of an individual landlord1 but holding their farms with power of sale and right of succession1 liable to tribute4 ,the ,roman state is strictly speaking the owner1 having succeeded to the royal ownership assumed by the ,seleucid kings4 ,but that there was also letting#abji of estates to tenant-farmers is clear1 for we read of collection of rents4 ,at the same time we find it suggested1 apparently as a moral rather than legal obligation1 that the toiling farmer has the first claim#abaj on the produce1 and the ox is not to be muzzled4 ,such passages1 and others insisting on honesty and the duty of labour1 keep us firmly reminded of the moral aims pervading the works of these writers4 ,in other words1 they are more concerned to define what ought to be than to record what is4 ,many of the significant references to rustic matters occur in parables4 ,but we must not forget that a parable would have little force if its details were not realistic4 ,of the figures appearing on the agricultural scene we may distinguish the wealthy landlord#abaa1 whether farming for his own account or letting his land to tenants3 the steward#abab farming for his lord's account3 the tenant-farmer3 probably the free peasant on a small holding of his own4 ,labour is represented by the farmer working with his own hands1 and by persons employed simply as labourers4 ,these last are either freemen or slaves4 ,slavery is assumed as a normal condition1 but a reader can hardly help being struck by the notable passages in which the wage-earner appears as a means of illustrating an important point4 ,does the occurrence of such passages suggest that in these ,oriental surroundings wage-service was as common a system as bond-service1 perhaps even more so8 ,i hesitate to draw this conclusion1 for the following reason4 ,accepting the fact of slavery 7as the writers do71 there was not much to be said beyond enjoining humanity on masters and conscientious and respectful service on slaves4 ,but the relation between hirer and hired1 presumably a bargain1 opened up far-reaching issues of equity1 transcending questions of formal law4 ,hence we hear much about it4 ,that the workman is worthy of his meat 7 444 7 is a proposition of which we have an earlier#abac version1 referring to slaves4 ,the cowardice of the hireling shepherd points a notable moral4 ,the rich who defraud the reaper of his hire#abad meet with scathing denunciation4 ,for to him that worketh the reward is not reckoned#abae of grace but of debt4 ,this last proposition seems to furnish a key to the remarkable parable#abaf of the ,labourers in the ,vineyard1 which has been subjected to many diverse interpretations4 ,if we accept the view that the wages represent the ,kingdom of ,god1 and that this reward is granted not of debt but of grace1 it is clear that great stress is laid on the autocratic position of the householder 774 ,his treatment of the hired labourers is an assertion of entire indifference to what we call #8economic' considerations4 ,how it is to be interpreted as equitable1 theologians must decide1 or be content to leave modern handworkers to draw their own conclusions4 ,my interest in the matter may be shewn in the question whether this householder is to be regarded as a typical figure1 or not4 ,i trust ,i am guilty of no irreverence in saying that to me he seems a purely hypothetical character4 ,that is to say that ,i take the gist of the parable to be this3 if an employer chose to deal with his hirelings on such arbitrary principles1 he would be acting within his rights4 ,i do not infer that such conduct was likely in ordinary life1 or even that a concrete case of its occurrence had ever been known4 ,i cannot believe that in a country where debts#abag and usury are referred to as matters of course1 and where masters entrusted money#abah to their slaves for purposes of trade1 where sales of land#abai were an ordinary business transaction1 a sane individualistic capitalist would act as the man in this parable4 ,those who think differently must clear up their own difficulties4 ,i would add that this parable1 the details of which seem to me non-realistic1 only occurs in one of the ,gospels4 ,is it possible that it is based on some current ,oriental story8 ,,xlii4 ,,martial ,,and ,,juvenal4 ,among the witnesses1 other than technical writers1 from whom we get evidence as to the conditions of agriculture under the ,empire1 are two poets1 ,martial and ,juvenal4 ,the latter1 a native of ,aquinum in the old ,volscian part of ,latium1 never shook off the influence of his connexion with rural ,italy4 ,the former1 a native of ,bilbilis in ,spain1 was one of the gifted provincials who came to ,rome as the literary centre of the world4 ,he spent more than thirty years there1 and made an unrivalled name as a writer of epigrams1 but his heart was in ,spain4 ,the attitude of these two men towards the facts of their time is very different1 and the difference affects the value of their evidence4 ,in the satires of ,juvenal indignant rhetoric takes up a high moral position1 and declaims fiercely against abominations4 ,now this attitude is beset with temptations to overstate an evil rather than weaken effect4 ,moreover1 in imperial ,rome it was necessary to be very careful3 not only were personal references dangerous1 but it was above all things necessary to avoid provoking the ,emperor4 ,yet even ,emperors could 7and did7 view attacks upon their predecessors with indifference or approval3 while vicious contemporaries were not likely to put on the cap if their deceased counterparts were assailed4 ,so the satirist1 confining his strictures mainly to the past1 is not often a contemporary witness of the first order4 ,it is fortunate that his references to rustic conditions are not much affected by this limitation3 but they mostly refer to the past4 ,martial on the contrary is a mere man of his time4 ,his business is not to censure1 still less to reform1 but to find themes for light verse such as will hit the taste of average ,roman readers4 ,he soon discovered that scandal was the one staple topic of interest1 and exploited it as a source of #8copy' down to the foulest dregs4 ,most of the characters exposed appear under fictitious ,greek names1 but doubtless ,roman gossips applied the filthy imputations to each other4 ,we need not suppose that ,martial's ruling passion was for bawdy epigram4 ,but he knew what would hit the taste of an idle and libidinous world4 ,for himself1 nothing is clearer than that he found life in the great city a sore trial1 not solely from the oppressive climate at certain seasons of the year4 ,he was too clever a man not to suffer weariness in such surroundings4 ,he had to practice the servility habitually displayed by poor men towards the rich and influential1 but he did not like it4 ,it seems to have been through patronage that he got together sufficient wealth to enable him eventually to retire to his native country4 ,the din and dirt and chronic unrest of ,rome were to him1 as to ,juvenal1 an abomination3 and from these ever-present evils there was1 for dwellers in mean houses or crowded blocks of sordid flats1 no escape4 ,both writers agree that the ,rome of those days was only fit for the wealthy to live in4 ,secure in his grand mansion on one of the healthiest sites1 with plenty of elbow-room1 guarded against unwelcome intrusions by a host of slaves and escorted by them in public1 the millionaire could take his life easily3 he could even sleep4 ,martial had his way to make as a man of letters1 and needed to keep brain and nerves in working order4 ,for this1 occasional retirement from the urban pandemonium was necessary4 ,so he managed to acquire a little suburban#abbj property1 where he could spend days in peace and quiet4 ,many of his friends did the same4 ,to keep such a place1 however small1 in good order1 and to grow some country produce1 however little1 it was necessary to have a resident#abba vilicus4 ,he had also a vilica1 and there would probably be a slave or two under them4 ,the poet was now better off1 and doing as others did4 ,these suburbana1 retreats for the weary1 were evidently numerous4 ,their agricultural significance was small4 ,martial often pokes fun at the owners who withdraw to the country for a holiday1 taking with them#abbb their supplies of eatables bought in the markets of ,rome4 ,clearly the city markets were well supplied3 and this indicates the existence of another class of suburban properties1 market-gardens on a business footing1 of which we hear little directly4 ,an industry of this kind springs up round every great centre of population3 how far it can extend depends on the available means of delivering the produce in fair marketable condition4 ,round ,rome it had no doubt existed for centuries1 and was probably one of the most economically sound agricultural undertakings in central ,italy4 ,that it was conducted on a small scale and was prosperous may be the reason why it attracted little notice in literature4 ,though ,martial cannot be regarded as an authority on ,italian agriculture1 it so happens that passages of his works are important and instructive1 particularly in connexion with matters of land-management and farm-labour4 ,he gives point to his epigrams by short and vivid touches1 above all by telling contrasts4 ,now this style of writing loses most of its force if the details lack reality4 ,he was therefore little tempted to go beyond the truth in matters of ordinary non-bestial life1 such as agricultural conditions2 we may accept him as a good witness4 ,to begin with an all-important topic1 let us see what we get from him on the management of land1 either for the landlord's account under a slave vilicus1 or by letting it to a free colonus4 ,in explaining the gloomy bearing of ,selius1 he remarks#abbc that it is not due to recent losses3 his wife and his goods and his slaves are all safe1 and he is not suffering from any failures of a tenant or a steward4 ,here colonus as opposed to vilicus must mean a free tenant1 who might be behindhand with his rent or with service due under his lease4 ,the opposition occurs elsewhere1 as when he refers#abbd to the produce sent in to a rich man in ,rome from his country estates by his steward or tenant4 ,so too on the birthday of an eminent advocate all his clients and dependants send gifts2 among them#abbe the hunter sends a hare1 the fisherman some fish1 and the colonus a kid4 ,the venator and piscator are very likely his slaves4 ,in protesting#abbf against the plague of kissing as it strikes a man on return to ,rome1 he says1 #8all the neighbours kiss you1 and the colonus too with his hairy unsavoury mouth4' ,it seems to imply that the rustic tenant would come to ,town to pay his respects to his landlord4 ,barring the kiss1 the duty of welcoming the squire makes one think of times not long gone by in ,england4 ,in one passage#abbg there is a touch suggestive of almost medieval relations4 ,how ,linus has managed to get through a large inherited fortune1 is a mystery in need of an explanation4 ,he has not been a victim of the temptations of the great wicked city4 ,no1 he has always lived in a country town1 where economy was not only possible but easy4 ,everything he needed was to be had cheap or gratis1 and there was nothing to lead him into extravagant ways4 ,now among the instances of cheapness is the means of satisfying his sexual passions when they become unruly4 ,at such moments either the vilica or the duri nupta coloni served his turn4 ,the steward's consort would be his slave1 and there is no more to be said3 but the tenant-farmer's wife1 presumably a free woman1 is on a different footing4 ,there is no suggestion of hoodwinking the husband1 for the situation is treated as a matter of course4 ,it would rather seem that the landlord is represented as relying on the complaisance of a dependent boor4 ,if ,i interpret the passage rightly1 we have in it a vivid sidelight on the position of some at least of the coloni of the first century ,,ad4 ,that vilici and coloni alike were usually clumsy rustics of small manual skill1 is suggested by two passages#abbh in which they are credited with bungling workmanship in wood or stone4 ,perhaps we may detect reference to a colonus in an epigram on a man who spends his money lavishly on his own debaucheries but is meanly niggardly to necessitous friends4 ,it says #8you sell ancestral lands to pay for a passing gratification of your lust1 while your friend1 left in the lurch1 is tilling land#abbi that is not his own4' ,that is1 you might have made him a present of a little farm1 as many another has done2 but you have left him to sink into a mere colonus4 ,enough has now been said to shew that these tenant-farmers were a humble and dependent class of men1 and that the picture drawn from passages of ,martial corresponds to that drawn above in ,weber's interpretation of ,columella4 ,it is not necessary to set out with the same fulness all the evidence of ,martial on agricultural matters regarded from various points of view4 ,the frequent reference to the land is a striking fact3 like his fellow-countryman ,columella1 he was clearly interested in the land-system of ,italy4 ,he shews wide knowledge of the special products of different districts2 a knowledge probably picked up at first in the markets of ,rome1 and afterwards increased by experience4 ,no writer draws the line more distinctly between productive and unproductive estates4 ,that we hear very much more of the latter is no wonder3 so long as the supremacy of ,rome was unshaken1 and money poured into ,italy1 a great part of the country was held by wealthy owners to whom profit was a less urgent motive than pleasure or pride4 ,to what lengths ostentation could go is seen#abcj in the perverse fancy of a millionaire to have a real rus in urbe with grounds about his town house so spacious that they included a real vineyard3 here in sheltered seclusion he could have a vintage in ,rome4 ,this is in truth the same vulgar ambition as that 7much commoner7 of the man who prides himself on treating guests at his country mansion to every luxury procurable in ,rome4 ,it is merely inverted4 ,at this point it is natural to ask whence came the vast sums lavished on these and other forms of luxury4 ,italy was not a great manufacturing country4 ,the regular dues from the ,provinces flowed into the treasuries1 not openly into private pockets4 ,yet a good deal of these monies no doubt did in the end become the reward of individuals1 as salaries or amounts payable to contractors1 etc4 ,these however would not by themselves suffice to account for the immense squandering that evidently took place4 ,a source of incomes1 probably much more productive than we might at first sight imagine1 existed in the huge estates owned by wealthy ,romans in the lands beyond the seas4 ,martial refers#abca to such properties at ,patrae in ,achaia1 in ,egypt1 etc4 ,the returns from these estates1 however badly managed1 were in the total probably very large4 ,and they were no new thing4 ,in ,varro and in ,cicero's letters we find them treated as a matter of course3 the case of ,atticus and his lands in ,epirus is well known4 ,pliny#abcb tells us of the case of ,pompey1 and also of the six land-monopolizers whom ,nero found in possession of #ej of the ,province of ,africa4 ,the practice of usury in the subject countries was no longer so widespread or so remunerative as it had been in the last period of the ,republic1 but it had not ceased1 and the same is true of the farming of revenues4 ,commerce was active3 but we are rather concerned with the means of paying for imported goods than with the fact of importation4 ,the anxiety as to the supply of corn from abroad shews itself in the gossip#abcc of quidnuncs as to the fleet of freight-ships coming from ,alexandria4 ,puteoli and ,ostia were doubtless very busy2 all we need note is that someone must have made money#abcd in the business of transport and delivery4 ,these considerations may serve to explain the presence of so much #8money in the country' as we say1 and the resulting extravagance4 ,but all this social and economic fabric rested on the security guaranteed by the imperial forces on land and sea4 ,one of ,martial's epigrams#abce is of special interest as describing a manifestly exceptional estate4 ,it was at or near ,baiae1 the famous seaside pleasure-resort1 which had been the scene of costly fancies and luxurious living for more than a hundred years4 ,the point of the poem lies in the striking contrast of this place compared with the unproductive suburbanum#abcf of another owner1 which is kept going by supplies from the ,roman market4 ,for the place is a genuine unsophisticated country farm1 producing corn and wine and good store of firewood1 and breeding cattle swine sheep and various kinds of poultry and pigeons4 ,when rustic neighbours come to pay their respects1 they bring presents1 such as honey in the comb1 cheese1 dormice1 a kid1 a capon4 ,the daughters#abcg of honest tenants bring baskets of eggs4 ,the villa is a centre of hospitality2 even the slaves are well fed4 ,the presence of a slave-household brought from ,town is particularly dwelt on3 what with fishing and trapping and with #8light work' in the garden1 these spoilt menials1 even my lord's pet eunuch1 are happy enough4 ,there are also young home-bred slaves 7vernae7 probably the offspring of the farm-slaves4 ,the topsyturvydom of this epigram is so striking that one may suspect ,martial of laughing in his sleeve at the eccentric friend whose farm he is praising4 ,in any case this cannot be taken seriously as a realistic picture of a country seat practically agricultural4 ,the owner evidently drew his income from other sources4 ,and the sort of man who treated himself to an eunuch can hardly have been much of a farmer1 even near ,baiae4 ,the mention of probi coloni illustrates what has been said above as to tenants1 and that a farm could be described in such words as rure vero barbaroque is a candid admission that in too many instances a place of the kind could only by courtesy be styled a farm1 since the intrusion of #8civilization' 7that is1 of refined and luxurious urban elements7 destroyed its practical rustic character4 ,that the estate in question produced enough to feed the owner and his guests1 his domestics brought from ,rome1 and the resident rustic staff as well1 is credible4 ,but there is nothing to shew that it produced any surplus for the markets3 it may have done something in this direction1 but that it really paid its way1 yielding a moderate return on the capital sunk in land slaves and other farm-stock1 is utterly incredible4 ,whether in town or country1 the life sketched by ,martial is that of a society resting on a basis of slavery4 ,at the same time the supply of new slaves#abch was not so plentiful as it had been in days before the ,roman ,peace under ,augustus4 ,serviceable rustic slaves were valuable nowadays4 ,addressing ,faustinus1 the wealthy owner of the above ,baian villa and several others1 the poet says #8you can send this book#abci to ,marcellinus1 who is now at the end of his campaign in the ,north and has leisure to read3 but let your messenger be a dainty ,greek page4 ,marcellinus will requite you by sending you a slave1 captive from the ,danube country1 who has the making of a shepherd in him1 to tend the flocks on your estate by ,tibur4' ,each friend is to send the other what the other lacks and he is in a position to supply4 ,this is a single instance2 but the suggested do ut des is significant4 ,as wars became rarer1 and prisoners fewer1 the disposal of captives would be a perquisite of more and more value4 ,that the normal treatment of slaves was becoming more and more humane1 is certain4 ,but whether humanitarian sentiment in ,stoic forms1 as preached by ,seneca and others1 had much to do with this result1 is more doubtful4 ,the wisdom of not provoking discontent among the slaves1 particularly in the country1 was well understood4 ,the decline of the free rustic population had made the absence of a regular police force a danger not to be ignored4 ,improved conditions were probably in most cases due to self-interest and caution much more than to humane sentiment4 ,in ,martial's day we may gather from numerous indications that in general the lot of slaves was not a hard one if we except the legal right of self-disposal4 ,urban domestics were often sadly spoilt1 and were apt to give themselves great airs outside the house or to callers at the door4 ,but ,i believe that in respect of comfort and happiness the position of a steward with a slave-staff in charge of a country place owned by a rich man was in most cases far pleasanter4 ,subject to the preparation for the master's occasional visits and entertainment of his guests1 these men were left very much to their own devices4 ,the site of the villa had been chosen for its advantages4 ,so long as enough work was done to satisfy the owner1 they1 his caretakers1 enjoyed gratis for the whole year#abdj the privileges and pleasures which he paid for dearly and seldom used4 ,it seems certain that it was on such estates that most of the slave-breeding took place4 ,it was becoming a more regular practice1 as we see from ,columella4 ,and it had advantages from several points of view4 ,the slave allowed to mate with a female partner and produce children was more effectively tied to the place than the unmated labourer on a plantation was by his chain4 ,so long as the little vernae were not brutally treated 7and it seems to have been a tradition to treat them well71 the parents were much less likely to join in any rebellious schemes4 ,and1 after all1 the young of slaves were worth money1 if sold2 while1 if kept by the old master1 they would work in what was the only home they had known3 they would be easier to train and manage than some raw barbarian from ,germany or ,britain or the ,sudan4 ,but it must not be forgotten that the recognition of slave-breeding foreboded the eventual decline of slavery--personal slavery--as an institution1 at least for purposes of rustic life4 ,i know of no direct evidence#abda as to the class or classes from which the unfree coloni of the later ,empire were drawn4 ,but it seems to me extremely probable that many of the coloni of the period with which we are just now concerned were home-bred slaves manumitted and kept on the estate as tenants4 ,this conjecture finds a reason for manumission1 as the freedman would be capable of a legal relation1 which the slave was not4 ,the freedman's son would be ingenuus1 and would represent1 in his economic bondage under cover of legal freedom1 a natural stage in the transition from the personal slave to the predial serf4 ,that there were vernae on the small suburban properties1 the rest-retreats of ,martial and many others1 is not to be doubted4 ,but they can hardly have been very numerous4 ,these little places were often but poorly kept up4 ,the owners were seldom wealthy men1 able to maintain many slaves4 ,economy and quiet were desired by men who could not afford ostentation4 ,the normal use of the epithet sordidus#abdb 7not peculiar to ,martial7 in speaking of such places1 and indeed of small farmsteads in general1 is characteristic of them and of the undress life led there4 ,the house was sometimes in bad condition4 ,to patch up a leaky roof#abdc a present of a load of tiles was welcome4 ,a man buys a place the house 7casa7 on which is horribly dark and old3 the poet remarks that it is close to the pleasure-garden 7hortos7 of a rich man4 ,this explains the purchase3 the buyer will put up with bad lodging for the prospect of good dinners at his neighbour's table4 ,the difficulty of finding a purchaser for an estate of bad sanitary record1 and the damage done to riparian farms by the ,tiber floods1 are instances#abdd of the ordinary troubles of the little landowners near ,rome4 ,a peculiar nuisance1 common in ,italy1 was the presence in some corner of a field of the tomb#abde of some former owner or his family4 ,a slice of the land1 so many feet in length and breadth1 was often reserved#abdf as not to pass with the inheritance4 ,what the heir never owned1 that he could not sell4 ,so1 when the property changed hands1 the new owner had no right to remove what to him might be nothing but a hindrance to convenient tillage4 ,altars#abdg taken over from a predecessor may also have been troublesome at times1 but their removal was probably less difficult4 ,the picture of agricultural conditions to be drawn from ,juvenal agrees with that drawn from ,martial4 ,but1 as said above1 the point of view is different in the satirist1 whose business it is to denounce evils1 and who is liable to fall into rhetorical exaggeration4 ,and to a native of central ,italy the tradition of a healthier state of things in earlier ages was naturally a more important part of his background than it could be to a man from ,spain4 ,hence we find vivid scenes#abdh drawn from legend1 shewing good old ,romans1 men of distinction1 working on the land themselves and rearing well-fed families 7slaves included7 on the produce of meagre little plots of two iugera4 ,an ex-consul#abdi breaks off his labours on a hillside1 shoulders his mattock1 and joins a rustic feast at the house of a relative4 ,the hill-folk of the ,abruzzi are patterns of thrifty contentment1 ready to earn their bread#abej with the plough4 ,but the civic duties are not forgotten4 ,the citizen has a double function4 ,he serves the state in arms and receives a patch of land#abea as his reward for wounds suffered4 ,he has to attend the ,assembly before his wounds#abeb are fully healed4 ,in short1 he is a peasant soldier who does a public duty in both peace and war4 ,the vital need of the present day#abec is that parents should rear sons of this type4 ,here we have the moral which these scenes1 and the frequent references to ancient heroes1 are meant to impress on contemporaries4 ,a striking instance#abed from historical times is that of ,marius1 who is represented as having risen from the position of a wage-earning farm-labourer to be the saviour of ,rome from the barbarians of the ,north4 ,but the men of the olden time led simple lives1 free from the extravagance and luxury of these days and therefore from the temptations and ailments that now abound4 ,the only wholesome surroundings#abee now are to be found in out-of-the way country corners or the homes of such frugal citizens as ,juvenal himself4 ,but these are mere islets in a sea of wantonness bred in security3 luxury is deadlier#abef than the sword1 and the conquered world is being avenged in the ruin of its conqueror4 ,perhaps no symptom on which he enlarges is more significant and sinister from his own point of view than that betrayed in a passing reference by the verbal contrast#abeg between paganus and miles4 ,the peasant is no longer soldier3 and in this fact the weightiest movements of some #bej years of ,roman history are virtually implied4 ,so much for an appeal to the ,roman past4 ,but ,juvenal1 like ,vergil before him1 was not content with this4 ,he looks back to the primitive age#abeh of man's appearance on earth and idealizes the state of things in this picture also4 ,mankind1 rude healthy and chaste1 had not yet reached the notion of private property3 therefore theft was unknown4 ,the moral is not pressed in the passage where this description occurs2 but it is worth noting because the greed of men in imperial ,rome1 and particularly in the form of land-grabbing and villa-building1 is a favourite topic in the satires4 ,all this side of contemporary life1 viewed as the fruit of artificial appetites and unnecessary passions1 is evidence of a degeneracy that has been going on ever since the beginnings of society4 ,and the worst of it is that those who thrive on present conditions are the corrupt the servile and the mean1 from whom no improvement can be hoped for4 ,juvenal's picture of present facts as he sees them is quite enough to justify his pessimism4 ,as a means of arresting degeneration he is only able to suggest a change#abei of mind1 in fact to urge people to be other than they are4 ,but he cannot shew where the initiative is to be found4 ,certainly not in the mongrel free populace of ,rome1 a rabble of parasites and beggars4 ,nor in the ranks of the wealthy freedmen into whose hands the chief opportunities of enrichment have passed1 thanks to the imperial jealousy of genuine ,romans and preference of supple aliens4 ,these freedmen are the typical capitalists3 they buy up everything1 land included2 and ,romans who despise these upstarts have nevertheless to fawn on them4 ,nor again are leaders to be found in the surviving remnant of old families4 ,it is a sad pity1 but pride of birth1 while indisposing them to useful industry1 does not prevent them from debauchery or from degrading themselves in public4 ,financial ruin and charges of high treason are destroying them3 even were this not so1 who would look to such persons for a wholesome example8 ,neither religion with its formalities and excitements1 nor philosophy with its professors belying their moral preaching1 could furnish the means of effecting the change of heart needed for vital reform4 ,no1 it was not from the imperial capital1 the reeking hotbed of wickedness1 that any good could come4 ,and when ,juvenal turns to the country it is remarkable how little comfort he seems to find in the rural conditions of ,italy4 ,like other writers1 he refers to the immense estates#abfj that extended over a great part of the country1 both arable and grazing lands 7saltus71 the latter in particular being of monstrous size4 ,we cannot get from him any hint that the land-monopoly1 the canker of the later ,republic1 had been effectually checked4 ,nor indeed had it4 ,one of the ways in which rich patrons#abfa rewarded clients for services1 honourable or 7as he suggests7 often dishonourable1 was to give the dependant a small landed estate4 ,the practice was not new4 ,maecenas had given ,horace his ,sabine farm4 ,but the man who gave away acres must have had plenty of acres to give4 ,true1 some of the great landlords had earned#abfb their estates by success in an honourable profession3 but the satirist is naturally more impressed by the cases of those1 generally freedmen1 whose possessions are the fruit of corrupt compliance or ignoble trades4 ,these upstarts1 like the ,trimalchio of ,petronius1 live to display their wealth1 and the acquisition of lands#abfc and erection of costly villas are a means to this end4 ,the fashion set by them is followed by others1 and over-buying and over-building are the cause of bankruptcies4 ,two passages#abfd indicate the continued existence of an atrocious evil notorious in the earlier period of the latifundia1 the practice of compelling small holders to part with their land by various outrages4 ,the live stock belonging to a rich neighbour are driven on to the poor man's farm until the damage thus caused to his crops forces him to sell--of course at the aggressor's price4 ,a simpler form1 ejectment without pretence of purchase1 is mentioned as an instance of the difficulties in the way of getting legal redress1 at least for civilians4 ,there would be little point in mentioning such wrongs as conceivable possibilities3 surely they must have occurred now and then in real life4 ,the truth1 ,i take it1 was that the great landlord owning a host of slaves had always at disposal a force well able to carry out his territorial ambitions2 and possession of power was a temptation to use it4 ,the employment of slaves in rural border-raids was no new thing1 and the slave1 having himself nothing to lose1 probably found zest in a change of occupation4 ,in ,juvenal agriculture appears as carried on by slave labour1 and the employment of supplementary wage-earners is ignored2 not unnaturally1 for it was not necessary to refer to it4 ,the satirist himself#abfe has rustic slaves1 and is proud that they are rustic1 when they on a special occasion come in to wait at his table in ,rome4 ,slaves are of course included#abff in the stock of an estate1 great or small1 given or sold4 ,all this is commonplace3 what is more to the satirist's purpose is the mention#abfg of a member of an illustrious old family who has come down in the world so low as to tend another man's flocks for hire4 ,and this is brought in as a contrast to the purse-proud insolence of a wealthy freedman4 ,but more remarkable is the absence of any reference to tenant coloni4 ,even the word colonus does not occur in any shade of meaning4 ,this too may fairly be accounted for by the fact that little could have been got out of references to the system for the purposes of his argument4 ,it was1 as he knew1 small peasant landowners1 not tenants1 that had been the backbone of old ,rome2 and it was this class1 viewed with the sympathetic eye of one sighing for perished glories1 that he would have liked to restore4 ,it is a satirist's bent to wish for the unattainable and protest against the inevitable4 ,for himself1 he can sing the praises of rustic simplicity and cheapness and denounce the luxury and extravagance of ,roman society1 though he dare not assail living individuals4 ,and in exposing the rottenness of the civilization around him he attacks the very vices that had grown to such portentous heights through the development of slavery4 ,idleness bore its fruit1 not only in the debauchery and gambling that fostered unholy greed and crimes committed to procure the money that was ever vanishing1 but in the degradation of honest labour4 ,pampered menials were arrogant1 poor citizens servile4 ,and vast tracts of ,italian land bore witness to the mournful fact that the land system1 so far from affording a sound basis for social and economic betterment1 was itself one of the worst elements of the situation4 ,at this stage it is well to recall the relation between agriculture and military service1 the farmer-soldier ideal4 ,the long-since existing tendency for the soldier to become a professional1 while the free farmer class was decaying1 had never obliterated the impression of this ideal on ,roman minds4 ,the belief that gymnastic exercises on ,greek models were no effective substitute for regular manual labour in the open air as guarantees of military #8fitness' is still strong in ,juvenal4 ,it shews itself in his pictures of life in ,rome1 where such exercises were practised for the purpose of #8keeping fit' and #8getting an appetite1' much as they are now4 ,followed by baths and massage and luxurious appliances of every kind1 this treatment enabled the jaded city-dweller to minimize the enervating effects of idleness relieved by excitements and debauchery4 ,he significantly lays stress on the fact that these habits were as common among women as among men4 ,the usual allowance must be made for a satirist's exaggeration2 but the general truth of the picture is not to be doubted4 ,the city life was no preparation for the camp with its rough appliances and ever-present need for the readiness to endure cheerfully the hardships of the field4 ,the toughness of the farm-labourer was proverbial3 the ,latin word durus is his conventional epithet4 ,in other words1 he was a model of healthy hardness and vigour4 ,now to ,juvenal1 as to others1 the best object of desire#abfh was mens sana in corpore sano1 and he well knew that to secure the second gave the best hope of securing the first4 ,we might then expect him to recommend field work as the surest way to get and keep vigorous health4 ,yet ,i cannot find any indication of this precept save the advice to a friend to get out of ,rome and settle on a garden-plot in the country4 ,he says #8there live devoted#abfi to your clod-pick2 be the vilicus of a well-tended garden4' ,i presume he means #8be your own steward1 and lend a hand in tillage as a steward would do4' ,but an average vilicus would be more concerned to get work out of his underlings than to exert himself1 and ,juvenal is not very explicit in his advice1 the main point being to get his friend out of ,rome4 ,i have reserved for comparison with this passage one from ,martial#abgj4 ,in a couplet on a pair of halteres 7something rather like dumb-bells7 he says #8,why waste the strength of arms by use of silly dumb-bells8 ,if a man wants exercise1 he had better go and dig in a vineyard4' ,this is much plainer1 but one may doubt whether it is seriously meant to be an ordinary rule of life4 ,probably it is no more than a sneer at gymnastic exercises4 ,for ,martial well knew that muscle developed by the practice of athletics#abga is very different from the bodily firmness and capacity for continuous effort under varying conditions that is produced by a life of hard manual labour4 ,and the impression left on a reader's mind by epigrammatist and satirist alike is that in ,rome and in the most favoured and accessible parts of ,italy the blessing of #8corporal soundness' was tending to become a monopoly of slaves4 ,for when ,juvenal declares#abgb that nowadays the rough fossor1 though shackled with a heavy chain1 turns up his nose at the garden-stuff that fed a ,manius ,curius in the olden days1 hankering after the savoury fleshpots of the cook-shop1 we need not take him too seriously4 ,,xliii4 ,,pliny ,,the ,,younger4 ,the younger ,pliny1 one of the generation who remembered ,vespasian1 lived through the dark later years of ,domitian1 and rejoiced in the better times of ,nerva and ,trajan1 is one of our most important witnesses4 ,not being a technical writer on agriculture1 it was not his business to dwell on what ought to be done rather than what was being done4 ,being himself a great landowner as well as a man of wide interests and high reputation1 he knew the problems of contemporary land-management from experience1 and speaks with intelligence and authority4 ,he was not a man of robust constitution1 and like many others he found much refreshment in rural sojournings4 ,he is remarkable for keen appreciation of beautiful scenery4 ,adopted by his uncle1 the author of the ,natural ,history1 well-educated and in touch with the literary circles and the best social life of ,rome1 his letters illustrate the intellectual and moral influences that prevailed in cultivated households of honest gentlemen4 ,in particular he is to us perhaps the very best example of the humanizing tendency of the current philosophies of the day in relation to the subject of slavery4 ,he is deeply interested in promoting manumissions#abgc whenever he gets a chance4 ,his tender concern for the welfare of his slaves constantly meets us1 and he is only consoled for the death of one by reflecting that the man was manumitted in time#abgd and so died free4 ,in fact he does not regard slavery as a normally lifelong condition2 and he allows his slaves to make informal wills and respects their disposition of their savings among their fellows#abge in the household1 which is to slaves a sort of commonwealth4 ,masters who don't feel the loss of their slaves are really not human4 ,but this all refers to domestics1 and does not touch the case of the field-hand toiling on the farm4 ,a transaction#abgf in reference to the sale of some land by the lake of ,como1 ,pliny's own neighbourhood1 illustrates the normal changes of ownership that were going on1 and his own generous nature4 ,an old lady1 an intimate friend of his mother1 wanted to have a property in that lovely district4 ,pliny gave her the offer of any of his land at her own price1 reserving only certain parcels for sentimental reasons4 ,before 7as it seems7 any bargain was made1 a friend died and left of his estate to ,pliny1 including some land such as the old lady desired4 ,pliny at once sent his freedman ,hermes to offer her the suitable parcels for sale4 ,she promptly clinched the bargain with ,hermes at a figure which turned out to be only of the full value4 ,pliny's attention was called to this1 but he stood by the act of his freedman and ratified the sale4 ,the publicani who were then farming the #e duty on successions soon appeared1 and claimed the #e as reckoned on estimated full value of the property4 ,the old lady settled with them on these terms1 and then insisted on paying to ,pliny the full value1 not the bargained price2 which offer he1 not to be outdone1 gracefully declined4 ,such was the course of a commonplace transaction1 carried out by exceptional people in an unselfish spirit4 ,we are most certainly not to suppose that this sort of thing was common in land-dealings4 ,another letter#abgg shews us how a well-meant benefaction might fail in its aim for want of means in the beneficiary4 ,an old slave-woman1 once ,pliny's wet-nurse1 had evidently been manumitted1 and he made her a present of a small farm 7agellum7 to provide her maintenance4 ,at that time its market value was ample to secure this4 ,but things went wrong4 ,for some reason the yearly returns fell1 and the market value fell also4 ,whether the old woman had tried to manage it herself and failed1 or whether a bad tenant had let down the cultivation1 does not plainly appear4 ,at any rate ,pliny was greatly relieved when a friend1 presumably one living near the place1 undertook to direct the cultivation of the farm4 ,he expresses his confidence that under the new management the holding would recover its value4 ,for his own credit1 not less than for the advantage of his nurse1 he wishes to see it produce its utmost4 ,these little holdings no doubt needed very skilful management1 and ,i suspect that idle slaves were in this case the cause of the trouble4 ,slaves commonly went with land1 and ,i do not think the generous donor would give his old nurse the bare land without the needful labour4 ,the old #8,mammy' could not control them1 and ,pliny's friend saved the situation4 ,trajan's order1 requiring ,provincial candidates for office to invest a third#abgh of their property in ,italian real estate1 and the artificial rise of prices for the time1 has been dealt with above4 ,pliny advised a friend1 if he would be not sorry#abgi to part with his ,italian estates1 to sell now at the top of the market and buy land in the ,provinces1 where prices would be correspondingly lowered4 ,of the risks attendant on landowning in ,italy he was well aware1 and one letter#abhj on the pros and cons of a tempting purchase must be translated in full4 ,he writes thus to a friend4 #8,i am doing as usual1 asking your advice on a matter of business4 ,there are now for sale some landed properties that border on farms of mine and indeed run into them4 ,there are about them many points that tempt me1 but some equally important that repel me4 ,the temptations are these4 ,first1 to round off my estate would be in itself an improvement4 ,secondly1 it would be a pleasure1 and a real economy to boot1 to make one trip and one expense serve for a visit to both properties1 to keep both under the same#abha legal agent1 indeed almost under the same stewards1 and to use only one of the granges as my furnished house1 just keeping the other in repair4 ,i am taking into account the cost of furniture1 of chief servants1 fancy gardeners1 artisans1 and even hunting#abhb outfit3 for it makes a vast difference whether items like these are concentrated in one spot or are scattered in separate places4 ,on the other hand ,i fear it may be rash to expose so large a property to the same local climatic risks4 ,it seems safer to encounter the changes of fortune by not holding too much land in one neighbourhood4 ,moreover1 it is a very pleasant thing to have change of scene and climate1 and so too is the mere touring about from one of your estates to another4 ,then comes the chief issue on which ,i am trying to make up my mind4 ,the farms are productive1 the soil rich1 the water-supply good2 they contain pastures1 vineyards1 and woodlands that afford timber1 from which there is a small but regular return4 ,a favoured land1 you see3 but it is suffering from the weakness#abhc of those who farm it4 ,for the late landlord several times distrained#abhd on the tenants' goods1 lessening their arrears#abhe of rent for the moment1 but draining their substance for the future3 the failure of this sent up the arrears once more4 ,so they will have to be equipped#abhf with labour2 which will cost all the more because only trusty slaves will do4 ,as for chained slaves1 ,i never keep them on my estates1 and in those parts nobody does4 ,i have now only to tell you the probable price4 ,it is three million sesterces1 though at one time it was five million3 but1 what with the present scarcity#abhg of tenants and the prevailing agricultural depression1 the returns from the farms have fallen1 and so has the market value4 ,you will want to know whether ,i can raise easily even the three millions4 ,it is true that nearly all ,i have is invested#abhh in land2 still ,i have some money out at interest1 and ,i shall have no trouble in borrowing4 ,i shall get it from my mother-in-law1 who lets me use her cash as if it were my own4 ,so pray don't let this consideration influence you1 provided the others do not gainsay my project2 ,i beg you to weigh them most carefully4 ,for of experience and foresight you have plenty and to spare as a guide in general business1 particularly in the placing of investments4' ,the glimpses of agricultural conditions that we get from ,pliny's letters do not as a rule give us a cheerful picture4 ,most of his land seems to have been under vines1 and the vintage#abhi was often poor1 sometimes a failure4 ,drought and hailstorms played havoc#abij with the crops4 ,when there was a bountiful vintage1 of course the wine made a poor price4 ,hence the returns from the farms are small1 and unsafe#abia at that4 ,so he replies to similar complaints of friends4 ,when he is at any of his country places he generally has to face a chorus of grumbling#abib tenants4 ,he was sometimes utterly puzzled what to do4 ,if inclined to make abatements#abic of rent1 he is uneasily aware that this remedy may only put off the evil day4 ,if tenants do not recover their solvency 7and he knows that they seldom do71 he will have to change his policy#abid1 for they are ruining the land by bad husbandry4 ,for himself1 he is no farmer4 ,when on a country estate1 watching the progress of the vintage1 he potters about#abie in a rather purposeless manner1 glad to retire to his study where he can listen to his reader or dictate to his secretary3 if he can produce#abif a few lines1 that is his crop4 ,it would seem that not all his farms were let to tenants4 ,in one letter he speaks of his town-slaves#abig being employed as overseers or gangers of the rustic hands1 and remarks that one of his occupations is to pay surprise visits to these fellows4 ,we can guess what a drag upon ,italian agriculture the slavery-system really was3 here is a man full of considerate humanity1 devoted to the wellbeing of his slaves1 who cannot trust one of them to see that others do their work4 ,but that letting to tenants was his usual plan is evident from the number of his references to the trouble they gave him4 ,it was not always clear whether to get rid of them or to keep them 7and if the latter1 on what terms17 offered the less disastrous solution of an awkward problem4 ,in one letter#abih he gives the following excuse for his inability to be present in ,rome on the occasion of a friend's succeeding to the consulship4 #8,you won't take it ill of me1 particularly as ,i am compelled#abii to see to the letting of some farms1 a business that means making an arrangement for several years1 and will drive me to adopt a fresh policy4 ,for in the five years#acjj just past the arrears have grown1 in spite of large abatements granted4 ,hence most 7of the tenants7 take no further trouble to reduce their liabilities1 having lost hope of ever meeting them in full3 they grab and use up everything that grows1 reckoning that henceforth it is not they#acja who would profit by economy4 ,so as the evils increase ,i must find remedies to meet them4 ,and the only possible plan is to let these farms#acjb not at a cash rent but on shares1 and then to employ some of my staff as task-masters to watch the crops4 ,besides1 there is no fairer source of income than the returns rendered by soil climate and season4 ,true1 this plan requires mighty honesty1 keen eyes1 and a host of hands4 ,still ,i must make the trial2 ,i must act as in a chronic malady1 and use every possible treatment to promote a change4' ,no doubt there were many landlords more effectively qualified to wring an income out of rustic estates than this delicate and gentle literary man4 ,indeed he knew this himself and made no secret of it4 ,writing to a friend#acjc he says #8,when others go to visit their estates1 it is to come back the richer2 when ,i do so1 it is to come back the poorer for the trip4' ,he then tells the story of a recent experience4 ,he had disposed of the year's vintage on some estate 7evidently the hanging crop7 by auction to some speculative buyers1 who were tempted by the apparent prospects of a rise in price to follow4 ,things did not turn out as expected1 and ,pliny felt bound to make some abatement in the covenanted price4 ,whether this was simply owing to his own scrupulous love of fair dealing1 or whether some stipulation in the contract of sale had automatically become operative1 does not seem quite clear3 ,i should give him the benefit of the doubt4 ,how to make the abatement equitably1 so as to treat each case with perfect fairness1 was a difficult problem4 ,for1 as he shews at length1 the circumstances of different cases differed widely1 and a mere #8flat rate' remission of so much per cent all round would not have worked out so as to give equal relief to all4 ,after careful calculation he devised a scheme that satisfied his conscientious wish to act fairly by each and all4 ,of course this left him a large sum out of pocket1 but he thought that the general approval of the neighbourhood and the gratitude of the relieved speculators were well worth the money4 ,for to have a good name among the local dealers was good business for the future4 ,many an honest gentleman since ,pliny's time has similarly consoled himself for his losses of honour1 and some of them have not missed their well-earned recompense4 ,among his many country properties1 a certain ,tuscan villa was one of his favourite resorts4 ,in a long description of it and its various attractions he mentions#acjd incidentally that the ,tiber1 which ran right through the estate1 was available for barges in winter and spring1 and thus enabled them to send their farm-produce by water-carriage to ,rome4 ,this confirms the evidence of other writers1 as does also the letter describing the widespread devastation#acje caused by a ,tiber flood4 ,more notable as throwing light on conditions of life in rural ,italy is a letter#acjf in reply to a correspondent who had written to inform him of the disappearance of a ,roman of position and property when on a journey1 apparently in the ,tiber country4 ,the man was known to have reached ,ocriculum1 but after that all trace of him was lost4 ,pliny had small hopes from the inquiry that it was proposed to conduct4 ,he cites a similar case from his own acquaintance years before4 ,a fellow-burgess of ,comum had got military promotion as centurion through the influence of ,pliny1 who made him a present of money when he set out1 apparently for ,rome1 to take up his office4 ,nothing more was ever heard of him4 ,but ,pliny adds that in this case1 as in the one just reported1 the slaves escorting their master also disappeared4 ,therefore he leaves it an open question1 whether#acjg the slaves murdered their master and escaped undetected1 or whether the whole party on either occasion were murdered by a robber band4 ,the lack of a regular constabulary in ,italy had been1 and still was1 a grave defect in ,roman administration4 ,to account for this neglect we must remember that rich men always relied on their slave-escort for protection4 ,if the poor man travelled1 he was not worth#acjh robbing2 his danger was the chance of being kidnapped and sold for a slave1 and we have seen that some of the early emperors tried to put down this abuse4 ,the danger to a traveller from his own slaves was perhaps greater on a journey than at home2 but it was of the same kind1 inseparable from slavery1 and was most cruelly dealt with by the law4 ,meanwhile brigandage seems never to have been thoroughly extinguished in ,italy or the ,provinces#acji4 ,in spite of these drawbacks to life and movement in a great slave-holding community1 there is nothing that strikes a reader more in ,pliny's letters than the easy acceptance of present conditions4 ,under ,trajan the empire seemed so secure and strong1 that unpleasant occurrences could be regarded as only of local importance4 ,that the free population of ,italy could no longer defend in arms what their forefathers had won1 was manifest4 ,but custom was making it seem natural to rely on armies raised in the ,provinces2 all the more so perhaps as emperors were being supplied by ,spain4 ,that slavery itself was one of the cankers that were eating out the vitality of the ,roman empire1 does not seem to have occurred to ,pliny or other writers of the day4 ,philosophers had got so far as to protest against its worst abuses and vindicate the claims of a common humanity4 ,christian apostles1 in the circles reached by them1 preached also obedience#acaj and an honesty above eye-service as the virtues of a slave4 ,but in both of these contrasted doctrines the teachers were mainly if not exclusively thinking of domestics1 not of farm-hands4 ,there was however one imperial department in which the distinction between slave and free still rigidly followed old traditional rules2 and it was one much more likely to have to deal with cases of rustic slaves than of domestics4 ,this was the army4 ,the immemorial rule1 that no slave could be a soldier1 had never been broken save under the pressure of a few great temporary emergencies1 or by the evasions incident to occasions of civil warfare4 ,it still remained in force4 ,when ,pliny was governor of the ,province of ,bithynia and ,pontus he had to deal with a question arising out of this rule4 ,recruiting was in progress1 and two slaves were discovered among the men enlisted4 ,they had already taken the military oath1 but were not yet embodied in any corps4 ,pliny reported the case#acaa to ,trajan1 and asked for instructions4 ,the emperor sent a careful answer4 #8,if they were called up 7lecti71 then the recruiting officer did wrong3 if they were furnished as substitutes#acab 7vicarii dati71 the fault is with those who sent them3 but if they presented themselves as volunteers1 well knowing#acac their disqualification1 they must be punished4 ,that they are not as yet embodied1 matters little4 ,for they were bound to have given a true account of their extraction on the day when they came up for inspection4' ,what came of it we do not know4 ,but it is no rash guess that the prospect of escaping into the ranks of the army would be attractive#acad to a sturdy rustic slave1 and that a recruiting officer might ask few questions when he saw a chance of getting exceptionally fine recruits4 ,probably the two detected suffered the capital penalty4 ,such was still the rigid attitude of the great soldier-emperor1 determined not to confess the overstraining of the empire's man-power4 ,but the time was not far distant when ,marcus1 beset by the great pestilence and at his wits' end for an army of defence1 would enrol slaves#acae and ruffians of any kind to fight for ,rome4 ,it is not necessary to cite the numerous references in the letters to slaves and slavery that are not connected with agriculture4 ,nor need ,i pursue in detail the circumstances of one of his generous public benefactions1 the alimentary endowment#acaf for freeborn children1 probably at ,comum4 ,it has been mentioned in another chapter1 and its chief point of interest is in the elaborate machinery employed to secure the perpetuity of the charity4 ,to leave money to the municipality was to risk its being squandered4 ,to leave them land meant that the estate would not be carefully managed4 ,what he did was to convey#acag the property in some land to a representative of the burgesses1 and to take it back subject to a rent-charge considerably less than the yearly value of the land4 ,thus the endowment was safe1 for the margin allowed would ensure that the land would not be allowed to drop out of cultivation4 ,an interesting glimpse of municipal patriotism1 active and passive4 ,the only other detail ,i have to note is that he regularly uses the term colonus as #8tenant-farmer4' ,i have not found a single instance of the older sense #8tiller of the soil4' ,we cannot argue from ,pliny to his contemporaries without some reserve1 for he was undoubtedly an exceptional man4 ,but1 so far as his evidence goes1 it bears out the view that great landlords were giving up the system of slave stewardships for free tenancies4 ,owners there still were who kept their estates in hand1 farming themselves or by deputy for their own account4 ,but that some of these were men of a humbler class1 freedmen to wit1 we have seen reason to believe from references in the elder ,pliny4 ,perhaps they were many1 and some may even have worked with their own hands4 ,be this as it may1 slave labour#acah was still the staple appliance of agriculture1 and whenever there were slaves for sale there were always buyers4 ,,xliv4 ,,suetonius ,,and ,,others4 ,suetonius1 whose ,lives of the first twelve emperors contain much interesting and important matter1 stands in relation to the present inquiry on the same footing as most of the regular historians4 ,he flourished in the times of ,trajan and ,hadrian1 and therefore what remains of his writings is not contemporary evidence4 ,but he was a student and a careful compiler from numerous works now lost4 ,the number of passages in which he refers to matters directly or indirectly bearing on rustic life and labour is not large1 and most of them have been cited in other chapters1 where they find a place in connexion with the context4 ,he can be dealt with very briefly here4 ,the close connexion between wars and the supply of slaves is marked in the doings of ,julius#acai ,caesar4 ,gaulish and ,british captives were 7as ,caesar himself records7 no small part of the booty won in his northern campaigns4 ,he rewarded his men after a victory with a prisoner apiece3 these would soon be sold to the dealers who followed the army1 and most of them would find their way to the ,roman slave-market4 ,to gratify friendly princes or provincial communities1 he sent them large bodies of slaves as presents4 ,so his victims served instead of cash to win adherents for their new master4 ,and these natives of the ,north would certainly be used for heavy rough work1 mostly as farm-hands4 ,when ,augustus1 loth to enlarge the empire1 felt constrained to teach restless tribes a lesson1 he imposed a reserve-condition#acbj on the sale of prisoners taken3 they were not to be employed in districts near their old homes1 and not to be manumitted before thirty years4 ,most of these would probably also be brought to ,italy for the same kind of service4 ,yet1 as we have seen1 there was kidnapping#acba of freemen in ,italy2 probably a sign that slaves were already become dear4 ,that their numbers had been reduced in the civil wars1 not only by death but by manumission1 is fairly certain4 ,in the war with ,sextus ,pompeius it was found necessary#acbb to manumit #bj1jjj slaves to serve as oarsmen in the fleet4 ,suetonius also records that ,augustus when emperor had trouble with the unwillingness of ,romans to be called up for military duty4 ,he had to deal sharply#acbc with an eques who cut off the thumbs of his two sons to incapacitate them4 ,the abuse of the public corn-doles was a grave evil4 ,men got rid of the burden of maintaining old slaves by manumitting them and so making them1 as freedmen-citizens1 entitled to a share of the doles4 ,this was shifting the burden of feeding useless mouths on to the state4 ,augustus saw that the vast importation of corn for this bounty tended to discourage#acbd ,italian agriculture1 and thought of abolishing the whole system of frumentationes4 ,but he had to give up the project1 being convinced that the system would be restored4 ,he really desired to revive agriculture1 and it was surely with this aim that he advanced capital sums#acbe to landlords free of interest on good security for the principal4 ,the growth of humane sentiment toward slaves is marked by the ordinance of ,claudius#acbf against some very cruel practices of slaveowners4 ,and we are reminded that penal servitude was now a regular institution in the ,roman empire by ,nero's order#acbg for bringing prisoners from all parts to carry out some colossal works in ,italy1 and for fixing condemnation to hard labour as the normal penalty of crime4 ,in the ,lives of the three ,flavian emperors there are one or two passages of interest4 ,at this distance of time it is not easy to appreciate the effect on the sentiments of ,roman society of the extinction of the ,julio-,claudian house1 and the accession of a thoroughly plebeian one1 resting on the support of the army and readily accepted by the ,provinces4 ,suetonius1 like ,tacitus1 was near enough to the revolutionary year #fi ,,ad to understand the momentous nature of the crises that brought ,vespasian to the head of affairs4 ,he takes pains to describe#acbh the descent of the new emperor from a ,sabine family of no remarkable distinction4 ,for two generations they had combined with fair success the common ,roman professions of military service and finance4 ,they were respectable people of good local standing4 ,but there was another story relative to a generation further back4 ,it was said that ,vespasian's greatgrandfather 7this takes us back to ,republican days7 had been a contractor#acbi for rustic labour4 ,he was a headman or #8boss' of working-parties such as are wont to pass year after year from ,umbria into the ,sabine country to serve as farm-labourers4 ,of this story ,suetonius could not discover any confirmation4 ,but that there had been1 and perhaps still was1 some such supply of migratory labour available1 is a piece of evidence not to be ignored4 ,vespasian himself was a soldier who steadily rose in the usual official career till he reached the coveted post of governor of ,africa4 ,after a term of honest but undistinguished rule1 he came back no richer than he went1 indeed he was very nearly bankrupt4 ,he was driven to mortgage all his landed estate1 and to become for a time a slave-dealer#accj1 in order to live in the style that his official rank required4 ,the implied disgrace of resorting to a gainful but socially despised trade is at least evidence of the continual demand for human chattels4 ,of two acts of ,domitian#acca1 his futile ordinance to check vine-growing1 and his grant of the remaining odd remnants of ,italian land to present occupants1 enough has been said above4 ,it is not necessary to collect the numerous passages in writers of this period that illustrate the growing change of view as to slavery in general4 ,the point made by moralists1 that moral bondage is more degrading than physical 7for the latter need not be really degrading71 came with not less force from ,epictetus the slave than from ,seneca the noble ,roman4 ,it is however worth while just to note the frequent references to cases of philosophers and other distinguished literary men who had either actually been slaves or had at some time in their lives been forced to earn their daily bread by bodily labour4 ,such cases are1 ,cleanthes#accb drawing water for wages1 ,plautus#accc hired by the baker to grind at his mill1 and ,protagoras#accd earning his living as a common porter4 ,in one passage several slaves#acce are enumerated who became philosophers4 ,now1 what is the significance of these and other references of the same import8 ,i suggest that they have just the same bearing as the general principles of common humanity argumentatively pressed by the ,stoic and other schools of thought4 ,the sermonizing of ,seneca is a good specimen4 ,but discussion of principles in the abstract was never the strong point of ,roman society1 and citation of concrete instances would serve to give reality to views that were only too often regarded as the visionary speculations of chattering ,greeks4 ,that ,roman authors1 down to the last age of ,roman literature1 expressed the longing for a more wholesome state of agriculture by everlasting references to ,cincinnatus and the rest of the traditional rustic heroes1 is another recognition of this method4 ,the notion that courage and contempt of death could be fostered by the spectacle of gladiators rested on much the same basis4 ,true1 there is nothing in the above considerations that directly bears upon rustic labour as such3 but hints that #8a man's a man for a' that' are not to be ignored when they make their appearance in the midst of a slave-holding society4 ,,xlv4 ,,apuleius4 ,the ,province of ,africa was in this period a flourishing part of the empire1 giving signs of its coming importance in the next generation1 when it produced several emperors4 ,it was in fact a sort of successor of ,spain1 and like ,spain it enjoyed the advantage of not fronting on the usual seats of war to the ,north and ,east4 ,one of the most remarkable literary figures of the age was the ,african#accf ,l ,apuleius of ,madaura1 who travelled widely as student and lecturer1 and was well acquainted with ,greece and ,italy4 ,a philosopher of the mystical-,platonist type1 he was in touch with practical life through his study of the ,law1 and was for some time a pleader in ,rome4 ,his native ,province#accg was notoriously addicted to litigation1 and a modern scholar#acch has shewn that the works of ,apuleius abound in legal phraseology and are coloured with juristic notions4 ,now1 it was not possible to go far in considering property and rights without coming upon questions relative to land3 moreover1 he himself owned land in ,africa4 ,accordingly we find in him some references to land1 and even to rustic labour and conditions of rural life4 ,and1 though his ,metamorphoses is a fantastic romance1 there is no reason to doubt that incidents and scenes 7other than supernatural7 are true to facts observed by the writer1 and therefore admissible as evidence of a general kind4 ,an instance may be found in the case of the ass1 that is the hero of the story transformed into that shape by magic4 ,he is to be sold1 and the waggish auctioneer#acci says to a possible bidder #8,i am well aware that it is a criminal offence to sell you a ,roman citizen for a slave3 but why not buy a good and trusty slave that will serve you as a helper both at home and abroad8' ,here we have a recognition of the fact of kidnapping1 which is referred to elsewhere in the book2 that in cases of ,roman victims the law took a very serious view of the offence2 while the point of the pleasantry lies in the circumstance that neither auctioneer nor company present are aware that the ass is a transformed man1 liable to regain his human shape by magical disenchantment4 ,the scene of the ,metamorphoses is laid in ,greece1 and the anecdotes included in it do not give us a favourable picture of that part of the ,roman empire4 ,there was surely nothing to tempt the writer to misrepresent the condition of the country by packing his descriptions with unreal details3 he would thus have weakened the effect of his romance4 ,wealth in the hands of a few1 surrounded by a pauper majority2 shrunken towns1 each with its more or less degraded rabble2 general insecurity for life liberty and property2 a cruel and arbitrary use of power2 a spiritless acquiescence in this pitiful state of things1 relieved by the excitements of superstition and obscenity3 such was ,roman ,greece as ,apuleius saw it4 ,no doubt there was ,roman ,law to enforce honesty and order4 ,but the administration of justice seldom1 if ever1 reaches the standard of legislation2 and as yet the tendency of the ,roman government was to interfere as little as possible with local authorities4 ,greece in particular had always been treated with special indulgence1 in recognition of her glorious past4 ,whether the effects of this favour were conducive to the wellbeing of the country1 may fairly be doubted4 ,the insane vanity of ,nero1 masquerading as ,liberator of ,greece1 had surely done more harm than good4 ,hadrian's benefactions to ,athens1 dictated by sentimental antiquarianism1 could not improve the general condition of the country1 however satisfactory they might be to what was now an ,university town living on students and tourists4 ,one of the first things that strikes a reader of this book is the matter-of-fact way in which brigandage#acdj is taken for granted4 ,these robbers work in organized bands under chosen captains1 have regular strongholds as bases of operations1 draw recruits from the poverty-stricken peasantry or slaves1 and do not hesitate to attack and plunder great mansions1 relying on the cowardice or indifference 7or perhaps treachery7 of the rich owner's slaves4 ,murder is to them a mere trifle1 and their ingenuity in torturing is fiendish4 ,no doubt their activities are somewhat exaggerated as a convenient part of the machinery of the story1 but the lament of ,plutarch and the ,euboic idyll of ,dion forbid us to regard these brigand-scenes as pure fiction4 ,they are another side of the same picture of distressful ,greece4 ,nor is the impression produced thereby at all weakened by a specimen of military#acda insolence4 ,greece was not a ,province in which a large army was kept1 but all ,governors had some armed force to support their authority4 ,the story introduces the ass with his present owner1 a gardener1 on his back4 ,they are met by a swaggering bully of a soldier1 who inquires where they are going4 ,he asks this in ,latin4 ,the gardener makes no reply1 not knowing ,latin4 ,the angry soldier knocks him off the ass1 and repeats his question in ,greek4 ,on being told that they are on their way to the nearest town1 he seizes the ass on the pretext of being wanted for fatigue duty in the service of the ,governor1 and will listen to no entreaties4 ,just as he is preparing to break the gardener's skull1 the gardener trips him up and pounds him to some purpose4 ,he shams dead1 while the gardener hurries off and takes refuge with a friend in the town4 ,the soldier follows1 and stirs up his mates1 who induce the local magistrates to take up the matter and give them satisfaction4 ,the gardener's retreat is betrayed by a neighbour1 and clever concealment nullified by an indiscretion of the ass4 ,the wretched gardener is found and haled off to prison awaiting execution1 while the soldier takes possession of the ass4 ,this story again is surely not grotesque and incredible fiction4 ,more likely it is made up from details heard by the ,african during his sojourn in ,greece4 ,if scenes of this kind were possible1 the outlook of humble rustics#acdb can hardly have been a cheerful one4 ,that perils of robbers and military insolence were not the only troubles of the countryside1 is shewn by the following anecdote#acdc describing the brutal encroachments of a big landlord on poorer neighbours4 ,a landowner1 apparently a man of moderate means1 had three sons1 well-educated and well-behaved youths1 who were close friends of a poor man with a little cottage of his own4 ,bordering on this man's little holding was the large and fertile landed estate belonging to a rich and powerful neighbour in the prime of life4 ,this rich man1 turning the fame of his ancestors to bad account1 strong in the support of party cliques1 in fact an autocrat#acdd within the jurisdiction of the town1 was given to making raids on the poverty of his humble neighbour4 ,he slaughtered his flocks1 drove off his oxen1 and trampled down his crops before they were ripe1 till he had robbed him of all the fruit of his thrift4 ,his next desire was to expel him altogether from his patch of soil3 so he got up a baseless dispute over boundaries1 and claimed the whole of the land as his own4 ,the poor man1 though diffident by nature1 was bent upon keeping his hereditary ground if only for his own burial4 ,the claim upset him greatly1 and he entreated a number of his friends to attend at the settlement#acde of boundaries4 ,among those present were the three brothers mentioned above1 who came to do their little best in the cause of their injured friend4 ,but the rich man1 unabashed by the presence of a number of citizens1 treated all efforts at conciliation with open contempt1 and swore that he would order his slaves to pick the poor man up by the ears and chuck him ever so far from his cottage in less than no time4 ,the bystanders were greatly incensed at this brutal utterance4 ,one of the three brothers dared to say #8,it's no good your bullying and threatening like this just because you are a man of influence2 don't forget that even poor#acdf men have found in the laws guarding freemen's rights a protector against the outrages of the rich4' ,upon this the enraged tyrant let loose his ferocious dogs#acdg and set them on the company4 ,a horrible scene followed4 ,one of the three youths was torn to pieces1 and the others also perished2 one of them slain by the rich man himself1 the other1 after avenging his brother1 by his own hand4 ,the mere aggression of the rich landlord on the poor is interesting as adding another instance of the encroachments to the occurrence of which many other writers testify4 ,the most remarkable feature of the story is the insolent disregard of the ,law shewn by the rich man from first to last4 ,that the governor of the ,province could prevent or punish such outrages1 if his attention were called to them1 is not to be doubted4 ,but he could not be everywhere at once1 and it is not likely that many of the poorer class would be forward to report such doings and appear as accusers of influential persons4 ,the rich probably sympathized with their own class1 and a poor man shrank from a criminal prosecution that would in any event expose him to their vengeance afterwards4 ,true1 the poor were the majority4 ,but it was a very old principle of ,roman policy to entrust the effective control of municipalities to the burgesses of property1 men who had something to lose and who1 being a minority1 would earn their local supremacy by a self-interested obedience to the central government4 ,thus local magnates 7their evil day was not yet come7 were left very much to their own devices1 and most provincial governors cared too much for their own ease and comfort to display an inquisitive zeal4 ,moreover1 so far as the rich thought it judicious to keep the poorer contented1 it would be the town rabble that profited chiefly if not exclusively by their liberalities3 the more isolated rustic was more liable to suffer from their land-proud greediness4 ,we must picture them as overbearing and arbitrary slaveholders1 practically uncontrolled2 and the worst specimens among them as an ever-present terror to a cowed and indigent peasantry4 ,we are not to suppose that things were as bad as this in all parts of ,greece1 but that there was little or nothing to prevent their becoming so1 even in happier districts4 ,from time immemorial the ,greek tendency had been to congregate in towns1 and after the early fall of the landowning aristocracies this tendency was strengthened by democratic movements4 ,the country as a whole was never able to feed its population4 ,but the population was now greatly reduced4 ,given due security1 perhaps the rustics might now have been able to feed the towns4 ,and that they were to some extent doing so may be inferred from the fact that the chief peasant figure in the rural life of the ,metamorphoses is the market-gardener#acdh4 ,if he is but left in peace1 he seems to be doing fairly well4 ,it is natural at this point to inquire whether a hortulanus might not also be a colonus1 the former name connoting his occupation and the latter his legal position in relation to the land4 ,both terms often occur1 but they seem to be quite distinct3 ,i can find nothing to justify the application of both to the same person4 ,and yet ,i cannot feel certain that ,apuleius always means a tenant-farmer#acdi under a landlord whenever he uses the word colonus4 ,probably he does1 as ,norden seems to think4 ,in any case the gardener is evidently in a smaller way of business than the average colonus1 and it may be that his little scrap of land is his own4 ,he certainly works#acej with his own hands1 and ,i find nothing to suggest that he is an employer of slaves1 or that he himself is not free4 ,that the tenant-farmers were often coloni partiarii1 bound to deliver to their landlord a fixed share of their produce in kind1 is highly probable4 ,but this does not exclude the payment of money rents as well4 ,local usage probably varied in different districts4 ,it is true that ,apuleius several times#acea uses partiarius metaphorically1 but this only shews his addiction to legal language1 and is no proof of the prevalence of the share-system in ,greece4 ,the coloni1 nominally free1 were as yet only bound to the soil by the practical difficulty of clearing themselves from the obligations that encumbered them and checked freedom of movement4 ,but they were now near to the time when they were made fixtures by law4 ,another work of ,apuleius furnishes matter of interest1 the so-called ,apologia1 a speech in his own defence when tried on a charge of magical arts about the year #aeh ,,ad4 ,that the accused was in no little danger from this criminal prosecution has been shewn#aceb by ,norden4 ,what concerns us is the reference to rustic affairs that the speaker is led to make in the course of his argument1 when demolishing some of the allegations of his enemies4 ,the trial was in ,africa at the regular provincial assize1 and the conditions referred to are ,african4 ,apuleius1 as a man of note in his native ,province1 takes high ground to manifest his confidence in the strength of his case4 ,the prosecution want to draw him into an unseemly squabble over side-issues4 ,as the chief alleged instance of his magic was connected with his marriage to a rich lady1 a widow of mature age1 whom he was said to have bewitched1 being at the time a young man in need1 it had evidently been thought necessary to discuss his financial position as throwing light upon his motives4 ,if at the same time he could be represented as having acted in defiance of well-known laws1 so much the better4 ,if we may trust the bold refutation of ,apuleius1 they entangled themselves in a contradiction and betrayed their own blind malice4 ,his reply#acec is as follows4 #8,whether you keep slaves to cultivate your farm1 or whether you have an arrangement with your neighbours for exchange#aced of labour1 ,i do not know and do not want to know4 ,but you 7profess to7 know that at ,oea1 on the same day1 ,i manumitted three slaves3 this was one of the things you laid to my charge1 and your counsel brought it up against me1 though a moment before he had said that when ,i came to ,oea ,i had with me but a single slave4 ,now1 will you have the goodness to explain how1 having but one1 ,i could manumit three1--unless this too is an effect of magic4 ,was there ever such monstrous lying1 whether from blindness or force of habit8 ,he says1 ,apuleius brought one slave with him to ,oea4 ,then1 after babbling a few words1 he adds that ,apuleius manumitted three in one day at ,oea4 ,if he had said that ,i brought with me three1 and granted freedom to them all1 even that would not have deserved#acee belief4 ,but1 suppose ,i had done so1 what then8 would not three freedmen be as sure a mark of wealth as three slaves of indigence8' ,after this outburst the speaker is at pains to point out that to do with few slaves is a philosopher's part1 commended by examples not of philosophers only but of men famed in ,roman history4 ,the well-worn topic of the schools1 that to need little is true riches1 is set forth at large1 with instances in illustration4 ,he then asserts#acef that he inherited a considerable property from his father1 which has been much reduced by the cost of his journeys and expenses as a student and gifts to deserving friends4 ,after this he turns upon his adversary4 #8,but you and the men of your uneducated rustic class are worth just what your property is worth and no more1 like trees that bear no fruit and are worth only the value of the timber in their stems4 ,henceforth you had better not taunt any man with his poverty4 ,your father left you nothing but a tiny farm at ,zarat1 and it is but the other day that you were taking the opportunity of a shower of rain to give it a good ploughing with the help of a single ass1 and made it a three-days#aceg job4 ,what has kept you on your legs is the quite recent windfalls of inheritances from kinsmen who died one after another4' ,these personalities1 in the true vein of ancient advocacy1 do not tell us much1 but it is interesting to note that the skilled pleader1 a distinguished man of the world1 quite naturally sneers at his opponent for having been a poor working farmer4 ,whether this was an especially effective taunt in the ,province ,africa1 the home of great estates1 it is hardly possible to guess4 ,of small farmers in ,africa1 working their own land1 we have1 probably by accident1 hardly any other record4 ,but the reference above1 to neighbours taking turns to help one another on their farms1 comes in so much as a matter of course that we may perhaps conclude that there were such small free farmers1 at least in some parts of the ,province4 ,for slaves we need no special evidence4 ,but the lady whom ,apuleius had married seems to have been a large slaveowner as well as a large landowner4 ,he declares that he with difficulty persuaded her to quiet the claims of her sons by making over to them a great part of her estate in land and other goods2 and one item consists#aceh of #djj slaves4 ,we have also a reference to ergastula in a passage where he is protesting that to charge him with practising magic arts with the privity of fifteen slaves is on the face of it ridiculous#acei4 #8,why1 #ae free men make a community1 #ae slaves make a household1 and #ae chained ones a lock-up4' ,i take these vincti to be troublesome slaves1 not debtors4 ,again1 in refuting the suggestion that he had bewitched the lady1 he states as proof of her sanity that at the very time when she is said to have been out of her mind she most intelligently audited and passed the accounts of her stewards#acfj and other head-servants on her estates4 ,and in general it has been well said#acfa that ,apuleius1 with all his wide interest in all manner of things1 did not feel driven to inquire into the right or wrong of slavery in itself4 ,he took it as he found it in the ,roman world of his day4 ,that he had eyes to see some of its most obvious horrors1 may be inferred from the description#acfb of the condition of slaves in a flour-mill1 put into the mouth of the man-ass4 ,but with the humanitarian movements of these times he shews no sympathy2 and he can depict abominable scenes of cruelty and bestiality without any warmth of serious indignation4 ,,commodus ,,to ,,diocletian ,,xlvi4 ,,general ,,introduction4 ,the death of ,marcus ,aurelius in #ahj ,,ad brings us to the beginning of a long period of troubles1 in which the growing weakness of the empire was exposed1 the principate-system of ,augustus finally failed under the predominance of military power1 and the imperial government was left to be reorganized by ,diocletian on a more ,oriental model4 ,there is no doubt that during some hundred years the internal wellbeing of the ,roman empire was being lowered1 and that the parts most open to barbarian invasion suffered terribly4 ,but the pressure of taxation to supply military needs bore heavily on all parts and impaired the vitality of the whole4 ,reactions there were now and then1 when a strong man1 or even a well-meaning one1 became emperor and had a few years in which to combat present evils and for the moment check them4 ,but the average duration of reigns was very brief2 emperors were generally murdered or slain in battle2 from #bdi to #bhc the chief function of an emperor was to lead his army against barbarian invaders4 ,it is a remarkable fact that the first half of this unhappy century was the classical period of ,roman jurisprudence4 ,the important post of ,praetorian ,prefect1 which began with a dignified military command and was more and more becoming the chief ministry of the ,empire1 was again and again held by eminent jurists4 ,but in the long run the civil power could not stand against the jealousy of the military1 and the murder of ,ulpian in #bbh practically ends the series of great lawyer-ministers1 leaving the sword in undisputed control4 ,the authorities for this century of troubles are meagre and unsatisfactory4 ,with the help of contemporary inscriptions1 modern writers are able to compose some sort of a history of the times1 so far as public events and governmental activities are concerned4 ,but the literature of private life1 the source of our best evidence on agricultural labour1 is for the time at an end1 and the facts of farm life were not of the kind thought worthy of record in inscriptions4 ,there is therefore nothing to be done but to glean the few scraps of information that in any way bear upon the condition of tillers of the soil in this period4 ,they are as a rule of little value1 and they come from writers of little authority4 ,but it is something if they are of a piece with the general record of these unhappy times4 ,even the imperial biographies of ,marius ,maximus survive only in the meagre abstracts of later writers1 and modern historians are quite unable to reconstruct any clear picture of the inner life of the period #ahj-bhd ,,ad owing to the lack of materials4 ,the most significant piece of information relates to ,pertinax4 ,we are told#acfc that one of the useful reforms contemplated by him was the reclamation of waste lands throughout the empire4 ,he ordained that any one might occupy derelict lands1 even on the imperial estates3 on careful cultivation thereof1 the farmer was to become owner#acfd4 ,for a space of ten years he was to be exempt from all taxation1 and his ownership was to be guaranteed against future disturbance4 ,this passage is good evidence of the decay of agriculture1 agreeing with what we have learnt from other sources4 ,but we cannot gather from it that the well-meant design had any practical effect4 ,pertinax was only emperor for the inside of three months1 and could not realize his virtuous aspirations4 ,about #hj years later we find ,aurelian#acfe planning the development of waste lands in ,etruria1 and ,probus#acff giving allotments in the wilds of ,isauria to his veterans as settlers with obligation of military service4 ,there can be little doubt that the depopulation and decline of cultivation1 made sadly manifest in the calamitous times of ,marcus ,aurelius1 had never ceased to undermine the vital forces of the empire4 ,how to fill up deserted lands1 and make them productive of food and revenue1 was the problem that every serious ruler had to face4 ,and there was in fact only one resource available to meet the need4 ,the native population of the empire1 stationary at best1 had been further reduced by pestilence and famine1 and was not able to fill up the spaces laid waste by frontier wars4 ,hence the policy of bringing in masses of barbarians1 adopted by ,marcus1 had to be repeated again and again4 ,we must not confuse these settlements with the immigrations of conquering tribes that occurred later4 ,rome was still superior to her adversaries in military organization and skill1 and under fairly equal conditions able to defeat them in pitched battles4 ,thus ,claudius ,,ii gained great victories over the ,goths1 and the biographer#acfg tells us of the sequel4 #8,the ,roman provinces were filled with barbarian slaves and ,scythian tillers of the soil4 ,the ,goth was turned into a settler on the barbarian frontier4 ,there was not a single district but had some ,gothic slave whose bondage attested the triumph4' ,here we seem to have the echo of a somewhat boastful contemporary version4 ,the mention of both slaves and frontier colonists is to be noted4 ,we have no statistics to guide us in an attempt to estimate the relative numbers of the two classes4 ,but the settlement of defeated barbarians on the frontier as ,roman subjects is clearly regarded as a worthy achievement4 ,so indeed it might have been1 had it been possible to civilize them as ,romans1 only profiting by the introduction of new blood4 ,but this process was no longer possible3 its opposite1 the barbarizing of ,roman lands1 steadily went on4 ,claudius only reigned about two years4 ,the great soldier who followed him in #bgj-e1 ,aurelian1 had a plan for employing prisoners of war#acfh on the cultivation of waste lands in ,italy itself1 but we have no reason to think that much came of it4 ,and the true state of things was confessed in his abandonment of ,trajan's great ,province of ,dacia4 ,aurelian withdrew#acfi the army and the provincials1 whom he settled south of the ,danube in ,moesia2 putting the best face he could on this retirement by giving ,moesia the name of ,dacia4 ,these phenomena attest an obvious truth1 sometimes ignored1 that territorial expansion needs something more than military conquest to give it lasting effect4 ,in order to hold conquered lands the conquerors must either occupy them or thoroughly assimilate the native population4 ,emperors in this period became aware that they could do neither4 ,alexander ,severus 7#bbb-ce7 gained a great victory#acgj over the ,persians and took a number of prisoners4 ,it was a tradition of ,persian kings not to let their subjects pass into foreign slavery1 and ,alexander allowed them to redeem these captives by a money payment4 ,this he used partly in compensating the masters of those who had already passed into private ownership1 and the rest he paid into the treasury4 ,this conciliatory policy may have been wise4 ,in any case the treasury was in this age chronically in need of ready money4 ,but dealing with the great oriental monarchy was a simpler undertaking than that of dealing with the rude peoples of the ,north1 who pressed on in tribal units1 offering no central power with which to negotiate4 ,probus 7#bgf-hb7 seems to have been sorely troubled by their variety and independence of action4 ,we hear that when operating in ,thrace he settled #ajj1jjj ,bastarnae#acga on ,roman soil1 and that all these kept faith with him4 ,but he went on to transplant large bodies of ,gepidae ,gruthungi and ,vandals4 ,these all broke their faith4 ,while ,probus was busy putting down pretenders in other parts of the empire1 they went on raiding expeditions at large by land and sea1 defying and damaging the power of ,rome4 ,true1 the emperor broke them by force of arms1 and drove the remnant back to their wilds3 but we can see what the biographer ignores1 that such raids did mischief which the empire was in no condition to repair4 ,what were the terms made with these barbarians1 to which the ,bastarnae faithfully adhered1 we are not told4 ,probably the grant of lands carried with it the duty of furnishing recruits to ,roman armies and accepting the command of ,roman officers4 ,in connexion with agricultural conditions we must not omit to notice the change that was passing over ,roman armies4 ,the straits to which ,marcus had been reduced by the years of plague and losses in the field had compelled him to raise fresh troops by any means1 enrolling slaves1 hiring barbarian mercenaries1 and so forth4 ,with this miscellaneous force he just managed to hold his ground in the ,north4 ,but the army never recovered its old tone4 ,the period #ahj-bhd shews it going from bad to worse4 ,it is full of sectional jealousy and losing all sense of common imperial duty2 only effective when some one strong man destroys his rivals and is for the moment supreme4 ,the rise and fall of pretenders#acgb is a main topic of the imperial history4 ,as from the foundation of the ,empire1 the numbers of the army were inadequate for defence against simultaneous attacks on several frontiers4 ,the lack of cooperation among their enemies1 and the mobility of ,roman frontier armies1 had sufficed to keep invaders at bay4 ,but as pressure became more continuous it was more difficult to meet the needs of the moment by moving armies to and fro4 ,more and more they took on the character of garrisons1 their chief camps grew into towns1 local recruits filled up their ranks1 and they were less and less available for service as field-armies4 ,but it was obviously necessary that the country round about their quarters should be under cultivation1 in order to supply them with at least part of their food4 ,it may safely be assumed that this department was carefully attended to in the formation of all these military stations4 ,and it seems that under the new conditions one of the evils that had hitherto embarrassed the empire was gradually brought to an end4 ,for the fact remains that1 after all the wholesale waste of lives in the bloody wars of the third century1 it was still possible to raise great and efficient armies4 ,reorganized by ,diocletian and ,constantine1 the empire proved able to defend itself for many years yet1 even in the ,west4 ,the new system may have been oppressive to the civil population1 but it certainly revived military strength4 ,this could not have been achieved without an improvement in the supply of man-power4 ,it has been maintained#acgc that this improvement was due to the permanent settlements of barbarians1 mostly of ,german race1 within the territories of the empire during the third century4 ,whether planted on the vacant lands as alien settlers 7inquilini7#acgd on easy terms1 but bound to provide recruits for the army1 or enlisted from the first and settled in permanent stations1 they were year by year raising large families and turning deserted border-lands into nurseries of imperial soldiers4 ,this picture may be somewhat overdrawn1 but it has the merit of accounting for the phenomena4 ,without some explanation of the kind it is very hard to understand how the empire came to survive at all4 ,with it1 the sequel appears natural and intelligible4 ,these barbarians were so far ,romanized as to be proud of becoming ,romans3 the empire was barbarized so far as to lend itself to institutions of a more and more un-,roman character1 and to lose the remaining traditions of literature and art3 and when ruder barbarians in the fifth century assailed the empire in the ,west they found the control of government already in the hands of kinsmen of their own4 ,if we are to take the very meagre gleanings from the general records of this period and combine them with the information gathered from the ,african inscriptions referred to below1 we can provisionally form some sort of notion of the various classes of labour employed on the land4 ,first1 there were coloni1 freemen#acge in the eye of the law1 however much local conditions1 or the terms of their tenancies and the tendency for tenancies to become hereditary1 may have limited the practical use of their legal freedom4 ,secondly1 there were1 at least in some parts1 protected occupants encouraged to turn to account parcels of land that had for some reason or other lain idle4 ,thirdly1 there were also rustic slaves who did most of the work on large farms4 ,the stipulated services of tenants#acgf at certain seasons to some extent supplemented their labour1 at least in some parts3 and the falling supply of slaves tended to make such auxiliary services more important4 ,for the value of agricultural land depends mainly on the available supply of labour4 ,fourthly1 chiefly if not entirely in the northern ,provinces1 a number of barbarians had been planted upon ,roman soil4 ,some entered peacefully and settled down as willing subjects of the empire on vacant lands assigned to them4 ,some had surrendered after defeat in battle1 and came in as prisoners4 ,but1 instead of making them rustic slaves on the old model1 ,marcus had found a new and better use for them4 ,a new status1 that of inquilini#acgg or #8alien denizens' was created1 inferior to that of free coloni but above that of slaves4 ,they seem to have been generally left to cultivate plots of land1 paying a share of the produce1 and to have been attached to the soil1 grouped under ,roman landlords or chief-tenants4 ,they had their wives and families1 and their sons recruited ,roman armies4 ,lastly1 we have no right to assume that small cultivating owners#acgh were wholly extinct1 though there can hardly have been many of them4 ,we have an account#acgi of the rising in ,africa 7#bch ,,ad7 which1 so far as it goes1 gives us a little light on the agricultural situation there in the middle of this period4 ,the barbarian emperor ,maximin was represented in the ,province by a procurator fisci whose oppressions provoked a conspiracy against him4 ,some young men of good and wealthy families drew together a number of persons who had suffered wrong4 ,they ordered their slaves#achj from the farms to assemble with clubs and axes4 ,in obedience#acha to their masters' orders they gathered in the town before daybreak1 and formed a great mob4 ,for ,africa is naturally a populous#achb country2 so the tillers of the soil were numerous4 ,after dawn the young leaders told the mass of the slaves to follow them as being a section of the general throng3 they were to conceal their weapons for the present1 but valiantly to resist any attack on their masters4 ,the latter then met the procurator and assassinated him4 ,hereupon his guards drew their swords meaning to avenge the murder1 but the countrymen in support of their masters#achc fell upon them with their rustic weapons and easily routed them4 ,after this the young leaders1 having gone too far to draw back1 openly rebelled against ,maximin and proclaimed the proconsul ,gordian ,roman emperor4 ,in this passage we have before us young men of landlord families1 apparently holding large estates and working them with slave labour4 ,they are evidently on good terms with their slaves4 ,of tenant farmers there is no mention3 but there is a general reference to support given by other persons1 already wronged or afraid of suffering wrong4 ,the ,latin biographer#achd1 who drew from ,herodian1 speaks of the murder as the work of #8the rustic common folk#ache and certain soldiers4' ,now ,frontinus#achf1 writing in the latter part of the first century ,,ad1 tells us that in ,africa on their great estates individuals had #8a considerable population#achg of common folk4' ,the language can hardly refer to slaves3 and a reference to levying recruits#achh for the army plainly forbids such an interpretation4 ,but it does not imply that there were no slaves employed on those great estates2 the writer is not thinking of the free-or-slave labour question4 ,in regard to the writers who record this particular episode1 are we to suppose that by #8slaves' ,herodian loosely means coloni8 ,surely not4 ,then does ,capitolinus by #8rustic common folk' mean slaves8 ,i cannot believe it4 ,more probably the writer1 contemporary with ,diocletian and ,constantine1 uses a loose expression without any precise meaning4 ,if we are to attempt any inference from the language of ,herodian1 we must accept him as a witness that in ,africa1 or at least in parts of ,africa1 agriculture was still being carried on by slave labour4 ,this does not exclude the existence of a small-tenancy system side by side with it4 ,and the state of things disclosed#achi in the ,african inscriptions referred to above is consistent with both systems3 for that the manor-farm on a great estate employed a slave staff for its regular operations1 and drew from tenants' services only the help needed at certain seasons1 seems the only possible conclusion from the evidence4 ,therefore1 while agreeing with ,heisterbergk#acij that the narrative of ,herodian shews the populousness of ,africa1 we need not go so far as to ignore the fact of a considerable farm-slave element in the ,province4 ,meanwhile there are signs that rural ,italy was suffering from the disorders and insecurity that had so often hindered the prosperity of agriculture4 ,even under the strong reign of ,severus1 with a larger standing army in ,italy than ever before1 a daring brigand#acia remained at large for two years and was only captured by treachery4 ,though we do not hear of his attacking farmers directly1 such a disturbance must have been bad for all country folk4 ,that he black-mailed them is probable3 that they were plundered and maltreated by the licentious soldiery employed against him1 is as nearly certain as can be from what we know of the soldiery of this time4 ,,xlvii4 ,,the ,,african ,,inscriptions4 ,certain inscriptions#acib from the ,roman ,province of ,africa1 dating from the second and third centuries ,,ad or at least referring to matters of that period1 throw some light upon the management of great imperial domains in that part of the world4 ,to discuss these in full one by one would be beyond the scope of this work1 and would require several chapters of intolerable length4 ,i shall content myself with giving a short account of each case1 confined to those details which have direct bearing on my subject and which can be gathered with reasonable certainty from the often mutilated texts4 ,french and ,german savants have contributed freely to the deciphering and interpretation1 with happy results3 but some of the proposed #8restorations' are much too bold to serve as a basis for further argument4 ,after the details1 ,i purpose to consider the points common to these interesting cases1 and their place in the history of agriculture and agricultural labour under the earlier ,roman ,empire1 say from ,trajan to ,severus4 7#a7 ,the inscription of ,henschir ,mettich#acic belongs to the year #aaf-g ,,ad1 at the end of ,trajan's reign4 ,it deals with a domain called fundus villae magnae ,variani1 and does not refer to it by the term saltus at all4 ,there is no reference to arrears of rent1 the reliqua colonorum of which we often hear in the jurists and other writers4 ,indeed there is no mention of money-rents1 unless we reckon as such the little dues 7#d as per head7 payable for grazing stock on the common pasture4 ,the coloni are partiarii1 paying certain shares 7generally 7 of their yearly produce as rent4 ,these are paid1 not to an imperial official but to the lords or head-tenants of the estate 7dominis aut conductoribus eius fundi7 or to their stewards 7vilicis74 ,it seems certain therefore that it was the chief tenants who were responsible to the imperial treasury for the amounts annually due1 and that upon them rested the troublesome duty of collection4 ,that this charge was a new one1 laid upon them by ,trajan1 is perhaps possible1 but hardly probable4 ,for this statute regulating the domain 7a lex data7 is expressly declared to be modelled on a lex ,manciana#acid1 which can hardly be other than a set of regulations issued by a former owner of the estate1 and adopted with modifications by the imperial agents 7procuratores7 specially appointed to organize it as an imperial domain4 ,in ,roman practice it was usual to follow convenient precedents4 ,how long the estate had become ,crown-property1 and by what process1 inheritance purchase confiscation etc1 we do not know4 ,nor is it certain whether the new statute was prepared as a matter of course on the cessation of private ownership1 or whether it was issued in response to an appeal to the emperor complaining of oppressive exactions on the part of the head-tenants4 ,but of the latter situation there is no sign1 and ,i am inclined to accept the former alternative4 ,in that case it appears necessary to suppose that the system of letting a great estate to one or a few great lessees1 who might and did sublet parcels to small tenant farmers1 was not unknown in the practice of great private landlords4 ,this may well have been the case in ,africa1 still populous and prosperous1 though such a system never took root in depopulated and failing ,italy4 ,it required willingness on the part of men of substance to risk their capital in a speculation that could only succeed if good sub-tenants were to be found4 ,this condition could not be fulfilled in ,italy1 but in ,africa things were very different4 ,it is however easier to note this difference by unmistakeable signs than to ascertain it in detail4 ,one point is clear4 ,the coloni on this domain were bound to render fixed services to the head-tenants at certain seasons of the year4 ,these services consisted of two days' work 7operas binas7 at the times of ploughing hoeing and harvest1 six in all4 ,the falling-off in the supply of slaves1 despite occasional captures of prisoners in war1 was a consequence of the pax ,romana1 and how to provide sufficient labour was a standing problem of agriculture4 ,the guarantee of extra labour at seasons of pressure was doubtless a main consideration with speculators in inducing them to venture their substance by becoming lessees of large tracts of land4 ,of hired labour available for the purpose the statute gives no hint1 nor is it likely that such labourers were to be found in ,africa4 ,thus the colonus1 and perhaps his whole household1 were bound to certain compulsory services1 and thereby made part of an organization strictly regulated and liable to further regulation4 ,further regulation was not likely to give the peasant farmer more freedom of movement1 since the leading motive of the system was to secure continuous cultivation1 and this could best be secured by long tenancies1 tending to become hereditary4 ,therefore this statute offers various inducements to keep the peasant contentedly engaged in bettering his own position by developing the estate4 ,the head-tenants are strictly forbidden to oppress him by exacting larger shares of produce or more operae than are allowed by the regulations4 ,he is encouraged to cultivate parcels of waste land1 not included in his farm1 by various privileges3 in particular1 a term of rent-free years is guaranteed to him in case he plants the land with fruit trees4 ,this term1 varying from five to ten years according to species of trees1 is meant to give him time to get a taste of profit before he becomes liable to rent3 its effect in making him loth to move is obvious4 ,the statute tells us nothing on another important point4 ,from the jurists and other sources#acie we know that in ,italy it was normally the custom for the stock of a farm let to a colonus to be found for the most part by the landlord4 ,it was held#acif that in taking over this instrumentum at a valuation the tenant virtually purchased it1 of course not paying for it in ready money1 but standing bound to account for the amount on quitting the tenancy4 ,thus a small man was left free to employ his own little capital in the actual working of the farm4 ,he could add to the stock1 and his additions gave to the landlord a further security for his rent1 over and above that given by the sureties usually required4 ,what stock was found by landlords1 and what by tenant1 was a matter for agreement generally following local convention4 ,but on this ,african domain we are not told how the question of instrumentum was settled4 ,probably there was a traditional rule so well established that no reference to the point in the statute seemed necessary4 ,the sole landlord was now the emperor4 ,without some direct evidence to that effect1 ,i can hardly suppose that the provision of farm stock was entrusted to his procuratores4 ,on the other hand1 if the chief tenants1 the conductores1 were expected to undertake this business1 as if they had been landlords1 this too seems to call for direct evidence4 ,possibly the need of finding stock for an ,african peasant farmer was not so pressing as in ,italy3 still some equipment was surely required4 ,how it was provided1 seems to me a question for answering which we have not as yet sufficient materials4 ,but it may be that on these domains the practical necessity for dealing with it seldom occurred4 ,if1 when the formal term of a tenancy expired1 the same tenant stayed on either by tacit renewal 7reconductio7 or by grant of a new lease1 the stock originally supplied would surely remain for use on the farm1 upkeep and renewals of particular articles being of course allowed for4 ,if a farmer's son succeeded him as tenant1 the situation would be the same1 or very nearly so4 ,therefore the manifest desire of emperors to keep tenants in permanence probably operated to minimize questions of instrumentum to the point of practical insignificance4 ,that the coloni on this estate were themselves handworkers can hardly be doubted4 ,the operae required of them suggest this on any natural interpretation4 ,but there is nothing to shew that they did not employ#acig slave labour--if and when they could get it4 ,we are not to assume that they were all on one dead level of poverty4 ,that the head-tenants kept slaves to work those parts of the domain that they farmed for their own account1 is indicated by the mention of their vilici1 and made certain by the small amount of supplementary labour guaranteed them in the form of tenants' operae4 ,only one direct mention of slaves 7servis dominicis7 occurs in the inscription1 and the text is in that place badly mutilated4 ,partly for the same defect1 it seems necessary to avoid discussing certain other details1 such as the position of the stipendiarii of whom we hear in a broken passage4 ,nor do ,i venture to draw confident inferences from the references to inquilini or coloni inquilini1 or to discover an important distinction between the tenants who actually resided on the estate and those who did not4 ,it may be right to infer a class of small proprietors dwelling around on the skirts of the great domain and hiring parcels of land within it4 ,it may be right to regard the inquilini as coloni transplanted from abroad and made residents on the estate4 ,but until such conclusions are more surely established it is safer to refrain from building upon them4 ,the general effect of this document is to give us outlines of a system of imperial #8peculiars1' that is of domains on which order and security1 necessary for the successful working and continuous cultivation1 were not left to the operation of the ordinary law1 but guaranteed in each case by what we may call an imperial by-law4 7#b7 ,the inscription of ,souk el ,khmis#acih deals with circumstances between #ahj and #ahc ,,ad4 ,the rescript of ,commodus1 and the appeal to which it was the answer1 are recorded in it4 ,the imperial estate to which it refers is called saltus ,burunitanus4 ,a single conductor appears to have been the lessee of the whole estate1 and it was against his unlawful exactions that the coloni appealed4 ,through the connivance of the responsible procurator 7corruptly obtained1 the coloni hint17 this tyrant had compelled them to pay larger shares of produce than were rightly due1 and also to render services of men and beasts beyond the amount fixed by statute4 ,this abuse had existed on the estate for some time1 but the proceedings of the present conductor had made it past all bearing4 ,evidently there had been some resistance1 but official favour had enabled him to employ military force in suppressing it4 ,violence had been freely used3 some persons had been arrested and imprisoned or otherwise maltreated2 others had been severely beaten1 among them even ,roman citizens4 ,hence the appeal4 ,it is to be noted that the appellants in no way dispute their liability to pay shares of produce 7partes agrarias7 or to render labour-services at the usual seasons of pressure 7operarum praebitionem iugorumve74 ,they refer to a clause in a lex ,hadriana1 regulating these dues4 ,it is against the exaction of more than this statute allows that they venture to protest4 ,they judiciously point out to the emperor that such doings are injurious to the financial interest#acii of his treasury 7in perniciem rationum tuarum71 that is1 they will end by ruining the estate as a source of steady revenue4 ,the officials of the central department in ,rome were evidently of the same opinion1 for the rescript of ,commodus#adjj plainly ordered his procuratores to follow closely the rules and policy applicable to the domains1 permitting no exactions in transgression of the standing regulations 7contra perpetuam formam74 ,in short1 he reaffirmed the statute of ,hadrian4 ,in this document also we hear nothing of tenants' arrears or of money-rents4 ,naturally enough1 for the coloni are partiarii whose rent is a share of produce4 ,in connexion with such tenants the difficulty#adja of reliqua does not easily arise4 ,they are labouring peasants1 who describe themselves as homines rustici tenues manuum nostrarum operis victum tolerantes4 ,of course they are posing as injured innocents4 ,perhaps they were3 at any rate the great officials in ,rome would look kindly on humble peasants who only asked protection in order to go on unmolested1 producing the food which it was their duty to produce1--food1 by the by1 of the need of which the ,roman mob was a standing reminder4 ,of vilici or ordinary slaves this document says nothing1 for it had no need to do so2 but the right to operae at certain seasons implies slave labour on the head-tenant's own farm1 probably attached to the chief villa or palatium4 ,in a notable phrase at the end of their appeal the coloni speak of themselves#adjb as #8your peasants1 home-bred slaves and foster-children of your domains' 7rustici tui vernulae et alumni saltuum tuorum74 ,surely this implies1 not only that they are coloni ,caesaris1 standing in a direct relation to the emperor whose protection#adjc they implore against the conductores agrorum fiscalium2 but also that their connexion with the estate is an old-established one1 passing from fathers to sons1 a hereditary tie which they have at present no wish to see broken4 ,in this case the circumstances that led to the setting-up of the inscription are clear enough4 ,evidently the appeal represented a great effort1 both in the way of organizing concerted action on the part of the peasant farmers1 and in overcoming the hindrances to its presentation which would be created by the interested ingenuity of those whose acts were thereby called in question4 ,the imperial officials in the ,provinces were often secretly in league with those in authority at ,rome1 and to have procured an imperial rescript in favour of the appellants was a great triumph1 perhaps a rare one4 ,the forma perpetua containing the regulations governing the estate was1 we learn1 already posted up on a bronze tablet4 ,it had been disregarded3 and now it was an obvious precaution to record that the emperor had ordered those regulations to be observed in future4 ,how long the effect of this rescript lasted we are left to guess4 ,officials changed1 and reaffirmation of principles could not guarantee permanent reform of practice4 ,still1 the policy of the central bureau1 when not warped by corrupt influence1 was consistent and clear4 ,to keep these imperial #8peculiars' on such a footing as to insure steady returns was an undoubted need3 and1 after the extreme strain on the resources of the empire imposed by the calamitous times of ,marcus1 it was in the reign of ,commodus a greater need than ever4 7#c7 ,the ,gazr ,mezur inscription#adjd1 very fragmentary and in some points variously interpreted1 belongs to the same period 7#aha ,,ad74 ,a few details seem sufficiently certain to be of use here4 ,the estate in question is imperial property1 apparently one of the domanial units revealed to us by these ,african documents4 ,it seems to record another case of appeal against unlawful exaction of operae1 probably by a conductor or conductores4 ,it also was successful4 ,but it is notable that the lawful amount of operae to be rendered by coloni on this estate was just double of that fixed in the other cases--four at each of the seasons of pressure1 twelve in all4 ,we can only infer that the task-scale varied on various estates for reasons unknown to us4 ,one fragment1 if a probable restoration#adje is to be accepted1 conveys the impression of a despairing threat on the part of the appellants4 ,it suggests that on failure of redress they may be driven to return to their homes where they can make their abode in freedom4 ,on the face of it1 this is an assertion of freedom of movement1 a valuable piece of evidence1 if it can be trusted4 ,we may safely go so far as to note that it is at least not inconsistent with other indications pointing to the same conclusion4 ,we may even remark that the suggestion of going home in search of freedom agrees better with the notion that these coloni were ,african natives than with the supposition of their ,italian origin4 ,the ,roman citizens on the ,burunitan estate will not support the latter view1 for they are mentioned as exceptional4 ,seeck 7rightly1 ,i think17 urges that ,italy was in sore need of men and had none to spare for populous ,africa4 ,i would add that the emigration of ,italians to the ,provinces as working farmers seems to require more proof than has yet been produced4 ,as officials1 as traders1 as financiers and petty usurers1 as exploiters of other men's labour1 they abounded in the subject countries2 but1 so far as ,i can learn1 not as labourers4 ,many of them no doubt held landed estates1 for instance in the southern parts of ,spain and ,gaul4 ,but when we meet with loose general expressions#adjf such as #8,the ,roman is dwelling in every land that he has conquered1' we must not let them tempt us into overestimating the number of ,italian settlers taking an active part in the operations of provincial agriculture4 7#d7 ,the inscription of ,ain ,ouassel#adjg belongs to the end of the reign of ,severus4 ,the text is much broken1 but information of no small importance can be gathered from what remains4 ,severus was himself a native of ,africa1 and may have taken a personal interest in the subject of this ordinance4 ,in point of form the document chiefly consists of a quoted communication 7sermo7 from the emperor's procuratores#adjh1 one of whom1 a freedman1 saw to its publication in an inscription on an ara legis divi ,hadriani4 ,a copy of the lex ,hadriana1 or at least the relevant clauses thereof1 was included4 ,the matter on which the emperor's decision is announced was the question of the right to occupy and cultivate rough lands 7rudes agri7#adji1 which are defined as lands either simply waste or such as the conductores have neglected to cultivate for at least ten years preceding4 ,these lands are included in no less than five different saltus mentioned by proper names1 and the scope of the ordinance is wider than in the cases referred to above4 ,it appears that1 while it may have contained some modifications or extensions of the provisions of the lex ,hadriana1 its main bearing was to reaffirm and apply the privileges granted by that statute4 ,it is not rash to infer that we have here evidence of a set of regulations for all or many of the ,african domains1 forming a part of ,hadrian's great work of reorganization4 ,if the remaining words of this inscription are rightly interpreted1 as ,i think they are1 it seems that the policy of encouraging the cultivation of waste and derelict lands was at this time being revived by the government4 ,we have seen it at work in ,trajan's time1 promoted by guarantee of privileges and temporary exemption from burdens4 ,but the persons then encouraged to undertake the work of reclamation were to all appearance only the coloni at the time resident on the estate4 ,in the case of these five saltus1 the offer seems to be made more widely1 at least so far as the remaining text may justify such conclusions4 ,it reads like an attempt to attract enterprising squatters of any kind from any quarter4 ,they are offered not merely undisturbed occupation and a heritable tenure of some sort1 but actual possessio4 ,now this right1 which fills a whole important chapter in ,roman law1 was one protected by special legal remedies1 and even on an imperial domain can hardly have been a matter of indifference4 ,it was quite distinct from mere possessio naturalis#adaj1 which was all that the ordinary colonus enjoyed on his own behalf4 ,this new-type squatter is allowed the same privilege of so many years of grace1 free of rent1 at the outset of his enterprise1 that we have noted above4 ,the details are somewhat different4 ,for olives the free term is ten years3 for fruit trees 7poma1 here mentioned without reference to vines7 it is seven years4 ,it is expressly provided that the divisio1 which implies the partiary system of tenancy1 shall apply only to such poma as are actually brought#adaa to market4 ,this suggests that in the past attempts to levy the quota as a proportional share of the gross crop1 without regard to the needs of the grower's own household1 had been found to discourage reclamation4 ,it has been pointed out that the effect of the new policy would be to create a sort of perpetual leasehold1 similar to that known by the ,greek term emphyteusis1 which is found fully established in the later empire4 ,but the land was not all under fruit-crops4 ,the disposal of corn crops is regulated in a singular clause thus4 #8,any shares of dry#adab crops that shall be due are1 during the first five years of occupation1 to be delivered to the head-tenant within whose holding#adac the land occupied is situate4 ,after the lapse of that time they are to go to the account 7of the ,treasury#adad74' ,why is the conductor to receive these partes aridae8 ,it is reasonably suggested that the intention was to obviate initial obstruction on the part of the big lessee1 and thus to give the reclamation-project a fair start4 ,for we have no right to assume that the parcels of land thrown open to occupation had hitherto been included#adae in no tenancy4 ,the whole import of the document shews that they often belonged to this or that area held by one or other of the big lessees4 ,that there was at least one conductor to each of the five saltus seems certain4 ,that there was only one to each1 is perhaps probable1 but hardly to be gathered from the text4 ,now1 so long as the conductor regularly paid his fixed rent 7canon7 and accounted for the taxes 7tributa7 due from the estate1 why should the imperial authority step in to take pieces of land 7and that the poorest land7 out of his direct control8 ,the answer to this is that the ,roman law#adaf recognized the right of a private landlord to require of his tenants that they should not #8let down' the land leased to them3 and proof of neglected cultivation might operate to bar a tenant's claim for abatement of rent4 ,what was the right of an ordinary landlord was not likely to be waived by an emperor3 though his domains might be administered in fact by a special set of fiscal regulations1 he claimed a right analogous to that recognized by the ordinary law1 and none could challenge its exercise4 ,a big lessee might often find that parts of his holding could not be cultivated at a profit under existing conditions4 ,slave labour was careless and inefficient2 it was in these times also costly1 so costly that it only paid to employ it on generous soils4 ,the task-work of coloni did not amount to much1 and it was no doubt rendered grudgingly4 ,he was tempted to economize in slaves#adag and to employ his reduced staff on the best land only4 ,we need not suppose that he got an abatement of his fixed rent from the fiscal authorities3 he was most unlikely to attract their attention by making such a claim4 ,he had made his bargain with eyes presumably open4 ,that he had agreed to the canon assures us that it must have been low enough to leave him a comfortable margin for profit4 ,we may be fairly sure that he sat quiet and did what seemed to pay him best4 ,in the remaining text of this statute there is no reference to operae due from the new squatters1 and nothing is said of coloni4 ,this does not seem to be due to injury of the stone4 ,the persons for whose benefit the statute is enacted are apparently a new or newly recognized element#adah in the population of these domains1 not coloni4 ,but the rights offered to them are expressly referred to as rights granted by the statute of ,hadrian4 ,if so1 then the lex ,hadriana contemplated the establishment of a new peasant class1 not coloni1 and the present statute was merely a revival of ,hadrian's scheme4 ,the men are eventually to pay shares of crops1 and ,schulten's#adai view1 that they are on the way to become coloni1 is possible1 if not probable4 ,when he remarks that they might find the position of coloni a doubtful boon1 we need not challenge his opinion4 7#e7 ,the inscription of ,ain el ,djemala#adbj1 a later discovery 7#aijf7 is of special importance as belonging to the same neighbourhood as the preceding one4 ,it is a document of ,hadrian's time4 ,it refers to the same group of estates as the above1 and deals with the same matter1 the right to cultivate waste or derelict parcels of land4 ,indeed the connexion of the two inscriptions is so close that the parts preserved of each can be safely used to fill gaps in the text of the other4 ,in a few points this inscription1 the earlier in date1 supplies further detail4 ,the most notable is that another estate1 a saltus or fundus ,neronianus1 is mentioned in it1 and not in the later one4 ,thus it would seem that it referred to six estates1 a curious coincidence1 when we recall the six great ,african landlords made away with by ,nero4 ,another little addition is that waste lands are defined as marshy or wooded4 ,also that the land is spoken of as fit for growing olives vines and corn-crops1 which supplements a mutilated portion of the ,ain ,ouassel stone4 ,but in one point the difference between the two is on the face of it difficult to reconcile4 ,in addressing the imperial procuratores the applicants base their request on the lex ,manciana1 the benefit of which they seek to enjoy#adba as used on the neighbouring saltus ,neronianus4 ,here the broken text is thought to have contained a reference to the enhanced prosperity of that estate owing to the concession4 ,in any case we may fairly conclude that the lex ,manciana was well known in the district1 and its regulations regarded by the farmers as favourable to their interests4 ,but the reply to their petition does not refer to it as the immediate basis of the decision given4 ,the communication 7sermo7 of ,hadrian's procurators is cited as the ground of the leave granted for cultivation of waste lands4 ,yet the broken sentence at the end of the inscription seems at least to shew that the rules of the lex ,manciana were still recognized as a standard1 confirmed and perhaps incorporated1 or referred to by name1 in the lex ,hadriana itself4 ,it is ingeniously suggested that the farmers rest their case on the ,manciana because the ,hadriana was as yet unknown to them2 while the reply refers to ,hadrian's statute as authority4 ,whether the saltus or fundus ,neronianus1 on which the ,mancian regulations were in force1 is another estate-unit similar to the five named both here and in the later inscription1 is a point on which ,i have some doubts1 too little connected with my subject for discussion here4 ,the general scope of the concession granted by ,hadrian is the same as the later one of ,severus4 ,if ,hadrian issued a statute or statutes regulating the terms of occupancy on the ,african domains1 and some attempts to evade it were met by its reaffirmation under ,commodus1 it is quite natural that neglect or evasion of it in some other respects should be met by reaffirmation under ,severus4 ,this consideration will account for the identity of the concessions granted in these two inscriptions4 ,and it agrees perfectly with the evidence of later legislation in the ,theodosian code4 ,the normal course of events is1 legislation to protect the poorer classes of cultivators1 then evasion of the law by the selfish rich1 then reenactment of evaded laws1 generally with increased penalties4 ,that under the administrative system of the domains much the same phenomena should occur1 is only what we might expect4 ,,xlviii4 ,,discussion ,,of ,,the ,,above ,,inscriptions4 ,in reviewing the state of things revealed to us by these inscriptions we must carefully bear in mind that they relate solely to the ,province ,africa4 ,conditions there were in many ways exceptional4 ,when ,rome took over this territory after the destruction of ,carthage in #adf ,,bc1 it was probably a country divided for the most part into great estates worked on the ,carthaginian system by slave labour4 ,gradually the land came more and more into the hands of ,roman capitalists1 to whose opulence ,horace refers4 ,pliny tells us that in ,nero's time six#adbb great landlords possessed half the entire area of the ,province1 when that emperor found a pretext for putting them to death and confiscating their estates4 ,henceforth the ruling emperor was the predominating landlord#adbc in a ,province of immense importance1 in particular as a chief granary of ,rome4 ,we are not to suppose that any change in the system of large units was ever contemplated4 ,punic traditions1 probably based on experience1 favoured the system2 though the ,punic language1 still spoken1 seems to have been chiefly confined to the seaboard districts4 ,what the change of lordship effected was not only to the financial advantage of the imperial treasury3 it also put an end to the creation of what were a sort of little principalities that might some day cause serious trouble4 ,at this point we are tempted to wonder whether the great landlords1 before the sweeping measure of ,nero1 had taken any steps towards introducing a new organization in the management of their estates4 ,trajan's statute refers to a lex ,manciana and adopts a number of its regulations4 ,these regulations clearly contemplate a system of head-tenants and sub-tenants1 of whom the latter seem to be actual working farmers living of the labour of their own hands1 as those who some #fe years later described themselves in appealing to ,commodus4 ,the former have stewards in charge of the cultivation of the #8manor farms' attached to the principal farmsteads1 and evidently employ gangs of slaves3 but at special seasons have a right to a limited amount#adbd of task-labour from the free sub-tenants of the small farms4 ,that these labour-conditions were devised to meet a difficulty in procuring enough slaves to carry on the cultivation of the whole big estate1 is an inference hardly to be resisted4 ,that we find it on more than one estate indicates that for the time it was serving its purpose4 ,but1 in admitting that it probably began under the rule of great private landlords1 we must not lose sight of the fact that it was liable to grievous abuse1 and that even the regulations of ,hadrian did not remove the necessity of pitiful appeals for redress4 ,an important characteristic of these estates was that they were outside the municipal#adbe system4 ,each of the so-called civitates had its own charter or statute 7lex7 conforming more or less closely to a common#adbf model1 under which the municipal authorities could regulate the management of lands within its territory4 ,but these great estates were independent#adbg of such local jurisdictions4 ,and this independence would seem to date from the times of private ownership1 before the conversion of many of them into imperial domains4 ,mommsen thought that this separate treatment of them as #8peculiars' began in ,italy under the ,republic1 and was due to the influence of the landowning aristocracy1 who were bent upon admitting no such concurrent authority on their latifundia4 ,this may have been so1 and the extension of large-scale possessions to the ,provinces may have carried the system abroad4 ,at all events there it was1 and it suited the convenience of a grasping emperor3 he had only to get rid of the present possessor and carry on the administration of the domain as before3 his agents stepped into the place of those employed by the late landlord1 and only slight modification of the current regulations would be required4 ,he issued a statute for management of #8crown-property' as he would for a municipality4 ,it was in effect a local law1 and it does not appear that the common law administered by the ordinary courts could override it4 ,the imperial procurator was practically the magistrate charged with its administration in addition to his financial duties1 for government and extraction of revenue were really two sides of the same function4 ,obviously the interests of the emperor1 of his agent1 of the head-tenants1 and of the peasant cultivators1 were not the same4 ,but the peasant1 who wanted to pay as little as possible1 and the emperor who wanted to receive steady returns--as large as possible1 but above all things steady--had a common interest in preventing unlawful exactions1 by which a stable income was imperilled and the prosperity of the cultivator impaired4 ,on the other hand the procurator and the conductor could only make illicit profits through combining to rob the emperor by squeezing his coloni4 ,how to accomplish this was no doubt a matter of delicate calculation4 ,how much oppression would the coloni stand without resorting to the troublesome and risky process of an appeal8 ,we only hear of one or two appeals made with success4 ,of those that were made and rejected or foiled by various arts1 and of those abandoned in despair at an early stage1 we get no record4 ,yet that such cases did occur1 perhaps not seldom1 we may be reasonably sure4 ,it is well to remember that ,columella1 in whose treatise letting of farms to tenants first appears1 not as an occasional expedient but as part of a reasoned scheme of estate-management1 makes provision for a procurator#adbh as well as a vilicus4 ,one duty of the former is to keep an eye on the latter4 ,in the management of great estates an atmosphere of mistrust is perhaps to some extent unavoidable4 ,in an agricultural system based on slave labour1 this mistrust begins at the very bottom of the structure and reaches to the very top1 as is shewn by all experience ancient and modern4 ,industry in slaves1 diligence and honesty in agents and stewards1 are not to be relied on when these subordinates have no share in the profit derived from the practice of such virtues4 ,and mistrust of slaves and freedmen did not imply a simple trust in free tenants4 ,columella only advises#adbi letting to tenants in circumstances that make it impracticable to cultivate profitably by a slave-staff under a steward4 ,the plan is a sort of last resort1 and it can only work well if the tenants stay on continuously4 ,therefore care should be taken to make the position of the coloni permanently attractive4 ,this advice is primarily designed for ,italy1 but its principles are of general application1 and no doubt justified by experience4 ,their extension to latifundia abroad1 coupled with a falling-off in the supply of slaves1 led to similar results3 great estates might still be in part worked by slave labour under stewards1 but letting parcels to small tenants became a more and more vital feature of the system4 ,but to deal directly from a distance with a number of such peasant farmers would be a troublesome business4 ,we need not wonder that it became customary to let large blocks of land1 even whole latifundia1 to big lessees1 speculative men who undertook the subletting and rent-collecting of part of their holdings1 while they could work the central manor-farm by slave labour on their own account1 and generally exploit the situation for their own profit4 ,thus1 as once the latifundium had absorbed little properties1 so now its subdivision was generating little tenancies1 with chief-tenants as a sort of middlemen between the dominus and the coloni4 ,to protect the colonus1 the powers of the conductor#adcj had to be strictly limited3 to ease the labour-problem and retain the conductor1 a certain amount of task-work had to be required of the colonus4 ,and this last condition was ominous of the coming serfdom4 ,if the economic situation and the convenience of non-resident landlords operated to produce a widespread system of letting to small tenants1 it was naturally an object to levy the rents in such a form as would best secure a safe and regular return4 ,to exact a fixed money-rent would mean that the peasant must spend time in marketing his produce in order to procure the necessary cash1 and thereby lessen the time spent in actual farm-labour4 ,in bad years he would look for an abatement of his rent1 nor would it be easy to satisfy him3 here was material for disputes and discontent4 ,such difficulties were known in ,italy and elsewhere1 and jurists recognized#adca an advantage of the #8partiary' system in this connexion4 ,an abatement of rent due in a particular year need not imply that the landlord lost the amount of abatement for good and all4 ,if the next year produced a #8bumper' crop1 the landlord was entitled to claim restitution of last year's abatement in addition to the yearly rent4 ,this too1 it seems1 in the case of a tenant sitting at a fixed money-rent4 ,but the partiarius colonus is on another footing3 he shares gain and loss with the dominus1 with whom he is a quasi-partner#adcb4 ,it was surely considerations of this kind that led to the adoption of the share-rent system on these great ,african estates4 ,by fixing the proportion on a moderate scale1 the peasant was fairly certain to be able to pay his rent1 and he would not be harassed with money transactions dependent on the fluctuations in the price of corn4 ,under such conditions he was more likely to be contented and to stay on where he was1 and that this should be so was precisely what the landlord desired4 ,on the other hand the big conductor might pay rent either in coin or kind4 ,he was a speculator1 doubtless well able to take care of his own interests3 probably the normal case was that he agreed to a fixed cash payment1 and only took the lease on terms that left him a good prospect of making it a remunerative venture4 ,but on this point there is need of further evidence4 ,when the emperor took over an estate of this kind1 such an existing organization would be admirably fitted to continue under the fiscal administration4 ,apparently this is just what happened4 ,one small but important improvement would be automatically produced by the change4 ,the coloni would now become coloni ,caesaris#adcc and whatever protection against exactions of conductores they may have enjoyed under the sway of their former lords was henceforth not less likely to be granted and much more certain of effect4 ,to the fiscal officials any course of action tending to encourage permanent tenancies and steady returns would on the face of it be welcome3 for it was likely to save them trouble1 if not to bring them credit4 ,the only influence liable to incline them in another direction was corruption in some form or other1 leading them to connive at misdeeds of the local agents secretly in league with the head-lessees on the spot4 ,that cases of such connivance occurred in the period from ,trajan to ,severus is not to be doubted4 ,during the following period of confusion they probably became frequent4 ,but it was not until ,diocletian introduced a more elaborate imperial system1 and increased imperial burdens to defray its greater cost1 that the evil reached its height4 ,then the corruption of officials tainted all departments1 and was the canker ever gnawing at the vital forces of the empire4 ,but that this deadly corruption was a sudden growth out of an existing purity is not to be imagined4 ,all this is merely an illustration of that oldest of political truisms1 that to keep practice conformable to principle is supremely difficult4 ,the only power that seems to be of any effect in checking the decay of departmental virtue is the power of public opinion4 ,now a real public opinion cannot be said to have existed in the ,roman ,empire2 and1 had it existed1 there was no organ through which it could be expressed4 ,and the ,head of the ,state1 let him be ever so devoted to the common weal1 was too overburdened with manifold responsibilities to be able to give personal attention to each complaint and prescribe an equitable remedy4 ,how far we are entitled to trace a movement of policy by the contents of these ,african inscriptions is doubtful4 ,they are too few1 and too much alike4 ,perhaps we may venture to detect a real step onward in the latest of them4 ,the renewal of the encouragement of squatter-settlers#adcd on derelict lands does surely point to a growing consciousness that the food-question was becoming a more and more serious one4 ,perhaps it may be taken to suggest that the system of leasing the ,african domains to big conductores had lately been found failing in efficiency4 ,but it is rash to infer much from a single case3 and the ,african ,severus may have followed an exceptional policy in his native province4 ,it is when we look back from the times of the later ,empire1 with its frantic legislation to bind coloni to the soil1 and to enforce the cultivation of every patch of arable ground1 that we are tempted to detect in every record symptoms of the coming constraint4 ,as yet the central government had not laid its cramping and sterilizing hand on every part of its vast dominions4 ,moreover the demands on ,african productivity had not yet reached their extreme limit4 ,there was as yet no ,constantinople1 and ,egypt still shared with ,africa the function of supplying food to ,rome4 ,thus it is probably reasonable to believe that the condition of the working tenant-farmers was in this age a tolerable#adce one4 ,if those on the great domains were bit by bit bound to their holdings1 it was probably with their own consent1 so far at least that1 seeing no better alternative1 they became stationary and more or less dependent peasants4 ,in other parts of ,africa1 for instance near ,carthage1 we hear of wealthy landowners employing bodies of slaves4 ,some of these men may well have been ,italians3 at least they took a leading part later in the rising against ,maximin and the elevation of ,gordian4 ,in connexion with the evidence of this group of inscriptions it may be not out of place to say a few words on the view set forth by ,heisterbergk1 that the origin of the later serf-colonate was ,provincial1 not ,italian4 ,he argues#adcf that what ruined small-scale farming in ,italy was above all things the exemption of ,italian land from taxation4 ,landlords were not constrained by the yearly exaction of dues to make the best economic use of their estates4 ,vain land-pride and carelessness were not checked3 mismanagement and waste had free course1 and small cultivation declined4 ,the fall in free rustic population was both effect and cause4 ,in the younger ,pliny's time good tenants were already hard to find1 but great landlords owned parks and mansions everywhere4 ,in the ,provinces nearly all the land was subject to imperial taxation in kind or in money1 and owners could not afford to let it lie idle4 ,the practical control of vast estates was not possible from a distance4 ,the direction of agriculture1 especially of extensive farming 7corn etc7 from a fixed centre was little less difficult4 ,there was therefore strong inducement to delegate the business of cultivation to tenants1 and to let the difference in amount between their rents and the yearly imperial dues represent the landlord's profit4 ,thus the spread of latifundia swallowed up small holdings in the ,provinces as in ,italy2 but it converted small owners into small tenants1 and did not merge the holdings into large slave-gang plantations or throw them into pasture4 ,the plan of leasing a large estate as a whole to a big head-tenant1 or establishing him in the central #8manor farm1' was quite consistent with the general design1 and this theory accounts for the presence of a population of free coloni1 whom later legislation might and did bind fast to the soil4 ,this argument has both ingenuity and force1 but we can only assent to it with considerable reservations4 ,letting to free coloni was a practice long used in ,italy1 and in the first century ,,ad was evidently becoming more common4 ,it was but natural that it should appear in the ,provinces4 ,still1 taken by itself1 there is no obvious reason why it should develope into serfdom4 ,with the admitted scarcity and rising value of labour1 why was it that the freeman did not improve his position in relation to his lord1 indeed to capitalists in general8 ,i think the presence of the big lessee1 the conductor1 an employer of slave labour1 had not a little to do with it4 ,labour as such was despised4 ,the requirement of task-work to supplement that of slaves on the #8manor farm' was not likely to make labour more esteemed4 ,yet to get his little holding the colonus had to put up with this condition4 ,it may be significant that we hear nothing of coloni working for wages in spare time4 ,was it likely that they would do so8 ,then1 when the conductor came to be employed as collector of rents and other dues on the estate1 his opportunities of illicit exaction gave him more and more power over them2 and1 combined with their reluctance to migrate and sacrifice the fruits of past labour1 reduced them#adcg more and more to a state of de facto dependence4 ,at the worst they would be semi-servile in fact1 though free in law2 at the best they would have this outlook1 without any apparent alternative to escape their fate4 ,this1 ,i imagine1 was the unhappy situation that was afterwards recognized by law4 ,i must not omit to point out that ,i have said practically nothing on the subject#adch of municipal lands and their administration by the authorities of the several res publicae or civitates4 ,of the importance of this matter ,i am well aware1 more particularly in connexion with the development of emphyteusis under the perpetual leases granted by the municipalities4 ,in a general history of the imperial economics this topic would surely claim a significant place4 ,but it seems to have little or no bearing on the labour conditions with which ,i am primarily concerned1 while it would add greatly to the bulk of a treatise already too long4 ,so too the incidence of taxation1 and the effects of degradation#adci of the currency1 influences that both played a sinister part in imperial economics1 belong properly to a larger theme4 ,even the writers on land-surveying etc1 the agrimensores or gromatici1 only touch my subject here and there when it is necessary to speak of tenures1 which cannot be ignored in relation to labour-questions4 ,all these matters are thoroughly and suggestively treated in ,seeck's great history of the ,decline and ,fall of the ancient world4 ,another topic left out of discussion is the practical difference1 if any1 between the terms#addj fundus and saltus in the imperial domains4 ,i can find no satisfactory materials for defining it1 and it does not appear to bear any relation to the labour-question4 ,the meaning of the term inquilinus is a more important matter4 ,if we are to accept ,seeck's ingenious conclusions#adda1 it follows that this term1 regularly used by the jurists of a house-tenant 7urban7 as opposed to colonus a tenant of land 7rustic71 in the course of the second century began to put on a new meaning4 ,marcus settled large numbers of barbarians on ,roman soil4 ,these #8indwellers' were labelled as inquilini1 a word implying that they were imported aliens1 distinct from the proper residents4 ,an analogous distinction existed in municipalities between unprivileged #8indwellers' 7incolae7 and real municipes4 ,now a jurist's opinion#addb in the first half of the third century speaks of inquilini as attached 7adhaerent7 to landed estates1 and only capable of being bequeathed to a legatee by inclusion in the landed estate3 and it refers to a rescript of ,marcus and ,commodus dealing with a point of detail connected with this rule of law4 ,thus the inquilinate seems to have been a new condition implying attachment to the soil1 long before the colonate acquired a similar character4 ,for the very few passages1 in which the fixed and dependent nature of the colonate is apparently recognized before the time of ,constantine1 are with some reason suspected of having been tampered with by the compilers of the ,digest1 or are susceptible of a different interpretation4 ,it is clear that this intricate question cannot be fully discussed here4 ,if these rustic inquilini were in their origin barbarian settlers1 perhaps two conclusions regarding them may be reasonable4 ,first1 they seem to be distinct from slaves1 the personal property of individual owners4 ,for the evidence1 so far as it goes1 makes them attached#addc to the land1 and only transferable therewith4 ,secondly1 they are surely labourers1 tilling with their own hands the holdings assigned to them4 ,if this view of them be sound1 we may see in them the beginnings of a serf class4 ,but it does not follow that the later colonate was a direct growth from this beginning4 ,we have noted above several other causes contributing to that growth2 in particular the state of de facto fixity combined with increasing dependence1 in which the free colonus was gradually losing his freedom4 ,whether the later colonate will ever receive satisfactory explanation in the form of a simple and convincing theory1 ,i cannot tell3 at present it seems best to admit candidly that1 among the various influences tending to produce the known result1 ,i do not see my way#addd to distinguish one as supremely important1 and to ignore the effect of others4 ,the opinion#adde of de ,coulanges1 that the origin of the later colonate is mainly to be sought in the gradual effect of custom 7local custom71 eventually recognized 7not created7 by law1 is perhaps the soundest attempt at a brief expression of the truth4 ,,xlix4 ,,the ,,jurists ,,of ,,the ,,digest4 ,for the position of the colonus in ,roman ,law during the period known as that of the #8classic' ,jurists we naturally find our chief source of evidence in the ,digest4 ,and it is not surprising that here and there we find passages bearing on labour-questions more or less directly4 ,but in using this evidence it is most necessary to keep in mind the nature and scope of this great compilation4 ,first1 it is not a collection of laws4 ,actual laws were placed in the ,codex1 based on previous ,codes such as the ,theodosian 7#dci ,,ad71 after a careful process of sifting and editing1 with additions to complete the work4 ,this great task was performed by ,justinian's commissioners in #ad months or less4 ,the ,justinian ,code was confirmed and published in #ebi ,,ad1 and finally in a revised form rather more than five years later4 ,secondly1 the ,digest is a collection of opinions of lawyers whose competence and authority had been officially recognized1 and whose responsa carried weight in the ,roman courts4 ,from early times interpretation had been found indispensable in the administration of the law2 and in the course of centuries1 both by opinions on cases and by formal treatises1 there had grown up such a mass of written jurisprudence as no man could master4 ,these writings were specially copious in the #8classic' period 7say from ,hadrian to ,alexander #aag-bce74 ,actual laws are sometimes cited in the form of imperial decisions1 finally settling some disputed point4 ,but the normal product of discussion is the opinion of this or that eminent jurist as to what is sound law in a particular question4 ,the different opinions of different authorities are often quoted side by side4 ,if this were all1 we might congratulate ourselves on having simply a collection of authentic extracts from named authors1 conveying their views in their own words4 ,and no doubt many of the extracts are of this character4 ,but the position is not in fact so simple as this4 ,tribonian and his fellow-commissioners were set to work at the end of the year #ecj4 ,their task was completed and the ,digesta published with imperial confirmation at the end of #ecc4 ,now the juristic literature in existence1 of which the ,digest was to be an epitome superseding its own sources1 was of such prodigious bulk that three years cannot have been sufficient for the work4 ,to read1 abstract1 classify1 and so far as possible to harmonize1 this mass of complicated material1 was a duty surely needing a much longer time for its satisfactory performance4 ,moreover1 as this official ,corpus of jurisprudence was designed for reference and citation as an authority in the courts1 it had to be#addf brought up to date4 ,that this necessity greatly increased the commissioners' burden is obvious3 nor less so1 that it was a duty peculiarly difficult to discharge in haste1 and liable1 if hurried1 to result in obscurities inconsistencies and oversights4 ,that much of the ,digest has suffered from overhaste in its production is now generally admitted4 ,its evidence is therefore to be used with caution4 ,but on the subject of coloni the main points of interest are attested by witnesses of high authority1 such as ,ulpian1 in cited passages not reasonably suspected of interpolation4 ,and it is not necessary to follow up a host of details4 ,we have only to reconstruct from the law-sources the characteristic features of agriculture and rustic tenancy as it existed before the time of ,diocletian2 and these features are on the whole significant and clear4 ,fortunately we are not entirely dependent on collection and comparison of scattered references from all parts of the great compilation4 ,one title 7,,xix #b locati conducti7#addg furnishes us with a quantity of relevant matter classified under one head by the editors themselves4 ,first and foremost it stands out quite clear that the colonus is a free man1 who enters into a legal contract as lessee with lessor1 and that landlord and tenant are equally bound by the terms of the lease4 ,if any clause requires interpretation owing to special circumstances having arisen1 the jurist endeavours to lay down the principles by which the court should be guided to an equitable decision4 ,for instance1 any fact by which the productiveness of a farm and therewith the solvency of the tenant are impaired may lead to a dispute4 ,care is therefore taken to relieve the tenant of responsibility for damage inflicted by irresistible force 7natural or human7#addh or due to the landlord's fault4 ,but defects of climate and soil#addi give no claim to relief1 since he is presumed to have taken the farm with his eyes open3 nor does the failure of worn-out fruit trees1 which tenants were regularly bound by their covenant to replace4 ,the chief rights of the landlord#adej are the proper cultivation of the farm and regular payment of the rent4 ,in these the law duly protects him4 ,the tenant is bound not to let down the land by neglect1 or to defraud#adea the landlord by misappropriating what does not belong to him3 rent is secured normally by sureties 7fideiussores7#adeb found by the tenant at the time of leasing1 or sometimes by the fact that all property of his on the farm is expressly pledged#adec to the lessor on this account4 ,thus it is the aim of the law to guard the presumably poorer and humbler party against hard treatment1 while it protects the man of property against fraud4 ,in other words1 it aims at strict enforcement of the terms#aded of lease1 while inclined to construe genuinely doubtful points or mistakes in favour#adee of the party bound4 ,that landlord and tenant1 even in cases of fixed money rent1 have a certain community#adef of interest1 seems recognized in the fact that some legal remedies against third persons 7for malicious damage etc7 could in some cases be employed#adeg by either landlord or tenant4 ,in short1 the latter is a thoroughly free and responsible person4 ,that a tenant should be protected against disturbance#adeh was a matter of course4 ,during the term of his lease he has a right to make his lawful profit on the farm3 the landlord is not only bound to allow him full enjoyment 7frui licere71 but to prevent molestation by a third party over whom he has control4 ,indeed the tenant farmer has in some relations a more positive protection than the landlord himself4 ,thus a person who has right of usus over an estate may in certain circumstances refuse#adei to admit the dominus2 but not the colonus or his staff of slaves employed in the farm-work4 ,change of ownership can perhaps never be a matter of indifference to the sitting tenant of a farm4 ,but it is the lawyer's aim to see that the passing of the property shall not impair the tenant's rights under his current lease4 ,a lease sometimes contained clauses fixing the terms 7such as a money forfeit7#adfj on which the contract might be broken2 in fact a cross-guarantee between the parties1 securing the tenant against damage by premature ejectment and the landlord against damage by the tenant's premature quitting4 ,the jurists often appeal to local custom as a means of equitable decision on disputed points4 ,but one customary principle seems to be recognized#adfa as of general validity1 the rule of reconductio4 ,if1 on expiration of a lease1 the tenant holds on and the landlord allows him to remain1 it is regarded as a renewal of the contract by bare agreement 7nudo consensu74 ,no set form of lease is necessary2 but this tacit contract holds good only from year to year4 ,another fact significant as to the position of the colonus is that he is assumed to have the right to sublet#adfb the farm3 questions that would in that case arise are dealt with as matters of course4 ,i suppose that a lease might be so drawn as to bar any such right1 but that in practice it was always or generally admitted4 ,again1 it is a sign of his genuinely independent position in the eye of the law that his own oath1 if required of him1 may be accepted#adfc as a counter-active plea 7exceptio iurisiurandi7 in his own defence1 when sued by his landlord for damage done on the farm4 ,on the economic side we have first to remark that the colonus is represented as normally a man of small means4 ,it is true that in the ,digest conductor and colonus are not clearly#adfd distinguished1 as we find them in the ,african inscriptions and in the later law4 ,for the former is simply the counterpart of locator1 properly connoting the relation between the contracting parties3 colonus expresses the fact that the cultivation 7colere7 of land belonging to another devolves upon him by virtue of the contract4 ,every colonus is a conductor1 but not every conductor a colonus4 ,now custom1 recognized by the lawyers1 provided a means of supplying the small man's need of capital4 ,to set him up in a farm1 the landlord equipped him with a certain stock 7instrumentum74 ,this he took over at a valuation1 not paying ready money for it1 but accepting liability#adfe to account for the value at the end of his tenancy4 ,the stock or plant included#adff implements and animals 7oxen1 slaves1 etc71 and a miscellaneous array of things1 of course varying with the nature of the farm and local custom4 ,to this nucleus he had inevitably to add belongings#adfg of his own1 which were likely to increase with time if the farm prospered in his hands4 ,his rent#adfh might be either a fixed yearly payment in cash or produce1 or a proportionate share of produce varying from year to year4 ,the money-rent#adfi seems to have been the usual plan1 and it was in connexion therewith that claims for abatement generally arose4 ,the impression left by the frequent references to reliqua in the ,digest1 and the experiences of the younger ,pliny1 is that tenant-farmers in ,italy were habitually behind with their rents and claiming#adgj remissio4 ,this is probably true of the period 7say7 #ajj-bej ,,ad1 with which we are here concerned4 ,it was probably a time of great difficulty for both landlords and tenants1 at least outside the range of suburban market-gardening4 ,signs are not lacking that want of sufficient capital#adga cramped the vigour of agriculture directly and indirectly4 ,improvements might so raise the standard of cultivation on an estate as to leave an awkward problem for the owner4 ,its upkeep on its present level might need a large capital2 tenants of means were not easy to find1 and subdivision into smaller holdings would not in all circumstances provide a satisfactory solution4 ,moreover1 if the man of means was not unlikely to act independently1 in defiance of the landlord1 the small man was more likely to take opportunities of misappropriating things to which he was not entitled4 ,all these difficulties1 and others1 suggest no great prosperity in ,italian agriculture of the period4 ,that on certain soils farming did not pay1 was as well known#adgb to the jurists as to other writers4 ,and one great cause of agricultural decline appears in their incidental remarks as clearly as in literature4 ,it was the devotion of much of the best land in the best situations to the unproductive parks and pleasure-grounds of the rich4 ,this can hardly be laid to the account of the still favoured financial position of ,italy as compared with the ,provinces1 for we find the same state of things existing late in the fourth century1 when ,italy had long been provincialized and taxed accordingly4 ,it was fashion1 and fashion of long standing1 that caused this evil4 ,and this cause was itself an effect of the conditions of investment4 ,the syndicates for exploiting provincial dues had gone with the ,republic4 ,state contracts and industrial enterprises were not enough to employ all the available capital4 ,the ownership of land1 now that politics were not a school of ambition1 was more than ever the chief source of social importance4 ,a man who could afford to own vast unremunerative estates was a great personage4 ,we may add that such estates1 being unremunerative1 were less likely to attract the fatal attention of bad emperors1 while good rulers deliberately encouraged rich men to invest fortunes in them as being an evidence of loyalty to the government4 ,the uneconomic rural conditions thus created are plainly referred to in the staid remarks of the jurists4 ,we read of estates owned for pleasure 7voluptaria praedia7#adgc3 of cases where it may be doubted#adgd whether the fundus does not rather belong to the villa than the villa to the fundus3 and the use of the word praetorium#adge 7 great mansion1 palace1 #8,court'7 for the lord's headquarters on his demesne becomes almost official in the mouth of lawyers4 ,meanwhile great estates abroad could be1 and were1 profitable to their owners1 who drew rent from tenants and were normally non-resident4 ,yet praetoria were sometimes found even in the ,provinces4 ,in connexion with this topic it is natural to consider the questions of upkeep and improvements4 ,the former is simple4 ,as the tenant has the disposal of the crops raised and gathered 7fructus71 he is bound#adgf to till the soil1 to keep up the stock of plants1 and to see that the drainage of the farm is in working order4 ,further detail is unnecessary1 as his liability must be gauged by the state of the farm when he took it over4 ,improvements look to the future4 ,from the lawyers we get only the legal point of view1 which is of some interest as proving that the subject was of sufficient importance not to be overlooked4 ,now it seems certain that a conductor or colonus had a right of action to recover#adgg from the dominus not only compensation for unexhausted improvements1 but his whole outlay on them1 if shewn to have been beneficial4 ,or his claim might rest on the fact that the project had been approved#adgh by the landlord4 ,but it might happen that a work beneficial to the particular estate was detrimental to a neighbouring one4 ,in such a case1 against whom--landlord or tenant--had the owner of that estate a legal remedy8 ,it was held that1 if the tenant had carried out the work in question#adgi without his landlord's knowledge1 he alone was liable4 ,if1 as some held1 the landlord was bound to provide a particular remedy1 he could recover the amount paid under this head from his tenant4 ,to insure the owner against loss from the acts of his lessee was evidently an object of the first importance1 and this is in harmony with the ,roman lawyers' intense respect for rights of property4 ,the general impression left on the reader of their utterances on this subject is that a landlord1 after providing a considerable instrumentum1 had done all that could reasonably be expected from him4 ,improvements1 the desirability of which was usually discovered through the tenant's experience1 were normally regarded as the tenant's business3 it was only necessary to prevent the landlord from arbitrarily confiscating what the tenant had done to improve his property4 ,obviously such #8improvements' were likely to occasion disputes as to the value of the work done3 but it was the custom of the countryside to refer technical questions of this kind to the arbitration of an impartial umpire 7vir bonus71 no doubt a neighbour familiar with local circumstances4 ,on the whole1 it does not appear that the law treated the colonus badly under this head1 and the difficulty of securing good tenants may be supposed to have guaranteed him against unfair administration4 ,a great many more details illustrating the position of coloni as they appear in the ,digest could be added here1 but ,i think the above will be found ample for my purpose4 ,the next topic to be dealt with is that of labour1 so far as the references of the lawyers give us any information4 ,first it is to be noted that the two systems#adhj of estate-management1 that of cultivation for landlord's account by his actor or vilicus1 and that of letting to tenant farmers1 were existing side by side4 ,the latter plan was to all appearance more commonly followed than it would seem to have been in the time of ,columella1 but the former was still working4 ,a confident opinion as to the comparative frequency#adha of the two systems is hardly to be formed on ,digest evidence3 for in rustic matters the interest of lawyers was almost solely concerned with the relations of landlord and tenant4 ,what an owner did with his own property on his own account was almost entirely his own business4 ,there are signs that a certain change in the traditional nomenclature represents a real change of function in the case of landlords' managers4 ,the term actor is superseding#adhb vilicus1 but the vilicus still remains4 ,he would seem to be now more of a mere farm-bailiff1 charged with the cultivation of some part or parts of an estate that are not let to tenants4 ,it may even be that he is left with a free hand and only required to pay a fixed#adhc yearly return4 ,if so1 this arrangement is not easily to be distinguished from the case of a slave colonus or quasi colonus#adhd occupying a farm4 ,the financial and general supervision of the estate is in the hands of the actor#adhe1 who collects all dues1 including rents of colonie and is held to full account#adhf for all these receipts as well as for the contents of the store-rooms4 ,he is a slave1 but a valuable and trusted man3 it is significant that the manumission#adhg of actores is not seldom mentioned4 ,evidently the qualities looked for in such an agent were observed to develope most readily under a prospect of freedom4 ,but1 so long as he remained actor of an estate1 he could be regarded as part of it3 in a bequest the testator could include him as a part#adhh1 and often did so3 and indeed his peculiar knowledge of local detail must often have been an important element in its value4 ,to employ such a person in the management of an estate1 with powerful inducements to good conduct1 may have solved many a difficult problem4 ,we may perhaps guess that it made the employment of a qualified legal agent 7procurator7 less often necessary1 at least if the actor contrived to avoid friction with his master's free tenants4 ,whether an estate was farmed for the owner by his manager1 or let to tenants1 or partly on one system partly on the other1 it is clear that slave-labour is assumed as the normal basis of working4 ,for the colonus takes over slaves supplied by the dominus as an item of the instrumentum4 ,and there was nothing to prevent him from adding slaves of his own1 if he could afford it and thought it worth his while to employ a larger staff4 ,whether such additions were often or ever made1 we must not expect the lawyers to tell us2 but we do now and then hear#adhi of a slave who is the tenant's own4 ,such a slave might as part of the tenant's goods be pledged to the landlord as security for his rent1 but he would not be a part of the estate of which the landlord could dispose by sale or bequest4 ,in such a case the slaves might be regarded#adij as accessories of the fundus1 if it were so agreed4 ,this raised questions as to the degree of connexion that should be treated as qualifying a slave to be considered an appurtenance of a farm4 ,the answer was in effect that he must be a member of the regular staff4 ,mere temporary employment on the place did not so attach him1 mere temporary absence on duty elsewhere did not detach him4 ,a further question was whether all slaves in any sort of employment on the place were included1 or only such as were actually engaged in farm work proper1 cultivation of the soil1 not those employed in various subsidiary#adia industries4 ,these questions the jurists discussed fully1 but we cannot follow them here1 as their legal importance is chiefly in connexion with property and can hardly have affected seriously the position of tenants4 ,but it is interesting to observe that the lawyers were feeling the necessity of attempting some practical classification4 ,the distinction#adib between urbana and rustica mancipia was old enough as a loose conversational or literary one4 ,but1 when rights of inheritance or legacy of such valuable property were involved1 it became important to define 7if possible7 the essential characteristics of a #8rustic' slave4 ,that the condition of the rustic slave was improving1 and generally far better than it had been on the latifundia of ,republican days1 seems indicated by the jurists' speaking of a slave as colonus or quasi colonus without any suggestion of strangeness in the relation4 ,we may assume that only slaves of exceptional capacity and merit would be placed in a position of economic 7if not legal7 equality with free tenants4 ,still the growth of such a custom can hardly have been without some effect on the condition of rustic slaves in general4 ,it was not new in the second century3 it is referred to by a jurist#adic of the ,augustan age4 ,the increasing difficulty of getting either good tenants or good slaves no doubt induced landlords to entrust farms to men who could and would work them profitably1 whether freemen or slaves4 ,and a slave had in agriculture1 as in trades and finance1 a point in his favour3 his person and his goods#adid remained in his master's power4 ,if by skilled and honest management he relieved his master of trouble and worry1 and contributed by regular payment of rent to assure his income1 it was reasonable to look for gratitude expressed1 on the usual ,roman lines1 in his master's will4 ,manumission1 perhaps accompanied by bequest#adie of the very farm that he had worked so well1 was a probable reward4 ,may we not guess that some of the best farming carried on in ,italy under the earlier ,empire was achieved by trusted slaves1 in whom servile apathy was overcome by hope8 ,such a farmer-slave would surely have under him#adif slave labourers1 the property of his master2 and he would have the strongest possible motives for tact and skill in their management1 while his own capacity had been developed by practical experience4 ,i can point to no arrangement in ,roman agriculture so calculated to make it efficient on a basis of slavery as this4 ,the services 7operae7 of a slave1 due to his owner or to some one in place of his owner1 were a property capable of valuation1 and therefore could be let and hired at a price4 ,that is1 the person to whom they were due could commute#adig them for a merces4 ,this might1 as in the corresponding ,greek case of 1 be a paying business1 if a slave had been bought cheap and trained so as to earn good wages4 ,it was common enough in various trades3 what concerns us is that the plan was evidently in use in the rustic world also4 ,now this is notable4 ,we naturally ask1 if the man's services were worth so much to the hirer1 why should they not have been worth as much 7or even a little more7 to his own master8 ,why should it pay to let him rather than to use him yourself8 ,of course the owner might have more slaves than he needed at the moment3 or the hirer might be led by temporary need of labour to offer a fancy price for the accommodation3 or two masters on neighbouring farms might engage in a reciprocity of cross-hirings to suit their mutual convenience at certain seasons4 ,further possibilities might be suggested1 but are such occasional explanations sufficient to account for the prevalence of this hiring-system8 ,i think not4 ,surely the principal influence1 steadily operating in this direction1 was one that implied an admission of the economic failure of slavery4 ,if ,a's slave worked for ,b so well that it paid ,a to let him do so and to receive a rent for his services1 it follows that the slave had some inducement to exert his powers more fully as ,b's hireling than in the course of ordinary duty under his own master4 ,either the nature and conditions of the work under ,b were pleasanter1 or he received something for himself over and above the stipulated sum claimed by his master4 ,in other words1 as a mere slave he did not do his best3 as a hired man he felt some of the stimulus that a free man gets from the prospect of his wage4 ,so ,slavery1 already philanthropically questioned1 was in this confession economically condemned4 ,these points considered1 we are not surprised to find mention of slaves letting out their own#adih operae4 ,this must imply the consent of their masters1 and it is perhaps not rash to see in such a situation a sign of weakening in the effective authority of masters4 ,a master whose interest is bound up with the fullest development of his slave's powers 7as rentable property exposed to competition7 will hardly act the martinet without forecasting the possible damage to his own pocket4 ,a slave who knows that his master draws an income from his efficiency is in a strong position for gradually extorting privileges till he attains no small degree of independence4 ,we may perhaps find traces of such an advance in the arrangement by which a slave hires his own operae#adii from his master4 ,he will thus make a profit out of hiring himself3 in fact he is openly declaring that he will not work at full power for his master1 but only compound with him for output on the scale of an ordinary slave4 ,this arrangement was common in arts and handicrafts1 and not specially characteristic of ,rome4 ,in rustic life1 the slave put into a farm as tenant#aejj at a fixed rent1 and taking profit and loss1 may furnish an instance4 ,whether such cases were frequent we do not know4 ,the general impression left by the ,digest passages on hiring and letting of slaves is that1 when we read of mercennarii1 it is generally if not always hireling#aeja slaves1 not free wage-earners1 that are meant4 ,in a passage#aejb where servus occurs as well as mercennarius1 it is reference to the owner as well as to the hirer that necessitates the addition4 ,if ,i have interpreted these points aright1 the picture suggested is a state of things in which the rustic slave was steadily improving his position1 supplying hired labour1 at times entrusted with the charge of a farm1 and with a fair prospect of becoming by manumission under his owner's will a free colonus1 or even his own landlord4 ,how far this picture is really characteristic of rustic ,italy1 or of the ,provinces 7such as ,gaul or ,spain71 is what one would like to know1 but ,i can find no evidence4 ,in the foregoing paragraphs ,i have refrained from inquiring whether the colonus as he appears in the ,digest was a farmer who worked with his own hands1 or merely an employer and director of labour4 ,the reason is that ,i have found in the texts no evidence whatever on the point4 ,it was not the jurist's business4 ,we are left to guess at the truth as best we may1 and we can only start from consideration of the farmer's own interest1 and assume that the average farmer knew his own interest and was guided thereby4 ,now1 being bound to pay rent in some form or other and to make good any deficiencies in the instrumentum at the end of his tenancy1 he had every inducement to get all he could out of the land while he held it4 ,how best to do this1 was his problem4 ,and the answer no doubt varied according to the size of the farm1 the kind of crops that could profitably be raised there1 and the number and quality of the staff4 ,in some rough operations1 his constant presence on one spot and sharing the actual work might get the most out of his men4 ,where nicety of skill was the main thing1 he might better spend his time in direction and minute watching of the hands4 ,on a fairly large farm he would have enough to do as director4 ,we may reasonably guess that he only toiled with his own hands if he thought it would pay him to do so4 ,this a priori guesswork is not satisfactory4 ,but ,i see nothing else to be said2 for the ,african inscriptions do not help us4 ,the circumstances of those great domains were exceptional4 ,so far we have been viewing agriculture as proceeding in times and under conditions assumed to be more or less normal1 without taking account of the various disturbing elements in rustic life1 by which both landlords and tenants were liable to suffer vexation and loss4 ,yet these were not a few4 ,even a lawyer could not ignore wild beasts4 ,wolves carried off some of ,a's pigs4 ,dogs kept by ,b1 colonus of a neighbouring villa1 for protection of his own flocks1 rescued the pigs4 ,a legal question#aejc at once arises3 are the rescued pigs regarded as wild game1 and therefore belonging to the owner of the dogs8 ,no1 says the jurist4 ,they were still within reach2 ,a had not given them up for lost2 if ,b tries to retain them1 the law provides remedies to make him give them up4 ,i presume that ,b would have a claim to some reward for his services4 ,but the lawyer is silent1 confining his opinion to the one question of property4 ,references to depredations of robbers or brigands 7latrones1 grassatores17 occur often1 and quite as a matter of course4 ,the police of rural ,italy1 not to mention the ,provinces1 was an old scandal4 ,stock-thieves1 who lifted a farmer's cattle sheep or goats1 and sometimes his crops1 were important enough to have a descriptive name 7abigei7#aejd and a title of the ,digest to themselves4 ,that bad neighbours made themselves unpleasant in many ways1 and that their presence gave a bad name to properties near them1 was an experience of all lands and all ages3 but the jurists treat it gravely#aeje as a lawyer's matter4 ,concealment of such a detrimental fact#aejf by the seller of an estate made the sale voidable4 ,the rich 7old offenders in this kind7 were by a rescript of ,hadrian#aejg awarded differential punishment for removing landmarks3 in their case the purpose of encroachment was not a matter open to doubt4 ,in one connexion the use of force as an embarrassing feature of rustic life was a subject of peculiar interest to the jurists1 and had long been so4 ,this was in relation to questions of possession4 ,in ,roman law possessio held a very important place4 ,all that need be said of it here is that the fact of possession1 or lack of it1 seriously affected the position of litigants in disputes as to property4 ,great ingenuity was exercised in definition and in laying down rules for ascertaining the fact4 ,now among the means employed in gaining or recovering possession none was more striking or more effective than the use of force4 ,special legal remedies had been provided to deal with such violence2 interdicta issued by the praetor1 to forbid it1 or to reinstate a claimant dislodged by his rival1 or simply to state the exact issue raised in a particular case4 ,on conformity or disobedience to the praetor's order the case was formally tried in court3 the question of law mainly turned on questions of fact4 ,what concerns us is that force was solemnly classified under two heads1 vis and vis armata4 ,each of these had its own proper interdict at least as early as the time of ,cicero1 and they occupy a whole title#aejh in the ,digest4 ,clearly the use of force was no negligible matter4 ,that it was a danger or at least a nuisance to owners or claimants of property1 is not less clear4 ,but how did it touch the colonus8 ,he was1 as such1 neither owner nor claimant of the property of his farm4 ,he had in his own capacity#aeji no possession either4 ,but1 as tenant of a particular owner1 his presence operated#aeaj to secure the possession of his landlord4 ,hence to oust him by force broke the landlord's possession2 whether rightly or wrongly1 the law had to decide4 ,now it is obvious that1 in cases where serious affrays resulted from intrusion1 a tenant might suffer grave damage to his goods and person4 ,the intruders 7often a gang of slaves7 would seldom be so punctiliously gentle as to do no harm at all4 ,therefore1 having regard to the amount of interest in this subject shewn by the lawyers1 we cannot omit the use of force in matters of possession from the list of rustic embarrassments4 ,another cause of annoyance was connected with servitudes1 such as rights of way and water1 which were frequent subjects of dispute in country districts4 ,whether regarded as rights or as burdens1 the principles governing them were a topic that engaged the minute and laborious attention#aeaa of the lawyers4 ,now it is evident that a right of way or water through an estate1 though a material advantage to a neighbouring estate served by the convenience1 might be a material disadvantage to the one over which the right extended4 ,also that the annoyance might be indefinitely increased or lessened by the cantankerous or considerate user of the right by the person or persons enjoying it4 ,when we consider that servitudes were already an important department of jurisprudence in ,republican days1 and see how great a space they occupy in the ,digest1 we can hardly resist the conclusion that country proprietors found in them a fertile subject of quarrels4 ,but surely the quarrels of landlords over a matter of this kind could not be carried on without occasional and perhaps frequent disturbances and injury to the tenants on the land4 ,even if the law provided means of getting compensation for any damage done to a tenant's crops or other goods in the course of attempts to enforce or defeat a claimed servitude1 was the average colonus a man readily to seek compensation in the law-courts8 ,i think not4 ,but1 if not1 he would depend solely on the goodwill of his own landlord1 supposing the latter to have got the upper hand in the main dispute4 ,on the whole1 ,i strongly suspect that in practice these quarrels over rustic servitudes were a greater nuisance to farmers than might be supposed4 ,so far as ,i know1 we have no statement of the farmer's point of view4 ,another intermittent but damaging occurrence was the occasional passage of soldiery1 whose discipline was often lax4 ,we might easily forget the depredations and general misconduct of these unruly ruffians1 and imagine that such annoyances only became noticeable in a later period4 ,but the jurists do not allow us to forget#aeab the military requisitions for supply of troops on the march1 the payment for which is not clearly provided1 and would at best be a cause of trouble2 or the pilferings of the men1 compensation for which was probably not to be had4 ,it would be farmers in northern ,italy and the frontier-provinces that were the chief sufferers4 ,damage by natural disturbances or by fires may happen in any age or country4 ,that ,italy in particular was exposed to the effect of floods and earthquakes1 we know4 ,accordingly the lawyers are seriously concerned with the legal and equitable questions arising out of such events4 ,it was not merely the claim of tenants#aeac to abatement of rent that called for a statement of principles4 ,beside the sudden effects of earthquakes torrents or fires1 there were the slower processes of streams changing their courses#aead and gradual land-slides on the slopes of hills4 ,these movements generally affected the proprietary relations of neighbouring landlords1 taking away land from one1 sometimes giving to another4 ,here was a fine opening for ingenious jurists1 of which they took full advantage4 ,the growth of estates by alluvion1 and loss by erosion1 was a favourite topic1 the operation of which1 and the questions thereby raised1 are so earnestly treated as to shew their great importance in country life4 ,of fire-damage1 due to malice or neglect1 no more need be said2 nor of many other minor matters4 ,but1 when all the above drawbacks have been allowed for1 it is still probably true that scarcity of labour was a far greater difficulty for farmers4 ,we hear very little directly of this trouble1 as it raised no point of law4 ,very significant#aeae however are the attempts of the ,senate and certain emperors to put down an inveterate scandal which is surely good indirect evidence of the scarcity4 ,it consisted in the harbouring#aeaf of runaway slaves on the estates of other landlords4 ,a runaway from one estate was of course not protected and fed on another estate from motives of philanthropy4 ,the slave would be well aware that severe punishment awaited him if recovered by his owner1 and therefore be willing to work for a new master who might1 if displeased1 surrender him any day4 ,the landlords guilty of this treason to the interests of their class were probably the same as those who harboured#aeag brigands1 another practice injurious to peaceful agriculture both in ,italy and abroad4 ,another inconvenience1 affecting all trades and all parts of the empire in various degrees1 was the local difference in the money-value#aeah of commodities in different markets4 ,this was sometimes great3 and that it was troublesome to farmers may be inferred from the particular mention of wine oil and corn as cases in point4 ,no doubt dealers had the advantage over producers1 as they generally have1 through possessing a more than local knowledge of necessary facts4 ,these middlemen however could not be dispensed with1 as experience shewed1 and one of the later jurists#aeai openly recognized4 ,facilities for borrowing1 and rates of interest1 varied greatly in various centres4 ,but all these market questions do not seem to have been so acute as to be a public danger until the ruinous debasement of the currency in the time of ,gallienus4 ,a few references may be found to peculiar usages of country life in particular ,provinces4 ,thus we read that in ,arabia#aebj farms were sometimes #8boycotted1' any person cultivating such a farm being threatened with assassination4 ,in ,egypt#aeba special care had to be taken to protect the dykes regulating the distribution of ,nile water4 ,both these offences were summarily dealt with by the provincial governor1 and the penalty was death4 ,here we have one more proof of the anxiety of the imperial government to insure the greatest possible production of food4 ,the empire was always hungry1--and so were the barbarians4 ,and the northern frontier provinces could not feed both themselves and the armies4 ,while speaking of landlords and tenants we must not forget that all over the empire considerable areas of land were owned by municipalities1 and dealt with at the discretion of the local authorities4 ,variety of systems was no doubt dictated by variety of local circumstances3 but one characteristic was so general as to deserve special attention on the part of jurists4 ,this was the system of perpetual leaseholds#aebb at a fixed 7and undoubtedly beneficial7 rent1 heritable and transferable to assigns4 ,so long as the tenant regularly paid the vectigal1 his occupation was not to be disturbed4 ,it was evidently the desire of the municipal authorities to have a certain income to reckon with3 for the sake of certainty they would put up with something less than a rack-rent4 ,there were also other lands owned by these civitates that were let on the system#aebc in use by private landlords2 the normal term probably being five years4 ,of these no more need be said here4 ,beneficial leases under a municipality were liable to corrupt management4 ,it had been found necessary#aebd to disqualify members of the local ,senate 7decuriones7 from holding such leases1 that they might not share out the common lands among themselves on beneficial terms4 ,but this prohibition was not enough4 ,the town worthies put in men of straw#aebe as nominal tenants1 through whom they enjoyed the benefits of the leases4 ,so this evasion also had to be met by revoking the ill-gotten privilege4 ,but disturbance of tenancies was not to be lightly allowed1 so it appears that a reference to the emperor#aebf was necessary before such revocation could take place4 ,this system of perpetual leases is of interest1 not as indicating different methods of cultivation from those practised on private estates1 but as betraying a tendency to fixity#aebg already existing1 destined to spread and to take other forms1 and to become the fatal characteristic of the later ,empire4 ,another striking piece of evidence in the same direction occurs in connexion with the lessees 7publicani7 of various state dues 7vectigalia publica7 farmed out in the usual way4 ,in the first half of the third century the jurist ,paulus attests#aebh the fact that1 in case it was found that the right of collecting such dues1 hitherto very profitable to the lessees1 could only be let at a lower lump sum than hitherto1 the old lessees were held bound to continue their contract at the old price4 ,but ,callistratus1 contemporary or nearly so1 tells us that this was not so1 and quotes#aebi a rescript of ,hadrian 7#aag-ach ,,ad7 condemning the practice as tyrannical and likely to deter men from entering into so treacherous a bargain4 ,it appears that other#aecj emperors had forbidden it1 but there is no proof that they succeeded in stopping it4 ,at all events the resort to coercion in a matter of contract like this reveals the presence of a belief in compulsory fixity1 ominous of the coming imperial paralysis1 though of course not so understood at the time4 ,it did not directly affect agriculture as yet2 but its application to agriculture was destined to be a symptom and a cause of the empire's decline and fall4 ,another group of tenancies1 the number and importance of which was quietly increasing1 was that known as praedia ,caesaris#aeca1 fundi fiscales1 and so forth4 ,we need not discuss the departmental differences and various names of these estates4 ,the tenants1 whether small men or conductores on a large scale who sublet in parcels#aecb to coloni1 held either directly or indirectly from the emperor4 ,we have seen specimens in ,africa1 the ,province in which the crown-properties were exceptionally large4 ,what chiefly concerns us here is the imperial land-policy4 ,it seems clear that its first aim was to keep these estates permanently occupied by good solvent tenants4 ,the surest means to this end was to give these estates a good name1 to create a general impression that on imperial farms a man had a better chance of thriving than on those of average private landlords4 ,now the #8state1' that is the emperor or his departmental chiefs1 could favour crown-tenants in various ways without making a material sacrifice of a financial kind4 ,in particular1 the treatment of crown-estates as what we call #8peculiars1' in which local disputes were settled1 not by resort to the courts of ordinary law1 but administratively#aecc by the emperor's procuratores1 was probably a great relief2 above all to the humbler coloni1 whom we may surely assume to have been a class averse to litigation4 ,no doubt a procurator might be corrupted and unjust4 ,but he was probably far more effectually watched than ordinary magistrates2 and1 if the worst came to the worst1 there was as we have seen the hope of a successful appeal to the emperor4 ,another favour consisted in the exemption of ,caesar's tenants from various burdensome official duties in municipalities1 the so-called munera1 which often entailed great expense4 ,this is mentioned by a jurist#aecd near the end of the second century3 they are only to perform such duties so far as not to cause loss to the treasury4 ,another#aece1 somewhat later1 says that their exemption is granted in order that they may be more suitable tenants of treasury-farms4 ,this exemption is one more evidence of the well-known fact that in this age municipal offices were beginning to be evaded#aecf as ruinous1 and no longer sought as an honour4 ,we must note that1 if this immunitas relieved the crown-tenants1 it left all the more burdens to be borne by those who enjoyed no such relief4 ,and this cannot have been good for agriculture in general4 ,it is not to be supposed that the fiscus#aecg was a slack and easy landlord4 ,goods of debtors were promptly seized to cover liabilities3 attempts to evade payment of tributa by a private agreement#aech between mortgagor and mortgagee were quashed3 a rescript#aeci of ,marcus and ,verus insisted on the treasury share 77 of treasure trove3 and so on4 ,but there are signs of a reasonable and considerate policy1 in not pressing demands so as to inflict hardship4 ,trajan#aedj had set a good example1 and good emperors followed it4 ,we may fairly guess that this moderation in financial dealings was not wholly laid aside in the management of imperial estates4 ,nor is it to be imagined that the advantages of imperial tenants were exactly the same in all parts of the empire4 ,in ,provinces through which armies had to move it is probable that coloni ,caesaris would suffer less#aeda than ordinary farmers from military annoyances4 ,but on the routes to and from a seat of war it is obvious that the imperial post-service would be subjected to exceptional strain4 ,now this service was at the best of times#aedb a cause of vexations and losses to the farmers along the line of traffic4 ,the staff made good all deficiencies in their requirements by taking beasts fodder vehicles etc wherever they could find them3 what they restored was much the worse for wear1 and compensation1 if ever got1 was tardy and inadequate4 ,the repair of roads was another pretext for exaction4 ,it is hardly to be doubted that in these respects imperial tenants suffered less than others4 ,some emperors#aedc took steps to ease the burden1 which had been found too oppressive to the roadside estates4 ,but this seems to have been no more than relief from official requisitions3 irregular #8commandeering' was the worst evil1 and we have no reason to think that it was effectually suppressed4 ,it appears in the next period as a rampant abuse1 vainly forbidden by the laws of the ,theodosian code4 ,l4 ,,the ,,later ,,colonate1 ,,its ,,place ,,in ,,roman ,,history4 ,in the endeavour to extract from scattered and fragmentary evidence some notion of agricultural conditions in the ,roman empire before and after ,diocletian we are left with two imperfect pictures1 so strongly contrasted as to suggest a suspicion of their truth4 ,we can hardly believe that the system known as the later ,colonate appeared in full force as a sudden phenomenon4 ,nor indeed are we compelled to fly so directly in the face of historical experience4 ,that we have no narrative of the steps that led to this momentous change1 is surely due to the inability of contemporaries to discern the future effect of tendencies operating silently#aedd and piecemeal4 ,what seems at the moment insignificant1 even if observed1 is seldom recorded1 and very seldom intentionally4 ,hence after generations1 seeking to trace effects to causes1 are puzzled by defects of record4 ,their only resource is to supplement1 so far as possible1 defective record by general consideration of the history of the time in question and cautious inference therefrom3 in fact to get at the true meaning of fragmentary admissions in relation to their historical setting4 ,the chief topic to be dealt with here from this point of view is the character of the ,roman ,empire in several aspects4 ,for among all the anxieties of the government during these troubled centuries the one that never ceased was the fear of failure in supplies of food4 ,the character of the ,roman ,empire had been largely determined by the fact that it arose from the overthrow of a government that had long been practically aristocratic4 ,the popular movements that contributed to this result only revealed the impossibility of establishing anything like a democracy1 and the unreality of any power save the power of the sword4 ,the great dissembler ,augustus concealed a virtual autocracy by conciliatory handling of the remains of the nobility4 ,but the ,senate1 to which he left or gave many powers1 was never capable of bearing a vital part in the administration1 and its influence continued to dwindle under his successors4 ,the master of the army was the master of the empire1 and influence was more and more vested in those who were able to guide his policy4 ,that these might be1 and sometimes were1 not born ,romans at all1 but imperial freedmen generally of ,greek or mixed-,greek origin1 was a very significant fact4 ,in particular1 it marked and encouraged the growth of departmental bureaus1 permanent and efficient beyond the standard of previous ,roman experience4 ,but the price of this efficiency was centralization1 a condition that carried with it inevitable dangers1 owing to the vast extent of the empire4 ,in modern times the fashionable remedy suggested for over-centralization is devolution of powers to local governments controlling areas of considerable size4 ,or1 in cases of aggregation1 the existing powers left to states merged in a confederation are considerable4 ,in any case1 the subordinate units are free to act within their several limited spheres1 and the central government respects their #8autonomy1' only interfering in emergencies to enforce the fulfilment of definite common obligations4 ,but1 if it had been desired to gain any such relief by a system of devolution within the ,roman empire1 this would have meant the recognition of #8autonomy' in the ,provinces4 ,and this was inconceivable4 ,the extension of ,roman dominion had been achieved by dividing ,rome's adversaries4 ,once conquered1 it was the interest or policy of the central power to keep them in hand by preventing the growth of self-conscious cohesion in the several units4 ,each ,province was1 as the word implied1 a department of the ,roman system1 ruled by a succession of ,roman governors4 ,it looked to ,rome for orders1 for redress of grievances1 for protection at need4 ,if the advance of ,rome destroyed no true nations1 her government at least made the development of truly national characteristics impossible1 while she herself formed no ,roman nation4 ,thus1 for better or worse1 the empire was non-national4 ,but1 as we have already seen1 the decline of ,italy made it more and more clear that the strength of the empire lay in the ,provinces4 ,now1 having no share in initiative and no responsibility1 the ,provinces steadily lost vitality under ,roman civilization1 and became more and more helplessly dependent on the central power4 ,as the strain on the empire became greater1 the possibility of relief by devolution grew less3 but more centralization was no cure for what was already a disease4 ,that local government of a kind existed in the empire is true enough2 also that it was one of the most striking and important features of the system4 ,but it was municipal1 and tended rather to subdivide than to unite4 ,it was the outcome of a civilization profoundly urban in its origins and ideas4 ,the notion that a city was a state was by no means confined to the independent cities of early ,greece4 ,whether it voluntarily merged itself in a ,league or lived on as a subordinate unit in the system of a dominant power1 the city and its territory were politically one4 ,within their several boundaries the townsmen and rustic citizens of each city were subject to the authorities of that community4 ,beyond their own boundary they were aliens under the authorities of another city4 ,it is no wonder that jealousies between neighbour cities were often extreme1 and that ,roman intervention was often needed to keep the peace between rivals4 ,but the system suited ,roman policy4 ,in the ,east and wherever cities existed they were taken over as administrative units and as convenient centres of taxation3 in the ,west it was found useful and practicable to introduce urban centres into tribes and cantons1 and even in certain districts to attach#aede local populations to existing cities as dependent hamlets4 ,and1 so long as the imperial government was able to guard the frontiers and avert the shock of disturbances of the ,roman peace1 the empire held its own in apparent prosperity4 ,to some historians the period of the #8,antonines' 7say about #ajj-agj ,,ad7 has seemed a sort of ,golden ,age4 ,but signs are not lacking that the municipal system had seen its best days4 ,the severe strain on imperial resources in the time of ,marcus left behind it general exhaustion4 ,the decay of local patriotism marked the pressure of poverty and loss of vitality in the cities4 ,more and more their importance became that of mere taxation-centres1 in which the evasion of duty was the chief preoccupation3 they could not reinvigorate the empire1 nor the empire them4 ,another characteristic of the empire1 not less significant than those mentioned above1 was this3 taken as a whole1 it was non-industrial4 ,manufactures existed here and there1 and products of various kinds were exchanged between various parts of the empire4 ,so far as the ordinary population was concerned1 the ,roman world might well have supplied its own needs4 ,but this was not enough4 ,the armies1 though perilously small for the work they had to do1 were a heavy burden4 ,the imperial civil service as it became more elaborate did not become less costly4 ,the waste of resources on unremunerative buildings and shows in cities1 above all in ,rome1 and the ceaseless expense of feeding a worthless rabble1 were a serious drain3 ordained by established custom1 maintained by vanity1 to economize on these follies would seem a confession of weakness4 ,nor should the extravagance of the rich1 and of many emperors1 be forgotten3 this created a demand for luxuries chiefly imported from the ,east2 precious stones1 delicate fabrics1 spices1 perfumes1 rare woods1 ivory1 and so forth4 ,rome had no goods to export in payment for such things1 and the scarcity of return-cargoes must have added heavily to the cost of carriage4 ,there was on this account a steady drain of specie to the ,east1 and this had to be met by a corresponding drain of specie to ,rome4 ,in one form or another this meant money drawn from the ,provinces1 for which the ,provinces received hardly the bare pretence of an equivalent1 or a better security for peace4 ,thus the empire1 created by conquest and absorption1 administered by bureaucratic centralization1 rested on force2 a force partly real and still present1 partly traditional1 derived from a victorious past4 ,the belief in ,rome as the eternal city went for much1 and we hear of no misgivings as to the soundness of a civilization which expressed itself in a constant excess of consumption over production4 ,naturally enough1 under such conditions1 the imperial system became more and more what it really was from the first1 a vast machine4 ,it was not a league of cooperating units1 each containing a vital principle of growth1 and furnishing the power of recovery from disaster4 ,its apathetic parts looked passively to the centre for guidance or relief1 depending on the perfection of a government whose imperfection was assured by attempting a task beyond the reach of human faculty and virtue4 ,the exposure of the empire's weakness came about through collision with the forces of northern barbarism4 ,what a machine could do1 that it did1 and its final failure was due to maladies that made vain all efforts to renew its internal strength4 ,the wars with the northern barbarians brought out with singular clearness two important facts1 already known but not sufficiently taken into account4 ,first1 that the enemy were increasing in numbers while the people of the empire were in most parts stationary or even declining4 ,bloody victories1 when gained1 did practically nothing to redress the balance4 ,secondly1 that at the back of this embarrassing situation lay a food-question of extreme seriousness and complexity4 ,more and more food was needed for the armies1 and the rustics of the empire1 even when fitted for military service1 could not be spared from the farms without danger to the food-supply4 ,the demands of the commissariat were probably far greater than we might on the face of it suppose2 for an advance into the enemy's territory did not ease matters4 ,little or nothing was found to eat3 indeed it was the pressure of a growing population on the means of subsistence that drove the hungry ,german tribes to face the ,roman sword in quest of abundant food and the wine and oil of the ,south and ,west4 ,the attempt of ,marcus and others after him1 to solve the problems of the moment by enlisting barbarians in ,roman armies1 was no permanent solution4 ,the aliens too had to be fed1 and their pay in money could not be deferred4 ,meanwhile the taxation of the empire inevitably grew1 and the productive industries had to stagger along under heavier burdens4 ,the progressive increase of these is sufficiently illustrated in the history of indictiones4 ,at first an indictio was no more than an occasional#aedf impost of so much corn levied by imperial proclamation on landed properties in order to meet exceptional scarcity in ,rome4 ,but it was in addition to the regular tributum1 and was of course most likely to occur in years when scarcity prevailed4 ,no wonder it was already felt onerous#aedg in the time of ,trajan4 ,pressure on imperial resources caused it not only to become more frequent1 and eventually normal3 it was extended#aedh to include other products1 and became a regular burden of almost universal application1 and ended by furnishing a new chronological unit1 the ,indiction-period of #ae years4 ,that agriculture1 already none too prosperous1 suffered heavily under this capricious impost in the second century1 seems to me a fact beyond all doubt4 ,and1 not being then a general imperial tax1 it fell upon those provinces that were still flourishing producers of corn4 ,debasement of currency already lowered the value of money-taxes1 and tempted emperors to extend the system of dues in kind4 ,under ,diocletian and ,galerius things came to a head4 ,vast increase of taxation was called for under the new system1 and it was mainly taxation in kind4 ,already the failure of agriculture was notorious1 and attempts had been made to enforce cultivation of derelict lands4 ,the new taxation only aggravated present evils1 and in despair of milder measures ,constantine attached the coloni to the soil4 ,important as the legal foundation of the later serf-colonate1 this law is historically still more important as a recognition of past failure which nothing had availed to check4 ,he saw no way of preventing a general stampede from the farms save to forbid it as illegal1 and to employ the whole machinery of the empire in enforcing the new law4 ,this policy was only a part of the general tendency to fix everything in a rigid framework1 to make all occupations hereditary1 that became normal in the later ,empire4 ,the ,codes are a standing record of the principle that the remedy for failure of legislation was more legislation of the same kind4 ,hard-pressed emperors needed all the resources they could muster1 particularly food4 ,they had no breathing-space to try whether more freedom might not promote enterprise and increase production1 even had such a policy come within their view4 ,hence the cramping crystallizing process went on with the certainty of fate4 ,the government1 unable to develope existing industry1 simply squeezed it to exhaustion4 ,how came it that the government was able to do this8 ,how came it that agricultural tenants could be converted into stationary serfs without causing a general upheaval#aedi and immediate dissolution of the empire8 ,mainly1 ,i think1 because the act of ,constantine was no more than a recognition de iure of a condition already created de facto by a long course of servilizing influences4 ,also because it was the apparent interest1 not only of the imperial treasury but of the great proprietors generally1 to tie down to the soil#aeej the cultivators of their estates4 ,labour was now more valuable than land4 ,in corn-growing ,africa the importance attached to the task-work of sub-tenants was a confession of this4 ,and1 law or no law1 things had to move in one or other direction4 ,either the landlord and head-lessee had to win further control of the tenants1 or the tenants must become less dependent4 ,only the former alternative was possible in the circumstances2 and the full meaning of the change that turned de facto dependence into legal constraint may be stated as a recognition of the colonus as labourer rather than tenant4 ,whether the settlement of barbarians as domiciled aliens in some ,provinces under strict conditions of farm-labour had anything to do with the creation of this new semi-servile status1 seems hardly to be decided on defective evidence4 ,at all events it cannot have hindered it4 ,and we must make full allowance for the effect of various conditions in various ,provinces4 ,if we rightly suppose that the position of coloni had been growing weaker for some time before the act of ,constantine1 this does not imply that the process was due to the same causes operating alike in all parts of the empire in the same degree4 ,the evidence of the ,theodosian ,code shews many local differences of phenomena in the fourth and fifth centuries2 and it is not credible that there was a greater uniformity in the conditions of the preceding age4 ,laws might aim at uniformity1 but they could not alter facts4 ,my conclusion therefore is that the general character of the imperial system was the main cause of the later serf-colonate4 ,however much the degradation of free farm-tenants1 or the admission of slaves to tenancies1 or the settlement of barbarians under conditions of service1 may have contributed to the result1 it was the mechanical nature of the system as a whole that gave effect to them all4 ,after ,trajan the rulers of the empire became more and more conscious that the problem before them was one of conservation1 and that extension was at an end4 ,hadrian saw this1 and strove to perfect the internal organization4 ,by the time of ,aurelian it was found necessary to surrender territory as a further measure of security4 ,we can hardly doubt that under such conditions the machine of internal administration operated more mechanically than ever4 ,then1 when the reforms of ,diocletian made fresh taxation necessary to defray their cost1 an agricultural crisis was produced by the turning of the imperial screw4 ,the hierarchy of officials justified their existence by squeezing an assured revenue out of a population unable to resist but able to remove4 ,there was no other source of revenue to take the place of the land3 moreover1 it was agricultural produce in kind that was required4 ,therefore the central bureaucracy1 unchecked by any public opinion1 did after its wont4 ,in that selfish and servile world each one took care of his own skin4 ,compulsion was the rule3 the coloni must be made to produce food3 therefore they must be bound fast to the soil1 or the empire would starve--and the officials with it4 ,,additional ,,notes ,,to ,,chapter ,l4 ,i cannot lose this opportunity of referring to a very interesting little book by ,m4 ,aug-,larib1 ,l'volution de la ,france agricole ,paris #aiab4 ,much of it bears directly on the labour-question1 and sets forth the difficulties hindering its solution4 ,it is peculiarly valuable to a student of the question in the ancient world1 because it lays great stress on the effect of causes arising from modern conditions4 ,causes operating in both ancient and modern times are thereby made more readily and clearly perceptible4 ,such modern influences in particular as the vast development of transport1 the concentration of machine-industries in towns1 and the constant attraction of better and more continuous wage-earning1 by which the rustic is drawn to urban centres1 are highly significant4 ,the difference from ancient conditions is so great in degree that it practically almost amounts to a difference in kind4 ,so too in the material resources of agriculture3 the development of farm-machinery has superseded much hand-labour1 while ,science has increased the possible returns from a given portion of soil4 ,most significant of all from my point of view is the author's insistence on the irregularity of wage-earning in rustic life as an active cause of the flitting of wage-earners to the towns4 ,this brings it home to a student that a system of rustic slavery implies a set of conditions incompatible with such an economic migration2 and also that the employment of slaves by urban craftsmen would not leave many eligible openings for immigrant rustics4 ,it is fully consistent with my view that the wage-earning rustic was a rare figure in the ,greco-,roman world4 ,it is perhaps in the remedies proposed by the author for present evils 7and for the resulting depopulation of the countryside7 that the contrast of ancient and modern is most clearly marked4 ,bureaucratic the ,french administrative system may be3 but it is not the expression of a despotism that enslaves its citizens in the frantic effort to maintain itself against pressure from without4 ,for individuals and organizations are free to think speak and act1 and so to promote what seems likely to do good4 ,initiative and invention are not deadened by the fear that betterment will only serve as a pretext for increase of burdens4 ,stationary by instinct the ,french peasant proprietor may be3 but he is free to move if he will1 and no one dare propose to tie him to the soil by law4 ,nor can ,i omit a reference to a paper of the late ,prof ,pelham on ,the ,imperial domains and the ,colonate 7#ahij1 in volume of ,essays1 ,oxford #aiaa74 ,the simplicity of the solution there offered is most attractive1 and the general value of the treatise great4 ,but ,i do not think it a final solution of the problem4 ,not only are there variations of detail in the domains known to us from the ,african inscriptions 7some of them found since #ahij74 ,that some of the regulations may have been taken over from those of former private owners is a point not considered4 ,and there is no mention of the notable requisition of the services of coloni as mere retainers1 to which ,caesar refers without comment 7above pp #ahc1 #bed74 ,therefore1 while ,i welcome the proposition that the system of the ,imperial domains had much to do with the creation of the later ,colonate1 ,i still think that earlier and more deep-seated causes cannot safely be ignored4 ,perhaps this is partly because ,i am looking at the matter from a labour point of view4 ,,from ,,diocletian ,,li4 ,,general ,,introduction4 ,if we desire to treat ,history as the study of causation in the affairs of mankind--and this is its most fruitful task--we shall find no more striking illustration of its difficulties than the agricultural system of the later ,roman ,empire4 ,in the new model of ,diocletian and ,constantine we see the imperial administration reorganized in new forms#aeea deliberately adopted3 policy expresses itself1 after a century of disturbance1 in a clear breach with the past4 ,but1 when ,constantine in #ccb legislates#aeeb to prevent coloni from migrating1 he refers to a class of men who are not their own masters but subject to control 7iuris alieni71 though he distinguishes them from slaves4 ,evidently he is not creating a new class3 his intention is to prevent an existing class from evading its present responsibilities4 ,they are by the fact of their birth attached as cultivators to their native soil4 ,with this tie of origo#aeec goes liability to a certain proportion of imperial tax 7capitatio74 ,this is mentioned as a matter of course4 ,now we know that such serf-coloni formed at least a large part of the rustic population under the later ,empire4 ,we cannot but see that the loss of the power of free migration is the vital difference that marks off these tied farmers from the tenant farmers of an earlier period1 the class whom ,columella advised landlords to retain if possible4 ,for these men cannot move on if they would4 ,how came they to be in this strange condition1 in fact neither slave nor free1 so that ,constantine had merely to crystallize relations already existing#aeed and the institution of serf-tenancy became a regular part of the system8 ,if we are to form any notion of the conditions of farm labour in this period1 we must form some notion of the causes that produced the later or dependent colonate4 ,and this is no simple matter3 on few subjects has the divergence of opinions been more marked than on this4 ,i have stated my own conclusions above1 and further considerations are adduced in this chapter4 ,our chief source of evidence is the collection of legal acts of the ,christian emperors issued by authority in the year #dch1 and known as the codex ,theodosianus4 ,it covers a period of more than a hundred years1 and innumerable references to the land-questions attest the continual anxiety of the imperial government to secure adequate cultivation of every possible acre of land4 ,contemporary history may suggest motives for this nervousness4 ,the increased expenses of the court and the administrative system made it necessary to raise more taxes than ever for the civil services4 ,the armies1 now mainly composed of ,germans and other barbarians1 were necessary for imperial defence1 but very costly to equip pay and feed4 ,whether they were mercenaries drawing wages1 or aliens settled as ,roman subjects within the empire on lands held by tenure of military service1 they were either a burden on the treasury or a doubtful element of the population that must at all costs be kept in good humour4 ,on a few occasions ,roman victories furnished numbers of barbarian prisoners to the slave-market4 ,these would be dispersed over various districts1 generally at some distance from the troubled frontiers1 and the rustic slaves of whom we hear were doubtless in great part procured in this way4 ,but that the rustic population consisted largely of actual slaves we have no reason to believe4 ,of estates worked on a vast scale by slave labour we hear nothing4 ,naturally2 for the social and economic conditions favourable to that system had long passed away4 ,slaves were no longer plentiful1 markets were no longer free4 ,under the ,empire1 the pride of great landlords needed a strong mixture of caution2 under a greedy or spendthrift emperor the display of material wealth was apt to be dangerous4 ,in the century of confusion before ,diocletian agriculture had been much interrupted in many parts of the empire1 and much land had gone out of cultivation4 ,so serious was the situation in the later part of that period1 that ,aurelian#aeee imposed upon municipal senates the burden of providing for the cultivation of derelict farms4 ,when a taxpayer is required to pay a fixed amount in a stable currency1 he knows his liability4 ,so long as he can meet it1 any surplus income remains in his hands1 and he has a fair chance of improving his economic position by thrift4 ,if what the state really wants is 7say7 corn1 it can use its tax-revenue to purchase corn in the open market4 ,but this assumes that the producer is free to stand out for the best price he can get1 and that he will be paid in money on the purchasing power of which he can rely for his own needs4 ,this last condition had ceased to exist#aeef in the ,roman empire4 ,not to mention earlier tamperings with the currency1 since the middle of the third century its state had been deplorable4 ,things had now gone so far that the value of the fixed money taxes seriously reduced the income derived from them3 the government was literally paid in its own coin4 ,the policy of ,diocletian was to extend an old practice of exacting payment in kind1 and this became the principal method#aeeg of imperial taxation4 ,we must bear in mind that the supply of corn for the city of ,rome1 the annona urbis1 went on as before1 though the practical importance of ,rome was steadily sinking4 ,diocletian made it no longer the residence of emperors1 and ,constantine founded another capital in the ,east3 but ,rome was still fed by corn-tributes from the ,provinces1 chiefly from ,africa and ,egypt4 ,when the ,new ,rome on the ,bosporus was fully equipped as an imperial capital1 ,egypt was made liable for the corn-supply of the ,constantinopolitan populace4 ,old ,rome had then to rely almost entirely on ,africa1 with occasional help from other sources4 ,italy itself#aeeh was now reduced to the common level1 cut up into provinces1 and liable for furnishing supplies of food4 ,but it was divided into two separate regions3 the northern1 officially named ,italia1 or annonariae regiones1 in which a good deal of corn was grown1 had to deliver its annona at ,mediolanum 7,milan7 the new imperial headquarters3 the southern1 suburbicariae 7or urbicariae7 regiones1 in which little corn was grown1 sent supplies of pigs cattle wine firewood lime etc to ,rome4 ,the northern annona1 like that from other provinces1 helped to maintain military forces and the host of officials employed by the government4 ,for it soon became the practice to pay salaries in kind4 ,in the pitiful state of the currency this rude method offered the best guarantee for receipt of a definite value4 ,unhappily this exaction and distribution in kind was at best a wasteful process4 ,at worst it was simply ruinous4 ,the empire was subject to constant menace of attack1 and was in dire need of the largest possible income raised on the most economical system4 ,if the ultimate basis of imperial strength was to be found in the food-producers1 it was all-important to give the farming classes a feeling of security sufficient to encourage industry and enterprise1 and at all costs to avoid reducing them to despair4 ,nor was the new census as designed by ,diocletian on the face of it an unjust and evil institution4 ,taking account of arable lands and of the persons employed in cultivating them1 it aimed at creating a fixed number#aeei of agricultural units each of which should be liable to furnish the same amount of yearly dues in kind4 ,but it is obvious that to carry out this doctrinaire scheme with uniform neatness and precision was not possible4 ,to deal fairly with agriculture a minute attention to local differences and special peculiarities was necessary1 and this attention could not be given on so vast a scale4 ,perhaps careful observation and correction of errors might have produced a reasonable degree of perfection in a long period of unbroken peace3 but no such period was at hand4 ,the same strain that drove the imperial government to the new taxation also prevented any effective control of its working4 ,it is perhaps inevitable that the exaction of dues in kind should lead to abuses4 ,at all events1 abuses in this department were no new thing3 the sufferings of such ,provinces as ,sicily and ,asia were notorious in the time of the ,republic4 ,a stricter control had made the state of things much better in the first two centuries of the ,empire4 ,the exploitation of the ,provincials was generally checked1 and the imperial government was not as yet driven by desperate financial straits to turn extortioner itself4 ,caracalla's law of #bab1 extending the ,roman franchise#aefj to all free inhabitants1 was a symptom of conscious need1 for it brought all estates under the ,roman succession-tax4 ,at the same time it did away with the old distinction between the ruling ,roman people and the subject nationalities3 henceforth1 wherever there was oppression within the ,roman world1 it necessarily fell upon ,roman#aefa citizens4 ,time had been when the ,roman citizen1 free to move into any part of the ,roman dominions and to acquire property there#aefb under protection of ,roman law1 made full use of the opportunities afforded him1 to the disadvantage of the subject natives4 ,now all alike were the helpless subjects of a government that they could neither reform nor supersede2 a government whose one leading idea was to bring all institutions into fixed grooves in which they should move mechanically year after year1 unsusceptible of growth or decay4 ,true1 the plan was absurd1 and some few observers may have detected its absurdity4 ,but the power of challenging centralized officialism and evoking expression of public opinion1 never more than rudimentary in the ,roman state1 was now simply extinct4 ,things had come to such a pass that1 speaking generally1 a citizen's choice lay between two alternatives4 ,either he must bear an active part in the system that was squeezing out the vital economic forces of the empire1 making whenever possible a profit for himself out of a salary or illicit gains2 or he must submit passively to all such extortions as the system1 worked by men whose duty and interest alike tended to make them merciless1 was certain to inflict4 ,the oppressors1 though numerous1 could only be few in proportion to the whole free population4 ,therefore the vast majority stood officially condemned to lives of penury and wretchedness4 ,the system became more hard-set and the outlook more hopeless with the lapse of time4 ,the dues exacted from the various parts of the empire varied in quality#aefc according to local conditions1 and to some extent in methods of collection4 ,in the frontier ,provinces the quantity was sometimes reduced#aefd by remissions1 when a district ravaged by invaders was relieved for a few years that it might recover its normal productiveness4 ,the details of these variations are beyond the scope of the present inquiry4 ,the general principle underlying the whole system was the fixing of taxation-units equal in liability1 and the organizing of collection in municipal groups4 ,each municipal town or civitas was the administrative centre of a district1 and stood charged in the imperial ledgers as liable for the returns from a certain number of units1 this number being that recorded as existing at the last quinquennial census4 ,for the collection the chief municipal authorities were responsible2 and they had to hand over the amount due to the imperial authorities1 whether they had received it in full or not4 ,already burdened with strictly municipal liabilities1 the members of municipal senates 7curiales7 were crushed by this additional and incalculable pressure4 ,unable to resist1 they generally took the course of so using their functions and powers as to protect their own interests as far as possible4 ,one obvious precaution was to see that the number of taxable units#aefe in their district was not fixed too high by the census officials4 ,this precaution was certainly not overlooked1 and success in keeping down the number may well have been the chief reason why the system was able to go on so long4 ,the curiales were mostly considerable landlords1 residing in their town and letting their land to tenants4 ,but there were other landlords1 smaller men1 some also resident in the towns1 others in the country4 ,we still hear of men farming land#aeff of their own1 and it seems that some of these held and farmed other land also1 as coloni of larger landlords4 ,when any question arose as to the number of units for the tax on which this or that farm was liable1 it is clear that the interests of different classes might easily clash4 ,and the curiales undoubtedly took care#aefg that their own and those of their friends did not suffer4 ,these remarks imply that the system practically worked in favour of the richer classes#aefh as against the poorer4 ,and so it certainly did1 not only in the time of revision at the census each fifth year1 but on other occasions4 ,if an invasion or some other great disaster led the emperor to grant temporary relief1 this would normally take the form of reducing the number of taxable units in the district for a certain period4 ,but the local authorities were left to apportion this reduction#aefi among the several estates1 and the poor farmers had no representative to see that they got their fair share of relief4 ,moreover1 outside taxation1 the farmers were often subjected to heavy burdens and damage by the irregular requisitions of imperial officials4 ,for instance1 the staff of the imperial post-service 7cursus publicus7#aegj were a terror4 ,they pressed the goods of farmers into the service of their department on various pretexts1 and exacted labour on upkeep of roads and stations4 ,for their tyranny there was no effective compensation or redress4 ,like other officials1 they could be bought off by bribes3 but this meant that the various exactions#aega were shifted from the shoulders of the rich to those of the poor4 ,another iniquity1 the revival of a very old#aegb abuse1 was connected with the question of transport1 an important consideration in the case of dues in kind1 often bulky4 ,for instance1 in the case of corn1 the place at which it had to be delivered might easily count for more in estimating the actual pressure of the burden than the amount of grain levied4 ,in making the arrangements for delivery there were openings for favouritism and bribery4 ,circumstances varied greatly in various parts of the empire4 ,in some ,provinces delivery was made at a military depot within easy reach4 ,transport by sea from ,egypt or ,africa was carried on by gilds#aegc of shippers1 who became more and more organized and regulated by law4 ,but in many parts good roads were few1 and laid out for strategic reasons2 the country roads inconvenient and rough3 and for transport in bulk the post-service provided no machinery available for the use of private persons4 ,it is not necessary here to follow out in detail all the particular discomforts and grievances of the farming classes under the system devised by ,diocletian and developed by his successors4 ,enough has been said to shew that they were great1 and to remove all ground for wondering that the area of arable land actually under tillage1 and with it population1 continued to decline4 ,constantine's law confirming the bondage of coloni to the soil by forbidding movement was the confession of a widespread evil1 but no remedy4 ,repeated legislation to the same purpose only recorded and continued the failure4 ,when all the resources of evasion were exhausted1 the pauperized serf fled to a town and depended for a living on the pitiful doles of private or ecclesiastical charity1 or turned brigand and took precarious toll of those who still had something to lose4 ,in either case he was an additional burden on a society that already had more than it could bear4 ,in #chb we find an attempt#aegd made to put down #8sturdy beggars4' ,the law rewarded anyone who procured the conviction of such persons by handing over the offenders to him4 ,an ex-slave became the approver's own slave1 and one who had nothing of his own beyond his freeborn quality was granted to him as his colonus for life4 ,but this law seems to have been ineffectual like others4 ,desertion of farms might to some extent be checked1 but mendicity and brigandage remained4 ,there was however another movement1 later in time and less in volume1 but not less serious as affecting the practical working of the imperial machine4 ,with the increase of poverty life in municipal towns became less attractive4 ,local eminence was no longer an object of ambition2 for to local burdens1 once cheerfully borne1 was now added a load of imperial responsibilities which lay heavy on all men of property1 and which they could neither shake off nor control4 ,in hope of evading them1 well-to-do citizens took refuge#aege in the country1 either on estates of their own or under the protection of great landlords already settled there4 ,but to allow this would mean the depletion of the local senates 7curiae7 on whose services as revenue-collectors the financial system of the empire depended4 ,to prevent men qualified for the position of curiales from escaping that duty was the aim of legislation#aegf which by repeated enactments confessed its own failure4 ,that there were country magnates1 men of influence 7potentes71 whose protection might seem able to screen municipal defaulters1 is a point to be noted4 ,they were the great possessores#aegg 7a term no longer applied to small men71 who held large estates organized on a sort of manorial model1 and sometimes ruled them like little principalities1 territorial lordships#aegh standing in direct relations with the central authorities and not hampered by inclusion in the general municipal scheme4 ,such #8peculiars' had existed under the earlier ,empire1 and evidently continued to exist3 the ,crown-lands of the emperors1 especially in ,africa1 were the most signal cases4 ,but the great private ,possessor could not secure to his domain the various exemptions#aegi that emperors conferred on theirs4 ,he had to collect and pay over#aehj the dues from his estate1 as a municipal magistrate did from the district round his town-centre4 ,but he had a more immediate and personal interest in the wellbeing of all his tenants and dependants1 whose presence and prosperity gave to his land by far the greater part#aeha of its value4 ,that territorial magnates should be free to build up a perhaps dangerous power in various corners of the empire by gathering dependants round them1 could hardly be viewed with approval by the jealousy of emperors4 ,not only was the system of letting land in parcels to tenants spreading1 but the power of the landlords over them was increasing1 long before ,constantine took the final step of treating them as attached permanently to the soil4 ,whether they were the landlord's free tenants who had gradually lost through economic weakness the effective use of freedom2 or small freeholders who had found it worth their while to part with their holdings to a big man and become his tenants for the sake of enjoying his protection2 or former slaves to whom small farms had been entrusted on various conditions2 they were in a sort of economic bondage4 ,doubtless most of them lived from hand to mouth1 but we have no reason to believe that poverty1 so long as they had plenty to live on1 was the motive#aehb that made them wish to give up their holdings and try their luck elsewhere4 ,it was the cruel pressure of ,diocletian's new taxation1 and the army of officials employed to enforce it1 that drove them to despair4 ,a contemporary witness#aehc tells us1 referring to this very matter1 #8the excess of receivers over givers was becoming so marked that farms were being abandoned1 and tillages falling to woodland1 the resources of the tenants being exhausted by the hugeness#aehd of the imposts4' ,and this evidence does not stand alone4 ,so ,constantine sought a remedy in prevention of movement1 binding down the tenants to the soil4 ,henceforth the land to which a colonus#aehe was attached by birth1 and the colonus himself1 were to be legally and economically inseparable4 ,attempts at evading the new rule were persistently met by later#aehf legislation4 ,the motive of such attempts may be found by remembering that depopulation was steadily lowering the value of land and raising that of labour4 ,if an individual landlord could add to the value of his own estate by getting more coloni settled on it1 withdrawn from other estates1 he might profit by the transaction3 but the government1 whose policy was to keep the greatest possible area under cultivation1 could not allow one part to be denuded of labourers to suit the interest of the owner of another part4 ,when the law stepped in to deprive the tenant1 already far gone in dependence on his landlord1 of such freedom of movement as he still retained1 it is remarkable that rustic slaves were not at the same time legally attached to the soil4 ,that inconvenience was caused by masters selling them when and where they chose1 is shewn by ,constantine's law#aehg of #cbg1 allowing such sales to take place only within the limits of the ,province where they had been employed4 ,no doubt their removal upset the arrangements for that part of a taxable unit in which the number of adult heads#aehh was taken into account1 and so had to be checked4 ,but it seems not to have been till the time of ,valentinian#aehi1 somewhere between #cfg and #cge1 that the sale of a farm-slave off the land was directly prohibited1 like that of a colonus4 ,in referring to this matter1 the significance of the difference of dates is thus brought out#aeij by ,seeck3 #8,that this measure was carried through much sooner in the case of the small farmers than in that of the farm-slaves1 is very characteristic of the spirit of that age4 ,where court favour is the deciding factor that governs the entire policy1 the government is even more reluctant to limit the proprietary rights of the great landlord#aeia than the liberties of the small man4' ,this is very true1 but we must not forget that in both cases the binding of the labourer to the soil did in fact restrict the landlord's freedom of disposal4 ,he as well as his dependants came under a system not designed to promote his private convenience or interest1 but to guarantee a maximum of total cultivation in the interest of the empire as a whole4 ,so we find that he was not allowed#aeib to raise at will the rents of his tenants3 they could sue their landlord 7a right which in practice was probably not worth much71 and even when this right was restricted#aeic in #cif they still retained it in respect of unfair increases of rent and criminal cases4 ,so too1 if he acquired extra slaves1 either by receiving them as volunteers from derelict farms or in virtue of an imperial grant1 it was strictly ordained#aeid that such acquisition carried with it the tax-liability for the whole of the derelict land4 ,the landlord was therefore kept firmly in the grip of the central power1 and not left free to build up a little principality by consolidating at will all the labour-resources that he could annex as dependants4 ,moreover he was watched by a host of imperial agents and spies whose interests could only be reconciled with his own by the costly method of recurrent bribery4 ,when we return to the main question of the actual farm-labour1 and ask who toiled with their own hands to raise crops1 we find ourselves in a curious position4 ,the evidence1 whether legal or literary1 leaves us in no doubt that the tenant farmer of this period was normally himself a labourer4 ,and yet it is not easy to cite passages in which this is directly affirmed4 ,the pompous and affected language of the imperial laws is throughout a bad medium for conveying simple facts2 nor was the question1 who did the work1 of any interest to the central authority1 concerned solely with the regular exaction of the apportioned dues4 ,the real proof that coloni1 whether still holding some land of their own or merely tenants1 and inquilini1 whether solely barbarian dependants or not1 were actual handworkers1 is to be found in legitimate inference from certain facts4 ,first1 the increase in the value of labour compared with the decline in that of land4 ,the binding of tenant to soil was a confession of this4 ,secondly1 the general poverty of the farmers#aeie and their helplessness against oppression and wrong4 ,of this the description of ,salvian gives a striking1 if rhetorical1 picture1 and it is implied in many laws designed#aeif for their protection4 ,that persons in so weak an economic position could have carried on their business as mere directors of slave-labour is surely inconceivable3 and we are to remember that not only they themselves but their families also were bound to the soil4 ,it was their presence1 that is to say their labour1 that gave value to the land1 and so paid the taxes4 ,hence it was that in forming taxable units 7capita7 it was generally the practice to include in the reckoning#aeig not only the productive area 7iugatio7 but also the #8heads' that stocked it 7capitatio74 ,in other words1 productiveness must in the interest of the state be actual1 not merely potential4 ,the importance of keeping the real locally-bound coloni strictly to their business of food-production was fully recognized in the regulations for recruiting the armies4 ,landlords1 required to furnish#aeih recruits1 were free to name some of their coloni for that purpose4 ,but there was no fear that they would be eager to do this1 for the work of their tenants was what gave value to their properties4 ,and the imperial officers charged with recruiting duty were ordered#aeii 7and this in #djj1 when the need of soldiers was extreme7 not to accept fugitive tenants belonging to an estate 7indigenis73 these no doubt if found were to be returned to their lords4 ,the military levy was to fall upon sons of veterans1 for in this class as in others no effort was spared to make the ways of life hereditary2 or on wastrels 7vagos7#afjj1 of whom the laws often make mention2 or generally on persons manifestly by the circumstances of their birth 7origo7 liable to army service4 ,here we have the service still in principle confined to freemen4 ,but it is not to be doubted that many a slave 7and these would be nearly all rustic slaves7 passed muster with officers hasting to make up their tale of men1 and so entered the army4 ,at a much later date 7#ebi7 we find ,justinian#afja contemplating cases of slaves recruited with the consent of their owners1 in short furnished as recruits4 ,he enacts that such men are to be declared ingenui#afjb1 that is freeborn not freedmen1 the master losing all rights over them3 but1 if they are efficient soldiers1 they are to remain in the service4 ,and the power of commuting#afjc the obligation of furnishing a recruit for a payment of money1 which was to some extent allowed1 introduced a method of recruiting#afjd by purchase4 ,a recruit being demanded1 it did not follow that the emperor got either the particular man 7inspected of course and passed as fit7 or a fixed cash-commutation4 ,the recruiting officer conveniently happened to have a man or two at disposal1 picked up in the course of his tour4 ,the landlord1 anxious to keep his own staff intact1 came to terms with the officer for one of these as substitute4 ,these officers knew when they could drive hard bargains1 and did not lose their chances4 ,in a law of #cge1 this system is directly referred to1 and an attempt is made to regulate it#afje on an equitable footing4 ,to abolish it was clearly impossible4 ,eventually the state undertook to work it officially1 and bought its own #8bodies' 7corpora1 like 1 of slaves7 with the composition-money or aurum temonarium4 ,that some of these #8bodies' were escaped slaves is highly probable4 ,some may have been stray barbarians1 not included in the various barbarian corps which more and more came to form the backbone of the ,roman army4 ,but the majority would probably be indigent wretches to whom any change seemed better than the miserable lives open to them in the meanest functions of the decaying civilization of the towns4 ,in any case such recruits#afjf would be but a poor substitute for the pick of the rustic population4 ,the same anxiety to spare the rustics unnecessary exactions1 that they might not sink under their present burdens1 appears in other regulations4 ,the subordinates employed in the public services such as the ,post1 or as attendants on functionaries1 were tempted to ease their own duties by demanding contributions from the helpless countryfolk4 ,this we find forbidden#afjg in #cba as interfering with the farmers' right to procure and carry home things required for agriculture4 ,so too a whole ,title#afjh in the ,codex is devoted to the prevention of superexactiones1 a form of extortion often practised by officials1 chiefly by the use of false weights and measures or by foul play with the official receipts4 ,the laws forbidding practices of this kind seem to belong to the latter part of the fourth century and the earlier part of the fifth4 ,but the evil was clearly of old standing1 and the laws almost certainly vain4 ,that illicit exactions were a particular affliction of the poorer rustics1 who could not bribe the officials1 is confessed#afji by a law of #cfb1 which ordains that the burdens of supplying beasts fodder etc for service of the ,post1 upkeep of the roads and so forth1 are to be laid on all possessores alike4 ,further enactments follow in #dja and #djh4 ,but these rules for equitable distribution of burdens1 even if carried out1 only spread them over all landowners and coloni4 ,all the upper ranks#afaj of the imperial service carried exemption from sordida munera in some form or other1 and personal grants of exemption were often granted as a favour4 ,it is true that such exemption only extended to the life of the grantee1 that exemptions were revocable1 and that in course of time extreme necessities led to revocations4 ,but all this did not operate to relieve the unhappy rustic on whom the whole imperial fabric rested4 ,the rich might have to lose their privileges1 but it was too late for the poor to gain a benefit4 ,that the underlings of provincial governors were a terror to farmers1 levying on them illicit services and generally blackmailing them for their own profit1 is clear from the law#afaa 7somewhere #cfh-cgc7 announcing severe punishment for the offence and declaring that it had become a regular practice4 ,the law of #cbh1 enacting#afab that no farmer 7agricola7 was to be impressed for special service in the seasons of seed-time or harvest1 is on rather a different footing4 ,it expressly justifies the prohibition on the ground of agricultural necessity3 in short1 it is not to protect the farmer1 but1 to leave him no excuse for not producing food4 ,a great critic#afac has commented severely on the intellectual stagnation that fell upon the ,roman empire and was one of the most effective causes of its decline4 ,that literature fed upon the past and dwindled into general imbecility is commonly recognized3 but the lack of material inventions and the paucity of improvements is perhaps not less significant than the decay of literature and art4 ,the department of agriculture was no exception to this sterile traditionality4 ,since the days of ,varro there had been no considerable change4 ,so far as labour is concerned1 the system of ,columella can hardly be called an advance2 for it employs directly none but slave labour1 a resource already beginning to fail1 and causing landlords to seek help from the development of tenancies4 ,in modern times the dearness of labour has stimulated human ingenuity to produce machines by which the efficiency of human labour is increased and therefore fewer hands required for a given output4 ,but in the world under the ,roman supremacy centuries went by with hardly any modification of the mechanical equipment4 ,a small exception may perhaps be found in a sort of rudimentary reaping-machine4 ,it was briefly referred to by the elder ,pliny#afad in the first century of our era1 and described by ,palladius in the fourth4 ,the device was in use on the large estates in the lowlands of ,gaul1 and was perhaps a ,gaulish invention4 ,it is said to have been a labour-saving#afae appliance4 ,from the description it seems to have been clumsy2 and1 since it cut off the ears and left the straw standing1 it was only suited to farms on which no special use was made of the straw4 ,its structure 7for it was driven by an ox from behind7 must have made it unworkable on sloping ground4 ,that we hear nothing of its general adoption may be due to these or other defects4 ,but ,i believe there is no record of attempts to improve the original design4 ,the lack of interest in improvement of tools has been noted as a phenomenon accompanying the dependence on slave labour4 ,and when under the ,roman empire we see the free tenant passing into the condition of a serf-tenant1 we are witnessing a process that steadily tended to reduce him to the moral labour-level of the apathetic and hopeless slave4 ,to make the agriculture of a district more prosperous was to attract the attention of greedy officials4 ,to resist their illicit extortions was to attract the attention of the central government1 whose growing needs were ever tempting it to squeeze more and more out of its subjects4 ,why then should the rustic1 tied to the soil1 trouble himself to seek more economical methods1 the profits of which1 if ever realized1 he was not himself likely to enjoy8 ,,lii4 ,,libanius4 ,in order to get so far as possible a living picture of the conditions of rustic life and labour we must glean the scattered notices preserved to us in the writers of the period of decline4 ,due allowance must be made for the general artificiality and rhetorical bent of authors trained in the still fashionable schools of composition and style4 ,for even private letters were commonly written as models destined eventually to be read and admired by the public1 while in controversial works and public addresses the tendency to attitudinize was dominant4 ,the circulation of literary trivialities and exchange of cheap compliments1 especially prevalent in ,gaul1 was kept up to the last by self-satisfied cliques when the barbarians were already established in the heart of the empire4 ,nevertheless valuable sidelights on questions of fact are thrown from several points of view4 ,this evidence agrees with that drawn from the imperial laws1 and is in so far better for our purpose that it deals almost exclusively with the present4 ,when it looks to the future1 it is in the form of petition or advice2 while the normal substance of the laws is to confess the existence of monstrous abuses by threatening offenders with penalties ever more and more severe1 and enjoining reforms that no penalties could enforce4 ,a writer very characteristic of his age 7about #cae-djj7 is the #8sophist' ,libanius1 who passed most of his later years at ,antioch1 the luxurious chief city of the ,east4 ,for matters under his immediate observation he is a good authority1 and may help us to form a notion of the extent to which imperial ordinances were practically operative in the eastern parts of the empire4 ,two of the #8orations1' or written addresses1 of ,libanius are particularly interesting as appeals to the emperor ,theodosius for redress of malpractices affecting the rustic population and impairing the financial resources of the empire4 ,the earlier#afaf 7about #che7 exposes gross misdeeds of the city magistrates of ,antioch4 ,what with the falling of old houses and clearing of sites for new buildings there were great quantities of mixed rubbish to be removed and deposited elsewhere4 ,apparently there was now no sufficient staff of public slaves at disposal2 at all events the city authorities resorted to illegal means for procuring the removal4 ,when the country folk came into town to dispose of their produce1 the magistrates requisitioned their carts asses mules 7and themselves as drivers7 for this work4 ,thus the time of the poor rustics was wasted1 their carts and sacks damaged1 and they and their beasts sent back to their homes in a state of utter exhaustion4 ,no law empowered the city magnates to act thus4 ,from small beginnings a sort of usage had been created1 which nothing short of imperial ordinance could now break and abolish4 ,that the magistrates were conscious of doing wrong was shewn by what they avoided doing4 ,they did not impress slaves or carts from houses in the city4 ,they did not exact like services from the military or powerful landlords4 ,nor did they lay the burden on the estates#afag of the municipality1 the rents from which were part of the revenues of ,antioch4 ,favour is only justified by equity2 and there is1 says ,libanius1 no equity in sparing the luxurious rich by ruining the poor4 ,so he entreats his most gracious#afah ,majesty to protect the farms as much as the cities1 or rather more4 ,for the country is in fact the foundation on which cities rest4 ,without it they could never have existed3 and now it is on the rise and fall of rural wellbeing that urban prosperity depends4 ,this appeal speaks for itself4 ,but it is significant that the skilled pleader thinks it wise to end on a note of imperial interest4 #8,moreover1 ,sire1 it is from the country that your tribute is drawn4 ,it is to the cities that you address your orders#afai for taxation1 but the cities have to raise it from the country4 ,therefore1 to protect the farmers is to preserve your interests1 and to maltreat the farmers is to betray them4' ,in the oration numbered #dg the abuse dealt with is of a very different kind4 ,the date is #cia or #cib1 and the subject is the #8protections' 7patrocinia7#afbj of villages4 ,the pressure of imperial taxation and the abuses accompanying its collection had driven the villagers to seek help in resisting the visits of the tax-gatherers4 ,this help was generally found in placing the village under the protection of some powerful person1 commonly a retired soldier1 who acted as a rallying-centre and leader1 probably in most cases backed by some retainers of his own class4 ,of course these men did not undertake opposition to the public authorities for nothing4 ,but it seems that their exactions were1 at least in the earlier stages1 found to be less burdensome than those of the official collectors4 ,the situation thus created was as follows4 ,the local senators 7curiales7 whose turn it was to collect the dues from the district under their municipality 7a duty that they were not allowed to shirk7 went out to the villages for the purpose4 ,they were beaten off#afba by use of force1 often wounded as well as foiled4 ,they were still bound to pay over the tax1 which they had not received1 to the imperial treasury4 ,in these latter days default of payment rendered them liable to cruel scourging4 ,so the unhappy curiales had to sell their own property to make up the amount due4 ,the loss of their means strikes them out of the curia for lack of the legal qualification4 ,and this was not only a loss to their particular city3 it damaged imperial interests1 bound up as the whole system was with maintaining unimpaired the supply of qualified curiales4 ,the evil of these #8protections' was1 according to ,libanius1 great and widespread4 ,the protectors had become a great curse to the villagers themselves by their tyranny and exactions4 ,their lawless sway had turned#afbb farmers into brigands1 and taught them to use iron not for tools of tillage but for weapons of bloodshed4 ,and the trouble was not confined to villages where the land belonged to a number of small owners3 it extended also to those#afbc under one big proprietor4 ,the argument that the villagers have a right to seek help in resistance to extortion1 is only sound if the means employed are fair4 ,to justify this limitation two significant analogies#afbd are applied4 ,cities near the imperial frontier must not call in the foreign enemy to aid them in settling their differences with each other3 they must seek help within the empire4 ,a slave must not invoke the aid of casual bystanders against ill-usage3 he stands in no relation to outsiders1 and must look to his master for redress4 ,the full bearing of these considerations is seen when we remember that the farmers are serf-tenants4 ,they are owned#afbe by masters1 as the municipal city exists only in and for the empire1 and the slave has no legal personality apart from his lord4 ,it is a fact1 says#afbf ,libanius1 that through such evasion of their liabilities on the part of the rustics many houses have been ruined4 ,he is surely referring to the curiales and other landlords resident in the city1 the numbers of which class it was the imperial policy to maintain at full strength4 ,in moral indignation#afbg he urges the iniquity of beggaring poor souls who have nothing to live on but the income from their lands4 #8,say ,i have an estate1 inherited or bought1 farmed by sensible tenants who humbly faced the ups and downs of ,fortune under my considerate care4 ,must you then stir them up by agitation1 arousing unlooked-for conflicts1 and reducing men of good family to indigence8' ,this appeal would not sound overdrawn in the society of that age1 though it might fall somewhat coldly upon modern ears4 ,but the most notable point in this oration is the nature of the remedy#afbh for which the writer pleads1 and which none but the emperor can supply4 ,it is simply to enforce the existing law4 ,some years before1 probably in #cfh1 the emperor ,valens had strictly forbidden#afbi the #8protections' that were the cause of this trouble4 ,so now the appeal to ,theodosius is #8give the law sinews1 make it a law indeed#afcj and not a bare exhortation4' ,for1 if it is not to be observed1 it had better be repealed4 ,that a leading writer of the day could so state the case to the ruler of the ,roman world is a fact to be borne in mind by readers of the imperial laws4 ,,liii4 ,,symmachus ,in passing on to ,q4 ,aurelius ,symmachus#afca 7about #cde-dje7 we find ourselves in very different surroundings4 ,the scene is in ,italy1 and the author a man of the highest station in what was still regarded as the true centre of the ,roman world4 ,he was praefectus urbi in #chd-e1 consul in #cia1 and the leading figure in ,roman society and literary circles4 ,from the bulky collection of his letters1 and the forty reports 7relationes7 addressed to the emperor by him as city prefect1 we get much interesting evidence as to the condition of rural ,italy and the anxieties of the corn-supply of ,rome4 ,with his championship of the old religion1 by which he is best known1 we have here nothing to do2 and his literary affectations1 characteristic of most writers of the later ,empire1 do not discredit him as a witness4 ,a remarkable feature of his letters is their general triviality and absence of direct reference to the momentous events that were happening in many parts of the empire4 ,his attention is almost wholly absorbed by matters with which he was immediately connected1 his public duties1 his private affairs1 the interests of his relatives and friends1 or the exchange of compliments4 ,his time is mostly passed either in ,rome or at one or other of his numerous country seats3 for he was one of the great landlords of his day1 and the condition of ,italian agriculture was of great importance to him4 ,as a representative of the landed interest and as a self-conscious letter-writer he resembles the younger ,pliny1 but is weaker and set in a less happy age4 ,a topic constantly recurring#afcb in his correspondence is the apprehension of famine in ,rome and the disturbances certain to arise therefrom4 ,the distribution of imperial powers among several seats of government 7of which ,rome was not one7 since the changes of ,diocletian had left to the ancient capital only a sort of traditional primacy4 ,the central bureaus were elsewhere1 and ,rome was only the effective capital of the southern division of ,italy4 ,yet the moral force of her great past was still a living influence that expressed itself in various ways1 notably in the growth of the ,papacy out of the ,roman bishopric4 ,for centuries it had been the licensed lodging of a pauperized mob1 fed by doles to keep them quiet1 enjoying luxurious baths at nominal cost1 and entertained with exciting or bloody shows in the circus or amphitheatre4 ,this rabble had either to be kept alive and amused or got rid of2 but the latter alternative would surely have reduced ,rome to the condition of a dead city4 ,it was morally impossible for a ,roman emperor to initiate so ominous a policy4 ,so the wasteful abomination dragged on1 and every hitch in the corn-supply alarmed not only the praefectus annonae but the praefectus urbi with the prospect of bread riots4 ,and the assignment of the ,egyptian corn to supply ,constantinople made ,rome more than ever dependent on the fortunes of the ,african#afcc harvest4 ,when this failed1 it was only by great departmental energy that temporary shortage was made good by importations#afcd from ,macedonia ,sardinia or ,spain or even by some surplus from ,egypt4 ,even lower ,italy1 where little corn was grown1 was at a pinch made to yield some4 ,but bad seasons were not the only cause of short supplies4 ,the acts of enemies might starve out ,rome1 as the rebellion of ,gildo in ,africa 7#cig-h7 nearly did4 ,moreover the slackness and greed of officials#afce sometimes ruined the efficiency of the department1 and #8profiteering' was practised by unscrupulous#afcf capitalists4 ,nor even with good harvests abroad were the prefects always at ease1 since the corn-fleets might be delayed or scattered by foul weather1 and meanwhile the consumption did not cease4 ,and it sometimes happened that the cargoes were damaged and the public health suffered#afcg from unwholesome food4 ,among these various cares the praefectura annonae was no bed of roses4 ,no wonder the worthy ,symmachus tells us of private charity#afch to relieve the necessities of the poor1 and even gives a hint of voluntary rationing at the tables of the rich4 ,but in appealing to the gods for succour he rather suggests that human benevolence would be unequal to the strain4 ,that agriculture was not on a sound footing in most of ,italy is evident from several passages in the letters4 ,in one of the earliest 7before #cgf7 he tells his father that1 though he finds ,campania charming1 he should like to join him at ,praeneste4 #8,but' he adds #8,i am in trouble about my property4 ,i must go and inspect it wherever it lies1 not in hope of making it remunerative1 but in order to realize the promise of the land by further outlay4 ,for things are nowadays come to such a pass#afci that an owner has to feed the farm that once fed him4' ,some of the references to the management of estates are rather obscure4 ,in speaking of one near ,tibur he mentions#afdj stewards 7vilicorum7 and complains of their neglect4 #8,the land is badly farmed1 and great part of the returns 7fructuum7 is in arrear 7debetur73 the coloni have no means left#afda to enable them to clear their accounts or to carry on cultivation4' ,the exact status of these stewards and tenants and their relations to each other are far from clear1 and the case may have been a peculiar one4 ,again1 writing to bespeak the good offices of an influential man on behalf of an applicant1 he says #8,i do this for him rather as a duty#afdb than as an act of free grace1 for he is a farm-tenant of mine4' ,the tenant's name is ,theodulus1 which invites a conjecture that this was a case of an oriental ,greek slave placed as tenant on a farm1 either for his master's account1 or for his own at a rent1 and afterwards manumitted4 ,a reference to servi1 dependants 7obnoxii7#afdc who are owing him rents which his agents on the distant estate in question do not take the trouble to collect1 may point to the same sort of arrangement4 ,in another passage he mentions#afdd a man who was for a long time colonus under a certain landlord1 but here too the lack of detail forbids inference as to the exact nature of the relation4 ,that slave labour was still employed on some ,italian farms appears from a request#afde for help in recovering some runaways4 ,they may have been house slaves1 but if a neighbouring landlord gave them shelter no doubt he made them pay for it in work4 ,the control of slaves in the country was never easy1 and the quasi-military discipline described by ,columella was a confession of this4 ,and it was only on a large scale that a staff of overseers sufficient to work it could be provided4 ,the time for it was indeed gone by4 ,slaves employed in hunting#afdf are mentioned by ,symmachus as by ,pliny4 ,no doubt they took to this occupation with zest4 ,the degeneracy of hunting by deputy is contemptuously noted as a sign of the times by the soldier critic#afdg ,ammianus4 ,but it was no new thing4 ,that the general state of the countryside was hardly favourable to the quiet development of agriculture may be gathered from many notices4 ,for instance1 when he would have been glad to be out of ,rome for the good of his health1 he complains#afdh that the prevalence of brigandage in the country near forces him to stay in the city4 ,a friend urges him to come back to ,rome for fear of a violent raid on an estate apparently suburban3 he can only reply#afdi that a breach of possession during his absence will not hold good in law4 ,whether the militaris impressio#afej on his farm at ,ostia1 to which he casually refers1 was the raid of foreign foes suddenly landing on that coast1 or the lawless outrage of imperial troops1 is not certain3 ,i rather suspect the latter4 ,for1 fifteen years later 7#cih71 after the overthrow of ,gildo1 he writes#afea that the soldiers are all back from ,africa1 and the ,appian way is clear3 here the meaning seems plain4 ,and his endeavour#afeb to prevent the commandeering of an old friend's house at ,ariminum for military quarters is significant of the high-handed treatment of civilians by army men in those days1 of which we have other evidence4 ,nevertheless men were still willing to buy estates4 ,symmachus himself was still adding to his vast possessions4 ,we see him in treaty#afec for a place in ,samnium1 where there was apparently some queer practice on the part of the seller3 in another case he is annoyed#afed that his partner in a joint purchase has contrived to secure the whole bargain as sole transferee1 and rather sulkily offers to waive his legal claims on being reimbursed what he has already paid to the transferor4 ,it seems strange that a man who1 beside his numerous properties in ,italy1 owned estates#afee in ,mauretania 7where he complains that the governors allow his interests to suffer7 and in ,sicily 7where the lessee is called conductor1 probably a tenant in chief subletting to coloni71 should have had an appetite for more investments of doubtful economic value4 ,but other investments were evidently very hard to find in an age when industry and commerce were fettered by the compulsory gild-system4 ,and a man of influence like ,symmachus was better able than one of the common herd to protect his own interests by the favour of powerful officials4 ,we get glimpses of the condition of agriculture in ,italy under the strain of events4 ,it must be borne in mind that ,italy was no longer exempt from the land-burdens of the imperial system4 ,for many years1 certainly from #chc to #cih1 ,rome was hardly ever free from the fear of famine4 ,it was necessary to scrape together all the spare food that could be found in the country in order to eke out the often interrupted importations from abroad4 ,the decline of food-production in rich ,campania is indicated by many scattered references4 ,the district was probably too much given over to vines1 and a great part of it occupied by unproductive villas4 ,in #cif ,symmachus is relieved to know that the corn-supply of ,rome is assured1 at least for twenty days4 ,he goes on to mention#afef that corn has been transferred from ,apulia to ,campania4 ,whether this was for ,campanian consumption1 or eventually to be forwarded to ,rome1 is not stated4 ,i am inclined to the former alternative by the consideration of the quarrel between ,tarracina and ,puteoli referred to below4 ,that corn should have been brought from ,apulia#afeg is a striking fact4 ,a great part of that province was taken up by pastures and oliveyards4 ,it can only have had corn to spare by reason of sparse population and good crops4 ,if we had the whole story of this affair1 the explanation might prove to be simpler than it can be now4 ,in #cig he writes#afeh to a friend that the ,apulians are having a bad time4 ,they are erroneously supposed to be in for a good harvest1 and so are being required to supply corn4 ,this will be stripping the province without materially helping the state4 ,for winter is coming on1 and there is not time left to bring such a great crop of ripeness4 ,symmachus had friends dependent on property in ,apulia4 ,writing some four years later#afei he refers to this estate as rated for taxation on a higher scale than its income would warrant3 he asks the local governor to see that it shall not be crushed by #8public burdens4' ,for to ,symmachus1 as to all or most men in this passive and cruelly selfish age1 the first thought was to protect their own interests and those of their friends by engaging the favour of the powerful4 ,many of the passages cited above illustrate this1 and many more could be given4 ,the candour of some of his applications is remarkable4 ,on behalf of one dependant in trouble he says#affj to the person addressed #8but he will get more help from the partiality of your judgment1 for he really has some right on his side4' ,to another he writes#affa that of course right is always to be considered1 but in dealing with nobiles probabilesque personas a judge should feel free to qualify strict rules1 letting the fairness of his decision appear#affb in the distinction made4 ,this proposition introduces a request on behalf of his sister4 ,some farms of hers are overburdened with the dues exacted by the state1 and are now empty for lack of tenants4 ,only the governor's sanction can give them the relief needed to restore them to solvency2 and ,symmachus trusts that his friend will do the right thing by the lady4 ,in another case#affc he asks favour for a dependant1 significantly adding a request that his friend will see to it that the case does not come before another judge4 ,now1 what chance of asserting their own rights had humble folk in general1 and poor working farmers in particular1 when governors and judges of all sorts were solicited like this by men whose goodwill was worth securing1--men for the most part unscrupulous greedy and prone to bear grudges1 not such as the virtuous and kindly ,symmachus8 ,perhaps nothing shews the selfishness of the rich more than their attempts to shirk the duty of furnishing recruits for the army4 ,yet we find in one letter#affd a request to a provincial governor to check the activities of the recruiting agents4 ,that the writer accuses these latter of overstepping their legal powers can only be viewed with some suspicion1 considering his readiness to use private influence4 ,early in #cih1 when a force was being raised to operate against ,gildo1 it was thought necessary to enlist slaves from the city households4 ,the protests#affe of their owners1 in which ,symmachus shared1 were loud3 the compensation allowance was too low1 and so forth4 ,yet1 if any one was interested in suppressing the rebel1 it was surely these wealthy men4 ,that the obligation of providing for the sustenance of the idle populace of ,rome was not only a worry to officials but a heavy burden on farmers in the ,provinces whence the supplies were drawn1 needs no detailed proof4 ,but they were used to the burden1 and bore it quietly in average years4 ,a very bad season might produce dearth even in ,africa1 and call for exceptional measures#afff of relief on the part of emperors4 ,so ,trajan had relieved ,egypt4 ,it was however an extreme step to ease the pressure in ,rome by expelling#affg all temporary residents1 as was actually done during the famine of #chc4 ,these would be nearly all from the ,provinces1 and ,symmachus uneasily refers#affh to the resentment that the expulsion was certain to provoke4 ,but in this age a rebellion of provincials to gain redress of their own particular grievances was not a conceivable policy4 ,when discontent expressed itself in something more than a local riot1 it needed a head in the form of a pretender making a bid for imperial power4 ,but we are not to suppose that ,rome1 and later ,constantinople1 stood quite alone in receipt of food-favours4 ,the case of two ,italian municipalities1 reported on#affi by ,symmachus in #chd-e1 proves the contrary1 and we have no ground for assuming that they were the only instances4 ,the important port-town of ,puteoli was granted #aejjjj modii of corn yearly towards the feeding of the city by ,constantine4 ,constans cut down the allowance to #gejjj4 ,constantius raised it again to #ajjjjj4 ,under ,julian a complication arose4 ,the governor of ,campania found ,tarracina in sore straits 7evidently for food7 because of the failure#afgj of the supplies due from the towns long assigned for that purpose4 ,now ,tarracina had a special claim to support1 since it provided ,rome with firewood for heating the baths and lime for the repair of the walls4 ,it seems that the governor felt bound to keep this town alive1 but had no new resources on which he could draw4 ,so he took #egjj modii from the allowance of ,puteoli and gave them to ,tarracina4 ,final settlement was referred to ,julian1 but not reached before his death in the ,persian war 7#cfc74 ,the next stage was that a deputation from ,capua#afga addressed the emperor ,gratian1 confining themselves to complaint of their own losses4 ,by this one-sided representation they procured an imperial order1 that the amount of corn allowance which ,cerealis#afgb had claimed for the people of ,rome should be given back to all the cities deprived of it by his act4 ,but under this order the total recovered for sustenance of the provincials only reached #chjjj modii of corn that had been added to the stores of the eternal city4 ,so ,puteoli refused to hand over even the #egjj to ,tarracina4 ,and the provincial governor did not go carefully into the terms of the order1 but ruled in favour of ,puteoli4 ,an appeal followed1 and it came out that the grant of #egjj to ,tarracina was not an ordinary bounty but an earmarked#afgc sum granted in consideration of services to ,rome4 ,the governor did not feel able either to confirm it or to take it away4 ,therefore the matter was referred to the emperors for a final settlement4 ,this strange story gives us a momentary glimpse of things that make no figure in general histories4 ,the abject dependence of the municipalities on imperial favour stands out clearly3 not less so the precarious nature of such favours1 a feature of the time amply illustrated by the later imperial laws1 numbers of which were simply issued to withdraw privileges previously granted1 under the stress of needs that made it impossible to maintain them4 ,again1 we see that in addition to the normal jealousy of neighbours the competition for imperial favour was an influence tending to hinder rather than promote cohesion3 tending in fact to weaken the fabric now menaced by the tribal barbarians4 ,above all1 this affair strongly suggests the partiality of the central government to town populations4 ,the farmers of the municipal territories were certainly liable to the land-burdens1 and were the ultimate basis of imperial finance3 but of them there is not a word4 ,lastly1 we may suppose that inter-municipal disputes such as this were not of very frequent occurrence3 but we have no reason to believe that this ,campanian case was unique4 ,,liv4 ,,ammianus4 ,in ,ammianus ,marcellinus 7about #ccj to #djj7 we have an oriental ,greek from ,antioch who passed a great part of his life in the military service of the empire4 ,he had travelled much1 campaigned in ,gaul and the ,east1 and was an observant man of wide interests1 and in his history impartial to the best of his power4 ,whether in deliberate criticisms1 or in casual references1 he is an exceptionally qualified and honest witness as to the state of things in the empire4 ,on one important point his evidence is of special value4 ,all through the surviving portion of his work 7#cec-cgh7 he leaves us in no doubt that the internal evils of the empire were weakening it more than the pressure of barbarians from without4 ,he does not argue this in a section devoted to the topic1 but he takes occasion to notice the abuses that impaired the prosperity of the ,provinces or led directly to grave disasters4 ,the corruption jealousy greed cruelty and general misrule of officials high and low was no secret to him4 ,that the ultimate sufferers from their misdeeds were the poor1 and more particularly the poor farmers1 may be gathered from many passages4 ,that the centre of this all-pervading disease lay in the imperial court1 a focus of intrigue and jobbery that the very best of emperors could never effectively check1 he was surely aware4 ,at least it is only on this assumption that we get the full flavour of his references to court-intrigues and his criticisms of emperors1 his balanced discussions of their good and bad qualities and the effects of their policy and practice4 ,in truth the whole system was breaking down4 ,it lasted longer in the ,east than in the ,west1 because the eastern peoples were more thoroughly tamed4 ,they had been used to despotic government long before the coming of ,rome4 ,and the assaults of external enemies were more formidable and persistent in the ,north and ,west than in the ,south and ,east4 ,yet1 so long as the empire held together1 imperial despotism was inevitable4 ,neither ,ammianus nor any other writer of that age did or could offer a possible alternative4 ,christianity might capture the empire and spread among the barbarians1 but it had no constructive solution for the problems of imperial government4 ,a remarkably plain-spoken passage#afgd occurs in reference to the events of #cef1 where he describes the administration of ,julian in ,gaul4 ,by his victories over the ,germans he relieved the impoverished ,gauls1 but this was by no means his only benefit4 ,for instance1 where he found at his first coming a tax-unit#afge of #be gold pieces demanded as the tributum1 at his departure 7#cfj7 he left things so much improved that seven of these sufficed to meet all dues4 ,great was the joy in ,gaul4 ,as a particular example of his thoughtful care1 ,ammianus cites his policy in the matter of arrears of tribute4 ,there were occasions1 especially in provinces liable to invasion1 when it was certain that such arrears could not be recovered in the ordinary course4 ,it was not to the interest of the central government to ruin or turn adrift farmers whose places it would not be easy to fill4 ,this consideration was no doubt used to procure from emperors orders of remission1 indulgentiae#afgf as they were called4 ,julian to the last would not give relief by thus waiving the imperial rights4 #8,for he was aware#afgg that the effect of that step would be to put money into the pockets of the rich2 the universal practice1 as everyone knows1 being for the poor to be made to pay up the due amount in full directly the order of collection is issued1 and allowed no time of grace4' ,it seems then that it was not the amount of the imperial taxation1 but the iniquities perpetrated in connexion with its collection1 that were the real burden crushing the vitality of the ,provinces4 ,so thought ,julian1 rightly3 and in the next year we find him firmly upholding his principles in the face of exceptional difficulties4 ,the emperor ,constantius had felt compelled to make ,julian ,caesar1 and to place him at the head of the ,western section of the empire4 ,but his jealousy and fear of the ,caesar's winning glory in ,gaul led him to surround ,julian with officers devoted to himself and secretly encouraged to hamper their titular chief in every possible way4 ,the court of ,constantius was a hotbed of intrigue and calumny4 ,private reports of the doings of ,julian were being regularly received4 ,any reforms that he was able to make in ,gaul had to be effected in the teeth of imperial malignity4 ,a flagrant instance#afgh is seen in the efforts made to thwart his reforming energy during the winter of #ceg-h4 ,after defeating and humbling aggressive ,german tribes1 he set himself to relieve the distress of the landowners1 who had suffered great losses4 ,there was at the time a great need of money4 ,the praetorian prefect of the ,gauls1 ,florentius1 proposed to raise the sums required#afgi by an additional levy1 and procured from ,constantius an order to that effect4 ,julian would rather die than allow this4 ,he knew what would happen in carrying it out1 and that such #8precautions' 7provisiones7#afhj or rather destructions 7eversiones7 had often brought provinces into the extremities of want4 ,the ,prefect1 to whose department the matter in strictness belonged1 protested loudly1 relying on the powers given him by ,constantius4 ,but ,julian stood firm1 and tried to soothe him by calmly proving that there was no necessity for the proposed measure4 ,careful calculations shewed that the normal impost 7capitatio7 would produce enough to furnish the needful supplies1 and something to spare4 ,he would have nothing to do with the order#afha for an extra levy4 ,the ,prefect duly reported this to ,constantius1 who reprimanded the ,caesar for his obstinacy4 ,julian replied that the provincials had been exposed to ravages from various quarters1 and that if they were still able to render the usual dues#afhb the government had reason to be thankful4 ,to wring more out of men in distress by punishments was impossible4 ,and he did manage to prevent extraordinary exactions in ,gaul4 ,in the winter of #ceh-i he continued the same policy4 ,he saw to the equitable assessment#afhc of the tribute1 and kept at bay the horde of rascally officials who made fortunes#afhd out of injuring the people4 ,the corruption of the law-courts he checked by hearing the important cases himself4 ,no wonder that in an age of ,christian emperors the virtuous pagan earned a reputation as a restorer of ,roman greatness far beyond the boundaries of ,gaul4 ,whether the fact that adherents of polytheism were now chiefly to be found among rustics 7pagani7 had anything to do with ,julian's clear appreciation of the sufferings of countryfolk1 is a question on which ,i cannot venture to offer an opinion4 ,that all or most of the corn levied by imperial taxation was in the frontier ,provinces required for the military commissariat is well known1 and the granaries for storing it were a leading feature of permanent camps and garrison towns4 ,the feeding of armies in the field1 always wasteful1 no doubt consumed a great deal4 ,in the case of ,gaul 7for to live on the country was starvation to a force invading wild ,germany7 the quantity to be brought up to the front seems to have been normally more than ,gaul could spare4 ,it was usual to rely on the harvests#afhe of ,britain4 ,transport was the main difficulty4 ,saxon pirates infested the narrow seas1 and the navigation of the ,rhine was blocked by ,franks4 ,julian's energy cleared away these obstacles1 and saw to the erection or repair of granaries in the ,rhineland towns to receive the ,british corn4 ,these measures enabled him to do without making extra demands on the farmers of ,gaul1 a step sometimes unavoidable when there was war on the frontiers4 ,of course such commandeering was very unpopular1 and wise generals avoided it whenever possible4 ,ammianus draws particular attention#afhf to this matter when narrating the campaign of ,theodosius in ,mauretania 7#cgc74 ,he forbade the levy of supplies from the provincials1 announcing that he would make the stores of the enemy#afhg provide the commissariat1 and the landowners were delighted4 ,among the interesting references that occur in the course of the work are some that throw further light on the conditions of life in the parts of the empire subject to invasion4 ,it is not necessary to cite the frequent mention of various kinds of fortified posts from great strongholds to mere blockhouses4 ,these remind us that the strength of the imperial armies could never be so maintained as to guard the frontier at all times on all points4 ,barbarian raiders slipped through#afhh the inevitable gaps1 and wide stretches of country were laid waste long before sufficient forces could be gathered to expel them4 ,we do not need the descriptions of their cruel ravages to convince us that agriculture near the ,danube or ,rhine borders was a perilous calling4 ,if the farmer were not carried away into bondage or slain1 he was left robbed of his all1 and in imminent danger of starving3 for the barbarians ate up everything1 and hunger was a principal motive in leading them to come and warning them to return home4 ,naturally it was the custom in these border-lands to provide fortified refuges here and there in which local farmers could find temporary shelter with their belongings1 and homesteads of any importance were more or less equipped for defence4 ,this was the state of things even in ,mauretania4 ,we read of a farm#afhi 7fundus7 which the brother of ,firmus the rebel leader 7#cgc7 #8built up after the fashion of a city'2 also of one girt with a strong#afij wall1 a very secure refuge for the ,moors1 to destroy which ,theodosius had to employ battering-rams4 ,these are not the only instances4 ,and forts 7castella7 and walled towns are often referred to4 ,along the northern borders the necessity for such precautions was much greater4 ,still it seems that few if any in the latter part of the fourth century foresaw that frontier defences would at no distant date give way before the barbarian flood4 ,a high imperial official1 with whose corrupt connivance#afia gross wrongs had been perpetrated 7#cgj7 in ,africa1 on being superseded in office withdrew to his native ,rhineland1 and #8devoted himself#afib to rural affairs4' ,the retired ease for which he apparently hoped was soon ended1 though not by barbarian raiders4 ,the malignity of a praetorian prefect tracked him to his retreat and by persecution drove him to suicide4 ,this last episode may remind us that the weakening of the empire was not wholly due to failure of an economic kind or to decay of military skill4 ,the farmers might raise crops enough1 the armies might prove their superiority in the field1 but nevertheless the great organism was in decline4 ,a general mistrust1 fatal to loyal cooperation for the common good1 was the moral canker by which the exertions of farmer and soldier were hampered and rendered vain4 ,officials seeking to ruin each other1 emperors turning to murders and confiscations as a source of revenue1 all classes bound fast in rigid corporations or gilds under laws which it was their study to evade2 the failure of individual enterprise1 lacking the joy of individual freedom1 and the stimulus of expected reward2 in short1 everyone ready to sacrifice his neighbour to save his own skin3 how was a society characterized by such phenomena to maintain a moral advantage over the rude barbarians8 ,that it was now protected by alien swords1 that aliens were even commanding#afic the ,roman armies1 was not the main cause of its overthrow4 ,as a rule these barbarians kept their bargain1 and shed their blood freely for the empire that enlisted them in masses4 ,but we must distinguish between two or three different classes of these alien defenders4 ,the mere mercenaries need not detain us4 ,more significant were the contingents taken over in large bodies by agreement with the tribes4 ,a good instance#afid is that of the year #cgf1 when a vast host of ,goths sought leave to pass the ,danube with the hope of settling on vacant lands south of the river4 ,we are told that the ,roman commanders on that front got over their first alarm and took the line that really the emperor was in luck4 ,here was a huge supply of recruits#afie brought to him from the ends of the earth1 an unlooked-for reinforcement ready to be blended with his own troops1 and to make up an unconquerable army4 ,instead of spending the yearly payments of the provinces#afif on filling up the ranks1 the treasury would gain a great sum of gold4 ,it would seem that they reported to the emperor in favour of the request1 for ,valens granted the petition of a ,gothic embassy4 ,arrangements were made for transporting them over the river1 and it was understood that they had leave to settle in the parts of ,thrace4 ,but now troubles began4 ,greedy ,roman officials fleeced and maltreated the hungry horde1 who were at length driven into rebellion4 ,with the sequel1 the great battle 7#cgh7 near ,adrianople1 and the death of ,valens1 we are not here concerned4 ,but the account#afig of their ravages in ,thrace gives us a picture of the countryside in a harassed province and of the slave labour employed4 ,the rebels1 unable to take fortified places by regular siege1 overran the country in raiding bands4 ,captives guided them to places stocked with food4 ,but they were especially encouraged and strengthened by the great number of people of their own race who came pouring in to join them4 ,ammianus describes#afih these deserters as men who had long before been sold 7into slavery of course7 by traders1 and with them very many whom at the time of their passing the river1 when they were perishing of hunger1 they had bartered for thin wine or worthless scraps of bread4 ,this scene may serve to remind us that slavery and the sale of slaves to ,roman dealers were recognized features of ,german tribal life as described by ,tacitus4 ,it also gives us a glimpse of the way in which opportunities of imperial advantage could be wasted or turned into calamities by the unpatriotic and selfish greed of ,roman officials4 ,in this case potential recruits were turned into actual enemies2 and the barbarian slaves1 who should have been tilling ,thracian fields in the interest of ,rome1 were left to guide and recruit the hostile army of their kinsmen4 ,it must not be supposed that all schemes for raising barbarian troops in large bodies were thus by gross mismanagement brought to a disastrous end4 ,the value of sound flesh and blood in the ranks was well understood1 and a successful campaign against ,german tribes could be made profitable from this point of view4 ,thus in #cgg1 when ,gratian had a whole tribe at his mercy1 he required of them a contingent#afii of sturdy recruits to be incorporated in ,roman army-units1 on delivery of whom he set free the rest to return to their native homes4 ,that such recruits became under ,roman discipline so far ,romanized as to provide efficient armies is clear from the victories that still delayed the fall of the empire4 ,but #8,roman' was becoming more than ever a mere name-label3 there had never been a ,roman nation4 ,of the third class of alien soldiery little need be said4 ,military colonists of barbarian origin had for a long time past been brought into the empire1 some as frontier guards holding land on condition of army service1 others more in the interior1 even#agjj in ,italy2 and these latter undoubtedly furnished many recruits1 on whatever terms4 ,the general result may be summed up in saying that1 when the barbarian invaders at last came to stay1 they found their kindred already there at home4 ,,lv4 ,,claudian4 ,in ,claudian1 who wrote about #djj1 we have another oriental ,greek1 who wrote chiefly in ,latin with far more mastery of that language than ,ammianus4 ,stilicho his patron1 the great barbarian head of the ,roman army1 was at the height of his power1 and ,claudian's most congenial occupation was to sing his praises and denounce his opponents4 ,he was also poet laureate of the feeble emperor ,honorius4 ,writing mainly on contemporary themes1 he is1 if allowance be made for his bias1 a witness worth citing2 but the passages relevant to the present subject are naturally few4 ,in common with other writers of the later ages of ,rome he is constantly looking back to a great and glorious past1 contrasting painfully with that present which he nevertheless is striving to glorify4 ,thus he not only refers with enthusiasm#agja to the old heroes of ,roman history and legend1 the common material of ,roman literature1 but even dreams#agjb of a golden age to be1 when the earth of her own accord shall render all good things in abundance to a people living happily in communistic brotherhood4 ,this fancy however is no more than a piece of unreal rhetoric1 an echo of ,vergil4 ,it is inspired by the victories of ,stilicho1 and the world-dominion under which this beatific vision is to be realized is--the rule of ,honorius4 ,in ,january #cie the great ,theodosius died1 and the empire was divided between his two sons4 ,in ,november1 ,rufinus1 who dominated ,arcadius at ,constantinople1 was murdered4 ,his place was soon taken by the eunuch ,eutropius4 ,on these two personages ,claudian poured out a flood of invective1 speaking for ,stilicho and the ,west4 ,the greed of ,rufinus is depicted#agjc as ruinous to the landed interests4 #8,the fertility of his land was the ruin of the landlord3 a good crop#agjd made the farmers tremble4 ,he drives men from their homes1 and thrusts them out of their ancestral borders1 either robbing the living or seizing the estates of the dead4' ,the jealousy of the ,west expresses itself in a passage#agje referring to the famine created in ,rome by the rebellion of ,gildo in ,africa4 ,honorius 7that is ,stilicho7 is effusively praised for its relief by importations from other ,provinces1 chiefly from ,gaul4 ,that1 owing to the claim of the ,new ,rome to the corn of ,egypt1 the ,old ,rome should be so dependent on ,africa1 is a situation indignantly resented#agjf in eloquent lines4 ,a symptom ominous of imperial failure was the attempt to wrest eastern ,illyricum from the rule of ,arcadius 7#djg-h7 an enterprise#agjg secretly concerted between ,stilicho and ,alaric4 ,fugitives from ,epirus sought refuge in ,italy4 ,stilicho treated them as prisoners of war from an enemy's country1 and handed them over to ,italian landlords as slaves or coloni4 ,when ,alaric and his ,goths moved towards ,italy1 some of these refugees1 aided by a law issued for their protection1 found their way home again4 ,claudian unblushingly declares#agjh that none but ,stilicho will be able to heal the empire's wound3 #8at length the colonus will return to his own borders and the court will once more be enriched by the tributes of ,illyricum4' ,a ,roman view of the intruding barbarians and their capacity of peaceful settlement is in one place#agji put into the mouth of ,bellona the war-goddess4 ,she addresses a ,gothic chief in bitter sarcasm4 #8,go and be a thorough ploughman1 cleaving the soil3 teach your comrades to lay aside the sword and toil at the hoe4 ,your ,gruthungians#agaj will make fine cultivators1 and tend vineyards in accordance with the seasons4' ,she taunts him with degenerating from the good old habits of his race1 war and plunder1 and scornfully describes him as one captured#agaa by the glamour of fair dealing1 who had rather live as a serf on what is granted him than as a lord on what he takes by force4 ,in short1 he is a coward4 ,now no doubt there were ,goths and others1 ,huns in particular1 of this war-loving work-hating type approved by the war-goddess4 ,but abundant evidence shews that many1 perhaps most1 of the barbarians were quite ready to settle down in peace and produce their own food4 ,when ,claudian himself speaks#agab of the #8,teuton's ploughshare' as one of the agencies producing corn that relieved famine in ,rome1 he is most likely referring to the many ,germans already settled in ,gaul as well as to inhabitants of the #8,germanies1' the two provinces along the ,rhine4 ,a curious passage#agac in the poem on the ,gothic war and ,stilicho's defeat of ,alaric at ,pollentia 7#djb7 is of interest in connexion with the ,roman army and the recruiting system4 ,of the confidence revived in ,rome by the appearance of ,stilicho and his troops a vivid picture is drawn1 and he continues #8henceforth#agad no more pitiful conscription1 no more of reapers laying down the sickle and wielding the inglorious javelin 444 nor the mean clamorous jangling of amateur leaders3 no1 this is the presence of a genuine manhood1 a genuine commander1 a scene of war in real life4' ,if this means anything1 it implies that hasty levies#agae of raw countrymen were notoriously unfit to face hordes of barbarian tribesmen in the field4 ,true1 no doubt2 professional training had been the basis of efficiency in ,roman armies ever since the days of ,marius4 ,but the words surely suggest further that conscription within the empire was in ,claudian's time not found a success1 that is in producing a supply of fit recruits to keep the legions up to strength4 ,this also was doubtless true1 as much other evidence attests1 and was the main reason why the #8,roman' soldiery of the period were mostly barbarians4 ,but here1 as usual1 the witness of the court-poet is in the form of admission rather than statement4 ,his business was to be more ,roman than ,rome4 ,it remains only to mention two similes1 one of which perhaps refers to free labour4 ,an old crone#agaf has #8poor girls' under her engaged in weaving4 ,they beg for a little holiday1 but she keeps them at work #8to earn their joint livelihood4' ,this may be a scene from life1 but is more likely an echo from earlier poetry4 ,when he illustrates#agag the effect of ,stilicho's coming on the peoples rising against ,rome by comparing them to slaves1 deceived by false report of their lord's death1 and caught revelling by him when he unexpectedly returns1 it is a scene that might be enacted in any age4 ,the little poem on the old man of ,verona is famous as a picture of humble contentment in rustic life4 ,but the main point of it as evidence is that the case is exceptional4 ,,lvi4 ,,vegetius4 ,vegetius1 a contemporary of ,ammianus and ,claudian1 is credited with two surviving works1 one on the military system1 the other on veterinary practice4 ,both are largely compilations1 and belong to the class of technical writings which formed a great part of the literature of this age4 ,in discussing army matters the author looks back with regret to the sounder conditions of the past4 ,speaking#agah of the quality of recruits1 he says #8,it can surely never have been matter of doubt that the common countryfolk are more fit 7than townsfolk7 to bear arms1 reared as they are in toil under the open sky1 able to stand the heat of the sun and caring not for the shade1 with no experience of baths or knowledge of luxuries1 straightforward and frugal1 with limbs hardened to endure any kind of toil2 for the wearing of armour1 digging of trenches1 and carrying their kit1 are continuations of rustic habit4' ,it is true that sometimes town-bred recruits have to be levied1 but they need long and careful training to fit them for active service4 ,true1 the ,romans of old went out to war from the city4 ,but luxury was unknown in those days3 the farmer of today was the warrior of tomorrow1 by change of weapons4 ,cincinnatus went straight from the plough to be dictator4 ,a little after1 speaking#agai of the standard of height1 he tells us that it has always been usual to have a standard tested by actual measurement1 below which no recruit was passed for service in certain crack units4 ,but there were then#agbj larger numbers to draw from1 and more men followed the combatant service1 for the civil service#agba had not as yet carried off the pick of those in military age4 ,therefore1 if circumstances require it1 strength rather than height should be the first consideration4 ,i am loth to infer much#agbb from this passage1 the period referred to in #8then' being undefined4 ,what it does shew is that in the writer's own time a considerable number of men of military age 7,romans being meant7 were attracted by the civil career of the new imperial service1 which in all its grades was technically styled#agbc a militia4 ,nor does it appear certain that in preferring the rustic recruit to the urban ,vegetius implies the existence of a plentiful supply of the former among the subjects of the empire4 ,his words rather suggest to me the opposite conclusion1 which is in agreement with the evidence from other sources4 ,turning to the veterinary work 7ars mulomedicinae7 we come upon a chapter devoted#agbd to the management of horses4 ,it is well to keep a free space near the stable for the beasts to get exercise by rolling1 for they need exercise4 #8,and for this end it is very helpful to have them mounted#agbe often and ridden gently4 ,unskilful riders spoil both their paces and their temper4 ,most mischievous is the recklessness#agbf of slaves4 ,when the master is not there1 they urge his horses to gallop1 using spur as well as whip1 in matches of speed with their mates or in fiercely-contested races against outsiders3 it never occurs to them to halt or check their mounts4 ,for they give no thought#agbg to what is their master's loss1 being well content that it falls on him4 ,a careful owner will most strictly forbid such doings1 and will only allow his cattle to be handled by suitable grooms who are gentle and understand their management4' ,we must bear in mind that the horse was not used in agriculture or as an ordinary beast of burden4 ,horse-breeding was kept up to supply chargers for war1 racers for the circus1 mounts for men of the wealthier classes in hunting or occasionally for exercise1 for solemn processions and such like4 ,when ,vegetius treats of a stable or stud of horses1 he has in mind the establishment of a gentleman of means1 and it is worth noting that such an establishment could be contemplated by a writer of about #djj ,,ad4 ,this harmonizes with the picture of ,italian conditions that we get from the letters of ,symmachus and other sources4 ,a few rich were very rich1 the many poor usually very poor4 ,the carelessness1 wastefulness1 thievishness1 of slaves is a very old story1 and in the middle of the fourth century had been bitterly referred to#agbh by the emperor ,julian4 ,that ,vegetius does not advise the owner of these slave grooms to make a vilicus responsible for seeing that his orders are obeyed1 is probably due to the rigidly technical character of the treatise3 he is not writing on the management of estates4 ,,christian ,,writers ,,lvii4 ,,lactantius4 ,when we turn to the ,christian writers1 whom it is convenient to take by themselves1 we pass into a different atmosphere4 ,of rhetoric there is plenty1 for most of them had been subjected to the same literary influences as their ,pagan contemporaries4 ,but there is a marked difference of spirit1 more especially in one respect very important from the point of view of the present inquiry4 ,christianity might counsel submission to the powers that be3 it might recognize slavery as an institution3 it might enjoin on the slave to render something beyond eye-service to his legal master4 ,but it could never shake off the fundamental doctrine of the equal position of all men before their ,almighty ,ruler1 and the prospect of coming life in another world1 in which the standards and privileges dominating the present one would go for nothing4 ,therefore a ,christian writer differed from the ,pagan in his attitude towards the poor and oppressed4 ,he could sympathize with them1 not as a kindly though condescending patron1 but as one conscious of no abiding superiority in himself4 ,the warmth with which the ,christian witnesses speak is genuine enough4 ,the picture may be somewhat overdrawn or too highly coloured1 and we must allow for some exaggeration1 but in general it is surely true to fact4 ,first comes ,lactantius1 who has already#agbi been once quoted4 ,writing under ,constantine1 he speaks of the ,diocletian or ,galerian persecution as a contemporary4 ,the passage#agcj to be cited here describes the appalling cruelty of the fiscal exactions ordered by ,galerius to meet the pressing need of the government for more money4 ,it was after the abdication of ,diocletian and ,maximian in #cje4 ,the troubles that ensued had no doubt helped to render financial necessities extreme4 ,the remark1 that he now practised against all men the lessons of cruelty learnt in tormenting the ,christians1 must refer to ,galerius4 ,the account of the census#agca1 presumably that of #cjg1 is as follows4 #8,what brought disaster on the people and mourning on all alike1 was the sudden letting loose of the census on the provinces and cities4 ,census-officers1 sparing nothing1 spread all over the land1 and the scenes were such as when an enemy invades a country and enslaves the inhabitants4 ,there was measuring of fields clod by clod1 counting of vines and fruit trees1 cataloguing of every sort of animals1 recording of the human#agcb heads4 ,in the municipalities 7civitatibus7 the common folk of town and country put on the same#agcc footing1 everywhere the market-place crammed with the households assembled1 every householder with his children and slaves4 ,the sounds of scourging and torturing filled the air4 ,sons were being strung up to betray parents2 all the most trusty slaves tortured to give evidence against their masters1 and wives against husbands4 ,if all these means had failed1 men were tortured for evidence against themselves1 and when they broke down under the stress of pain they were credited with admissions#agcd never made by them4 ,no plea of age or infirmity availed them3 informations were laid against the invalids and cripples3 the ages of individuals were recorded by guess1 years added to those of the young and subtracted from those of the old4 ,all the world was filled with mourning and grief4' ,in short1 ,romans and ,roman subjects were dealt with as men of old dealt with conquered foes4 #8,the next step was the paying#agce of moneys for heads1 a ransom for a life4 ,but the whole business was not entrusted to the same body of officials 7censitoribus72 one batch was followed by others1 who were expected to make further discoveries3 a continual doubling of demands went on1 not that they discovered more1 but that they made additions arbitrarily1 for fear they might seem to have been sent to no purpose4 ,all the while the numbers of live stock were falling1 and mankind dying2 yet none the less tribute was being paid on behalf of the dead1 for one had to pay for leave to live or even to die4 ,the only survivors were the beggars from whom nothing could be wrung1 immune for the time from wrongs of any sort by their pitiful destitution4' ,he goes on to declare that1 in order to prevent evasion of the census on pretence of indigence1 a number of these poor wretches were taken out to sea and drowned4 ,in this picture#agcf we may reasonably detect high colouring and perhaps downright exaggeration4 ,probably the grouping together of horrors reported piecemeal from various quarters has given to the description as a whole a somewhat deceptive universality4 ,that the imperial system1 though gradually losing ground1 held its own against unorganized barbarism for several more centuries1 seems proof positive that no utter destruction of the economic fabric took place in the census to which ,lactantius refers4 ,but that the pressure exerted by the central power1 and the responsive severity of officials1 were extreme1 and that the opportunities for extortion were seized and cruelly used1 may fairly be taken for fact on his authority4 ,this was not the beginning of sufferings to the unhappy tillers of the soil1 nor was it the end4 ,one census might be more ruinous to their wellbeing than another3 it was always exhausting1 and kept the farmers in terror4 ,but they had not as yet reached the stage of thinking it better to bear the yoke of barbarian chieftains than to remain under the corrupt and senseless maladministration of imperial ,rome4 ,,lviii4 ,,sulpicius ,,severus4 ,the life and doings of the famous saint of ,gaul1 ,martin of ,tours1 a ,pannonian by birth1 were chronicled by ,sulpicius ,severus1 writing soon after #djj1 in an enthusiastic biography still in existence4 ,in another work occurs a passage#agcg narrating one of his hero's many miracles2 and the story is too artlessly illustrative of the behaviour of the military and the state of things on the public roads1 not to be mentioned here4 ,martin was travelling on his ecclesiastical duties1 riding on an ass with friends in company4 ,the rest being for a moment detained1 ,martin went on alone for a space4 ,just then a government car 7fiscalis raeda7 occupied by a party of soldiers was coming along the road4 ,the mules drawing it shied at the unfamiliar figure of the saint in his rough and dark dress4 ,they got entangled in their harness1 and the difficulty of disentangling them infuriated the soldiers1 who were in a hurry4 ,down they jumped and fell upon ,martin with whips and staves4 ,he said not a word1 but took their blows with marvellous patience1 and his apparent indifference only enraged them the more4 ,his companions picked him up all battered and bloody1 and were hastening to quit the scene of the assault1 when the soldiers1 on trying to make a fresh start1 were the victims of a miracle4 ,no amount of beating would induce the mules to stir4 ,supernatural influence was suspected and made certain by discovery of the saint's identity4 ,abject repentance was followed by gracious forgiveness1 and mules and soldiers resumed their journey4 ,now the point of interest to us is the matter-of-fact way in which this encounter is narrated4 ,that a party of the military should bully peaceful civilians on the high road is too commonplace an event to evoke any special comment or censure4 ,but it is clearly an edifying fact that violence offered to a holy man did not escape divine punishment4 ,there is no suggestion that similar brutality to an ordinary rustic would have met with any punishment human or divine4 ,laws framed for the protection of provincials#agch against illegal exactions and to prevent encroachments of the military#agci remained on the statute-book1 but in remote country parts they were dead letters4 ,it is interesting to recall that ,martin had in his youth served for some years as a soldier4 ,as the son of a veteran1 his enrolment#agdj came in the ordinary course4 ,but1 though he is said to have been efficient1 he did not like the profession and got his discharge with relief4 ,his life covered about the last three quarters of the fourth century4 ,,lix4 ,,salvian4 ,the calamities that befel the ,roman world in the fourth century led to much recrimination between ,pagan and ,christian1 each blaming the other for misfortunes generally regarded as the signal expression of divine wrath4 ,symmachus had been answered by ,ambrose1 and ,christian interpretation of the course of human history produced its classic in ,augustine's great work de civitate ,dei early in the fifth century4 ,about the same time ,orosius wrote his earnest but grotesque historiae adversus paganos1 an arbitrary and superficial distortion of history1 interesting as a specimen of partisan composition4 ,but it is not till the middle of the century that we come upon a ,christian author who gives us a graphic picture of the sufferings of the people in a ,province of the empire1 and a working theory of their causes1 strictly from a pious ,christian's point of view4 ,this is ,salvian1 an elder of the ,church at ,massalia4 ,his evidence is cited by all historians1 and must be repeated here4 ,the main thesis is that all the woes and calamities of the age are judgments of ,god provoked by the gross immorality#agda of the ,roman world4 ,so far from imputing all vices and crimes to the ,heathen and the ,pagan1 he regards them as shared by all men3 but he draws a sharp line between those who sin in ignorance1 knowing no better1 and those who profess the principles of a pure ,christianity and yet sin against the light that is in them4 ,for the barbarians are either ,heathen or ,heretics 7he is thinking of the ,arians71 while in the empire the ,orthodox church prevails4 ,and yet the barbarians prosper1 while the empire decays4 ,why8 simply because even in their religious darkness the barbarians are morally superior to the ,romans4 ,for our present purpose it is the economic and social phenomena as depicted by ,salvian that are of interest1 and ,i proceed to give an abstract of the passage#agdb in which he expounds his indictment of ,roman administration and the corrupt influences by which it is perverted from the promotion of prosperity and happiness to a cause of misery and ruin4 ,the all-pervading canker is the oppression of the poor by the rich4 ,the heavy burdens of taxation are thrown upon the poor4 ,when any relief is granted1 it is intercepted by the rich4 ,franks ,huns ,vandals and ,goths will have none of these iniquities1 and ,romans living among those barbarians also escape them4 ,hence the stream of migration sets from us to them1 not from them to us4 ,indeed our poor folk would migrate in a body1 but for the difficulty of transferring their few goods their poor hovels and their families4 ,this drives them to take another course4 ,they put themselves under the guardianship and protection of more powerful persons1 surrendering#agdc to the rich like prisoners of war1 and so to speak passing under their full authority and control4 ,but this protection is made a pretext for spoliation4 ,for the first condition of protection is the assignation#agdd of practically their whole substance to their protectors3 the children's inheritance is sacrificed to pay for the protection of their parents4 ,the bargain is cruel and one-sided1 a monstrous and intolerable wrong4 ,for most of these poor wretches1 stripped of their little belongings and expelled from their little farms1 though they have lost their property1 have still to bear the tribute on the properties lost3 the possession is withdrawn1 but the assessment#agde remains3 the ownership is gone1 but the burden of taxation is crushing them still4 ,the effects of this evil are incalculable4 ,the intruders 7pervasores7 are settled down 7incubant7 on their properties1 while they1 poor souls1 are paying the tributes on the intruders' behalf4 ,and this condition passes on to their children4 ,so they who have been despoiled by the intrusion#agdf of individuals are being done to death by the pressure of the state 7publica adflictione71 and their livelihood is taken from them by squeezing as their property was by robbery4 ,some1 wiser or taught by necessity1 losing their homes and little farms through intrusions or driven by the tax-gatherers to abandon them through inability to keep them1 find their way to the estates of the powerful1 and become#agdg serf-tenants 7coloni7 of the rich4 ,like fugitives from the enemy or the law1 not able to retain their social birthright1 they bow themselves#agdh to the mean lot of mere sojourners3 cast out of property and position1 they have nothing left to call their own1 and are no longer their own masters4 ,nay1 it is even worse4 ,for though they are admitted 7to the rich men's estates7 as strangers 7advenae71 residence operates to make them#agdi natives of the place4 ,they are transformed as by a ,circe's cup4 ,the lord of the place1 who admitted them as outside#agej aliens1 begins to treat them as his own 7proprios73 and so men of unquestioned free birth are being turned into slaves4 ,when we are putting our brethren into bondage1 is it strange#agea that the barbarians are making bondsmen of us8 ,this is something beyond#ageb mere partisan polemic4 ,it finds the source of misery and weakness in moral decay4 ,highly coloured1 the picture is surely none the less true4 ,the degradation of the rustic population presents itself in two stages4 ,first1 the farmer1 still owning his little farm 7agellus1 rescula71 finds that1 what with legal burdens and illegal extortions1 his position is intolerable4 ,so he seeks the protection#agec of a powerful neighbour1 who exploits his necessities4 ,apparently he acquires control of the poor man's land1 but contrives to do it in such a form as to leave him still liable to payment of the imperial dues4 ,that this iniquity was forbidden#aged by law mattered not3 corrupt officials shut their eyes to the doings of the rich4 ,from the curiales of the several communities no help was to be looked for4 ,salvian declares#agee that they were tyrants to a man4 ,and we must not forget that they themselves were forced into office and held responsible for paying in full the dues they were required to collect4 ,the great machine ground all1 and its cruel effects were passed on from stronger to weaker1 till the peasant was reached and crushed by burdens that he could not transmit to others4 ,the second stage is the inevitable sequel4 ,the poor man's lot is more intolerable than before4 ,his lesson is learnt1 and he takes the final step into the status of a rich man's colonus4 ,henceforth his lord is liable#agef for his dues1 but he is himself the lord's serf1 bound to the soil on which his lord places him1 nominally free1 but unable to stir from the spot#ageg to which his labour gives a value4 ,if he runs away1 the hue and cry follows him1 and he is brought ignominiously back to the servile punishment that awaits him--unless he can make his way to some barbarian tribe4 ,whether he would find himself so much better off in those surroundings as ,salvian seems to imply1 must be left doubtful4 ,any family that he might leave behind would remain in serfage under conditions hardly improved by his desertion4 ,,lx4 ,,apollinaris ,,sidonius4 ,the last of our array of witnesses is ,apollinaris ,sidonius#ageh 7about #dcj-dhj71 a writer whose life is singularly illustrative of the confused period in which the ,roman empire was tottering and the series of luckless emperors was ended in the ,west4 ,britain had been finally lost in the time of ,honorius4 ,the ,armorican provinces had rebelled1 and even now the hold of ,rome on them was slight and precarious4 ,the rest of ,gaul and much of ,spain and ,africa had been subject to barbarian inroads1 and numbers of the invaders were settled in the country3 for instance1 the ,western ,goths were fully established in ,aquitania4 ,but the ,roman civilization was by no means wiped out4 ,roman landlords still owned large estates3 ,romans of culture still peddled with a degenerate rhetoric and exchanged their compositions for mutual admiration4 ,panegyrics on shadowy emperors were still produced in verse and prose1 and the modern reader may often be amazed to note the way in which the troubles of the time could be complacently ignored4 ,above all1 there was the ,church1 closely connected with ,rome1 claiming to be ,catholic and ,orthodox1 a stable organization1 able to make itself respected by the barbarians4 ,that the latter were ,arian heretics was indeed a cause of friction1 though the ,arians were destined to go under4 ,the conversion of the ,franks under the ,catholic form did not give ,roman ,christianity the upper hand till #dif4 ,but the power of bishops1 ever growing#agei since the days of ,constantine1 was throughout a powerful influence holding the various communities together1 maintaining law and order1 and doing much for the protection of their own people4 ,a native of ,lugudunum1 the chief city of ,gaul1 ,sidonius came of a noble and wealthy family1 and his social position evidently helped him in his remarkable career4 ,in #dfh he was city prefect at ,rome1 barely eight years before ,odovacar removed the last of the titular ,western emperors4 ,we find him anxiously concerned#agfj with the old food-question1 like his predecessor ,symmachus1 and not less endeavouring to cooperate harmoniously with the praefectus annonae4 ,for a hungry rabble1 no doubt fewer in number1 still hung about the ,eternal city1 though its services in the way of applause were no longer in appreciable demand4 ,from about #dga ,sidonius was bishop#agfa of ,arverni 7,clermont in ,auvergne71 and performed his difficult duties with efficiency and dignity1 a sincerely pious man with a good deal of the grand seigneur about him4 ,moving about on duty or seeking restful change1 he was often visiting country houses1 his own or those of friends1 receiving or returning hospitality4 ,his references to these visits lead to descriptions#agfb of many pleasant places1 and pictures of life in the society of cultivated gentlemen to which he belonged4 ,there is hardly any mention of the suffering farmers of whom ,salvian speaks so eloquently4 ,yet ,i hesitate to charge ,salvian with gross exaggeration and imaginative untruth4 ,not only do the two men look from different points of view4 ,sidonius is writing some twenty years later than ,salvian1 and much had happened in the meantime4 ,the defeat of ,attila in #dea by the armies of the ,romans and ,western ,goths had not only saved ,gaul from the ,huns1 but had greatly improved the relations between ,goth and ,roman4 ,and it is to be noted that1 in a passage#agfc mentioning the victory of the allies and the reception of ,thorismund the ,gothic king as a guest at ,lugudunum1 ,sidonius praises his correspondent#agfd for his share in lightening the burdens of the landowners4 ,now ,salvian knows nothing of the battle of #dea1 and indeed does not regard the ,huns as being necessarily enemies of ,rome4 ,it seems certain that for the rustics things were changed for the better4 ,not that the farmer was his own master1 but that the great ,roman taxing-machine was no longer in effective action4 ,a great part of ,gaul had passed under ,teutonic lords4 ,if the subjects were exposed to their caprice1 it was of a more personal character1 varying with individuals and likely to be modified by their personal qualities4 ,this was a very different thing from the pressure of the ,roman official hierarchy1 the lower grades of which were themselves squeezed to satisfy the demands of the higher1 and not in a position to spare their victims1 however merciful their own inclinations might be4 ,but though the establishment of barbarian kingdoms1 once the raiding invasions were over1 had its good side from the working farmer's point of view1 much of the old imperial system still lingered on4 ,the power of the ,catholic ,church stood in the way of complete revolution1 and the ,church was already#agfe a landowner4 ,roman traditions died hard1 and among them it is interesting to note the exertion of private interest on behalf of individuals and causes in which an honourable patron felt some concern4 ,thus we find ,sidonius writing#agff on behalf of a friend who wants to buy back an ancestral estate with which recent troubles have compelled him to part4 ,great stress is laid on the point that the man is not grasping at pecuniary profit but actuated by sentimental considerations3 in short1 the transaction proposed is not a commercial one4 ,the person addressed is entreated to use his influence#agfg in the applicant's favour2 and we can only infer that he is asked to put pressure on the present owner to part with the property1 probably to take for it less than the market price4 ,another letter#agfh is to a bishop1 into whose district 7territorium7 the bearer1 a deacon1 fled for refuge to escape a ,gothic raid4 ,there he scratched a bit of church-land and sowed a little corn4 ,he wants to get in his crop without deductions4 ,the bishop is asked to treat him with the consideration usually shewn to the faithful#agfi2 that is1 not to require of him the season's rent#aggj4 ,if this favour is granted him1 the squatter reckons that he will do as well as if he were farming in his own district1 and will be duly grateful4 ,very likely a fair request1 but ,sidonius does not leave it to the mere sense of fairness in a brother bishop4 ,to another bishop he writes a long letter#agga of thanks for his thoughtful munificence4 ,after the devastation of a ,gothic raid1 further damage had been suffered by fires among the crops4 ,the ensuing distress affected many parts of ,gaul1 and to relieve it this worthy sent far and wide bountiful gifts of corn4 ,the happy results of his action have earned the gratitude of numerous cities1 and ,sidonius is the mouthpiece of his own ,arverni4 ,the affair illustrates the beneficence of good ecclesiastics in troubled times4 ,for ,gaul was not enjoying tranquil repose4 ,the barbarians were restless1 and the relations#aggb between their kings and the failing empire were not always friendly4 ,religious differences too played a part in preventing the coalescence of ,gallo-,roman and ,teuton4 ,the good bishop just referred to is praised by ,sidonius as a successful converter of heretics4 ,the fine country houses with their vineyards and oliveyards and general atmosphere of comfort and plenty shew plainly that the invasions and raids had not desolated all the countryside4 ,the first need of the invaders was food4 ,wanton destruction was not in their own interest1 and the requisitioning of food-stuffs was probably their chief offence1 naturally resented by those who had sown and reaped for their own consumption4 ,if we admit this supposition1 it follows that their operations1 like those of other successful invaders1 would be directed mainly to the lowland districts1 where most of the food-stuffs were produced4 ,now the country houses of ,sidonius and his friends were1 at least most of them1 situated in hilly country1 often at a considerable distance from the main#aggc roads1 among pleasant surroundings which these kindly and cultivated gentlemen were well qualified to enjoy4 ,it is evident that some1 perhaps many1 of these snug retreats were not seriously#aggd molested1 at all events in southern and south-eastern ,gaul4 ,roughly speaking1 the old and most thoroughly ,romanized provinces1 the chief cities of which were ,lugudunum and ,narbo1 were still seats 7indeed the chief seats7 of ,roman civilization4 ,it was there that the culture of the age survived in literary effort sedulously feeding on the products and traditions of the past4 ,sidonius thinks it a pity#agge that men of education and refinement should be disposed to bury their talents and capacity for public service in rural retreats1 whether suburban or remote4 ,the truth probably was that town life had ceased to be attractive to men unconcerned in trade and not warmly interested in religious partisanship4 ,the lord of a country manor1 surrounded by his dependants1 could fill his store-rooms and granaries#aggf with the produce of their labour4 ,he still had slaves#aggg to wait on him1 sometimes even to work on the land4 ,with reasonable kindliness and care on his part1 he could be assured of comfort and respect1 the head of a happy rustic community4 ,the mansions of these gentry1 sometimes architecturally#aggh fine buildings1 were planted in spots chosen for local advantages1 and the library was almost as normal a part of the establishment as the larder4 ,some of the owners of these places gave quite as much of their time and attention to literary trifling as to the management of their estates4 ,the writing of letters1 self-conscious and meant for publication1 after the example of ,pliny the younger1 was a practice of ,sidonius4 ,the best specimen of this kind is perhaps the long epistle#aggi in which he describes minutely a place among the foot-hills of the ,alps4 ,every attraction of nature seconded by art is particularized1 down to the drowsy tinkling of the bells on the mountain flocks accompanied by the shepherd's pipe4 ,no doubt the effective agriculture#aghj of ,gaul had little in common with these ,arcadian scenes4 ,the toiling coloni1 serfs of a barbarian chief or a ,roman noble1 were all the while producing the food needed to support the population2 and it is a convincing proof of the superficiality of ,sidonius as an observer of his age that he practically ignores them4 ,to attempt a full description of society in ,roman ,gaul of the fifth century is quite beyond my scope4 ,it has already been admirably done by ,sir ,samuel ,dill4 ,but there are a few points remaining to be discussed as relevant to my subject4 ,that the decline of the middle class1 and the passing of large areas of land into few hands1 was a process forwarded by inability to pay debts incurred1 is extremely probable4 ,it had been going on for many centuries4 ,but ,i do not see that the evidence of ,sidonius suggests that this evil was in his time especially prevalent4 ,the case cited#agha is peculiar4 ,the borrower is expressly stated not to have mortgaged any of his land4 ,the loan was only secured by a written bond which fixed the interest#aghb at #ab per annum4 ,this had been ten years in arrear1 and the total debt was now doubled4 ,the debtor fell ill1 and pressure was put on him by officials employed to collect debts4 ,i infer that the lack of real security prompted this dunning of a sick man1 for fear the personal security might lapse by his death4 ,sidonius1 a friend of the creditor1 undertook to plead with him for at least some stay of action4 ,this man had lately been ordained1 and ,sidonius 7not yet himself in orders1 ,i think17 was evidently surprised to note the simple religious life led by him in his country villa4 ,and he needed little entreaty1 but acted up to what he considered his duty to a brother ,christian4 ,he not only granted further time for payment1 but remitted the whole of the accrued interest1 claiming only the principal sum lent4 ,such conduct may have been1 and probably was1 exceptional2 but ,i cannot argue from it that heartless usurers were eating up the small landowners of ,gaul4 ,so too the case of the young man#aghc of good position who cast off a slave mistress and wedded a young lady of good family1 reputation1 and property1 may have been exceptional4 ,sidonius takes it all very coolly1 and mildly improves the occasion4 ,a far more interesting affair is one in a lower station of life1 of which ,i must say a few words4 ,in a brief letter#aghd to his friend ,pudens he says #8,the son of your nurse has raped my nurse's daughter3 it is a shocking business1 and would have made bad blood between you and me1 only that ,i saw at once you did not know what to do in the matter4 ,you begin by clearing yourself of connivance1 and then condescend to ask me to condone a fault committed in hot passion4 ,this ,i grant1 but only on these terms1 that you release#aghe the ravisher from the status of a ,sojourner1 to which he belongs by birth2 thus becoming his patron instead of his lord4 ,the woman is free already4 ,and to give her the position of a wedded wife1 and not the plaything of caprice1 there is but one way4 ,our scamp for whom you intercede must become your ,client#aghf and cease to be a ,tributary1 thus acquiring the quality of an ordinary ,commoner rather than that of a ,serf4' ,sidonius is as usual ready to make the best#aghg of a bad job4 ,from his proposal ,i draw the following conclusions4 ,first1 as to the nurses4 ,the nutrix1 like the ,greek 1 held a position of trust and respect in the household1 consecrated by immemorial tradition4 ,no slave had a higher claim to manumission1 if she desired it4 ,it would seem that ,sidonius' #8mammy' was ending her days as a freedwoman1 and hence her daughter was free4 ,it looks as if the nurse of ,pudens were still a slave1 and her son an inquilinus on the estate of ,pudens4 ,he may very well have been tenant of a small holding1 practically a serf-tenant4 ,pudens is still his dominus4 ,his quality of inquilinus attaches to him in virtue of his origo2 that is1 he is registered in the census-books#aghh as a human unit belonging to a particular estate and taken into account in estimating taxation-units4 ,therefore he is tributarius#aghi4 ,sidonius proposes to divest him of the character of serf and make him an ordinary ,roman citizen4 ,the difference this would make is probably a purely legal one4 ,being at present a ,serf1 probably in strict law a slave also1 his connexion with the girl is a contubernium4 ,his manumission#agij 7for such it really is7 will enable him to convert it into a matrimonium1 carrying the usual legal responsibilities4 ,the practical change in his economic position will probably be nil4 ,he will still remain a dependent colonus1 but he may perhaps enjoy the privilege of paying his own share#agia of taxes4 ,that ,sidonius speaks of his present condition first as ,inquilinate and then as ,colonate1 is one of many proofs that the two terms now connoted virtually#agib the same thing4 ,such had already been stated as a fact in a law of ,honorius1 which was retained by ,tribonian in the code of ,justinian4 ,whether the inquilini were barbarian bondsmen 7hrige71 tenants bound to the soil like coloni but the personal property of their landlords1 as ,seeck holds2 or usually descendants of coloni1 as ,weber thought2 is more than ,i can venture to decide4 ,i do not think that either hypothesis#agic exhausts all the possibilities1 and the point is not material to the present inquiry4 ,in any case it can hardly be doubted that both classes consisted of men who worked with their own hands1 only aided in some cases by slave labour which was far from easy to procure4 ,,lxi4 ,,concluding ,,chapter4 ,after so long a discussion of the surviving evidence1 it is time to sum up the results and see to what conclusions the inquiry leads us in respect of the farm life and labour of the ,greco-,roman world4 ,and first as to the figures of the picture1 the characters with whose position and fortunes we are concerned4 ,we find three classes1 owner farmer labourer1 clearly marked though not so as to be mutually exclusive4 ,we can only begin with ownership in some form1 however rudimentary2 for the claim to resist encroachment on a more or less ill-defined area is a phenomenon of even the rude life of hunter-tribes4 ,how private property grew out of common ownership is a question beyond the range of the present inquiry4 ,it is enough that the owner1 whether a clan or a family or an individual1 has a recognized right to use the thing owned 7here land7 and to debar others from doing so4 ,but it is clear that he may also be the actual manager of its use3 he may even supply in person all the labour needed for turning it to account3 in short1 he may be his own farmer and his own labourer4 ,and legend asserts or implies that such was the primitive condition of man when he passed from nomadic to settled existence4 ,differentiation of function is therefore a product of time and circumstance1 a development varying in date and degree among various races and in various portions of the world4 ,once the stage of civilization is reached at which the regular cultivation of the same piece of land year by year is the normal means of sustaining human life1 we meet the simplest economic figure1 the peasant who supplies his own needs by his own methods1 tilling the soil which in some sense he claims as his own4 ,whether it is his own permanently as an individual1 or temporarily as a member of a village community1 is a difference immaterial from the present point of view4 ,nor does it matter that his method of dealing with the land may be regulated by principles conventional in the society to which he belongs4 ,delegation of management is a momentous step1 destined to bring important unforeseen consequences4 ,many reasons may have rendered it necessary or at least convenient4 ,it appears in two forms1 the actual and relative dates of which are hardly to be determined with certainty4 ,either the owner keeps the profit of the undertaking and bears the loss1 or some division of profit and loss between the owner and the manager is the condition of the arrangement between the two parties4 ,ownership is not abdicated3 nor is it easy to see how1 without a clear recognition of ownership1 any system of delegation could arise4 ,but on the first plan the owner owns not only the land but the service of his delegate4 ,whether the man be a client bound to his patron by social custom1 or an agent earning a wage1 or a slave the property of his master1 he is merely a servant in charge4 ,he can be superseded at any moment at the landowner's will4 ,the free tenant on the other hand is a creature of contract1 and his existence presupposes a community in which the sanctity of deliberate bargains is considerably developed4 ,whether the tenant's obligation consists in the payment of a fixed rent in money or kind1 or in a share of produce varying with the season's crop1 does not matter4 ,he is bound by special law1 however rudimentary2 and it is the interest of the community to see that such law is kept in force3 for no one would enter into such bargains if their fulfilment were not reasonably assured4 ,whether a certain reluctance to enter into such a relation may perhaps account for the rare and doubtful appearance of tenancy in early ,roman tradition1 or whether it is to be set down simply to defects of record1 ,i do not venture to decide4 ,the landlord's obligation is to allow his tenant the enjoyment and free use of a definite piece of land on certain terms for a stipulated period4 ,further stipulations1 giving him the right to insist on proper cultivation and the return of the land in good condition at the end of the tenancy1 were doubtless soon added at the dictation of experience4 ,that tenant farmers with their families usually supplied labour as well as management1 is surely not to be doubted4 ,that1 in the times when we begin to hear of this class as non-exceptional1 they also employed slave labour1 is attested3 that we do not hear of them as engaging free wage-earners1 may or may not be an accidental omission4 ,labour1 simply as labour1 without regard to the possible profit or loss attending its results1 was no more an object of desire1 engaged in for its own sake1 in ancient times than it is now4 ,domestication of animals1 a step implying much attentive care and trouble1 was a great advance in the direction of securing a margin of profit on which mankind could rely for sustenance and comfort4 ,the best instance is perhaps that of the ox1 whose services1 early exploited to the full1 were cheaply obtained at the cost of his rearing and keep4 ,hence he was kept4 ,but in ages of conflict1 when might was right1 the difference#agid between an ox-servant and a man-servant had in practice no existence1 and the days of theory were as yet in the far future4 ,a human enemy1 captured and spared1 could be put to use in the same way as a domesticated ox4 ,his labour1 minus the cost of his keep1 left a margin of profit to his owner4 ,at the moment of capture1 his life was all he had3 therefore his conqueror had deprived him of nothing1 and the bargain was in his favour1 though economically in his owner's interest4 ,no wonder then that our earliest records attest the presence of the slave4 ,even nomad tribes were attended by slaves#agie in their migrations1 nor indeed has this custom been wholly unknown in modern times4 ,on the other hand it is remarkable how very little we hear of wage-earning labour in ancient agriculture4 ,nothing seems to imply that it was ever a normal resource of cultivation4 ,when employed1 it is almost always for special work at seasons of pressure1 and it seems to have remained on this footing1 with a general tendency to decline4 ,in other words1 the margin of profit on the results of wage-earning labour seemed to employers less than that on the results of slave labour1 so far as ordinary routine was concerned4 ,and we are not in a position to shew that in their given circumstances their judgment was wrong4 ,but we need to form some notion of the position of the wage-earning labourer in a civilization still primitive4 ,the main point ever to be borne in mind is that the family household was a close union of persons bound together by ties of blood and religion under a recognized ,head4 ,a common interest in the family property carried with it the duty of common labour4 ,the domestic stamp was on everything done and designed4 ,even the slave had a humble place in the family life1 and family religion did not wholly ignore him4 ,he was there1 and was meant to stay there4 ,farm-work was the chief item in the duties of the household1 and he bore1 and was meant to bear1 his full share of it4 ,but the hired labourer stood in no such relation to the household union1 however friendly his connexion with his employer might be4 ,he did his work1 took his wage1 and went3 no tie was severed by his going1 and any other person of like capacity could fill his place if and when the need for help-service arose4 ,in short1 his labour was non-domestic1 irregular1 occasional3 and therefore less likely to receive notice in such records as have come down to us4 ,but if we conclude 7as ,i am inclined to do7 that wage-labour was not much employed on the land in early times1 we must admit that this is rather an inference than an attested tradition4 ,the distinction between domestic regular service and non-domestic help-service is essential1 and on a small holding from which a family raised its own sustenance the line of division was easy to draw4 ,later economic changes tended to obscure it1 and we find ,roman jurists#agif of the ,empire striving to discover a full and satisfactory answer to a much later question1 namely the distinction between a domestic and a rustic slave4 ,but by that time #8domestic' appears as #8urban1' for the effect of centuries has been to draw a really important line of division1 not between slave and free but between two classes of slaves4 ,there is however in the conditions of early slavery1 when #8domestic' and #8rustic' were merely two aspects of the same thing1 another point not to be overlooked1 since it probably had no little influence on the development of human bondage4 ,it is this4 ,the human slave differs from the domesticated ox through possession of what we call reason4 ,if he wished to escape1 he was capable of forming deep-laid plans for that purpose4 ,now the captives in border wars would be members of neighbouring tribes4 ,if enslaved1 the fact of being still within easy reach of their kindred was a standing temptation to run away1 sure as they would be of a welcome in their former homes4 ,no kindness1 no watchfulness1 on the master's part would suffice to deaden or defeat such an influence4 ,to solve the problem thus created1 a way was found by disposing of captives to aliens more remote and getting slaves brought from places still further away4 ,this presupposes some commercial intercourse4 ,in the early ,greek tradition we meet with this slave-trade at work as a branch of maritime traffic chiefly in the hands of ,phoenician seamen4 ,in ,italy we find a trace of it in the custom#agig of selling #8beyond ,tiber1' that is into alien ,etruria4 ,at what stage of civilization exactly this practice became established it is rash to guess3 we cannot get behind it4 ,the monstrous slave-markets of the historical periods shew that it developed into a normal institution of the ancient world4 ,but it is not unreasonable to suppose that an alien from afar was less easily absorbed into his master's family circle than a man of a neighbouring community though of another tribe4 ,are we to see in this the germ of a change by which the house-slave became less #8domestic' and tended to become a human chattel8 ,the exploitation of some men's labour for the maintenance of others could and did take another form in ages of continual conflict4 ,successful invaders did not always drive out or destroy the earlier inhabitants of a conquered land4 ,by retaining them as subjects to till the soil1 and making the support of their rulers the first charge upon their produce1 the conquerors provided for their own comfort and became a leisured noble class4 ,in the ,greek world we find such aristocracies of a permanently military character1 as in ,laconia and ,thessaly4 ,colonial expansion reproduced the same or very similar phenomena abroad1 as in the cases of ,heraclea ,pontica and ,syracuse4 ,the serfdom of such subject populations was a very different thing#agih from slavery4 ,it had nothing domestic about it4 ,there is no reason to suppose that the serf was under any constraint beyond the regular performance of certain fixed duties1 conditions imposed by the state on its subjects1 not the personal orders of an individual owner4 ,in some cases at least the serf seems to have enjoyed a measure of protection#agii under public law4 ,whether the original ,roman plebs stood on much the same footing as the ,greek serfs is perhaps doubtful1 but their condition presents certain analogies4 ,the main truth is that the desire of conquerors to profit by the labour of the conquered was and is an appetite almost universal3 moral revulsion against crude forms of this exploitation is of modern1 chiefly ,english1 origin2 even now it is in no small degree a lesson from the economic experience of ages4 ,but it is well to remember that we use #8serfdom' also as the name for the condition of rural peasantry in the later ,roman ,empire1 and that this again is a different relation4 ,for it is not a case of conquered people serving their conquerors4 ,rather is it an affliction of those who by blood or franchise represent the conquering people4 ,step by step they sink under the loss of effective freedom1 though nominally free1 bound down by economic and social forces2 influences that operate with the slow certainty of fate until their triumph is finally registered by imperial law4 ,that the institution of ,property is a matter of slow growth1 is now generally admitted by sincere inquirers4 ,it had reached a considerable stage of development when a clan or household 7still more when an individual7 was recognized as having an exclusive right to dispose of this or that material object presumably useful to others also4 ,for instance1 in the right of an owner to do as he would with an ox or a slave4 ,individual property in land was certainly a later development1 the appropriation being effected by a combination of personal acquisitiveness with economic convenience4 ,from my present point of view the chief interest of the property-question is in its connexion with debt-slavery4 ,that farmers1 exposed to the vicissitudes of seasons1 are peculiarly liable to incur debts1 is well known from experience ancient and modern4 ,but ancient ,law1 if rudimentary1 was also rigid2 and tradition depicts for us the small peasant as a victim of the wealthy whose larger capital enabled them to outlast the pressure of bad times4 ,how far the details of this picture are to be taken literally as evidence of solid fact has not unreasonably been doubted4 ,but that a farmer in straits could pledge not only his land but his person as security for a debt seems hardly open to question4 ,for we find the practice still existing in historical periods1 and political pressure exerted to procure mitigation of the ancient severity4 ,now1 if a man gave himself in bondage to a creditor until such time as his debt should be discharged1 he became that creditor's slave for a period that might only end with his own life4 ,here we have another way in which the man of property could get the disposal of regular labour without buying a slave in the market or turning to work himself4 ,a later form of the practice1 in which a debtor worked off his liability#ahjj by service at an estimated rate1 a method of liquidation by the accumulation of unpaid wages1 seems to have been a compromise avoiding actual slavery4 ,evidently subsequent to the abolition of debt-slavery1 it died out in ,italy1 perhaps partly owing to the troublesome friction that would surely arise in enforcing the obligation4 ,it is natural to ask1 if we find small trace of eagerness to labour in person on the land1 and ample tradition of readiness to devolve that labour on slaves and subjects1 how comes it that we find agriculture in honour1 traditionally regarded as the manual labour beyond all others not unworthy of a freeman8 ,to reply that human life is supported by the produce of the land is no sufficient answer4 ,to recognize the fact of necessity does not account for the sentiment of dignity4 ,now1 in the formation of such unions as may fairly be called ,states1 the commonest if not universal phenomenon is the connexion of full citizenship with ownership of land4 ,political movement towards democracy is most significantly expressed in the struggles of landless members of inferior right to gain political equality4 ,whether the claim is for allotments of land1 carrying a share of voting-power1 or for divorcing the voting-power from landholding1 does not matter much here4 ,at any rate it was the rule that no alien could own land within the territory of the state1 and state and territory were coextensive4 ,only special treaties between states1 or a solemn act of the sovran power in a state1 could create exceptions to the rule4 ,from this situation ,i would start in attempting to find some answer to the above question4 ,in a village community ,i think it is generally agreed that all true members had a share of the produce1 the great majority as cultivators1 holding lots of land1 not as tenants at will or by contract1 but in their own right1 though the parcels might be allotted differently from time to time4 ,if a few craftsmen were left to specialize in necessary trades for the service of all1 and drew their share in the form of sustenance provided by the cultivating members1 the arrangement presented no insuperable difficulty on a small scale4 ,but the tillers of the soil were the persons on whose exertions the life of the community primarily and obviously depended4 ,the formation of a larger unit1 a ,state1 probably by some successful warrior chief1 made a great change in the situation4 ,a city stronghold established a centre of state life and government1 and villages exchanged the privileges and perils of isolation for the position of local hamlets attached to the common centre of the state1 and in this new connexion developing what we may fairly call political consciousness4 ,under the new dispensation1 what with growth of markets1 the invention of coined money1 and greater general security1 the movement towards individual property proceeded fast4 ,noble families engrossed much of the best land3 and tradition#ahja credibly informs us that in one mode or other they imposed the labour of cultivation on the poorer citizens1 of course on very onerous terms4 ,at this point in the inquiry some help may be got from taking the military view4 ,war1 at least defensive war1 was a possibility ever present4 ,kings1 and the aristocracies that followed them1 had as their prime function to secure the safety of the state4 ,a sort of regular force was provided by the obligation of army service that rested upon all full citizens4 ,the warrior nobles and their kinsmen formed a nucleus4 ,but the free peasant farmers were indispensable in the ranks1 and1 as their farms usually lay near the frontier1 they furnished a hardy and willing militia for border warfare4 ,the craftsmen1 smith potter cobbler etc1 were now more concentrated in the city1 and were always regarded as ill-fitted for service in the field4 ,naturally the classes that bore a direct part in defence of the state stood higher in general esteem4 ,but to say this is not to say that bodily labour on the land was1 as labour1 honoured for its own sake4 ,the honour belonged to those who1 owning land1 either worked it with their own hands or employed the labour of others4 ,i can find no trace of traditional respect for the labourer as labourer until a much later age1 when a dearth of free rustic labourers had begun to be felt4 ,then it appeared in the form of yearning#ahjb for a vanished past1 side by side with humanitarian views in relation to slavery4 ,meanwhile a stage had been traversed in which slavery was recognized as necessary in spite of its admitted evils1 and therefore requiring justification2 a movement most clearly illustrated by the special pleading of ,aristotle4 ,that great writer was fully alive to the manifold merits of the farmer class as citizens and producers1 but his trust in the power of self-interest proves him a confirmed individualist4 ,how to combine self-interest with patriotic devotion to the common welfare is the vital problem1 even now only solved ideally on paper4 ,that coldly-reasoned conclusions of thinkers were really the foundation of the esteem in which we find the working farmer held1 ,i cannot believe4 ,much more likely is it that it sprang mainly from immemorial tradition of a time when ownership and cultivation went together1 and that theory merely absorbed and revived what was still an indistinct impression in the minds of men4 ,the ,greeks had a significant word1 1 the usage of which may serve to illustrate my meaning4 ,that it connotes the fact of a man's bearing a personal part in this or that work is clear on the face of it4 ,that no other person also bears a part1 is sometimes implied by the context1 but it is not necessarily contained in the word itself4 ,to put it differently1 he does his own work1 not necessarily all his own work4 ,i note two points in connexion with it that seem to me important4 ,first1 it is so often used as descriptive of rustic labour that it seems to have carried with it associations of farm-life3 most of the other uses are almost metaphorical1 some distinctly so4 ,secondly1 ,i have never found it applied to the case of a slave4 ,why8 ,i think1 because it conveyed the further notion of working not only yourself but for yourself4 ,if in some passages it is not quite certain that an owner 7rather than a tenant7 is referred to1 surely this extension of meaning is not such as to cause surprise4 ,it is not enough to suggest serious doubt that the common and full sense of the word was that a man did work with his own hands on his own account on his own land4 ,this was the character to which immemorial tradition pointed2 and1 whenever tenancy under landlords began1 the word fitted the working tenant-farmer well enough4 ,the ,romans had the tradition in the most definite form1 though ,latin furnished no equivalent word4 ,their literature1 moralizing by examples and unapt for theory1 used it as material for centuries4 ,but neither in the ,greek world nor in ,italy can ,i detect any reason for believing that the peasant farmer1 idealized by later ages1 is rightly to be conceived as a person unwilling to employ slave labour--if and when he could get it4 ,the tradition1 in which rustic slaves appear from very early times1 seems to me far more credible than late legends of a primitive golden age in which there were no slaves at all4 ,that a man1 to be enslaved1 must first have been free1 is a piece of speculation with which ,i am not here concerned4 ,tradition then1 looking back to times when landowner and citizen were normally but different sides of the same character1 both terms alike implying the duty of fighting for the state1 idealized and glorified this character with great but pardonable exaggeration of virtues probably not merely fictitious4 ,the peasant citizen and producer was its hero4 ,as the devolution of bodily labour upon slaves or hirelings became more common with the increase of commerce and urban life1 and the solid worth of a patriot peasantry became more evident in the hour of its decay1 men turned with regret to the past4 ,and the contrast of the real present with an idealized past naturally found a significant difference in the greater or less willingness of men to work with their own hands1 particularly on the land4 ,but it was the labour of free citizens1 each bearing an active part in the common responsibilities of the state and enjoying its common protection1 that was glorified1 not labour as in itself meritorious or healthy4 ,the wholesomeness of rustic toil was not ignored1 but to urge it as a motive for bodily exertion was a notion developed by town-bred thinkers4 ,that it coloured later tradition is not wonderful3 its recognition is most clearly expressed in the admission of superior #8corporal soundness' in the sparely-fed and hard-worked slave or wage-earner4 ,but labour as labour was never1 so far as ,i can learn1 dignified and respected in ,greco-,roman civilization4 ,poverty1 not choice1 might compel a man to do all his own work2 but1 if he could and did employ hired or slave labour also1 then he was an none the less4 ,this ,i hold to be an underlying fact that ,roman tradition in particular is calculated to obscure4 ,it was voluntary labour1 performed in a citizen's own interest and therefore a service to the state1 that received sentimental esteem4 ,the power of military influences in ancient states is often cited as a sufficient explanation of the social fact that non-military bodily labour was generally regarded with more or less contempt4 ,the army being the state in arms1 the inferiority of those who did not form part of it though able-bodied was manifest to all4 ,this is true as far as it goes1 but there was something more behind4 ,why does not the same phenomenon appear in modern states with conscript armies1 such as ,france or ,italy or above all ,switzerland8 ,i think the true answer is only to be found by noting a difference between ancient and modern views as to the nature and limits of voluntary action4 ,it is only of states in which membership is fairly to be called citizenship that ,i am speaking2 and as usual it is ,greek conditions and ,greek words that supply distinct evidence4 ,not that the ,roman conditions were materially different1 but they were perhaps less clearly conceived1 and the record is less authentic and clear4 ,now1 beyond the loyal obedience due from citizen to state1 any sort of constraint determining the action of one free man by the will of others was feared and resented to a degree of which we cannot easily form an adequate notion4 ,in the gradual emancipation of the commons from the dominion of privileged nobles1 the long struggle gave a passionate intensity to the natural appetite for freedom4 ,and the essence of freedom was the power of self-disposal4 ,this power was liable to be lost permanently by sale into slavery1 but also from time to time by the effect of temporary engagements4 ,the most obvious instance of the latter condition was the bondage created by unpaid debt4 ,hence the persistent and eventually successful fight to make it illegal to take a borrower's person as security for his debt4 ,but1 suppose the debt cancelled by the seizure of his goods1 the man was left a pauper4 ,his only resource was to work for wages1 and this placed him for the time of his engagement at the full disposal#ahjc of his employer4 ,if he was not a master's slave for good and all1 he would be passing from master to master1 ever freshly reminded of the fact that his daily necessities subjected him to the will of others1 nullifying his freeman's power of self-disposal4 ,if he worked side by side with slaves1 there was a further grievance4 ,for the slave1 in whom his owner had sunk capital1 had to be kept fed and housed to retard his depreciation3 the free labourer depended#ahjd on his wage1 liable to fail4 ,the situation1 thus crudely stated1 was intolerable4 ,in practice it was met1 first by devotion to handicrafts as a means of livelihood in which the winning of custom by skill relieved the worker from direct dependence on a single master2 but also by allotments of land in annexed territory1 and sometimes 7as at ,athens7 by multiplication of paid state-employments4 ,of ordinary artisans1 as distinct from artists1 it may be said that their position varied according as their special trades were more or less esteemed by contemporary sentiment4 ,the successful could and did employ#ahje helpers1 usually slaves4 ,in urban populations they were an important element1 particularly in those where military considerations were not predominant4 ,the accumulation of capital1 and the introduction of industries on a larger scale in factory-workshops with staffs of slaves1 may have affected some trades to their disadvantage1 but on the whole the small-scale craftsmen seem generally#ahjf to have held their ground4 ,unskilled labour on the other hand was generally despised4 ,it was as a matter of course chiefly performed by slaves4 ,if a citizen was compelled by want to hire out his bodily strength1 this was not voluntary3 complete submission to another's will1 even for a short time1 made the relation on his part virtually servile4 ,accordingly philosophers1 when they came to discuss such topics1 came to the conclusion that the need of such unskilled labour proved slavery to be #8according to nature1' a necessary appliance of human society4 ,when the ,stoic defined a slave as a lifelong hireling1 he gave sharp expression to what had long been felt as a true analogy4 ,for1 if the slave was a lifelong hireling1 the hireling must be a temporary slave4 ,romans could borrow the thought1 but with them practice had preceded theory4 ,in making comparisons between wage-earning ancient and modern we come upon a difficulty which it is hardly possible to set aside or overcome4 ,a slave could be hired from his owner1 just as a freeman could be hired from himself4 ,the difference between the two cases would be clearly marked#ahjg in the modern world1 and language would leave no room for misunderstanding4 ,but many passages in ancient writers leave it quite uncertain whether the hirelings referred to are free or slave4 ,the point is an important one1 particularly to inquirers who attempt to estimate the relative economic efficiency of free and slave labour4 ,for the immediate interest of the freeman is to get a maximum of wage for a minimum of work3 the ultimate interest of the hired slave was often to improve his own prospect of manumission4 ,the custom was to allow the slave to retain a small portion of his wage4 ,now this stimulus to exertion was manifestly to the interest of the employer1 who may even have made it a part of his bargain with the owner4 ,the slave1 alive to the chance of laying up a little store for the eventual purchase of his freedom1 was induced to work well in order to be kept employed on these terms4 ,the owner drew a steady income from his capital sunk in slaves1 and the system was thus convenient to all parties4 ,we may add that1 by causing a slave to take thought for his own future1 this plan encouraged him to take reasonable care of his own health1 and so far retarded his progressive deterioration as an investment2 while his owner stood to recover the slave's hoarded wage-portion in the form of redemption-money on manumission of his worn-out slave4 ,there is reason to think that slave labour under these conditions was often more efficient than free4 ,unhappily we have no direct discussion of the question from ancient observers1 who did not take this point of view1 though well aware of the influence of prospective manumission in producing contentment4 ,but how far was this comparatively genial arrangement applicable to the ruder forms of unskilled labour8 ,take for instance mining4 ,freemen would have none of it1 and the inhuman practices of exploiters were notorious4 ,yet hired slaves were freely employed4 ,owners knew that their slaves were likely to waste rapidly under the methods in use1 and at ,athens a common stipulation was that on the expiry of a contract the gang hired should be returned in equal number1 the employer making good the losses certain to occur in their ranks4 ,here we have the mere human chattel1 hopeless and helpless1 never likely to receive anything but his keep1 as an engine receives its fuel and oil1 but differing in this1 that he was liable to cruel punishment4 ,such labourers could not work for a freedom that they had no prospect of living to enjoy4 ,and how about the case of agriculture8 ,that freemen did work for wages on farms we know1 but we hear very little of them1 and that little almost entirely as helpers at certain seasons4 ,so far as ,i have been able to learn1 free wage-labour did not really compete with slave labour in agriculture3 moreover the hired man might be a hired slave1 while migratory harvesters1 probably freemen1 appear at least in some cases as gangs hired for the job under a ganger of their own1 responsible to the employer for their conduct and efficiency4 ,most significant is the almost complete absence of evidence that rustic slaves had any prospect of manumission4 ,in former chapters ,i have commented on this fact and noted the few faint indications of such an arrangement4 ,at all events the crude plantation-system1 while it lasted1 was a work-to-death system1 though worn-out survivors may have had a better lot than miners1 if allowed to exist as old retainers on the estate4 ,but cultivation by slave labour for the purpose of raising an income for the landlord was1 even in its later improved organization1 a system implying brutal callousness1 if not downright cruelty4 ,slave stewards and overseers1 at the mercy of the master themselves1 were naturally less concerned to spare the common hands than to escape the master's wrath4 ,when writers on agriculture urge that on all grounds it is wise to keep punishments down to a minimum1 the point of their advice is surely a censure of contemporary practice4 ,now in modern times1 humanitarian considerations being assumed1 the prevailing point of view has been more and more a strictly economic and industrial one4 ,it has been assumed that the freedom of an individual consists first and foremost in the freedom to dispose of his own labour on the best available terms4 ,and this freedom rests on freedom to move from place to place in search of the best labour-market from time to time4 ,but the movement and the bargaining have been regarded as strictly voluntary1 as in a certain sense they are4 ,the power to migrate or emigrate with the view of #8bettering himself' is conferred on the wage-earner by modern facilities for travel1 and new countries readily absorb additional labour4 ,but experience has shewn that free bargaining for wages is not seldom illusory1 since the man of capital can bide his time1 while the poor man cannot4 ,still1 when every allowance has been made on this score1 it is true that the modern labourer1 through freedom of movement1 has far more power of self-disposal than the wage-earner of the ,greco-,roman world4 ,that his position is strengthened and assured by the possession of political power1 is not without ancient analogies3 but a difference in degree if not in kind is created by the wide extension of the franchise in modern states1 and its complete separation in principle from the ownership of land4 ,that is1 the basis of citizenship is domicile3 for citizen parentage is not required1 but easily supplemented#ahjh by legal nationalization4 ,moreover1 religion is no longer a necessary family inheritance1 but the choice of individuals who can generally gratify their preferential sentiments in surroundings other than their birthplace4 ,compare this position with the narrow franchises of antiquity and their ineffectiveness on any large scale1 their normally hereditary character1 the local and domestic limitation of religious ties1 the restricted facilities for travel1 not to mention its ever-present perils4 ,remember that to reside in another state as an alien did not1 in default of special treaty or act of legislative grace1 give the resident any claim to civic rights in his place of residence1 while misfortune might at any time reduce him to slavery in a foreign land4 ,surely under such conditions the limits of purely voluntary action were narrow indeed4 ,the lure of the wage and the fear of unemployment are often a severe form of pressure1 but they are1 as fetters on freedom1 a mere nothing in comparison with this4 ,considerations such as those set forth in the preceding paragraphs shew that in treating of ancient agriculture and farm-labour we are apparently faced by a curious paradox4 ,cultivation of land 7including the keeping of live stock7 is an honourable pursuit4 ,that good health1 sustenance1 even comfort and profit1 are its natural attendants1 is not doubted4 ,but the position of the labouring hands is painful and mean1 so much so that a common punishment for urban house-slaves was to send them to work on a farm4 ,the rustic slave's lot differed for the better from that of the mine-slave in the healthier nature of the occupation1 but in little else4 ,and this degradation inevitably reacted on the estimate of rustic wage-earners1 whenever employed4 ,there may have been less repugnance to work side by side with slaves than has been felt in modern times1 when a marked colour-line implied the disgrace of a #8white' man doing #8niggers' work4' ,but it is not to be doubted that in agriculture as in other occupations the presence of slavery did degrade labour1 at all events so soon as agriculture put on anything of an industrial character4 ,the really #8respectable' person was the man who directed the operations1 the 1 agricola1 or colonus 7in the original sense73 he was the man who worked the land and made it yield crops1 whether he took part in the actual digging and ploughing or not4 ,the larger the scale1 the more he confined himself to direction1 necessarily2 but he was the producer1 a pillar of public economy1 none the less4 ,he had provided the labour1 bought or hired2 in effect1 the labour was his own4 ,with the toiling yeoman farmer of tradition he had this in common1 that both worked for themselves1 not for another4 ,and this position1 attractive in all societies1 was marked out with peculiar distinctness through the institution of slavery underlying the social fabric4 ,exploitation of man by man1 the first beginnings of which elude our search and are only ascertained by inference1 suggests some sort of superiority in the upper party4 ,at all events the master1 the man who has the upper hand1 gets the credit of achievement1 and in agriculture as elsewhere the subordinate operative is inevitably forgotten4 ,it is from this point of view that we must regard the fine ,roman legends of sturdy farmer-citizens1 the fathers of the ,republic4 ,they are idylls conveying truth1 dressed up by the imagination of a later age3 and have their place in the region where history and poetry meet and blend4 ,we must not gather from them that slavery was exceptional or a fact of no importance4 ,tradition habitually ignores what is normal and therefore assumed4 ,the fairer inference is that1 as ,i have already remarked1 slavery was in those early days still a family institution1 not an industrial system4 ,some help towards the understanding of the different position of manual labour in ancient times as compared with modern may be got by considering ,abolitionism4 ,that a slave is a man1 and as such not to be wholly ignored in respect of the claims of common humanity2 that slave-labour is listless and ineffective1 giving poor returns in proportion to the strength employed2 these conclusions1 moral and economic1 were reached by the thinkers of the ancient world while their civilization was in full bloom4 ,why then do we find no movement corresponding to the ,abolitionism of modern times8 ,two things were obviously necessary for such a movement2 the motive to inspire it1 and the force to give effect to it4 ,let men once be convinced that slavery is both wrong and unprofitable1 and let them have the power to insist on putting an end to it1 ,abolitionism in some form or other is the necessary result4 ,now in speaking of ancient conditions we must never lose sight of the fact that in its origin slavery was a favour4 ,by the undissembled rule of force the conquered only retained his life through the mercy of the conqueror4 ,by a contract tacit or expressed he was pledged for life to the service and profit of his master4 ,and the master could1 if his interest pointed that way1 make over his rights to a third party4 ,hence the growth of a slave-market1 and the relation of master and slave no longer was normally that of individual conqueror and conquered4 ,but the original notion was by no means extinct1 and it continued to colour the current view of slavery as #8natural1' a thing of course1 an unquestioned social fact4 ,nor was there anything in the condition of the slave to arouse a feeling of horror1 so long as patriarchal rule prevailed4 ,if the ,head of the family possessed absolute power over the slave1 his power over members of the family in general was in kind the same4 ,the bondman1 a humble dependant rather than a mere chattel1 was in a sense also a member of the family and under the protection of the household gods4 ,what was there for an observer1 let him be ever so kind-hearted1 to object to8 ,accordingly1 as the state developed1 it too kept slaves of its own1 employing them in mean functions for which it was needful to have a staff always at hand4 ,in short1 the institution was taken for granted1 and growing intercourse with foreigners only served to reveal its universal prevalence4 ,how came it then that in course of time humanitarian scruples arose1 and questioners were found to argue that the system was #8unnatural' and wrong8 ,the answer must be sought in the application of an originally domestic institution to industrial ends4 ,once the stage was reached at which the products of labour were habitually put on the market1 and the producer got his living by their regular sale1 it was soon discovered that to produce and deal on a larger scale was more economical1 and therefore more profitable1 than on a smaller one4 ,in the handicrafts this was so obvious that slave assistants were commonly kept by tradesmen3 it was important to be sure of having the necessary help when wanted4 ,the same was the case in the professions based on special training3 the surgeon1 the architect1 the surveyor1 the banker1 employed slave subordinates1 and had often been slaves themselves4 ,in all these departments1 not to mention domestic service1 the position of the slave was affected by two important considerations4 ,first1 he was one of a few1 and under immediate observation1 so that escape from servitude was practically impossible4 ,secondly1 there was a reasonable chance of earning manumission by long faithful service4 ,but there were occupations in which it was far more difficult to reconcile the interests of the slave with those of the master4 ,such were the exploitation of mines and quarries1 in which labour was simply applied in the form of brute force under direction4 ,the direction1 usually entrusted to slave or freedman overseers1 was generally unsympathetic1 sometimes cruel2 for the overseer's first thought was to please his master1 even if he could only do so by working the slaves to death4 ,the extension of agriculture as a means of profit rather than subsistence created conditions of the same kind in this occupation4 ,it was here that the monstrous abuses incidental to slavery were most strikingly displayed4 ,for1 while quarries and mines were only worked in a few localities1 the plan of working great landed estates by the labour of slave-gangs was applicable to vast areas of the best soil4 ,and in ,africa ,sicily and ,italy we find it so applied for the profit of the nobles and capitalists of a conquering race4 ,the evils of this system may be set down to the account of obsequious stewards heartlessly wringing profit for their masters out of human flesh and blood4 ,but we must not ignore two considerations which suggest that the root of the evil lay not in the caprice or greed of individuals but in the attempt to carry on rural industry by slave labour at all4 ,in the country1 opportunities of escape were many2 the slave-prison and the fetters could hardly be dispensed with if you meant to keep your farm-hands at disposal4 ,and manumission1 as a means of encouraging good service1 was evidently not of much avail in country places4 ,for after long years of exhausting labour the worn-out slave would be unable to earn a living by hard bodily work2 and he knew no other4 ,he had been bought as a flesh-and-blood machine2 as such1 to manumit him while still efficient would be a sacrifice of sunk capital for which nobody was prepared4 ,it seems that the ordinary practice was to keep him at work till he could work no longer1 and then to let him linger on the estate as an invalid retainer1 feeding on what he could get and decaying in peace4 ,but the industrializing of agriculture1 heartlessly selfish in its aims1 tempted landlords to shirk the unprofitable maintenance of spent labourers4 ,when a slave was no longer worth his keep1 it might pay to sell him at once for what he would fetch4 ,there was thus a mouth less to be fed1 and the problem of how to turn the remnant of his strength to account was shifted on to his new owner4 ,this plan1 approved by the elder ,cato as a detail of farm-economy1 marks the change of relations between master and slave in rustic life4 ,the old domestic relation has disappeared in the brutal exploitation of a human animal for immediate profit4 ,the crudely industrial system reproduced on great estates the horrid phenomena of the quarry and the mine4 ,that humane and thoughtful men should be disgusted with such doings was inevitable1 and disgust was soon reinforced by reasonable alarm4 ,for tillage was not the sole occupation of rustic enterprise4 ,it was found that in many districts grazing paid better than tillage1 and the two could be worked together remuneratively on a large scale4 ,the charge of flocks and herds1 shifting their pasture according to seasons1 led to employment of able-bodied slaves in a duty responsible and at the same time removed from immediate control for months together4 ,these slave herdsmen1 hardy and used to a free life in wild uplands1 had to face wolves and robbers1 and therefore to bear arms4 ,we need not dwell on the danger from such a class menacing the peace of a country unprotected by rural police4 ,it was real enough4 ,being slaves1 they had nothing but their lives to lose1 and their lives it was their owners' interest to protect4 ,meanwhile the unescorted traveller was at their mercy1 and any peasants within reach would pay blackmail to escape their raids4 ,yet nothing was done to get rid of the nuisance and peril of this state of things4 ,servile risings were clumsily put down with appalling bloodshed1 and left to recur4 ,meanwhile the free population of the countryside diminished1 and prosperity could not be restored by new slave-gangs4 ,such was notoriously the condition of a great part of rural ,italy under the later ,republic1 and contemporary evidence clearly shews that the improvement effected under the ,empire was slight4 ,now1 when experience had proved the blighting influence of slavery1 why was there no movement to do away with the system altogether8 ,truth is1 there was at present no basis to start from4 ,the moral enthusiasm1 often sincere1 that has inspired such movements in modern times1 had no effective existence4 ,moral considerations were almost entirely confined to a section of rich or cultivated society4 ,it was not expected that the common herd should rise above the meanest motives of crude self-interest4 ,the artisan1 who either employed1 or hoped soon to employ1 a slave or two1 was not likely to condemn slavery3 the parasitic loafer was not likely to welcome a mass of new competitors for the doles and bribes that he undeservedly enjoyed4 ,during the last century of the ,roman ,republic no opposition to slavery as an institution could have arisen from the urban populace4 ,and the wealthier classes were interested in slavery4 ,religion did not touch the question4 ,a few scrupulous and thoughtful men might have supported an anti-slavery movement1 had there been one2 but we have not the smallest reason to think that any individual ever dreamt of starting humanitarian propaganda on his own account and at his own risk4 ,there was no place in the ancient world for the reformer of this type4 ,even those leaders whose policy offered advantages to the free masses1 such as the ,gracchi or some ,spartan kings1 did not so fare in their enterprises as to encourage imitation4 ,as for appealing to the slaves themselves1 it was only desperate adventurers who did so1 and that only to use their force in promoting criminal designs4 ,such cases only served to justify the cruel execution of cruel laws for protecting masters and the state in general from the imminent slave-peril4 ,if we turn from the city1 in which what passed for politics ran its troubled and futile course1 to the countryside1 we are at once in a scene from which all political life had departed4 ,the farmer-citizens grew fewer and fewer1 and the great majority of them were virtually disfranchised by distance4 ,nor were they likely to favour any movement that seemed to be for the benefit of slaves4 ,the establishment of the ,empire did not1 indeed could not1 produce any material change in the way of arousing effective sentiment hostile to slavery4 ,but it did much to promote internal order and far-reaching peace4 ,under the new model of government the corrupt circles of nobles and greedy capitalists were no longer in absolute control of the civilized world1 and it might seem that there was now some chance of dealing with the canker of slavery4 ,but no such movement was the result4 ,old notions remained in full vigour4 ,augustus had his hands too full1 and the need of conciliating private interests was too pressing1 for him to disturb them1 even had he been minded to do so4 ,and who else could take the initiative8 ,but the fate of two moral influences is worth noting4 ,stoicism1 the creed of not a few ardent spirits1 might profess to rise superior to worldly distinctions and advantages and assert the potential dignity of man even in the humblest condition of life4 ,but it was always a creed of the few3 its aloofness1 tending to a certain arrogance1 made it unfitted#ahji to lead a great reform3 it neither would nor could furnish the machinery of zealous propaganda4 ,in the earlier ,empire we find it politically allied with malcontent cliques in which smouldering resentment at the restraints on #8freedom' expressed itself by idealizing the ,republic and hoping for a reaction4 ,thus it lost itself in impracticable dreams1 and the hand of emperors under provocation sometimes fell heavily on its most virtuous men4 ,the spread of ,christianity came later1 and was not diverted from its aims by a social affinity with the upper classes4 ,slaves bore no small part in its expansion to the ,west1 and it was free to operate steadily as a humanitarian influence4 ,but its claim to universality naturally exposed it to grave suspicion in a world that knew religion only as an affair of each several community1 with a sort of overlordship vested in the conquering gods of ,rome4 ,though it was a ,church and not a philosophic system1 though meant for all mankind and not for a cultivated few1 it could only win its way by accepting civilization#ahaj in the main as it stood4 ,therefore it was compelled to accept slavery as an institution1 and to content itself with inculcating humanity on masters and conscientious devotion to duty on slaves4 ,if ,abolitionism was to spring from this seed1 a long time had to be spent in waiting for the harvest4 ,yet the establishment of the ,empire did lead to effects that in their turn served as contributory causes undermining the old slave-system1 particularly#ahaa in agriculture4 ,in a more peaceful age fewer slaves were brought to market1 and this meant higher prices and put a premium on the economical employment of bought labour4 ,to meet the situation1 agricultural policy was developed on two lines1 each of which was the improvement or extension of an existing practice4 ,one was the more scientific organization of the labour-staff1 so as to get better results from an equal amount of labour4 ,the other was a more frequent resort to the plan of letting farms to tenants1 whenever that arrangement seemed favourable to the landlord's interest4 ,of these developments we have direct information from ,columella1 who still prefers the former plan wherever feasible4 ,but it was with the system of tenancies on various conditions that the future really lay4 ,i have endeavoured above to sketch the process#ahab by which tenants were gradually reduced to a condition of dependency on their landlords1 and the difficulty of finding and keeping good tenants that was the other side of the movement4 ,a very significant detail is the fact that slaves were put into farms#ahac as tenants3 that this was no unusual practice is clear from the way in which the classical jurists refer to it as a matter of course4 ,and so things slowly moved on1 with ups and downs1 the tenants slave or free becoming more and more bondsmen of the land1 liable to task-services and not free to move at will4 ,thus by usage1 and eventually by law1 a system of serfdom was established1 while personal slavery declined4 ,looked at from an ,abolitionist point of view1 we are here dealing with a sheer evasion of the slavery-question4 ,but this was inevitable4 ,the imperial government1 which alone had the power necessary for attempting solutions of grave problems1 was doomed to become more and more mechanical4 ,under great strains in the third century it lost its vital forces to such a degree that it was powerless for internal betterment4 ,the later despotic ,empire1 seeing the failure of past policy1 could find no better way than to do as before#ahad1 only more mechanically and more thoroughly4 ,what little of freedom of movement and of self-disposal still remained to the toiling classes accordingly disappeared4 ,once a certain number had been slaves2 now none were practically free4 ,diminution of personal slavery had not increased personal freedom4 ,the attempt to confine all labour to fixed grooves and rigid rules was a last desperate effort to control and employ the resources of ancient civilization1 in the hope of thus finding means sufficient to endure the ever-growing strain upon the empire4 ,this system might serve its purpose for the moment1 but it was a vain device1 killing enterprise and working out its own ruin through its own stagnation4 ,in agriculture1 on which the whole fabric rested1 its effects were particularly ruinous3 for in no occupation is there greater need of constant forethought and loving care1 which the prospect of private advantage alone can guarantee4 ,all these phenomena may assure us that as yet there was no clear understanding of the value of free self-disposal as the economic basis of society4 ,from the moral point of view no genuine progress was to be looked for in a stagnant age4 ,the transition from normal slavery to gild-bondage and normal land-serfdom does not seem to have been affected by the spiritual levelling of ,christianity4 ,but that as she gained power1 the ,church did something to mitigate#ahae the hardness of the time1 is not to be doubted4 ,i need not dwell at length on the contrast presented by modern anti-slavery movements4 ,the influence of religion1 personal and humanitarian1 is alone enough to account for the new spirit aroused and organized by ,clarkson and ,wilberforce4 ,to put down the slave-trade because it was wrong was a momentous step1 and emancipation its inevitable corollary1 costly though it might be4 ,that the reform was carried out two generations before the handworking masses of ,england gained political power is a most notable fact4 ,for it is not possible to connect the achievement with the natural jealousy of free labour objecting to competition of slave labour4 ,in the ,united ,states the motives for ,abolition were necessarily more mixed1 but sincere fanatics1 religious and violent1 were the leaders of the crusade4 ,but the repugnance of free labour to the recognition of slavery in any part of the ,republic 7and it was this sentiment that furnished the necessary voting-power7 was not so purely philanthropic4 ,students of ,american history are well aware of the moral change brought about by a single mechanical invention in the southern states4 ,the economic advantages of the cotton-gin made slavery so profitable that existing tendencies towards emancipation died out in the ,south4 ,a new life was given to a confessed evil1 and the developed plantation-system1 industrialized for the profit of a few1 went down the road of fate to end in tragedy4 ,the result of the great civil war at all events settled one question4 ,henceforth labour was to stand on a footing of self-disposal and wage-earning1 with freedom to improve its conditions on those lines4 ,the solution1 obtained at an awful cost1 was final for the time3 what will be its ultimate outcome is at present 7#aiai7 a matter of some doubt1 for reasons not to be discussed here4 ,the fact that ,abolitionism is a phenomenon of the modern#ahaf world1 and not of the ancient1 will not seem insignificant to those who have read widely in the ancient writers and remarked how very little we hear of free wage-earning labour4 ,if we deduct the references to independent artisans practising trades on a small scale 7and their cases are not relevant here71 what we hear of mere wage-earners is very little indeed4 ,and of this little again only a part concerns agriculture4 ,i take it that we may fairly draw one conclusion from this3 the wishes of the free wage-earning class1 whatever their numbers may have been1 were practically of no account in the ancient world4 ,from first to last the primitive law of superior force1 the #8good old rule' of which slavery was a product1 was tacitly accepted4 ,civilization might undergo changes of character1 periods of peace might alternate with periods of war3 still bondage and labour were closely connected in men's minds1 and honest labour as such commanded no respect4 ,how could it8 ,of a golden age1 in which all men were free and slavery unknown1 we have nothing that can be called evidence4 ,the curtain rises on a world in which one man is at the full disposal of another4 ,what is at first a small domestic matter contains the germ of later developments2 and in the case of agriculture we see clearly how demands of an industrial nature transformed single bond-service into the wholesale and brutal exploitation of human chattels in slave-gangs4 ,we have no good reason to believe that men ever in the ancient world abstained from employing slave labour out of humanitarian scruples4 ,scarcity of slaves1 or lack of means to buy them1 were certainly the main restrictive influences4 ,the institution was always there1 ready for extension and adaptation as changing conditions might suggest4 ,if ancient civilization did not rest on a basis of slavery1 on what did it rest8 ,assuredly not on free self-disposal4 ,the man free to dispose of himself claimed the right to dispose of others1 up to the limits of his own power and will4 ,in this there is nothing wonderful4 ,we need not flatter ourselves that the rule of force is now extinct4 ,true1 personal bondage to individuals is forbidden by law1 but effective freedom of self-disposal1 perhaps an impossible dream1 is not yet realized3 only its absence is dissembled under modern forms4 ,when ,i say that ancient civilization rested on a basis of slavery1 the condition present to my mind is this4 ,a social and political structure requires for its stability a reasonably sound economic foundation4 ,this foundation is found in the assured and regular use of natural resources4 ,and this use implies the constant presence of an obedient labour-force that can be set to work and kept working as and when needed4 ,this force is now more and more supplied by machinery1 the drudge that cannot strike4 ,antiquity made the slave its quasi-mechanical drudge3 the more or less of slavery at a given moment simply depended on circumstances4 ,in returning to my original questions1 whether the growth of ,greco-,roman civilization was in fact achieved through the system of slavery1 and whether it could conceivably have been accomplished without slavery1 ,i have ,i think given my answer to the first1 that is1 so far as agriculture is concerned4 ,and agriculture was the vital industry1 on which the whole fabric principally rested4 ,as to the second question1 ,i can give no satisfactory answer4 ,for my part1 ,i agree with those who hold that1 in the conditions of antiquity as depicted in our traditions and inferred by modern inquirers1 slavery in some form and degree was an indispensable condition of progress4 ,states1 organizations of a lasting kind1 had to be established by force4 ,captive labour1 added to the resources of conquerors1 seems to be a powerful means of increasing their economic strength and abridging the wasteful periods of conflict4 ,but1 once the stage had been reached at which a state was sufficiently stable and strong to provide for order within and to repel invaders1 a slave-system became a canker1 economic1 social1 ultimately political4 ,i believe that the maladies from which the old ,greco-,roman civilization suffered1 and which in the end brought about its decay and fall1 were indirectly or directly due to this taint more than to any other cause4 ,i know of no case ancient or modern in which a people have attained to a sound and lasting prosperity by exploiting the servitude of other men4 ,serfdom or slavery1 it matters not4 ,so far as human experience has gone1 it appears that all such conditions are eventually ruinous#ahag to the rulers4 ,for it is not merely the degradation of manual labour that results from slavery4 ,the deadening of inventive genius and economic improvements is fatally promoted through the tendency to remedy all shortcomings by simply using up more flesh and blood4 ,man abdicates a most important function of his reason1 and accepts a mere superiority of animal over animal4 ,this is surely not following the true law of his development4 ,it is from this point of view that the great scientific inventions of modern times present an encouraging spectacle1 as the earlier abuses of their exploitation are gradually overcome1 and the operative citizen vindicates his claims as a human being4 ,that ancient slavery did in some ways act for good by guaranteeing leisure to classes some of whom employed it well1 may be freely admitted4 ,but ,i do not think we can sincerely extend the admission to include the case of ,politics1 whatever ,greek philosophers may have thought4 ,nor can we without reservations apply it in the field of ,art4 ,on the other hand ,literature surely owed much to the artificial leisure created by slavery4 ,even in its most natural utterances ,greco-,roman literature is the voice of classes privileged because free1 not restrained by the cramping influences of workaday life and needs4 ,its partisan spirit is the spirit of the upper strata of society1 ignoring the feelings1 and often the existence1 of the unfree toilers below4 ,in the main aristocratic1 it tells us next to nothing of the real sentiments of even the free masses1 particularly on the labour-questions that have now for some time increasingly occupied the public mind4 ,that we are1 for good or for evil1 viewing all matters of human interest on a different plane from that of the #8classic' writers1 is a consideration that students of the ,past are in duty bound never to forget4 ,but1 when we are told#ahah that ancient civilization in its early stages 7as seen in the ,homeric poems etc7 may fairly be labelled as ,medieval1 while it may be called ,modern when in its full bloom1 we shall do well to pause before accepting a dogma that may imply more than we are prepared to grant4 ,that mankind had to make a fresh start in the ,middle ,ages1 ancient civilization having run its course and failed1 is a proposition dangerously true4 ,if it implies that the #8free' labour of modern times is not a direct development from ancient slavery1 so far good4 ,if we are to hold that ancient slave labour and modern free labour1 when and so far as each is a factor of economic importance1 are practically identical phenomena of capitalism eager to make a profit out of cheap labour1 we may ask--is the parallelism so exact as it is thus represented to be8 ,when we are told that the capitalist would nowadays prefer to employ slave labour if it were to be had1 and that the legal form in which labour is supplied is a secondary consideration from the economic point of view1 we begin to hesitate3 is this really true8 ,was not the ineffectiveness of slave labour detected in ancient times8 ,was it not proved to demonstration in ,america1 as attested by the evidence of both ,northern and ,southern witnesses8 ,to reply that what capital wants is not mere slave labour but efficient slave labour1 would be no answer4 ,capital is not1 and never was1 blind to the inefficiency of slave labour as compared with free labour4 ,in the pursuit of profit it needs a supply of labour at its immediate and certain disposal2 therefore it takes what it can get4 ,in the ancient world the unquestioned institution of slavery offered a source of supply1 not ideal1 but such as could be relied on4 ,therefore capital employed slavery to extend its operations1 simply turning existing conditions to account4 ,and the admission1 that the most flourishing period of ,greco-,roman civilization was also the period in which slavery reached its greatest development1 is surely a virtual denial that the basis of that civilization was free labour4 ,that is1 free wage-earning labour4 ,for the independent farmer or artisan had nothing to do with the matter3 he worked for himself1 not for another1 and was on a different plane from either wage-earner or slave4 ,if he did not employ either wage-earner or slave1 it was because he found such help too costly or a doubtful boon4 ,the case of agriculture at once reveals what was found to be the strong point of slave labour1 the feasibility of employing it in large masses4 ,much of the work consisted in the mere mechanical use of brute force1 and one overseer could direct many hands4 ,in operations dependent on the seasons1 the labour must be at hand to utilize opportunities4 ,the choice lay between slaves not working with a will and free wage-earners not likely to be on the spot when wanted4 ,why were slaves preferred8 ,because their presence in sufficient number could be relied on in the existing conditions of the world4 ,the history of industrial agriculture was a long tale of effort so to organize slave labour as to get out of it the greatest possible margin of profit4 ,not that slavery was thought preferable in itself2 but a means of wholesale cultivation had to be found1 and the then available resources of civilization offered no other4 ,when the supply of slaves began to fail1 landlords sought a remedy in letting some or all of their land to tenant farmers 7extending an old practice71 not in attempting to farm on their own account with hired labour4 ,hired labour remained as before1 an occasional appliance to meet temporary needs4 ,the use of the terms ,medieval and ,modern as labels#ahai for ancient civilization in two clearly marked stages has1 ,i repeat1 just enough truth in it to be dangerous4 ,as a rhetorical flourish it may pass4 ,but it conveys by suggestion much that cannot be accepted4 ,no doubt it is not meant to imply that what we call the ,middle ,ages is to be ignored4 ,but it inevitably tends to stifle a belief in historical continuity1 a faith in which is the soul of historical inquiry as generally understood in the present day4 ,that modern labour-conditions shew a powerful reaction against medieval1 is obvious3 that medieval conditions have not influenced the modes of this reaction1 is to me incredible4 ,i do not believe that the modern free wage-earning system could have grown out of the ancient slave-labour system1 had there been no such intervening period as the #8,middle ,ages4' ,that the aims of the capitalist ancient and modern are the same1 is a mere truism3 but is not the same true of the medieval capitalist also8 ,that the wage-earning handworker often finds his freedom of self-disposal limited in practice1 though his position is very far removed from slavery1 ,i have pointed out above4 ,also1 that modern facilities for movement have helped materially to assert and enlarge his freedom4 ,from this point of view the discovery of the ,new ,world was the turning-point of ,european history4 ,but in course of time capitalistic phenomena appeared there also1 and on a larger scale4 ,and now1 almost the whole world over1 the handworker is striving1 not only for higher wages but for more complete self-disposal4 ,this necessitates some control of the industries in which he works4 ,individual effort being vain1 he forms unions to guard his interests4 ,the unions1 acting by strike-pressure1 come into conflict with governments representing the state4 ,the next step is to employ political pressure by gaining and using votes under representative systems1 so as to remodel legislation and administration in a sense favourable to the handworker4 ,this movement1 now well under way in the most civilized countries1 is not perhaps socialistic in principle1 and we do not yet know how far it is likely to take that turn4 ,in order to fight exploitation1 the handworker has to surrender a good deal of his individual freedom3 whether he will be content to surrender a good deal more1 the coming age will see4 ,this much at least is clear1--the handworking wage-earners are no longer1 as in the ancient world1 a class of no account4 ,that they have wrung so many great concessions from unwilling capitalists seems to me a proof that their freedom1 even under medieval#ahbj restrictions1 had always in it something real1 some quality that sharply distinguished it from ancient slavery4 ,in ancient slavery ,i can see no germ out of which betterment of labour-conditions could conceivably arise4 ,it simply had to die1 and modern attempts to revive it have had to die also4 ,in the foregoing pages ,i have recognized two lines of distinction4 ,one is that commonly admitted1 the line that parts freeman from slave4 ,the other is that between free wage-earner and slave4 ,in looking back from modern circumstances to ancient1 the latter is much the more important4 ,for1 now that slavery in the proper sense has been abolished by modern civilized peoples1 the conditions of wage-earning stand out as presenting the most momentous issues of the present age4 ,to the statesmen the questions raised are full of anxiety as to the probable influence of present policies on future wellbeing4 ,a student of ,greco-,roman civilization must ask himself whether modern labour-questions and their attempted solutions may not indirectly furnish help in appraising and judging the conditions of the past4 ,now it so happens that in the case of agriculture recent events in ,russia possess very marked significance1 and it is therefore hardly possible to leave them unnoticed here4 ,it seems to be established#ahba beyond reasonable doubt that the genuine and effective doctrine of ,leninite ,bolshevism1 in its definition of the #8working class1' excludes the peasantry4 ,they are not #8proletarian4' ,that is1 the great majority of peasants have something4 ,this each wants to keep1 and if possible to augment4 ,in short1 they are ,individualists4 ,now ,bolshevism builds on dogmas of ,marxian ,socialism1 however much it may warp their application1 however widely it may depart from ,marxian theory in its choice of methods4 ,therefore it sees in the peasants only a class of petty bourgeoisie with the anti-socialistic instincts of that hated class1 and will spare no effort to exclude them from political power4 ,it disfranchises employers1 even though the work they do is productive and useful to society4 ,we need go no further3 these principles of the ,bolshevik creed1 be it prophetic vision or be it crazy fanaticism blind to the facts of human nature and devoid of all practical sense of proportion1 are enough for my present purpose4 ,it results from them that all wage-earning is wrong3 no man has the right to employ another man for his own purposes3 that the relation benefits both employer and employed1 even if true1 is a consideration#ahbb wholly irrelevant4 ,for it is promised that the new civilization1 recast on the ,bolshevik model1 will leave no room for wage-service of one man to another4 ,i am not to criticize this scheme of social and economic life1 but to look at it coolly as an illustrative fact4 ,it is surely a significant thing that1 while slavery and serfdom are now reckoned as virtually obsolete phenomena of the past1 the old distinction1 between the man who works himself for himself and the man who works for another1 is still before us as the vital line of division in labour-questions4 ,bloodshed and torture as means of enforcing the dogma may be confined to ,russia1 but the distinction is at the bottom of industrial unrest all over the world4 ,most significant of all is the admission that peasant landholders are not a #8proletariate4' ,of course they are not4 ,but to philosophers and statesmen of antiquity they appeared as an all-important class1 not only as producers of food but as a solid element of population1 promoting the stability of state governments4 ,this stability was favourable to continuity of policy and enabled all interests to thrive in peace4 ,have the development of machinery and transport in recent times so far altered the conditions of agriculture that this is no longer the case8 ,in other words1 is the agricultural labourer1 the present wage-earner1 to supersede the peasant landholder as the dominant figure of rustic life8 ,is the large-scale farmer to survive only as the impotent figurehead of rural enterprises8 ,is a political proletariate competent to regulate the conduct of an industry directly dependent on soil climate and seasons8 ,wherever man is in immediate contact with forces of nature1 in farm-life as in seafaring1 the bodily energies of many can only be effective through subordination to the mind of one4 ,how far1 under the modern factory system1 where the mill goes on as usual in all weathers1 direction by wage-earners may be a practicable proposition1 ,i cannot tell4 ,that such a plan would be a failure on a farm1 ,i have no doubt whatever4 ,my general conclusion then is that the old distinction observable under ,greco-,roman civilization was in itself a sound one4 ,yet it led to no lasting and satisfactory solution of agricultural labour-problems4 ,many causes no doubt contributed to this failure2 but the lack of a satisfactory labour-system was probably the greatest4 ,neither slavery nor serfdom was capable of meeting the need1 and the wage-earning system never grew so as efficiently to supersede them4 ,now1 after centuries of the wage-system1 we are uneasily asking ourselves whether modern civilization is gravely endangered through the failure of this system also4 ,it seems that in agriculture at least there are two possible alternatives1 either a final settlement of the wage-question on a footing satisfactory to the labourer1 or a return to 4 ,probably neither of these will be found to exclude the other or to be equally applicable to the circumstances of all countries4 ,that communal ownership and shifting tenure can be revived seems impossible under modern conditions1 whatever some ,socialists may fancy4 ,on the other hand voluntary cooperation in marketing seems to have a great future before it4 ,of a movement in that direction ,i have found no traces among the ancients3 but modern developments in the way of transport may remove many difficulties4 ,at any rate it is in such efforts of adaptation and compromise that expert agriculturists seem to be looking for help4 ,as to labour1 slavery and serfdom being excluded from modern civilized states1 the coming problem is how to secure the performance of agricultural work4 ,the choice lies between attractive wage-conditions1 appealing to individual interest1 and the ,socialist scheme of tasks carried out under official direction1 assumed to be in the best interests of a whole community4 ,both plans offer a substitute for the crude compulsory methods vainly employed in the ancient world4 ,which plan is the more suited to the demands of human nature1 whether self-disposal or communism is to be the dominant aim and note of society1 coming generations must decide4 ,,appendix4 ,,some ,,byzantine ,,authorities4 ,to follow up the history of agricultural labour under the so-called ,byzantine empire1 after the ,roman empire had fallen in the ,west1 is beyond my scope4 ,yet there are certain matters on which light is thrown by surviving documents that it is hardly possible wholly to ignore4 ,that the position of the agricultural classes did not follow the same lines of development in ,east and ,west1 is in itself a fact worth noting1 though not surprising4 ,it may be said to run parallel with the general fate of the two sections of the once ,roman world4 ,in the ,west#ahbc the growth of what we call ,feudalism and the rise of new nation-states are the phenomena that in the course of centuries gradually produced our modern ,europe4 ,in the ,east the ,empire long preserved its organization1 declining in efficiency and power1 but rallying again and again1 serving as a bulwark of ,christian ,europe1 and not extinguished finally till #adec4 ,it might perhaps have been guessed that the conditions of rustic life would undergo some change1 for the system of the later ,roman colonate was already shewing signs of coming failure in the time of ,arcadius and ,honorius4 ,the need of some system more favourable to individual energy and enterprise1 more to be trusted for production of food1 was surely not to be ignored4 ,food must have been a need of extreme urgency1 with armies constantly engaged in northern or eastern wars1 and the mouths of ,constantinople ever hungry at home4 ,after the ,saracen conquest of ,egypt in the seventh century1 the food-resources on which the government could rely must have been seriously reduced1 and the need greater than ever4 ,thus we are not to wonder if we find indications of great interest taken in agriculture1 and direct evidence of reversion to a better land-system than that of the later ,roman colonate4 ,a4 ,,geoponica4 ,the curious collection known as ,geoponica#ahbd comes down to us in a text attributed to the tenth century1 which is supposed to be a badly-edited version of an earlier work probably of the sixth or early seventh century4 ,it is in a scrap-book form1 consisting of precepts on a vast number of topics1 the matter under each heading being professedly drawn from the doctrine of some author or authors whose names are prefixed4 ,some of these are ,byzantine writers1 others of much earlier date1 including ,democritus and ,hippocrates1 and the ,roman ,varro4 ,modern critics consider these citations of names untrustworthy1 the collector or editor having dealt very carelessly with the work of his predecessors4 ,i can only say that an examination of the chapters that are of special interest to me fully bears out this censure4 ,i would add that a reference to the index shews that ,cato ,columella ,pliny 7elder7 and ,palladius are never cited1 and express my suspicion that the omission of names is not always a proof that those authors were disregarded as sources4 ,the general character of the work is unscientific and feeble1 abounding in quackery and superstition4 ,technical and dogmatic1 it has nevertheless an air of unreality1 perhaps due in part to the later editor1 but probably in part to the original compiler1 whose name is given as ,cassianus ,bassus1 a lawyer 771 apparently a ,byzantine4 ,it has been remarked that the cultivation of corn fills but a small space in the ,geoponica1 being evidently quite a subordinate department of farm-life as there contemplated4 ,is this an indication that ,constantinople was still drawing plenty of corn from ,egypt1 and may we infer that this feature is due to the original compiler1 writing before the loss of that granary-province8 ,i do not venture to answer the question4 ,the passages interesting from my point of view occur in the second book1 where some reference1 scanty and obscure though it be1 is made to labour and labourers4 ,a chapter 7#b7 on the classes of labourers suited for various kinds of work is a good specimen of this unsatisfactory treatise4 ,it is labelled 1 but we may well hesitate to ascribe the substance to ,varro4 ,the rules given are for the most part quite commonplace1 and ,i cannot trace them in ,varro's res rustica4 ,on the other hand some of them correspond to precepts of ,columella4 ,whether this is their real source1 or whether they are traditional rules handed down carelessly by previous compilers1 perhaps on even earlier authority1 ,i see no sure means of determining4 ,the doctrine that boys 77 should be employed in field-labour 771 to watch and learn from their experienced elders1 and the remark that their suppleness fits them better for stooping jobs 7weeding etc471 is new to me4 ,varro#ahbe at least puts the minimum age for field-hands at #bb4 ,perhaps this doctrine comes from some later authority1 of a time when the old supply of adult field-hands was evidently failing4 ,another chapter1 labelled as drawn from ,florentinus 78 first half of third century71 deals with the qualifications and duties of the or 1 the ,roman vilicus4 ,this chapter 7#dd7 is also quite commonplace1 and can be copiously illustrated out of many authors1 from ,xenophon and ,cato to ,columella and ,pliny4 ,the exact meaning of one passage 7 #c7 is not clear to me1 but its general drift is in agreement with the rest4 ,the notable point about the chapter is that it discusses the steward and his staff as forming the ordinary establishment of a farm4 ,are we to infer that this system was normal at the time when the compiler put together the precepts under this head8 ,or is this a case of unintelligent compilation1 a mere passing-on of doctrines practically obsolete by a town-bred writer in his study8 ,i cannot tell4 ,the consideration of further details may give some help towards a judgment4 ,the next chapter 7#de71 with the same label1 treats of the steward's diary and the organization of the hands 774 ,the main doctrine is that every day must have its task1 and every plan be punctually carried out1 since one delay upsets the whole course 7 7 and is bad for both crops and land4 ,this again is stale enough1 and may be illustrated from ,cato and ,columella4 ,the rules for organizing the hands in groups of suitable size1 so as to get a maximum of efficiency with a minimum of overseers1 agree closely with what we find in ,columella4 ,thus there is a strong probability that the labour intended is that of slaves4 ,in chapter #df1 with same label1 the subject is one of scale 7 71 the expression of several operations in terms of labour-units 71 operae74 ,this also is an old story1 capable of much illustration from earlier writers4 ,the work contemplated is that of a vineyard4 ,the way in which the hands 77 are referred to is more suited to a slave-staff than to wage-earners4 ,so too in chapter #dg1 with same label4 ,it is 1 enjoining general care of the men's health and prescribing remedies for various ailments4 ,it seems taken for granted that the hands will submit to the treatment imposed4 ,remembering the traditional interest of the master in his slaves' health1 we can hardly doubt that slaves are meant here4 ,chapter #dh1 labelled as drawn from ,didymus 78 fourth or fifth century71 is a warning against ill-considered transplantation from better spots to less wholesome ones4 ,the reverse order is the right one4 ,this rule applies not only to plants 77 but to farm-workers 77 also4 ,the principle can be traced back to earlier writers4 ,it seems assumed that the men1 like the plants1 can be removed at the master's will4 ,probably slaves are meant1 and we may recall the objections of ,varro and ,columella to risking slave-property in malarious spots4 ,chapter #di1 labelled 1 asserts the necessity of keeping such artisans as smiths carpenters and potters on the farm or near at hand4 ,the tools have to be kept in good order1 and visits to the town waste time4 ,that this precept comes from ,varro ,i #af #c1 #d1 seems more than doubtful3 reference will shew that the passages differ considerably4 ,i would add that the argument prefixed to book ,,iii1 a farmer's calendar1 at least in ,beckh's text1 gives a list of the months from ,january to ,december1 attaching to each ,roman name the corresponding ,egyptian one4 ,the editor apparently accepts this double list as genuine4 ,if it be so1 has the fact any bearing on the relations between ,constantinople and ,egypt referred to above8 ,b4 ,,the ,,farmer',s ,,law4 ,the so-called #8,farmer's ,law1' 1 is now assigned by the critics to the time of the ,iconoclast emperors1 say about #gdj ,,ad4 ,it is an official document of limited scope1 not a general regulative code governing agricultural conditions in all parts of the eastern empire4 ,its text origin arrangement and the bearing of its evidence have been much discussed1 and it will suffice here to refer to the articles of ,mr ,ashburner#ahbf on the subject4 ,what concerns me is the position of farmers under the ,byzantine empire in the eighth century as compared with that of the fourth or fifth century coloni1 and the different lines of development followed by country life in ,east and ,west4 ,therefore it is only necessary to consider some of the main features of the picture revealed to us by various details of the ,farmer's ,law4 ,the first point that strikes a reader is that the serf#ahbg colonus has apparently disappeared4 ,land is held by free owners1 who either themselves provide for its cultivation or let it to tenants who take over that duty4 ,the normal organization is in districts 77 each of which contains a number of landowners1 who either farm their own land or1 if short of means 771 let it to other better-equipped farmers of the same district4 ,thus the transactions are locally limited1 and the chief object of the law is to prevent misdeeds that might prejudicially affect the prosperity of the local farmers4 ,these are in a sense partners or commoners 771 the #8commonalty' 77 of the district1 which is a taxation-unit with its members jointly liable4 ,the district seems to be regarded as originally common and then divided into members' lots1 with a part reserved perhaps as common pasture4 ,redivision is contemplated1 and the lots seem to belong rather to the family than to the individual4 ,to judge from the tone of the rules1 it seems certain that the farmers and their families are a class working with their own hands4 ,but there are also wage-earning labourers1 and slaves owned or hired for farm work4 ,tenancy on shares1 like the partiary system in ,roman ,law1 appears as an established practice1 and in one passage 7clause #af7 ,mr ,ashburner detects a farmer employed at a salary1 in short a mercennarius4 ,thus we find existing what are a kind of village communities1 the landowning farmers in which are free to let land to each other and also to exchange farms if they see fit to do so4 ,how far they are free to flit from one commune to another remains doubtful4 ,and there is no indication that they are at liberty to dispose of their own land-rights to outsiders4 ,there appears however side by side with these communal units another system of tenancies in which individual farmers hire land from great landlords4 ,naturally the position of such tenants is different from that of tenants under communal owners3 the matter is treated at some length by ,mr ,ashburner4 ,what proportion the corn crop generally bore to other produce in the agriculture of the ,byzantine empire contemplated by these regulations1 the document does not enable us to judge4 ,vineyards and figyards were clearly an important department1 and also gardens for vegetables and fruit4 ,live stock1 and damage done to them and by them1 are the subject of many clauses1 nor is woodland forgotten4 ,but the olive does not appear4 ,so far as one may guess1 the farming was probably of a mixed character4 ,the penalties assigned for offences are often barbarous1 including not only death by hanging or burning but blinding and other mutilations of oriental use4 ,at the same time the ecclesiastical spirit of the ,eastern empire finds expression in the bestowal of a curse on one guilty of cheating1 referring ,i suppose primarily to undiscovered fraud4 ,the state of things inferred from the provisions of the #8,farmer's ,law' is so remarkable in itself1 and so different from the course of rustic development in the ,west1 that we are driven to seek an explanation of some kind4 ,many influences may have contributed to produce so striking a differentiation4 ,but one can hardly help suspecting that there was some one great influence at work in the eastern empire1 to which the surprising change noted above was mainly due4 ,in his ,history of the later ,roman ,empire#ahbh ,professor ,bury has offered a conjectural solution of the problem4 ,it is to be sought in the changes brought about in the national character and the external history of the ,empire4 ,since the middle of the sixth century north-west ,asia ,minor and the ,balkan country had been filled with ,slavonic settlers1 and other parts with other new colonists4 ,now the new settlers1 particularly the ,slavs1 were not used to the colonate system or the rigid bond of hereditary occupations1 and emperors busied in imperial defence on the ,north and ,east knew better than to force upon them an unwelcome system4 ,invasions had reduced the populations of frontier provinces and shattered the old state of serfdom4 ,resettlement on a large scale had to be carried out within the empire1 and under new conditions to suit the changed character of the population4 ,among the new elements that produced this change the most important was the coming of the ,slavs4 ,for the ,slavs had themselves no institution corresponding to the ,german laeti4 ,slaves indeed they had1 but not free cultivators attached to the soil4 ,therefore they could not1 like the ,germans in the ,west1 adapt themselves to the ,roman colonate2 accordingly their intrusion led to its abolition4 ,in support of this view the well-known ,slavonic peasant communities are cited as evidence4 ,nor can it be denied that this consideration has some weight4 ,but1 while we may provisionally accept the conclusion that ,slavonic influences had something1 perhaps much1 to do with the new turn given to the conditions of rustic life in the ,east1 we must not press it so far as to infer that the colonate-system was extinct there4 ,in no case could the #8,farmer's ,law' fairly be used to prove the negative3 and moreover it is apparently the case according to ,mr ,ashburner that the document is not a complete agricultural code for all agricultural classes within the empire4 ,if it is #8concerned exclusively with a village community1 composed of farmers who cultivate their own lands1' it cannot prove the non-existence of other rustic conditions different in kind4 ,colonate seems to have disappeared1 while slavery has not4 ,but that is the utmost we can say4 ,the slave at least is still there4 ,as to the important question1 whether the farmers contemplated in the ,law enjoy a real freedom of movement1 as has been thought1 it is best to refer a reader to the cautious reserve of ,mr ,ashburner4 ,the one general inference that ,i venture to draw from these two authorities is that1 however much or little the conditions of agriculture may have changed in the surviving ,eastern part of the ,roman empire1 the employment of slave labour still remained4 ,c4 ,,extracts ,,from ,,modern ,,books4 7#a7 ,hume1 ,essay ,,xi1 ,of the populousness of antient nations4 ,we must now consider what disadvantages the antients lay under with regard to populousness1 and what checks they received from their political maxims and institutions4 ,there are commonly compensations in every human condition2 and tho' these compensations be not always perfectly equal1 yet they serve1 at least1 to restrain the prevailing principle4 ,to compare them and estimate their influence1 is indeed very difficult1 even where they take place in the same age1 and in neighbouring countries3 ,but where several ages have intervened1 and only scattered lights are afforded us by antient authors2 what can we do but amuse ourselves by talking1 pro and con1 on an interesting subject1 and thereby correcting all hasty and violent determinations8 ,,modern ,,italian ,,conditions4 7#b7 ,bolton ,king and ,thomas ,okey1 ,italy today4 ,in ,italy today1 ,messrs ,bolton ,king and ,thomas ,okey furnish a most interesting collection of facts relative to ,italian rural conditions4 ,the extent to which the phenomena of antiquity reappear in the details of this careful treatise is most striking4 ,italy being the central land of my inquiry1 and convinced as ,i am that the great variety of local conditions is even now not sufficiently recognized in ,roman ,histories1 this excellent book is of peculiar value4 ,in the course of 7say7 fifteen centuries ,italy and her people have passed through strange vicissitudes1 not merely political3 a great change has taken place in the range of agricultural products3 yet old phenomena of rural life meet the inquirer at every turn4 ,surely this cannot be dismissed lightly as a casual coincidence4 ,i cannot find room to set out the resemblances in detail1 so ,i append a short table of reference to passages in the book that have impressed me most4 ,supplementary to this1 as a vivid illustration of conditions in a mountain district1 the first three chapters of ,in the ,abruzzi1 by ,anne ,macdonell1 are decidedly helpful4 ,for instance1 it appears that the old migratory pasturage still existed in full force down to quite recent times1 but the late conversion of much ,apulian lowland from pasture to tillage has seriously affected the position of the highland shepherds by reducing the area available for winter grazing4 ,the chapter on brigandage has also some instructive passages4 ,,references ,,to ,italy today4 ,peasant contrasted with wage-earner1 pp #fd-f1 #gb1 #gd1 #abf1 #aff-h1 #aga-b1 #age-f1 #bjj1 #cab1 and ,index under mezzaiuoli and peasants4 ,agricultural classes1 pp #afd-f4 ,partiaries1 pp #afh1 #agc4 ,emphyteusis1 p #agc4 ,improvements1 p #agc4 ,farming through steward1 pp #agd-e4 ,tenancies1 pp #afh-gd1 and ,index under peasants4 ,rents in kind1 p #aga4 ,debt of various classes1 pp #ahb-d1 #cff1 #cgf4 ,taxes1 p #adj4 ,gangs of labourers1 pp #aff1 #cgf4 ,wages1 pp #abf1 #abh1 #afh1 #agd1 #cff1 #cfi-ga4 ,food in wage1 p #cgj4 ,emigration1 pp #cga1 #cif4 ,self-help in rural districts1 pp #ahd-f1 #cgf4 ,charities1 pp #bbj foll1 #cgi foll4 ,socialists and ,peasantry1 pp #fd-f1 #agj1 #agb1 cf #ga-b4 7#c7 ,r ,e ,prothero1 ,the pleasant land of ,france4 ,london #aijh4 ,chapters 7essays7 ,,ii and ,,iii1 ,french farming and ,tenant-right and agrarian outrage in ,france1 contain much of interest4 pp #ia-b ,social advantages of the system of peasant proprietors4 ,a training#ahbi to the rural population4 ,element of stability4 ,the answer to agitators #8,cela est bien1 mais il faut cultiver notre jardin4' ,difficulties which beset its artificial creation4 ,mtayage 7under present conditions7 has proved the best shelter for tenant-farmers against the agricultural storm4 ,need of implicit confidence between landlord and working partner4 pp #ih-i ,tenant-right in ,santerre 7,picardy74 ,tenant considers himself a co-proprietor of the land4 ,former payment of rent in kind taken to be a sign of joint ownership4 ,now in money1 but calculated upon market price of corn4 ,landlord's loss of control4 ,high money value of droit de march4 p #ajd ,traces of ,roman occupation4 ,roman soldier followed by farmer4 #8,under the empire the colonus was not a slave1 but the owner of slaves3 he held his land in perpetuity2 he could not leave it4 ,he paid a fixed rent in kind1 which could not be raised4 ,tenant-right therefore is explained as the recognition by the ,frankish conquerors of this hereditary claim to the perpetual occupation of the soil4' ,one of the various explanations offered4 p #aai ,severe legislation failed to get rid of tenant-right1 but since #agia it has been recognized1 and so its importance decreased4 ,under the ancien rgime leases were short--#i years--and precarious4 ,they were governed by the ,roman law maxim emptori fundi necesse non est stare colonum4 ,that is1 if property changed hands during the continuance of the lease1 the new owner might evict the tenant4 ,the ,code ,civil confirms law of #agia--;dispossession only if provision has been made 7in lease7 for it4 ,in general1 land-tenures vary very greatly in the various provinces4 7#d7 ,g ,g ,coulton1 ,social life in ,britain from the ,conquest to the ,reformation4 ,cambridge #aiah4 ,in ,section ,,vi ,manor and ,cottage are a number of extracts throwing light on the rustic conditions of their times4 #a4 ,a model ,manor pp #cja-f1 describing the organization of an estate1 with the duties of the several officials and departmental servants4 ,watchful diligence and economy1 strict accountability and honesty are insisted on1 that the rights of the ,lord may not be impaired4 #b4 ,the ,manorial court1 pp #cjf-h4 #c4 ,the peasant's fare1 p #cjh4 #d4 ,incidents of the countryside1 p #cji4 #g4 ,decay of yeomanry1 pp #caj-ab4 7,latimer47 #h4 ,decay of husbandry1 pp #cab-ad4 7,sir ,t ,more47 ,all these passages are of great interest as shewing how a number of phenomena observable in the case of ancient estates are repeated under medieval conditions4 ,the typical ,manor with its elaborate hierarchy and rules1 the struggles of the small yeoman1 the encroachments of big landlords1 the special difficulties of small-scale tillage caused by growth of large-scale pasturage1 the increase of wastrels and sturdy beggars1 are all notable points1 worthy the attention of a student of ancient farm life and labour4 ,,the ,,big ,,man ,,and ,,the ,,small ,,farmer4 7#e7 ,clifton ,johnson1 ,from the ,st ,lawrence to ,virginia4 ,new ,york #aiac1 p #ba4 ,chapter on the ,adirondack winter4 7,conversation in an up-country store47 #8,i worked for ,rockefeller most of that season4 ,you know he has a big estate down below here a ways4 ,there used to be farmhouses--yes and villages on it1 but he bought the owners all out1 or froze 'em out4 ,one feller was determined not to sell1 and as a sample of how things was made uncomfortable for him ,i heard tell that two men came to his house once and made him a present of some venison4 ,they had hardly gone when the game warden dropped in and arrested him for havin' venison in his house4 ,all such tricks was worked on him1 and he spent every cent he was worth fighting lawsuits4 ,people wa'n't allowed to fish on the property1 and the women wa'n't allowed to pick berries on it4 ,a good deal of hard feeling was stirred up1 and ,rockefeller would scoot from the train to his house1 and pull the curtains down1 'fraid they'd shoot him4 ,oh6 he was awful scairt4' ,,eastern ,,europe4 7#f7 ,marion ,l ,newbigin ,d,sc1 ,geographical aspects of ,balkan problems4 ,london #aiae4 ,turks--#8not all their virtues1 not all their military strength1 have saved them from the slow sapping of vitality due to their divorce alike from the actual tilling of the land and from trade and commerce4444 ,he has been within the 7,balkan7 peninsula a parasite1 chiefly upon the ploughing peasant1 and the effect has been to implant in the mind of that peasant a passion for agriculture1 for the undisturbed possession of a patch of freehold1 which is probably as strong here as it has ever been in the world4' p #acg4 ,thessaly--#8the landowners are almost always absentees1 appearing only at the time of harvest' 7originally ,turks1 now mostly ,greeks7 #8who have taken little personal interest in the land' 7no great improvement in condition of cultivator74 7,so in ,bosnia--better in ,serbia and ,bulgaria7 #8lands mostly worked by the peasants on the half-shares system4' p #age4 ,albania--7poverty extreme--temporary emigration of the males1 frequent in poor regions7 #8young ,alb often leave their country during the winter1 going to work in ,greece or elsewhere as field labourers1 and returning to their mountains in the spring4' pp #ahc-d4 ,generally--small holdings mostly in the ,balkan states4 ,d4 ,,list ,,of ,,some ,,books ,,used4 ,this list does not pretend to be complete4 ,many other works are referred to here and there in the notes on the text4 ,but ,i feel bound to mention the names of some1 particularly those dealing with conditions that did or still do exist in the modern world4 ,miscellaneous reading of this kind has been to me a great help in the endeavour to understand the full bearing of ancient evidence1 and 7,i hope7 to judge it fairly4 ,it is on the presentation and criticism of that evidence that ,i depend3 for the great handbooks of ,antiquities do not help me much4 ,the practice of making a statement and giving in support of it a reference or references is on the face of it sound4 ,but1 when the witnesses cited are authors writing under widely various conditions of time and place and personal circumstances1 it is necessary whenever possible to appraise each one separately4 ,and when the aim is1 not to write a technical treatise on #8scientific' lines1 but to describe what is a highly important background of a great civilization1 a separate treatment of witnesses needs no apology4 ,i cannot cite in detail the references to conditions in a number of countries1 for instance ,india and ,china1 but ,i have given them by page or chapter so as to be consulted with ease4 7#a7 ,,agriculture ,,and ,,rustic ,,life ,,and ,,labour4 ,m ,weber1 ,die ,rmische ,agrargeschichte1 ,stuttgart #ahia4 ,c ,daubeny1 ,lectures on ,roman husbandry1 ,oxford #aheg4 ,ll ,storr-,best1 ,varro on farming1 translated with ,introduction commentary and excursus1 ,london #aiab4 ,e de ,laveleye1 ,primitive ,property1 ,english translation #ahgh4 ,h ,blmner1 article #8,landwirtschaft' in ,i ,mller's ,handbuch ,,vi ii #b1 ed #c pp #ecc foll4 ,a ,e ,zimmern1 ,the ,greek ,commonwealth1 ,oxford #aiaa4 ,bchsenschtz1 ,besitz und ,erwerb1 ,halle #ahfi4 ,columella of ,husbandry1 translation 7anonymous71 ,london #agde4 7#b7 ,,economic ,,and ,,social ,,matters4 ,adam ,smith1 ,wealth of ,nations1 passim4 ,h ,nissen1 ,italische ,landeskunde1 ,berlin #ahhc-aijb4 ,k ,w ,nitzsch1 ,geschichte der ,rmischen ,republik1 vol ,,ii1 ,leipzig #ahhe4 ,l ,bloch1 ,soziale ,kmpfe im alten ,rm1 ed ,,iii ,berlin #aiac4 ,david ,hume1 ,essays1 ed #agfj 7,essay ,,xi of the populousness of antient nations74 ,j ,beloch1 ,die ,bevlkerung der ,griechisch-,rmischen ,welt1 ,leipzig #ahhf4 ,h ,francotte1 ,l',industrie dans la ,grce ancienne1 ,bruxelles #aijj-a4 ,o ,seeck1 ,geschichte des ,untergangs der antiken ,welt1 ,berlin #ahig-aiac4 ,o ,seeck1 #8,die ,schatzungsordnung ,diocletians1' in ,zeitschrift fr ,social- und ,wirthschaftsgeschichte1 ,weimar #ahif4 ,h ,schiller1 ,geschichte der ,rmischen ,kaiserzeit1 ,gotha #ahhc-g4 ,s ,dill1 ,roman society in the last century of the ,western ,empire1 ,london #ahih4 ,g ,gilbert1 ,handbuch der ,griechischen ,staatsalterthmer1 vol ,,ii1 ,leipzig #ahhe4 7#c7 ,,law ,,and ,,the ,,later ,,colonate4 ,several of the books named under other heads deal with legal points1 for instance ,beauchet1 ,lipsius1 ,meier and ,schmann1 ,calderini1 ,m ,clerc4 ,the ,digest and ,codex ,justinianus have been used in the text of ,mommsen and ,p ,krger4 ,the ,codex ,theodosianus in text of ,mommsen and ,p ,m ,meyer1 ,berlin #aije and in ,ritter's edition of ,godefroi1 ,leipzig #agcf-de4 ,p ,girard1 ,textes de droit ,romain1 ed #d ,paris #aiac4 ,f ,zulueta1 #8,de ,patrociniis vicorum1' in ,vinogradoff's ,oxford ,studies1 ,oxford #aiji4 ,m ,rostowzew1 ,studien zur ,geschichte des ,rmischen ,colonates1 ,leipzig and ,berlin #aiaj4 ,b ,heisterbergk1 ,die ,entstehung des ,colonats1 ,leipzig #ahgf4 ,a ,esmein1 ,mlanges d'histoire du ,droit1 ,paris #ahhf4 ,fustel de ,coulanges1 #8,le ,colonat ,romain1' in his ,recherches sur quelques problmes d'histoire1 ,paris #ahhe4 ,h ,f ,pelham1 ,essays 7,no ,,xiii71 ,oxford #aiaa4 ,i am sorry that inability to procure copies has prevented me from consulting the following works3 ,beaudouin1 ,les grands domaines dans l'empire ,romain1 ,paris #ahii4 ,bolkestein1 de colonatu ,romano eiusque origine1 ,amsterdam #aijf4 7#d7 ,,manumission ,,and ,,kindred ,,topics4 ,a ,calderini1 ,la manomissione e la condizione dei liberti in ,grecia1 ,milan #aijh4 ,m ,clerc1 ,les mtques ,athniens1 ,paris #ahic4 ,l ,beauchet1 ,droit priv de la ,rpublique ,athnienne1 ,paris #ahig4 ,j ,h ,lipsius1 ,das ,attische ,recht etc41 ,leipzig #aije4 ,meier und ,schmann1 ,der ,attische ,process1 ,berlin #ahhc-g4 ,mommsen1 ,rmisches ,staatsrecht4 ,g ,haenel1 ,corpus legum1 ,leipzig #aheg4 ,c ,g ,bruns1 ,fontes ,iuris ,romani antiqui4 ,dareste1 ,haussoullier1 ,th ,reinach1 ,recueil des inscriptions juridiques ,grecques1 ,paris #aijd4 7,laws of ,gortyn47 ,wescher et ,foucart1 ,inscriptions de ,delphes1 ,paris #ahfc4 ,wilamowitz-,mllendorf1 #8,demotika der ,metken1' in ,hermes #ahhg4 7#e7 ,,slavery ,,and ,,slave ,,trade4 ,h ,wallon1 ,histoire de l'esclavage dans l'antiquit1 ed #b ,paris #ahgi4 ,j ,k ,ingram1 ,a history of slavery and serfdom1 ,london #ahie4 ,e ,h ,minns1 ,scythians and ,greeks1 ,cambridge #aiac 7pages #dch1 #ddj1 #dfa1 #dfe1 #dga1 #efg74 ,v ,a ,smith1 ,the early history of ,india1 ,oxford #aiad 7pages #ajj-a1 #agg-h1 #dda74 ,m ,s ,evans1 ,black and ,white in the ,southern ,states1 ,london #aiae4 0 ,black and ,white in ,south-east ,africa1 ed #b ,london #aiaf4 ,j ,e ,cairnes1 ,the ,slave ,power1 ed #b ,london and ,cambridge #ahfc4 ,w ,w ,buckland1 ,the ,roman ,law of ,slavery1 ,cambridge #aijh4 ,w ,e ,hardenburg1 ,the ,putumayo1 the ,devil's ,paradise1 with extracts from ,sir ,r ,casement's report1 ,london and ,leipzig #aiab4 ,h ,w ,nevinson1 ,a modern ,slavery1 ,london and ,new ,york #aijf4 ,sidney ,low1 ,egypt in transition 7see under ,medieval and ,modern conditions74 ,mrs ,m ,a ,handley1 ,roughing it in ,southern ,india1 ,london #aiaa 7pages #aic-d74 7#f7 ,,medieval ,,and ,,modern ,,conditions4 ,books illustrating matters of rustic life1 peasant proprietorship1 agricultural wage-labour1 etc4 ,bolton ,king and ,thomas ,okey1 ,italy today1 new ed ,london #aiji4 ,r ,e ,prothero1 ,the pleasant land of ,france1 ,london #aijh 7,essays ,,ii and ,,iii74 ,anne ,macdonell1 ,in the ,abruzzi1 ,london #aijh 7chapters #a-c74 ,g ,renwick1 ,finland today1 ,london #aiaa 7pages #ei1 #fj74 ,sir ,j ,d ,rees1 ,the real ,india1 ,london #aijh4 ,marion ,l ,newbigin1 ,geographical aspects of ,balkan problems1 ,london #aiae4 ,ralph ,butler1 ,the new eastern ,europe1 ,london #aiai 7chapter ,,vii74 ,john ,spargo1 ,bolshevism1 the enemy of political and industrial democracy1 ,london #aiai 7pages #fi1 #aef1 #bge1 #bgh74 ,w ,h ,dawson1 ,the evolution of modern ,germany1 ,london #aijh 7chapters ,,xiii1 ,,xiv74 ,p ,vinogradoff1 ,the growth of the ,manor1 ed #b ,london #aiaa4 ,g ,g ,coulton1 ,social life in ,britain from the ,conquest to the ,reformation1 ,cambridge #aiah 7,section ,,vi74 ,mary ,bateson1 ,medieval ,england #ajff-acej1 ,london #aijc4 ,sidney ,low1 ,egypt in transition1 ,london #aiad 7pages #fj-b1 #bdj-a74 ,sidney ,low1 ,a vision of ,india1 ed #b ,london #aijg 7chapter ,,xxiii74 ,sir ,a ,fraser1 ,among ,indian ,rajahs and ,ryots1 ed #c ,london #aiab 7pages #ahe1 #aia-baj74 ,j ,macgowan1 ,men and ,manners in modern ,china1 ,london #aiab 7pages #ag foll1 #ahi-if1 #bge-g74 ,m ,aug-,larib1 ,l'volution de la ,france agricole1 ,paris #aiab4 7#g7 ,,special ,,american ,,section4 ,h ,baerlein1 ,mexico1 the land of unrest1 ,london #aiad 7chapters ,,viii1 ,,xi74 ,f ,l ,olmsted1 ,a journey in the seaboard slave ,states 7#ahec-d71 ed #b ,new ,york #aijd 7pages #bdj1 #bhb1 vol ,,ii pages #aee1 #aih1 #bcg74 ,h ,r ,helper1 ,the impending crisis of the ,south 7economic71 ,new ,york #aheg4 ,b ,b ,munford1 ,virginia's attitude towards ,slavery and ,secession1 ed #b ,london #aiaj 7pages #acc-d etc74 ,w ,archer1 ,through ,afro-,america1 an ,english reading of the ,race-problem1 ,london #aiaj4 ,a ,h ,stone1 ,studies in the ,american ,race-problem1 ,london #aijh printed in ,new ,york4 ,f ,f ,browne1 ,the everyday life of ,abraham ,lincoln1 ,london #aiad 7pages #cdh-i74 ,g ,p ,fisher1 ,the colonial era in ,america1 ,london #ahib 7pages #bed1 #bei74 ,j ,rodway1 ,guiana1 ,london #aiab 7of ,indians1 pages #bbd-e74 ,j ,creelman1 ,diaz1 ,master of ,mexico1 ,new ,york #aiaa 7pages #dja-e74 ,e ,r ,turner1 ,the ,negro in ,pennsylvania #afci-ahfa1 ,washington #aiaa4 ,social and economic forces in ,american history1 ,new ,york and ,london #aiac 7by several authors74 ,j ,f ,rhodes1 ,history of the ,united ,states from #ahej1 ,london #ahic-aijf4 ,c ,r ,enock1 ,the ,republics of ,central and ,south ,america1 ,london and ,new ,york #aiac4 ,,footnotes #a ,a good specimen of such work at a late date may be found in ,statius ,silvae ,,iv #c on the via ,domitiana lines #dj-ff4 #b ,for instance ,diodorus ,v #ch #a1 ,strabo ,,xii #c #dj 7p #efb71 ,apuleius met ,,ix #ab4 #c ,not artistic1 of course4 #d ,see especially ,ed ,meyer ,kleine ,schriften pp #hj-bab4 #e ,to this question ,i return in the concluding chapter4 #f ,a good instance is ,xen anab ,,iv #a #ab-ad4 #g ,veget ,i #c4 #h cap #af1 with ,sandys' notes4 #i ,catil #d #a non fuit consilium 444 neque vero agrum colundo aut venando servilibus officiis intentum aetatem agere4 #aj ,to this topic ,i return in the concluding chapter4 ,see chapter on ,aristotle4 #aa ,see chapter on ,cato4 #ab ,for the existence of this system in ,modern ,italy see ,bolton ,king and ,okey ,italy today pp #agd-e4 #ac ,cic in ,catil ,,ii #ah4 ,see the chapter on ,cicero4 #ad ,cf ,valerius ,maximus ,,vii #e #b4 #ae ,for modern ,italy see ,appendix4 #af ,cf ,caesar ,b ,c ,i #cd1 #ef1 discussed in the chapter on ,varro4 #ag ,oratio ,,xv 7#a pp #bff-g ,dind74 #ah ,,vi #cae1 ,,xxiii #gab1 ,,vii #bba4 #ai ,,xii #dcc-e1 ,,xxi #dde1 #dea1 ,x #cjd4 #bj ,,xxi #ddd4 #ba ,,xviii #eej4 #bb ,,ii #gea4 #bc ,,xviii #edb1 #eed1 ,,xi #fg1 ,,xx #die-g1 ,v #ejj1 ,,xiii #eij4 #bd ,,xxi #beg-i4 #be ,,xi #fh4 #bf ,,xviii #eej-fj4 #bg ,,xxi #bha-c4 #bh ,,xxi #dj-b1 #gh-hj1 #aja-c1 #dec-d1 ,,xxii #de1 ,,xxiv #gea-b4 #bi ,,xvi #hce-f1 ,,vi #dfc4 #cj ,,vi #dee1 ,,xvi #hca1 ,,xx #aic4 #ca ,,xii #dba-d4 #cb ,,iv #bde1 ,,xiv #c-d1 #fb-e1 ,,xvi #cjb-c1 ,,xvii #ecc4 7,iliad ,v #dac1 ,,vi #cff47 #cc ,selling ,,xiv #big1 ,,xv #chg1 #dbh1 #deb-c1 ,,xx #chb-c4 ,buying ,i #dcj1 ,,xiv #aae1 etc4 #cd ,,xix #dhh-ij1 ,,xxii #agc-g1 #ahi-ic1 #ddj-e1 #dfb-d1 #dfe-gg4 7,cf ,,xviii #hb-g47 #ce ,,iv #bde foll4 #cf ,,ix #bje-g1 ,,xi #dcj-b1 ,,xvi #ad foll1 ,,xix #dhi1 ,,xxiii #bbg-h1 etc4 #cg ,,xiv #ddi-eb4 #ch ,,vii #bbd-e1 ,,xix #ebf4 #ci ,,iv #fdc-d1 #feb4 #dj ,in ,,xix #ef-g a 1 ,icmalius1 is even mentioned by name4 #da ,,xvii #chb-g1 ,,xix #acd-e4 #db ,,xiv #ef-h4 #dc ,,xvii #egh4 #dd ,,xvii #ah-i1 #bbf-h4 #de ,,xviii #djc4 #df ,,vii #aab foll1 ,,viii #eeg-fc4 #dg ,,ix #aji-aa1 #abe foll4 #dh ,,xv #cai foll4 #di ,,xviii #a-aaf4 #ej ,,ix #aia4 #ea ,,ii #bb1 ,,iv #cah1 ,,xiv #cdd1 ,,xvi #aci-de4 #eb ,,xiv #bbb-c4 #ec ,,xiii #ca-d4 #ed ,,xviii #ceg-fd4 #ee ,,xi #dhi-ia4 #ef ,,iv #fdd4 #eg ,,iv #gce-g4 #eh ,,xxiv #bjh-aj4 #ei ,,xxiv #bbb-ee4 #fj ,,xxiv #beg4 #fa ,,xv #dab-ib4 #fb ,,xiv #bga-b4 #fc ,,xxi #bac-f4 #fd ,,xv #cfc-e4 #fe ,,xiv #fb-e4 #ff ,,xviii #cff-ge4 #fg #bii-cjb1 #cid-e1 #cii-djj1 #djc-d1 #fdf-g4 #fh #bhi-ij1 #cjc-e1 #cjh-ac1 #cha-b1 #daj-c 7cf #dih74 #fi #bj-d4 #gj #cg-da4 #ga #bih-i1 #cig-h4 #gb #bhi-ij4 #gc #cjc-e4 #gd #cjh-ac4 #ge #daj-c1 #ejj-a1 #eed foll1 #egf foll4 #gf #cia4 #gg #be-f4 #gh #dic1 #ech1 #edd1 #hji4 #gi #fhf4 #hj #gag-h4 #ha #cid-djj4 #hb #cbg-cd4 #hc #cda4 #hd #fje4 #he #fjb-c4 #hf #cgj4 #hg #dei1 #dfi-ga1 #ejb-c1 #eei-fj1 #egc1 #eig-h1 #fjg-h1 #gfe-g4 #hh #djf is reasonably suspected4 #hi #dje1 #ggi1 #hjj4 #ij #fie-gje4 #ia #cb1 #eig1 #fjf-g4 #ib ,solon the ,athenian1 by ,ivan ,m4 ,linforth of the ,university of ,california 7#aiai7 discusses in full the conditions of ,solon's time and his actual policy1 with an edition of his poetic remains4 #ic ,the view of ,m ,clerc ,les mtques ,athniens pp #cdj-e4 #id ' 4 ,mr ,linforth takes the last four words as defining 1 the plowman4 ,i think they refer to the employers1 spoken of as a class4 #ie ,aristotle #aa1 #ab1 #af4 #if ,see the remarks of ,dareste ,haussoullier and ,th ,reinach in the ,recueil des inscriptions juridiques ,grecques 7,paris #aijd7 on the ,gortyn ,laws4 #ig ,see ,livy ,x #d #i4 #ih ,see his references to the ,spartan use of ,,ix #aa1 #ec1 #ee4 #ii ,,viii #fh 4 #ajj ,,viii #bf1 #aje-f4 #aja ,,ii #afd-g4 #ajb ,isocrates ,busiris #ae-bj pp #bbd-e also allows for no special class of in ,egypt4 #ajc ,plato ,timaeus p #bd4 ,diodorus ,i #bh1 #gc-d 78 from ,hecataeus of ,abdera1 latter half of #crd cent ,,bc74 #ajd ,,ii #ada1 #afh4 ,see ,index under ,egypt4 #aje ,the passage of ,isocrates just cited seems to favour this view4 #ajf ,,viii #acg4 #ajg ,,viii #bf4 #ajh ,,viii #ea4 #aji ,,vii #ajb4 #aaj ,,vi #acg4 #aaa ,,iv #gb4 #aab ,,viii #adb4 #aac here members of the family1 as often4 ,stein refers to ,,viii #d1 #da1 #dd1 #ajf4 ,compare the use of in the ,iliad1 and see ,aesch ,agam #gcc1 ,eur ,suppl #hgj4 #aad ,pers #ahf-g1 #bee1 #ccg1 #cia1 #dbc1 #dcd1 #dge1 #gih1 #hdd4 #aae ,eum #ahf-ij4 #aaf ,prom #ded-h1 #gjh4 #aag ,fragm #aid1 #aih1 ,dind4 #aah ,suppl #fab-d1 ,eum #hij-a4 #aai ,trach #eb-c1 #fa-c1 ,o ,t #gfc-d1 ,fragm #eah1 #fgg1 ,dind4 #abj ,antig #cch-dj4 ,the use of horses for ploughing is strange4 ,jebb thinks that mules are meant4 #aba ,o ,t #ajbi4 #abb ,trach #ca-c4 #abc ,electra #cg-h1 #cge-f1 ,phoenissae #dje1 fragm #adc and many more4 #abd ,the loyalty of slaves to kind masters is referred to very often4 #abe ,references in ,euripides are too many to cite here4 #abf ,cf the oft-quoted line from ,eur ,auge '1 o 4 #abg ,cf ,eur fragm #eae1 #hbh1 ,dind1 etc4 #abh ,cf ,eur fragm #bfc1 #ajce1 ,dind1 and the use of #8the slave-quality' in ,hecuba #ccb-c1 ,ion #ihc1 etc4 #abi ,see ,cope's note on ,aristotle rhet #a #ac #b4 #acj ,herc ,fur #acda-f4 #aca ,alcestis #b1 #f4 ,electra #bjc-d4 ,cyclops #gf foll1 cf #bc-d4 #acb ,electra #beb4 #acc ,electra #ce-i4 #acd ibid #gc-d4 #ace ibid #ge-f4 #acf ibid #gh-ha4 #acg ,the slaves in #cfj and #cid are attendants of ,orestes4 #ach ,suppl #dbj-b4 #aci ,orest #iah-bj4 ,cf fragm #ahh ,dind where the virtue of rustic life is sketched 4 #adj ,rhesus #gd-e4 #ada ,rhesus #agf4 #adb ,heracl #fci1 #ghh-i1 #hij1 cf fragm #hbg ,dind4 #adc ,die pseudoxenophontische 444 von ,ernst ,kalinka 7,teubner #aiac74 ,a great work4 #add #a #c4 #ade #a #e etc4 #adf ,this view reappears later in ,isocrates4 #adg ,in his book ,the ,greek ,commonwealth4 #adh #a #aj-ab4 #adi ,kalinka well points out that in #a #aa is not technical manumit4 #aej ,in #a #ag it is notable that among those who gain by concentration of business at ,athens is 4 ,country carts would now be plentiful in ,athens4 #aea #a #ai4 #aeb #b #ad4 #aec ,equites #gib-d1 ,pax #fcb-f1 ,eccl #bdc4 #aed ,eccl #aig-h4 #aee ,eccl #eia-b4 #aef ,plut #eaj-fbf4 #aeg ,old ,strepsiades still has his thoughts fixed on these1 ,nubes #bjb-c4 #aeh ,plut #ijc4 #aei ,plut #bbc-d4 #afj ,ach #ahj1 #baa1 ,pax #egj1 #aahe-f1 ,eq #caf-g1 ,nub #dc foll4 #afa ,the gradual conversion is seen in ,ach #eeg foll1 #fbf foll4 #afb ,ach #cb-d4 #afc ,pax #eea-gj1 #aabg foll2 cf fragm #ajj1 #ajg1 #aji1 #bid1 #chg1 ,kock4 #afd ,pax #eji-aa4 #afe ,pax #aij4 #aff ,pax #eea-gj1 #acah-bd4 #afg ,lysistr #aagc-d4 #afh ,ach #bdh-ej1 #bei4 #afi ,ach #bff4 #agj ,nub #dc foll1 #ach4 #aga ,vesp #ddb-eb4 #agb ,pax #aadj foll4 #agc ,pax #abdh-i4 #agd ,lys #abjc-ad4 #age ,eccl #fea4 #agf ,plut #bf-g1 #bec4 #agg ,plut #eag-bj1 #ebe-f4 #agh ,plut #eaj-fbf4 #agi ,aves #aaeb4 #ahj ,aves #adca-b 7cf ,vesp #iei71 fragm of #d ,dind1 #bba ,kock4 #aha ,vesp #gab4 #ahb ,ran #afd-gg4 #ahc ,eccl #aig-h1 #eia-b4 #ahd ,nub #ga-b4 ,cf in ,isaeus ,,viii #db p #gc4 #ahe ,pax #eeb1 #acah4 #ahf ,ach #ajah-cf4 #ahg ,eccl #fje1 ,av #gab4 #ahh ,thucydides and the history of his age chapters ,,iii-,,vii4 #ahi ,see ,francotte ,l'industrie dans la ,grce ancienne livre ,,ii cc #e-g4 #aij ,thucydides mythistoricus chapter ,,ii4 #aia ,,ii #ad1 #af4 ,an earlier period is referred to in ,i #abf #g1 #h4 #aib ,,ii #fe #b4 #aic ,i #ada4 #aid ,die ,bevlkerung der ,griechisch-,rm4 ,welt p #aej4 #aie ,i #adc4 #aif ,theopompus in ,athenaeus #adi d4 #aig ,i #aci #b4 #aih ,,vi #ia #g4 #aii ,,vii #bg #e4 #bjj ,trygaeus in ,aristoph ,pax is a farmer from this district4 #bja ,,iii #gc1 ,,viii #dj #b4 #bjb ,,iii #hh #c4 #bjc ,,ii #fb #c4 #bjd opus cit chapters ,,iv1 ,,vii4 #bje ,for instance1 in ,euboea and ,aegina4 #bjf ,,iii #ej4 ,herodes1 whose murder was later the occasion of a speech of ,antiphon1 is thought to have been one of the cleruchs4 #bjg ,arnold's note explains the situation well1 and ,beloch p #hc agrees4 #bjh ,see the inscription relative to ,brea1 ,g ,f ,hill ,sources ,,iii #cag4 #bji ,see the hint in the speech of ,pericles ,i #adc #d4 #baj ,that there was normally much insecurity in rustic life in some parts of ,greece1 may be inferred from the dance-scene of the farmer and the robber1 acted by men from north central ,greece in ,anabasis ,,vi #a #g1 #h4 ,daubeny's ,lectures pp #ag1 #ah4 #baa ,hellenica ,,ii #a #a4 #bab ,hellenica ,,vi #b #cg4 #bac ,ar ,pol ,,vii #f #h4 #bad ,anab ,,iii #b #bf4 #bae ,anab ,,vi #d #h4 #baf ,anab ,i #b #bg1 ,v #f #ac1 ,,vii #c #dh1 #h #ab-ai4 #bag ,anab ,,iv #a #ab1 #ac4 #bah ,anab ,v #c #d4 #bai ,anab ,,iv #h #d4 ,it does not appear that the man rejoined his native tribe4 #bbj ,anab ,,vii #g #ec4 #bba ,see the protest of ,callicratidas1 ,hellen ,i #f #ad1 with ,breitenbach's note4 #bbb ,anab ,,vii #a #cf1 #b #f1 #c #c4 #bbc ,memorab ,,ii #g4 #bbd ,memor ,i #b #eg1 ,,ii #g #d-aa1 #h4 #bbe ,memor ,,iii #ac #d4 #bbf ,memor ,i #a #af1 ,,iv #b #bb-ca4 #bbg ,memor ,i #e #b4 #bbh ,memor ,,iii #g #f1 #i #aa1 #ae4 #bbi ,econ #bj #bb foll4 #bcj ,econ #ab #c4 #bca ,econ #c #a-e1 #e #ae1 #af1 #ab #ai4 #bcb ,econ #g-i1 #ab-ad1 #ba4 #bcc ,econ #ac #i1 cf #i #e4 #bcd ,econ #ab-ae4 #bce ,econ #ad #h4 #bcf ,econ #ad #i4 #bcg ,econ #e #d1 #ad #b1 #bj passim4 #bch ,econ #e #f4 #bci ,econ #a #d1 #d #f4 #bdj cf ,memor ,,ii #g #g-aj4 #bda ,econ #aa #i1 #aj4 #bdb ,econ #bj passim4 #bdc ,econ #ba #aj4 #bdd ,econ #ba #ab4 #bde ,econ #ba #i4 #bdf ,memor ,,ii #h especially #c4 ,for this suggestion that a free man should be steward of a rich man's estate ,i can find no parallel4 ,see the chapters on the ,roman agricultural writers4 ,the case of the shepherd in ,juvenal ,i #ajg-h is not parallel4 #bdg ,memor ,,ii #e #b4 ,see ,vect #d #bb for suggested employment of free citizens or aliens4 #bdh ,vectigalia ch #d passim4 #bdi ,cyrop ,,vii #e #fg1 ,,viii #c #cf-da4 #bej ,cyrop ,,iv #d #e-ab1 ,,vii #e #cf1 #gc4 #bea ,cyrop ,,viii #a #dc-d4 #beb ,cited from ,kock's edition #ahhj-h4 #bec ,menandrea1 ed ,krte #aiaj1 ,teubner4 #bed ,fragments #ajj-bd4 ,from other plays1 #bid1 #chg4 #bee ,cratinus #ha1 ,pherecrates #bab4 #bef e4g4 ,antiphanes #bfe1 ,philemon #bbg1 ,menander #eha1 etc4 #beg ,philemon #ie4 #beh ,philemon #bac1 ,menander #fh1 #gaf1 ,hipparchus #b4 #bei ,menander #ad1 ,posidippus #bc with ,kock's note4 #bfj ,pherecrates #aj1 ,crates #ad4 #bfa ,nicophon #ac1 #ad4 #bfb ,athenaeus ,,vi pp #bfc1 #bfg e-#bgj a4 #bfc ,menandrea pp #aei-fa 7fragments of 74 #bfd ,menandrea pp #aeg1 #aei4 #bfe opus cit and ,menander #ig ,kock4 ,for connoting simplicity cf #gid 4 #bff ,menandrea p #aee1 #if ,kock4 #bfg ,menandrea p #ae 7lines #bf1 #dj74 #bfh ,menandrea p #ac 7line #ab1 cf #aaa74 #bfi ,menandrea p #e4 #bgj ,menandrea p #be4 #bga ,kock ,,iii p #dgc 7adespota #cdg74 #bgb ,lucian1 ,timon #g1 #h4 ,kock adesp #adcd1 note4 #bgc ,menander #gie4 #bgd ,menander #fdb4 #bge ,menander #djh4 #bgf ,menander #fc1 ' 4 #bgg ,stobaeus flor ,,lvi #af preserves an utterance of ,socrates on labour1 especially agricultural labour1 as the basis of wellbeing1 in which he remarks that 4 #bgh ,aristotle ,pol ,,ii #g #a4 #bgi ,arist ,pol ,,ii #f #ac1 #ab #aj4 #bhj ,arist ,pol ,,ii #g #f and ,newman's note4 #bha ,arist ,pol ,,ii #g1 #h4 #bhb ,in ,thucydides and the history of his age chapters ,,iii-,,vii4 #bhc ,politics ,,iii #ac #b4 #bhd ,see ,newman on ,ar ,pol ,,ii #g #g4 #bhe ,ar ,pol ,,ii #f #ac4 #bhf ,ar ,pol ,,ii #ab #aj4 #bhg ,ar ,pol ,,ii #g #c-g4 #bhh ,pol ,,ii #g passim4 #bhi ,pol ,,ii #g #ad1 #ae4 #bij ,pol ,,ii #h #b1 #c1 with notes in ,newman4 #bia #8,artisan' is not quite 4 ,all professional work is included4 #bib ,pol ,,ii #g #h1 #i4 ,the probable influence of ,spartan precedents is pointed out in ,mr ,newman's note4 #bic ,see the valuable discussion in ,grundy op cit chapter ,,viii4 #bid ,cf ,isocr de pace #fi p #agc1 #abi-aca p #ahe4 #bie ,plato was evidently uneasy at the growing influence of metics1 to judge from the jealous rule of ,laws p #hej4 ,this is in striking contrast with the view of ,xenophon4 #bif ,laws #fcj b1 cf #fig e4 #big ,see ,republic #efe a on the indifference of the handworking 4 ,cf ,isocr de pace #eb p #agj4 #bih ,cf ,xenophon hell ,,vii #e #bg on the intensified after ,mantinea1 #cfb ,,bc4 #bii ,even ,isocrates1 who hated ,sparta1 says of it 1 ,helen #fc #bah1 and attributes the merits of the ,spartan government to imitation of ,egypt1 ,busiris #ag p #bbe4 ,he notes the moral change in ,sparta1 de pace #ie foll pp #agh-ahj4 #cjj ,republic p #dba e1 ,laws #icf c1 #gdd e4 #cja ,laws #gcf c1 cf ,rep #efe a1 b4 #cjb ,republic #dba d4 #cjc ,republ #daf d1 e1 #dag1 #dfd c1 #edc b4 #cjd ,republ #edj e-#eda a4 #cje ,republ #dfi-dga4 #cjf ,republ #die d1 #eij c1 #ebb b4 ,laws #gda4 #cjg ,republ #cgd c1 d4 #cjh ,republ #dcc-d4 #cji ,republ #dfh a4 #caj ,that the speculations of ,greek political writers were influenced by the traditions of a primitive communism is the view of ,emil de ,laveleye ,primitive property ch #aj4 #caa ,republ #dfc b4 #cab ,republ #cfi b-#cgc c4 #cac ,cf ,isocrates ,panath #ahj p #bga4 #cad ,republ #edg b foll4 #cae ,republ #eej-b4 #caf ,laws #gef4 ,see ,rep #efe a with ,adam's note4 #cag ,laws #ged4 #cah ,see ,politicus #bic-g1 ,grote's ,plato ,,iii pp #cji-aj4 #cai ,laws #gcg foll1 #ibb a-#ibd a1 called #iai d4 #cbj ,laws #gdd d1 e4 #cba ,laws #gde c-e4 #cbb ,laws #hdb c-e4 #cbc ,laws #gdb4 #cbd ,laws #gje4 #cbe ,rustic slaves1 ,laws #gfj e1 #gfc a4 #cbf ,laws #hcb d4 ,the artisans are not citizens1 #hdf d-#hdg b4 #cbg ,laws #hjf d4 #cbh ,laws #ggg c4 #cbi ,laws #ggg d-#ggh a1 cf #gic e4 #ccj ,laws #hch d4 #cca ,laws #hfe c1 d1 cf #icf c-e4 #ccb ,laws #gbj4 ,see ,rep #djf on medical treatment of 4 #ccc ,case of domestics1 ,republ #egh-i4 #ccd ,laws #ggf-g4 #cce ,laws #fij b4 #ccf ,politicus #bfb d4 #ccg ,politicus #bhi-ij1 ,republ #cga1 ,laws #gdb a4 #cch ,republ #dfg a1 ,laws #gbj a1 b4 #cci ,laws #gfb e4 #cdj ,laws #hbc4 #cda ,republ #cdd b4 #cdb ,republ #dce e-#dcf a1 ,laws #gdg c4 #cdc ,rep #dbc b1 #deb c1 #edd d1 ,laws #hdj e4 #cdd ,laws #hhf a1 #hhg e4 #cde ,it is not easy to reach a firm opinion on this matter4 ,the inscribed records are nearly all of a much later age4 ,but even a more informal method of manumission would surely1 if common1 have left more clearly marked traces in literature4 ,see ,index1 ,manumission4 #cdf ,the problem of the worn-out plantation slave was much discussed in the ,united ,states in slavery days4 ,an interesting account of the difficulties arising from emancipation in ,british ,guiana is given in ,j ,rodway's ,guiana 7#aiab7 pp #aad foll4 #cdg ,laws #iad-e1 and an allusion in ,republ #die e4 #cdh ,laws #iad a1 #icb d4 #cdi ,see ,lysias ,,xxii1 speech against the corn-dealers4 #cej ,see for instance ,andocides de reditu #bj-a p #bb 7,cyprus71 ,isocrates ,trapeziticus #eg p #cgj 7,bosporus74 #cea ,isocr de bigis #ac p #cdi4 #ceb ,isocr ,panegyricus #bh p #df1 cf ,plato ,menex #bcg e4 #cec ,andoc de myster #ib-c p #ab1 ,bckh-,frnkel ,staatsh ,i #cgb-g4 ,for private letting of farm-lands see ,lysias ,,vii #d-aj pp #ajh-i 7one tenant was a freedman71 ,isaeus ,,xi #db4 #ced ,isaeus ,,vi #ai-bb1 ,,viii #ce1 ,,xi #da-d4 #cee ,isocr ,areopagiticus #eb p #aej4 #cef ,lysias ,i #aa1 #ac1 p #ib4 #ceg ,antiphon fragm #ej ,blass4 #ceh ,isocr ,panath #agi p #bgj4 #cei ,isocr ,philippus #dh-i pp #ia-b4 #cfj ,isocr de pace #aag-h p #ahc4 #cfa ,isocr ,paneg #cd-g pp #dg-h1 de pace #bd p #afd1 ,panathen #ac1 #ad1 p #bce1 #dc-d p #bda1 etc4 #cfb ,isocr ,paneg #acb pp #fg-h4 #cfc ,isocr ,areopag #dd p #adh4 #cfd ,isocr de pace #ij p #agg1 ,areopag #ed-e pp #aej-a1 #hc p #aef4 #cfe ,isaeus ,,viii #db p #gc1 cf ,aristophanes ,nub #ga-b4 #cff ,andocides de pace #ae p #be1 #cf p #bh4 #cfg ,isocr de pace #ib p #agg4 #cfh ,lysias ,,vii especially #d-aa pp #ajh-i4 #cfi ,lysias ,,vii #af p #aji4 #cgj ,see especially the ,archidamus #h1 #bh1 #hg1 #hh1 #if1 #ig4 #cga ,isaeus fragm #c ,scheibe4 #cgb ,isaeus ,,vi #cc 4 #cgc ,see ,isocrates ,plataicus #dh p #cjf 7of ,plataeans71 and ,isaeus ,v #ci with ,wyse's note4 #cgd ,i should mention that for simplicity sake ,i refer to the ,politics by the books in the old order4 ,also that ,i do not raise the question of the authorship of the first book of the so-called ,economics1 as the point does not affect the argument4 ,in common with all students of the ,politics ,i am greatly indebted to the edition of ,mr ,w ,l ,newman4 #cge ,this includes a population limited in number and of appropriate qualities4 ,politics ,,vii #d1 and #h #g-i4 #cgf ,pol ,,vii #d #f4 #cgg ,see the story of ,peisistratus and the peasant in c #af4 #cgh ,economics ,i #e #a1 #f #e1 ,pol ,i #g #e1 and see the chapter on ,xenophon4 #cgi ,pol ,,vi #d #h-aj4 #chj ,we have a modern analogue in the recent legislative measures in ,new ,zealand and ,australia1 not to speak of movements nearer home4 #cha ,see note on ,plato1 p #ge4 #chb cc #aa1 #ab4 #chc ,a most interesting treatment of this topic is to be found in ,bryce's ,south ,america 7#aiab7 pp #ccj-a1 #ecc1 where we get it from the modern point of view1 under representative systems4 #chd ,see the general remarks ,pol ,,iv #f #b1 ,,vi #d #a1 #b1 #ac1 #ad4 ,for historical points cc #af1 #bd4 #che ,pol ,,iii #ae #ac4 #chf ,pol ,,iv #d #ae1 #ah1 cf ,,vii #i4 #chg ,pol ,,vi #d #a1 #b1 #ac4 #chh ,pol ,,vi #d #aa4 #chi ,whether the 7favourable to eugenic paternity7 of ,pol ,,vii #af #ab1 #ac1 may include this class1 is not clear4 ,in ,roman opinion it certainly would4 #cij ,pol ,,vii #f #h4 ,xenophon 7see p #ec7 records cases of seamen ashore and in straits working for hire on farms4 #cia ,see ,sandys on c #d4 #cib ,pol ,,ii #g #ab4 #cic ,pol ,,ii #g #g4 #cid ,severely criticized in ,pol ,,ii #f #ae1 though adopted by himself4 ,see below4 #cie ,see ,pol ,,vi #e #h-aj1 on the measures that may be taken to secure lasting 4 #cif ,cf ,,iv #ae #f1 etc4 #cig ,e ,barker ,the political thought of ,plato and ,aristotle4 #cih ,ethics ,,ii #a #d4 #cii ,pol ,,vii #af4 #djj ,pol ,,vii #h1 #i1 etc4 #dja ,pol ,,vii #aj4 #djb ,this adoption of the split land-lots 7see above p #ia7 is perhaps explained by the fact that the landowners are not 1 so the difficulty of dual residence does not arise4 #djc ,pol ,,iv #h #e1 #i #d1 etc4 #djd ,pol ,,ii #f #ag1 #i #ba-b1 ,,iv #i #g-i4 ,the same view is found in ,isocrates4 #dje ,pol ,,vii #i #e4 #djf ,pol ,v #f #ab1 #ac4 #djg ,pol ,,vii #ad1 #ae1 ,,viii #d1 cf ,,ii #i #cd4 #djh ,economics ,i #e #c 4 ,cf the saying about the ass1 ,ethics ,x #e #h4 #dji ,deinarchus refers 7in ,dem #fi p #ii7 to ,demosthenes' ownership of a house in ,peiraeus1 and goes on to denounce him as heaping up money and not holding real property1 thus escaping taxation4 ,yet the laws enjoin that a man who is a political leader ought 4 ,this wild abuse at least is a sign of existent feelings4 #daj ,we may at least add slaves4 #daa ,pol ,,vii #d #f4 #dab ,aristotle1 like most of the philosophers at ,athens1 was a metic4 ,see ,bernays' ,phokion note #h1 in which the notable passage ,pol ,,vii #b #c-g is discussed4 #dac ,the author of ,revenues 774 #dad ,pol ,,ii #c #d1 #e #h4 #dae ,pol ,i #g4 #daf ,pol ,,vii #aj #ad1 ,econ ,i #e #e4 #dag ,but perhaps to some extent by the author of ,econ ,i #f #i4 #dah ,see ,econ ,i #e #a1 #b1 #f #e4 #dai ,pol ,,ii #c #d1 #e #d4 #dbj ,he only once 7,,iii #e #b7 in the ,politics mentions and once in the ,rhetoric 7,,iii #h #a74 #dba ,too often asserted to need references4 ,but ,pol ,,iii #e #d-f is notable as pointing out that were generally well-to-do1 but poor4 #dbb ,pol ,,vii #f #c-h4 #dbc ,pol ,i #h #c foll4 #dbd ,pol ,i #i4 #dbe ,pol ,i #aj1 #aa4 #dbf ,pol ,i #aa #a1 and ,mr ,newman's note4 #dbg ,pol ,i #aa #c-e4 #dbh ,rhetoric ,i #i #bg 1 and ,cope's note4 #dbi ,pol ,,vi #h #c1 ,,vii #f #a-e4 #dcj ,pol ,i #b #e1 #e #h1 #i1 cf ,ethics ,,viii #aa #f4 #dca ,pol ,i #ac #ac1 cf ,,ii #e #bh4 #dcb ,pol ,i #e1 #f4 #dcc ,pol ,,vii #f #g1 #h4 #dcd ,pol ,,vii #ae #a-f1 ,,viii #d #a-e1 and a number of passages in the ,ethics4 #dce ,indeed in ,pol ,,vii #ae #b-c he practically says so4 #dcf ,pol ,,viii #c #g4 #dcg ,pol ,,viii #d4 #dch ,pol ,,ii #e #ai4 #dci ,pol ,,ii #aj #af4 #ddj ,pol ,,vi #b #c1 cf #d #bj1 and ,ethics ,x #aj #ac4 #dda ,pol ,,vii #ab #c-f4 #ddb ,pol ,,vii #h #g4 #ddc ,,ii #f #f 7in his criticism of ,plato's ,laws74 #ddd ,rhet ,i #ab #be1 cf ,plato ,rep #efe 4 #dde ,rhet ,,ii #d #i1 cf ,euripides ,orestes #iah-bj4 #ddf de mundo #f #d1 #g1 #ac4 #ddg ,even after the ruin of ,phocis and the peace of #cdf ,,bc the old man wrote in the same strain4 ,but it was to ,philip1 in whom he recognised the real master of ,greece1 that he now appealed4 #ddh ,references are too numerous to be given here4 ,a locus classicus is ,dem ,lept #cj-c pp #dff-g1 on the case of ,leucon the ruler of ,bosporus4 ,we hear also of corn imported from ,sicily and ,egypt1 and even 7,lycurg #bf p #aea7 from ,epirus to ,corinth4 #ddi ,demosthenes ,olynth ,i #bg p #ag4 #dej 7,dem7 c ,polycl #e1 #f pp #abjg-h4 #dea ,a good case of such investment by guardians is ,dem ,nausim #g p #ihf4 #deb ,dem ,f ,leg #cad p #ddb1 4 #dec ,see cases in ,aeschines ,timarch #ig p #ac1 ,dem pro ,phorm #d1 #e p #ide4 ,the inheritance of ,demosthenes himself included no landed property1 c ,aphob ,i #i-aa p #haf4 #ded ,dem ,f ,leg #adf p #chf1 cf #aad p #cgf1 #bfe p #dbf1 de cor #da p #bci4 #dee ,dem c ,phaenipp #e-g pp #ajdj-a4 #def ,aeschines mentions two in the estate of ,timarchus4 #deg ,the lack of in ,attica made timber1 like wheat1 a leading article of commerce1 and dealing in it was a sign of a wealthy capitalist4 ,cf ,dem ,f ,leg #aad p #cgf1 ,mid #afg p #efh4 #deh ,i suspect this is an exaggeration4 #dei ,dem ,lacrit #ca-c p #icc4 #dfj ,dem ,androt #fe p #fac1 repeated in ,timocr #agb p #gec4 #dfa ,dem ,aristocr #adf p #ffh4 #dfb ,dem c ,callicl passim4 #dfc 1 ,dem ,callicl #aa p #abgd4 #dfd ,dem ,nicostr passim4 #dfe ,dem ,nicostr #ba p #abec4 #dff ,dem ,pantaen #de p #igi4 #dfg ,dem ,eubulid #fe p #acai4 #dfh ,aeschin ,timarch #ii p #ad4 #dfi ,dem ,euerg ,mnes #eb-c p #aaee4 #dgj ,twice1 #ec1 #gf4 #dga ,hyperid in ,demosth fragm col #bf4 #dgb ,dem c ,timoth #aa p #aahg4 #dgc ,dem de ,cor #ea-b p #bdb4 #dgd ,dem c ,timoth #ea p #aaii4 #dge ,ibid #eb4 #dgf ,of course is often loosely used as merely #8slave4' ,but here the antithesis seems to gain point from strict use4 #dgg ,i have not found this question distinctly stated anywhere4 ,beauchet ,droit priv ,,iv #bbb treats the of this passage as freemen4 ,but in ,,ii #ddc he says that slaves hired from their owners were generally designated 4 ,nor do ,i find the point touched in ,meier-,schmann-,lipsius 7edition #ahhc-g1 pp #hhi foll71 or any evidence that the could be addressed to others than parties in a case4 ,wallon ,i #cbb foll also gives no help4 #dgh ,dem ,eubulid #fc p #acah4 #dgi ,hyperides pro ,euxen1 fragm #af1 #ag1 col #ab1 #ac4 #dhj ,dem ,olynth ,i #bg p #ag4 #dha ,dem ,c ,,phaenipp #e-g pp #ajdj-a1 #ai-ba pp #ajdd-e4 #dhb 1 ,dem ,,de ,,cor #bfb p #cad4 #dhc ,dem ,eubulid #de p #acac1 speaking of an old woman4 #dhd ,aeschin ,timarch #bg p #d4 #dhe ,we have already seen the case of olive-pickers in ,aristoph ,vesp #gab4 #dhf ,see ,dem ,mid #dh p #ecj1 etc4 #dhg ,aeschin ,f ,leg #aef p #ei4 ,the passage of ,dem ,f ,l to which he refers is not in our text1 for #aid-e pp #dja-b is different4 #dhh ,see ,plut ,aratus #ad1 #be1 #bg1 #cf1 #ci1 #dj1 ,philopoemen #g1 #ae4 #dhi ,isocr paneg #ej p #ej4 #dij ,v #fd-e1 cf ,,xvii #i1 #aj4 #dia ,,xvi4 #dib ,,xvii4 #dic ,,xxii1 ,,xxv4 #did ,,xxv4 #die ,,xxv #a1 #ea4 #dif ,,xxv #bg1 cf ,,xxiv #acg4 #dig ,,xxv #hf-aeb4 #dih ,,xxv #dg-h4 #dii ,,vii #ae-f4 #ejj ,,iii #ce1 cf ,,xv #hj4 #eja ,x #i1 cf #a1 ,,xxi #c4 #ejb ,,xxiv #acf-g4 #ejc ,,xx #c1 #d4 #ejd ,,xvi #cd-e4 #eje ,,xxv #ef-i4 #ejf ,,xiv #eh-i1 cf #ac1 #ef1 where is a professional soldier4 #ejg ,char ,,iv 7,,xiv ,jebb74 #ejh ,see ,plutarch de garrulitate #ah4 #eji ,plut ,aratus #bd1 ,philopoemen #h4 #eaj ,polyb ,,iv #fc4 #eaa ,,iv #ff4 #eab ,,iv #ge1 ,v #a1 #c1 #ai4 #eac ,x #db1 etc4 #ead ,,xviii #bj4 #eae ,,xvi #bd1 ,,xxi #f1 etc4 #eaf ,,xxi #cd1 #cf1 #dc1 #de4 #eag ,v #hi4 #eah ,,xxviii #b4 #eai ,v #hi1 cf ,,xxv #d1 ,,xxi #f4 #ebj ,this topic is well treated by ,mahaffy ,greek ,life and ,thought chapter ,i4 #eba ,the best treatment of this matter known to me is in ,bernays' ,phokion pp #gh-he4 ,see ,diodorus ,,xviii #ah1 ,plutarch ,phoc #bh4 #ebb ,according to ,plut ,cleomenes #ah1 ,sparta was very helpless before that king's reforms4 ,the ,aetolians in a raid carried off #ejjjj slaves1 and an old ,spartan declared that this was a relief4 #ebc ,freeman's ,federal ,government chapter ,v4 #ebd ,,ii #fb4 #ebe ,see ,strabo ,,viii #h #a p #chh1 and cf ,plut ,philopoemen #ac4 #ebf ,polyb ,,iv #gc4 ,theocritus had spoken of 7,,xxii #aef74 ,keeping horses was a mark of wealth4 #ebg ,theocritus ,,xxii #aeg ' 4 ,polyb ,,ix #ag1 and ,,iv #c 7,messenia74 #ebh ,eubulus fragm #ab1 #cd1 #ci1 #ec1 #ff1 ,kock4 ,also other references in ,athenaeus ,x pp #dag foll4 #ebi ,polyb ,,xx #f4 ,otherwise ,mahaffy in ,gk ,life and ,thought chapter ,,xiii4 #ecj ,,fhg ,,ii pp #bed-fd1 formerly attributed to ,dicaearchus4 ,cited by ,e ,meyer ,kleine ,schriften p #acg4 #eca ,,ii #fb4 #ecb ,,iv #ch4 #ecc ,,iv #gc1 #ge4 #ecd ,,xxiii #a #aa4 #ece ,in the famous case of the siege of ,rhodes in #cje-d ,,bc 7,diodorus ,,xx #hd1 #ajj7 freedom seems to have been a reward1 as has been pointed out by ,a ,croiset4 #ecf ,,iv #bj1 #ba4 ,compare ,vergil ,buc ,x #cb-c soli cantare periti ,arcades1 ,,vii #d-e4 #ecg ,in a fragment cited by ,athenaeus p #bgb a1 cf #bfd c4 ,in ,hultsch's text ,polyb ,,xii #f4 #ech ,cited by ,diodorus ,,ii #ci1 and by ,arrian ,indica #aj #h1 #i4 #eci ,calderini la manomissione etc chapter ,v4 #edj ,see table in ,collitz ,dialectinschriften ,,ii pp #fce-db4 #eda 1 4 #edb ,in #dcb acts of manumission given in ,wescher and ,foucart ,inscriptions de ,delphes #ahfc1 ,i could not find one case of a rustic slave4 #edc ,ar ,pol ,,ii #c #d1 cf saying of ,diogenes in ,stob flor ,,lxii #dg4 ,menander fragm #gfj ,k 4 #edd ,see above1 chapter ,,xiii p #fd4 #ede ,so ,jove ,poenulus #idd-e4 #edf ,casina #ig foll1 ,poenulus #agj-a1 ,mostellaria #a-hc4 #edg ,mercator #fe foll4 #edh ,mercator passim4 #edi ,trinummus #ejh-fa4 #eej ,vidularia #ca-b4 #eea ,vidularia #ba-ee1 text is fragmentary4 #eeb ,but not excluding it1 since slaves were hired4 #eec ,hautontimorumenos #fb-gd4 #eed ,hautont #ic-aag4 #eee ,hautont #adb-d4 #eef ,phormio #cfb-e1 cf ,adelphoe #idi4 #eeg ,hecyra #bbd-f4 #eeh ,adelphoe #de-f1 cf #ie1 #dja1 #eag-bj1 #hde-i4 #eei ,adelphoe #eda-b4 #efj ,collitz ,i ,no4 #cde1 ,dittenberger #bch-i4 ,mommsen's notes in ,hermes ,,xvii4 #efa 4 #efb ,that this neglect was not a new thing seems shewn by the saying of ,alexander that the ,thessalians deserved no consideration1 4 ,plut apophth ,alex #bb4 #efc ,livy ,,xxxiv #ea #d-f4 #efd ,plutarch ,aratus #e-h4 #efe ,plut ,dion #bg1 #cg1 #dh4 #eff ,plut ,timoleon #bc1 #cf4 #efg ,plut ,aratus #i1 #ab1 #ad4 #efh ,plut ,philopoemen #c1 #d4 #efi ,in fact became an 4 #egj ,bevlkerung der ,griechisch-,rmischen ,welt pp #aef-h4 #ega ,diodorus ,,xviii #gj #a4 #egb ,livy ,,xxxiv #ej1 ,plut ,flamininus #ac4 #egc ,polyb ,,xxxix #h #a-e4 #egd ,only in ,appian civ ,i #h #b4 ,the provision is ascribed by ,suet ,jul #db to ,julius ,caesar4 ,the two writers were contemporary4 ,whence did ,appian get his story8 #ege ,case of ,persia4 #egf ,cases of ,messana1 ,syracuse1 etc4 #egg ,case of ,carthage4 #egh ,livy ,,ii #bc etc4 #egi ,referred to in ,iwan ,mller's ,handbuch ,,iv ii #b1 ed #c pp #ecc foll1 article by ,h ,blmner4 #ehj ,that the household as a vigorous unit outlived the gens is ,i think clear4 ,i guess that this was because production for the supply of life-needs was more closely correlated with the former4 ,labour was more easily divorced from the clan-system than property was4 #eha ,cic ,cato mai #ef1 ,liv ,,iii #bf1 ,dionys ,x #h1 #ag1 ,plin ,,nh ,,xviii #bj1 ,valer ,max ,,iv #g4 ,the discrepancies in the versions do not concern us here4 #ehb ,liv ,,iii #ac #h-aj1 ,dionys ,x #h4 #ehc ,liv ,,iii #bg #a4 #ehd ,liv ,x #cf #ag1 ,dionys ,,vi #c1 etc4 #ehe ,liv ,,ii #bb #e-g4 #ehf ,varro sat ,men fr #ei and title of his satire ,marcipor4 ,quintilian ,i #d #bf1 ,festus p #cjf ,l #beg ,m ,marcipor ,oppii in title of ,plaut ,stichus4 ,sallust hist fr ,,iii #ii ,maurenbrecher4 ,inscriptions ,,cil ,i #ajgf1 #ajcd1 #achf1 ,dessau #ghbb-c4 ,for ,pliny see below4 #ehg ,argument as in ,luke's gospel #ag #g-i4 #ehh ,cic ,cato mai #ee-f1 etc4 #ehi ,dionys ,,xix #ae4 #eij ,preserved in a fragment of ,dion ,cassius1 fr #dj #bg4 #eia ,columella ,i #d #b1 ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #bg-h1 cf ,valer ,max ,,iv #d #d4 #eib ,livy epit ,,xviii4 #eic ,valer ,max ,,iv #d #f4 ,the version given in ,seneca ad ,helv #ab #e is much the same1 but ends characteristically fuitne tanti servum non habere1 ut colonus eius populus ,romanus esset8 ,here colonus tenant farmer4 #eid colendum locari4 #eie ,plin ,,nh ,,xviii #ci4 #eif ,polyb ,i #ca #d4 #eig ,cato #e #d 7of duties of vilicus7 operarium mercennarium politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die4 #eih ,how far we can infer this from references to slaves such as ,livy ,,xxiii #cb #ae 7#bae ,,bc71 ,,xxv #a #d 7#bac ,,bc71 ,,xxvi #ce #e 7#baj ,,bc71 is not quite certain4 ,the ,licinian law to check the grabbing of state domain land certainly does not prove it1 for that land was probably for the most part pasture4 #eii ,liv ,,xxviii #aa #i4 #fjj ,weissenborn's note on the passage4 #fja ,liv ,,xxii #eg #aa1 and index to ,livy under volones4 #fjb ,liv ,,xxiii #di #a-d1 ,,xxiv #ah #aa1 ,,xxv #a #d1 #c #h-d #aa4 #fjc ,liv ,,xxi #fc #c1 #d1 ,cic ,,ii in ,verr ,v #de4 #fjd ,liv ,,xxvi #cf4 #fje ,liv ,,xxix #af #a-c4 #fjf ,liv ,,xxxi #ac4 #fjg ,see ,rudorff gromatische ,institutionen pp #bhg-h4 #fjh ,liv ,,xxxiii #db #c4 #fji lex agraria1 line #ca1 in ,bruns' fontes or ,wordsworth's ,specimens4 #faj ,appian civ ,i #g #e4 ,but the account given in this passage of the spread of latifundia and slave-gangs is too loose to be of much value4 ,in particular1 the assertion that slave-breeding was already common and lucrative is not to be believed4 ,appian was misled by the experience of his own day4 ,see ,sallust ,iug #da #h interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum1 uti quisque potentiori confinis erat1 sedibus pellebantur4 #faa ,the urban artisans engaged in the sedentary trades do not concern us here4 ,see ,weissenborn on ,liv ,,viii #bj #d opificum vulgus et sellularii4 #fab ,dionys ,,iii #ca1 ,,iv #i1 #ac1 etc4 #fac ,dionys ,,vi #gi1 a passage much coloured by later notions4 #fad ,liv ,,vii #d1 #e4 ,a slightly different and shorter version in ,cic de off ,,iii #aab4 #fae ,cic pro ,sex ,roscio #df recognizes this familiarity4 #faf ,sallust ,catil #d #a4 #fag ,cic pro ,sex ,roscio #ci-ea4 #fah ,cic pro ,sex ,roscio #ej-a4 #fai ,livy ,,vi #ab #e1 cf ,,vii #be #h4 #fbj ,dionys ,,xvii ,,xviii #d4 ,l ,postumius ,megellus was consul #cje1 #bid1 #bia ,,bc4 ,the story relates to his third consulship4 ,his earlier career may be followed in ,liv ,,ix #dd1 ,x #bf #ae1 #cb #a1 #cg1 #df #af4 #fba ,liv epit ,,xi4 #fbb ,see the precept of ,mago cited by ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #ce4 #fbc ,that is1 on those possessed of a certain minimum of property1 which was lowered in course of time4 ,originally reckoned on land only1 thus reckoning only those settled on farms 7adsidui74 ,see ,mommsen ,staatsrecht index4 ,the rise in the census numbers between #aca and #abe ,,bc is explained by ,greenidge ,history p #aej as due to the increase of adsidui through effect of ,gracchan legislation4 #fbd ,see ,greenidge ,history pp #fj-a1 #dbd-e4 #fbe ,see ,cato's opinion cited by ,cic de off ,,ii #hi1 ,columella ,,vi praef #c-e1 ,plin ,,nh ,,xviii #bi1 #cj4 #fbf ,cic in ,catil ,,ii #ah4 #fbg ,cic in ,catil ,,ii #bj1 cf de lege agr ,,ii #gh fundos quorum subsidio familiarum magnitudines sustentare possint4 #fbh familiis magnis4 #fbi ,livy ,,vi #ab #e1 cf ,,vii #be #h4 #fcj ,cairnes ,the ,slave ,power ch ,,iii4 #ahfb1 second edn4 #ahfc4 #fca ,cic de republ ,,iii #af4 #fcb ,but see the oratorical picture of the bad steward1 ,cic ,,ii in ,verrem ,,iii #aai4 ,that remarkable passage still leaves my questions unanswered1 for the comparison with ,verres is superficial and only serves a temporary purpose4 #fcc ,varro ,i #b #ag1 #ag #e1 #g4 #fcd ,cato #b #g1 cf ,martial ,,xi #gj4 #fce ,as ,cato #e #b says1 dominus inpune ne ,sinat esse4 #fcf ,foreshadowed in ,xenophon memor ,,ii #h4 #fcg ,compare the case of the mercennarius and ,regulus referred to above4 #fch ,columella ,i praef #c1 #ab1 #ac1 #bj1 ,,xii praef #h-aj4 #fci ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #da-c 7of earlier times71 ,,xiv #dh-ej 7speculations71 ,,xviii #bgc-d4 #fdj ,m ,weber ,rmische ,agrargeschichte pp #bdb foll4 #fda ,sueton ,aug #cb1 ,tib #h1 cf ,seneca the elder contr ,x #d #ah4 ,later1 ,spart ,hadr #ah4 ,in law1 ,digest ,,xxxix #d #ab4 #fdb ,even a valetudinarium is provided4 ,see ,columella ,,xi #a #ah1 ,,xii #a #f1 #c #g1 #h4 #fdc ,columella ,i #g4 #fdd ,weber op cit pp #bdd-e4 ,see the chapter on ,columella for this interpretation4 ,it can hardly be considered certain1 but it is not vital to the argument4 #fde ,varro ,i #ag #b1 cf ,colum ,i #c #ab4 #fdf ,varro ,i #ag #c-f4 #fdg ,plato ,laws #ggg d1 ,arist ,pol ,,vii #aj #ac1 ,ar ,oec ,i #e #f4 #fdh ,livy ,,xxxiii #cf #a4 #fdi ,livy ,,xxxix #bi #h1 #i1 cf #da #f4 #fej ,diodorus book ,,xxxiv1 and other authorities enumerated in my ,roman ,republic #fhc4 #fea ,strabo ,,xiv #a #ch p #fdf1 ,diodorus ,,xxxiv #b #bf4 #feb ,diodorus ,,xxxvi4 #fec ,according to ,appian civ ,i #aaf #b he was at first joined by some free rustics4 ,the same seems to have been the case in ,sicily and ,asia4 #fed ,sallust ,catil #dd #e1 #f1 #ef #e4 #fee ,tacitus ann ,,iv #bg4 #fef ,tacitus ann ,,iii #ec-e4 #feg ,text edited by ,keil #ahie4 #feh ,plutarch ,cato maior #bg4 #fei ,jordan's edition of his remains1 p #gg1 ,plut ,cat mai #bc4 #ffj ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #bi1 #cj1 and ,cicero de off ,,ii #hi1 ,columella ,,vi praef #c-e4 #ffa ,jordan op cit p #dc4 ,plutarch ,cat mai #d4 #ffb ,plut ,cat mai #c-e1 #bj-a4 #ffc ,cato agr #c #a1 ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #cb4 #ffd ,cato agr #d4 #ffe ,cato agr #ef-g4 #fff ,cato agr #af1 #acf-g1 #adf4 #ffg ,in #adg the emptor of a season's lambs seems to be bound to provide a pastor1 who is held as a pledge to secure the final settlement4 #ffh ,cato agr praef4 #ffi ,cato agr #aj #a1 #aa #a4 #fgj #b #g patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet4 #fga ,cato agr #a4 #fgb ,mommsen in ,hermes ,,xv p #djh4 #fgc praef #b1 #a #d4 ,according to a speaker in ,seneca controv ,,vii #f #ag ,cato's later wife was coloni sui filiam 444 ingenuam4 ,plut ,cat mai #bd makes her 1 that is daughter of a client4 ,there seems to be no real contradiction4 ,the cliens might be his patron's tenant4 #fgd #b #g boves vetulos 444 servum senem1 servum morbosum 444 vendat4 ,cf ,plut ,cat mai #e1 ,martial ,,xi #gj1 ,juvenal ,x #bfh-gj4 ,in ,terence ,hautont #adb-d the ,old ,man1 on taking to farming1 sells off all his household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keep opere rustico faciundo4 ,his motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself4 ,so ibid #fe-gd he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work4 #fge ,plut ,cat mai #ba4 #fgf ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #ce4 #fgg ,polyb ,,xxxii #ac #aj1 #aa4 #fgh ,plut ,cat mai #ba1 #be1 #d4 #fgi ,jordan op cit p #dc4 #fhj ,cf ,plin epist ,,iii #ai #e4 #fha ,plut ,cat mai #ba1 #d4 #fhb ,plut ,cat mai #bj4 #fhc ,pliny even refers to his precepts as oracula4 #fhd ,cato agr #a #c operariorum copia siet4 #fhe ,cato agr #d operas facilius locabis1 operarios facilius conduces4 #fhf ,cato agr #e1 #hc1 #adc4 #fhg ,cato agr #b #a4 #fhh ,cato agr #ac #a duo custodes liberi 444 tertius servus 444 etc4 #fhi ,ibid #ff ubi factores vectibus prement4 #fij ,ibid #fd #a4 #fia ,ibid #add4 #fib ,ibid #add-e4 #fic ,ibid #adf4 #fid ,ibid #adi #b4 #fie ,ibid #aej4 #fif ,ibid #ff-g4 #fig ,ibid #ef4 #fih ,ibid #aj #a1 #aa #a4 #fii ,it is to be noted that bubulci are to be indulgently treated1 in order to encourage them to tend the valued oxen with care4 #e #f4 #gjj ,ibid #ef compeditis 444 ubi vineam fodere coeperint4 ,cf ,columella ,i #i #d4 #gja ,ibid #ad4 #gjb ,ibid #af1 #ch4 #gjc ,ibid #acf4 ,in #e #d the politor appears as a hired wage-earner1 apparently paid by the job4 ,in ,varro ,,iii #b #e we find fundo 444 polito cultura4 ,see ,nonius p #ff ,m for politiones agrorum cultus diligentes4 ,greenidge hist p #gi regards the politores as mtayer tenants1 why1 ,i do not know4 #gjd ,ibid #g #b1 #ba #e4 #gje ,ibid #e1 especially #d operarium1 mercennarium1 politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die4 ,this is taken by ,wallon ,,ii pp #ajj1 #cde1 to mean that these hired men are to be paid off at the end of their stipulated term4 ,keil thinks they are to be dischargeable at a day's notice4 eundem seems to imply that it was convenient to change your hired men often4 #gjf ,ibid #b #b1 and #d viam publicam muniri4 #gjg ,the account given in ,greenidge's ,history of ,rome deserves special reference here4 ,on pp #bff-g he well points out that it was not the ,gracchan aim to revive the free labourer but the peasant proprietor4 #gjh ,this is known from the lex agraria of which a large part is preserved4 ,see text in ,bruns' ,fontes or ,wordsworth's ,specimens4 ,translated and explained in ,dr ,e ,g ,hardy's ,six ,roman ,laws4 #gji ,perhaps some inference may be drawn from ,sallust ,iug #gc #f plebes sic accensa uti opifices agrestesque omnes1 quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant1 relictis operibus frequentarent ,marium 444 etc1 though this refers directly to political support1 not to the recruiting of troops4 #gaj ,see the important paper by ,dr ,e ,g ,hardy ,journ ,phil #aiac4 #gaa ,monum ,ancyr ,,iii #bb cap ,,xvi4 #gab ,varro ,,rr ,i #b #c1 #f4 ,i find since writing this that ,heisterbergk ,entstehung des ,colonats p #eg treats this utterance1 rightly1 as rhetorical4 #gac ,see ,mr ,storr-,best's translation1 ,introduction pp xxvii-xxx4 #gad ,,rr ,i #d #e4 ,surely in #di ,varro was in ,spain4 #gae ,as in ,,rr ,,ii praef #f4 #gaf ,the wild hill-pastures are referred to by ,varro ,,rr ,,ii #a #af as still leased to publicani to whom the scriptura or registration fees had to be paid4 ,i have given further references in my ,roman ,republic #acea4 ,see ,m ,weber ,rmische ,agrargeschichte pp #ace foll4 #gag ,,rr ,i #ah4 #gah ,,rr ,i #ag4 #gai ,,rr ,i #f-af4 #gbj genus vocale1 semivocale1 mutum4 #gba ,these are specimens only4 ,others would be hired freemen1 asses1 and 7near a river7 barges4 #gbb ipsi suggests peasant owners4 #gbc pauperculi cum sua progenie4 #gbd mercennariis 444 conducticiis liberorum operis4 #gbe obaerarios or obaeratos1 who work off a debt by labour for a creditor4 #gbf de quibus universis4 ,this seems to refer to all human workers4 #gbg gravia loca4 ,cf ,i #ab #b4 #gbh operarios parandos esse1 not conducendos1 for these are clearly slaves4 ,cf ,i #af #d4 #gbi ,the text here is damaged4 ,i give the apparent meaning4 #gcj qui praesint1 a very general expression4 #gca ,that is1 obedience4 #gcb offensiones domesticas4 ,varro may have in mind the ,syrians in the ,sicilian slave-wars and the ,thracians and ,gauls under ,spartacus4 #gcc peculium4 #gcd ,here also the text is doubtful4 #gce ,,rr ,,ii #c #g in lege locationis fundi excipi solet ne colonus capra natum in fundo pascat4 #gcf ,,rr ,i #b #ag leges colonicas 444 etc4 #gcg ,caesar ,,bc ,i #cd1 #ef4 #gch servis libertis colonis suis4 #gci colonis pastoribusque4 #gdj ,as a creditor on a debtor4 #gda ,,rr ,i #af #d itaque in hoc genus coloni potius anniversarios habent vicinos1 quibus imperent1 medicos fullones fabros1 quam in villa suos habeant4 #gdb ,,rr ,,ii praef #e1 cf ,i #b #ac foll1 and ,columella ,,vi praef #a1 #b4 #gdc ,they evidently own slaves1 though not special craftsmen1 and are distinct from the pauperculi of ,i #ag #b4 #gdd ,,rr ,,ii praef #c1 #d4 #gde ,,rr ,,iii #af #aj1 #aa4 #gdf ,,rr ,,ii #aj #d1 #e4 #gdg ,,rr ,i #bb #a4 ,basket work is often referred to in scenes of country life4 ,cf ,verg buc ,,ii #ga-b1 georg ,i #bff4 #gdh ,,rr ,,iii #c #d1 #ag #f4 #gdi ,cf ,cato #ef1 ,columella ,i #i #d4 #gej ,,rr ,i #ah #b1 #f4 #gea valetudini tempestati inertiae indiligentiae4 #geb ,in ,,rr ,,iii #b #e cum villa non sit sine fundo magno et eo polito cultura the reference is quite general4 #gec ,this is well illustrated by the words of ,cicero de republ ,v #e4 #ged ,as in his opinion the younger ,cato did4 #gee ,see pro ,murena #fb1 where disputandi causa is opposed to ita vivendi4 #gef ,see ,brutus #beg1 de orat ,i #hc1 #bfc1 ,,ii #dj1 de finibus ,v #eb1 ,tusc disp ,i #cd1 ,,iii #gg1 ,v #ajd4 ,the messores whose rustic brogue is referred to in de orat ,,iii #df surely are free ,italians4 #geg ,from lack of the ingenuae artes and liberales doctrinae etc4 #geh de offic ,i #aej inliberales autem et sordidi quaestus mercennariorum omnium quorum operae non quorum artes emuntur3 est enim in illis ipsa merces auctoramentum servitutis4 #gei ,the operae often referred to4 #gfj ,the familiae publicanorum4 ,the publicani complained loudly when their slave-staff was in danger from the violence of others4 ,cf de imperio ,pompei #af4 #gfa ,cf the famous case of ,clodius and ,milo4 #gfb ,cf pro ,rosc com #cb1 #di1 #ed1 pro ,tullio #ba4 #gfc ,for a discussion of these see ,greenidge in the ,appendix to ,the legal procedure of ,cicero's time4 #gfd pro ,tullio #g-ab4 #gfe pro ,tullio #ad-bb4 #gff #ag mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum4 #gfg ,to conduct of this kind ,cicero makes a general reference in ,paradoxa ,,vi #df expulsiones vicinorum 444 latrocinia in agris4 #gfh pro ,caecina #aj-ai4 #gfi pro ,caecina #a in agro locisque desertis4 #ggj pro ,vareno fragm #e1 pro ,cluentio #afa1 cf pro ,tullio #h4 #gga in toga candida fragm #aa alter pecore omni vendito et saltibus prope addictis pastores retinet1 ex quibus ait se cum velit subito fugitivorum bellum excitaturum4 ,for the fugitivi in ,sicily cf ,,ii in ,verrem ,,ii #bg1 ,,iii #ff1 ,,iv #aab1 ,v passim1 and the famous inscription of ,popilius1 ,wilmanns #gig and ,wordsworth specimens pp #bba1 #dge1 ,,cil ,i #eea1 referring to first ,sicilian slave-war4 #ggb ,brutus #he4 #ggc pro ,roscio ,amer #ci-ea4 #ggd pro ,caecina #eh1 #fc4 #gge ,thus in pro ,cluentio #afc a disreputable tool is mercennarius ,oppianici4 #ggf de officiis ,i #aea quorum ordini conveniunt4 #ggg de officiis ,i #da4 #ggh ,,ii in ,verrem ,i #adg1 ,,iv #gg4 #ggi ,thus of orators1 ,brutus #big1 de orat ,i #hc1 #bfc1 cf ,,ii #dj4 ,also opifex in ,tusc disp ,v #cd4 #ghj de orat ,i #bdi si mandandum aliquid procuratori de agri cultura aut imperandum vilico est4 #gha pro ,tullio #ag mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum4 #ghb ,cicero's own estate at ,arpinum seems to have been let in praediola to tenants4 ,see ad ,att ,,xiii #i #b4 #ghc pro ,caecina #ag1 #eg1 #id4 #ghd pro ,caecina #eg1 cf #fc4 ,so in #eh the word familia is shewn not to be limited to slaves personally owned by the litigant referred to4 #ghe ,,ii in ,verrem ,,iii #ec-e1 and passim4 ,these arationes paid decumae4 #ghf pro ,cluentio #age1 #ahb4 #ghg de orat ,,ii #bhg4 #ghh de republ ,v #e1 where the perfect ruler is a sort of blend of dispensator and vilicus4 #ghi pro ,plancio #fb4 #gij ,,ii in ,verrem ,,iii #aai4 #gia pro ,rabirio #aj-ag4 #gib hanc condicionem 444 quam servi1 si libertatis spem propositam non haberent1 ferre nullo modo possent4 #gic ,philippic ,,viii #cb4 #gid ,cic ad fam ,,xvi #af #a eum indignum illa fortuna nobis amicum quam servum esse maluisti4 #gie pro ,roscio ,amer #abj homines paene operarios4 #gif ,,ii in ,verrem ,,iii #bg4 #gig quid1 qui singulis iugis arant1 qui ab opere ipsi non recedunt 444 etc4 #gih ,the infamous henchman of ,verres4 #gii ,diodorus fragm ,,xxxiv #b #dh1 ,,xxxvi #e #f4 #hjj de lege agr ,,ii #hj-c4 #hja ,see ,beloch ,campanien pp #cjd-f4 #hjb de lege agr ,,ii #hd agros desertos a plebe atque a cultura hominum liberorum esse non oportere4 #hjc genus 444 optimorum et aratorum et militum 444 illi miseri1 nati in illis agris et educati1 glaebis subigendis exercitati 444 etc4 #hjd de lege agr ,,ii #hh-i locus comportandis condendisque fructibus1 ut aratores cultu agrorum defessi urbis domiciliis uterentur 444 receptaculum aratorum1 nundinas rusticorum1 cellam atque horreum ,campani agri 444 etc4 #hje de lege agr ,,ii #hb deinde ad paucos opibus et copiis adfluentis totum agrum ,campanum perferri videbitis4 #hjf ,see above1 chap ,,xxv p #ahc4 #hjg ,sallust ,cat #d #a4 #hjh ,sallust ,cat #cg #g iuventus1 quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat 444 etc4 #hji ,sallust ,iug #gc #f opifices agrestesque omnes1 quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant 444 etc4 #haj ,two notorious instances are ,pompey and ,m ,brutus4 #haa ,horace ,odes ,,ii #ae1 ,,iii #f1 etc4 #hab ,horace ,odes ,,iv #e1 #ae1 etc4 #hac ,a picture forestalled by ,lucretius ,,iii #ajec-ge4 #had ,already illustrated in the case of ,cato noted above4 #hae ,see ,cic de legibus ,,iii #cj4 ,cf ,horace epodes ,,iv4 #haf ,see ,rostowzew1 ,rm ,colonat1 for detailed inquiry into ,eastern phenomena1 ,egyptian in particular4 ,for the case of ,china see reference to ,macgowan ,appendix ,d #f4 ,a very interesting account of the system in ,hindustan in the #agth century1 with criticism of its grave abuses1 may be found in the ,travels in the ,mogul empire by ,franois ,bernier1 ed #b by ,v ,a ,smith1 ,oxford #aiad1 pages #bbf-ch4 ,i believe the legal phrase is #8,eminent ,domain4' #hag ,in ,greenidge1 ,history pp #bib-c1 there are some good remarks on the process4 #hah ,frontinus grom ,i p #ce1 ,columella ,,iii #c #aa1 and ,heisterbergk's remarks cited below4 ,see ,index1 ,italian land and taxation4 #hai ,tacitus ann ,,ii #ei seposuit ,aegyptum hist ,i #aa domi retinere4 ,this need not be taken to mean that he treated it strictly as part of his private estate1 as ,mommsen thought4 ,see on the controversy a note of ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schr p #dgi4 #hbj ,see ,m ,weber ,agrargeschichte pp #bdc foll4 #hba ,the estates of ,atticus in ,epirus are a leading case of this4 ,horace epist ,i #ab refers to those of ,agrippa in ,sicily4 ,such cases have nothing to do with emigration of working farmers1 in which ,i do not believe4 ,surely ,greenidge ,history p #bgj is right in saying that the ,gracchan scheme of colonization was commercial rather than agricultural4 ,also the municipalities1 beside their estates in ,italy1 held lands in the ,provinces4 ,see ,tyrrell and ,purser on ,cic ad fam ,,xiii #g and #aa4 ,in general1 ,seneca epist #hg #g1 #hi #bj1 ,florus ,,ii #g #c4 #hbb ,we may perhaps carry this back into the time of the ,republic4 ,see the references to the royal domains of ,macedon1 ,livy ,,xlv #ah #c1 and with others ,cic de lege agr ,,ii #ej4 #hbc ,see the chapter on the ,african inscriptions4 #hbd ,for the cases of ,india and ,china see references to ,sir ,a ,fraser and ,macgowan ,appendix ,d #f4 #hbe ,tacitus ann ,,xiv #bg records the failure of ,nero's colonization of veterans singly in ,italy1 who mostly returned to the scenes of their service4 ,he strangely regrets the abandonment of the old plan of settling them in whole legions4 ,it is to be remembered that in the later ,empire the army was more and more recruited from the barbarians4 #hbf ,the 1 assigned in to soldiers4 #hbg ,see ,herodotus ,,ii #afe-g1 cf #ada1 ,strabo ,,xv #a #dj 7p #gjd71 #cd 7p #gja71 #ed 7p #gaj71 cf ,diodorus ,,ii #dj-a1 ,arrian ,indica #aj #h1 #i4 ,the references to slave-traffic in the ,periplus maris ,erythraei do not really imply existence of a slave-system in ,india4 ,see ,rapson ,ancient ,india p #ig4 ,much of interest in ,sir ,j ,d ,rees1 ,the real ,india1 on the ,land-system etc4 ,in ,the early history of ,india by ,v ,a ,smith the existence of slavery in ,india is maintained4 #hbh ,see ,dionysius ,,ii #bh1 cf #h1 #i4 #hbi ,the operae referred to in the ,african inscriptions4 #hcj ,it is possible to see a beginning of this system in the tenancy-on-shares 7the colonia partiaria7 which we find not only in ,italy but in ,africa as a recognized plan4 #hca ,this is the view of ,rostowzew ,rm ,colonat p #cig4 #hcb ,hor ,sat ,,ii #g #bc1 ,epist ,,ii #a #aci-dj4 #hcc ,hor ,odes ,i #ab4 #hcd ,odes ,,ii #ae1 #ah1 ,sat ,,ii #f #f-ae4 #hce ,odes ,,iii #f4 #hcf ,odes ,,iii #e4 ,see above pp #aci-dj4 #hcg ,odes ,,iii #a redemptor cum famulis4 #hch ,odes ,,ii #c1 ,epist ,,ii #b #agg-h4 #hci ,odes ,i #a1 ,,ii #af1 ,,iii #af4 #hdj ,odes ,i #a patrios 444 agros1 ,epode ,,ii #c paterna rura bobus exercet suis4 #hda ,epode ,,iv #ac arat ,falerni mille fundi iugera1 etc4 #hdb ,odes ,,iii #af quicquid arat impiger ,apulus4 #hdc ,epode ,,ii #ci foll4 #hdd ,a fact recognized by ,horace himself in lines #ad-af of ,odes ,,iii #d1 and ,sat ,i #e lines #gg foll4 #hde ,odes ,i #ce pauper 444 ruris colonus1 ,,ii #ad inopes coloni4 ,sat ,,ii #b #aae1 where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military pensioner is judiciously ignored4 ,see below4 #hdf ,these coloni of course owned their farms2 that is1 were domini4 ,odes ,,iii #d lines #cg-h1 ,sat ,,ii #f #ee-f4 #hdg ,odes ,i #a mercator 444 indocilis pauperiem pati1 cf ,,iii #b4 #hdh ,so ,cicero's estate at ,arpinum is spoken of ad ,att ,,xiii #i #b as praediola and was perhaps let in the same way4 #hdi ,cf ,seneca epist #dg #ad1 #hf #ad4 #hej ,the ownership of the slaves is another matter1 for in letting farms the dominus often supplied the slaves4 ,see ,index1 instrumentum4 #hea ,i find that ,mr ,warde ,fowler1 ,the death of ,turnus p #aje1 also takes this view4 ,but he understands pater to imply that the man brought up a family1 which ,i do not4 ,i agree that it gives the idea of headship of a household4 #heb ,italische ,landeskunde ,,ii p #fae4 #hec ,the description of such an agellus in ,plin epist ,i #bd illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently4 #hed ,tibullus ,,ii #a #ea agricola adsiduo 444 satiatus aratro4 #hee ,tibullus ,,ii #f #be-f4 #hef ,ovid fasti ,i #bjg1 ,,iii #ggi-hb1 ,,iv #fic-d4 #heg ,ovid metam ,i #ace-f1 ,manilius ,i #gc-d4 #heh ,vitruvius ,,ii #a4 #hei ,i cannot accept ,prof4 ,richmond's view 7,inaugural lecture #aiai p #be7 of the ,georgics as #8concerned with every side of husbandry4' #hfj ,whether ,vergil suffered two expulsions1 and what is the chronological order of eclogues ,i and ,,ix1 are questions that do not affect my inquiry4 #hfa ,pliny epist ,,iii #aj #g4 #hfb ,aen ,,vii #fda-hag1 ,,ix #fjc-ac4 #hfc e4g4 ,aen ,,vi #fac4 #hfd ,ellis on ,catullus ,,xxiii #a4 #hfe ,see page #bag4 #hff ,sueton ,vespas ,i4 #hfg ,keightley includes ,mago1 whether rightly or not ,i am not sure4 ,conington's ,introduction treats this matter fully4 #hfh ,the futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary language 7diserte7 is commented on by ,palladius #dth cent ,,ad in his opening sentences4 ,he has been thought to have in view ,columella1 who by the by is ,vergil's great admirer4 ,i cannot accept the views of ,daubeny in his ,lectures pp #c-e4 ,it is possible that the use of fire in improving land may be a bit of ,vergil's own advice1 but ,i doubt it4 ,see ,daubeny pp #ia-d1 georg ,i #hd foll4 #hfi ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schr p #dhh describing the hopeless task of ,augustus in attempting the moral and physical regeneration of ,italy makes the general remark #8,nur an die hheren ,stnde1 nur an die ,elite1 konnte ,augustus sich wenden4' ,this is a true picture of the situation as a whole4 ,to have to begin building at the top was fatal4 #hgj ,most clearly stated in ,columella ,i #g4 #hga ,for coloni of ,cicero's time see ,,ii in ,verr ,,iii #ee1 pro ,caecina #id1 pro ,cluent #age1 #ahb4 ,the references in ,horace are given below4 ,that letting to tenants was practised about #ajj ,,bc or earlier1 appears certain from the reference to ,saserna's opinion on this policy in ,columella ,i #g #d4 #hgb ,velleius ,,ii #hh1 and many passages in ,seneca and other authors4 #hgc ,dion ,cass ,,lii #bg-h4 #hgd ,compare ,suet ,aug #da for the ,emperor's actual policy4 ,it seems that the influx of specie captured at ,alexandria sent the rate of interest down and the price of land up4 #hge ,this is admirably dealt with in ,sellar's ,virgil1 and need not be reproduced here4 #hgf ,mr ,t ,r ,glover1 ,virgil p #ad1 reminds us that the poet's father is said to have done some business in timber at one time4 #hgg ,when ,cicero de orat ,,iii #df credits messores with a rustic brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves4 #hgh ,as in ,lucan ,,vii #djb vincto fossore4 #hgi ,varro ,,rr ,,ii #aj4 #hhj ,see ,varro ,,rr ,,ii #b #bj1 #e #ah1 #g #af1 even for treatment of homines #aj #aj4 ,written books of prescriptions were provided4 #hha ,georg ,,iii #eae-cj4 #hhb tristis suggests the owner4 ,a slave was not likely to care4 #hhc ,in ,sellar's ,virgil chapter ,,vi #e there is an excellent treatment of this episode1 with a discussion of ,v's relation to ,lucretius and a most apposite quotation from ,g ,sand4 #hhd ,varro ,,ii #e #d1 ,columella ,,vi praef #g1 ,plin ,,nh ,,viii #ahj4 #hhe ,the molle atque facetum attributed to ,v by ,horace is ,i think rightly explained by ,quintilian ,,vi #c #bj1 and amounts to easy and fastidious taste1 of course the result of careful revision1 his practice of which is attested in the ,suetonian biography4 #hhf ,so ,tibullus ,,ii #a #da-b4 #hhg ,cf ,cic de off ,i #da1 #aej1 passages in which the growth of the technical sense is seen4 #hhh ,see the interesting story of the bee-farm in ,varro ,,rr ,,iii #af #aj1 #aa4 #hhi ,pliny ,,nh ,,xix #ej-a4 #hij ,,ii #dab-c laudato ingentia rura1 exiguum colito4 ,not found in surviving text of ,cato4 #hia ,,ii #ecb4 #hib ,i #abe-h1 ,,ii #ccf-db4 #hic ,,ii #acf-gf4 #hid ,dionys ,hal ,i #cf-g1 ,strabo ,,vi #d #a1 p #bhf1 ,varro ,,rr ,i #b #a-g4 #hie ,horace ,odes ,,iv #e1 #ae1 published about #ad ,,bc4 ,so ,martial ,v #d declares that ,domitian has made ,rome pudica4 #hif ,sueton ,aug #cb 7cf ,tib #h71 and the elder ,seneca contr ,x #d #ah4 ,even in the second century ,,ad1 ,spart ,hadr #ah #i ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit4 ,perhaps the ergastula in ,columella ,i #c #ab refer to the same practice4 #hig ,h ,blmner in ,mller's ,handbuch ,,iv #b #b p #edc says that ,varro does not refer to the ,kolonat als ,pacht4 ,but that sense seems clearly implied in ,i #b #ag1 ,,ii #c #d in lege locationis fundi4 ,in ,i #af #d it surely includes tenants1 even if the application is more general4 ,in ,,ii praef #e colonus is simply arator1 opposed to pastor4 #hih ,columella ,i #g4 #hii ,pliny epist ,,iii #ai1 ,,ix #cg4 #ijj ,this reminds us of ,varro's words1 speaking 7,i #ag #b7 of free workers 444 cum ipsi colunt1 ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie4 #ija ,cf ,tibullus ,,ii #a #bc turbaque vernarum saturi bona signa coloni4 #ijb ,see above1 p #baf4 #ijc ,hor epist ,i #ad #ci1 cf ,,ii #b #ahd-f4 #ijd ,hor ,sat ,i #c #ii foll1 where animalia seems to mean little more than homines4 #ije ,hor ,sat ,,ii #f #ee-f1 ,odes ,,iii #d #cg-dj4 #ijf ,the one reference to the assignations ,g ,,ii #aih only speaks of the misfortune of ,mantua1 not of his own4 #ijg ,hor ,epist ,i #af #fi-gb4 #ijh ,hor ,sat ,i #a #bh1 #cb4 #iji ,for the story of the 7freedman's offering7 sent yearly by ,maecenas to ,augustus as a recognition of his restoration of ,roman freedom1 see ,gardthausen ,augustus ,,vii #g and notes4 #iaj ,monum ,ancyr ed ,mommsen1 ,i #af-i1 ,,iii #bb-h4 #iaa ,tacitus ann ,,xiv #ec4 #iab ,gardthausen ,augustus ,,vii #g1 pp #gfh-i4 ,he quotes ,schol ad ,juvenal ,v #c 7,maecenas7 ad quem sectio bonorum ,favoni pertinuerat4 #iac ,varro ,,rr ,i #ag1 a notable chapter4 #iad ,livy ,,vi #ab1 ,,vii #be4 #iae ,plin ,,nh ,,xxxvii #bja-c4 #iaf ,augustus ,,vi #c1 p #edg4 #iag ,macrob ,sat ,i #aa #bb4 #iah ,dion ,cass ,,xlviii #f #c4 #iai ,the words of ,donatus 7after ,suetonius7 in his life of ,vergil4 ,reifferscheid's ,suetonius p #ei4 #ibj ,keightley 7#ahdf7 says the same4 #iba ,with much respect and regret1 ,i cannot accept the views of ,prof ,conway in his inaugural lecture of #aijc4 #ibb ,the absence of reference to ,cicero has of course been noted4 ,but this was general in the ,augustan age4 #ibc ,seneca epist #hf #ae4 #ibd ,seneca controversiae ,,ii #a #bf4 #ibe ,seneca excerpt contr ,v #e #ibf ,compare the reference to unruly servorum agmina in ,calabria1 ,tac ann ,,xii #fe1 in the time of ,claudius4 #ibg ,seneca excerpt contr ,,vi #b4 #ibh ,seneca contr ,,ii #a #e4 #ibi ,seneca contr ,,vii #f #ah4 #icj ,seneca contr ,x #d #ah solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum ergastulis excolunt4 ,see above p #bcc and below on ,columella p #bfc4 #ica ,seneca contr ,,vii #f #ag1 cf ,plut ,cat mai #bd4 #icb ,val ,max ,,iv #d #f4 #icc ,val ,max ,,iv #c #e1 cf #d #g1 #h #a4 #icd ,val ,max ,,vii #e #b4 #ice ,phaedr ,,iv #e1 ,,ii #h4 #icf ,such as ,polybius the influential freedman of ,claudius1 to whom ,seneca addressed a consolatio4 #icg ,epist #gg #g is a notable passage4 #ich ,cf de benef ,,iii #bf4 #ici ,as by the younger ,pliny paneg #db on ,trajan4 #idj de benef ,v #ah #b1 #ai #a1 ,,vii #d #d4 #ida de clement ,i #ah1 nat quaest ,i #af #a4 #idb de benef ,,iii #bb #a1 cf ,athenaeus #bgf b4 #idc de benef ,v #ai #i1 epist #ab #c4 #idd de constant 7ad ,serenum7 #e #a4 #ide epist #dg #ad4 #idf epist #ij #bg1 artificem vides vitae etc4 #idg epist #fe #f4 #idh epist #hh #ba4 ,the contrast of liberalis and sordidus often occurs4 #idi epist #ij #ae4 #iej epist #dd #c aquam traxit et rigando horto locavit manus4 #iea epist #aad #bf quot millia colonorum arent fodiant 444 etc4 #ieb epist #abc #b non habet panem meus pistor3 sed habet vilicus1 sed habet atriensis1 sed habet colonus4 atriensis head of domestics1 porter or butler4 #iec de benef ,,vi #d #d colonum suum non tenet1 quamvis tabellis manentibus1 qui segetem eius proculcavit1 qui succidit arbusta1 non quia recepit quod pepigerat sed quia ne reciperet effecit4 ,sic debitori suo creditor saepe damnatur1 ubi plus ex alia causa abstulit quam ex crediti petit4 #ied ,the pactum implied in pepigerat4 #iee de benef ,,vii #e #b1 #c1 conduxi domum a te2 in hac aliquid tuum est1 aliquid meum2 res tua est1 usus rei tuae meus est4 itaque nec fructus tanges colono tuo prohibente1 quamvis in tua possessione nascantur 444 nec conductum meum1 quamquam sis dominus1 intrabis1 nec servum tuum1 mercennarium meum1 abduces 444 etc4 ,see the chapter on the ,jurists of the ,digest4 #ief epist #ij #ci licet itaque nunc conetur reparare quod perdidit1 licet agros agris adiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel iniuria1 licet in provinciarum spatium rura dilatet et possessionem vocet per sua longam peregrinationem 444 etc4 ,for iniuria cf ,columella ,i #c #f1 #g4 ,the violent expulsion of poor farmers by the rich is an old topic4 ,cf ,sallust ,iug #da #h1 ,appian civ ,i #g #e and see index4 #ieg epist #hg #g quia in omnibus provinciis arat 444 quia tantum suburbani agri possidet quantum invidiose in desertis ,apuliae possideret4 #ieh de ira ,,iii #bi #a4 #iei ,lucan ,,vii #chg-dci4 #ifj vincto fossore coluntur ,hesperiae vegetes4 #ifa ,i #aeh-hb4 #ifb longa sub ignotis extendere rura colonis4 ,cf ,seneca de vita beata #ag #b cur trans mare possides8 cur plura quam nosti8 and ,petron #cg4 #ifc ,,vi #aeb o famuli turpes1 servum pecus4 #ifd ,calpurn ecl ,,iv #aah4 #ife ,petron #cg fundos habet qua milvi volant4 ,a proverbial phrase1 cf ,persius ,,iv #bf dives arat 444 quantum non milvus oberret1 ,juvenal ,,ix #ee4 #iff ,petron #ec4 #ifg edicta aedilium4 #ifh saltuariorum testamenta4 ,they were evidently slaves and could only make wills by leave of their owner4 ,see ,dig ,,xxxiii #g #ab4 #ifi ,many times referred to in the book4 #igj ,i #c #h-ac4 #iga ,cf ,plin epist ,,iii #ai #b pulchritudo iungendi1 and ,mayor's note4 ,petron #gg4 #igb ,i #c #f1 #g1 where he even refers to a very disobliging neighbour of his own estate4 #igc ,i #a #bj longinqua ne dicam transmarina rura 444 etc4 #igd ,i praef #ac-ae1 ,,xii praef #h-aj4 #ige ,i praef #ab4 #igf ,i #g passim4 #igg ,if we are to hold that opus here refers only to work on the particular farm hired by the tenant1 ,i presume it includes improvements1 as in ,digest ,,xix #b #bd4 #igh remissionem petere non audet4 #igi felicissimum fundum esse qui colonos indigenas haberet et tamquam in paterna possessione natos iam inde a cunabulis longa familiaritate retineret4 #ihj urbanum colonum1 qui per familiam mavult agrum quam per se colere4 #iha rusticos et eosdem adsiduos colonos4 #ihb in his regionibus quae gravitate caeli solique sterilitate vastantur4 ,cf ,i #e #e1 gravibus1 and ,varro ,i #ag #b4 #ihc ,by ,h4 ,blmner in ,mller's ,handbuch4 ,so also ,gummerus in ,klio #aijf pp #he-f4 #ihd domini praesentia cariturum4 #ihe ,dig ,,xxxiii #g #be1 ,,xix #b #bd1 #be4 #ihf ,m ,weber ,rm ,agrargeschichte p #bdd4 ,of course opus is a general term1 not technical as operae 7 labour units7 often is4 ,see ,vinogradoff ,growth of the ,manor note #id on p #aaj4 ,from ,horace epist ,i #a #ba opus debentibus ,i can get no help4 #ihg ,see below1 in the chapter on the ,african inscriptions4 #ihh ,caesar civ ,i #cd1 #ef4 #ihi ,wallon1 ,esclavage ,,ii #ii1 #ajj1 refers to the long leasing of municipal estates1 held in virtual perpetuity so long as the rent was paid4 ,he cites ,gaius ,,iii #ade4 ,so too estates of temples1 and later of the fiscus4 #iij ,wallon ,,ii #abj1 cf ,digest ,,xxxiii #g #ai1 an opinion of ,paulus4 ,it seems to be a sort of mtayer system4 ,see index4 #iia ,but such as the imbecilli cultores of ,plin epist ,,iii #ai #f4 #iib ,see case referred to by ,paulus in ,digest ,,xxxi #hf4 #iic ,i praef #ab ex mercennariis aliquem4 ,in ,,ii #b #ab operarum vilitas1 and ,,iv #f #c operarum paenuria1 ,,iii #ba #aj plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere1 the hands hired may be slaves4 #iid ,of course not necessarily agricultural1 in fact generally not4 ,see my article in ,journal of ,roman ,studies #aiah1 and ,index under ,emigration4 #iie ,very different from the small farmers of old time1 who were owners4 #iif ,see for instance ,digest ,,xxxiii #g #ah1 and #bj1 opinions of ,scaevola4 #iig ,i #h and ,,xi #a4 #iih ,i #h #a-c1 ,,xi #a #c1 #d1 #g4 #iii ,i #h #c1 #d1 where he says that a man who learns how to do things ab subiecto is not fitted opus exigere4 ,,xi #a #i-ac is not inconsistent with this1 but lays more stress on the necessity of training the vilicus4 #ajjj ,i #h #e contubernalis mulier4 ,she is to be vilica1 cf ,,xii #a #a1 #b4 ,apuleius met ,,viii #bb4 #ajja eidemque actori him in his capacity of actor4 ,cf ,,xi #a #ac1 #ai4 ,see ,index1 actor4 #ajjb ,i #h #f1 #g1 ,,xi #a #bb-c4 #ajjc nisi ut addiscat aliquam culturam4 ,he is in a sense colonus1 and hence his sphere of duty is called colonia in ,,xi #a #bc4 ,in ,i #d #d1 #e the value of experiments is recognized4 #ajjd ,i #h #h1 ,,xi #a #bj-a4 #ajje ,i #h #i1 ,,xi #a #ba4 #ajjf ,i #h #aj animi1 quantum servile patitur ingenium1 virtutibus instructus4 #ajjg ,i #h #aj1 ,,xi #a #be4 #ajjh ,i #h #aa operis exactio1 ut iusta reddantur1 ut vilicus semper se repraesentet1 ,,xi #a #be-f4 #ajji magistri singulorum officiorum1 ,,xi #a #bg4 #ajaj ,i #h #ab1 ,,xi #a #bc4 #ajaa ,i #h #ac1 ,,xi #a #bd4 #ajab ,i #h #ac-d1 ,,xi #a #bg-cj4 #ajac ,in ,,xi #a #d foll this notion is1 with citation of ,xenophon1 repudiated1 and the need of training a steward emphasized4 #ajad ,in ,,xi #a #d he cites a saying of ,cato1 male agitur cum domino quem vilicus docet4 #ajae ,i #h #ae4 #ajaf ,i #h #af ut ergastuli mancipia recognoscant 444 etc4 ,in ,,xi #a #bb this appears as part of the steward's daily duty4 #ajag ,i #h #ag-h quanto et pluribus subiecti1 ut vilicis ut operum magistris ut ergastulariis1 magis obnoxii perpetiendis iniuriis1 et rursus saevitia atque avaritia laesi magis timendi sunt4 #ajah an ex sua constitutione iusta percipiant4 sua the scale allowed by himself as dominus4 #ajai ,i #h #ai4 #ajbj multum confert augendo patrimonio4 #ajba ,i #i #a-f4 ,cf ,,xi #a #h1 #i4 #ajbb mediastinus4 #ajbc ,cf ,dig ,,xxxiii #g #h pr4 #ajbd vineta plurimum per alligatos excoluntur4 #ajbe ne confundantur opera familiae1 sic ut omnes omnia exequantur4 #ajbf ,i #i #g1 #h4 #ajbg ,,vi #b #ae pecoris operarii 7the very word also used labourer71 #c #c iumentis iusta operum reddentibus4 #ajbh ,,xi #a #ah more optimi pastoris 444 idem quod ille diligens opilio4 #ajbi valetudinarium ,,xi #a #ah1 ,,xii #a #f1 #c #g1 #h4 #ajcj ,,iv #c #a quosdam emacitas in armentis1 quosdam exercet in comparandis mancipiis2 de tuendis nulla cura tangit4 ,cf ,i #d #g4 #ajca ,,xii #c especially #a1 #h1 cf praef #i4 ,he refers to ,xenophon4 #ajcb ,,viii #aa #b tamquam servitio liberatae1 also #ab and #ae #g parere cunctantur in servitute4 #ajcc ,i #f #c vinctis quam saluberrimum subterraneum ergastulum1 plurimis idque angustis illustratum fenestris atque a terra sic editis ne manu contingi possint4 ,cf ,,xi #a #bb4 #ajcd ,i #f #ai rusticis balneis4 #ajce ,i #c #ab our land-grabbers scorn moderation and buy up fines gentium so vast that they cannot even ride round them sed proculcandos pecudibus et vastandos feris derelinquunt1 aut occupatos nexu civium et ergastulis tenent4 ,schneider explains nexu etc as civibus ob aes alienum nexis4 ,surely at this date it cannot be used in the strictly technical sense4 ,see p #bfi4 #ajcf ,like the obaerarii or obaerati of ,varro ,i #ag #b4 ,see on that passage p #ahj4 #ajcg suppressio4 ,see ,index4 #ajch ,,viii #b #g anus sedula may serve as custos vagantium4 #ajci ,,vi praef #d4 #ajdj ,i #h #e1 #g #g1 but in ,,xii #c #f for instance actores are not vilici4 ,schneider4 #ajda ,see ,cic de oratore ,i #bdi1 pro ,tullio #ag4 #ajdb ,i #f #bc4 #ajdc ,i #f #g procuratori supra ianuam ob easdem causas3 et is tamen vilicum observet ex vicino4 ,cf ,plin epist ,,iii #ai #b4 #ajdd ,in ,columella's time4 ,at a later date this could hardly be said1 as the position of coloni became worse4 #ajde ,,iii #ac #ab1 #ac4 ,cf ,dig ,,xliii #bd #ae4 #ajdf ,a good instance in ,pliny ,,nh ,,xiv #di1 #ej4 #ajdg ,,iii #ba #aj 7of hurry resulting from want of forethought7 cogitque plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere4 #ajdh ,,iii #c #h4 #ajdi ,i praef #a1 #b1 ,,ii #a4 ,cf ,,iii #c #d with ,varro ,i #dd #a4 #ajej ,i #c #i nec dubium quin mimis reddat laxus ager non recte cultus quam angustus eximie1 ,,iv #c #f4 #ajea ,for milk-delivery see ,calpurnius ecl ,,iv #be-f et lac venale per urbem non tacitus porta4 ,for cheese ,verg ,g ,,iii #djb4 #ajeb ,,vi praef #c-e4 #ajec ,also bee-keeping4 #ajed ,,viii #aj #c1 #d4 #ajee quia nec parvo conducuntur qui mandant 444 etc4 #ajef ,,ii #i #ad1 #af4 #ajeg siligo1 ,,ii #f #b1 #i #ac4 #ajeh ,i #f #i-ag4 #ajei ,,ii #bj #f frumenta1 si in annos reconduntur1 444 sin protinus usui destinantur 444 etc4 #ajfj ,i #b #c4 #ajfa ,as ,plutarch ,c ,gracc #g says s4 #ajfb ,i #e #f1 #g4 #ajfc ,i #c #c1 #d4 #ajfd ,,ii #ac #g consummatio operarum4 #ajfe ,,ii #ba #aj4 #ajff ,i praef #ab1 ,,xi #a #ab4 #ajfg ,i praef #ag 7of the non-urban population in old times7 qui rura colerent administrarentve opera colonorum4 ,the last three words are not in some ,,mss4 #ajfh ,i #d #d1 ,verg ,g ,i #ea-c4 #ajfi ,so the ,greeks often refer to ,homer as ,the ,poet4 #ajgj verissimo vati velut oraculo4 #ajga ,verg ,g ,,iv #aaf foll4 #ajgb ,quintil ,x #a #df-aca1 especially #he-f4 #ajgc ,see ,tacitus ,germ #da on the exceptionally favourable treatment of the ,hermunduri1 with ,schweitzer-,sidler's notes4 #ajgd ,seneca ad ,helviam #g #g refers to the colonies sent out to the provinces in earlier times1 and is rhetorically exaggerated4 #ajge ,cf ,nissen ,italische ,landeskunde vol ,,ii pp #abh-cj4 #ajgf ,a notable utterance on this topic is ,seneca ad ,helviam #f #b1 #c4 ,see ,mayor's notes on ,juvenal ,,iii #eh foll4 #ajgg ,see ,tacitus ,germ #bi for interesting matter bearing on these points4 #ajgh ,the numerous references need not be given here4 ,they can be found in ,h4 ,schiller's ,geschichte der ,rmischen ,kaiserzeit4 #ajgi ,schiller ,i #eae1 #ecd4 ,see ,hyginus gromat ,i p #acc1 ,frontinus ibid pp #ec-d1 and the rescript of ,domitian in ,girard1 textes part ,i ch #d #e4 ,suetonius ,dom #i4 #ajhj ,domitian also made ordinances forbidding new vineyards in ,italy and enjoining the destruction of those in the ,provinces4 ,but these were not carried out4 ,schiller ,i #ecc4 ,suet ,dom #g1 #ad1 ,stat silv ,,iv #c #aa-ab4 #ajha ,schiller ,i #edj4 #ajhb ,plin paneg #bf-h4 #ajhc ,schiller ,i #eff1 #fbc1 #fcj1 #fef4 #ajhd ,schiller ,i #eff4 #ajhe ,capitolinus ,m ,aurel ,,ii #g4 ,the text is in some doubt4 #ajhf ,schiller ,i #fea4 #ajhg ,schiller ,i #eff4 ,plin epist ,,vi #ai depicts the situation fully4 ,the aim was to make them feel ,italy their patria4 ,see the jealousy of rich ,provincials shewn by senators1 ,tac ,ann ,,xi #bc4 #ajhh ,schiller ,i #fef4 #ajhi ,the remarkable community of ,lamasba is referred to below in a note after chapter ,,xxxvii4 #ajij ,the locus classicus on emigrant ,romans is ,cic pro ,fonteio #aa-ac1 which belongs to #fi ,,bc4 ,cf ,sallust ,iug #ba1 #bf1 #dg4 #ajia ,that is1 allottees of land distributed viritim4 #ajib ,inscription1 ,dessau #accd1 ,,cil ,,viii #aeded4 #ajic ,dessau #fgij4 #ajid ,victor de viris illustribus #gc #a1 cf #e4 #ajie ,cf ,appian civ ,i #bi #b4 #ajif ,bellum ,afr #cb1 #ce1 #ef1 ,dion ,cass ,,xliii #d #b4 #ajig ,for details of his life see ,mayor on ,pliny epp ,,iii #aa4 ,cf ,ritter and ,preller hist ,philos1 ,champagny ,les ,csars ,,iv #a #a4 #ajih ,preserved by ,stobaeus flor ,,lvi #ah4 ,it is in ,greek1 the classic language of ,philosophy1 as the ,meditations of ,marcus ,aurelius1 etc4 #ajii 1 a means of livelihood4 #aajj 4 #aaja 4 #aajb 4 #aajc 4 #aajd 4 #aaje ,these are stock instances of happiness in rustic life4 ,for references see notes in ,frazer's ,pausanias ,,viii #bd #ac1 ,x #bd #a4 #aajf 4 #aajg 4 #aajh ,he was in command of the fleet at ,misenum in #gi ,,ad when the great eruption of ,vesuvius took place4 ,he persisted in approaching it1 and met his death4 ,the family belonged to the colony of ,novum ,comum in ,transpadane ,gaul1 now part of ,italy4 #aaji ,,nh ,,xviii #a-e4 #aaaj ,,nh ,,xviii #g1 #ah1 #bj4 #aaaa ,,nh ,,xviii #ai1 #ba1 #cf4 #aaab ,,nh ,,xviii #ce4 #aaac ,,nh ,,xviii #bg-h4 #aaad ,,nh ,,xviii #cb4 #aaae ,,nh ,,xviii #ce4 #aaaf ,,nh ,,viii #ahj4 ,in ,aelian var hist this is recorded 7,v #ad7 as an old rule in ,attica4 #aaag ,,nh ,,xviii #cf4 #aaah ,,nh ,,xix #fj octo iugerum operis palari iustum est is a good instance4 ,this verb palare to dig should be added to dictionaries4 #aaai ,,nh ,,xviii #cg-h4 #aabj agros 444 coemendo colendoque in gloriam4 #aaba ,so ,tiberius in ,tac ann ,,iii #ed4 #aabb ,tac hist ,,iii #h ,aegyptus1 claustra annonae4 #aabc ,,nh ,,xviii #ae foll4 #aabd ibid #ag nec e latifundiis singulorum contingebat arcentium vicinos4 #aabe ,,nh ,,xviii #bd4 #aabf ,,nh ,,xix #ej-a4 #aabg ,,nh ,,xviii #ab4 #aabh ,,nh ,,xviii #aa1 #bf4 #aabi ,,nh ,,xiv #di1 #ej4 #aacj ,,nh ,,xiv #dh4 #aaca ,such as the agricola strenuus depicted in the letter of ,marcus to ,fronto 7p #bi ,naber71 who has omnia ad usum magis quam ad voluptatem4 #aacb ,,nh ,,xviii #bgc-d4 ,aristotle ,politics ,i #aa4 #aacc ,,nh ,,xviii #agd4 #aacd ,,nh ,,xviii #agh 444 transverso monte4 #aace certe sine hoc animali montanae gentes sarculis arant4 #aacf ,,nh ,,xxxiii #bf-g4 #aacg aliter apud antiquos singuli ,marcipores ,luciporesve dominorum gentiles omnem victum in promiscuo habebant4 #aach ,,nh ,,xviii #cf coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est1 et quicquid agitur a desperantibus4 #aaci ,,nh ,,xxxvii #bja-c4 #aadj principatum naturae optinet 444 viris feminis ducibus militibus servitiis 444 etc4 #aada servorum exercitio4 #aadb ,,nh ,,xviii #aa4 #aadc ,,nh ,,viii #ahj tamquam colono suo interempto4 #aadd ,,nh ,,xviii #afg coloni vice fungens4 #aade ,,nh ,,xviii #ch praeterquam subole suo colono aut pascendis alioqui colente domino aliquas messis colligere non expedit1 si computetur impendium operae4 #aadf ,in ,,nh ,,xviii #abj he cites ,vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the ,po country4 ,pliny as a ,transpadane may have been prejudiced in ,vergil's favour and possibly jealous of the ,spanish ,columella4 #aadg ,in ,,nh ,,xviii #agj he cites ,verg ,g ,i #ec1 calling it oraculum illud1 but with a textual slip4 #aadh ,,nh ,,xviii #gj4 #aadi ,the passing mention in ,annals ,,xvi #ac of the great mortality among the servitia and ingenua plebes in the plague of #fe ,,ad is a good specimen4 ,the two classes are often thus spoken of together4 ,cf ,sueton ,claud #bb1 ,nero #bb4 #aaej ,annals ,,iii #ed4 #aaea ,this policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period4 ,see ,spart ,severus #h #e1 #bc #b4 #aaeb ,annals ,,iv #bg4 #aaec ,annals ,,iv #f infecunditati terrarum4 #aaed ,annals ,,vi #af1 #ag4 ,caesar's law is described as de modo credendi possidendique intra ,italiam4 ,nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law of ,,bc #di1 but must be an unknown law1 not of temporary effect4 ,see his note4 #aaee ,nipperdey's restoration of this sentence with the help of ,suet ,tib #dh seems to me quite certain4 #aaef si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset4 ,the precedent of ,augustus is mentioned in ,sueton ,aug #da4 #aaeg ,see ,cicero in ,catil ,,ii #ah4 #aaeh ,see the case of ,sittius in ,cic pro ,sulla #ef-i4 ,such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later ,empire4 #aaei trepidique patres 7neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus7 444 etc4 #aafj ,germ #bf4 #aafa ,see ,schweitzer-,sidler's notes1 and cf the remarks of ,caesar ,,bg ,,iv #a1 ,,vi #bb4 #aafb ,see ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #bei and ,conington's notes on ,verg ,g ,i #ga-hc4 ,varro ,i #dd #c4 #aafc ,germ #bd4 #aafd servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt1 ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant4 #aafe ,germ #be frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit1 et servus hactenus paret4 ,the colonus here is clearly a tenant1 his ,german analogue a serf4 #aaff ,agricola #bh4 #aafg per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos4 #aafh ,,cil ,,viii #ahehg1 ,ephem epigr ,,vii #ghh1 where it is annotated by ,mommsen and others4 #aafi ,mentioned in two routes of the ,itinerarium ,antoninum4 #aagj ,cf ,gaius ,,ii #g1 #ba1 and below1 note on p #cea4 #aaga ,cf ,digest ,,viii #f #g1 ,,xliii #bj #b1 #e4 #aagb ,see ,marquardt ,stvw #a1 index under ,lamasba4 #aagc ,were they perhaps veterani8 ,that there were a number of these settled in ,africa is attested by ,cod ,th ,,xi #a #bh 7#djj71 cf ,,xii #a #de 7#ceh74 #aagd ,written #ig ,,ad1 under ,nerva4 #aage de aquis #ge4 ,formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered1 ibid #ig4 #aagf de aquis #f4 #aagg de aquis #i4 #aagh de aquis #ajg-aj4 ,but according to ,digest ,,xliii #bj #a 7,ulpian7 the grant was sometimes not personis but praediis1 and so perpetual4 #aagi de aquis #aje1 #aaf-h4 #aahj de aquis #abj1 #abd-h4 #aaha impotentia possessorum4 #aahb holitores as in ,horace epist ,i #ah #cf4 ,later called hortulani as in ,apuleius metam ,,ix #ca-b1 #ci-db4 ,girard1 textes part ,,iii ch #d #a e1 gives an interesting case of a colonus hortorum olitoriorum between ,rome and ,ostia1 belonging to a collegium4 ,the man is probably a freedman4 #aahc de aquis #aab-e4 #aahd de aquis #aa1 cf also #ib4 #aahe ,wilmanns exempla #bhdd-h4 #aahf ,hermes ,,xix pp #cic-daf4 #aahg ,plin epist ,,vii #ah4 #aahh ,mommsen op cit p #daj4 ,see index under instrumentum4 #aahi ,whether we have in ,columella a direct reference to this method is a question ,i have discussed in the chapter on that author4 ,however answered1 it does not affect the present passage4 ,see the chapter on the ,african inscriptions4 #aaij ,see the case cited in the chapter on ,pliny the younger4 #aaia ,by ,h ,blmner in ,mller's ,handbuch ed #c1 ,,iv ii #b p #edd4 #aaib ,mommsen op cit p #daf4 ,see the chapter on evidence from the ,digest4 #aaic ,mommsen op cit p #dab4 #aaid ,digest ,,xxxiii #g #bj non fide dominica sed mercede4 ibid #ab qui quasi colonus in agro erat4 #aaie ,dig ,,xxxiii #g #bj praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore4 ,cf also ,,xl #g #dj4 #aaif ,dig ,,xxxiii #g #bj4 #aaig ,but that uxor was sometimes loosely used of a slave's contubernalis is true4 ,wallon ,,ii #bjg1 cf ,paulus ,sent ,,iii #f #ch1 #dj1 ,dig ,,xxxiii #g #ab14 #aaih ,mommsen op cit p #dji4 #aaii ,columella ,i #i #d4 #abjj ,plut de defectu oraculorum #h4 #abja oratio ,,vii1 ,euboicus seu venator4 #abjb ,a contemporary of the younger ,pliny1 flourished about #ajj ,,ad4 #abjc ,i think ,nero is meant here4 #abjd ,mahaffy1 ,silver ,age p #cbi1 thinks ,carystos is meant1 though it might be ,chalcis4 #abje 4 ,this passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists1 which the single artisan was unable to face4 ,the admission is so far as ,i know very rare in ancient writers4 ,that ,dion's mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general1 is shewn by ,orations ,x1 ,,xiv1 ,,xv1 and many scattered references elsewhere4 #abjf ,see the chapter on ,musonius4 #abjg ,as in ,archbishop ,trench's charming ,lectures on ,plutarch pp #aj1 #gg foll4 #abjh ,matt #ba #bh-cj4 ,i cannot feel sure of this general inference4 #abji ,matt #ba #cc-da1 ,mar #ab #a-i1 ,luk #bj #i-af4 #abaj ,i ,cor #i #g-aj1 ,i ,tim #e #ah1 ,,ii ,tim #b #f4 #abaa ,luk #ab #af-i1 etc4 #abab 1 ,luk #ab #db-h1 #af #a-ab1 ,i ,cor #d #b4 #abac ,aristotle ,econ #a #e #c 4 #abad ,james #e #d4 #abae ,rom #d #d4 #abaf ,matt #bj #a-af4 ,abp ,trench1 ,notes on the ,parables1 has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations4 #abag ,matt #f #ab1 ,luk #g #da1 #af #e4 #abah ,matt #be #ad-cj1 ,luk #ai #ab-bf4 #abai ,acts #a #ah1 #d #cd-g4 #abbj ,often referred to4 ,see ,friedlnder's index under ,nomentanus1 and cf ,,viii #fa1 ,,ix #ah1 #ig4 #abba ,i #ee1 ,x #dh4 #abbb ,,iii #dg etc4 ,cf ,,vii #ca1 ,,xii #gb4 #abbc ,,ii #aa nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit4 ,this may imply that the vilicus was a servus quasi colonus liable to a rent and in arrears4 ,see notes pp #bii1 #caa4 ,but ,i do not venture to draw this inference4 #abbd ,,vii #ca4 #abbe ,x #hg4 ,cf ,juv ,,iv #be-f1 ,digest ,,xxxii #ii1 ,,xxxiii #g #ab11 etc4 #abbf ,,xii #ei4 #abbg ,,iv #ff4 #abbh ,,vi #gc1 ,x #ib4 #abbi ,,ix #b haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat4 #abcj ,,xii #eg4 #abca ,v #ce1 ,x #ad1 etc4 #abcb ,plin ,,nh ,,xviii #ce4 #abcc ,,ix #ce4 #abcd ,see ,juv ,,xiv #bfg-cjb on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce4 #abce ,,iii #eh4 #abcf ,,iii #dg4 #abcg dona matrum #8presents from their mothers4' ,eggs1 ,i think4 ,cf ,,vii #ca and ,juv ,,xi #gj-a4 ,the conjecture ova matrum 7,paley7 is good4 #abch ,the story of the ,usipian deserters who found their way back into ,roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of #hc ,,ad4 ,tac ,agr #bh4 ,see the chapter on ,tacitus4 #abci ,,vii #hj4 #abdj ,x #cj1 of a charming seaside villa at ,formiae4 o ianitores vilicique felices1 dominis parantur ista1 serviunt vobis4 ,in ,dig ,,xxxiii #g #ae we hear of mulier villae custos perpetua4 #abda ,the note of ,mommsen1 ,hermes ,,xix #dab1 deals with the case of servi quasi coloni farming parcels of land1 recognized in the writings of jurists4 ,it seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner's account fide dominica4 ,in the former case they could have a tenant's agreement like the free coloni4 ,in the latter they were only vilici and therefore part of the instrumentum4 ,here ,i think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate4 ,but ,mommsen does not touch the point of manumission4 ,it seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of the dominus1 and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission4 #abdb ,i #ee hoc petit1 esse sui nec magni ruris arator1 sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat4 ,and often4 #abdc ,,vii #cf1 ,,xi #cd4 #abdd ,i #he1 ,x #he4 ,cf ,pliny epist ,,viii #ag4 #abde ,x #fa1 ,,xi #dh4 ,the title de sepulchro violato1 ,dig ,,xlvii #ab1 will illustrate this4 #abdf ,the form ,,hns 7heredem non sequitur7 is common in sepulchral inscriptions4 #abdg ,x #ib4 #abdh ,juv ,,xiv #afa-ga4 #abdi ,,xi #hf-i4 #abej ,,xiv #agi-ha4 #abea ,,xiv #aei-fc4 #abeb ,,ii #gc-d4 #abec ,,xiv #gj-b4 #abed ,,viii #bde foll4 ,for the error in this tradition see ,madvig1 kleine philologische ,schriften ,no #aj4 #abee ,,iii #bbc-i4 #abef ,,vi #bhg-ie1 cf ,,xi #gg-aca4 #abeg ,,xvi #cb-d4 ,see ,hardy on ,plin epist ,x #hf ,b1 ,shuckburgh on ,sueton ,aug #bg1 ,tac hist ,,iii #bd vos1 nisi vincitis1 pagani4 ,this use is common in the ,digest4 #abeh ,,vi #a-ah1 ,,xv #adg-eh4 #abei ,x #cef-ff4 #abfj ,,vii #ahh-i1 ,,ix #ed-e1 etc4 #abfa ,,ix #ei-fb4 #abfb ,,vii #ahh-i1 case of ,quintilian4 #abfc ,,xiv #hf-ie1 #adj foll1 #bgd-e4 ,cf ,x #bbe-f etc4 #abfd ,,xiv #adj-ee1 ,,xvi #cf-i4 ,cf ,seneca epist #ij #ci4 #abfe ,,xi #aea foll4 #abff ,,vi #adi-eb1 ,,ix #ei-fb4 #abfg ,i #ajg-h4 #abfh ,x #cef4 #abfi ,,iii #bbc-i1 bidentis amans4 #abgj ,mart ,,xiv #di exercet melius vinea fossa viros4 #abga ,see his use of ingenuus not fit for hard work1 ,,iii #df1 ,x #dg1 following ,ovid1 and cf the lines to a slave ,,ix #ib4 #abgb ,juv ,,xi #gg-ha4 #abgc ,see epist ,,iv #aj1 ,,vii #af1 #cb1 ,,viii #af4 #abgd ,cf ,martial ,i #aja1 ,,vi #bi4 #abge ,an important limitation1 on which see ,wallon ,,iii #ee4 #abgf ,,vii #aa1 #ad4 #abgg ,,vi #c4 #abgh ,,vi #ai4 #abgi si paenitet te ,italicorum praediorum4 #abhj ,,iii #ai4 #abha sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere4 ,the actores seem to be vilici1 under the newer name4 procurator a much more important person4 ,see paneg #cf for the two as grades in the imperial private service4 ,cf chapter on ,columella p #bfd4 #abhb atriensium1 topiariorum1 fabrorum1 atque etiam venatorii instrumenti4 #abhc sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur4 ,no doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant4 #abhd ,see ,digest ,,xx #b #d1 #g1 for pignora on farms4 #abhe reliqua colonorum4 #abhf sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis3 nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam4 ,i take instruendi as referring to agri just above4 ,the slaves are a normal part of instrumentum fundi4 #abhg hac paenuria colonorum4 ,not the tenants' poverty4 ,cf ,,vii #cj #c4 #abhh sum quidem prope totus in praediis4 #abhi ,daubeny1 ,lectures p #adg1 regards this great variation as normal in modern experience1 and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry4 #abij ,,viii #ae1 ,,ix #bh1 ,,iv #f1 ,x #h #e4 #abia ,,ii #d #c4 #abib querellae rusticorum1 ,v #ad #h1 ,,vii #cj #c1 ,,ix #cf #f4 #abic remissiones1 ,,ix #cg #b1 ,x #h #e4 #abid ,as de ,coulanges remarks pp #ag-h1 ,pliny does not propose to get rid of them1 but to keep them as partiary tenants4 ,they would be in his debt4 ,he uses the expression aeris alieni ,,ix #cg #b4 ,he would have to find instrumentum for them4 #abie ,,ix #bj #b4 #abif ,,ix #af4 #abig ,,ix #bj #b obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt4 #abih ,,ix #cg4 #abii necessitas locandorum praediorum plures annos ordinatura4 #acjj priore lustro4 ,the lustrum or quinquennium was the common term of leases1 and recognized in law books4 ,cf ,digest ,,xii #a #d1 ,,xix #b #bd1 etc4 #acja ut qui iam putent se non sibi parcere4 #acjb si non nummo sed partibus locem1 ac deinde ex meis aliquos operis exactores custodes fructibus ponam4 ,his new tenants would be coloni partiarii4 #acjc ,,viii #b4 #acjd ,v #f #ab4 #acje ,,viii #ag4 #acjf ,,vi #be4 #acjg interceptusne sit a suis an cum suis dubium4 #acjh ,cf ,juvenal ,x #ai-bb4 #acji ,fronto1 when appointed to govern ,asia1 one of the most peaceful ,provinces1 at once looked out for a military officer to deal with latrones4 ,fronto p #afi ,naber4 #acaj ,paul ,ephes #f #e foll1 ,coloss #c #bb foll1 ,i ,pet #b #ah foll4 #acaa ,x #bi1 #cj1 with ,hardy's notes4 #acab ,the first reference to a practice that was common later4 #acac cum haberent condicionis suae conscientiam4 #acad ,on the other hand we hear of free citizens trying to shirk army service earlier than this4 ,cf ,sueton ,aug #bd1 ,tib #h4 #acae ,capitolinus ,marcus #ba #f1 #g4 #acaf ,,vii #ah4 #acag actori publico mancipavi4 ,see chapter on the alimenta of ,trajan's time4 ,references to municipal benefactions are very numerous in the ,digest4 #acah ,as we have seen above1 the tenant coloni employed slave labour4 ,whether they worked with their own hands1 or confined themselves to direction1 probably varied in various cases4 #acai ,sueton ,julius #bf1 #bh4 #acbj ,aug #ba sub lege 444 ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra tricesimum annum liberarentur4 ,see ,shuckburgh's note4 #acba ,aug #cb1 ,tiber #h4 #acbb ,aug #af4 #acbc ,aug #bd4 #acbd ,aug #db quod earum frumentationum fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret4 #acbe ,aug #da usum eius 7pecuniae7 gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent4 #acbf ,claud #be4 #acbg ,nero #ca4 #acbh ,vesp #a4 #acbi mancipem operarum quae ex ,umbria in ,sabinos ad culturam agrorum quotannis commeare soleant4 #accj ,vesp #d ad mangonicos quaestus4 ,hence his nickname mulio1 for which as a sign of indigence cf ,gellius ,,xv #d4 #acca ,domit #g1 #i4 ,see p #bgb4 #accb ,fronto p #add ,naber1 cf ,seneca epist #dd #c4 #accc ,sueton fragm p #bd ,reifferscheid1 ,gellius ,,iii #c4 #accd ,gellius ,v #c4 #acce ,gellius ,,ii #ah4 #accf ,madaura was in the ,numidian part of the ,province1 near the ,gaetulian border4 ,see the ,apologia #bd4 ,oea1 referred to below1 was in the eastern strip1 on the coast4 #accg ,juvenal ,,vii #adh-i nutricula causidicorum ,africa4 #acch ,f ,norden ,apuleius von ,madaura und das ,rmische ,privatrecht 7,teubner #aiab74 #acci ,metamorphoses ,,viii #bd4 ,see ,norden's remarks pp #hc-d4 #acdj ,see for instance ,metam ,,iv #i1 ,,vi #ca1 ,,vii #d1 #i4 #acda ,metam ,,ix #ci-db4 #acdb ,it seems certain that the convenience of humble rustics was little regarded by the upper classes4 ,even ,marcus ,aurelius 7in ,fronto p #ce ,naber7 confesses to the reckless scattering of a flock of sheep and to having been taken for a mounted brigand4 #acdc ,metam ,,ix #ce-h4 ,this is a case of periculum mortis ab hominis potentis crudelitate aut odio1 referred to ,digest ,,xxxix #f #c ,paulus as a risk like that of war or brigandage4 #acdd cuncta facile faciens in civitate4 #acde ,norden pp #afa-c4 #acdf cum alioquin pauperes etiam liberali legum praesidio de insolentia locupletium consueverint vindicari4 #acdg ,fierce dogs seem to have been a marked feature of country life4 ,see ,,viii #ag1 ,,ix #b4 #acdh hortulanus1 see ,,iv #c1 ,,ix #ca-b1 #ci-db4 #acdi ,see ,v #ag1 ,,vii #ae1 ,,viii #ag1 #bi1 #ca4 ,cf ,norden pp #hh-i4 #acej ,,ix #cb4 ,cf the case of small farmers in ,africa1 ,apol #ag1 #bc4 #acea ,see ,,iv #cj1 ,,viii #bf4 ,cf ,norden p #hi1 and pp #hd-e on metaphorical use of the legal term postliminium1 which occurs also in ,rutilius de reditu ,i #bad4 #aceb ,norden pp #bf-g4 #acec ,apologia #ag4 #aced an ipse mutuarias operas cum vicinis tuis cambies4 #acee ,because of the strict rules of the laws passed to check manumission4 ,gaius ,i #db-g4 ,norden p #hf4 #acef ,apol #bc4 #aceg triduo exarabas1 to mark the smallness of the agellus4 #aceh ,apol #ic4 #acei ,apol #dg ,,xv liberi homines populus est1 totidem servi familia1 totidem vincti ergastulum4 ,see ,norden p #hg4 ergastulum the inmates of a lock-up1 regarded as a body4 ,see quotations from ,columella p #bfc and ,pliny p #bhe1 ,mayor on ,juvenal ,,xiv #bd1 and cf ,lucan ,,ii #ie4 ,so operae is used #8hands4' #acfj viliconum1 ,apol #hg4 ,cf ,metam ,,viii #bb4 #acfa ,norden p #ha4 #acfb ,metam ,,ix #ab4 #acfc ,herodian ,,ii #d #f4 #acfd 4 #acfe ,vopisc ,aurel #dh #b4 #acff ,vopisc ,probus #af #f4 #acfg ,trebell ,claud #i #d1 #e4 ,scythicis is an emendation4 senibus ,,mss4 #acfh familias captivas4 #acfi ,vopisc ,aurel #ci #g4 #acgj ,lamprid ,alex #ee #b1 #c1 cf ,trebell ,gallien #i #e4 #acga ,vopisc ,probus #ah #a1 #b4 ,see ,zosimus ,i #ga and ,no ,v of the ,panegyrici cap #ah for other versions1 in which the raiders are called ,franks4 #acgb ,even the extreme license of the soldiery1 in deposing and murdering their own nominee1 occurs repeatedly1 and was no doubt one of the chief evils that prompted the reforms of ,diocletian4 #acgc ,o ,seeck1 ,untergang der antiken ,welt book ,,ii ch #f4 #acgd ,see index under the word4 #acge ,see chapter on evidence of the ,digest4 #acgf ,see chapter on the ,african inscriptions4 #acgg ,this matter is ably treated at length by ,seeck op cit vol ,i pp #egh-hc4 ,that they were distinct from coloni and servi is clear from the later constitutions in ,cod ,theod ,v #ag1 #ah 7#i1 #aj71 ,,xii #ai1 and ,cod ,just ,,xi #dh #ac4 #acgh ,we shall find some reference to them later in the ,codes4 #acgi ,herodian ,,vii #d #c-f4 #achj 4 #acha 4 #achb 4 #achc 4 #achd ,capitolinus ,maximin #ac #d1 #ad #a4 #ache per rusticanam plebem deinde et quosdam milites interemptus est4 #achf ,frontin gromat p #ec4 #achg non exiguum populum plebeium4 #achh legere tironem ex vico4 #achi ,this evidence has come to hand since ,heisterbergk wrote 7#ahgf7 ,die ,entstehung des ,colonats4 #acij op cit pp #aaf-h4 #acia ,dion ,cass epit ,,lxxvi #aj4 ,for this story ,dion is a contemporary witness4 #acib ,the special treatises on these documents are fully mentioned in ,girard's ,textes de droit ,romain1 ed #d1 #aiac4 ,an essay on the ,colons du saltus ,burunitanus in ,esmein's ,mlanges 7#ahhf7 is still of great value4 #acic ,text in ,girard's ,textes de droit ,romain part ,,iii chapter #f4 #acid ,we seem to have the names of two former owners1 ,varianus and ,mancia4 ,for the retention of names of former owners see ,dittenberger in ,orientis ,graeci inscriptiones selectae ,no #ffi note #ah4 ,rostowzew ,gesch des ,rm colonates ch #d rejects this view and makes the lex ,manciana an imperial law4 #acie ,pliny epist ,,iii #ai #g4 ,digest ,,xix #b #ai1 ,,xxxii #ia1 ,,xxxiii #g passim4 #acif ,dig ,,xix #b #c1 and ,monro's note4 #acig ,so ,cuq1 ,seeck1 ,schulten1 rightly ,i think4 ,but in practice ,i believe the chance seldom occurred4 #acih ,text in ,girard1 part ,i chapter #d #aj4 #acii ,this significant hint seems to have been almost normal in such petitions4 ,a good instance is the petition of ,scaptoparene 7see index1 ,inscriptions74 #adjj ,it is perhaps worth noting that under ,commodus the transport of corn from ,africa was specially provided for by the creation of a classis ,africana for that purpose4 ,see ,lamprid ,commodus #ag #g1 #h4 #adja ,de ,coulanges pp #aj foll deals with this point at length1 but ,i think he pushes his conclusions too far4 #adjb ,cf the ,aragueni 7see index1 ,inscriptions7 4 #adjc ,dig ,i #ai #c is of a later date1 but refers to a protective rescript of ,antoninus ,pius4 ,cf ,,xlix #ad #dg1 ,l #f #f4 ,see ,schulten in ,hermes ,,xli pp #aa-af4 #adjd ,,cil ,,viii #addbh4 #adje domum revertamur ubi libere morari possimus4 #adjf ,seneca ad ,helviam #g #g ubicumque vicit ,romanus habitat4 #adjg ,text in ,girard1 part ,,iii chapter #f4 #adjh ,from comparing the remains of the next inscription 7#e7 it appears that the emperor is ,hadrian4 #adji ,cf agrum rudem provincialem in ,hyginus1 ,gromat ,i #bjc4 ,in the later empire we find legislation to promote such cultivation4 ,see cod ,th ,v #aa #h 7#cfe ,,ad71 #ab 7#chh-cib71 #ad #cj 7#chf74 #adaj ,dig ,,xli #c #cc4 ,of course the dominus could possess per colonum4 ,see ,buckland1 ,elementary ,principles #ch p #gg4 #adaa quae venibunt a possessoribus4 #adab ,for aridi fructus cf ,digest ,,xlix #ad #ej4 #adac in cuius conductione agrum occupaverit4 #adad rationi 7bus fisci7 gives the sense4 ,but rationi simply may be correct1 cf ,digest ,,ii #ad #db1 etc4 #adae ,girard cites ,rostowzew's opinion that the right to occupy abandoned land as well as old wastes was an extension of the lex ,manciana by the lex ,hadriana4 #adaf ,see ,dig ,,xix #b #ae1 #bd1 #be1 #ea1 #ed4 #adag ,later legislation to prevent this neglect of poorer land4 ,cod ,th ,v #ad #cd 7#cid ,,ad71 ,x #c #d 7#chc71 ,,xi #a #d 7#ccg71 etc4 #adah ,prof ,buckland writes to me that he believes these squatters were to be owners1 not coloni1 owners in the only sense possible in non-,italic soil1 paying tributum4 ,the words frui possidere used to describe their right are the technical words for provincial ownership4 ,cf ,gaius ,,ii #g4 #adai ,in ,hermes ,,xxix pp #bae1 #bbd4 #adbj ,girard1 part ,,iii chapter #f4 #adba lege ,manciana condicione saltus ,neroniani vicini nobis4 #adbb ,it is tempting to identify these with the six mentioned in ,nos 7#b7 and 7#d7 above4 #adbc ,for the vast extent of imperial estates1 particularly in ,africa1 see ,hirschfeld1 der ,grundbesitz der ,rmischen ,kaiser1 in his ,kleine ,schriften4 #adbd ,de ,coulanges seems hardly to recognize how small was the amount of operae1 a few days in the year4 ,but in his tenth chapter he shews how vastly the system was extended 7so many days a week7 in the early ,middle ,age4 #adbe ,mommsen in ,hermes ,,xv pp #cia-f4 #adbf ,such as the lex coloniae ,genetivae ,iuliae of #dd ,,bc1 and the leges of ,salpensa and ,malaca of #ha-d ,,ad4 ,girard1 and ,bruns' ,fontes4 #adbg ,esmein p #cji well refers to the passages in ,lachmann's ,feldmesser1 ,frontinus p #ec and ,siculus ,flaccus p #afd4 ,cf ,hirschfeld l4c4 p #eeh4 #adbh ,colum ,i #f #g1 #h4 #adbi ,colum ,i #g4 #adcj conductor and coloni are both bound by the statute for the fundus or saltus4 ,in theory both are tenants of the emperor1 in practice the conductor has the upper hand1 as ,cuq points out4 #adca ,compare ,dig ,,xix #b #ae with #be4 #adcb quasi societatis iure4 ,of course not a real socius4 ,see ,index1 colonia partiaria1 and ,vinogradoff1 ,growth of the ,manor note #ia on p #aji4 #adcc ,see ,dig ,i #ai #c1 an opinion of ,callistratus1 a jurist of the time of ,severus4 ,that in some sense or other the coloni were tenants of the emperor seems certain4 ,see ,,cil ,,viii #hdbe 7,pertinax71 #hdbf 7,caracalla71 also #hgjb1 #hggg4 ,and ,esmein pp #cac-e4 #adcd ,this becomes an important subject of legislation in the ,theodosian code4 ,see ,cod ,th ,v #aa #h1 #ad #cj4 #adce ,see de ,coulanges pp #adj-d1 where this view is more strongly expressed4 #adcf ,die ,entstehung des ,colonats pp #gj foll1 citing especially ,frontinus ,gromat ,i p #ce and ,columella ,,iii #c #aa4 #adcg ,this is very nearly the view of ,wallon ,,iii #bfd #8le ,colonat l'origine ne fut pas un droit mais un fait4' ,ib #bff4 #adch ,i have made some reference to it below in the chapter on the ,digest4 #adci ,this is fully treated by ,seeck1 bk ,,iii c #e4 #addj ,in the ,ain el ,djemala inscription we have them used indifferently4 ,it is not clear that the usage in various provinces was identical4 ,see ,vinogradoff ,growth of the ,manor pp #fi1 #gj4 #adda ,given in a long note1 vol ,i pp #egh-hc4 #addb ,marcian in ,dig ,,xxx #aab4 ,cf ,l #ae #d 7,title de censibus7 si quis inquilinum vel colonum non fuerit professus etc1 where the mention of colonum is suspected of interpolation by ,seeck4 #addc ,dig ,,xxx #aab si quis inquilinos sine praediis quibus adhaerent legaverit1 inutile est legatum 7,marcian74 ,esmein p #cac takes them to be really slaves1 but ,i cannot follow him4 #addd ,this conclusion1 ,i am pleased to find1 had been forestalled by ,esmein p #cjg4 #adde ,le ,colonat ,romain pp #abe1 #acb4 #addf ,in fact1 as we say1 edited4 #addg ,of this ,title there is a useful little edition by the late ,c ,h ,monro4 #addh ,,xix #b #ae1 #be1 also #ae14 #addi ,,xix #b #ae14 #adej ,,xix #b #ae1 #bd1 #be1 #ea1 #ed4 #adea ,,xvii #b #df1 ,,xliv #g #cd1 ,,xlvii #b #fh4 #adeb ,,xix #b #ed1 ,,xx #f #ad1 etc4 #adec ,,xx #a #ba1 ,,xliii #cb1 #cc1 ,,xlvii #b #fb4 #aded ,,xix #b #i11 #bc1 #ea1 ,,xlv #a #hi4 #adee ,,xix #b #eb1 cf ,,xlix #ad #ej4 #adef ,,xix #b #be 7,gaius874 #adeg ,,ix #b #bg1 ,,xlvii #b #hc1 #aj #e4 ,compare also ,,xix #b #fj1 ,,xlvii #b #eb4 ,i cannot deal with the difficult legal questions involved here4 ,see ,buckland's ,elementary principles #ace4 #adeh ,,xix #b #ae1 #bd1 #be1 ,,xxxiii #d #a4 #adei ,,vii #h #aj1 #aa4 ,having nothing to do with the fructus1 the usuary cannot interfere with the colonus4 #adfj ,,xix #b #ed4 #adfa ,,xix #b #ac1 #ad4 ,the normal term of a lease was #e years 7lustrum1 quinquennium74 #adfb ,,xix #b #bd1 ,,xli #b #cj1 ,,xliii #af #bj4 ,so in law of #bbd ,,ad1 cod ,iust ,,iv #fe #f4 #adfc ,,xii #b #bh4 #adfd ,,xix #b #be1 ,,xl #g #dj4 ,compare the language of ,,xxxiv #c #af with #ah4 #adfe ,,xix #b #c1 #ed4 #adff ,,xix #b #ai1 ,,xxxii #ia1 #ic1 #aja1 ,,xxxiii #g passim1 esp #d4 ,for the vilicus1 ,,xxxiii #g #ah1 #bj4 ,a woman caretaker1 ibid #ae4 #adfg ,,xxxiii #g #bd4 #adfh ,,xix #b #ai1 #be4 #adfi ,,xxxiii #g #ah1 #bj1 ,,xlvii #b #bf4 ,i note that de ,coulanges p #ad holds that the contract rested solely on the basis of a fixed money rent1 citing 7p #ab7 ,gaius ,,iii #adb1 ,dig ,,xix #b #b 7,gaius74 ,but ,i am not satisfied that cases of rent in kind were not subject to legal remedy4 ,see ,monro on ,dig ,,xix #b #ai1 and ,pliny epist ,,ix #cg #c4 ,and ,vinogradoff1 ,growth of the ,manor note #ia on p #aji4 #adgj ,see ,,xix #b #ae4 #adga ,,xiii #g #be1 ,,xxxi #hf4 #adgb ,,vii #a #da1 ,,xxvii #i #ac4 #adgc ,,vii #a #ac4 #adgd ,,vii #d #h1 #aj4 #adge ,,xxxii #ia1 ,l #af #aih4 ,cf ,juvenal ,i #ge1 ,suet ,aug #gb1 ,gaius #cg1 ,palladius ,i #h1 #aa1 #bd1 #cc4 #adgf ,,vii #a #ac1 ,,xii #b #bh1 ,,xix #b #be1 #bi1 ,,xlvii #b #bf1 #fb1 #g #i4 #adgg ,,xix #b #ee1 #fa4 #adgh ,,xliii #bd #ac4 #adgi ,,xxxix #c #d11 #e4 #adhj ,alternative1 ,,xx #a #cb4 #adha ,a curious case is the putting in an imaginarius colonus of course at a high nominal rent in order to raise the selling price of a farm4 ,,xix #a #di 7jurist of #dth cent71 earlier in ,fr ,vat #ac4 #adhb ,see ,,xxxii #da1 ,,xxxiv #d #ca4 #adhc ,,xxxiii #g #ah1 #bj1 ,,xl #g #dj4 #adhd ,,xx #c #af1 ,,xxxiii #g #ab1 #h #bc4 #adhe servus actor1 his rationes1 ,,xl #g #dj114 #adhf ,his reliqua1 ,,xxxii #ia1 #ig4 #adhg ,,xxxiv #a #ah1 #c #ab1 ,,xl #g #dj passim4 #adhh ,,xxxii #da1 #ia1 ,,xxxiii #g #ab1 #bj11 #bb4 ,these refer to legata1 in which particular intention could be expressed1 cf ,,xxxii #ia4 #adhi ,,ix #b #bg11 ,,xix #b #cj4 #adij ,,xxi #a #cb1 ,,xxviii #e #ce1 ,,xxxii #fj1 #fh1 ,,xxxiii #g #bj4 #adia ,see above on ,martial pp #cjg-aj4 #adib ,,xxxii #ii1 ,,xxxiii #g passim1 esp #be4 ,buckland1 ,slavery p #f4 #adic ,alfenus ,varus in ,dig ,,xv #c #af4 #adid ,hence the frequent references to peculia4 ,see ,,xxxiii #h de peculio legato1 where from #f1 #h1 it appears that his peculium might include land and houses4 ,cf de ,coulanges pp #ee-f1 #ff-g1 #ace-f4 #adie ,,xxxii #ig etc4 #adif ,,xxxiii #g #ab etc4 #adig ,,vii #g #c in hominis usu fructu operae sunt et ob operas mercedes 7,gaius71 ,,xii #f #ee4 #adih ,,vii #a #be1 #bf1 ,,xix #b #fj 7,labeo1 time of ,augustus1 cited by ,javolenus74 #adii ,,xl #g #ad mercedem referre pro operis suis 7,alfenus71 cf ,,xlv #c #ah4 #aejj ,,xxxiii #g #ah1 #bj4 mercede or pensionis certa quantitate as opposed to fide dominica4 #aeja ,,viii #f #bj1 ,,xliii #af #a1 #bd #c4 #aejb ,,xliii #bd #e4 #aejc ,,xli #a #dd4 #aejd ,,xlvii #ad1 cf ,,xlviii #ai #af1 ,,xlix #af #e4 #aeje ,in ,,xix #b #be 7,gaius87 the tenant is held to blame for wilful damage done by a neighbour with whom he has a quarrel4 #aejf ,,xviii #a #ce4 #aejg ,,xlvii #ba #b4 #aejh ,,xliii #af1 de vi et de vi armata4 #aeji ,,xli #c #cc etc4 #aeaj ,,xli #b #c11 #be1 etc4 #aeaa ,,viii #c de servitutibus praediorum rusticorum4 ,specimens of inscribed notices of servitudes1 ,girard textes part ,,iii ch #c #a4 #aeab ,,vii #a #bg1 ,,xix #b #ae 7,ulpian74 ,the abuse of the quartering of troops was no new evil in the ,provinces4 ,we hear of it from ,cicero4 ,in the third century ,,ad we have the notable petitions from ,scaptoparene in ,thrace 7#bch7 text in ,mommsen ges ,schr ,,ii #agd-f1 and from the ,aragueni in ,asia ,minor 7#bdd-g71 text in ,dittenberger ,or ,graec inscr ,no #eai4 ,for ,italy in #eth century see on ,symmachus4 #aeac ,,xix #b #i1 #ae4 #aead ,,xli #a #g1 etc4 #aeae ,,xi #d #a1 cf ,paulus sent ,i #f a #e4 #aeaf ,dealt with later in the ,codes as a frequent evil4 ,for early medieval laws on the point see de ,coulanges p #aeb4 #aeag ,,xlvii #i #c1 #af1 ,paulus sent ,v #c #d4 #aeah ,,xiii #d #c4 #aeai ,callistratus in ,l #aa #b1 quoting ,plato rep #cga a-c4 #aebj ,,xlvii #aa #i4 #aeba ,,xlvii #aa #aj1 cf cod ,th ,,ix #cb #a1 cod ,just ,,ix #ch4 #aebb agri vectigales or 7as the title calls them by a later name7 emphyteuticarii4 ,,vi #c #a1 #b1 ,,xix #a #ac1 ,,xliii #i #a1 ,l #af #bai4 ,large blocks were also hired by middlemen 7mancipes7 and sublet in parcels to coloni1 ,,xix #b #ec4 #aebc ,,vi #c #a1 #c4 #aebd ,l #h #b4 #aebe subiectis aliorum nominibus4 #aebf ,,xxxix #d #aa1 auctoritate principali4 #aebg ,gaius ,,iii #ade concludes that the contract in these leases is one of letting and hiring1 not of purchase and sale4 ,that is1 it includes everything save the bare dominium1 notably possessio1 and1 as ,prof ,buckland points out to me1 covenants usual in such cases could be enforced by the actio ex locato4 #aebh ,,xxxix #d #aa4 #aebi ,,xlix #ad #c4 #aecj principalibus rescriptis4 ,from the text ,i infer that these are later than ,hadrian4 #aeca ,,xxx #ci1 ,,xix #b #di4 #aecb ,,xlix #ad #dg 7,paulus74 #aecc ,,xliii #h #b 7,ulpian71 a very important passage4 #aecd ,papirius ,justus in ,l #a #ch1 muneribus fungi sine damno fisci oportere4 #aece ,callistratus in ,l #f #f1 ut idoniores praediis fiscalibus habeantur4 #aecf ,references are endless4 ,most significant is ,l #d #d 7,ulpian7 honores qui indicuntur4 #aecg ,title ,,xlix #ad de iure fisci4 #aech ,,ii #ad #db 7,papinian74 #aeci ,,xlix #ad #c4 #aedj ,,xlviii #bb #a1 cf ,,xlix #ad #dg1 #ej1 7,paulus74 #aeda ,that they did sometimes suffer may be inferred from the case of the ,aragueni 7p #cgd7 who describe themselves as and 7 inquilini and coloni7 of the emperor4 #aedb ,l #e #aj1 #aa1 etc4 #aedc ,see ,spartian ,hadrian #g #e1 ,capitolinus ,anton #ab #c1 ,spartian ,severus #ad #b4 #aedd ,de ,coulanges makes it his main thesis that the later colonate was a creation of custom1 at length recognized by law4 ,my conclusions here were reached before reading his fine treatise4 #aede attributi or contributi4 ,see ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht ,,iii1 die attribuirten ,orte4 #aedf ,cf ,dig ,,xxxiii #b #bh indictiones temporariae ,paulus1 ,,xix #a #ac ,ulpian4 #aedg ,pliny paneg #bi 7of imperial subjects7 nec novis indictionibus pressi ad vetera tributa deficiunt4 #aedh ,hence cod ,theod has a title de superindictionibus4 #aedi ,the rising of the ,bagaudae in ,gaul1 at least partly due to agricultural distress1 had been put down by ,maximian in #bhe-f4 ,see ,schiller ,,iii pp #abd-f4 #aeej ,it is true that the colonus was guaranteed against disturbance1 but ,i think de ,coulanges pp #aad-g1 #abc makes too much of this4 #aeea ,there were in the latter half of the third century some signs of the coming reconstruction4 ,but they came to no effect4 #aeeb ,cod ,th ,v #ag 7#i7 #a apud quemcumque colonus iuris alieni fuerit inventus1 is non solum1 eundem origini suae restituat verum super eodem capitationem temporis agnoscat 444 etc4 ,runaway coloni are to be chained like slaves1 iuris alieni the control of someone other than the person harbouring him4 ,the colonus is legally dependent1 though nominally free4 #aeec ,see ,weber1 ,agrargeschichte pp #bef foll4 #aeed ,see ,seeck ,,ii #cbj foll1 #ccj foll4 #aeee ,cod ,just ,,xi #ei #a1 in which ,constantine1 finding the civitatum ordines unequal to this burden1 extends the liability to other landlords also4 #aeef ,see ,seeck ,,ii #bad foll1 #bbc1 #bdi1 ,,iv #hh4 #aeeg ,seeck ,,ii #bdi1 #bhd4 ,see ,cod ,th ,,xi #b #a-e 7dates #cfe-chi71 not in ,cod ,just4 #aeeh ,heisterbergk p #ei with references4 ,seeck1 ,schatzungsordnung pp #cjb-e4 #aeei ,the details of this system are fully discussed in ,seeck's great article1 die ,schatzungsordnung ,diocletians1 in the ,ztschr fr social und ,wirthschaftsgeschichte #ahif4 #aefj ,digest ,i #e #ag1 ,dion ,cass ,,lxxvii #i #e4 ,schiller ,geschichte ,i pp #gej-a thinks that military motives had much to do with it1 as adding to the citizen troops4 ,what is supposed to be a copy of the edict itself has been found in a papyrus1 see ,girard1 textes part ,i ch #d #ab4 ,the text is in the ,giessen papyri ,no #dj4 ,it seems certain that the lowest class of peregrini 7the dediticii7 were not included in the grant4 #aefa ,see ,seeck ,,ii #cbc4 ,cf ,lactant mort pers #bc #e1 ,victor ,caes #ci #ca4 #aefb ,through the ius commercii4 #aefc ,seeck1 ,schatzungsordnung1 cited above4 #aefd ,a long title in cod ,th is devoted to remissions1 ,,xi #bh1 consisting of temporary laws4 ,and these deal chiefly with ,italian and ,african ,provinces1 notably #g1 #ab1 with ,campania4 ,they date from #cie to #dcf4 #aefe ,in the panegyric 7,no ,,viii cap #aa7 on ,constantine we have mention of a reduction of #gjjj capita for relief of a district in ,gaul4 #aeff ,cod ,th ,,xi #a #ad4 ,cf4 ,seeck1 ,schatzungsordnung pp #cae-f4 #aefg ,compare the conduct of the magistrates of ,antioch in the evidence of ,libanius cited below4 #aefh ,see for instance cod ,th ,,xiii #aj #a4 #aefi ,see below1 in section on ,salvian4 #aegj ,see ,ammianus ,,xix #aa #c1 ,victor ,caesares #ac #e1 #f4 ,a long title cod ,th ,,viii #e is devoted to the cursus1 containing #ff laws from #cae to #djg1 and other references abound4 #aega ,cf cod ,th ,,xi #af #c 7#cbd71 #d 7#cbh74 #aegb ,cf ,cic ,,ii in ,verr ,,iii #aij1 ,tac ,agr #ai4 ,cf cod ,th ,,xi #a #bb 7#chf71 with ,godefroi's notes1 also #aa 7#cfe7 and #ba 7#che71 ,,xiv #d #d 7#cfg74 #aegc ,see the title de naviculariis1 cod ,th ,,xiii #e1 including #ch laws4 #aegd ,cod ,th ,,xiv #ah de mendicantibus non invalidis4 #aege ,if ,i rightly interpret ,dig ,l #e #a 7,ulpian7 cases had occurred earlier of men liable to office even pretending to be mere coloni in order to evade liability 7ad colonos praediorum se transtulerunt4 ,see ,dirksen under transferre74 #aegf ,very significant is the law cod ,th ,,xvi #e #dh 7#daj7 by which even heretics are held to curial duty4 #aegg ,see ,seeck1 ,schatzungsordnung pp #cae-f1 ,de ,coulanges p #aai4 #aegh ,see ,weber1 ,agrargeschichte pp #bff-g4 #aegi ,cf cod ,th ,,xi #af passim4 #aehj ,a rule of #cff1 or later according to ,mommsen1 cod ,th ,,xi #a #ad1 cod ,just ,,xi #dh #d4 #aeha ,cf cod ,th ,,xiii #aj #c1 retained in cod ,just ,,xi #dh #b1 plainly recognizing this4 #aehb ,see the advantages of the colonate summed up in de ,coulanges p #add1 and cf ibid p #aci4 #aehc ,lactantius de mort pers #g #c4 #aehd enormitate indictionum4 #aehe ,cf ,augustin de civ ,dei ,x #a coloni1 qui condicionem debent genitali solo1 propter agri culturam sub dominio possessorum4 #aehf ,cf cod ,th ,v #ag 7#i7 #a1 #b 7#ccb71 etc4 #aehg ,cod ,th ,,xi #c #b4 #aehh ,the capitatio4 #aehi ,cod ,just ,,xi #dh #g4 #aeij ,schatzungsordnung pp #cac-d4 #aeia ,rostowzew ,geschichte des ,rm ,colonates pp #cha-ig traces the abandonment of the policy of favouring coloni1 and adoption of reliance on great possessors1 as a result of the pressing difficulties of the collection of revenue4 #aeib ,cod ,just ,,xi #ej #a 7,constantine74 #aeic ,cod ,just ,,xi #ej #b4 #aeid ,cod ,th ,,xi #a #ab 7#cfe74 #aeie ,wallon1 ,esclavage ,,iii #bff1 #bhb4 #aeif ,for instance cod ,th ,,xi #aa 7date somewhere #cfh-cgc71 ,,iv #ac #b1 #c 7#cba74 ,also ,,xi #g-aj1 #af #aj1 etc4 #aeig ,seeck1 ,schatzungsordnung pp #bhe-cjh1 with an account of local variations4 ,for instance1 in ,africa and ,egypt there was no capitatio4 #aeih ,see cod ,th ,,vii #ac #g1 #h 7#cge1 #chj74 ,even the imperial estates made liable1 ibid #ab 7#cig74 ,dill p #aif4 ,in #cgi ,theodosius had to raise recruits from 1 ,libanius ,,xxiv #af4 #aeii ,cod ,th ,,vii #ah #aj1 cf ,,viii #b #c 7#chj74 ,see ,seeck ,,ii #dij-a4 #afjj ,cod ,th ,,viii #b #c4 ,by long use the word had become quite official4 ,cf inopes ac vagi in ,tac ann ,,iv #d1 etc4 #afja ,cod ,just ,,xii #cc #f4 #afjb ,de ,coulanges pp #afh-i points out that in the early ,middle ,age we find ingenui coloni4 #afjc temonaria functio4 ,see ,dirksen under temo4 ,cod ,th ,,xi #af #ad1 #ae1 #ah1 cf ,,vii #ac #g1 ,,vi #bf #ad4 #afjd ,wallon ,,iii #adi1 #dgf4 #afje ,cod ,th ,,vii #ac #g1 where occur the words cum corpora postulantur opposed to aurum4 ,for the money-commutation 7adaeratio7 often accepted from the landlords see ,mommsen ,ges ,schr ,,vi p #bed ,das ,rm ,militrwesen seit ,diocletian4 ,also ,rostowzew in the ,journal of ,roman ,studies vol ,,viii on ,synteleia tironon1 and ,wagner on ,ammianus ,,xix #aa #g4 #afjf ,cf ,vegetius rei milit ,i #g1 of the disasters caused by slovenly recruiting1 dum indicti possessoribus tirones per gratiam aut dissimulationem probantium tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt4 #afjg ,cod ,th ,,iv #ac #b1 #c1 kept with variants in cod ,just ,,iv #fa #e4 #afjh ,cod ,th ,,xi #h4 #afji ,cod ,th ,,xi #af #aj1 #ag #b-d4 #afaj ,for the special position of imperial senators see ,dill pp #abf1 #aff1 #aif1 #bah foll4 #afaa ,cod ,th ,,xi #aa1 kept with some omissions in cod ,just ,,xi #ee #b4 #afab ,cod ,th ,,xi #af #d1 cod ,just ,,xi #dh #a4 #afac ,seeck ,i1 chapter on die ,ausrottung der ,besten4 #afad ,pliny ,,nh ,,xviii #bif4 ,palladius ,,vii #b4 #afae hoc compendio4 ,pall4 #afaf ,orat #ej4 ,i take the date given by ,frster4 #afag ,for such properties see cod ,th ,x #c4 #afah 4 #afai #cf 1 which ,i take to be indictiones4 #afbj ,in cod ,th the title ,,xi #bd is de patrociniis vicorum1 and the laws range from #cfj to #dae4 ,cod ,just ,,xi #ed shews that the evil was still in existence in #dfh4 #afba ,orat #dg #h-aj4 ,zulueta 7see below7 points out that the protection given by the patrons was exerted quite as much by improper influence on judges as by use of force4 #afbb #f 4 #afbc #aa 4 #afbd #ai-ba4 #afbe #bd 7 74 #afbf #ag1 #ah4 #afbg #cd4 #afbh #cf-h 444 etc4 #afbi ,cod ,th ,,xi #bd #b 7,valens74 #afcj ,note that the law ,cod ,th ,,xii #a #abh1 sternly forbidding militares viri to interfere with curiales or to use any violence to leading men in the municipalities1 is dated #cib ,july #ca4 ,also that it is retained in ,cod ,just ,x #cb #db4 ,zulueta de patrociniis vicorum pp #ch-dj concludes that it is uncertain to what emperor ,libanius is appealing1 and places the date in #chf-i ,,ad4 ,he finds the reference in ,cod ,th ,v #ag #b 7,theodosius71 not in ,,xi #bd #b4 #afca ,the leading authority on ,symmachus is ,o ,seeck4 ,in particular the dating of many of the letters in his great edition 7,,mgh1 ,berlin #ahhc7 is often helpful4 #afcb ,see epist ,,ii #f1 #g1 #eb1 ,,iv #e 7#d71 #ah1 #ba1 ,,ix #ad1 #aad 7#abd71 ,x #b1 #ba1 relat #c #ae-ah1 #i #g1 #ah1 #ce1 #cg4 #afcc epist ,,iii #ee1 #hb1 ,,iv #ed1 #gd1 ,,vii #ch1 #fh1 relat #ah4 #afcd epist ,,ii #f1 ,,iii #ee1 #hb1 ,,ix #db1 ,,vii #fh1 relat #i1 #ah1 #cg4 #afce epist ,,vii #ff1 ,,ix #aj1 relat #ah4 #afcf epist ,,ii #ee1 ,,iv #fh4 #afcg epist ,,vi #ae 7#ad74 #afch epist ,,vi #ae 7#ad71 ,,vii #ah1 #fh4 ,seeck1 ,v #bhd1 #eee4 #afci epist ,i #e ut rus quod solebat alere nunc alatur4 ,cf cod ,th ,,xi #a #d4 #afdj epist ,,vi #hb 7#ha74 #afda nihilque iam colonis superest facultatum quod aut rationi opituletur aut cultui4 #afdb epist ,,vii #ef cum sit colonus agrorum meorum atque illi debita magis quam precaria cura praestetur4 #afdc epist ,,ix #f4 ,cf ,,ix #aa4 #afdd epist ,,ix #dg 7#ej74 #afde epist ,,ix #adj 7,x #ah74 #afdf epist ,,viii #b4 ,plin epist ,i #f1 ,v #f #df4 #afdg ,amm ,marc ,,xxviii #d #ah alienis laboribus venaturi4 #afdh epist ,,ii #bb4 #afdi epist ,v #ah4 #afej epist ,,ii #eb4 ,cf the cases contemplated in ,dig ,,xix #b #ac1 #ae4 #afea epist ,,vii #ch4 #afeb epist ,,ix #de 7#dh74 #afec epist ,,vi #aa4 #afed epist ,,ix #bg 7#cj74 #afee epist ,,vii #ff1 ,,ix #di 7#eb74 ,in the law of #dad ,cod ,th ,,xvi #e #ed we have these conductores privatorum opposed to conductores domus nostrae in ,africa4 ,see above1 chapter on the ,african inscriptions4 #afef epist ,,vi #ab4 #afeg ,in quality the ,apulian wheat was thought excellent4 ,varro ,,rr ,i #b #f4 #afeh epist ,,ix #bi4 #afei epist ,,vii #abf res 444 non tam reditu ampla quam censu4 #affj epist ,,ix #aa sed maior opitulatio ex tui arbitrii favore proveniet1 cum causae eius etiam iustitia non desit4 #affa epist ,,ix #cg 7#dj74 #affb ut perspiciatur in discretione iudicium4 #affc epist ,,ix #dg 7#ej74 #affd epist ,,ix #aj4 #affe epist ,,vi #ei 7#eh71 #fe 7#fd74 #afff epist ,,iv #gd4 #affg epist ,,ii #g4 #affh quanto nobis odio provinciarum constat illa securitas4 #affi relatio #dj4 #afgj quod nihil subsidii decreta dudum oppida conferebant4 ,this seems to imply a previous grant to ,tarracina1 levied on other towns4 ,cf relat #cg decretae provinciae1 referring to supply of ,rome4 #afga ,capuana legatio4 ,meaning ,campanian1 ,i take it4 #afgb ,neratius ,cerealis1 praef annonae #cbh1 praef urbi #ceb-c1 consul #ceh4 ,godefroi's ,prosopographia1 ,wilmanns inscr #ajhe1 and cod ,th ,,xiv #bd4 ,the order is given thus1 eum frumenti numerum1 quem ,cerealis ex multis urbibus ,romano populo vindicarat1 restitui omnibus4 #afgc secretum4 #afgd ,,xvi #e #ad1 #ae4 #afge ,seeck1 ,schatzungsordnung p #cjf1 keeps the ,,ms reading capitulis here4 ,see his remarks1 and for the word capitulum cf cod ,th ,,xi #af #ae 7#chb7 capituli atque temonis necessitas1 ibid #ad capitulariae sive 444 temonariae functionis4 #afgf ,the title cod ,th ,,xi #bh is de indulgentiis debitorum4 #afgg norat enim hoc facto se aliquid locupletibus additurum1 cum constet ubique pauperes inter ipsa indictorum exordia solvere universa sine laxamento conpelli4 ,we shall return to this point in connexion with ,salvian4 #afgh ,,xvii #c4 #afgi quicquid in capitatione deesset ex conquisitis se supplere4 conquisita are the sums produced by a superindictio raising the amount to be levied4 ,cf cod ,th ,,xi #a #cf1 and title ,,xi #f de superindicto4 #afhj ,cf ,,xxx #e #f provisorum1 cod ,th ,,xii #a #afi tuae provisionis 444 incrementis4 #afha indictionale augmentum4 #afhb sollemnia 444 nedum incrementa4 #afhc ,,xviii #a4 #afhd quorum patrimonia publicae clades augebant4 #afhe ,,xviii #b #b and references in ,wagner's edition4 ,schiller1 ,kaiserzeit ,,ii p #cac4 #afhf ,,xxix #e #aj-ac4 #afhg messes et condita hostium virtutis nostrorum horrea esse4 #afhh ,as when in ,pannonia 7#cgc7 they crossed the ,danube and occupatam circa messem agrestem adortae sunt plebem1 ,,xxix #f #f4 #afhi ,,xxix #e #ac in modum urbis exstruxit4 #afij ,,xxix #e #be muro circumdatum valido4 ,in ,,xxx #aj #d we find ,murocincta as the name of a villa and ,triturrita in ,rutilius de reditu ,i #ebg1 #fae4 ,cf cases in ,caesar's time1 ,bell ,afr #i1 #dj1 #fe4 #afia ,,xxviii #f #h4 #afib ,,xxx #b #aj negotiis se ruralibus dedit4 #afic ,there was much jealousy on this score1 and a powerful reaction1 as after the death of ,valentinian in #cge1 but even then the foreign element prevailed4 ,schiller ,,ii #chi4 #afid ,,xxxi #d #d1 #e4 #afie ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia4 ,cf ,,xix #aa #g4 #afif et pro militari supplemento1 quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur1 thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus4 ,i hope ,i am right in referring this to the temonaria functio or obligation of paying the temo the price of a recruit4 ,cod ,th ,,xi #af #ad1 #ae4 #afig ,,xxxi #f #e4 #afih dudum a mercatoribus venundati1 adiectis plurimis quos primo transgressu necati inedia vino exili vel panis frustris mutavere vilissimis4 #afii ,,xxxi #aj #ag1 inventute valida nostris tirociniis permiscenda4 #agjj ,,xxviii #e #ae of ,theodosius defeating ,alamanni1 pluribus caesis1 quoscumque cepit ad ,italiam iussu principis misit1 ubi fertilibus pagis acceptis iam tributarii circumcolunt ,padum4 #cgj ,,ad4 ,cf ,,xxxi #i #d1 #cgg ,,ad1 and ,,xx #d #a1 #cfj ,,ad4 #agja ,for instance1 in ,rufinum ,i #bjj-e1 de bello ,gildon #aje-ab1 de ,,iv cos ,honor #dab-h4 #agjb in ,rufin ,i #chj-b4 #agjc in ,rufin ,i #ahi-ib4 #agjd metuenda colonis fertilitas4 #agje in ,eutrop ,i #dja-i4 #agjf de bello ,gildon #di-gd4 #agjg ,see ,bury1 ,later ,roman empire ,i #ajh-i1 ,seeck1 ,untergang ,v #cgi-hj1 ,dill1 ,roman ,society p #bcc1 ,wallon1 ,esclavage ,,iii #bgf-g4 ,the affair is referred to in cod ,th ,x #aj #be 7,dec #djh74 #agjh de cos ,stilichonis ,,ii #bjd-g4 #agji in ,eutrop ,,ii #aid-baj4 #agaj bene rura ,gruthungus excolet et certo disponet sidere vites4 #agaa quem detinet aequi gloria concessoque cupit vixisse colonus quam dominus rapto4 #agab in ,eutrop ,i #djf ,teutonicus vomer4 #agac de bell ,goth #dej-fh4 #agad non iam dilectus miseri nec falce per agros deposita iaculum vibrans ignobile messor 444 sed vera inventus1 verus ductor adest et vivida ,martis imago4 #agae ,cf ,vegetius rei milit ,i #g1 of disasters in recent times1 dum longa pax militem incuriosius legit4 #agaf in ,eutrop ,,ii #cgj-e4 #agag de bell ,goth #cff-gb4 #agah epitoma rei militaris ,i #c4 #agai rei milit ,i #e1 senos pedes vel certe quinos et denas uncias has not ad fallen out before senos84 ,in a law of #cfg1 cod ,th ,,vii #ac #c in quinque pedibus et septem unciis4 #agbj tunc4 ,when8 ,from ,i #bh it might be inferred that he looks back to the first ,punic war4 ,but ,i do not think so4 #agba necdum enim civilis pars florentiorem abduxerat iuventutem4 ,so ,i #g civilia sectantur officia4 #agbb ,the assertion that ,martius calor has not subsided 7,i #bh71 accepted by ,seeck ,i #dac1 seems to me rhetorical bravado4 ,much more likely is the view 7ib #dad7 that the improved standard of recruits in the fifth century was due to prevalence of barbarians4 #agbc ,seeck ,,ii #hh foll4 ,hence army service was called militia armata4 #agbd mulomed ,i #ef #aa-ac4 #agbe si saepius et cum moderatione animalia sedeantur4 ,for sederi cf #ce sub honesto sessore1 ,spart ,hadr #bb #f1 cod ,th ,,ix #cj #c4 #agbf servorum impatientia4 #agbg neque enim de damno domini cogitant1 quod eidem contingere gratulantur4 #agbh ,julian orat ,,vii p #bcb a-b4 #agbi ,above1 p #cic4 #agcj de mortibus persecutorum #bb-c4 #agca ,for the census under the new system1 first in #big and then every fifth year1 see ,seeck ,,ii pp #bfc foll4 ,it was only concerned with the land and taxation units liable to the levy of annona4 ,de ,coulanges pp #ge-he urges that the system already described by ,ulpian in ,dig ,l #ae #c1 #d1 is much the same1 and points out that monastic records shew it still surviving in the early ,middle ,age4 ,but practice1 rather than principle1 is here in question4 #agcb hominum capita4 ,in most provinces the taxable unit was fixed by taking account of the number of able-bodied on each estate as well as of the acreage4 ,seeck ,,ii #bff foll1 also ,schatzung pp #bhe-g4 #agcc ,the urban taxation was conducted in each town by the local decemprimi1 aldermen1 and was quite distinct4 #agcd adscribebantur quae non habebantur may mean #8were put on the record as owning what they did not own4' #agce pecuniae pro capitibus pendebantur4 ,the capita here seem to have a double sense4 #agcf ,de ,coulanges pp #ge-f treats it severely on the score of ,christian prejudice4 #agcg ,sulp ,sev dial ,,ii #c4 #agch ,for instance cod ,th ,,vii #a #ab1 ,,viii #e1 ,,xi #aj1 #aa4 #agci ,cod ,th ,,vii #bj #g4 #agdj ,sulp ,sev vita ,s ,martini #b #e1 and cf cod ,th ,,vii #bb1 also #a #h4 ,see the note of ,seeck ,,ii #dij4 #agda ,this view has been challenged by ,dill1 pp #aah-i4 ,but cf ,sidonius epist ,v #ai1 ,,ix #f4 #agdb ,the earlier part of book ,v of the de gubernatione ,dei1 especially #cd-ej4 ,the rising of the ,bagaudae 7#bhf7 in ,gaul is dealt with #bd foll4 ,see ,schiller ,,ii pp #abd-f4 #agdc dediticios se divitum faciunt et quasi in ius eorum dicionemque trascendunt4 #agdd addicunt1 a technical law term4 #agde possesio 444 capitatio4 #agdf pervasio attack1 encroachment4 ,cf cod ,th ,,ii #d #e1 #f4 #agdg fundos maiorum expetunt et coloni divitum fiunt4 #agdh iugo se inquilinae abiectionis addicunt4 ,see cod ,th ,v #ah 7#aj7 de inquilinis et colonis1 cod ,just ,,xi #dh #ac4 #agdi fiunt praeiudicio habitationis indigenae4 ,that is1 by prescription they acquire a new origo4 ,see cod ,th ,v #ag 7#i7 #a1 #b1 #ah 7#aj71 cod ,just ,,xi #fd #b1 #dh #af4 #agej extraneos et alienos2 that is1 belonging to someone else4 #agea et miramur si nos barbari capiunt1 cum fratres nostros faciamus esse captivos8 #ageb ,i think de ,coulanges is too severe on the rhetoric of ,salvian 7pp #ada-c74 ,after all1 the ,codes do not give one a favourable picture of the later colonate1 and the ,empire did fall in the ,west4 #agec ,this arrangement was especially frequent in the ,east4 ,see on ,libanius pp #djj-a1 and cod ,th ,,xi #bd de patrociniis vicorum1 cf cod ,just ,,xi #ed4 ,but so far as individuals were concerned it was widespread4 #aged ,seeck cites cod ,th ,,iii #a #b #ccg1 ,,xi #a #bf #cii1 #c #a-e #cai-cia1 and for the legal tricks used to defeat the rule ,,xi #c #c4 #agee de gub ,dei ,v #ah quae enim sunt non modo urbes sed etiam municipia atque vici ubi non quot curiales fuerint tot tyranni sunt8 #agef ,from adscribere1 to record the liability of the lord1 his coloni came to be called adscripticii4 ,weber ,agrargeschichte p #beh4 #ageg ,cod ,th ,,xi #a #bf #cii refers especially to ,gaul4 ,he is servus terrae in fact1 as ,weber ,agrargeschichte p #beh remarks4 #ageh ,in ,esmein's ,mlanges #ahhf there is an excellent essay on some of the letters of ,sidonius discussed here1 forestalling a number of my conclusions4 #agei ,see ,seeck ,,ii #age foll4 #agfj ,sidon epist ,i #aj4 #agfa ,see ,dill1 ,roman ,society in the last century of the ,western ,empire1 p #agi4 #agfb ,see epist ,,ii #b1 #i1 #ad1 ,,iv #bd1 ,,viii #d4 #agfc epist ,,vii #ab #c4 #agfd quia sic habenas ,galliarum moderarere ut possessor exhaustus tributario iugo relevaretur4 #agfe ,instances in epist ,,iii #a1 ,,vi #aj4 #agff epist ,,iii #e4 #agfg suffragio vestro4 #agfh epist ,,vi #aj4 #agfi domesticis fidei1 already1 it seems1 a stereotyped phrase4 ,see ,ducange4 #aggj debitum glaebae canonem4 #agga epist ,,vi #ab4 #aggb ,see ,dill1 book ,,iv ch #c4 #aggc aggeres publici1 cf epist ,,ii #i #b1 ,,iv #bd #b4 ,it is an official expression1 used by jurists4 #aggd ,no doubt some were castles1 more or less defensible4 ,the burgus of ,leontius by the ,garonne was such1 cf carm ,,xxii #aba-e4 #agge epist ,i #f1 ,,vii #ae1 ,,viii #h4 #aggf epist ,,ii #ad4 #aggg epist ,,iv #i #a1 ,,vii #ad #aa4 liberti mentioned ,,vii #af4 ,see ,dill p #agh4 #aggh epist ,,viii #d #a4 #aggi epist ,,ii #b4 ,cf ,dill pp #afh-gb4 #aghj ,in epist ,,iii #i is a curious case of a farmer who owned slaves and in his slack simplicity let them be enticed away to ,britain4 #agha ,dill p #bbj1 citing epist ,,iv #bd4 ,see ,esmein pp #cgg-hc for the legal points of the case4 #aghb centesima1 that is #a per mensem1 ,i suppose4 #aghc epist ,,ix #f4 ,see ,dill pp #agd-e4 #aghd epist ,v #ai4 #aghe sub condicione concedo1 si stupratorem pro domino iam patronus originali solvas inquilinatu4 #aghf mox cliens factus e tributario plebeiam potius incipiat habere personam quam colonariam4 #aghg ,he calls his solution compositio seu satisfactio4 ,esmein pp #cfd foll shews that compositio was now a regular expression for the practice of avoiding the strict ,roman ,law1 under barbarian and ecclesiastical influences4 #aghh ,see ,index1 inquilini1 and de ,coulanges pp #fe1 #gd1 #he4 #aghi ,see de ,coulanges pp #ajj-a4 #agij ,see this question fully discussed by ,esmein pp #cgj-e4 ,also the doubts of de ,coulanges pp #aja1 #ajd4 #agia ,for this point see ,seeck1 ,schatzungsordnung pp #cad-e4 #agib ,cod ,th ,v #ah #aj si quis colonus originalis vel inquilinus 444 etc4 ,and below1 originarius #dai4 ,cod ,just ,,xi #dh #ac inquilinos colonosve1 quorum quantum ad originem pertinet vindicandam indiscreta eademque paene videtur esse condicio1 licet sit discrimen in nomine1 444 etc1 and #ad causam originis et proprietatis4 ,the limiting word paene may refer to difference in mode of payment of taxes4 ,these laws1 retained in cod ,just1 date from #djj4 #agic ,seeck just cited4 ,weber1 ,agrargeschichte p #beg4 #agid ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schr p #ahe takes the words of ,aristotle ,pol ,i #b #e ' as proving that even in ,ar's time the small farmer had to do without a slave4 ,i think they prove that if he could not afford a slave he must do with an ox only4 ,for the additional protection of the ox see ,index4 ,cf ,maine1 ,early ,law and ,custom pp #bdi-ea4 #agie ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schriften p #agi will only use the word slaves of a part of these1 but the distinction does not matter here4 #agif ,see ,dig ,,xxxii #ii 7,paulus71 and ,,xxxiii #g passim1 especially #be4 #agig ,that religious scruple was opposed to keeping members of the same race-unit in slavery is most probable4 ,this trans ,tiberim rule is known from ,gellius ,,xx #a #dg1 referring to debt-slaves4 ,greeks however1 even when abhorring the enslavement of ,greek by ,greek in principle1 did not discontinue the practice4 ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schr p #bjb compares the medieval scruple in reference to brother ,christians4 ,see also his remarks p #agg4 ,for ,hebrew law and custom see ,encyclopaedia ,biblica 7#aijc7 vol ,,iv and ,hastings' ,dictionary of the ,bible 7#aijb7 vol ,,iv1 articles ,slavery4 #agih ,different also from the position of a food-producer class in a great territorial state1 being based on local conditions4 #agii ,illustrated with great clearness in the provisions of the ,gortyn laws4 #ahjj ,varro ,,rr ,i #ag #b on obaerarii or obaerati4 #ahja ,the relative importance of land and the means of cultivation especially oxen in early times1 the power thus gained by chiefs granting cattle to tenants1 and the connexion of these phenomena with legends of debt-slavery1 are instructively discussed in ,maine's ,early history of ,institutions1 lecture ,,vi4 #ahjb ,mr ,g ,g ,coulton kindly reminds me of an analogy observable in the history of ,art4 ,it is progressive on simple lines up to a certain point4 ,then it begins to ramify1 and differences of taste become more acute4 ,hence an anarchy of taste1 driving men to yearn 7like ,ruskin1 ,morris1 etc47 for the old simplicity4 ,so the peasant up to a point is useful and noble4 ,but fresh currents of civilization alter his position4 ,then men yearn for the old simplicity1 only defective through being essentially simple4 #ahjc ,mr ,zimmern1 ,the ,greek ,commonwealth pp #bfe foll1 has some interesting remarks on craftsmen as wage-earners1 and points out their preference for serving the state rather than private employers4 ,the latter plan would have put them almost in the position of slaves4 #ahjd ,when food was provided1 we must reckon it as part of his wage4 #ahje ,a vast number of ,greek records of manumission refer to such cases4 #ahjf ,see ,francotte1 ,l',industrie dans la ,grce ancienne book ,,ii chap #e1 ,la concurrence servile4 ,i cannot follow ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schr pp #aih-bja4 ,and the oft-cited passage of ,timaeus 7,athen ,,vi #bfd d71 where free ,phocians object to slaves taking their employment1 refers solely to domestic and personal attendance4 #ahjg ,of this there is abundant ,american evidence from writers on ,slavery4 ,the hired slave sometimes got a higher wage than the hired freeman4 #ahjh ,see ,whitaker's ,almanack1 and the exposure of an impudent agency for the purpose in the ,times #ae ,sept #aiad4 #ahji ,compare ,wendell ,phillips #8,before this there had been among us scattered and single abolitionists1 earnest and able men2 sometimes1 like ,wythe of ,virginia1 in high places4 ,the ,quakers and ,covenanters had never intermitted their testimony against slavery4 ,but ,garrison was the first man to begin a movement designed to annihilate slavery4' ,speech at ,g's funeral #ahgi4 #ahaj ,prof ,bury1 ,idea of ,progress p #bge1 points out that ,guizot noted that ,christianity did not in its early stages aim at any improvement of social conditions4 #ahaa ,the conclusions reached in this paragraph are in agreement with ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schr pp #aea-b1 #aee1 #bje1 #bji4 ,but he seems to put the decline of the slave-gang system rather earlier than ,i venture to do4 #ahab ,we must bear in mind that a tenant was naturally unwilling to work for a margin of profit not to be retained by himself4 ,hence the tendency to find means of constraining him to do so4 #ahac coloni or quasi coloni1 cf ,dig ,,xv #c #af1 ,,xxxiii #h #bc1 or ,,xxxiii #g #ab1 #ah1 #bj1 and numerous other references4 #ahad ,the compulsory tenure of municipal offices is commonly cited as illustrating the pressure even on men of means4 ,it began in the second century4 ,see ,dig ,l #a #ch1 #b #a ,ulpian1 #d #ad ,callistratus citing ,hadrian1 and many other passages4 ,notable is ,l #d #d honores qui indicuntur ,ulpian4 #ahae ,this topic is the subject of ,churchill ,babington's ,hulsean dissertation1 ,cambridge #ahdf4 ,i learn that a pamphlet by ,brecht1 ,sklaverei und ,christentum1 takes a less favourable view1 but have not seen it4 ,the survival of the colonate and its heavy burdens in the early ,middle ,age are treated by de ,coulanges1 particularly in connexion with the estates of the ,church4 #ahaf ,the slow progress of emancipation is referred to by ,e ,meyer ,kl ,schr p #agh1 of course from a very different point of view4 ,he mentions that slavery was not completely forbidden in ,prussia till #aheg1 and is against its abolition in ,german colonies4 ,seeley in his ,life of ,stein points out that the armies of ,frederic the ,great were mainly recruited from serfs4 #ahag ,the ,turk and his ,rayahs furnishes a very striking illustration4 #ahah ,e ,meyer1 ,kl ,schr p #ahh4 #ahai ,since writing this section ,i have found in ,prof ,bury's ,idea of ,progress pp #bfi-gj a passage which seems to justify the objection here raised1 though it occurs in a different connexion4 #ahbj ,it is perhaps hardly necessary to refer to the great economic disturbance caused by the ,black ,death in fourteenth century ,england4 #ahba ,john ,spargo1 ,bolshevism1 the enemy of political and industrial ,democracy4 ,london1 ,j ,murray #aiai4 ,i think ,i may accept the author's evidence on the points here referred to1 confirmed as it is by other observers4 ,see his remarks pp #fi1 #aef1 #bge1 #bgh1 in particular4 ,that the same sharp distinction between peasant and wage-earner is drawn by the ,socialists in other countries also1 and is to them a stumbling-block1 is clearly to be seen in ,king and ,okey's ,italy today4 ,see appendix4 #ahbb ,a remarkable article in the ,times of #aj ,may #aibj describes the influences tending in the opposite direction in the ,united ,states1 particularly the workman's prospect of proprietorship4 #ahbc ,for the survival of the colonate in the ,west see de ,coulanges pp #ade-hf4 #ahbd ,see ,krumbacher's history of ,byzantine ,literature in ,iwan ,mller's ,handbuch1 and ,oder's article in ,pauly-,wissowa4 #ahbe ,varro ,,rr ,i #ag #c1 #d4 #ahbf ,in the ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies #aiaj and #aiab4 ,there the views of ,zachari are discussed4 #ahbg ,the truth seems to be that serfage had never become so widespread in the ,east as in the ,west1 as ,mr ,bouchier1 ,syria as a ,roman ,province p #aha1 points out4 #ahbh ,vol ,,ii pp #dah-dba4 #ahbi ,sir ,w4 ,herringham1 ,a ,physician in ,france1 pp #afg-h on ,peasantry as a strength to the ,state4 ,,indices ,where the reference is less direct1 the figure is given in brackets ,i ,,general ,agriculture1 etc4 ,accommodation-labour1 mutual between neighbours1 #agj1 #ccc-d ,accommodation land1 #aij-a ,aqueducts1 #bic-f asses1 #ajg1 #ccj1 #ccd1 #djj1 #dbb contempt for1 #ab1 #fi1 #ade-g1 #afj1 #ccd ,decay of1 general1 #ccg1 #chc1 #chg1 #cic ,decay of1 in ,greece1 #aa1 #if1 #ajd1 #abg1 #abi1 #acb1 #cjj foll4 ,decay of1 in ,italy1 #aa1 #ad1 #adc-d1 #adg1 #aed foll41 #afc1 #agd1 #bji-aj1 #bej-a1 #bfe1 #bga-b1 #bha foll41 #bhh1 #bii1 #ceh1 #cfe1 #djd foll4 ,delegation of management1 #dcb-c growth of distaste for1 #db1 #gi1 #hh1 #aai1 #abd1 #bea1 #bgh1 #cjb ,importance and recognized value of1 #c1 #e1 #f1 #h-aa1 #hb1 #ada1 #bjj1 #bjd-f1 #bab1 #bbf1 #bhj1 #bhc1 #djj1 #dcg1 #ddd improved by knowledge of foreign countries1 #agi1 #bea ,industrializing of1 #adf-g1 #aej-a1 #afh-i1 #bjc-d1 #dde1 #ddg1 #deb in ,peloponnesus1 #cj1 #di1 #ej1 #fi1 #hb1 #aah1 #abj1 #abb-c1 #abh-i in the ,east1 #cjc-e ,landed peasantry not #8proletarian'1 #deg-h ,military point of view1 #c1 #h-aa1 #fd-e1 #gd-e1 #abb1 #abh1 #acb1 #acc1 #adg1 #aeb1 #afc1 #aff1 #agf1 #bac-d1 #bhc1 #cie-g1 #dch1 #ddj ,moral or civic point of view1 #c1 #aa1 #ca1 #fd1 #gj1 #hc1 #if1 #ajg-h1 #abd1 #acc1 #ace foll41 #aff1 #bac1 #bgg foll41 #bha foll41 #cjb1 #dci-dj1 #dde1 #deh need of capital1 #dg1 #fg1 #hc1 #ajd1 #add1 #aed1 #agd1 #bjj-a1 #bjd1 #bbe1 #bej1 #bee1 #cbj1 #cde1 #cfe problem of food-supply1 #c1 #i1 #ad1 #ae1 #ai1 #bi1 #cj1 #dg1 #dh1 #fb1 #ff1 #gg1 #ha1 #hg1 #ib1 #if1 #aah-i1 #acb1 #bjh1 #baa1 #bhc1 #bhh1 #cji1 #cbf1 #ccb1 #ccg1 #cci1 #cdg1 #ceg-h1 #cge1 #cgi1 #chb-d1 #chg-ih1 #djc1 #djf-h1 #daa-b1 #daf1 #dbg-h1 #dfj-a ,property and proprietary rights1 #dcf ,punic1 #aea1 #afd1 #afh1 #agi1 #bjc-d1 #bhb1 #cec remunerative or not1 #ad1 #da1 #hc1 #ajg1 #aaa1 #aed-fj1 #aff1 #afi1 #agd1 #ahf1 #aic1 #bja1 #bje1 #beb-c1 #bfh1 #bgg1 #bhd1 #cjf1 #cjh-aj1 #cah1 #cbj-b1 #cea1 #cfe1 #djd-e ,barbarian and ,greek1 #bg1 #bh1 #ca-b1 #cd1 #ed-e1 #gh-i1 #aab1 #aac1 #afd ,barbarian lords and ,roman subjects1 #dbg ,barbarians and the ,roman army1 #ad1 #baj1 #bgj1 #bgc1 #bib1 #cci1 #chb1 #chg1 #cig1 #dac-d1 #dag-h ,barbarians1 fertility of1 #chb ,barbarians1 settlement of1 within ,roman ,empire1 #ccg-h1 #cdj1 #cfj1 #chd1 #dad-e1 #daf1 #dbf1 #dca ,bee-keeping1 #ahd1 #bbh1 #bcj1 #bff1 #cji ,beggars1 #ah1 #ai1 #bc1 #be1 #gb1 #bdc1 #cib ,book-keeping on great estates1 #bdi-ej1 #beh-i1 #bfd1 #cce1 #cfh ,bucolic poetry1 #aae-f1 #bah-bj1 #bhj ,capitalism and employment of labour1 #b1 #cf1 #dh1 #ee1 #eg-h1 #gj-a1 #ajg1 #aej1 #aea-b1 #aef foll41 #agc1 #bbj1 #bed1 #cjb1 #dda1 #ddc1 #ded-f ,capitalism1 growth of1 #ac1 #be1 #cc1 #cf1 #dg-h1 #di1 #eh1 #gj1 #gf1 #hc1 #ajf1 #abi1 #adb-d1 #bab1 #bhb1 #bhh foll41 #cad ,capitalist influence hostile to free peasantry1 #aea-b1 #bja1 #bab1 #big ,capitalist profiteers1 #djc cases1 query1 hypothetical81 #bfd1 #cjd-e ,caste and gild system of later ,roman ,empire1 #baj1 #bab1 #cgf-g1 #chc1 #chi-ia1 #cif1 #dje1 #dac1 #dbc1 #dea ,census1 the later ,imperial1 #chh1 #cij1 #dbj-b1 #dca ,centralization1 bureaucratic1 #cgi-hj1 #cha1 #chd ,cereal crops1 #ai1 #dg-h1 #ha1 #ajd1 #ajg1 #aaa1 #aah1 #aba1 #aed1 #agd1 #bdi1 #bec1 #bff-g1 #bhc-d1 #bia1 #cjc1 #cji1 #cej1 #ceb1 #cge1 #chh1 #djc1 #djf1 #dab1 #dbh-i1 #dfa1 #dfc ,charcoal1 #db1 #fd ,charitable institutions1 #bga1 #bgc1 #bif1 #cbd ,charity1 private1 #djc ,christianity1 influence of1 #daj-a1 #dbj1 #dbb-c1 #dbf-cb1 #dce1 #ddi foll4 ,citizen and alien1 #cb1 #cf1 #dg1 #dh1 #ff1 #if-g1 #cja1 #cad1 #cbi ,citizens as such not producers1 #ajb ,citizens1 new1 incorporation of1 #abf-g1 #adi1 #aec1 #bga1 #bhh1 #chi1 #ddd ,citizenship1 #hf1 #ib1 #id1 #ih1 #aac-d1 #abj1 #cja-b1 #chi1 #dca1 #ddd ,city and country1 #i1 #ac1 #bd1 #ca-b1 #dj1 #dc-d1 #dh1 #di1 #fc1 #hc1 #hi1 #ij1 #ajh-i1 #aae-f1 #abd-e1 #ade-f1 #aec1 #ahd1 #bjj1 #bag1 #bbb1 #bce-f1 #bea1 #bgh-i1 #cja-b1 #cjf1 #cjh1 #ccb1 #djj1 #dji1 #dbi ,city and ,state1 #chj ,cleruchies1 #ci1 #da-b1 #ea-b1 #ha1 #hc1 #aje-f1 #abj ,clients 1 clientes1 #be1 #acd1 #aej1 #afg1 #bdc1 #cad1 #dca1 #dcc ,colonies1 #bf-g1 #ea1 #fg1 #gb1 #gf1 #hc1 #hg-h1 #aeb1 #agd1 #bjg1 #bgj1 #bgb1 #bgc-e ,commerce and seafaring1 #ai1 #bc1 #ci1 #aad1 #bae1 #bhh1 #bij1 #cji1 #cdg1 #cha1 #cia1 #djc1 #dab ,commerce restricted1 #gg1 #ib1 #if1 #ih1 #ajj1 #ajb1 #adb1 #bij ,communistic schemes and legends1 #da1 #de1 #hi1 #ib1 #abj1 #bah1 #bcb1 #bcf1 #bdh1 #dei ,confiscation and redistribution1 #fg1 #gj1 #gb1 #hh1 #hi1 #abh1 #aee-f1 #agf-g1 #agh-i1 #aic1 #bjj1 #bjc1 #bbe1 #bcd1 #bcf1 #bdj ,continuity of occupation1 importance of1 #bjg-h1 #beb-c1 #bee1 #cdd-e1 #cdg1 #cee-f1 #cgg1 #chc-d ,corn-dealers1 #ha1 #djc ,corn trade 7,euxine71 #ca1 #ci1 #ha1 #ajd-e ,cosmopolitanism1 #aac-d1 #ahg1 #bcb1 #bga1 #bhh ,country carts1 #ci1 #djj ,country houses1 #ea1 #hb1 #ajf1 #ajh-i1 #abd1 #aeg1 #afd1 #afe-f1 #bja1 #bbd1 #bce1 #bdf1 #caj1 #cab1 #cff1 #dbg-i ,country life idealized1 desire of1 #dc1 #aae1 #abd-e1 #bjj-a1 #bae1 #bag1 #bbb1 #bcj1 #bcd-f1 #bhj1 #cjb-c1 #dag1 #dbi ,craftsman as employer1 #b1 #dh1 #ea1 #agb-c1 #che1 #dda1 #ddf ,crops1 dealers in1 #aaa1 #aga1 #cbb1 #cge ,crops1 hanging1 sale of1 #aga1 #bfe1 #bhd1 #cbb ,crops1 variety in1 movement towards1 #bjc1 #bff ,cultivation etc4 by contract1 #adj1 #aff1 #aga-c1 #ahj1 #ahf1 #bfd-e ,cultivation1 intensive1 #bca1 #bfe1 #bia ,cultivation1 movements to extend or maintain1 #abf-g1 #bjg-h1 #baa-b1 #bgb1 #cja1 #ccg-h1 #cdj1 #cdi-eb1 #ceg1 #chc1 #chg1 #cid ,damage1 responsibility for1 #cfc1 #cff1 #cgc-d ,debt1 pressure of1 #bb1 #be1 #acc-d1 #add1 #aee1 #bji1 #cba1 #dcj1 #dcf-g ,devastation of farms in war1 #ca1 #ch1 #dj1 #dc1 #hd1 #ajd1 #aah1 #acc1 #acf1 #aci1 #add1 #daj-a1 #dab ,differentiation of soldier and farmer1 #baj1 #chb1 #dag-h ,digging1 #ce1 #df1 #aaf1 #agb1 #ahf1 #bfa1 #bhb1 #cag ,dogs1 #bc1 #cca1 #cgb ,domains1 imperial1 #bjg1 #bji1 #ccg1 #cdb-eh1 #cgg-h ,domestication of animals1 #ae1 #cb1 #dcc-d ,drainage1 #cff ,east and ,west1 #dji1 #dfj-d ,education1 #fh-i1 #gb-c1 #gf1 #aja ,emigration of working farmers 7871 #bjg1 #bef1 #bgb1 #bgd-e1 #bic1 #cdh-i ,estates abroad1 #ci1 #ea-b1 #ha1 #hc-d1 #ajf1 #bjg1 #bad1 #bdh-i1 #bea1 #bha-b1 #bia1 #bih1 #cja1 #cji1 #cai1 #cda1 #cdh1 #cec-d1 #dje and boundaries1 #ag1 #ajh1 #agd-e1 #aij1 #cca as #8,peculiars'1 #ced1 #cgg1 #cib-c division of1 #bb1 #aij-a1 #bef ,great1 growth of1 in ,italy1 #abf1 #adc-d1 #adg1 #aeb-c1 #aed1 #afe1 #bja1 #bjc1 #bje1 #bdh1 #bea1 #bef1 #bfc1 #bha-c1 #big1 #cad1 #ced ,large and small1 #df1 #dg1 #ea1 #hh1 #ajf-g1 #aai1 #abe1 #abi1 #ach1 #ada-d1 #aff1 #ahb1 #aif1 #bja1 #bad1 #bha-d1 #bif-g1 #ccd ,letting to tenants1 #ad1 #cf1 #ci1 #eb1 #hb-c1 #hd1 #ajf1 #aaa1 #abe1 #aeg-h1 #afj-a1 #afg1 #agg1 #ahc1 #aia1 #aid-e1 #aih1 #bja-b1 #bjh1 #baa1 #baf1 #bbd1 #bcc-e1 #bdf-g1 #beb-g1 #bfd1 #bgg1 #bhj1 #big-i1 #cjc1 #cjg-h1 #cbj-a1 #cbe1 #cee1 #ceh-i1 #cfb foll41 #cfg-h1 #cgf1 #cij1 #dcc1 #dej1 #dfc ,management by owner1 #ac1 #eg-h1 #hb1 #ajf1 #adf1 #afg1 #agj-a1 #bbd1 #bej-a1 #bhd1 #cai1 #cbe ,management by owner's steward1 #ac1 #cc1 #cf1 #ea1 #eg-fj1 #hh1 #ajf1 #aaf1 #abd1 #adj1 #aec1 #aeh-fj1 #afh1 #ahf1 #aid1 #bbd1 #bea-c1 #bef foll41 #big foll41 #cjd1 #cba1 #cbe1 #cce1 #cdc1 #cec1 #cfg-h1 #dfa ,mixed1 #hb1 #hc1 #ajf1 #ajh1 #aee1 #afi1 #bja1 #caj of collegia1 #bie retain names of former owners1 #cdc ,small1 profits on1 #afj1 #ahd1 #bcj1 #bhd1 #cjf ,suburban1 #aji1 #abh1 #afd1 #bdh1 #bid-e1 #cjf1 #cab ,eugenics1 #gb-c1 #ij1 #ic ,evidence1 lack of1 from working farmer or labourer1 #d1 #cgd1 #dbi-cj1 #ded ,experiments1 #beh ,fallows and rotation of crops1 #bia ,familiar details1 tendency of writers to omit1 #af1 #dd1 #acf1 #adj1 #bac-d1 #cgi ,farm-equipment found by landlord1 #baf1 #bee1 #big-i1 #cbj-a1 #cdd-e1 #cfd-e1 #cfg ,farmer and politics1 #aa1 #ab1 #cf1 #dj-d1 #di1 #gj1 #hi1 #ij1 #cjb ,farmer as man of substance1 #ci-dj1 #da1 #df1 #ajd ,farmer-heroes1 ,roman1 #ace foll41 #ade-f1 #aig1 #bac1 #bcb1 #bha1 #cac1 #cbh1 #dae1 #dah1 #dde ,farmer not a soldier1 #gd1 #ih1 #aja1 #baj1 #cac1 #caf1 #cif-h1 #dag ,farmer rather a seller than a buyer1 #db1 #afg1 #ahe ,farmers' capital mostly fixed1 #df1 #dg1 #ajd1 #aic ,farmers required to be resident1 #bjd-e1 #bjh1 #big1 #chc-d ,farmers resident in the city1 #cc1 #ea1 #hb ,farm-hands as oarsmen1 #ij1 #ie1 #ahc ,farming1 fancy1 #aji1 #agi1 #bhb1 #cjh-aj ,farming1 high or scientific1 #ih-i1 #abb1 #agi1 #aha1 #bja1 #bhf ,farming means unremitting attention and toil1 #bb1 #bc1 #aeb1 #aei-fj1 #aff1 #aig1 #bah1 #bbb1 #bea1 #cba1 #dea ,farm slaves barbarians1 #fc1 #ib1 #id1 #abd1 #bib1 #cbe1 #ccg ,farm tenants and their burdens1 #ad1 #aca1 #aeg-h1 #ahc1 #aie1 #aig1 #bji1 #baa1 #bed1 #cgg-h1 #cig1 #dae ,figs1 #de1 #ha1 #ajh1 #bff1 #bhc1 #cjc1 #dfc ,financial interests1 power of1 #aeb ,financial system and motives of later ,roman ,empire1 #baa-b1 #bbe1 #cdf1 #cdh1 #ced-e1 #cge-h1 #cha-c1 #chh foll41 #cid1 #dja1 #daj foll41 #dbg ,fires1 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,representative government unknown1 #ff1 #hi ,restoration of exiles1 effects of1 #aai1 #abb1 #abh ,rich and poor1 #ij1 #id1 #aab1 #abj1 #abi1 #bje1 #bga1 #bgc1 #bie1 #cjb1 #cjf1 #cbi1 #cca-b1 #cia1 #djj1 #djc-d1 #daj1 #dbd-e ,rights of way1 watercourses1 etc41 #ajh1 #beh1 #bid-e1 #cgc ,roads1 #bfg1 #bie1 #cia1 #dbi ,roads1 public1 work on1 #agc1 #cgh1 #cia ,roman ,empire a machine1 #cha-b1 #chd1 #dbe1 #dbg1 #dea ,roman ,empire1 stagnation in1 #cih1 #dea ,roman power of assimilation1 failing1 #bgj-a1 #cch1 #cdj ,roman subjects prefer ,barbarian rule1 #dbc-d ,rural disputes and affrays1 #ahh-ia1 #cae1 #cgb-d1 #dje ,self-help1 duty of1 #bc ,sheep1 #aji1 #cji ,slavery1 ,labour1 ,serfdom1 etc4 ,abolitionism1 a modern movement1 #cd1 #hd1 #dde foll4 ,apprenticeship1 #gi ,competition of slave labour with free1 #dh1 #ei1 #ga1 #he1 #abd1 #aca1 #aeg1 #cjb1 #dda1 #ddc ,eunuchs1 #bh1 #caj ,handicraftsmen1 #af1 #ah1 #bc1 #be1 #bh1 #ce1 #fb1 #fh1 #gc1 #hh1 #add1 #ahd1 #aic1 #aii1 #bde1 #dcg-h1 #dda ,handicraftsmen1 free1 their difficulties1 #cjb ,harbouring runaways1 #cge1 #cid1 #djd ,hired labourers not 1 #ab1 #ac ,itinerant labourers1 jobbing gangs of1 #ad1 #aaj1 #agc1 #bbb1 #bef1 #cbg1 #ddc ,journeyman contrasted with independent craftsman1 #b1 #ce1 #dh1 #deb1 #dee ,labour1 attempts to entice it from neighbours1 #cid ,labour despised1 #ai1 #bb1 #bh1 #ei1 #fd1 #gh1 #hj1 #he1 #ahh1 #aic1 #bde1 #bhg1 #cei1 #dch1 #ddj1 #ddb1 #ddd-e1 #deb ,labour1 division of1 #ab1 #ae1 #ii ,labourer goes with the land1 #id1 #aca1 #baa1 #cai-bj1 #cfj-a1 #cfh1 #cic-e ,labourer1 status of1 often uncertain1 #c1 #cc1 #aaj-a1 #aag1 #abh1 #aic1 #bah-ba1 #bbb1 #bbg-h1 #bef1 #ddb-c ,labour for daily bread1 #ee-f1 #eh1 #fb1 #aaa1 #age1 #aii1 #bjd1 #cac1 #cbg1 #dda ,labour1 for self or for another1 #ab-ae1 #be1 #add1 #adh1 #bii1 #cbg1 #cgj1 #cii1 #dcf1 #dch-dd1 #dde1 #deh ,labour glorified1 #bca1 #bgg-hj ,labour good for the labourer1 #ef1 #eh1 #fd1 #bgg-hj1 #caf-g ,labour in discharge of debt1 #afa1 #ahj1 #ahb1 #bfc1 #dcg ,labour not degrading1 #af1 #ai1 #bc1 #fd1 #aaa1 #adi1 #bdf1 #bgg-i ,labour1 personal1 of working farmer1 7see 71 #bc-d1 #be1 #cj1 #cf1 #dd1 #de1 #eh1 #hf1 #abc1 #abh1 #acf1 #adh-i1 #afe1 #ahj1 #ahd1 #aig1 #bjh1 #bac-d1 #baf1 #bbf1 #bcj-a1 #bcd1 #bdc1 #bee1 #bhc1 #cjd1 #cbe1 #ccb1 #cde1 #cdg1 #cec1 #cga1 #cie1 #dci foll41 #dfc ,labour question fundamental1 #baa-b1 #bcg1 #bci-dj1 #bfh1 #bhg1 #cdd1 #cid foll41 #deh ,labour1 rustic1 as a punishment1 #abd-e1 #ade-f1 #afg1 #bdh1 #ddd ,labour1 rustic1 as healthy exercise1 #bcf1 #bgg-hj1 #caf-g1 #ddj ,labour-services of tenants due without wage1 #afa1 #bja-b1 #bji1 #baa1 #bed1 #bef1 #beg1 #bfe1 #bih1 #cdb1 #cdd-f1 #cdh1 #cea1 #cec-d1 #cei1 #chc-d ,later serf-colonate a result of gradual change1 #baa-b1 #bed-f1 #beg1 #ccc1 #cef1 #cei1 #cfa1 #cgh foll41 #chf1 #cic-d1 #dbd-e1 #dcf1 #dej ,manual labour and direction1 #ab1 #ac1 #bj1 #bc-d1 #ce1 #eg-fj1 #abd-e1 #aeh1 #agf1 #aha1 #beh1 #bii1 #caf1 #cai1 #cga1 #cie1 #dde1 #dee1 #deh ,occasional labour1 #ae1 #ec1 #he1 #ajh1 #aaa1 #aeg1 #afa1 #aff1 #ahj foll41 #ahf1 #bja1 #bed1 #bfe1 #cdb1 #cdd-e1 #cdf1 #cdh1 #cei1 #dcd1 #ddc1 #dee ,odd jobs1 porterage1 etc41 #df1 #cbg ,overseers1 etc41 #ea1 #eg1 #ei1 #fj1 #hh1 #ig1 #afe1 #aha1 #bfa1 #cba1 #djd1 #ddc1 #ddg1 #dfb ,quasi-slavery of free workers1 #ii1 #add1 #ahh1 #dda foll4 ,self-disposal1 #dda1 #ddc-d1 #dea1 #dec1 #def ,serfage and slavery confused1 #hd1 #hf1 #bib ,serfage distinct from slavery or caste-system1 #bf-g1 #aca1 #cfj-a1 #dcf ,serf-colonate failing1 #dfj1 #dfc1 #dfd ,serf-cultivators1 #bf-h1 #cj1 #cg1 #ej1 #fj1 #fi1 #ge1 #gg1 #hb1 #hd1 #hg1 #ib1 #abg1 #aca1 #bib1 #cfa1 #dca1 #dcf ,serfdom is practically slavery1 #dbe1 #dca ,serf employed in war1 #cg1 #ge1 #ie ,slave artisans and craftsmen1 #ea1 #ee1 #eg1 #ahd1 #dda1 #ddf ,slave as fellow-man1 #cd1 #ef1 #fb1 #aac1 #bde1 #bfj1 #cbc1 #cbh1 #dde ,slave brigands1 #aed1 #ahi-ib1 #cib1 #ddh ,slave-gangs1 not to be homogeneous1 #gg1 #id1 #afb1 #aha-b ,slave-gangs1 special foremen of1 #aeh1 #ahe1 #bfj ,slave insurrections1 #afb1 #age1 #agg1 #aha1 #aia1 #aih1 #ddh ,slave-labour always available1 #aeg1 #agd-e1 #bci1 #bhe-f1 #ddf1 #dee ,slave-labour1 excess of1 attempt to lessen1 #aca ,slave-labour1 specializing of1 on estates1 #bjc1 #bfa1 #bfe1 #dfa ,slave-labour untrustworthy and wasteful1 #ig1 #aaa1 #aeg1 #ahj foll41 #ahf1 #bec1 #bhc1 #bhe1 #cai1 #cee1 #cih1 #dag1 #dai1 #dde1 #dee ,slave not a person1 #dd1 #eg1 #gg1 #dja ,slave not enrolled in army1 #age1 #ahf1 #cbc-d1 #cif ,slave philosophers1 #cbg ,slave-qualities1 #cd1 #ef1 #ahj-a1 #bei ,slavery1 absolute power of master1 #ah1 #ef-g1 #aeh-i1 #afg1 #bdd1 #ddf ,slavery and labour in general1 #b1 #c1 #ae1 #af1 #cd1 #df1 #dh1 #gh1 #aaj-b1 #ace-h1 #afa1 #agj1 #ahj-b1 #ahf1 #baf1 #bbb1 #bcj-a1 #bci1 #bha1 #bhe1 #bii1 #cjd1 #caf1 #chc1 #che1 #cie1 #dbi1 #dcc-e1 #ddj foll41 #ddd-e1 #dee ,slavery1 attempts to justify1 #gi1 #dci ,slavery1 domestic1 #h1 #bf1 #cj1 #ci1 #fa1 #hj1 #ig1 #aji1 #abc1 #abd1 #acg1 #bba1 #bca1 #bdd1 #bdi-ej1 #bhe1 #cji-aj1 #caa1 #cah1 #dbi1 #dca1 #dda-b1 #ddf ,slavery from gambling debt1 #bia ,slavery1 growth of humaner views on1 #fa-b1 #gi1 #afg1 #ahb1 #ahe1 #bba1 #bbi1 #bdb-c1 #bdd-e1 #bfj-a1 #bhe1 #caj-a1 #cag1 #cbc1 #cbf-h1 #dch1 #dde ,slavery ignored1 #bcg-dj ,slavery1 industrial1 #h1 #ea1 #ec1 #ee1 #hj1 #abc1 #acg1 #cce1 #dda ,slavery1 its economic success or failure1 #aef foll41 #bhc1 #bhe1 #cbc1 #cgj1 #dcd1 #ddb1 #dde ,slavery justified1 #cd1 #gh-i1 #ajj1 #dci1 #ddb ,slavery1 kidnapping1 #bj1 #ec1 #ee1 #gi1 #abb1 #afj1 #bdc1 #bfc1 #cbc1 #cbf1 #cbi ,slavery1 legends of none in early times1 #ae1 #cj1 #fb1 #abc1 #dci1 #deb ,slavery of debtor to creditor1 #be1 #acd1 #bfc1 #bfi1 #dcf-g1 #dch1 #ddb ,slavery1 origin of1 #ae1 #ag1 #gh1 #bcf-g1 #dcd1 #ddf ,slavery originally on small scale and domestic in character1 #acg1 #adi1 #bbh1 #bca1 #bdc1 #bde1 #bhe1 #dcd-e1 #ddf ,slavery1 query1 assumed1 #af1 #ag1 #bj1 #cj1 #cb1 #cg1 #dd1 #dh1 #fh1 #gd-e1 #hd1 #acf1 #bac-d1 #bbj1 #cjd1 #cfh1 #dde ,slavery1 question of manumission1 #ba1 #ch1 #eh1 #fb1 #gi1 #hj1 #hd1 #ig1 #abb1 #abc-d1 #abi1 #adi1 #aeh1 #afh1 #ahb1 #aif1 #bah1 #bai1 #bfj1 #bfc1 #bhh1 #caa-b1 #cah1 #cbf1 #ccc-d1 #cfh1 #cfi1 #cga1 #dca1 #ddb-c1 #ddf-g ,slavery recognized as basis of social and economic system1 #de1 #ef1 #fj1 #gg-h1 #ii1 #ajj1 #ajb1 #ada-b1 #aib1 #bci1 #bef1 #bhe-f1 #caj ,slavery1 rustic1 #h1 #i1 #bj1 #bc-d1 #be1 #cj1 #cg1 #ci1 #dd-e1 #df-g1 #ej-b1 #eg-i1 #fc-d1 #fh1 #gg1 #gi1 #hj1 #hd1 #hg1 #ig1 #ajf-aaj1 #aaf-g1 #abb1 #abd1 #abi1 #ace-h1 #add foll41 #aea-d1 #aeh1 #afj-b1 #afe foll41 #agj foll41 #agd foll41 #ahj foll41 #ahd foll41 #bjc1 #bjh1 #bad1 #baf-g1 #bbb1 #bbg-cc1 #bcg1 #bdj1 #bdb-c1 #beh-fc1 #bha1 #bhe1 #bii1 #caj-a1 #cae1 #cba1 #cbe1 #ccc-d1 #ccg1 #cdj1 #cda-b1 #cde1 #cec1 #cee1 #cfc-d1 #cfi1 #chg1 #cid1 #djd1 #dad1 #dbi1 #dce1 #ddc-d1 #dee1 #dfa-b1 #dfd ,slavery1 secondary 7slaves of slaves71 #ah1 #bei ,slavery1 the relation questioned1 #cc-e1 #ef1 #aac1 #bdd1 #cjb1 #cce1 #ddf ,slavery unknown among the gods1 #ce ,slavery1 was it the basis of #8classical' civilization81 #g1 #h1 #ae1 #dec1 #dee ,slaves acquire property1 see peculium1 #ch1 #eh1 #hj1 #afg-h1 #aha-b1 #bai1 #bej1 #bfc1 #cah1 #cfi1 #ddb ,slaves and freemen work side by side1 #dh1 #fc1 #ace-h1 #adj1 #adi1 #aga-c1 #ahj foll41 #ddd-e ,slaves as gladiators1 #afb1 #ahi1 #cbh ,slaves as informers1 danger from1 #hd1 #bdd1 #ccd ,slaves as oarsmen1 #ec1 #ij1 #ie1 #abb1 #cbf ,slaves as property1 #ag1 #ah1 #ee1 #ef-g1 #gg1 #hb1 #abb1 #aee1 #afg1 #agb1 #ahb1 #ahi1 #bba1 #caa1 #cae1 #cfi-gj1 #ddb-c ,slaves as war-booty1 #aj1 #ag1 #bg1 #cg1 #ec1 #ee1 #abj1 #abb1 #abi1 #acf1 #aec1 #agf1 #bcf-g1 #caj1 #cbe1 #ccg1 #chg ,slaves a worry to masters1 #ig1 #abd1 #bhe ,slaves brought on the stage1 #cd1 #fb1 #aac ,slaves1 care of their health1 #gg1 #afa1 #ahe1 #bfb1 #ddb1 #dfb ,slaves1 condition of1 #ag1 #ah1 #bj1 #ba1 #ef-g1 #caa1 #cbd1 #cgj-a ,slaves1 contractors' gangs of1 #ajh1 #aaj1 #aff1 #bad ,slaves1 cruel punishment of1 #aif1 #bdd1 #bdi1 #ddc ,slaves1 deliberate breeding of1 #afa1 #afi1 #aha1 #bdi1 #beg1 #bfj1 #bfb1 #caa-b ,slaves employed in business and professions1 #ig1 #aib1 #cje1 #ddf ,slaves employed in hunting1 #dje ,slaves1 female1 #ag1 #ah1 #bd1 #de1 #eg1 #afh1 #aha1 #bba1 #bca1 #beg-h1 #bfj1 #bfb1 #cjg1 #cah1 #cfd1 #dca ,slaves1 food1 lodging and dress of1 #bj1 #bc-d1 #be1 #de1 #eg1 #aaf1 #aed1 #aeg1 #aga-b1 #aha1 #aic1 #beh1 #bfj1 #cji1 #dda ,slaves1 good health of1 #cag1 #ddj ,slaves1 home-born 1 vernae1 #abi1 #afi1 #aha1 #bce1 #bfb1 #caa-b1 #dcj-a ,slaves let out for service at a rent1 #ch1 #ci1 #fa1 #fd1 #hj1 #aaj1 #aag1 #agj1 #aic1 #bdg1 #bef1 #cgj-a1 #ddb-c ,slaves liable for masters' safety1 #bdd1 #cbc ,slaves1 loyalty of1 #ah1 #bj1 #cd1 #fa1 #bdj ,slaves1 masters responsible for their vices1 #ef-h1 #fa1 #gg1 #bde ,slaves1 moral qualities needed in1 #ef-h1 #fa1 #gg1 #ig1 #aha-b1 #aif1 #bei-fa1 #cbc ,slaves1 names of1 #de1 #fc-d1 #acg1 #bac1 #bhe ,slaves not 1 #ab1 #ac1 #dci ,slaves of publicani1 #aea1 #ahh1 #aib ,slaves1 old age of1 #hj1 #ig1 #aeh1 #afg1 #ahb1 #bfc1 #cbf1 #ddc1 #ddg ,slaves1 public1 #fh1 #hf1 #ia1 #djj1 #ddf ,slaves1 punishment of1 interrupted by war1 #de ,slaves1 restriction on sale of1 #cid ,slaves1 rewards of1 better than punishments1 #aha-b1 #ahe ,slaves1 runaway1 #ej-a1 #aeh1 #aib1 #cge1 #djd1 #dce1 #ddg ,slaves serving in war1 #aj1 #abb1 #abi1 #adb1 #afb1 #ahc1 #cbc-d1 #cif1 #djg ,slaves1 supply of1 reduced1 or rise in price of1 #da1 #aag1 #ada-b1 #afj-a1 #afb1 #bjd1 #bjh1 #baj1 #beg1 #bih1 #caj1 #cdj1 #cdd1 #cea1 #ced1 #cge1 #chg1 #dej ,slaves1 torture of1 #aaj1 #dba ,slaves1 training of1 #eg1 #afi1 #aha-b1 #beh1 #bfj ,slaves unruly1 #ch1 #gh1 #aha1 #bfj1 #caj ,slave-tenant or mtayer a quasi-partner1 #bih-i1 #dff ,slave-tenants1 #beg1 #bii1 #cjg1 #cfg-h1 #cfi1 #cga1 #cic1 #djd1 #dej ,slave-trade1 #ag1 #ah1 #bj1 #be1 #ec1 #ee1 #eg1 #fa1 #gi1 #hg1 #aab1 #abb1 #acg1 #aec-d1 #afi1 #agf1 #baj1 #bcf1 #bdb1 #bef1 #bei1 #bia-b1 #caj1 #cbe-f1 #cbg1 #cbi1 #dad1 #dce1 #ddf ,unskilled labour 7#8hands'71 #ci1 #ii1 #agj1 #agb1 #ahj-a1 #ahh1 #aic1 #bbg1 #bfa1 #ddb foll4 ,wage-earning1 #c1 #ab1 #ad1 #ae1 #af1 #ah1 #ai1 #bj1 #bc1 #bd1 #be1 #bi1 #cd1 #ce1 #dd1 #df1 #ec1 #eh-i1 #fa-d1 #gh-i1 #hh1 #aji-aj1 #aag1 #abe1 #adj1 #add-e1 #aej1 #aeg-h1 #afj1 #agj-c1 #age-f1 #ahj1 #ahb1 #ahf1 #ahh1 #aic1 #aii1 #bjj-a1 #baf1 #bbb1 #bce1 #bef1 #bhg1 #cjd-e1 #cac1 #cbg1 #cdd1 #cei1 #cgj1 #che1 #dcd1 #dda foll41 #deb1 #def-i ,wage-labour for special work1 #df1 #aaj1 #aaa1 #abe1 #aeg1 #aga-c1 #ahj1 #ahb1 #ahf1 #bjb1 #bff ,wage1 legal right to1 #cjd ,small cultivating owners in ,roman ,empire1 #cda1 #cdf1 #cij ,small holdings of state tenants1 #agg1 #aih ,small landholders persecuted by big neighbours1 #add1 #bdb1 #bdh1 #bea1 #bhc1 #cae1 #ccj-a1 #cgb1 #dfg ,soldiers as practical farmers1 #ahd1 #cdj ,soldiers driven to farm-work1 #ec1 #ij1 #adg-h ,specialization in politics1 #fi1 #gb-e1 #ib-c1 #ih1 #ajb ,squatters on waste land1 #bcj1 #bgb1 #cjj foll41 #ccg1 #cdi-eb1 #ceg1 #dbh ,state-contracts1 #hc1 #adb1 #aea-b1 #ahg1 #aib1 #cff1 #cgf ,state-pay for public duties1 #cd1 #ch1 #df1 #dg1 #hc1 #hg1 #hh1 #abj1 #dda ,steward a slave1 #ei1 #ig1 #aaf1 #abd1 #adj1 #aec1 #aeh-i1 #aff1 #agj-a1 #ahf1 #aie-f1 #baf-g1 #bbd1 #bdb1 #beg-i1 #bfd1 #cfh1 #ddc ,steward 7vilicus7 as tenant of a farm1 #bii1 #cjg1 #cfg-h ,steward directing free workers or overseeing tenants1 see procurator1 #agc1 #baf1 #bfd ,steward1 the interest of1 #aec-d1 #aeh-i1 #aff1 #bed1 #ddc1 #ddg ,stoicism and ,stoics1 #ahg1 #aic1 #bdb1 #bdd-f1 #bge foll41 #caj1 #ddb1 #ddi ,tax-farming system superseded1 #bjf ,tenancies1 beneficial1 #adc1 #cgf ,tenancies1 large1 not common1 #bih1 #cdc-d ,tenancy a contract-relation regulated by law1 #bjh-i1 #bdf-g1 #beb-g1 #big-i1 #cba1 #cde1 #cfb foll41 #dcc ,tenant1 claims of1 #cfc-d1 #cgd1 #dff ,tenants find sureties1 #cde1 #cfc ,tenants1 good1 hard to find1 #bjh-i1 #beb-f1 #bih-i1 #cbj-a1 #cfg1 #cfi1 #dej ,tenants-in-chief as rent and tax collectors1 #cdc1 #cee ,tenants-in-chief1 holding of the state ,middlemen1 #aie1 #bjg-h1 #bji1 #baa-b1 #cdc-ec1 #cef1 #ceh-i ,tenants-in-chief oppress sub-tenants1 #cdf1 #cdh1 #ced-g1 #cei1 #chd ,tenants-in-chief subletting to small farmers1 #aie1 #aig1 #bjh-i1 #baa-b1 #cdj1 #cdb1 #cdc foll41 #cec1 #cee1 #cgf-g1 #dje ,tenants1 interest of ,imperial government in their welfare1 #cid1 #cig-h1 #djj ,tenant's property pledged to landlord1 #cfc1 #cfh ,tenant1 the town-bred man1 #bed ,threshing1 #af1 #bd1 #bgh ,tillage by ,mattock1 #bad1 #bhd1 #cac1 #caf ,tillage1 the appliances of1 #ahj1 #aig1 #cjc ,timber1 #ci1 #if1 #aah1 #bbg1 #cbj ,tombs on estates1 #da1 #aji1 #cab ,transport as an element of cost1 #cia ,transport by road or river1 #bfg1 #cbb ,upkeep1 importance of1 #bfb1 #cfe ,veterinary treatment1 #bbh1 #dah ,village communities1 #acd1 #bia1 #dcg-h #dfc ,vines1 #ai1 #bd1 #dc1 #dg-h1 #ha1 #ajd1 #ajg-h1 #aaa1 #aba1 #aci1 #aeg1 #agb1 #agd1 #ahe-f1 #bfa1 #bff1 #bhc-d1 #cjc1 #cjh1 #cbj-b1 #ceb1 #djf1 #daf1 #dba1 #dbh1 #dfc ,voluntary action1 its limits in ancient world1 #ddj-d ,war and peace1 #fg1 #hi1 #ia1 #ie1 #ajj1 #ajb ,wayfarers1 nuisance from1 #bfg ,weather-wisdom1 #ca-b ,wine1 use of1 #ai1 #db1 #bhc1 #chh ,,ii ,,list ,,of ,,words ,,and ,,phrases ,a4 ,,greek 1 #aja 1 #fc1 #aag 1 #gi 1 #bj1 #ff 1 #ag1 #ef1 #fj1 #ach 1 #ci1 #aaj 1 #ajf 1 #gg 1 #ig 1 #dfc 1 #fa1 #fd1 #cgj 1 #hf1 #hi1 #ia1 #ih 1 #ajh consistent with slaveowning1 #ac1 #bc1 #dj1 #dd1 #ej1 #eh-i1 #hd1 #hh1 #abc1 #acf-g1 #afe1 #bbe1 #cde1 #dci-dj and 1 #ab1 #ac1 #ag1 #bc1 #bd1 #ce-f1 #db1 #di1 #ej1 #eh1 #fj1 #fb1 #fg1 #hb1 #id1 #ajb-c1 #ajg1 #abc1 #abh1 #aig1 #bgg1 #cjb1 #cga1 #dci foll41 #dei 1 #cjb 1 #gc-d1 #ia1 #ih1 #ii1 #aja 1 #ca 1 #djj 1 #bjd1 #bjg1 #cdg1 #cgh 1 #bg1 #cb1 #gf 1 #cf1 #cg 1 #dg1 #hh1 #ajf 1 a special class1 #bi1 #fh1 #gd1 #aja1 #bjd1 #cdg1 #cgh1 #cie1 #dja 1 1 etc41 #cc1 #cg1 #ci1 #hd1 #ij1 #aba1 #dde1 #dfb 1 #baj 1 #ajd 1 #djj 1 #hc 1 #ccg1 #cda1 #dja 1 #ig 1 #ah1 #ge 1 #fh 1 #ag1 #ah1 #bj1 #bc 1 #bdj 1 #cd 1 #ag1 #gi1 #aaj 1 #abb 1 #bbe 1 #bbe 1 #eh 1 #ei1 #agb 1 #eg1 #ei1 #fj1 #dfa 1 #af 1 #dfa-b 1 #ce1 #ajg1 #aaf1 #aba1 #abe1 #abh1 #cjd1 #dfa 1 #ai1 #bb-c 1 #aj1 #bc1 #aaf 1 #bb 1 #ajf 1 #ib1 #ajb 1 1 #af1 #ah1 #ai1 #bj1 #bc1 #be1 #bi1 #ce1 #he1 #ih1 #aaj1 #add1 #adg 1 #abb 1 #baa 1 #ff1 #ie 1 #abb1 #bdj 1 #ajh 1 #ff 1 #dfc 1 #af1 #bc1 #cd1 #fd1 #ge1 #ie1 #aaj1 #cjd 1 #df1 #gh1 #he1 #aji1 #aaj1 #aag1 #abe 1 #djb 1 #ajg 1 #cj1 #ci1 #fd1 #aaj1 #cda 1 1 #ag1 #ba1 #cj 1 #abi 1 #cjd 1 #dfa 1 #ajh1 #aaa 1 #aaa 1 #ajg 1 #abc 1 #cdg1 #cgh 1 #cg1 #aaf 1 #id 1 #aaj 1 #ce1 #aaf 1 #ff 1 #aaf 1 #ajh 1 #abb1 #cif 1 #aaa 1 #fh1 #ih 1 #ge1 #ie1 #cjd 1 #dg1 #hc 1 #bcg 1 #cd-e 1 #hf1 #ic 1 #ih 1 #dfc ,b4 ,,latin abigei1 #cgb actor1 #beh1 #bfc1 #bii1 #cjj1 #cai1 #cbd1 #cfg-h adaeratio1 #cif addicere1 #dbd adscribere1 adscripticii1 #dbe adsidui1 #aj1 #aeb1 #bec advenae1 #dbe aedificare1 #bad agellus1 #bae-f1 #bai1 #bdc1 #cah1 #ccd1 #dbe aggeres 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#ii2 ,i #ab #be1 #ajb2 ,,ii #d #i1 #ajb2 ,,iii #h #a1 #ig ,arrian1 ,indica #aj #h1 #i1 #abc1 #baj ,athenaeus1 #adi d1 #ej2 #bfc1 #bfg e-#bgj a1 #fb2 #bgb a1 #bfd c1 #abc2 #bgf b1 #bde2 #bfd d1 #ddb ,attic ,comedy1 #fa-e1 #aba ,augustin1 de civitate ,dei ,x #a1 #cic ,caesar bell ,afr #cb1 #ce1 #ef1 #bge2 #i1 #dj1 #fe1 #dab2 bell civ ,i #cd1 #ef1 #ad1 #ahc1 #bed2 bell ,gall ,,iv #a1 ,,vi #bb1 #bia ,calpurnius1 ,,iv #aah1 #bdi2 ,,iv #be-f1 #bfe ,cato de agri cultura #e #d1 #adj1 #agc2 #b #g1 #aeh1 #afg2 #e #b1 #aei2 #c #a1 #aff2 #d1 #aff1 #agj2 praef #aff1 #afg2 #af1 #acf-g1 #adf1 #aff2 #adg1 #aff2 #ef-g1 #aff1 #agb1 #ahf2 #aj #a1 #aa #a1 #afg1 #agb2 #a #d1 #afg2 #a #c1 #agj2 #b #a1 #agj2 #e1 #hc1 #adc1 #agj2 #ac #a1 #aga2 #fd #a1 #aga2 #ff1 #aga2 #add-e1 #aga2 #adf1 #aga2 #adi #b1 #aga2 #aej1 #agb2 #ff-g1 #agb2 #af1 #ch1 #agb2 #e #f1 #agb2 #ad1 #agb2 #g #b1 #ba #e1 #agc2 #b #b1 #d1 #agc2 #acf1 #agc2 ,remains 7ed ,jordan7 p #gg1 #afd2 #dc1 #afe1 #afi ,catullus1 ,,xxiii #a1 #bba ,cicero ad ,atticum ,,xiii #i #b1 #aid1 #baf2 ad familiares ,,xiii #g1 #aa1 #bjg2 ,,xvi #af #a1 #aig2 ,brutus #beg1 #ahh2 #he1 #aib2 #big1 #aic2 ,catil ,,ii #ah1 #ad1 #aee1 #bhi2 ,,ii #bj1 #aee2 ,cato maior #ef1 #ace1 #acg2 de finibus ,v #eb1 #ahh2 de imperio ,pompei #af1 #ahh2 de lege agraria ,,ii #gh1 #aee2 ,,ii #hj-c1 #aih2 ,,ii #hd1 #hh-i1 #aih2 ,,ii #hb1 #aii2 ,,ii #ej1 #bjg2 de legibus ,,iii #cj1 #bja2 de officiis ,i #aej1 #ahh1 #bcj2 ,i #aea1 #aic2 ,i #da1 #aic1 #bcj2 ,,ii #hi1 #aed1 #afe2 ,,iii #aab1 #ade2 de oratore ,i #hc1 #bfc1 #ahh1 #aic2 ,i #bdi1 #aid1 #bfd2 ,,ii #dj1 #ahh1 #aic2 ,,ii #bhg1 #aie2 ,,iii #df1 #ahh1 #aic1 #bbg2 de republica ,,iii #af1 #aeg2 ,v #e1 #ahf1 #aie2 in toga candida1 fr #aa1 #aia2 ,,ii2 in ,verrem ,i #adg1 #aic2 ,,ii #bg1 #aia2 ,,iii #aai1 #aeh1 #aif2 ,,iii #ff1 #aia2 ,,iii #ec-e and passim1 #aie2 ,,iii #bg1 #aig2 ,,iii #ee1 #bbd2 ,,iii #aij1 #cia2 ,,iv #aab1 #aia2 ,,iv #gg1 #aic2 ,v #de1 #adb2 ,v passim1 #aia2 paradoxa ,,vi #df1 #aij2 ,philippics ,,viii #cb1 #aif2 pro ,caecina #aj-ai1 #aij2 #a1 #aia2 #eh1 #fc1 #aic1 #aid2 #ag1 #eg1 #id1 #aid2 #id1 #bbd2 pro ,cluentio #afa1 #aia2 #afc1 #aic2 #age1 #ahb1 #aie1 #bbd2 pro ,fonteio #aa-ac1 #bgd2 pro ,murena #fb1 #ahg2 pro ,plancio1 #fb1 #aif2 pro ,rabirio 7perd7 #aj-ag1 #aif2 pro ,roscio comoedo #cb1 #di1 #ed1 #ahi2 pro ,sex ,roscio #ci-ea1 #adf-g1 #aic2 #abj1 #aig2 pro ,sulla #ef-i1 #bij2 pro ,tullio #g-ab1 #ba1 #ahi2 #ad-bb1 #aij2 #ag1 #aij1 #aid1 #bfd2 #h1 #aia2 pro ,vareno fr #e1 #aia2 ,tusculan disputations ,i #cd1 #ahh2 ,,iii #gg1 #ahh2 ,v #ajd1 #ahh2 ,v #cd1 #aic ,claudian1 #dae-g ,codex ,justinianus1 ,,iv #fe #f1 #cfd2 ,,iv #fa #e1 #cig2 ,,ix #ch1 #cge2 ,x #cb #db1 #djb2 ,,xi #dh #ac1 #cdj1 #dbd1 #dca2 ,,xi #ei #a1 #chg2 ,,xi #dh #b1 #d1 #cic2 ,,xi #dh #g1 #cid2 ,,xi #ej #a1 #b1 #cid2 ,,xi #ee #b1 #cig2 ,,xi #dh #a1 #cih2 ,,xi #ed1 #djj1 #dbe2 ,,xi #fd #b1 #dh #af1 #dbe2 ,,xii #cc #f1 #cif ,codex ,theodosianus1 ,,ii #d #e1 #f1 #dbd2 ,,iii #a #b1 #dbe2 ,,iv #ac #b1 #c1 #cie1 #cig2 ,v #ag1 #ah #i1 #aj ,gothofr1 #cdj2 ,v #aa #h1 #ab1 #ad #cj1 #cdi1 #ceg2 ,v #ad #cd1 #cea2 ,v #ag #i #a1 #b1 #chf1 #cic1 #dbe2 ,v #ag #b1 #djb2 ,v #ah #aj1 #dbd1 #dbe1 #dca2 ,,vi #bf #ad1 #cif2 ,,vii #ac #g1 #h1 #ab1 #cie1 #cif2 ,,vii #ac #g1 #cif2 ,,vii #ah #aj1 #cif2 ,,vii #ac #c1 #dah2 ,,vii #a #ab1 #dbc2 ,,vii #bj #g1 #dbc2 ,,vii #bb1 #a #h1 #dbc2 ,,viii #e1 #cia1 #dbc2 ,,viii #b #c1 #cif2 ,,ix #cb #a1 #cge2 ,,ix #cj #c1 #dah2 ,x #c #d1 #cea2 ,x #c1 #djj2 ,x #aj #be1 #daf2 ,,xi #a #bh1 #bic2 ,,xi #a #d1 #cea1 #djd2 ,,xi #b #a-e1 #chh2 ,,xi #a #ad1 #cij1 #cic2 ,,xi #bh1 #cij1 #daj2 ,,xi #a #aa1 #ba1 #bb1 #cia2 ,,xi #af #c1 #d1 #cia1 #cih2 ,,xi #af1 #cic2 ,,xi #a #ab1 #cid2 ,,xi #c #b1 #cid2 ,,xi #g-aj1 #af #aj1 #cie2 ,,xi #aa1 #cie1 #cig2 ,,xi #h1 #cig2 ,,xi #af #ad1 #ae1 #ah1 #cif1 #dad2 ,,xi #af #aj1 #ag #b-d1 #cig2 ,,xi #bd1 #djj1 #dbe2 ,,xi #bd #b1 #djb2 ,,xi #af #ae1 #daj2 ,,xi #a #cf1 #daa2 ,,xi #f1 #daa2 ,,xi #a #bf1 #c #a-e1 #dbe2 ,,xi #c #c1 #dbe2 ,,xi #a #bf1 #dbf2 ,,xii #a #de1 #bic2 ,,xii #ai1 #cdj2 ,,xii #a #abh1 #djb2 ,,xii #a #afi1 #daa2 ,,xiii #e1 #cia2 ,,xiii #aj #a1 #cia2 ,,xiii #aj #c1 #cic2 ,,xiv #d #d1 #cia2 ,,xiv #ah1 #cib2 ,,xiv #bd1 #djh2 ,,xvi #e #dh1 #cib2 ,,xvi #e #ed1 #dje ,columella1 ,i #d #b1 #aci2 ,i praef #c1 #ab1 #ac1 #bj1 #afj2 ,i #c #ab1 #afa1 #bcc2 ,i #g1 #afa1 #bbd1 #bcc1 #beb1 #cee2 ,i #i #d1 #agb1 #ahf1 #cjj2 ,i #c #f1 #g1 #bdh2 ,i praef #ab1 #ac-ae1 #bea1 #bef2 ,i #a #bj1 #bea2 ,i #c #f1 #g1 #h-ac1 #bea2 ,i #e #e1 #bec2 ,i #d #d1 #e1 #beh2 ,i #h1 #beh2 ,i #h #a-c1 #beh2 ,i #h #c1 #d1 #beh2 ,i #h #e1 #beh2 ,i #h #f1 #beh2 ,i #h #h1 #beh2 ,i #h #i1 #beh2 ,i #h #aj1 #bei2 ,i #h #aa1 #bei2 ,i #h #ab1 #bei2 ,i #h #ac1 #bei2 ,i #h #ac-d1 #bei2 ,i #h #ae1 #bfj2 ,i #h #af1 #bfj2 ,i #h #ag-h1 #bfj2 ,i #h #ai1 #bfj2 ,i #i #a-f1 #bfa2 ,i #i #g1 #h1 #bfa2 ,i #d #g1 #bfb2 ,i #f #c1 #bfb2 ,i #c #ab1 #bfc2 ,i #f #ai1 #bfc2 ,i #h #e1 #g #g1 #bfc2 ,i #f #g1 #bfd2 ,i #f #bc1 #bfd2 ,i praef #a1 #b1 #bfe2 ,i #c #i1 #bfe2 ,i praef #ab1 #bfg2 ,i praef #ag1 #bfg2 ,i #b #c1 #bfg2 ,i #c #c1 #d1 #bfg2 ,i #d #d1 #bfg2 ,i #e #f1 #g1 #bfg2 ,i #f #i-ag1 #bfg2 ,i #f #g1 #h1 #cee2 ,,ii #b #ab1 #bef2 ,,ii #a1 #bfe2 ,,ii #i #ad1 #af1 #bff2 ,,ii #f #b1 #i #ac1 #bfg2 ,,ii #ac #g1 #bfg2 ,,ii #bj #f1 #bfg2 ,,ii #ba #aj1 #bfg2 ,,iii #c #aa1 #bje1 #ceh2 ,,iii #ba #aj1 #bef1 #bfe2 ,,iii #ac #ab1 #ac1 #bfd2 ,,iii #c #d1 #bfe2 ,,iii #c #h1 #bfe2 ,,iv #f #c1 #bef2 ,,iv #c #a1 #bfb2 ,,iv #c #f1 #bfe2 ,,vi praef #c-e1 #aed1 #afe1 #bff2 ,,vi praef #a1 #b1 #ahd2 ,,vi praef #g1 #bbi2 ,,vi #b #ae1 #c #c1 #bfa2 ,,vi praef #d1 #bfc2 ,,viii #aa #b1 #ab1 #ae #g1 #bfb2 ,,viii #b #g1 #bfc2 ,,viii #aj #c1 #d1 #bff2 ,,xi #a #ah1 #afa1 #bfb2 ,,xi #a1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #c1 #d1 #g1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #i-ac1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #ac1 #ai1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #bj-a1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #ba1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #bb-c1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #bc1 #beh2 ,,xi #a #d foll1 #bei1 #bfj2 ,,xi #a #bc1 #bei2 ,,xi #a #bd1 #bei2 ,,xi #a #be-f1 #bei2 ,,xi #a #bg-cj1 #bei2 ,,xi #a #bb1 #bfj2 ,,xi #a #h1 #i1 #bfa2 ,,xi #a #bb1 #bfb2 ,,xi #a #ab1 #bfg2 ,,xii praef #h-aj1 #afj1 #bea2 ,,xii #a #f1 #c #g1 #h1 #afa2 ,,xii #a #a1 #b1 #beh2 ,,xii #a #f1 #c #g1 #h1 #bfb2 ,,xii #c1 praef #i1 #bfb2 ,,xii #c #f1 #bfc ,deinarchus1 p #ii1 #if ,demosthenes 7cited by marginal pages7 ,androtion #fac1 #ajg2 ,aphobus #haf1 #ajf2 ,aristocrates #ffh1 #ajh2 ,callicles #abgd etc1 #ajh2 ,crown #bci1 #ajf2 #bdb1 #aji2 #cad1 #aaa2 ,embassy #cgf1 #chf1 #dbf1 #ddb1 #ajf2 #cgf1 #ajg2 #dja-b1 #aab2 ,eubulides #acai1 #aji2 #acah1 #aaa2 #acac1 #aaa2 ,euergus and ,mnesibulus #aaee etc1 #aji2 ,for ,phormio #ide1 #ajf2 ,lacritus #icc1 #ajg2 ,leptines #dff-g1 #ajd2 ,midias #efh1 #ajg2 #ecj etc1 #aab2 ,nausimachus #ihf1 #ajf2 ,nicostratus #abec etc1 #ajh2 ,olynthiacs #ag1 #ajd1 #aaa2 ,pantaenetus #igi1 #ajh2 ,phaenippus #ajdj-a1 #ajf1 #aaa2 #ajdd-e1 #aaa2 ,polycles #abjg-h1 #aje2 ,timotheus #aahg1 #aji2 #aaii etc1 #aaj ,digest1 ,i #ai #c1 #cdg1 #ceg2 ,i #e #ag1 #chi2 ,,ii #ad #db1 #cej1 #cgh2 ,,vi #c #a1 #b1 #c1 #cgf2 ,,vii #h #aj1 #aa1 #cfc2 ,,vii #a #da1 #cfe2 ,,vii #a #ac1 #cff2 ,,vii #a #ac1 #cff2 ,,vii #d #h1 #aj1 #cff2 ,,vii #a #be1 #bf1 #cgj2 ,,vii #g #c1 #cgj2 ,,vii #a #bg1 #cgd2 ,,viii #f #g1 #bic2 ,,viii #f #bj1 #cga2 ,,viii #c1 #cgc2 ,,ix #b #bg1 #cfc2 ,,ix #b #bg11 #cfh2 ,,xi #d #a1 #cge2 ,,xii #a #d1 #cba2 ,,xii #b #bh1 #cfd1 #cff2 ,,xii #f #ee1 #cgj2 ,,xiii #g #be1 #cfe2 ,,xiii #d #c1 #cge2 ,,xv #c #af1 #cfh1 #dej2 ,,xvii #b #df1 #cfc2 ,,xviii #a #ce1 #cgb2 ,,xix #b #bd1 #beb2 ,,xix #b #bd1 #be1 #bed2 ,,xix #b #bd1 #cba2 ,,xix #b #c1 #cdd2 ,,xix #b #ai1 #cdd1 #cfd1 #cfe2 ,,xix #b #ae1 #bd1 #be1 #ea1 #ed1 #cea1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #ae1 #be1 #cef2 ,,xix #b #ae111 #be1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #ed1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #i11 #bc1 #ea1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #eb1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #ae1 #bd1 #be1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #ae11 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #be1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #fj1 #cfc2 ,,xix #b #bd1 #cfd2 ,,xix #b #ed1 #cfd2 ,,xix #b #ac1 #ad1 #cfd2 ,,xix #b #c1 #ed1 #cfd2 ,,xix #b #be1 #cfd2 ,,xix #b #ai1 #be1 #cfe2 ,,xix #b #ae1 #cfe2 ,,xix #b #b1 #cfe2 ,,xix #b #be1 #bi1 #cff2 ,,xix #b #ee1 #fa1 #cff2 ,,xix #a #di1 #cfg2 ,,xix #b #cj1 #cfh2 ,,xix #b #fj1 #cgj2 ,,xix #b #be1 #cgb2 ,,xix #b #i1 #ae1 #cgd2 ,,xix #b #ae1 #cgd2 ,,xix #a #ac1 #b #ec1 #cgf2 ,,xix #b #di1 #cgg2 ,,xix #a #ac1 #chb2 ,,xix #b #ac1 #ae1 #dje2 ,,xx #b #d1 #g1 #cbj2 ,,xx #a #ba1 #cfc2 ,,xx #f #ad1 #cfc2 ,,xx #a #cb1 #cfg2 ,,xxi #a #cb1 #cfh2 ,,xxvii #i #ac1 #cfe2 ,,xxviii #e #ce1 #cfh2 ,,xxx #aab1 #cfj2 ,,xxx #ci1 #cgg2 ,,xxxi #hf1 #bef1 #cfe2 ,,xxxii #a #ii1 #cjg1 #cfi1 #dce2 ,,xxxii #ia1 #cdd1 #cff2 ,,xxxii #ia1 #ic1 #aja1 #cfd2 ,,xxxii #da1 #cfg2 ,,xxxii #fj1 #fh1 #cfh2 ,,xxxii #da1 #ia11 #cfh2 ,,xxxii #ia1 #ig1 #cfh2 ,,xxxii #ig1 #cfi2 ,,xxxiii #g #ab1 #bej2 ,,xxxiii #g #be1 #bed1 #cfi2 ,,xxxiii #g #ai1 #bee2 ,,xxxiii #g #ah1 #bj1 #beg1 #cfe1 #cfg1 #cga2 ,,xxxiii #g #h1 #bfa2 ,,xxxiii #g #ab1 #bj11 #bii1 #cfi2 ,,xxxiii #g #ab11 #cjj2 ,,xxxiii #g #bj1 #cjj2 ,,xxxiii #g #ab11 #cjg1 #cfi2 ,,xxxiii #g #ae1 #caa2 ,,xxxiii #g1 #cdd2 ,,xxxiii #d #a1 #cfc2 ,,xxxiii #g #d1 #ae1 #ah1 #bj1 #cfd2 ,,xxxiii #g #bd1 #cfe2 ,,xxxiii #g #ab1 #h #bc1 #cfh1 #dej2 ,,xxxiii #g #ab1 #bj11 #bb1 #cfh2 ,,xxxiii #g #bj1 #cfh2 ,,xxxiii #h #f1 #h1 #cfi2 ,,xxxiii #b #bh1 #chb2 ,,xxxiii #g #be1 #dce2 ,,xxxiv #c #af1 #ah1 #cfd2 ,,xxxiv #d #ca1 #cfg2 ,,xxxiv #a #ah1 #c #ab1 #cfh2 ,,xxxix #d #ab1 #afj2 ,,xxxix #f #c1 #ccj2 ,,xxxix #c #d11 #e1 #cff2 ,,xxxix #d #aa11 #cgf2 ,,xl #g #dj1 #bii1 #cfd2 ,,xl #g #dj1 #cfg2 ,,xl #g #dj111 #cfh2 ,,xl #g #ad1 #cga2 ,,xli #c #cc1 #cej1 #cgc2 ,,xli #b #cj1 #cfd2 ,,xli #a #dd1 #cgb2 ,,xli #b #c11 #be1 #cgc2 ,,xli #a #g1 #cgd2 ,,xliii #bd #ae1 #bfd2 ,,xliii #bj #b1 #e1 #bic2 ,,xliii #bj #a1 #bid2 ,,xliii #cb1 #cc1 #cfc2 ,,xliii #af #bj1 #cfd2 ,,xliii #bd #ac1 #cff2 ,,xliii #af #a1 #bd #c1 #cga2 ,,xliii #bd #e1 #cga2 ,,xliii #af1 #cgc2 ,,xliii #i #a1 #cgf2 ,,xliii #h #b1 #cgg2 ,,xliv #g #cd1 #cfc2 ,,xlv #a #hi1 #cfc2 ,,xlv #c #ah1 #cga2 ,,xlvii #ab1 #cab2 ,,xlvii #b #eb1 #fb1 #hc1 #aj #e1 #cfc2 ,,xlvii #b #fh1 #cfc2 ,,xlvii #b #bf1 #cfe1 #cfg2 ,,xlvii #b #bf1 #fb1 #g #i1 #cff2 ,,xlvii #ad1 #cgb2 ,,xlvii #ba #b1 #cgb2 ,,xlvii #i #c1 #af1 #cge2 ,,xlvii #aa #i1 #aj1 #cge2 ,,xlviii #ai #af1 #cgb2 ,,xlviii #bb #a1 #cgh2 ,,xlix #ad #dg1 #cdg1 #cgg2 ,,xlix #ad #ej1 #cej1 #cfc2 ,,xlix #af #e1 #cgb2 ,,xlix #ad #c1 #cgf2 ,,xlix #ad1 #cgh2 ,,xlix #ad #c1 #cgh2 ,,xlix #ad #dg1 #ej1 #cgh2 ,l #f #f1 #cdg1 #cgg2 ,l #ae #d1 #cfj2 ,l #af #aih1 #cff2 ,l #aa #b1 #cge2 ,l #h #b1 #cgf2 ,l #af #bai1 #cgf2 ,l #a #ch1 #cgg2 ,l #d #d1 #cgg1 #dea2 ,l #e #aj1 #aa1 #cgh2 ,l #e #a1 #cib2 ,l #ae #c1 #d1 #dbj2 ,l #a #ch1 #b #a1 #d #ad1 #dea ,diodorus1 ,i #bh1 #gc-d1 #bi2 ,,ii #ci1 #abc2 ,,ii #dj-a1 #baj2 ,v #ch #a1 #b2 ,,xviii #ah1 #abj2 ,,xviii #gj #a1 #abi2 ,,xx #hd1 #ajj1 #abb2 ,,xxxiv #b #bf1 #afb2 ,,xxxiv #b #dh1 #aih2 ,,xxxvi #afb2 ,,xxxvi #e #f1 #aih ,dion ,cassius1 ,fragm #dj #bg1 #aci2 ,,xliii #d #b1 #bge2 ,,xlviii #f #c1 #bdj2 ,,lii #bg-h1 #bbe2 ,,lxxvi #aj1 #cdb2 ,,lxxvii #i #e1 #chi ,dion ,chrysostom1 orat ,,vii #cjj-c2 ,x #cjb2 ,,xiv #cjb2 ,,xv #ae1 #cjb ,dionysius1 ,rom ,ant ,i #cf-g1 #bcb2 ,,ii #bh1 cf #h1 #i1 #baj2 ,,iii #ca1 #add2 ,,iv #i1 #ac1 #add2 ,,vi #c1 #acf2 ,,vi #gi1 #add2 ,x #h1 #ag1 #ace2 ,,xvii ,,xviii #d1 #adg2 ,,xix #ae1 #ach ,euripides ,alcestis #b1 #f1 #ce2 ,cyclops #gf foll1 #bc-d1 #ce2 ,electra #cg-h1 #cge-f1 #cc2 #ce-i1 #gc-d1 #ge-f1 #gh-ha1 #bjc-d1 #beb1 #ce2 #cfj1 #cid1 #cf2 ,heraclidae #fci1 #ghh-i1 #hij1 #cg2 ,herc ,fur #acda-f1 #ce2 ,orestes #iah-bj1 #cf1 #ajb2 ,phoenissae #dje1 #cc2 ,rhesus #gd-e1 #agf1 #cg2 ,suppl #hgj1 #cj2 #dbj-b1 #cf2 fragments #cc1 #cd1 #cf1 #cg ,festus1 p #cjf 7,lindsay71 #acg ,florus1 ,,ii #g #c1 #bjg ,fragmenta ,historicorum ,graecorum1 7,,fhg71 #aba ,frontinus1 de aquis passim1 #bid-f ,fronto 7,naber71 p #bi1 #bhd2 #afi1 #cbc2 #add1 #cbg2 #ce1 #ccj ,gellius1 ,,ii #ah1 #cbg2 ,,iii #c1 #cbg2 ,v #c1 #cbg2 ,,xv #d1 #cbg2 ,,xx #a #dg1 #dce ,herodian1 ,,ii #d #f1 #ccg2 ,,vii #d #c-f1 #cda ,herodotus1 ,,ii #ada1 #afd-g1 #afh1 #bh1 #bi1 #baj2 ,,iv #gb1 #cj2 ,,iv #acg1 #cj2 ,,vi #acg1 #cj2 ,,vii #ajb1 #bi2 ,,viii #bf1 #aje-f1 #bh1 #bi2 ,,viii #fh1 #bh2 ,,viii #ea1 #bi2 ,,viii #acg1 #bi2 ,,viii #adb1 #cj2 ,,viii #d1 #da1 #dd1 #ajf1 #cj2 ,,ix #aa1 #ec1 #ee1 #bh ,hesiod1 ,works1 #bb-d ,hipponax1 #be ,historia ,augusta ,alexander #ee #b1 #c1 #cch2 ,antoninus ,pius #ab #c1 #cgh2 ,aurelian #dh #b1 #ccg2 #ci #g1 #cch2 ,claudius 7,gothicus7 #i #d1 #e1 #ccg2 ,commodus #ag #g1 #h1 #cdg2 ,gallienus #i #e1 #cch2 ,hadrian #ah1 #afj1 #bcc2 #g #e1 #cgh2 #bb #f1 #dah2 ,m ,aurelius #aa #g1 #bgc2 #ba #f1 #g1 #cbd2 ,maximin #ac #d1 #ad #a1 #cda2 ,probus #af #f1 #ccg2 #ah #a1 #b1 #cch2 ,severus #ad #b1 #cgh ,homeric ,poems ,iliad #af-ag2 ,odyssey #ag-bb ,horace ,epistles ,i #ab1 #bjg2 ,i #ad1 #bae2 ,i #g1 #bcd2 ,i #ae1 #de-f1 #bce2 ,i #ad1 #ci1 #bcf2 ,i #af1 #fi-gb1 #bcf2 ,i #a1 #ba1 #bed2 ,i #ah1 #cf1 #bie2 ,,ii #a1 #aci-dj1 #bac2 ,,ii #b1 #agg-h1 #bad2 ,,ii #b1 #ahd-f1 #bcf2 ,epodes ,,ii #c1 #bad2 ,,ii #ci foll1 #bad2 ,,ii #bcj2 ,,iv #bja1 #bcf2 ,,iv #ac1 #bad2 ,odes ,i 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#gc-d1 #cac2 ,,iii #eh foll1 #bga2 ,,iii #bbc-i1 #cac1 #caf2 ,,iv #be-f1 #cjg2 ,,vi #a-ah1 #cac2 ,,vi #bhg-ie1 #cac2 ,,vi #adi-eb1 #cae2 ,,vii #ahh-i1 #cad2 ,,vii #adh-i1 #cbh2 ,,viii #bde foll1 #cac2 ,,ix #ee1 #bdi2 ,,ix #ed-e1 #cad2 ,,ix #ei-fb1 #cad1 #cae2 ,x #bfh-gj1 #afg2 ,x #cef-ff1 #cad1 #caf2 ,x #bbe-f1 #cae2 ,x #ai-bb1 #cbc2 ,,xi #gj-a1 #cji2 ,,xi #hf-i1 #cac2 ,,xi #gg-aca1 #cac2 ,,xi #aea foll1 #cae2 ,,xi #gg-ha1 #cag2 ,,xiv #bfg-cjb1 #cji2 ,,xiv #afa-ga1 #cab2 ,,xiv #gj-b1 #cac2 ,,xiv #aei-fc1 #cac2 ,,xiv #agi-ha1 #cac2 ,,xiv #hf-ie1 #adj foll1 #bgd-e1 #cae2 ,,xiv #adj-ee1 #cae2 ,,xiv #bd1 #ccd2 ,,xv #adg-eh1 #cac2 ,,xvi #cb-d1 #cac2 ,,xvi #cf-i1 #cae ,lactantius1 de mort persecutorum #bc #e1 #chi2 #g #c1 #cic2 #bb-c1 #dbj ,libanius1 ,,xxiv #af1 #cie2 ,,xlvii passim #djj-b2 ,l #cf1 #djj ,livy1 ,,ii #bc etc1 #acc2 ,,ii #bb #e-g1 #acg2 ,,iii #ac #h-aj1 #ace2 ,,iii #bf1 #ace2 ,,iii #bg #a1 #ace2 ,,vi #ab #e1 #adg1 #aef2 ,,vi #ab1 #bci2 ,,vii #d1 #e1 #ade2 ,,vii #be #h1 #adg1 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,v #ah #b1 #ai #a1 #bdd2 ,v #ai #i1 #bde2 ,,vi #d #d1 #bdf2 ,,vii #d #d1 #bdd2 ,,vii #e #b1 #c1 #bdg2 de clementia ,i #ah1 #bdd2 de constantia #e #a1 #bde2 de ira ,,iii #bi #a1 #bdh2 de vita beata #ag #b1 #bdi2 ,epistles #hg #g1 #hi #bj1 #bjg1 #bdh2 #dg #ad1 #hf #ad1 #baf2 #hf #ae1 #bda2 #gg #g1 #bdd2 #ab #c1 #bde2 #dg #ad1 #bde2 #fe #f1 #bde2 #hh #ba1 #bde2 #ij #bg1 #bde2 #ij #ae1 #bdf2 #dd #c1 #bdf1 #cbg2 #aad #bf1 #bdf2 #abc #b1 #bdf2 #ij #ci1 #bdh1 #cae2 nat quaest ,i #af #a1 #bdd ,sidonius ,apollinaris epist ,i #f1 #dbi2 ,i #aj1 #dbg2 ,,ii #b1 #i1 #ad1 #dbg1 #dbi2 ,,ii #i #b1 #dbi2 ,,ii #ad1 #dbi2 ,,iii #a1 #e1 #dbh2 ,,iii #i1 #dbi2 ,,iv #bd1 #dbg1 #dbi1 #dcj2 ,,iv #i #a1 #dbi2 ,,iv #bd #b1 #dbi2 ,v #ai1 #dbc1 #dcj2 ,,vi #aj1 #ab1 #dbh2 ,,vii #ab #c1 #dbg2 ,,vii #ad #aa1 #af1 #dbi2 ,,vii #ae1 #dbi2 ,,viii #d1 #dbg1 #dbi2 ,,viii #h1 #dbi2 ,,viii #d #a1 #dbi2 ,,ix #f1 #dbc1 #dcj2 carm ,,xxii #aba-e1 #dbi ,solon1 #bd-e ,sophocles ,antig #cch-dj1 #cc2 ,,ot #gfc-d1 #ajbi1 #cc2 ,trach 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#fd1 #djg2 ,,vii #ah1 #ch1 #ff1 #fh1 #djc2 ,,vii #ef1 #djd2 ,,vii #ch1 #ff1 #dje2 ,,vii #abf1 #djf2 ,,viii #b1 #dje2 ,,ix #aj1 #ad1 #db1 #aad #abd1 #djc2 ,,ix #aa1 #djd1 #djf2 ,,ix #dg #ej1 #djd1 #djg2 ,,ix #adj1 ,x #ah1 #djd2 ,,ix #bg #cj1 #de #dh1 #di #eb1 #dje2 ,,ix #bi1 #cg #dj1 #djf2 ,,ix #aj1 #djg2 ,x #b1 #ba1 #djc2 ,x #f1 #djd1 #djf2 relationes #c #ae-ah1 #i #g1 #ah1 #ce1 #cg1 #djc2 #i1 #ah1 #cg1 #djc2 #ah1 #djc2 #dj1 #cg1 #djh ,tacitus ,agricola #bh1 #bib1 #caj2 #ai1 #cia2 annals ,,ii #ei1 #bjf2 ,,iii #ec-e1 #afc1 #bhc1 #bhh2 ,,iv #bg1 #afb1 #bhh2 ,,iv #f1 #bhh2 ,,iv #d1 #cif2 ,,vi #af1 #ag1 #bhh2 ,,xi #bc1 #bgd2 ,,xii #fe1 #bdb2 ,,xiv #bg1 #baj2 ,,xiv #ec1 #bch2 ,,xvi #ac1 #bhg2 ,germania #da1 #bgj2 #bi1 #bga2 #bf1 #bia2 #bd1 #bia2 #be1 #bib2 histories ,i #aa1 #bjf2 ,,iii #h1 #bhc2 ,,iii #bd1 #cac ,terence ,adelphoe #de-f1 #ie1 #dja1 #eag-bj1 #eda-b1 #hde-i1 #idi1 #abe2 ,hautontimorumenos #fb-gd1 #abe1 #afg2 #ic-aag1 #abe2 #adb-d1 #abe1 #afg2 ,hecyra #bbd-f1 #abe2 ,phormio #cfb-e1 #abe ,theocritus1 #aaf-ba ,theophrastus1 ,char ,,iv 7,,xiv71 #aag ,thucydides1 #di-eb ,tibullus1 ,,ii #a #ea1 #f #be-f1 #bah2 ,,ii #a #da-b1 #bbi2 ,,ii #a #bc1 #bce ,valerius ,maximus1 ,,iv #g1 #ace2 ,,iv #d #d1 #f1 #aci1 #bdc2 ,,iv #c #e1 #d #g1 #h #a1 #bdc2 ,,vii #e #b1 #ad1 #bdc ,varro de lingua ,latina ,,vii #aje1 #bfi2 de re rustica ,i #b #ag1 #ag #e1 #g1 #aeh1 #ahc2 ,i #ag #b1 #afa1 #ahd1 #bcc1 #bec1 #bfc1 #dcg2 ,i #ag #c-f1 #afb1 #dfa2 ,i #b #c1 #f1 #agh1 #djf2 ,i #d #e1 #agh2 ,i #f-af1 #ahj2 ,i #ag1 #ahj1 #bci2 ,i #ab #b1 #ahj2 ,i #af #d1 #ahj1 #ahd1 #bcc2 ,i #ah1 #ahj2 ,i #b #ac foll1 #ahd2 ,i #bb #a1 #ahe2 ,i #ah #b1 #f1 #ahf2 ,i #b #a-g1 #bcb2 ,i #b #ag1 #bcc2 ,i #dd #a1 #bfe2 ,i #dd #c1 #bia2 ,,ii praef #f1 #agh2 ,,ii #a #af1 #agi2 ,,ii #c #g1 #ahc2 ,,ii praef #e1 #ahd1 #bcc2 ,,ii praef #c1 #d1 #ahd2 ,,ii #aj #d1 #e1 #ahe2 ,,ii #b #bj1 #e #ah1 #g #af1 #aj #aj1 #bbh2 ,,ii #c #d1 #bcc2 ,,ii #e #d1 #bbi2 ,,iii #b #e1 #agc1 #ahf2 ,,iii #af #aj1 #aa1 #ahd1 #bcj2 ,,iii #c #d1 #ag #f1 #ahe2 saturae #acg ,vegetius epit rei milit ,i #c1 ,,ii1 #dag2 ,i #g1 #cig1 #dag1 #dah2 ,i #e1 #dah2 ,i #bh1 #dah2 mulomed ,i #ef #aa-ac1 #dah2 ,i #ef #ce1 #dah ,velleius1 ,,ii #h1 #bbe ,vergil ,aeneid passim #bbj-a2 ,,iii #cbg1 #bbi2 ,,vi #fac1 #bbj2 ,,vii #fda-hag1 #bbj2 ,,vii #cca-b1 #bcj2 ,,viii #djh-ab1 #bba2 ,,ix #fjc-ac1 #bbj2 ,,xii #ebj1 #bag1 #bba2 ,bucolics ,i1 ,,ii1 ,,iii1 ,,ix1 ,x1 passim1 #bai2 ,i #dj1 #bbi2 ,,ii #ga-b1 #ahe2 ,,iii #aja1 #bbh2 ,,vii #d-e1 #abb2 ,x #cb-c1 #abb2 ,georgics ,i #bff1 #ahe2 ,i #da1 #bba1 #bcj2 ,i #hd foll1 #bbc2 ,i ad fin1 #bbf2 ,i #bfa1 #bbg2 ,i #bgb-c1 #bbg2 ,i #caf-g1 #bbg2 ,i #did1 #bbg2 ,i #bia-cjb1 #bcj2 ,i #ejg1 #bcj2 ,i #cjj1 #bcj2 ,i #abe-h1 #bcb2 ,i #ea-c1 #bfg1 #bhf2 ,i #ga-hc1 #bia2 ,,ii #deh-gd1 #bbb2 ,,ii ad fin1 #bbf2 ,,ii #bjg1 #bbg2 ,,ii #bfd1 #bbg2 ,,ii #daj1 #bbg2 ,,ii #eac1 #bbg2 ,,ii #ebi1 #bbh2 ,,ii #ebi-ca1 #bbh2 ,,ii #djf1 #bcj2 ,,ii #dcc1 #bcj2 ,,ii #dei1 #bcj2 ,,ii #dab-c1 #bca2 ,,ii #acf-gf1 #bcb2 ,,ii #ccf-db1 #bcb2 ,,ii #ecb1 #bcb2 ,,ii #aih1 #bcf2 ,,iii #djb1 #bbg1 #bfe2 ,,iii #dbj1 #bbh2 ,,iii #dee1 #bbh2 ,,iii #eae-cj1 #bbh2 ,,iii #edi1 #bbh2 ,,iii #afg-h1 #bbi2 ,,iii #da1 #bch2 ,,iv #bgh1 #bbh2 ,,iv #abe-df1 #bcj2 ,,iv #aah1 #adg-h1 #bca2 ,,iv #aaf foll1 #bfh2 ,moretum #bca ,victor ,caesares #ci #ca1 #chi2 #ac #e1 #f1 #cia2 de viris illustribus #gc #a1 #e1 #bge ,vitruvius1 ,,ii #a1 #bah ,xenophon anab ,i #b #bg1 #ee2 ,,iii #b #bf1 #ed2 ,,iv #a #ab-ad1 #aj2 ,,iv #a #ab1 #ac1 #ee2 ,,iv #h #d1 #ee2 ,v #c #d1 #ee2 ,v #f #ac1 #ee2 ,,vi #a #g1 #h1 #ec2 ,,vi #d #h1 #ed2 ,,vii #a #cf1 #ee2 ,,vii #b #f1 #ee2 ,,vii #c #c1 #ee2 ,,vii #c #dh1 #ee2 ,,vii #g #ec1 #ee2 ,,vii #h #ab-ai1 #ee2 ,cyrop ,,iv #d #e-ab1 #fj2 ,,vii #e #cf1 #gc1 #fj2 ,,vii #e #fg1 #fj2 ,,viii #a #dc-d1 #fj2 ,,viii #c #cf-da1 #fj2 economicus #c #a-e1 #eg2 #e #ae1 #af1 #eg2 #i #e1 #eg2 #ab #c1 #eg2 #ab #ai1 #eg2 #ac #i1 #eg2 #bj #bb foll1 #eg2 #g-i1 #ab-ad1 #ba1 #eg1 #eh2 #a #d1 #eh2 #d #f1 #eh2 #e #d1 #eh2 #e #f1 #eh2 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