---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,transcriber's ,note3 ,this version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects4 ,italics are delimited with the #8' character as italic4 ,footnotes have been moved to follow the paragraphs in which they are referenced4 ,marginal sidenotes which span multiple pages were often repeated on each page4 ,these have been removed4 ,minor errors1 attributable to the printer1 have been corrected4 ,please see the transcriber's note at the end of this text for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation4 ,,leviathan1 ,,or ,,the ,,matter1 ,,form1 ,,and ,,power ,,of ,a ,,commonwealth ,,ecclesiastical ,,and ,,civil4 ,illustration3 ,non est potestas ,super ,terram qu ,comparetur ei4 ,,the ,,english ,,works ,,of ,,thomas ,,hobbes ,,of ,,malmesbury2 ,,now ,,first ,,collected ,,and ,,edited ,,by ,,sir ,,william ,,molesworth1 ,,bart4 --- ,,vol ,,iii4 --- ,,london3 ,,john ,,bohn1 ,,henrietta ,,street1 ,,covent ,,garden4 --- ,,mdcccxxxix4 ,,london3 ,c4 ,,richards1 ,,printer1 ,,st4 ,,martin',s ,,lane4 ,,to ,,my ,,most ,,honor',d ,,friend ,,mr4 ,,francis ,,godolphin1 ,,of ,,godolphin4 ------- ,,honor',d ,,sir1 ,your most worthy brother1 ,mr4 ,,sidney ,,godolphin1 when he lived1 was pleased to think my studies something1 and otherwise to oblige me1 as you know1 with real testimonies of his good opinion1 great in themselves1 and the greater for the worthiness of his person4 ,for there is not any virtue that disposeth a man1 either to the service of ,god1 or to the service of his country1 to civil society1 or private friendship1 that did not manifestly appear in his conversation1 not as acquired by necessity1 or affected upon occasion1 but inherent1 and shining in a generous constitution of his nature4 ,therefore1 in honour and gratitude to him1 and with devotion to yourself1 ,i humbly dedicate unto you this my discourse of ,commonwealth4 ,i know not how the world will receive it1 nor how it may reflect on those that shall seem to favour it4 ,for in a way beset with those that contend1 on one side for too great liberty1 and on the other side for too much authority1 'tis hard to pass between the points of both unwounded4 ,but yet1 methinks1 the endeavour to advance the civil power1 should not be by the civil power condemned2 nor private men1 by reprehending it1 declare they think that power too great4 ,besides1 ,i speak not of the men1 but1 in the abstract1 of the seat of power1 7like to those simple and unpartial creatures in the ,roman ,capitol1 that with their noise defended those within it1 not because they were they1 but there71 offending none1 ,i think1 but those without1 or such within1 if there be any such1 as favour them4 ,that which perhaps may most offend1 are certain texts of ,holy ,scripture1 alleged by me to other purpose than ordinarily they use to be by others4 ,but ,i have done it with due submission1 and also1 in order to my subject1 necessarily2 for they are the outworks of the enemy1 from whence they impugn the civil power4 ,if notwithstanding this1 you find my labour generally decried1 you may be pleased to excuse yourself1 and say1 ,i am a man that love my own opinions1 and think all true ,i say1 that ,i honoured your brother1 and honour you1 and have presumed on that1 to assume the title1 without your knowledge1 of being1 as ,i am1 ,,sir1 ,your most humble1 and most obedient ,servant1 ,,thomas ,,hobbes4 ,paris1 ,april #ae_/be1 #afea4 ,,the ,,contents ,,of ,,the ,,chapters4 ------- ,,the ,,first ,,part4--,,of ,,man4 ,,chap4 ,,page4 ,introduction ix #a4 ,of ,sense #a #b4 ,of ,imagination #c #c4 ,of the ,consequence or ,train of ,imaginations #aa #d4 ,of ,speech #ah #e4 ,of ,reason and ,science #bi #f4 ,of the ,interior ,beginnings of ,voluntary ,motions1 commonly called the ,passions2 and the ,speeches by which they are expressed #ch #g4 ,of the ,ends or ,resolutions of ,discourse #ea #h4 ,of the ,virtues1 commonly called ,intellectual2 and their contrary ,defects #ef #i4 ,of the ,several ,subjects of ,knowledge #ga #aj4 ,of ,power1 ,worth1 ,dignity1 ,honour1 and ,worthiness #gd #aa4 ,of the ,difference of ,manners #he #ab4 ,of ,religion #id #ac4 ,of the ,natural ,condition of ,mankind as concerning their ,felicity and ,misery #aaj #ad4 ,of the ,first and ,second ,natural ,laws1 and of ,contract #aaf #ae4 ,of other ,laws of ,nature #acj #af4 ,of ,persons1 ,authors1 and ,things ,personated #adg ,,the ,,second ,,part4--,,of ,,commonwealth4 #ag4 ,of the ,causes1 ,generation1 and ,definition of a ,commonwealth #aec #ah4 ,of the ,rights of ,sovereigns by ,institution #aei #ai4 ,of the several kinds of ,commonwealth by ,institution2 and of ,succession to the ,sovereign ,power #aga #bj4 ,of ,dominion ,paternal1 and ,despotical #ahe #ba4 ,of the ,liberty of ,subjects #aif #bb4 ,of ,systems ,subject1 ,political1 and ,private #baj #bc4 ,of the ,public ,ministers of ,sovereign ,power #bbf #bd4 ,of the ,nutrition1 and ,procreation of a ,commonwealth #bcb #be4 ,of ,counsel #bdj #bf4 ,of ,civil ,laws #bej #bg4 ,of ,crimes1 ,excuses1 and ,extenuations #bgg #bh4 ,of ,punishments1 and ,rewards #big #bi4 ,of those things that weaken1 or tend to the ,dissolution of a ,commonwealth #cjh #cj4 ,of the ,office of the ,sovereign ,representative #cbb #ca4 ,of the ,kingdom of ,god by ,nature #cdc ,,the ,,third ,,part4--,,of ,a ,,christian ,,commonwealth4 #cb4 ,of the ,principles of ,christian ,politics #cei #cc4 ,of the ,number1 ,antiquity1 ,scope1 ,authority1 and ,interpreters of the ,books of ,holy ,scripture #cff #cd4 ,of the ,signification of ,spirit1 ,angel1 and ,inspiration1 in the ,books of ,holy ,scripture #chj #ce4 ,of the ,signification in ,scripture of the ,kingdom of ,god1 of ,holy1 ,sacred1 and ,sacrament #cif #cf4 ,of the ,word of ,god1 and of ,prophets #djg #cg4 ,of ,miracles1 and their ,use #dbg #ch4 ,of the ,signification in ,scripture of ,eternal ,life1 ,hell1 ,salvation1 the ,world to ,come1 and ,redemption #dcg #ci4 ,of the ,signification in ,scripture of the word ,church #deh #dj4 ,of the ,rights of the ,kingdom of ,god1 in ,abraham1 ,moses1 the ,high-,priests1 and the ,kings of ,judah #dfa #da4 ,of the ,office of ,our ,blessed ,saviour #dge #db4 ,of ,power ,ecclesiastical #dhe #dc4 ,of what is ,necessary for a ,man's ,reception into the ,kingdom of ,heaven #ehd ,,the ,,fourth ,,part4--,,of ,,the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,darkness4 #dd4 ,of ,spiritual ,darkness1 from ,misinterpretation of ,scripture #fjc #de4 ,of ,demonology1 and other ,relics of the ,religion of the ,gentiles #fcg #df4 ,of ,darkness from ,vain ,philosophy1 and ,fabulous ,traditions #ffd #dg4 ,of the ,benefit proceeding from such ,darkness2 and to whom it accrueth #fhh ,a ,review and ,conclusion #gja ,,the ,,introduction4 ------- ,nature1 the art whereby ,god hath made and governs the world1 is by the art of man1 as in many other things1 so in this also imitated1 that it can make an artificial animal4 ,for seeing life is but a motion of limbs1 the beginning whereof is in some principal part within2 why may we not say1 that all automata 7engines that move themselves by springs and wheels as doth a watch7 have an artificial life8 ,for what is the heart1 but a spring2 and the nerves1 but so many strings2 and the joints1 but so many wheels1 giving motion to the whole body1 such as was intended by the artificer8 ,art goes yet further1 imitating that rational and most excellent work of nature1 man4 ,for by art is created that great ,,leviathan called a ,,commonwealth1 or ,,state1 in ,latin ,,civitas1 which is but an artificial man2 though of greater stature and strength than the natural1 for whose protection and defence it was intended2 and in which the sovereignty is an artificial soul1 as giving life and motion to the whole body2 the magistrates1 and other officers of judicature and execution1 artificial joints2 reward and punishment1 by which fastened to the seat of the sovereignty every joint and member is moved to perform his duty1 are the nerves1 that do the same in the body natural2 the wealth and riches of all the particular members1 are the strength2 salus populi1 the people's safety1 its business2 counsellors1 by whom all things needful for it to know are suggested unto it1 are the memory2 equity1 and laws1 an artificial reason and will2 concord1 health2 sedition1 sickness2 and civil war1 death4 ,lastly1 the pacts and covenants1 by which the parts of this body politic were at first made1 set together1 and united1 resemble that fiat1 or the let us make man1 pronounced by ,god in the creation4 ,to describe the nature of this artificial man1 ,i will consider ,first1 the matter thereof1 and the artificer2 both which is man4 ,secondly1 how1 and by what covenants it is made2 what are the rights and just power or authority of a sovereign2 and what it is that preserveth or dissolveth it4 ,thirdly1 what is a ,christian commonwealth4 ,lastly1 what is the kingdom of darkness4 ,concerning the first1 there is a saying much usurped of late1 that wisdom is acquired1 not by reading of books1 but of men4 ,consequently whereunto1 those persons1 that for the most part can give no other proof of being wise1 take great delight to show what they think they have read in men1 by uncharitable censures of one another behind their backs4 ,but there is another saying not of late understood1 by which they might learn truly to read one another1 if they would take the pains2 that is1 nosce teipsum1 read thyself3 which was not meant1 as it is now used1 to countenance1 either the barbarous state of men in power1 towards their inferiors2 or to encourage men of low degree1 to a saucy behaviour towards their betters2 but to teach us1 that for the similitude of the thoughts and passions of one man1 to the thoughts and passions of another1 whosoever looketh into himself1 and considereth what he doth1 when he does think1 opine1 reason1 hope1 fear1 c4 and upon what grounds2 he shall thereby read and know1 what are the thoughts and passions of all other men upon the like occasions4 ,i say the similitude of passions1 which are the same in all men1 desire1 fear1 hope1 c42 not the similitude of the objects of the passions1 which are the things desired1 feared1 hoped1 c43 for these the constitution individual1 and particular education1 do so vary1 and they are so easy to be kept from our knowledge1 that the characters of man's heart1 blotted and confounded as they are with dissembling1 lying1 counterfeiting1 and erroneous doctrines1 are legible only to him that searcheth hearts4 ,and though by men's actions we do discover their design sometimes2 yet to do it without comparing them with our own1 and distinguishing all circumstances1 by which the case may come to be altered1 is to decypher without a key1 and be for the most part deceived1 by too much trust1 or by too much diffidence2 as he that reads1 is himself a good or evil man4 ,but let one man read another by his actions never so perfectly1 it serves him only with his acquaintance1 which are but few4 ,he that is to govern a whole nation1 must read in himself1 not this or that particular man2 but mankind3 which though it be hard to do1 harder than to learn any language or science2 yet when ,i shall have set down my own reading orderly1 and perspicuously1 the pains left another1 will be only to consider1 if he also find not the same in himself4 ,for this kind of doctrine admitteth no other demonstration4 ,,part ,i4 ,,of ,,man4 ------- ,,chapter ,i4 ,,of ,,sense4 ,sidenote3 ,sense4 ,concerning the thoughts of man1 ,i will consider them first singly1 and afterwards in train1 or dependence upon one another4 ,singly1 they are every one a representation or appearance1 of some quality1 or other accident of a body without us1 which is commonly called an object4 ,which object worketh on the eyes1 ears1 and other parts of a man's body2 and by diversity of working1 produceth diversity of appearances4 ,the original of them all1 is that which we call ,,sense1 for there is no conception in a man's mind1 which hath not at first1 totally1 or by parts1 been begotten upon the organs of sense4 ,the rest are derived from that original4 ,to know the natural cause of sense1 is not very necessary to the business now in hand2 and ,i have elsewhere written of the same at large4 ,nevertheless1 to fill each part of my present method1 ,i will briefly deliver the same in this place4 ,the cause of sense1 is the external body1 or object1 which presseth the organ proper to each sense1 either immediately1 as in the taste and touch2 or mediately1 as in seeing1 hearing1 and smelling2 which pressure1 by the mediation of the nerves1 and other strings and membranes of the body1 continued inwards to the brain and heart1 causeth there a resistance1 or counter-pressure1 or endeavour of the heart to deliver itself1 which endeavour1 because outward1 seemeth to be some matter without4 ,and this seeming1 or fancy1 is that which men call sense2 and consisteth1 as to the eye1 in a light1 or colour figured2 to the ear1 in a sound2 to the nostril1 in an odour2 to the tongue and palate1 in a savour2 and to the rest of the body1 in heat1 cold1 hardness1 softness1 and such other qualities as we discern by feeling4 ,all which qualities1 called sensible1 are in the object1 that causeth them1 but so many several motions of the matter1 by which it presseth our organs diversely4 ,neither in us that are pressed1 are they any thing else1 but divers motions2 for motion produceth nothing but motion4 ,but their appearance to us is fancy1 the same waking1 that dreaming4 ,and as pressing1 rubbing1 or striking the eye1 makes us fancy a light2 and pressing the ear1 produceth a din2 so do the bodies also we see1 or hear1 produce the same by their strong1 though unobserved action4 ,for if those colours and sounds were in the bodies1 or objects that cause them1 they could not be severed from them1 as by glasses1 and in echoes by reflection1 we see they are2 where we know the thing we see is in one place1 the appearance in another4 ,and though at some certain distance1 the real and very object seem invested with the fancy it begets in us2 yet still the object is one thing1 the image or fancy is another4 ,so that sense1 in all cases1 is nothing else but original fancy1 caused1 as ,i have said1 by the pressure1 that is1 by the motion1 of external things upon our eyes1 ears1 and other organs thereunto ordained4 ,but the philosophy-schools1 through all the universities of ,christendom1 grounded upon certain texts of ,aristotle1 teach another doctrine1 and say1 for the cause of vision1 that the thing seen1 sendeth forth on every side a visible species1 in ,english1 a visible show1 apparition1 or aspect1 or a being seen2 the receiving whereof into the eye1 is seeing4 ,and for the cause of hearing1 that the thing heard1 sendeth forth an audible species1 that is an audible aspect1 or audible being seen2 which entering at the ear1 maketh hearing4 ,nay1 for the cause of understanding also1 they say the thing understood1 sendeth forth an intelligible species1 that is1 an intelligible being seen2 which1 coming into the understanding1 makes us understand4 ,i say not this1 as disproving the use of universities2 but because ,i am to speak hereafter of their office in a commonwealth1 ,i must let you see on all occasions by the way1 what things would be amended in them2 amongst which the frequency of insignificant speech is one4 ------- ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,of ,,imagination4 ,sidenote3 ,imagination4 ,that when a thing lies still1 unless somewhat else stir it1 it will lie still for ever1 is a truth that no man doubts of4 ,but that when a thing is in motion1 it will eternally be in motion1 unless somewhat else stay it1 though the reason be the same1 namely1 that nothing can change itself1 is not so easily assented to4 ,for men measure1 not only other men1 but all other things1 by themselves2 and because they find themselves subject after motion to pain1 and lassitude1 think every thing else grows weary of motion1 and seeks repose of its own accord2 little considering1 whether it be not some other motion1 wherein that desire of rest they find in themselves1 consisteth4 ,from hence it is1 that the schools say1 heavy bodies fall downwards1 out of an appetite to rest1 and to conserve their nature in that place which is most proper for them2 ascribing appetite1 and knowledge of what is good for their conservation1 which is more than man has1 to things inanimate1 absurdly4 ,when a body is once in motion1 it moveth1 unless something else hinder it1 eternally2 and whatsoever hindreth it1 cannot in an instant1 but in time1 and by degrees1 quite extinguish it2 and as we see in the water1 though the wind cease1 the waves give not over rolling for a long time after3 so also it happeneth in that motion1 which is made in the internal parts of a man1 then1 when he sees1 dreams1 c4 ,for after the object is removed1 or the eye shut1 we still retain an image of the thing seen1 though more obscure than when we see it4 ,and this is it1 the ,latins call imagination1 from the image made in seeing2 and apply the same1 though improperly1 to all the other senses4 ,but the ,greeks call it fancy2 which signifies appearance1 and is as proper to one sense1 as to another4 ,,imagination therefore is nothing but decaying sense2 and is found in men1 and many other living creatures1 as well sleeping1 as waking4 ,the decay of sense in men waking1 is not the decay of the motion made in sense2 but an obscuring of it1 in such manner as the light of the sun obscureth the light of the stars2 which stars do no less exercise their virtue1 by which they are visible1 in the day than in the night4 ,but because amongst many strokes1 which our eyes1 ears1 and other organs receive from external bodies1 the predominant only is sensible2 therefore1 the light of the sun being predominant1 we are not affected with the action of the stars4 ,and any object being removed from our eyes1 though the impression it made in us remain1 yet other objects more present succeeding1 and working on us1 the imagination of the past is obscured1 and made weak1 as the voice of a man is in the noise of the day4 ,from whence it followeth1 that the longer the time is1 after the sight or sense of any object1 the weaker is the imagination4 ,for the continual change of man's body destroys in time the parts which in sense were moved3 so that distance of time1 and of place1 hath one and the same effect in us4 ,for as at a great distance of place1 that which we look at appears dim1 and without distinction of the smaller parts2 and as voices grow weak1 and inarticulate2 so also1 after great distance of time1 our imagination of the past is weak2 and we lose1 for example1 of cities we have seen1 many particular streets1 and of actions1 many particular circumstances4 ,this decaying sense1 when we would express the thing itself1 ,i mean fancy itself1 we call imagination1 as ,i said before3 but when we would express the decay1 and signify that the sense is fading1 old1 and past1 it is called memory4 ,so that imagination and memory are but one thing1 which for divers considerations hath divers names4 ,sidenote3 ,memory4 ,much memory1 or memory of many things1 is called experience4 ,again1 imagination being only of those things which have been formerly perceived by sense1 either all at once1 or by parts at several times2 the former1 which is the imagining the whole object as it was presented to the sense1 is simple imagination1 as when one imagineth a man1 or horse1 which he hath seen before4 ,the other is compounded2 as when1 from the sight of a man at one time1 and of a horse at another1 we conceive in our mind a ,centaur4 ,so when a man compoundeth the image of his own person with the image of the actions of another man1 as when a man imagines himself a ,hercules or an ,alexander1 which happeneth often to them that are much taken with reading of romances1 it is a compound imagination1 and properly but a fiction of the mind4 ,there be also other imaginations that rise in men1 though waking1 from the great impression made in sense3 as from gazing upon the sun1 the impression leaves an image of the sun before our eyes a long time after2 and from being long and vehemently attent upon geometrical figures1 a man shall in the dark1 though awake1 have the images of lines and angles before his eyes2 which kind of fancy hath no particular name1 as being a thing that doth not commonly fall into men's discourse4 ,sidenote3 ,dreams4 ,the imaginations of them that sleep are those we call dreams4 ,and these also1 as all other imaginations1 have been before1 either totally or by parcels1 in the sense4 ,and because in sense1 the brain and nerves1 which are the necessary organs of sense1 are so benumbed in sleep1 as not easily to be moved by the action of external objects1 there can happen in sleep no imagination1 and therefore no dream1 but what proceeds from the agitation of the inward parts of man's body2 which inward parts1 for the connexion they have with the brain1 and other organs1 when they be distempered1 do keep the same in motion2 whereby the imaginations there formerly made1 appear as if a man were waking2 saving that the organs of sense being now benumbed1 so as there is no new object1 which can master and obscure them with a more vigorous impression1 a dream must needs be more clear1 in this silence of sense1 than our waking thoughts4 ,and hence it cometh to pass1 that it is a hard matter1 and by many thought impossible1 to distinguish exactly between sense and dreaming4 ,for my part1 when ,i consider that in dreams ,i do not often nor constantly think of the same persons1 places1 objects1 and actions1 that ,i do waking2 nor remember so long a train of coherent thoughts1 dreaming1 as at other times2 and because waking ,i often observe the absurdity of dreams1 but never dream of the absurdities of my waking thoughts2 ,i am well satisfied1 that being awake1 ,i know ,i dream not1 though when ,i dream ,i think myself awake4 ,and seeing dreams are caused by the distemper of some of the inward parts of the body1 divers distempers must needs cause different dreams4 ,and hence it is that lying cold breedeth dreams of fear1 and raiseth the thought and image of some fearful object1 the motion from the brain to the inner parts and from the inner parts to the brain being reciprocal2 and that as anger causeth heat in some parts of the body when we are awake1 so when we sleep the overheating of the same parts causeth anger1 and raiseth up in the brain the imagination of an enemy4 ,in the same manner1 as natural kindness1 when we are awake1 causeth desire1 and desire makes heat in certain other parts of the body2 so also too much heat in those parts1 while we sleep1 raiseth in the brain an imagination of some kindness shown4 ,in sum1 our dreams are the reverse of our waking imaginations2 the motion when we are awake beginning at one end1 and when we dream at another4 ,sidenote3 ,apparitions or visions4 ,the most difficult discerning of a man's dream1 from his waking thoughts1 is then1 when by some accident we observe not that we have slept3 which is easy to happen to a man full of fearful thoughts1 and whose conscience is much troubled2 and that sleepeth1 without the circumstances of going to bed or putting off his clothes1 as one that noddeth in a chair4 ,for he that taketh pains1 and industriously lays himself to sleep1 in case any uncouth and exorbitant fancy come unto him1 cannot easily think it other than a dream4 ,we read of ,marcus ,brutus1 7one that had his life given him by ,julius ,csar1 and was also his favourite1 and notwithstanding murdered him71 how at ,philippi1 the night before he gave battle to ,augustus ,csar1 he saw a fearful apparition1 which is commonly related by historians as a vision2 but considering the circumstances1 one may easily judge to have been but a short dream4 ,for sitting in his tent1 pensive and troubled with the horror of his rash act1 it was not hard for him1 slumbering in the cold1 to dream of that which most affrighted him2 which fear1 as by degrees it made him wake1 so also it must needs make the apparition by degrees to vanish2 and having no assurance that he slept1 he could have no cause to think it a dream1 or any thing but a vision4 ,and this is no very rare accident2 for even they that be perfectly awake1 if they be timorous and superstitious1 possessed with fearful tales1 and alone in the dark1 are subject to the like fancies1 and believe they see spirits and dead men's ghosts walking in churchyards2 whereas it is either their fancy only1 or else the knavery of such persons as make use of such superstitious fear1 to pass disguised in the night1 to places they would not be known to haunt4 ,from this ignorance of how to distinguish dreams1 and other strong fancies1 from vision and sense1 did arise the greatest part of the religion of the ,gentiles in time past1 that worshipped satyrs1 fawns1 nymphs1 and the like2 and now-a-days the opinion that rude people have of fairies1 ghosts1 and goblins1 and of the power of witches4 ,for as for witches1 ,i think not that their witchcraft is any real power2 but yet that they are justly punished1 for the false belief they have that they can do such mischief1 joined with their purpose to do it if they can2 their trade being nearer to a new religion than to a craft or science4 ,and for fairies1 and walking ghosts1 the opinion of them has1 ,i think1 been on purpose either taught or not confuted1 to keep in credit the use of exorcism1 of crosses1 of holy water1 and other such inventions of ghostly men4 ,nevertheless1 there is no doubt1 but ,god can make unnatural apparitions2 but that he does it so often1 as men need to fear such things1 more than they fear the stay or change of the course of nature1 which he also can stay1 and change1 is no point of ,christian faith4 ,but evil men under pretext that ,god can do any thing1 are so bold as to say any thing when it serves their turn1 though they think it untrue2 it is the part of a wise man1 to believe them no farther1 than right reason makes that which they say1 appear credible4 ,if this superstitious fear of spirits were taken away1 and with it1 prognostics from dreams1 false prophecies1 and many other things depending thereon1 by which crafty ambitious persons abuse the simple people1 men would be much more fitted than they are for civil obedience4 ,and this ought to be the work of the schools3 but they rather nourish such doctrine4 ,for1 not knowing what imagination or the senses are1 what they receive1 they teach3 some saying1 that imaginations rise of themselves1 and have no cause2 others1 that they rise most commonly from the will2 and that good thoughts are blown 7inspired7 into a man by ,god1 and evil thoughts by the ,devil2 or that good thoughts are poured 7infused7 into a man by ,god1 and evil ones by the ,devil4 ,some say the senses receive the species of things1 and deliver them to the common sense2 and the common sense delivers them over to the fancy1 and the fancy to the memory1 and the memory to the judgment1 like handing of things from one to another1 with many words making nothing understood4 ,sidenote3 ,understanding4 ,the imagination that is raised in man1 or any other creature indued with the faculty of imagining1 by words1 or other voluntary signs1 is that we generally call understanding2 and is common to man and beast4 ,for a dog by custom will understand the call1 or the rating of his master2 and so will many other beasts4 ,that understanding which is peculiar to man1 is the understanding not only his will1 but his conceptions and thoughts1 by the sequel and contexture of the names of things into affirmations1 negations1 and other forms of speech2 and of this kind of understanding ,i shall speak hereafter4 ------- ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,of ,,the ,,consequence ,,or ,,train ,,of ,,imaginations4 ,by ,consequence1 or ,,train of thoughts1 ,i understand that succession of one thought to another1 which is called1 to distinguish it from discourse in words1 mental discourse4 ,when a man thinketh on any thing whatsoever1 his next thought after1 is not altogether so casual as it seems to be4 ,not every thought to every thought succeeds indifferently4 ,but as we have no imagination1 whereof we have not formerly had sense1 in whole1 or in parts2 so we have no transition from one imagination to another1 whereof we never had the like before in our senses4 ,the reason whereof is this4 ,all fancies are motions within us1 relics of those made in the sense3 and those motions that immediately succeeded one another in the sense1 continue also together after sense3 insomuch as the former coming again to take place1 and be predominant1 the latter followeth1 by coherence of the matter moved1 in such manner1 as water upon a plane table is drawn which way any one part of it is guided by the finger4 ,but because in sense1 to one and the same thing perceived1 sometimes one thing1 sometimes another succeedeth1 it comes to pass in time1 that in the imagining of any thing1 there is no certainty what we shall imagine next2 only this is certain1 it shall be something that succeeded the same before1 at one time or another4 ,sidenote3 ,train of thoughts unguided4 ,this train of thoughts1 or mental discourse1 is of two sorts4 ,the first is unguided1 without design1 and inconstant2 wherein there is no passionate thought1 to govern and direct those that follow1 to itself1 as the end and scope of some desire1 or other passion3 in which case the thoughts are said to wander1 and seem impertinent one to another1 as in a dream4 ,such are commonly the thoughts of men1 that are not only without company1 but also without care of any thing2 though even then their thoughts are as busy as at other times1 but without harmony2 as the sound which a lute out of tune would yield to any man2 or in tune1 to one that could not play4 ,and yet in this wild ranging of the mind1 a man may oft-times perceive the way of it1 and the dependance of one thought upon another4 ,for in a discourse of our present civil war1 what could seem more impertinent1 than to ask1 as one did1 what was the value of a ,roman penny8 ,yet the coherence to me was manifest enough4 ,for the thought of the war1 introduced the thought of the delivering up the king to his enemies2 the thought of that1 brought in the thought of the delivering up of ,christ2 and that again the thought of the thirty pence1 which was the price of that treason2 and thence easily followed that malicious question1 and all this in a moment of time2 for thought is quick4 ,sidenote3 ,train of thoughts regulated4 ,the second is more constant2 as being regulated by some desire1 and design4 ,for the impression made by such things as we desire1 or fear1 is strong1 and permanent1 or1 if it cease for a time1 of quick return3 so strong it is sometimes1 as to hinder and break our sleep4 ,from desire1 ariseth the thought of some means we have seen produce the like of that which we aim at2 and from the thought of that1 the thought of means to that mean2 and so continually1 till we come to some beginning within our own power4 ,and because the end1 by the greatness of the impression1 comes often to mind1 in case our thoughts begin to wander1 they are quickly again reduced into the way3 which observed by one of the seven wise men1 made him give men this precept1 which is now worn out1 ,respice finem2 that is to say1 in all your actions1 look often upon what you would have1 as the thing that directs all your thoughts in the way to attain it4 ,the train of regulated thoughts is of two kinds2 one1 when of an effect imagined we seek the causes1 or means that produce it3 and this is common to man and beast4 ,the other is1 when imagining any thing whatsoever1 we seek all the possible effects1 that can by it be produced2 that is to say1 we imagine what we can do with it1 when we have it4 ,of which ,i have not at any time seen any sign1 but in man only2 for this is a curiosity hardly incident to the nature of any living creature that has no other passion but sensual1 such as are hunger1 thirst1 lust1 and anger4 ,in sum1 the discourse of the mind1 when it is governed by design1 is nothing but seeking1 or the faculty of invention1 which the ,latins called sagacitas1 and solertia2 a hunting out of the causes1 of some effect1 present or past2 or of the effects1 of some present or past cause4 ,sometimes a man seeks what he hath lost2 and from that place1 and time1 wherein he misses it1 his mind runs back1 from place to place1 and time to time1 to find where1 and when he had it2 that is to say1 to find some certain1 and limited time and place1 in which to begin a method of seeking4 ,again1 from thence1 his thoughts run over the same places and times1 to find what action1 or other occasion might make him lose it4 ,sidenote3 ,remembrance4 ,this we call remembrance1 or calling to mind3 the ,latins call it reminiscentia1 as it were a re-conning of our former actions4 ,sidenote3 ,prudence4 ,sometimes a man knows a place determinate1 within the compass whereof he is to seek2 and then his thoughts run over all the parts thereof1 in the same manner as one would sweep a room1 to find a jewel2 or as a spaniel ranges the field1 till he find a scent2 or as a man should run over the alphabet1 to start a rhyme4 ,sometimes a man desires to know the event of an action2 and then he thinketh of some like action past1 and the events thereof one after another2 supposing like events will follow like actions4 ,as he that foresees what will become of a criminal1 re-cons what he has seen follow on the like crime before2 having this order of thoughts1 the crime1 the officer1 the prison1 the judge1 and the gallows4 ,which kind of thoughts1 is called foresight1 and prudence1 or providence2 and sometimes wisdom2 though such conjecture1 through the difficulty of observing all circumstances1 be very fallacious4 ,but this is certain2 by how much one man has more experience of things past1 than another1 by so much also he is more prudent1 and his expectations the seldomer fail him4 ,the present only has a being in nature2 things past have a being in the memory only1 but things to come have no being at all2 the future being but a fiction of the mind1 applying the sequels of actions past1 to the actions that are present2 which with most certainty is done by him that has most experience1 but not with certainty enough4 ,and though it be called prudence1 when the event answereth our expectation2 yet in its own nature1 it is but presumption4 ,for the foresight of things to come1 which is providence1 belongs only to him by whose will they are to come4 ,from him only1 and supernaturally1 proceeds prophecy4 ,the best prophet naturally is the best guesser2 and the best guesser1 he that is most versed and studied in the matters he guesses at3 for he hath most signs to guess by4 ,sidenote3 ,signs4 ,a sign is the evident antecedent of the consequent2 and contrarily1 the consequent of the antecedent1 when the like consequences have been observed1 before3 and the oftener they have been observed1 the less uncertain is the sign4 ,and therefore he that has most experience in any kind of business1 has most signs1 whereby to guess at the future time2 and consequently is the most prudent3 and so much more prudent than he that is new in that kind of business1 as not to be equalled by any advantage of natural and extemporary wit3 though perhaps many young men think the contrary4 ,nevertheless it is not prudence that distinguisheth man from beast4 ,there be beasts1 that at a year old observe more1 and pursue that which is for their good1 more prudently1 than a child can do at ten4 ,sidenote3 ,conjecture of the time past4 ,as prudence is a presumption of the future1 contracted from the experience of time past3 so there is a presumption of things past taken from other things1 not future1 but past also4 ,for he that hath seen by what courses and degrees a flourishing state hath first come into civil war1 and then to ruin2 upon the sight of the ruins of any other state1 will guess1 the like war1 and the like courses have been there also4 ,but this conjecture1 has the same uncertainty almost with the conjecture of the future2 both being grounded only upon experience4 ,there is no other act of man's mind1 that ,i can remember1 naturally planted in him1 so as to need no other thing1 to the exercise of it1 but to be born a man1 and live with the use of his five senses4 ,those other faculties1 of which ,i shall speak by and by1 and which seem proper to man only1 are acquired and increased by study and industry2 and of most men learned by instruction1 and discipline2 and proceed all from the invention of words1 and speech4 ,for besides sense1 and thoughts1 and the train of thoughts1 the mind of man has no other motion2 though by the help of speech1 and method1 the same faculties may be improved to such a height1 as to distinguish men from all other living creatures4 ,sidenote3 ,infinite4 ,whatsoever we imagine is finite4 ,therefore there is no idea1 or conception of any thing we call infinite4 ,no man can have in his mind an image of infinite magnitude2 nor conceive infinite swiftness1 infinite time1 or infinite force1 or infinite power4 ,when we say any thing is infinite1 we signify only1 that we are not able to conceive the ends1 and bounds of the things named2 having no conception of the thing1 but of our own inability4 ,and therefore the name of ,god is used1 not to make us conceive him1 for he is incomprehensible2 and his greatness1 and power are unconceivable2 but that we may honour him4 ,also because1 whatsoever1 as ,i said before1 we conceive1 has been perceived first by sense1 either all at once1 or by parts2 a man can have no thought1 representing any thing1 not subject to sense4 ,no man therefore can conceive any thing1 but he must conceive it in some place2 and indued with some determinate magnitude2 and which may be divided into parts2 nor that any thing is all in this place1 and all in another place at the same time2 nor that two1 or more things can be in one1 and the same place at once3 for none of these things ever have1 nor can be incident to sense2 but are absurd speeches1 taken upon credit1 without any signification at all1 from deceived philosophers1 and deceived1 or deceiving schoolmen4 ------- ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,of ,,speech4 ,sidenote3 ,original of speech4 ,the invention of printing1 though ingenious1 compared with the invention of letters1 is no great matter4 ,but who was the first that found the use of letters1 is not known4 ,he that first brought them into ,greece1 men say was ,cadmus1 the son of ,agenor1 king of ,phnicia4 ,a profitable invention for continuing the memory of time past1 and the conjunction of mankind1 dispersed into so many1 and distant regions of the earth2 and withal difficult1 as proceeding from a watchful observation of the divers motions of the tongue1 palate1 lips1 and other organs of speech2 whereby to make as many differences of characters1 to remember them4 ,but the most noble and profitable invention of all other1 was that of ,,speech1 consisting of names or appellations1 and their connexion2 whereby men register their thoughts2 recall them when they are past2 and also declare them one to another for mutual utility and conversation2 without which1 there had been amongst men1 neither commonwealth1 nor society1 nor contract1 nor peace1 no more than amongst lions1 bears1 and wolves4 ,the first author of speech was ,god himself1 that instructed ,adam how to name such creatures as he presented to his sight2 for the ,scripture goeth no further in this matter4 ,but this was sufficient to direct him to add more names1 as the experience and use of the creatures should give him occasion2 and to join them in such manner by degrees1 as to make himself understood2 and so by succession of time1 so much language might be gotten1 as he had found use for2 though not so copious1 as an orator or philosopher has need of3 for ,i do not find any thing in the ,scripture1 out of which1 directly or by consequence1 can be gathered1 that ,adam was taught the names of all figures1 numbers1 measures1 colours1 sounds1 fancies1 relations2 much less the names of words and speech1 as general1 special1 affirmative1 negative1 interrogative1 optative1 infinitive1 all which are useful2 and least of all1 of entity1 intentionality1 quiddity1 and other insignificant words of the school4 ,but all this language gotten1 and augmented by ,adam and his posterity1 was again lost at the ,tower of ,babel1 when1 by the hand of ,god1 every man was stricken1 for his rebellion1 with an oblivion of his former language4 ,and being hereby forced to disperse themselves into several parts of the world1 it must needs be1 that the diversity of tongues that now is1 proceeded by degrees from them1 in such manner1 as need1 the mother of all inventions1 taught them2 and in tract of time grew everywhere more copious4 ,sidenote3 ,the use of speech4 ,the general use of speech1 is to transfer our mental discourse1 into verbal2 or the train of our thoughts1 into a train of words2 and that for two commodities1 whereof one is the registering of the consequences of our thoughts2 which being apt to slip out of our memory1 and put us to a new labour1 may again be recalled1 by such words as they were marked by4 ,so that the first use of names is to serve for marks1 or notes of remembrance4 ,another is1 when many use the same words1 to signify1 by their connexion and order1 one to another1 what they conceive1 or think of each matter2 and also what they desire1 fear1 or have any other passion for4 ,and for this use they are called signs4 ,special uses of speech are these2 first1 to register1 what by cogitation1 we find to be the cause of any thing1 present or past2 and what we find things present or past may produce1 or effect2 which in sum1 is acquiring of arts4 ,secondly1 to show to others that knowledge which we have attained1 which is1 to counsel and teach one another4 ,thirdly1 to make known to others our wills and purposes1 that we may have the mutual help of one another4 ,fourthly1 to please and delight ourselves and others1 by playing with our words1 for pleasure or ornament1 innocently4 ,sidenote3 ,abuses of speech4 ,to these uses1 there are also four correspondent abuses4 ,first1 when men register their thoughts wrong1 by the inconstancy of the signification of their words2 by which they register for their conception1 that which they never conceived1 and so deceive themselves4 ,secondly1 when they use words metaphorically2 that is1 in other sense than that they are ordained for2 and thereby deceive others4 ,thirdly1 by words1 when they declare that to be their will1 which is not4 ,fourthly1 when they use them to grieve one another2 for seeing nature hath armed living creatures1 some with teeth1 some with horns1 and some with hands1 to grieve an enemy1 it is but an abuse of speech1 to grieve him with the tongue1 unless it be one whom we are obliged to govern2 and then it is not to grieve1 but to correct and amend4 ,the manner how speech serveth to the remembrance of the consequence of causes and effects1 consisteth in the imposing of names1 and the connexion of them4 ,sidenote3 ,names1 proper and common4 ,of names1 some are proper1 and singular to one only thing1 as ,peter1 ,john1 this man1 this tree2 and some are common to many things1 man1 horse1 tree2 every of which1 though but one name1 is nevertheless the name of divers particular things2 ,sidenote3 ,universal4 in respect of all which together1 it is called an universal2 there being nothing in the world universal but names2 for the things named are every one of them individual and singular4 ,one universal name is imposed on many things1 for their similitude in some quality1 or other accident2 and whereas a proper name bringeth to mind one thing only1 universals recall any one of those many4 ,and of names universal1 some are of more1 and some of less extent2 the larger comprehending the less large2 and some again of equal extent1 comprehending each other reciprocally4 ,as for example3 the name body is of larger signification than the word man1 and comprehendeth it2 and the names man and rational1 are of equal extent1 comprehending mutually one another4 ,but here we must take notice1 that by a name is not always understood1 as in grammar1 one only word2 but sometimes1 by circumlocution1 many words together4 ,for all these words1 he that in his actions observeth the laws of his country1 make but one name1 equivalent to this one word1 just4 ,by this imposition of names1 some of larger1 some of stricter signification1 we turn the reckoning of the consequences of things imagined in the mind1 into a reckoning of the consequences of appellations4 ,for example3 a man that hath no use of speech at all1 such as is born and remains perfectly deaf and dumb1 if he set before his eyes a triangle1 and by it two right angles1 such as are the corners of a square figure1 he may1 by meditation1 compare and find1 that the three angles of that triangle1 are equal to those two right angles that stand by it4 ,but if another triangle be shown him1 different in shape from the former1 he cannot know1 without a new labour1 whether the three angles of that also be equal to the same4 ,but he that hath the use of words1 when he observes1 that such equality was consequent1 not to the length of the sides1 nor to any other particular thing in his triangle2 but only to this1 that the sides were straight1 and the angles three2 and that that was all1 for which he named it a triangle2 will boldly conclude universally1 that such equality of angles is in all triangles whatsoever2 and register his invention in these general terms1 every triangle hath its three angles equal to two right angles4 ,and thus the consequence found in one particular1 comes to be registered and remembered1 as a universal rule1 and discharges our mental reckoning1 of time and place1 and delivers us from all labour of the mind1 saving the first1 and makes that which was found true here1 and now1 to be true in all times and places4 ,but the use of words in registering our thoughts is in nothing so evident as in numbering4 ,a natural fool that could never learn by heart the order of numeral words1 as one1 two1 and three1 may observe every stroke of the clock1 and nod to it1 or say one1 one1 one1 but can never know what hour it strikes4 ,and it seems1 there was a time when those names of number were not in use2 and men were fain to apply their fingers of one or both hands1 to those things they desired to keep account of2 and that thence it proceeded1 that now our numeral words are but ten1 in any nation1 and in some but five2 and then they begin again4 ,and he that can tell ten1 if he recite them out of order1 will lose himself1 and not know when he has done4 ,much less will he be able to add1 and subtract1 and perform all other operations of arithmetic4 ,so that without words there is no possibility of reckoning of numbers2 much less of magnitudes1 of swiftness1 of force1 and other things1 the reckonings whereof are necessary to the being1 or well-being of mankind4 ,when two names are joined together into a consequence1 or affirmation1 as thus1 a man is a living creature2 or thus1 if he be a man1 he is a living creature2 if the latter name1 living creature1 signify all that the former name man signifieth1 then the affirmation1 or consequence1 is true2 otherwise false4 ,for true and false are attributes of speech1 not of things4 ,and where speech is not1 there is neither truth nor falsehood2 error there may be1 as when we expect that which shall not be1 or suspect what has not been2 but in neither case can a man be charged with untruth4 ,sidenote3 ,necessity of definitions4 ,seeing then that truth consisteth in the right ordering of names in our affirmations1 a man that seeketh precise truth had need to remember what every name he uses stands for1 and to place it accordingly1 or else he will find himself entangled in words1 as a bird in lime twigs1 the more he struggles the more belimed4 ,and therefore in geometry1 which is the only science that it hath pleased ,god hitherto to bestow on mankind1 men begin at settling the significations of their words2 which settling of significations they call definitions1 and place them in the beginning of their reckoning4 ,by this it appears how necessary it is for any man that aspires to true knowledge1 to examine the definitions of former authors2 and either to correct them1 where they are negligently set down1 or to make them himself4 ,for the errors of definitions multiply themselves according as the reckoning proceeds1 and lead men into absurdities1 which at last they see1 but cannot avoid1 without reckoning anew from the beginning1 in which lies the foundation of their errors4 ,from whence it happens1 that they which trust to books do as they that cast up many little sums into a greater1 without considering whether those little sums were rightly cast up or not2 and at last finding the error visible1 and not mistrusting their first grounds1 know not which way to clear themselves1 but spend time in fluttering over their books2 as birds that entering by the chimney1 and finding themselves enclosed in a chamber1 flutter at the false light of a glass window1 for want of wit to consider which way they came in4 ,so that in the right definition of names lies the first use of speech2 which is the acquisition of science3 and in wrong1 or no definitions1 lies the first abuse2 from which proceed all false and senseless tenets2 which make those men that take their instruction from the authority of books1 and not from their own meditation1 to be as much below the condition of ignorant men1 as men endued with true science are above it4 ,for between true science and erroneous doctrines1 ignorance is in the middle4 ,natural sense and imagination are not subject to absurdity4 ,nature itself cannot err2 and as men abound in copiousness of language1 so they become more wise1 or more mad than ordinary4 ,nor is it possible without letters for any man to become either excellently wise1 or1 unless his memory be hurt by disease or ill constitution of organs1 excellently foolish4 ,for words are wise men's counters1 they do but reckon by them2 but they are the money of fools1 that value them by the authority of an ,aristotle1 a ,cicero1 or a ,thomas1 or any other doctor whatsoever1 if but a man4 ,sidenote3 ,subject to names4 ,subject to names1 is whatsoever can enter into or be considered in an account1 and be added one to another to make a sum1 or subtracted one from another and leave a remainder4 ,the ,latins called accounts of money rationes1 and accounting ratiocinatio2 and that which we in bills or books of account call items1 they call nomina1 that is names2 and thence it seems to proceed1 that they extended the word ratio to the faculty of reckoning in all other things4 ,the ,greeks have but one word1 1 for both speech and reason2 not that they thought there was no speech without reason1 but no reasoning without speech3 and the act of reasoning they called syllogism1 which signifieth summing up of the consequences of one saying to another4 ,and because the same thing may enter into account for divers accidents1 their names are1 to show that diversity1 diversly wrested and diversified4 ,this diversity of names may be reduced to four general heads4 ,sidenote3 ,names4 ,first1 a thing may enter into account for matter or body2 as living1 sensible1 rational1 hot1 cold1 moved1 quiet2 with all which names the word matter1 or body1 is understood2 all such being names of matter4 ,secondly1 it may enter into account1 or be considered1 for some accident or quality which we conceive to be in it2 as for being moved1 for being so long1 for being hot1 c42 and then1 of the name of the thing itself1 by a little change or wresting1 we make a name for that accident1 which we consider2 and for living put into the account life2 for moved1 motion2 for hot1 heat2 for long1 length1 and the like3 and all such names are the names of the accidents and properties by which one matter and body is distinguished from another4 ,these are called names abstract1 because severed1 not from matter1 but from the account of matter4 ,thirdly1 we bring into account the properties of our own bodies1 whereby we make such distinction2 as when anything is seen by us1 we reckon not the thing itself1 but the sight1 the colour1 the idea of it in the fancy3 and when anything is heard1 we reckon it not1 but the hearing or sound only1 which is our fancy or conception of it by the ear2 and such are names of fancies4 ,sidenote3 ,use of names positive4 ,fourthly1 we bring into account1 consider1 and give names1 to names themselves1 and to speeches3 for general1 universal1 special1 equivocal1 are names of names4 ,and affirmation1 interrogation1 commandment1 narration1 syllogism1 sermon1 oration1 and many other such1 are names of speeches4 ,and this is all the variety of names positive2 which are put to mark somewhat which is in nature1 or may be feigned by the mind of man1 as bodies that are1 or may be conceived to be2 or of bodies1 the properties that are1 or may be feigned to be2 or words and speech4 ,sidenote3 ,negative names1 with their uses4 ,there be also other names1 called negative1 which are notes to signify that a word is not the name of the thing in question2 as these words1 nothing1 no man1 infinite1 indocible1 three want four1 and the like2 which are nevertheless of use in reckoning1 or in correcting of reckoning1 and call to mind our past cogitations1 though they be not names of any thing1 because they make us refuse to admit of names not rightly used4 ,sidenote3 ,words insignificant4 ,all other names are but insignificant sounds2 and those of two sorts4 ,one when they are new1 and yet their meaning not explained by definition2 whereof there have been abundance coined by schoolmen1 and puzzled philosophers4 ,another1 when men make a name of two names1 whose significations are contradictory and inconsistent2 as this name1 an incorporeal body1 or1 which is all one1 an incorporeal substance1 and a great number more4 ,for whensoever any affirmation is false1 the two names of which it is composed1 put together and made one1 signify nothing at all4 ,for example1 if it be a false affirmation to say a quadrangle is round1 the word round quadrangle signifies nothing1 but is a mere sound4 ,so likewise1 if it be false to say that virtue can be poured1 or blown up and down1 the words in-poured virtue1 inblown virtue1 are as absurd and insignificant as a round quadrangle4 ,and therefore you shall hardly meet with a senseless and insignificant word1 that is not made up of some ,latin or ,greek names4 ,a ,frenchman seldom hears our ,saviour called by the name of parole1 but by the name of verbe often2 yet verbe and parole differ no more1 but that one is ,latin1 the other ,french4 ,sidenote3 ,understanding4 ,when a man1 upon the hearing of any speech1 hath those thoughts which the words of that speech and their connexion were ordained and constituted to signify1 then he is said to understand it2 understanding being nothing else but conception caused by speech4 ,and therefore if speech be peculiar to man1 as for aught ,i know it is1 then is understanding peculiar to him also4 ,and therefore of absurd and false affirmations1 in case they be universal1 there can be no understanding2 though many think they understand then1 when they do but repeat the words softly1 or con them in their mind4 ,what kinds of speeches signify the appetites1 aversions1 and passions of man's mind2 and of their use and abuse1 ,i shall speak when ,i have spoken of the passions4 ,sidenote3 ,inconstant names4 ,the names of such things as affect us1 that is1 which please and displease us1 because all men be not alike affected with the same thing1 nor the same man at all times1 are in the common discourses of men of inconstant signification4 ,for seeing all names are imposed to signify our conceptions1 and all our affections are but conceptions1 when we conceive the same things differently1 we can hardly avoid different naming of them4 ,for though the nature of that we conceive1 be the same2 yet the diversity of our reception of it1 in respect of different constitutions of body1 and prejudices of opinion1 gives every thing a tincture of our different passions4 ,and therefore in reasoning a man must take heed of words2 which besides the signification of what we imagine of their nature1 have a signification also of the nature1 disposition1 and interest of the speaker2 such as are the names of virtues and vices2 for one man calleth wisdom1 what another calleth fear2 and one cruelty1 what another justice2 one prodigality1 what another magnanimity2 and one gravity1 what another stupidity1 c4 ,and therefore such names can never be true grounds of any ratiocination4 ,no more can metaphors1 and tropes of speech2 but these are less dangerous1 because they profess their inconstancy2 which the other do not4 ------- ,,chapter ,v4 ,,of ,,reason ,,and ,,science4 ,sidenote3 ,reason1 what it is4 ,when a man reasoneth1 he does nothing else but conceive a sum total1 from addition of parcels2 or conceive a remainder1 from subtraction of one sum from another2 which1 if it be done by words1 is conceiving of the consequence of the names of all the parts1 to the name of the whole2 or from the names of the whole and one part1 to the name of the other part4 ,and though in some things1 as in numbers1 besides adding and subtracting1 men name other operations1 as multiplying and dividing1 yet they are the same2 for multiplication1 is but adding together of things equal2 and division1 but subtracting of one thing1 as often as we can4 ,these operations are not incident to numbers only1 but to all manner of things that can be added together1 and taken one out of another4 ,for as arithmeticians teach to add and subtract in numbers2 so the geometricians teach the same in lines1 figures1 solid and superficial1 angles1 proportions1 times1 degrees of swiftness1 force1 power1 and the like2 the logicians teach the same in consequences of words2 adding together two names to make an affirmation1 and two affirmations to make a syllogism2 and many syllogisms to make a demonstration2 and from the sum1 or conclusion of a syllogism1 they subtract one proposition to find the other4 ,writers of politics add together pactions to find men's duties2 and lawyers1 laws and facts1 to find what is right and wrong in the actions of private men4 ,in sum1 in what matter soever there is place for addition and subtraction1 there also is place for reason2 and where these have no place1 there reason has nothing at all to do4 ,sidenote3 ,reason defined4 ,out of all which we may define1 that is to say determine1 what that is1 which is meant by this word reason1 when we reckon it amongst the faculties of the mind4 ,for ,,reason1 in this sense1 is nothing but reckoning1 that is adding and subtracting1 of the consequences of general names agreed upon for the marking and signifying of our thoughts2 ,i say marking them when we reckon by ourselves1 and signifying1 when we demonstrate or approve our reckonings to other men4 ,sidenote3 ,right reason1 where4 ,and1 as in arithmetic1 unpractised men must1 and professors themselves may often1 err1 and cast up false2 so also in any other subject of reasoning1 the ablest1 most attentive1 and most practised men may deceive themselves1 and infer false conclusions2 not but that reason itself is always right reason1 as well as arithmetic is a certain and infallible art3 but no one man's reason1 nor the reason of any one number of men1 makes the certainty2 no more than an account is therefore well cast up1 because a great many men have unanimously approved it4 ,and therefore1 as when there is a controversy in an account1 the parties must by their own accord1 set up1 for right reason1 the reason of some arbitrator1 or judge1 to whose sentence they will both stand1 or their controversy must either come to blows1 or be undecided1 for want of a right reason constituted by nature2 so is it also in all debates of what kind soever4 ,and when men that think themselves wiser than all others1 clamour and demand right reason for judge1 yet seek no more1 but that things should be determined1 by no other men's reason but their own1 it is as intolerable in the society of men1 as it is in play after trump is turned1 to use for trump on every occasion1 that suite whereof they have most in their hand4 ,for they do nothing else1 that will have every of their passions1 as it comes to bear sway in them1 to be taken for right reason1 and that in their own controversies bewraying their want of right reason1 by the claim they lay to it4 ,sidenote3 ,the use of reason4 ,the use and end of reason1 is not the finding of the sum and truth of one1 or a few consequences1 remote from the first definitions1 and settled significations of names1 but to begin at these1 and proceed from one consequence to another4 ,for there can be no certainty of the last conclusion1 without a certainty of all those affirmations and negations1 on which it was grounded and inferred4 ,as when a master of a family1 in taking an account1 casteth up the sums of all the bills of expense into one sum1 and not regarding how each bill is summed up1 by those that give them in account2 nor what it is he pays for2 he advantages himself no more1 than if he allowed the account in gross1 trusting to every of the accountants' skill and honesty3 so also in reasoning of all other things1 he that takes up conclusions on the trust of authors1 and doth not fetch them from the first items in every reckoning1 which are the significations of names settled by definitions1 loses his labour2 and does not know anything1 but only believeth4 ,sidenote3 ,of error and absurdity4 ,when a man reckons without the use of words1 which may be done in particular things1 as when upon the sight of any one thing1 we conjecture what was likely to have preceded1 or is likely to follow upon it2 if that which he thought likely to follow1 follows not1 or that which he thought likely to have preceded it1 hath not preceded it1 this is called error2 to which even the most prudent men are subject4 ,but when we reason in words of general signification1 and fall upon a general inference which is false1 though it be commonly called error1 it is indeed an absurdity1 or senseless speech4 ,for error is but a deception1 in presuming that somewhat is past1 or to come2 of which1 though it were not past1 or not to come1 yet there was no impossibility discoverable4 ,but when we make a general assertion1 unless it be a true one1 the possibility of it is inconceivable4 ,and words whereby we conceive nothing but the sound1 are those we call absurd1 insignificant1 and nonsense4 ,and therefore if a man should talk to me of a round quadrangle2 or1 accidents of bread in cheese2 or1 immaterial substances2 or of a free subject2 a free will2 or any free1 but free from being hindered by opposition1 ,i should not say he were in an error1 but that his words were without meaning1 that is to say1 absurd4 ,i have said before1 in the second chapter1 that a man did excel all other animals in this faculty1 that when he conceived any thing whatsoever1 he was apt to inquire the consequences of it1 and what effects he could do with it4 ,and now ,i add this other degree of the same excellence1 that he can by words reduce the consequences he finds to general rules1 called theorems1 or aphorisms2 that is1 he can reason1 or reckon1 not only in number1 but in all other things1 whereof one may be added unto1 or subtracted from another4 ,but this privilege is allayed by another2 and that is1 by the privilege of absurdity2 to which no living creature is subject1 but man only4 ,and of men1 those are of all most subject to it1 that profess philosophy4 ,for it is most true that ,cicero saith of them somewhere2 that there can be nothing so absurd1 but may be found in the books of philosophers4 ,and the reason is manifest4 ,for there is not one of them that begins his ratiocination from the definitions1 or explications of the names they are to use2 which is a method that hath been used only in geometry2 whose conclusions have thereby been made indisputable4 ,sidenote3 ,causes of absurdity4 ,i4 ,the first cause of absurd conclusions ,i ascribe to the want of method2 in that they begin not their ratiocination from definitions2 that is1 from settled significations of their words3 as if they could cast account1 without knowing the value of the numeral words1 one1 two1 and three4 ,and whereas all bodies enter into account upon divers considerations1 which ,i have mentioned in the precedent chapter2 these considerations being diversely named1 divers absurdities proceed from the confusion1 and unfit connexion of their names into assertions4 ,and therefore1 ,,ii4 ,the second cause of absurd assertions1 ,i ascribe to the giving of names of bodies to accidents2 or of accidents to bodies2 as they do1 that say1 faith is infused1 or inspired2 when nothing can be poured1 or breathed into anything1 but body2 and that1 extension is body2 that phantasms are spirits1 c4 ,,iii4 ,the third ,i ascribe to the giving of the names of the accidents of bodies without us1 to the accidents of our own bodies2 as they do that say1 the colour is in the body2 the sound is in the air1 c4 ,,iv4 ,the fourth1 to the giving of the names of bodies to names1 or speeches2 as they do that say1 that there be things universal2 that a living creature is genus1 or a general thing1 c4 ,v4 ,the fifth1 to the giving of the names of accidents to names and speeches2 as they do that say1 the nature of a thing is its definition2 a man's command is his will2 and the like4 ,,vi4 ,the sixth1 to the use of metaphors1 tropes1 and other rhetorical figures1 instead of words proper4 ,for though it be lawful to say1 for example1 in common speech1 the way goeth1 or leadeth hither1 or thither2 the proverb says this or that1 whereas ways cannot go1 nor proverbs speak2 yet in reckoning1 and seeking of truth1 such speeches are not to be admitted4 ,,vii4 ,the seventh1 to names that signify nothing2 but are taken up1 and learned by rote from the schools1 as hypostatical1 transubstantiate1 consubstantiate1 eternal-now1 and the like canting of schoolmen4 ,to him that can avoid these things it is not easy to fall into any absurdity1 unless it be by the length of an account2 wherein he may perhaps forget what went before4 ,for all men by nature reason alike1 and well1 when they have good principles4 ,for who is so stupid1 as both to mistake in geometry1 and also to persist in it1 when another detects his error to him8 ,sidenote3 ,science4 ,by this it appears that reason is not1 as sense and memory1 born with us2 nor gotten by experience only1 as prudence is2 but attained by industry2 first in apt imposing of names2 and secondly by getting a good and orderly method in proceeding from the elements1 which are names1 to assertions made by connexion of one of them to another2 and so to syllogisms1 which are the connexions of one assertion to another1 till we come to a knowledge of all the consequences of names appertaining to the subject in hand2 and that is it1 men call ,,science4 ,and whereas sense and memory are but knowledge of fact1 which is a thing past and irrevocable4 ,science is the knowledge of consequences1 and dependance of one fact upon another3 by which1 out of that we can presently do1 we know how to do something else when we will1 or the like another time2 because when we see how any thing comes about1 upon what causes1 and by what manner2 when the like causes come into our power1 we see how to make it produce the like effects4 ,children therefore are not endued with reason at all1 till they have attained the use of speech2 but are called reasonable creatures1 for the possibility apparent of having the use of reason in time to come4 ,and the most part of men1 though they have the use of reasoning a little way1 as in numbering to some degree2 yet it serves them to little use in common life2 in which they govern themselves1 some better1 some worse1 according to their differences of experience1 quickness of memory1 and inclinations to several ends2 but specially according to good or evil fortune1 and the errors of one another4 ,for as for science1 or certain rules of their actions1 they are so far from it1 that they know not what it is4 ,geometry they have thought conjuring3 but for other sciences1 they who have not been taught the beginnings and some progress in them1 that they may see how they be acquired and generated1 are in this point like children1 that having no thought of generation1 are made believe by the women that their brothers and sisters are not born1 but found in the garden4 ,but yet they that have no science1 are in better1 and nobler condition1 with their natural prudence2 than men1 that by mis-reasoning1 or by trusting them that reason wrong1 fall upon false and absurd general rules4 ,for ignorance of causes1 and of rules1 does not set men so far out of their way1 as relying on false rules1 and taking for causes of what they aspire to1 those that are not so1 but rather causes of the contrary4 ,to conclude1 the light of human minds is perspicuous words1 but by exact definitions first snuffed1 and purged from ambiguity2 reason is the pace2 increase of science1 the way2 and the benefit of mankind1 the end4 ,and1 on the contrary1 metaphors1 and senseless and ambiguous words1 are like ignes fatui2 and reasoning upon them is wandering amongst innumerable absurdities2 and their end1 contention and sedition1 or contempt4 ,sidenote3 ,prudence and sapience1 with their difference4 ,as much experience1 is prudence2 so1 is much science sapience4 ,for though we usually have one name of wisdom for them both1 yet the ,latins did always distinguish between prudentia and sapientia2 ascribing the former to experience1 the latter to science4 ,but to make their difference appear more clearly1 let us suppose one man endued with an excellent natural use and dexterity in handling his arms2 and another to have added to that dexterity1 an acquired science1 of where he can offend1 or be offended by his adversary1 in every possible posture or guard3 the ability of the former1 would be to the ability of the latter1 as prudence to sapience2 both useful2 but the latter infallible4 ,but they that trusting only to the authority of books1 follow the blind blindly1 are like him that1 trusting to the false rules of a master of fence1 ventures presumptuously upon an adversary1 that either kills or disgraces him4 ,sidenote3 ,signs of science4 ,the signs of science are some1 certain and infallible2 some1 uncertain4 ,certain1 when he that pretendeth the science of any thing1 can teach the same2 that is to say1 demonstrate the truth thereof perspicuously to another2 uncertain1 when only some particular events answer to his pretence1 and upon many occasions prove so as he says they must4 ,signs of prudence are all uncertain2 because to observe by experience1 and remember all circumstances that may alter the success1 is impossible4 ,but in any business1 whereof a man has not infallible science to proceed by2 to forsake his own natural judgment1 and be guided by general sentences read in authors1 and subject to many exceptions1 is a sign of folly1 and generally scorned by the name of pedantry4 ,and even of those men themselves1 that in councils of the commonwealth love to show their reading of politics and history1 very few do it in their domestic affairs1 where their particular interest is concerned2 having prudence enough for their private affairs3 but in public they study more the reputation of their own wit1 than the success of another's business4 ------- ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,of ,,the ,,interior ,,beginnings ,,of ,,voluntary ,,motions2 ,,commonly ,,called ,,the ,,passions2 ,,and ,,the ,,speeches ,,by ,,which ,,they ,,are ,,expressed4 ,sidenote3 ,motion1 vital and animal4 ,there be in animals1 two sorts of motions peculiar to them3 one called vital2 begun in generation1 and continued without interruption through their whole life2 such as are the course of the blood1 the pulse1 the breathing1 the concoction1 nutrition1 excretion1 c4 to which motions there needs no help of imagination3 the other is animal motion1 otherwise called voluntary motion2 as to go1 to speak1 to move any of our limbs1 in such manner as is first fancied in our minds4 ,that sense is motion in the organs and interior parts of man's body1 caused by the action of the things we see1 hear1 c42 and that fancy is but the relics of the same motion1 remaining after sense1 has been already said in the first and second chapters4 ,and because going1 speaking1 and the like voluntary motions1 depend always upon a precedent thought of whither1 which way1 and what2 it is evident1 that the imagination is the first internal beginning of all voluntary motion4 ,and although unstudied men do not conceive any motion at all to be there1 where the thing moved is invisible2 or the space it is moved in is1 for the shortness of it1 insensible2 yet that doth not hinder1 but that such motions are4 ,for let a space be never so little1 that which is moved over a greater space1 whereof that little one is part1 must first be moved over that4 ,sidenote3 ,endeavour4 ,these small beginnings of motion1 within the body of man1 before they appear in walking1 speaking1 striking1 and other visible actions1 are commonly called ,,endeavour4 ,sidenote3 ,appetite4 ,desire4 ,this endeavour1 when it is toward something which causes it1 is called ,,appetite1 or ,,desire2 the latter1 being the general name2 ,sidenote3 ,hunger4 ,thirst4 and the other oftentimes restrained to signify the desire of food1 namely hunger and thirst4 ,sidenote3 ,aversion4 ,and when the endeavour is fromward something1 it is generally called ,,aversion4 ,these words1 appetite and aversion1 we have from the ,latins2 and they both of them signify the motions1 one of approaching1 the other of retiring4 ,so also do the ,greek words for the same1 which are and 4 ,for nature itself does often press upon men those truths1 which afterwards1 when they look for somewhat beyond nature1 they stumble at4 ,for the ,schools find in mere appetite to go1 or move1 no actual motion at all3 but because some motion they must acknowledge1 they call it metaphorical motion2 which is but an absurd speech3 for though words may be called metaphorical2 bodies and motions can not4 ,sidenote3 ,love4 ,hate4 ,that which men desire1 they are also said to ,,love3 and to ,,hate those things for which they have aversion4 ,so that desire and love are the same thing2 save that by desire1 we always signify the absence of the object2 by love1 most commonly the presence of the same4 ,so also by aversion1 we signify the absence2 and by hate1 the presence of the object4 ,of appetites and aversions1 some are born with men2 as appetite of food1 appetite of excretion1 and exoneration1 which may also and more properly be called aversions1 from somewhat they feel in their bodies2 and some other appetites1 not many4 ,the rest1 which are appetites of particular things1 proceed from experience1 and trial of their effects upon themselves or other men4 ,for of things we know not at all1 or believe not to be1 we can have no further desire1 than to taste and try4 ,but aversion we have for things1 not only which we know have hurt us1 but also that we do not know whether they will hurt us1 or not4 ,sidenote3 ,contempt4 ,those things which we neither desire1 nor hate1 we are said to contemn2 ,,contempt being nothing else but an immobility1 or contumacy of the heart1 in resisting the action of certain things2 and proceeding from that the heart is already moved otherwise1 by other more potent objects2 or from want of experience of them4 ,and because the constitution of a man's body is in continual mutation1 it is impossible that all the same things should always cause in him the same appetites1 and aversions3 much less can all men consent1 in the desire of almost any one and the same object4 ,sidenote3 ,good4 ,but whatsoever is the object of any man's appetite or desire1 that is it which he for his part calleth good3 ,sidenote3 ,evil4 and the object of his hate and aversion1 evil2 and of his contempt1 vile and inconsiderable4 ,for these words of good1 evil1 and contemptible1 are ever used with relation to the person that useth them3 there being nothing simply and absolutely so2 nor any common rule of good and evil1 to be taken from the nature of the objects themselves2 but from the person of the man1 where there is no commonwealth2 or1 in a commonwealth1 from the person that representeth it2 or from an arbitrator or judge1 whom men disagreeing shall by consent set up1 and make his sentence the rule thereof4 ,sidenote3 ,pulchrum4 ,sidenote3 ,turpe4 ,the ,latin tongue has two words1 whose significations approach to those of good and evil2 but are not precisely the same2 and those are pulchrum and turpe4 ,whereof the former signifies that1 which by some apparent signs promiseth good2 and the latter1 that which promiseth evil4 ,but in our tongue we have not so general names to express them by4 ,but for pulchrum we say in some things1 fair2 in others1 beautiful1 or handsome1 or gallant1 or honourable1 or comely1 or amiable2 and for turpe1 foul1 deformed1 ugly1 base1 nauseous1 and the like1 as the subject shall require2 all which words1 in their proper places1 signify nothing else but the mien1 or countenance1 that promiseth good and evil4 ,so that of good there be three kinds2 good in the promise1 that is pulchrum2 good in effect1 as the end desired1 which is called jucundum1 ,sidenote3 ,delightful4 ,profitable4 ,unpleasant4 ,unprofitable4 delightful2 and good as the means1 which is called utile1 profitable2 and as many of evil3 for evil in promise1 is that they call turpe2 evil in effect1 and end1 is molestum1 unpleasant1 troublesome2 and evil in the means1 inutile1 unprofitable1 hurtful4 ,sidenote3 ,delight4 ,displeasure4 ,as1 in sense1 that which is really within us1 is1 as ,i have said before1 only motion1 caused by the action of external objects1 but in apparence2 to the sight1 light and colour2 to the ear1 sound2 to the nostril1 odour1 c43 so1 when the action of the same object is continued from the eyes1 ears1 and other organs to the heart1 the real effect there is nothing but motion1 or endeavour2 which consisteth in appetite1 or aversion1 to or from the object moving4 ,but the apparence1 or sense of that motion1 is that we either call delight1 or trouble of mind4 ,sidenote3 ,pleasure4 ,this motion1 which is called appetite1 and for the apparence of it delight1 and pleasure1 seemeth to be a corroboration of vital motion1 and a help thereunto2 and therefore such things as caused delight1 were not improperly called jucunda1 juvando1 from helping or fortifying2 ,sidenote3 ,offence4 and the contrary1 molesta1 offensive1 from hindering1 and troubling the motion vital4 ,pleasure therefore1 or delight1 is the apparence1 or sense of good2 and molestation1 or displeasure1 the apparence1 or sense of evil4 ,and consequently all appetite1 desire1 and love1 is accompanied with some delight more or less2 and all hatred and aversion1 with more or less displeasure and offence4 ,sidenote3 ,pleasures of sense4 ,of pleasures or delights1 some arise from the sense of an object present2 and those may be called pleasure of sense2 the word sensual1 as it is used by those only that condemn them1 having no place till there be laws4 ,of this kind are all onerations and exonerations of the body2 as also all that is pleasant1 in the sight1 hearing1 smell1 taste1 or touch4 ,others arise from the expectation1 that proceeds from foresight of the end1 or consequence of things2 whether those things in the sense please or displease4 ,sidenote3 ,pleasures of the mind4 ,and these are pleasures of the mind of him that draweth those consequences1 ,sidenote3 ,joy4 and are generally called ,,joy4 ,in the like manner1 displeasures are some in the sense1 ,sidenote3 ,pain4 and called ,,pain2 others in the expectation of consequences1 ,sidenote3 ,grief4 and are called ,,grief4 ,these simple passions called appetite1 desire1 love1 aversion1 hate1 joy1 and grief1 have their names for divers considerations diversified4 ,as first1 when they one succeed another1 they are diversely called from the opinion men have of the likelihood of attaining what they desire4 ,secondly1 from the object loved or hated4 ,thirdly1 from the consideration of many of them together4 ,fourthly1 from the alteration or succession itself4 ,sidenote3 ,hope4 ,for appetite1 with an opinion of attaining1 is called ,,hope4 ,sidenote3 ,despair4 ,the same1 without such opinion1 ,,despair4 ,sidenote3 ,fear4 ,aversion1 with opinion of ,,hurt from the object1 ,,fear4 ,sidenote3 ,courage4 ,the same1 with hope of avoiding that hurt by resistance1 ,,courage4 ,sidenote3 ,anger4 ,sudden courage1 ,,anger4 ,sidenote3 ,confidence4 ,constant hope1 ,,confidence of ourselves4 ,sidenote3 ,diffidence4 ,constant despair1 ,,diffidence of ourselves4 ,sidenote3 ,indignation4 ,anger for great hurt done to another1 when we conceive the same to be done by injury1 ,,indignation4 ,sidenote3 ,benevolence4 ,desire of good to another1 ,,benevolence1 ,,good ,,will1 ,,charity4 ,sidenote3 ,good nature4 ,if to man generally1 ,,good ,,nature4 ,sidenote3 ,covetousness4 ,desire of riches1 ,,covetousness2 a name used always in signification of blame2 because men contending for them1 are displeased with one another attaining them2 though the desire in itself1 be to be blamed1 or allowed1 according to the means by which these riches are sought4 ,sidenote3 ,ambition4 ,desire of office1 or precedence1 ,,ambition3 a name used also in the worse sense1 for the reason before mentioned4 ,sidenote3 ,pusillanimity4 ,desire of things that conduce but a little to our ends1 and fear of things that are but of little hindrance1 ,,pusillanimity4 ,sidenote3 ,magnanimity4 ,contempt of little helps and hindrances1 ,,magnanimity4 ,sidenote3 ,valour4 ,magnanimity1 in danger of death or wounds1 ,,valour1 ,,fortitude4 ,sidenote3 ,liberality4 ,magnanimity in the use of riches1 ,,liberality4 ,sidenote3 ,miserableness4 ,pusillanimity in the same1 ,,wretchedness1 ,,miserableness1 or ,,parsimony2 as it is liked or disliked4 ,sidenote3 ,kindness4 ,love of persons for society1 ,,kindness4 ,sidenote3 ,natural lust4 ,love of persons for pleasing the sense only1 ,,natural ,,lust4 ,sidenote3 ,luxury4 ,love of the same1 acquired from rumination1 that is1 imagination of pleasure past1 ,,luxury4 ,sidenote3 ,the passion of love4 ,sidenote3 ,jealousy4 ,love of one singularly1 with desire to be singularly beloved1 ,,the ,,passion ,,of ,,love4 ,the same1 with fear that the love is not mutual1 ,,jealousy4 ,sidenote3 ,revengefulness4 ,desire1 by doing hurt to another1 to make him condemn some fact of his own1 ,,revengefulness4 ,sidenote3 ,curiosity4 ,desire to know why1 and how1 ,,curiosity2 such as is in no living creature but man3 so that man is distinguished1 not only by his reason1 but also by this singular passion from other animals2 in whom the appetite of food1 and other pleasures of sense1 by predominance1 take away the care of knowing causes2 which is a lust of the mind1 that by a perseverance of delight in the continual and indefatigable generation of knowledge1 exceedeth the short vehemence of any carnal pleasure4 ,sidenote3 ,religion4 ,sidenote3 ,superstition4 ,sidenote3 ,true religion4 ,fear of power invisible1 feigned by the mind1 or imagined from tales publicly allowed1 ,,religion2 not allowed1 ,,superstition4 ,and when the power imagined1 is truly such as we imagine1 ,,true ,,religion4 ,sidenote3 ,panic terror4 ,fear1 without the apprehension of why1 or what1 ,,panic ,,terror1 called so from the fables1 that make ,pan the author of them2 whereas1 in truth1 there is always in him that so feareth1 first1 some apprehension of the cause1 though the rest run away by example1 every one supposing his fellow to know why4 ,and therefore this passion happens to none but in a throng1 or multitude of people4 ,sidenote3 ,admiration4 ,joy1 from apprehension of novelty1 ,,admiration2 proper to man1 because it excites the appetite of knowing the cause4 ,sidenote3 ,glory4 ,joy1 arising from imagination of a man's own power and ability1 is that exultation of the mind which is called ,,glorying3 which if grounded upon the experience of his own former actions1 is the same with confidence3 ,sidenote3 ,vain-glory4 but if grounded on the flattery of others2 or only supposed by himself1 for delight in the consequences of it1 is called ,,vain-,,glory3 which name is properly given2 because a well grounded confidence begetteth attempt2 whereas the supposing of power does not1 and is therefore rightly called vain4 ,sidenote3 ,dejection4 ,grief1 from opinion of want of power1 is called ,,dejection of mind4 ,the vain-glory which consisteth in the feigning or supposing of abilities in ourselves1 which we know are not1 is most incident to young men1 and nourished by the histories1 or fictions of gallant persons2 and is corrected oftentimes by age1 and employment4 ,sidenote3 ,sudden glory4 ,sidenote3 ,laughter4 ,sudden glory1 is the passion which maketh those grimaces called ,,laughter2 and is caused either by some sudden act of their own1 that pleaseth them2 or by the apprehension of some deformed thing in another1 by comparison whereof they suddenly applaud themselves4 ,and it is incident most to them1 that are conscious of the fewest abilities in themselves2 who are forced to keep themselves in their own favour1 by observing the imperfections of other men4 ,and therefore much laughter at the defects of others1 is a sign of pusillanimity4 ,for of great minds1 one of the proper works is1 to help and free others from scorn2 and compare themselves only with the most able4 ,sidenote3 ,sudden dejection4 ,sidenote3 ,weeping4 ,on the contrary1 sudden dejection1 is the passion that causeth ,,weeping2 and is caused by such accidents1 as suddenly take away some vehement hope1 or some prop of their power3 and they are most subject to it1 that rely principally on helps external1 such as are women1 and children4 ,therefore some weep for the loss of friends2 others for their unkindness2 others for the sudden stop made to their thoughts of revenge1 by reconciliation4 ,but in all cases1 both laughter1 and weeping1 are sudden motions2 custom taking them both away4 ,for no man laughs at old jests2 or weeps for an old calamity4 ,sidenote3 ,shame4 ,blushing4 ,grief1 for the discovery of some defect of ability1 is ,,shame1 or the passion that discovereth itself in ,,blushing2 and consisteth in the apprehension of some thing dishonourable2 and in young men1 is a sign of the love of good reputation1 and commendable3 in old men it is a sign of the same2 but because it comes too late1 not commendable4 ,sidenote3 ,impudence4 ,the contempt of good reputation is called ,,impudence4 ,sidenote3 ,pity4 ,grief1 for the calamity of another1 is ,,pity2 and ariseth from the imagination that the like calamity may befall himself2 and therefore is called also ,,compassion1 and in the phrase of this present time a ,,fellow-,,feeling3 and therefore for calamity arriving from great wickedness1 the best men have the least pity2 and for the same calamity1 those hate pity1 that think themselves least obnoxious to the same4 ,sidenote3 ,cruelty4 ,contempt1 or little sense of the calamity of others1 is that which men call ,,cruelty2 proceeding from security of their own fortune4 ,for1 that any man should take pleasure in other men's great harms2 without other end of his own1 ,i do not conceive it possible4 ,sidenote3 ,emulation4 ,sidenote3 ,envy4 ,grief1 for the success of a competitor in wealth1 honour1 or other good1 if it be joined with endeavour to enforce our own abilities to equal or exceed him1 is called ,,emulation3 but joined with endeavour to supplant1 or hinder a competitor1 ,,envy4 ,sidenote3 ,deliberation4 ,when in the mind of man1 appetites1 and aversions1 hopes1 and fears1 concerning one and the same thing1 arise alternately2 and divers good and evil consequences of the doing1 or omitting the thing propounded1 come successively into our thoughts2 so that sometimes we have an appetite to it2 sometimes an aversion from it2 sometimes hope to be able to do it2 sometimes despair1 or fear to attempt it2 the whole sum of desires1 aversions1 hopes and fears continued till the thing be either done1 or thought impossible1 is that we call ,,deliberation4 ,therefore of things past1 there is no deliberation2 because manifestly impossible to be changed3 nor of things known to be impossible1 or thought so2 because men know1 or think such deliberation vain4 ,but of things impossible1 which we think possible1 we may deliberate2 not knowing it is in vain4 ,and it is called deliberation2 because it is a putting an end to the liberty we had of doing1 or omitting1 according to our own appetite1 or aversion4 ,this alternate succession of appetites1 aversions1 hopes and fears1 is no less in other living creatures than in man3 and therefore beasts also deliberate4 ,every deliberation is then said to end1 when that whereof they deliberate1 is either done1 or thought impossible2 because till then we retain the liberty of doing1 or omitting2 according to our appetite1 or aversion4 ,sidenote3 ,the will4 ,in deliberation1 the last appetite1 or aversion1 immediately adhering to the action1 or to the omission thereof1 is that we call the ,,will2 the act1 not the faculty1 of willing4 ,and beasts that have deliberation1 must necessarily also have will4 ,the definition of the will1 given commonly by the ,schools1 that it is a rational appetite1 is not good4 ,for if it were1 then could there be no voluntary act against reason4 ,for a voluntary act is that1 which proceedeth from the will1 and no other4 ,but if instead of a rational appetite1 we shall say an appetite resulting from a precedent deliberation1 then the definition is the same that ,i have given here4 ,will therefore is the last appetite in deliberating4 ,and though we say in common discourse1 a man had a will once to do a thing1 that nevertheless he forbore to do2 yet that is properly but an inclination1 which makes no action voluntary2 because the action depends not of it1 but of the last inclination1 or appetite4 ,for if the intervenient appetites1 make any action voluntary2 then by the same reason all intervenient aversions1 should make the same action involuntary2 and so one and the same action1 should be both voluntary and involuntary4 ,by this it is manifest1 that not only actions that have their beginning from covetousness1 ambition1 lust1 or other appetites to the thing propounded2 but also those that have their beginning from aversion1 or fear of those consequences that follow the omission1 are voluntary actions4 ,sidenote3 ,forms of speech1 in passion4 ,the forms of speech by which the passions are expressed1 are partly the same1 and partly different from those1 by which we express our thoughts4 ,and first1 generally all passions may be expressed indicatively2 as ,i love1 ,i fear1 ,i joy1 ,i deliberate1 ,i will1 ,i command3 but some of them have particular expressions by themselves1 which nevertheless are not affirmations1 unless it be when they serve to make other inferences1 besides that of the passion they proceed from4 ,deliberation is expressed subjunctively2 which is a speech proper to signify suppositions1 with their consequences2 as1 if this be done1 then this will follow2 and differs not from the language of reasoning1 save that reasoning is in general words2 but deliberation for the most part is of particulars4 ,the language of desire1 and aversion1 is imperative2 as do this1 forbear that2 which when the party is obliged to do1 or forbear1 is command2 otherwise prayer2 or else counsel4 ,the language of vain-glory1 of indignation1 pity and revengefulness1 optative3 but of the desire to know1 there is a peculiar expression1 called interrogative2 as1 what is it1 when shall it1 how is it done1 and why so8 other language of the passions ,i find none3 for cursing1 swearing1 reviling1 and the like1 do not signify as speech2 but as the actions of a tongue accustomed4 ,these forms of speech1 ,i say1 are expressions1 or voluntary significations of our passions3 but certain signs they be not2 because they may be used arbitrarily1 whether they that use them1 have such passions or not4 ,the best signs of passions present1 are either in the countenance1 motions of the body1 actions1 and ends1 or aims1 which we otherwise know the man to have4 ,sidenote3 ,good and evil apparent4 ,and because in deliberation1 the appetites1 and aversions1 are raised by foresight of the good and evil consequences1 and sequels of the action whereof we deliberate2 the good or evil effect thereof dependeth on the foresight of a long chain of consequences1 of which very seldom any man is able to see to the end4 ,but for so far as a man seeth1 if the good in those consequences be greater than the evil1 the whole chain is that which writers call apparent1 or seeming good4 ,and contrarily1 when the evil exceedeth the good1 the whole is apparent1 or seeming evil3 so that he who hath by experience1 or reason1 the greatest and surest prospect of consequences1 deliberates best himself2 and is able when he will1 to give the best counsel unto others4 ,sidenote3 ,felicity4 ,continual success in obtaining those things which a man from time to time desireth1 that is to say1 continual prospering1 is that men call ,,felicity2 ,i mean the felicity of this life4 ,for there is no such thing as perpetual tranquillity of mind1 while we live here2 because life itself is but motion1 and can never be without desire1 nor without fear1 no more than without sense4 ,what kind of felicity ,god hath ordained to them that devoutly honour ,him1 a man shall no sooner know1 than enjoy2 being joys1 that now are as incomprehensible1 as the word of school-men beatifical vision is unintelligible4 ,sidenote3 ,praise4 ,the form of speech whereby men signify their opinion of the goodness of any thing1 is ,,praise4 ,sidenote3 ,magnification4 ,that whereby they signify the power and greatness of any thing1 is ,,magnifying4 ,sidenote3 4 ,and that whereby they signify the opinion they have of a man's felicity1 is by the ,greeks called 1 for which we have no name in our tongue4 ,and thus much is sufficient for the present purpose1 to have been said of the ,,passions4 ------- ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,of ,,the ,,ends1 ,,or ,,resolutions ,,of ,,discourse4 ,of all discourse1 governed by desire of knowledge1 there is at last an end1 either by attaining1 or by giving over4 ,and in the chain of discourse1 wheresoever it be interrupted1 there is an end for that time4 ,if the discourse be merely mental1 it consisteth of thoughts that the thing will be1 and will not be2 or that it has been1 and has not been1 alternately4 ,so that wheresoever you break off the chain of a man's discourse1 you leave him in a presumption of it will be1 or1 it will not be2 or1 it has been1 or1 has not been4 ,all which is opinion4 ,and that which is alternate appetite1 in deliberating concerning good and evil2 the same is alternate opinion1 in the enquiry of the truth of past1 and future4 ,sidenote3 ,judgment1 or sentence final4 ,and as the last appetite in deliberation1 is called the will2 so the last opinion in search of the truth of past1 and future1 is called the ,,judgment1 or resolute and final sentence of him that discourseth4 ,and as the whole chain of appetites alternate1 in the question of good1 or bad1 is called deliberation2 ,sidenote3 ,doubt4 so the whole chain of opinions alternate1 in the question of true1 or false1 is called ,,doubt4 ,no discourse whatsoever1 can end in absolute knowledge of fact1 past1 or to come4 ,for1 as for the knowledge of fact1 it is originally1 sense2 and ever after1 memory4 ,and for the knowledge of consequence1 which ,i have said before is called science1 it is not absolute1 but conditional4 ,no man can know by discourse1 that this1 or that1 is1 has been1 or will be2 which is to know absolutely3 but only1 that if this be1 that is2 if this has been1 that has been2 if this shall be1 that shall be3 which is to know conditionally2 and that not the consequence of one thing to another2 but of one name of a thing1 to another name of the same thing4 ,sidenote3 ,science4 ,and therefore1 when the discourse is put into speech1 and begins with the definitions of words1 and proceeds by connexion of the same into general affirmations1 and of these again into syllogisms2 the end or last sum is called the conclusion2 and the thought of the mind by it signified1 is that conditional knowledge1 or knowledge of the consequence of words1 which is commonly called ,,science4 ,sidenote3 ,opinion4 ,but if the first ground of such discourse1 be not definitions2 or if the definitions be not rightly joined together into syllogisms1 then the end or conclusion1 is again ,,opinion1 namely of the truth of somewhat said1 though sometimes in absurd and senseless words1 without possibility of being understood4 ,sidenote3 ,conscious4 ,when two1 or more men1 know of one and the same fact1 they are said to be ,,conscious of it one to another2 which is as much as to know it together4 ,and because such are fittest witnesses of the facts of one another1 or of a third2 it was1 and ever will be reputed a very evil act1 for any man to speak against his conscience3 or to corrupt or force another so to do3 insomuch that the plea of conscience1 has been always hearkened unto very diligently in all times4 ,afterwards1 men made use of the same word metaphorically1 for the knowledge of their own secret facts1 and secret thoughts2 and therefore it is rhetorically said1 that the conscience is a thousand witnesses4 ,and last of all1 men1 vehemently in love with their own new opinions1 though never so absurd1 and obstinately bent to maintain them1 gave those their opinions also that reverenced name of conscience1 as if they would have it seem unlawful1 to change or speak against them2 and so pretend to know they are true1 when they know at most1 but that they think so4 ,when a man's discourse beginneth not at definitions1 it beginneth either at some other contemplation of his own1 and then it is still called opinion2 or it beginneth at some saying of another1 of whose ability to know the truth1 and of whose honesty in not deceiving1 he doubteth not2 and then the discourse is not so much concerning the thing1 as the person2 ,sidenote3 ,belief4 ,faith4 and the resolution is called ,,belief1 and ,,faith3 faith1 in the man2 belief1 both of the man1 and of the truth of what he says4 ,so that in belief are two opinions2 one of the saying of the man2 the other of his virtue4 ,to have faith in1 or trust to1 or believe a man1 signify the same thing2 namely1 an opinion of the veracity of the man3 but to believe what is said1 signifieth only an opinion of the truth of the saying4 ,but we are to observe that this phrase1 ,i believe in2 as also the ,latin1 credo in2 and the ,greek1 1 are never used but in the writings of divines4 ,instead of them1 in other writings are put1 ,i believe him2 ,i trust him2 ,i have faith in him2 ,i rely on him3 and in ,latin1 credo illi3 fido illi3 and in ,greek1 3 and that this singularity of the ecclesiastic use of the word hath raised many disputes about the right object of the ,christian faith4 ,but by believing in1 as it is in the creed1 is meant1 not trust in the person2 but confession and acknowledgment of the doctrine4 ,for not only ,christians1 but all manner of men do so believe in ,god1 as to hold all for truth they hear him say1 whether they understand it1 or not2 which is all the faith and trust can possibly be had in any person whatsoever3 but they do not all believe the doctrine of the creed4 ,from whence we may infer1 that when we believe any saying whatsoever it be1 to be true1 from arguments taken1 not from the thing itself1 or from the principles of natural reason1 but from the authority1 and good opinion we have1 of him that hath said it2 then is the speaker1 or person we believe in1 or trust in1 and whose word we take1 the object of our faith2 and the honour done in believing1 is done to him only4 ,and consequently1 when we believe that the ,scriptures are the word of ,god1 having no immediate revelation from ,god himself1 our belief1 faith1 and trust is in the church2 whose word we take1 and acquiesce therein4 ,and they that believe that which a prophet relates unto them in the name of ,god1 take the word of the prophet1 do honour to him1 and in him trust1 and believe1 touching the truth of what he relateth1 whether he be a true1 or a false prophet4 ,and so it is also with all other history4 ,for if ,i should not believe all that is written by historians1 of the glorious acts of ,alexander1 or ,csar2 ,i do not think the ghost of ,alexander1 or ,csar1 had any just cause to be offended2 or any body else1 but the historian4 ,if ,livy say the ,gods made once a cow speak1 and we believe it not2 we distrust not ,god therein1 but ,livy4 ,so that it is evident1 that whatsoever we believe1 upon no other reason1 than what is drawn from authority of men only1 and their writings2 whether they be sent from ,god or not1 is faith in men only4 ------- ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,of ,,the ,,virtues ,,commonly ,,called ,,intellectual2 ,,and ,,their ,,contrary ,,defects4 ,sidenote3 ,intellectual virtue defined4 ,,virtue generally1 in all sorts of subjects1 is somewhat that is valued for eminence2 and consisteth in comparison4 ,for if all things were equal in all men1 nothing would be prized4 ,and by virtues intellectual1 are always understood such abilities of the mind1 as men praise1 value1 and desire should be in themselves2 and go commonly under the name of a good wit2 though the same word wit1 be used also1 to distinguish one certain ability from the rest4 ,sidenote3 ,wit1 natural1 or acquired4 ,these virtues are of two sorts2 natural1 and acquired4 ,by natural1 ,i mean not1 that which a man hath from his birth3 for that is nothing else but sense2 wherein men differ so little one from another1 and from brute beasts1 as it is not to be reckoned amongst virtues4 ,sidenote3 ,natural wit4 ,but ,i mean1 that wit1 which is gotten by use only1 and experience2 without method1 culture1 or instruction4 ,this ,,natural ,,wit1 consisteth principally in two things2 celerity of imagining1 that is1 swift succession of one thought to another2 and steady direction to some approved end4 ,on the contrary a slow imagination1 maketh that defect1 or fault of the mind1 which is commonly called ,,dullness1 stupidity1 and sometimes by other names that signify slowness of motion1 or difficulty to be moved4 ,sidenote3 ,good wit1 or fancy4 ,and this difference of quickness1 is caused by the difference of men's passions2 that love and dislike1 some one thing1 some another3 and therefore some men's thoughts run one way1 some another2 and are held to1 and observe differently the things that pass through their imagination4 ,and whereas in this succession of men's thoughts1 there is nothing to observe in the things they think on1 but either in what they be like one another1 or in what they be unlike1 or what they serve for1 or how they serve to such a purpose2 those that observe their similitudes1 in case they be such as are but rarely observed by others1 are said to have a good wit2 by which1 in this occasion1 is meant a good fancy4 ,but they that observe their differences1 and dissimilitudes2 which is called distinguishing1 and discerning1 ,sidenote3 ,good judgment4 and judging between thing and thing2 in case1 such discerning be not easy1 are said to have a good judgment3 and particularly in matter of conversation and business2 wherein1 times1 places1 and persons are to be discerned1 ,sidenote3 ,discretion4 this virtue is called ,,discretion4 ,the former1 that is1 fancy1 without the help of judgment1 is not commended as a virtue3 but the latter which is judgment1 and discretion1 is commended for itself1 without the help of fancy4 ,besides the discretion of times1 places1 and persons1 necessary to a good fancy1 there is required also an often application of his thoughts to their end2 that is to say1 to some use to be made of them4 ,this done2 he that hath this virtue1 will be easily fitted with similitudes1 that will please1 not only by illustrations of his discourse1 and adorning it with new and apt metaphors2 but also1 by the rarity of their invention4 ,but without steadiness1 and direction to some end1 a great fancy is one kind of madness2 such as they have1 that entering into any discourse1 are snatched from their purpose1 by every thing that comes in their thought1 into so many1 and so long digressions1 and parentheses1 that they utterly lose themselves3 which kind of folly1 ,i know no particular name for3 but the cause of it is1 sometimes want of experience2 whereby that seemeth to a man new and rare1 which doth not so to others3 sometimes pusillanimity2 by which that seems great to him1 which other men think a trifle3 and whatsoever is new1 or great1 and therefore thought fit to be told1 withdraws a man by degrees from the intended way of his discourse4 ,in a good poem1 whether it be epic1 or dramatic2 as also in sonnets1 epigrams1 and other pieces1 both judgment and fancy are required3 but the fancy must be more eminent2 because they please for the extravagancy2 but ought not to displease by indiscretion4 ,in a good history1 the judgment must be eminent2 because the goodness consisteth1 in the method1 in the truth1 and in the choice of the actions that are most profitable to be known4 ,fancy has no place1 but only in adorning the style4 ,in orations of praise1 and in invectives1 the fancy is predominant2 because the design is not truth1 but to honour or dishonour2 which is done by noble1 or by vile comparisons4 ,the judgment does but suggest what circumstances make an action laudable1 or culpable4 ,in hortatives1 and pleadings1 as truth1 or disguise serveth best to the design in hand2 so is the judgment1 or the fancy most required4 ,sidenote3 ,discretion4 ,in demonstration1 in counsel1 and all rigorous search of truth1 judgment does all1 except sometimes the understanding have need to be opened by some apt similitude2 and then there is so much use of fancy4 ,but for metaphors1 they are in this case utterly excluded4 ,for seeing they openly profess deceit2 to admit them into counsel1 or reasoning1 were manifest folly4 ,and in any discourse whatsoever1 if the defect of discretion be apparent1 how extravagant soever the fancy be1 the whole discourse will be taken for a sign of want of wit2 and so will it never when the discretion is manifest1 though the fancy be never so ordinary4 ,the secret thoughts of a man run over all things1 holy1 profane1 clean1 obscene1 grave1 and light1 without shame1 or blame2 which verbal discourse cannot do1 farther than the judgment shall approve of the time1 place1 and persons4 ,an anatomist1 or a physician may speak1 or write his judgment of unclean things2 because it is not to please1 but profit3 but for another man to write his extravagant1 and pleasant fancies of the same1 is as if a man1 from being tumbled into the dirt1 should come and present himself before good company4 ,and it is the want of discretion that makes the difference4 ,again1 in professed remissness of mind1 and familiar company1 a man may play with the sounds1 and equivocal significations of words2 and that many times with encounters of extraordinary fancy3 but in a sermon1 or in public1 or before persons unknown1 or whom we ought to reverence2 there is no gingling of words that will not be accounted folly3 and the difference is only in the want of discretion4 ,so that where wit is wanting1 it is not fancy that is wanting1 but discretion4 ,judgment therefore without fancy is wit1 but fancy without judgment1 not4 ,sidenote3 ,prudence4 ,when the thoughts of a man1 that has a design in hand1 running over a multitude of things1 observes how they conduce to that design2 or what design they may conduce unto2 if his observations be such as are not easy1 or usual1 this wit of his is called ,,prudence2 and depends on much experience1 and memory of the like things1 and their consequences heretofore4 ,in which there is not so much difference of men2 as there is in their fancies and judgment2 because the experience of men equal in age1 is not much unequal1 as to the quantity2 but lies in different occasions2 every one having his private designs4 ,to govern well a family1 and a kingdom1 are not different degrees of prudence2 but different sorts of business2 no more than to draw a picture in little1 or as great1 or greater than the life1 are different degrees of art4 ,a plain husbandman is more prudent in affairs of his own house1 than a privy-councillor in the affairs of another man4 ,sidenote3 ,craft4 ,to prudence1 if you add the use of unjust1 or dishonest means1 such as usually are prompted to men by fear1 or want2 you have that crooked wisdom1 which is called ,,craft2 which is a sign of pusillanimity4 ,for magnanimity is contempt of unjust1 or dishonest helps4 ,and that which the ,latins call versutia1 translated into ,english1 shifting1 and is a putting off of a present danger or incommodity1 by engaging into a greater1 as when a man robs one to pay another1 is but a shorter-sighted craft1 called versutia1 from versura1 which signifies taking money at usury for the present payment of interest4 ,sidenote3 ,acquired wit4 ,as for acquired wit1 ,i mean acquired by method and instruction1 there is none but reason2 which is grounded on the right use of speech1 and produceth the sciences4 ,but of reason and science ,i have already spoken1 in the fifth and sixth chapters4 ,the causes of this difference of wits1 are in the passions2 and the difference of passions proceedeth1 partly from the different constitution of the body1 and partly from different education4 ,for if the difference proceeded from the temper of the brain1 and the organs of sense1 either exterior or interior1 there would be no less difference of men in their sight1 hearing1 or other senses1 than in their fancies and discretions4 ,it proceeds therefore from the passions2 which are different1 not only from the difference of mens' complexions2 but also from their difference of customs1 and education4 ,the passions that most of all cause the difference of wit1 are principally1 the more or less desire of power1 of riches1 of knowledge1 and of honour4 ,all which may be reduced to the first1 that is1 desire of power4 ,for riches1 knowledge1 and honour1 are but several sorts of power4 ,and therefore1 a man who has no great passion for any of these things2 but is1 as men term it1 indifferent2 though he may be so far a good man1 as to be free from giving offence2 yet he cannot possibly have either a great fancy1 or much judgment4 ,for the thoughts are to the desires1 as scouts1 and spies1 to range abroad1 and find the way to the things desired3 all steadiness of the mind's motion1 and all quickness of the same1 proceeding from thence3 for as to have no desire1 is to be dead3 ,sidenote3 ,giddiness4 so to have weak passions1 is dullness2 and to have passions indifferently for everything1 ,,giddiness1 and distraction2 ,sidenote3 ,madness4 and to have stronger and more vehement passions for anything1 than is ordinarily seen in others1 is that which men call ,,madness4 ,whereof there be almost as many kinds1 as of the passions themselves4 ,sometimes the extraordinary and extravagant passion1 proceedeth from the evil constitution of the organs of the body1 or harm done them2 and sometimes the hurt1 and indisposition of the organs1 is caused by the vehemence1 or long continuance of the passion4 ,but in both cases the madness is of one and the same nature4 ,the passion1 whose violence1 or continuance1 maketh madness1 is either great vain-glory2 which is commonly called pride1 and self-conceit2 or great dejection of mind4 ,sidenote3 ,rage4 ,pride1 subjecteth a man to anger1 the excess whereof1 is the madness called ,,rage and ,,fury4 ,and thus it comes to pass that excessive desire of revenge1 when it becomes habitual1 hurteth the organs1 and becomes rage3 that excessive love1 with jealousy1 becomes also rage3 excessive opinion of a man's own self1 for divine inspiration1 for wisdom1 learning1 form and the like1 becomes distraction and giddiness3 the same1 joined with envy1 rage3 vehement opinion of the truth of anything1 contradicted by others1 rage4 ,sidenote3 ,melancholy4 ,dejection subjects a man to causeless fears2 which is a madness1 commonly called ,,melancholy2 apparent also in divers manners as in haunting of solitudes and graves2 in superstitious behaviour2 and in fearing1 some one1 some another particular thing4 ,in sum1 all passions that produce strange and unusual behaviour1 are called by the general name of madness4 ,but of the several kinds of madness1 he that would take the pains1 might enrol a legion4 ,sidenote3 ,madness4 ,and if the excesses be madness1 there is no doubt but the passions themselves1 when they tend to evil1 are degrees of the same4 ,for example1 though the effect of folly1 in them that are possessed of an opinion of being inspired1 be not visible always in one man1 by any very extravagant action1 that proceedeth from such passion2 yet1 when many of them conspire together1 the rage of the whole multitude is visible enough4 ,for what argument of madness can there be greater1 than to clamour1 strike1 and throw stones at our best friends8 ,yet this is somewhat less than such a multitude will do4 ,for they will clamour1 fight against1 and destroy those1 by whom all their lifetime before1 they have been protected1 and secured from injury4 ,and if this be madness in the multitude1 it is the same in every particular man4 ,for as in the midst of the sea1 though a man perceive no sound of that part of the water next him1 yet he is well assured1 that part contributes as much to the roaring of the sea1 as any other part of the same quantity2 so also1 though we perceive no great unquietness in one or two men1 yet we may be well assured1 that their singular passions1 are parts of the seditious roaring of a troubled nation4 ,and if there were nothing else that bewrayed their madness2 yet that very arrogating such inspiration to themselves1 is argument enough4 ,if some man in ,bedlam should entertain you with sober discourse2 and you desire in taking leave1 to know what he were1 that you might another time requite his civility2 and he should tell you1 he were ,god the ,father2 ,i think you need expect no extravagant action for argument of his madness4 ,this opinion of inspiration1 called commonly1 private spirit1 begins very often1 from some lucky finding of an error generally held by others2 and not knowing1 or not remembering1 by what conduct of reason1 they came to so singular a truth1 7as they think it1 though it be many times an untruth they light on7 they presently admire themselves1 as being in the special grace of ,god ,almighty1 who hath revealed the same to them supernaturally1 by his ,spirit4 ,again1 that madness is nothing else1 but too much appearing passion1 may be gathered out of the effects of wine1 which are the same with those of the evil disposition of the organs4 ,for the variety of behaviour in men that have drunk too much1 is the same with that of madmen3 some of them raging1 others loving1 others laughing1 all extravagantly1 but according to their several domineering passions3 for the effect of the wine1 does but remove dissimulation1 and take from them the sight of the deformity of their passions4 ,for1 ,i believe1 the most sober men1 when they walk alone without care and employment of the mind1 would be unwilling the vanity and extravagance of their thoughts at that time should be publicly seen2 which is a confession1 that passions unguided1 are for the most part mere madness4 ,the opinions of the world1 both in ancient and later ages1 concerning the cause of madness1 have been two4 ,some deriving them from the passions2 some1 from demons1 or spirits1 either good or bad1 which they thought might enter into a man1 possess him1 and move his organs in such strange and uncouth manner1 as madmen use to do4 ,the former sort therefore1 called such men1 madmen3 but the latter1 called them sometimes demoniacs1 that is1 possessed with spirits2 sometimes enurgumeni1 that is1 agitated or moved with spirits2 and now in ,italy they are called1 not only pazzi1 madmen2 but also spiritati1 men possessed4 ,there was once a great conflux of people in ,abdera1 a city of the ,greeks1 at the acting of the tragedy of ,andromeda1 upon an extreme hot day2 whereupon1 a great many of the spectators falling into fevers1 had this accident from the heat1 and from the tragedy together1 that they did nothing but pronounce iambics1 with the names of ,perseus and ,andromeda2 which1 together with the fever1 was cured by the coming on of winter2 and this madness was thought to proceed from the passion imprinted by the tragedy4 ,likewise there reigned a fit of madness in another ,grecian city1 which seized only the young maidens2 and caused many of them to hang themselves4 ,this was by most then thought an act of the ,devil4 ,but one that suspected1 that contempt of life in them1 might proceed from some passion of the mind1 and supposing that they did not contemn also their honour1 gave counsel to the magistrates1 to strip such as so hanged themselves1 and let them hang out naked4 ,this1 the story says1 cured that madness4 ,but on the other side1 the same ,grecians1 did often ascribe madness to the operation of ,eumenides1 or ,furies2 and sometimes of ,ceres1 ,phbus1 and other gods2 so much did men attribute to phantasms1 as to think them areal living bodies2 and generally to call them spirits4 ,and as the ,romans in this1 held the same opinion with the ,greeks1 so also did the ,jews2 for they called madmen prophets1 or1 according as they thought the spirits good or bad1 demoniacs3 and some of them called both prophets and demoniacs1 madmen2 and some called the same man both demoniac1 and madman4 ,but for the ,gentiles it is no wonder1 because diseases and health1 vices and virtues1 and many natural accidents1 were with them termed1 and worshipped as demons4 ,so that a man was to understand by demon1 as well1 sometimes an ague1 as a devil4 ,but for the ,jews to have such opinion1 is somewhat strange4 ,for neither ,moses nor ,abraham pretended to prophecy by possession of a spirit2 but from the voice of ,god2 or by a vision or dream3 nor is there anything in his law1 moral or ceremonial1 by which they were taught1 there was any such enthusiasm1 or any possession4 ,when ,god is said1 7,numb4 xi4 #be7 to take from the spirit that was in ,moses1 and give to the seventy elders1 the ,spirit of ,god 7taking it for the substance of ,god7 is not divided4 ,the ,scriptures1 by the ,spirit of ,god in man1 mean a man's spirit1 inclined to godliness4 ,and where it is said1 7,exod4 xxiii4 #h7 8whom ,i have filled with the spirit of wisdom to make garments for ,aaron10 is not meant a spirit put into them1 that can make garments1 but the wisdom of their own spirits in that kind of work4 ,in the like sense1 the spirit of man1 when it produceth unclean actions1 is ordinarily called an unclean spirit1 and so other spirits1 though not always1 yet as often as the virtue or vice so styled1 is extraordinary1 and eminent4 ,neither did the other prophets of the old ,testament pretend enthusiasm2 or1 that ,god spake in them2 but to them1 by voice1 vision1 or dream2 and the burthen of the ,lord was not possession1 but command4 ,how then could the ,jews fall into this opinion of possession8 ,i can imagine no reason1 but that which is common to all men2 namely1 the want of curiosity to search natural causes3 and their placing felicity in the acquisition of the gross pleasures of the senses1 and the things that most immediately conduce thereto4 ,for they that see any strange1 and unusual ability1 or defect1 in a man's mind2 unless they see withal1 from what cause it may probably proceed1 can hardly think it natural2 and if not natural1 they must needs think it supernatural2 and then what can it be1 but that either ,god or the ,devil is in him8 ,and hence it came to pass1 when our ,saviour 7,mark iii4 #ba7 was compassed about with the multitude1 those of the house doubted he was mad1 and went out to hold him3 but the ,scribes said he had ,beelzebub1 and that was it1 by which he cast out devils2 as if the greater madman had awed the lesser3 and that 7,john x4 #bj7 some said1 he hath a devil1 and is mad2 whereas others holding him for a prophet1 said1 these are not the words of one that hath a devil4 ,so in the old ,testament he that came to anoint ,jehu1 7#b ,kings ix4 #aa7 was a prophet2 but some of the company asked ,jehu1 what came that madman for8 ,so that in sum1 it is manifest1 that whosoever behaved himself in extraordinary manner1 was thought by the ,jews to be possessed either with a good1 or evil spirit2 except by the ,sadducees1 who erred so far on the other hand1 as not to believe there were at all any spirits1 which is very near to direct atheism2 and thereby perhaps the more provoked others1 to term such men demoniacs1 rather than madmen4 ,but why then does our ,saviour proceed in the curing of them1 as if they were possessed2 and not as if they were mad8 ,to which ,i can give no other kind of answer1 but that which is given to those that urge the ,scripture in like manner against the opinion of the motion of the earth4 ,the ,scripture was written to shew unto men the kingdom of ,god1 and to prepare their minds to become his obedient subjects2 leaving the world1 and the philosophy thereof1 to the disputation of men1 for the exercising of their natural reason4 ,whether the earth's1 or sun's motion make the day1 and night2 or whether the exorbitant actions of men1 proceed from passion1 or from the devil1 so we worship him not1 it is all one1 as to our obedience1 and subjection to ,god ,almighty2 which is the thing for which the ,scripture was written4 ,as for that our ,saviour speaketh to the disease1 as to a person2 it is the usual phrase of all that cure by words only1 as ,christ did1 and enchanters pretend to do1 whether they speak to a devil or not4 ,for is not ,christ also said 7,matt4 viii4 #bf7 to have rebuked the winds8 ,is not he said also 7,luke iv4 #ci7 to rebuke a fever8 ,yet this does not argue that a fever is a devil4 ,and whereas many of the devils are said to confess ,christ2 it is not necessary to interpret those places otherwise1 than that those madmen confessed him4 ,and whereas our ,saviour 7,matt4 xii4 #dc7 speaketh of an unclean spirit1 that having gone out of a man1 wandereth through dry places1 seeking rest1 and finding none1 and returning into the same man1 with seven other spirits worse than himself2 it is manifestly a parable1 alluding to a man1 that after a little endeavour to quit his lusts1 is vanquished by the strength of them2 and becomes seven times worse than he was4 ,so that ,i see nothing at all in the ,scripture1 that requireth a belief1 that demoniacs were any other thing but madmen4 ,sidenote3 ,insignificant speech4 ,there is yet another fault in the discourses of some men2 which may also be numbered amongst the sorts of madness2 namely1 that abuse of words1 whereof ,i have spoken before in the fifth chapter1 by the name of absurdity4 ,and that is1 when men speak such words1 as put together1 have in them no signification at all2 but are fallen upon by some1 through misunderstanding of the words they have received1 and repeat by rote2 by others from intention to deceive by obscurity4 ,and this is incident to none but those1 that converse in questions of matters incomprehensible1 as the ,school-men2 or in questions of abstruse philosophy4 ,the common sort of men seldom speak insignificantly1 and are therefore1 by those other egregious persons counted idiots4 ,but to be assured their words are without any thing correspondent to them in the mind1 there would need some examples2 which if any man require1 let him take a ,school-man in his hands and see if he can translate any one chapter concerning any difficult point1 as the ,trinity2 the ,deity2 the nature of ,christ2 transubstantiation2 free-will1 c4 into any of the modern tongues1 so as to make the same intelligible2 or into any tolerable ,latin1 such as they were acquainted withal1 that lived when the ,latin tongue was vulgar4 ,what is the meaning of these words1 ,the first cause does not necessarily inflow any thing into the second1 by force of the essential subordination of the second causes1 by which it may help it to work8 ,they are the translation of the title of the sixth chapter of ,suarez' first book1 ,of the concourse1 motion1 and help of ,god4 ,when men write whole volumes of such stuff1 are they not mad1 or intend to make others so8 ,and particularly1 in the question of transubstantiation2 where after certain words spoken2 they that say1 the whiteness1 roundness1 magnitude1 quality1 corruptibility1 all which are incorporeal1 c4 go out of the wafer1 into the body of our blessed ,saviour1 do they not make those nesses1 tudes1 and ties1 to be so many spirits possessing his body8 ,for by spirits1 they mean always things1 that being incorporeal1 are nevertheless moveable from one place to another4 ,so that this kind of absurdity1 may rightly be numbered amongst the many sorts of madness2 and all the time that guided by clear thoughts of their worldly lust1 they forbear disputing1 or writing thus1 but lucid intervals4 ,and thus much of the virtues and defects intellectual4 ------- ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,of ,,the ,,several ,,subjects ,,of ,,knowledge4 ,sidenote3 ,knowledge4 ,there are of ,,knowledge two kinds2 whereof one is knowledge of fact3 the other knowledge of the consequence of one affirmation to another4 ,the former is nothing else1 but sense and memory1 and is absolute knowledge2 as when we see a fact doing1 or remember it done3 and this is the knowledge required in a witness4 ,the latter is called science2 and is conditional2 as when we know1 that1 if the figure shown be a circle1 then any straight line through the centre shall divide it into two equal parts4 ,and this is the knowledge required in a philosopher2 that is to say1 of him that pretends to reasoning4 ,the register of knowledge of fact is called history4 ,whereof there be two sorts3 one called natural history2 which is the history of such facts1 or effects of nature1 as have no dependence on man's will2 such as are the histories of metals1 plants1 animals1 regions1 and the like4 ,the other1 is civil history2 which is the history of the voluntary actions of men in commonwealths4 ,the registers of science1 are such books as contain the demonstrations of consequences of one affirmation1 to another2 and are commonly called books of philosophy2 whereof the sorts are many1 according to the diversity of the matter2 and may be divided in such manner as ,i have divided them in the following table4 ,consequences from the accidents common to all bodies natural2 which are quantity1 and motion4 ,consequences ,consequences from the from the qualities of bodies accidents transient1 such as of bodies sometimes appear1 natural2 sometimes vanish1 which is ,meteorology4 called ,,natural ,consequences ,,philosophy4 ,physics or from the consequences qualities of from the stars4 qualities4 ,consequences of the qualities from liquid ,,science1 ,consequences bodies1 that is1 from the that fill knowledge of qualities of the space consequences2 bodies between the which is permanent4 stars2 such called also as are the ,,philosophy4 air1 or substances ethereal4 ,consequences from the qualities of bodies terrestrial4 ,consequences from the #a4 ,of consequences from the institution accidents of of ,,commonwealths1 to the rights1 and politic duties of the body politic or bodies2 sovereign4 which is called ,,politics1 #b4 ,of consequences from the same1 to the and ,,civil duty and right of the subjects4 ,,philosophy4 ,consequences from quantity1 and motion indeterminate2 ,,philosophia which being the principles or first foundation of ,,prima4 philosophy1 is called ,philosophia ,prima4 ,consequences ,by ,figure4 ,,geometry4 from quanti- ,mathematics4 ty and motion ,consequences determined4 ,by ,number4 ,,arithmetic4 from motion and quantity ,consequences determined4 ,consequences from the from the motion and motion1 and quantity of ,,astronomy4 quantity of the greater ,cosmography4 bodies in parts of the ,,geography4 special4 world1 as the earth and stars4 ,consequences from the ,science of motions of ,mechanics4 ,,engineers4 special ,doctrine of kinds1 and weight4 ,,architecture4 figures of ,,navigation4 body4 ,,meteorology4 ,consequences from the light of the stars4 ,out of ,,sciography4 this1 and the motion of the sun1 is made the science of ,consequences from the influences of the stars ,,astrology4 ,consequences ,consequences from the qualities of from the minerals1 as stones1 metals1 c4 parts of the earth1 that are without sense4 ,consequences from the qualities of vegetables4 ,consequences ,consequences from vision ,,optics4 from the ,consequences from sounds ,,music4 qualities of animals ,consequences from the rest ,consequences in general4 of the senses4 from the qualities of ,consequences from the ,,ethics4 animals4 passions of men ,in magnifying1 ,,poetry4 ,consequences vilifying1 c4 from the ,consequences ,in persuading1 ,,rhetoric4 qualities of from ,in reasoning1 ,,logic4 men in speech4 ,in contracting1 ,the ,science special4 of ,,just and ,,unjust4 ------- ,,chapter ,x4 ,,of ,,power1 ,,worth1 ,,dignity1 ,,honour1 ,,and ,,worthiness4 ,sidenote3 ,power4 ,the ,,power of a man1 to take it universally1 is his present means2 to obtain some future apparent good2 and is either original or instrumental4 ,natural power1 is the eminence of the faculties of body1 or mind3 as extraordinary strength1 form1 prudence1 arts1 eloquence1 liberality1 nobility4 ,instrumental are those powers1 which acquired by these1 or by fortune1 are means and instruments to acquire more3 as riches1 reputation1 friends1 and the secret working of ,god1 which men call good luck4 ,for the nature of power1 is in this point1 like to fame1 increasing as it proceeds2 or like the motion of heavy bodies1 which the further they go1 make still the more haste4 ,the greatest of human powers1 is that which is compounded of the powers of most men1 united by consent1 in one person1 natural1 or civil1 that has the use of all their powers depending on his will2 such as is the power of a common-wealth3 or depending on the wills of each particular2 such as is the power of a faction or of divers factions leagued4 ,therefore to have servants1 is power2 to have friends1 is power3 for they are strengths united4 ,also riches joined with liberality1 is power2 because it procureth friends1 and servants3 without liberality1 not so2 because in this case they defend not2 but expose men to envy1 as a prey4 ,reputation of power1 is power2 because it draweth with it the adherence of those that need protection4 ,so is reputation of love of a man's country1 called popularity1 for the same reason4 ,also1 what quality soever maketh a man beloved1 or feared of many2 or the reputation of such quality1 is power2 because it is a means to have the assistance1 and service of many4 ,good success is power2 because it maketh reputation of wisdom1 or good fortune2 which makes men either fear him1 or rely on him4 ,affability of men already in power1 is increase of power2 because it gaineth love4 ,reputation of prudence in the conduct of peace or war1 is power2 because to prudent men1 we commit the government of ourselves1 more willingly than to others4 ,nobility is power1 not in all places1 but only in those commonwealths1 where it has privileges3 for in such privileges1 consisteth their power4 ,eloquence is power1 because it is seeming prudence4 ,form is power2 because being a promise of good1 it recommendeth men to the favour of women and strangers4 ,the sciences1 are small power2 because not eminent2 and therefore1 not acknowledged in any man2 nor are at all1 but in a few1 and in them1 but of a few things4 ,for science is of that nature1 as none can understand it to be1 but such as in a good measure have attained it4 ,arts of public use1 as fortification1 making of engines1 and other instruments of war2 because they confer to defence1 and victory1 are power3 and though the true mother of them1 be science1 namely the mathematics2 yet1 because they are brought into the light1 by the hand of the artificer1 they be esteemed1 the midwife passing with the vulgar for the mother1 as his issue4 ,sidenote3 ,worth4 ,the value1 or ,,worth of a man1 is as of all other things1 his price2 that is to say1 so much as would be given for the use of his power3 and therefore is not absolute2 but a thing dependant on the need and judgment of another4 ,an able conductor of soldiers1 is of great price in time of war present1 or imminent2 but in peace not so4 ,a learned and uncorrupt judge1 is much worth in time of peace2 but not so much in war4 ,and as in other things1 so in men1 not the seller1 but the buyer determines the price4 ,for let a man1 as most men do1 rate themselves at the highest value they can2 yet their true value is no more than it is esteemed by others4 ,the manifestation of the value we set on one another1 is that which is commonly called honouring1 and dishonouring4 ,to value a man at a high rate1 is to honour him2 at a low rate1 is to dishonour him4 ,but high1 and low1 in this case1 is to be understood by comparison to the rate that each man setteth on himself4 ,sidenote3 ,dignity4 ,the public worth of a man1 which is the value set on him by the commonwealth1 is that which men commonly call ,,dignity4 ,and this value of him by the commonwealth1 is understood1 by offices of command1 judicature1 public employment2 or by names and titles1 introduced for distinction of such value4 ,to pray to another1 for aid of any kind1 is to ,,honour2 because a sign we have an opinion he has power to help2 and the more difficult the aid is1 the more is the honour4 ,sidenote3 ,to honour and dishonour4 ,to obey1 is to honour1 because no man obeys them1 whom they think have no power to help1 or hurt them4 ,and consequently to disobey1 is to dishonour4 ,to give great gifts to a man1 is to honour him2 because it is buying of protection1 and acknowledging of power4 ,to give little gifts1 is to dishonour2 because it is but alms1 and signifies an opinion of the need of small helps4 ,to be sedulous in promoting another's good2 also to flatter1 is to honour2 as a sign we seek his protection or aid4 ,to neglect1 is to dishonour4 ,to give way1 or place to another1 in any commodity1 is to honour2 being a confession of greater power4 ,to arrogate1 is to dishonour4 ,to show any sign of love1 or fear of another1 is to honour2 for both to love1 and to fear1 is to value4 ,to contemn1 or less to love or fear1 than he expects1 is to dishonour2 for it is undervaluing4 ,to praise1 magnify1 or call happy1 is to honour2 because nothing but goodness1 power1 and felicity is valued4 ,to revile1 mock1 or pity1 is to dishonour4 ,to speak to another with consideration1 to appear before him with decency1 and humility1 is to honour him2 as signs of fear to offend4 ,to speak to him rashly1 to do any thing before him obscenely1 slovenly1 impudently1 is to dishonour4 ,to believe1 to trust1 to rely on another1 is to honour him2 sign of opinion of his virtue and power4 ,to distrust1 or not believe1 is to dishonour4 ,to hearken to a man's counsel1 or discourse of what kind soever is to honour2 as a sign we think him wise1 or eloquent1 or witty4 ,to sleep1 or go forth1 or talk the while1 is to dishonour4 ,to do those things to another1 which he takes for signs of honour1 or which the law or custom makes so1 is to honour2 because in approving the honour done by others1 he acknowledgeth the power which others acknowledge4 ,to refuse to do them1 is to dishonour4 ,to agree with in opinion1 is to honour2 as being a sign of approving his judgment1 and wisdom4 ,to dissent1 is dishonour1 and an upbraiding of error2 and1 if the dissent be in many things1 of folly4 ,to imitate1 is to honour2 for it is vehemently to approve4 ,to imitate one's enemy1 is to dishonour4 ,to honour those another honours1 is to honour him2 as a sign of approbation of his judgment4 ,to honour his enemies1 is to dishonour him4 ,to employ in counsel1 or in actions of difficulty1 is to honour2 as a sign of opinion of his wisdom1 or other power4 ,to deny employment in the same cases1 to those that seek it1 is to dishonour4 ,all these ways of honouring1 are natural2 and as well within1 as without commonwealths4 ,but in commonwealths1 where he1 or they that have the supreme authority1 can make whatsoever they please1 to stand for signs of honour1 there be other honours4 ,a sovereign doth honour a subject1 with whatsoever title1 or office1 or employment1 or action1 that he himself will have taken for a sign of his will to honour him4 ,the king of ,persia1 honoured ,mordecai1 when he appointed he should be conducted through the streets in the king's garment1 upon one of the king's horses1 with a crown on his head1 and a prince before him1 proclaiming1 thus shall it be done to him that the king will honour4 ,and yet another king of ,persia1 or the same another time1 to one that demanded for some great service1 to wear one of the king's robes1 gave him leave so to do2 but with this addition1 that he should wear it as the king's fool2 and then it was dishonour4 ,so that of civil honour1 the fountain is in the person of the commonwealth1 and dependeth on the will of the sovereign2 and is therefore temporary1 and called civil honour2 such as magistracy1 offices1 titles2 and in some places coats and scutcheons painted3 and men honour such as have them1 as having so many signs of favour in the commonwealth2 which favour is power4 ,sidenote3 ,honourable4 ,honourable is whatsoever possession1 action1 or quality1 is an argument and sign of power4 ,sidenote3 ,dishonourable4 ,and therefore to be honoured1 loved1 or feared of many1 is honourable2 as arguments of power4 ,to be honoured of few or none1 dishonourable4 ,dominion1 and victory is honourable2 because acquired by power2 and servitude1 for need1 or fear1 is dishonourable4 ,good fortune1 if lasting1 honourable2 as a sign of the favour of ,god4 ,ill fortune1 and losses1 dishonourable4 ,riches1 are honourable2 for they are power4 ,poverty1 dishonourable4 ,magnanimity1 liberality1 hope1 courage1 confidence1 are honourable2 for they proceed from the conscience of power4 ,pusillanimity1 parsimony1 fear1 diffidence1 are dishonourable4 ,timely resolution1 or determination of what a man is to do1 is honourable2 as being the contempt of small difficulties1 and dangers4 ,and irresolution1 dishonourable2 as a sign of too much valuing of little impediments1 and little advantages3 for when a man has weighed things as long as the time permits1 and resolves not1 the difference of weight is but little2 and therefore if he resolve not1 he overvalues little things1 which is pusillanimity4 ,sidenote3 ,honourable ,dishonourable4 ,all actions1 and speeches1 that proceed1 or seem to proceed1 from much experience1 science1 discretion1 or wit1 are honourable2 for all these are powers4 ,actions1 or words that proceed from error1 ignorance1 or folly1 dishonourable4 ,gravity1 as far forth as it seems to proceed from a mind employed on something else1 is honourable2 because employment is a sign of power4 ,but if it seem to proceed from a purpose to appear grave1 it is dishonourable4 ,for the gravity of the former1 is like the steadiness of a ship laden with merchandize2 but of the latter1 like the steadiness of a ship ballasted with sand1 and other trash4 ,to be conspicuous1 that is to say1 to be known1 for wealth1 office1 great actions1 or any eminent good1 is honourable2 as a sign of the power for which he is conspicuous4 ,on the contrary1 obscurity1 is dishonourable4 ,to be descended from conspicuous parents1 is honourable2 because they the more easily attain the aids1 and friends of their ancestors4 ,on the contrary1 to be descended from obscure parentage1 is dishonourable4 ,actions proceeding from equity1 joined with loss1 are honourable2 as signs of magnanimity3 for magnanimity is a sign of power4 ,on the contrary1 craft1 shifting1 neglect of equity1 is dishonourable4 ,covetousness of great riches1 and ambition of great honours1 are honourable2 as signs of power to obtain them4 ,covetousness1 and ambition1 of little gains1 or preferments1 is dishonourable4 ,nor does it alter the case of honour1 whether an action1 so it be great and difficult1 and consequently a sign of much power1 be just or unjust3 for honour consisteth only in the opinion of power4 ,therefore the ancient heathen did not think they dishonoured1 but greatly honoured the ,gods1 when they introduced them in their poems1 committing rapes1 thefts1 and other great1 but unjust1 or unclean acts3 insomuch as nothing is so much celebrated in ,jupiter1 as his adulteries2 nor in ,mercury1 as his frauds1 and thefts3 of whose praises1 in a hymn of ,homer1 the greatest is this1 that being born in the morning1 he had invented music at noon1 and before night1 stolen away the cattle of ,apollo1 from his herdsmen4 ,also amongst men1 till there were constituted great commonwealths1 it was thought no dishonour to be a pirate1 or a highway thief2 but rather a lawful trade1 not only amongst the ,greeks1 but also amongst all other nations2 as is manifest by the histories of ancient time4 ,and at this day1 in this part of the world1 private duels are1 and always will be honourable1 though unlawful1 till such time as there shall be honour ordained for them that refuse1 and ignominy for them that make the challenge4 ,for duels also are many times effects of courage2 and the ground of courage is always strength or skill1 which are power2 though for the most part they be effects of rash speaking1 and of the fear of dishonour1 in one1 or both the combatants2 who engaged by rashness1 are driven into the lists to avoid disgrace4 ,sidenote3 ,coats of arms4 ,scutcheons1 and coats of arms hereditary1 where they have any eminent privileges1 are honourable2 otherwise not3 for their power consisteth either in such privileges1 or in riches1 or some such thing as is equally honoured in other men4 ,this kind of honour1 commonly called gentry1 hath been derived from the ancient ,germans4 ,for there never was any such thing known1 where the ,german customs were unknown4 ,nor is it now any where in use1 where the ,germans have not inhabited4 ,the ancient ,greek commanders1 when they went to war1 had their shields painted with such devices as they pleased2 insomuch as an unpainted buckler was a sign of poverty1 and of a common soldier2 but they transmitted not the inheritance of them4 ,the ,romans transmitted the marks of their families3 but they were the images1 not the devices of their ancestors4 ,amongst the people of ,asia1 ,africa1 and ,america1 there is not1 nor was ever1 any such thing4 ,the ,germans only had that custom2 from whom it has been derived into ,england1 ,france1 ,spain1 and ,italy1 when in great numbers they either aided the ,romans1 or made their own conquests in these western parts of the world4 ,for ,germany1 being anciently1 as all other countries1 in their beginnings1 divided amongst an infinite number of little lords1 or masters of families1 that continually had wars one with another2 those masters1 or lords1 principally to the end they might1 when they were covered with arms1 be known by their followers2 and partly for ornament1 both painted their armour1 or their scutcheon1 or coat1 with the picture of some beast1 or other thing2 and also put some eminent and visible mark upon the crest of their helmets4 ,and this ornament both of the arms1 and crest1 descended by inheritance to their children2 to the eldest pure1 and to the rest with some note of diversity1 such as the old master1 that is to say in ,dutch1 the ,here-alt thought fit4 ,but when many such families1 joined together1 made a greater monarchy1 this duty of the ,herealt1 to distinguish scutcheons1 was made a private office apart4 ,and the issue of these lords1 is the great and ancient gentry2 which for the most part bear living creatures1 noted for courage1 and rapine2 or castles1 battlements1 belts1 weapons1 bars1 palisadoes1 and other notes of war2 nothing being then in honour1 but virtue military4 ,afterwards1 not only kings1 but popular commonwealths1 gave divers manners of scutcheons1 to such as went forth to the war1 or returned from it1 for encouragement1 or recompense to their service4 ,all which1 by an observing reader1 may be found in such ancient histories1 ,greek and ,latin1 as make mention of the ,german nation and manners1 in their times4 ,sidenote3 ,titles of honour4 ,titles of honour1 such as are duke1 count1 marquis1 and baron1 are honourable2 as signifying the value set upon them by the sovereign power of the commonwealth3 which titles1 were in old time titles of office1 and command1 derived some from the ,romans1 some from the ,germans and ,french3 dukes1 in ,latin duces1 being generals in war3 counts1 comites1 such as bear the general company out of friendship1 and were left to govern and defend places conquered1 and pacified3 marquises1 marchiones1 were counts that governed the marches1 or bounds of the empire4 ,which titles of duke1 count1 and marquis1 came into the empire1 about the time of ,constantine the ,great1 from the customs of the ,german militia4 ,but baron1 seems to have been a title of the ,gauls1 and signifies a great man2 such as were the king's1 or prince's men1 whom they employed in war about their persons2 and seems to be derived from vir1 to ber1 and bar1 that signified the same in the language of the ,gauls1 that vir in ,latin2 and thence to bero1 and baro3 so that such men were called berones1 and after barones2 and1 in ,spanish1 varones4 ,but he that would know more particularly the original of titles of honour1 may find it1 as ,i have done this1 in ,mr4 ,selden's most excellent treatise of that subject4 ,in process of time these offices of honour1 by occasion of trouble1 and for reasons of good and peaceable government1 were turned into mere titles2 serving for the most part1 to distinguish the precedence1 place1 and order of subjects in the commonwealth3 and men were made dukes1 counts1 marquises1 and barons of places1 wherein they had neither possession1 nor command3 and other titles also1 were devised to the same end4 ,sidenote3 ,worthiness4 ,,worthiness1 is a thing different from the worth1 or value of a man2 and also from his merit1 or desert1 and consisteth in a particular power1 or ability for that1 whereof he is said to be worthy3 ,sidenote3 ,fitness4 which particular ability1 is usually named ,,fitness1 or aptitude4 ,for he is worthiest to be a commander1 to be a judge1 or to have any other charge1 that is best fitted1 with the qualities required to the well discharging of it2 and worthiest of riches1 that has the qualities most requisite for the well using of them3 any of which qualities being absent1 one may nevertheless be a worthy man1 and valuable for something else4 ,again1 a man may be worthy of riches1 office1 and employment1 that nevertheless1 can plead no right to have it before another2 and therefore cannot be said to merit or deserve it4 ,for merit presupposeth a right1 and that the thing deserved is due by promise3 of which ,i shall say more hereafter1 when ,i shall speak of contracts4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,of ,,the ,,difference ,,of ,,manners4 ,sidenote3 ,what is here meant by manners4 ,by ,,manners1 ,i mean not here1 decency of behaviour2 as how one should salute another1 or how a man should wash his mouth1 or pick his teeth before company1 and such other points of the small morals2 but those qualities of mankind1 that concern their living together in peace1 and unity4 ,to which end we are to consider1 that the felicity of this life1 consisteth not in the repose of a mind satisfied4 ,for there is no such finis ultimus1 utmost aim1 nor summum bonum1 greatest good1 as is spoken of in the books of the old moral philosophers4 ,nor can a man any more live1 whose desires are at an end1 than he1 whose senses and imaginations are at a stand4 ,felicity is a continual progress of the desire1 from one object to another2 the attaining of the former1 being still but the way to the latter4 ,the cause whereof is1 that the object of man's desire1 is not to enjoy once only1 and for one instant of time2 but to assure for ever1 the way of his future desire4 ,and therefore the voluntary actions1 and inclinations of all men1 tend1 not only to the procuring1 but also to the assuring of a contented life2 and differ only in the way3 which ariseth partly from the diversity of passions1 in divers men2 and partly from the difference of the knowledge1 or opinion each one has of the causes1 which produce the effect desired4 ,sidenote3 ,a restless desire of power in all men4 ,so that in the first place1 ,i put for a general inclination of all mankind1 a perpetual and restless desire of power after power1 that ceaseth only in death4 ,and the cause of this1 is not always that a man hopes for a more intensive delight1 than he has already attained to2 or that he cannot be content with a moderate power3 but because he cannot assure the power and means to live well1 which he hath present1 without the acquisition of more4 ,and from hence it is1 that kings1 whose power is greatest1 turn their endeavours to the assuring it at home by laws1 or abroad by wars3 and when that is done1 there succeedeth a new desire2 in some1 of fame from new conquest2 in others1 of ease and sensual pleasure2 in others1 of admiration1 or being flattered for excellence in some art1 or other ability of the mind4 ,sidenote3 ,love of contention from competition4 ,competition of riches1 honour1 command1 or other power1 inclineth to contention1 enmity1 and war3 because the way of one competitor1 to the attaining of his desire1 is to kill1 subdue1 supplant1 or repel the other4 ,particularly1 competition of praise1 inclineth to a reverence of antiquity4 ,for men contend with the living1 not with the dead2 to these ascribing more than due1 that they may obscure the glory of the other4 ,sidenote3 ,civil obedience from love of ease4 ,desire of ease1 and sensual delight1 disposeth men to obey a common power3 because by such desires1 a man doth abandon the protection that might be hoped for from his own industry1 and labour4 ,sidenote3 ,from fear of death1 or wounds4 ,fear of death1 and wounds1 disposeth to the same2 and for the same reason4 ,on the contrary1 needy men1 and hardy1 not contented with their present condition2 as also1 all men that are ambitious of military command1 are inclined to continue the causes of war2 and to stir up trouble and sedition3 for there is no honour military but by war2 nor any such hope to mend an ill game1 as by causing a new shuffle4 ,sidenote3 ,and from love of arts4 ,desire of knowledge1 and arts of peace1 inclineth men to obey a common power3 for such desire1 containeth a desire of leisure2 and consequently protection from some other power than their own4 ,sidenote3 ,love of virtue from love of praise4 ,desire of praise1 disposeth to laudable actions1 such as please them whose judgment they value2 for of those men whom we contemn1 we contemn also the praises4 ,desire of fame after death does the same4 ,and though after death1 there be no sense of the praise given us on earth1 as being joys1 that are either swallowed up in the unspeakable joys of ,heaven1 or extinguished in the extreme torments of hell3 yet is not such fame vain2 because men have a present delight therein1 from the foresight of it1 and of the benefit that may redound thereby to their posterity3 which though they now see not1 yet they imagine2 and anything that is pleasure to the sense1 the same also is pleasure in the imagination4 ,sidenote3 ,hate1 from difficulty of requiting great benefits4 ,to have received from one1 to whom we think ourselves equal1 greater benefits than there is hope to requite1 disposeth to counterfeit love2 but really secret hatred2 and puts a man into the estate of a desperate debtor1 that in declining the sight of his creditor1 tacitly wishes him there1 where he might never see him more4 ,for benefits oblige1 and obligation is thraldom2 and unrequitable obligation perpetual thraldom2 which is to one's equal1 hateful4 ,but to have received benefits from one1 whom we acknowledge for superior1 inclines to love2 because the obligation is no new depression3 and cheerful acceptation1 which men call gratitude1 is such an honour done to the obliger1 as is taken generally for retribution4 ,also to receive benefits1 though from an equal1 or inferior1 as long as there is hope of requital1 disposeth to love3 for in the intention of the receiver1 the obligation is of aid and service mutual2 from whence proceedeth an emulation of who shall exceed in benefiting2 the most noble and profitable contention possible2 wherein the victor is pleased with his victory1 and the other revenged by confessing it4 ,sidenote3 ,and from conscience of deserving to be hated4 ,to have done more hurt to a man1 than he can1 or is willing to expiate1 inclineth the doer to hate the sufferer4 ,for he must expect revenge1 or forgiveness2 both which are hateful4 ,sidenote3 ,promptness to hurt1 from fear4 ,fear of oppression1 disposeth a man to anticipate1 or to seek aid by society3 for there is no other way by which a man can secure his life and liberty4 ,sidenote3 ,and from distrust of their own wit4 ,men that distrust their own subtlety1 are1 in tumult and sedition1 better disposed for victory1 than they that suppose themselves wise1 or crafty4 ,for these love to consult1 the other1 fearing to be circumvented1 to strike first4 ,and in sedition1 men being always in the precincts of battle1 to hold together1 and use all advantages of force1 is a better stratagem1 than any that can proceed from subtlety of wit4 ,sidenote3 ,vain undertaking from vain-glory4 ,vain-glorious men1 such as without being conscious to themselves of great sufficiency1 delight in supposing themselves gallant men1 are inclined only to ostentation2 but not to attempt3 because when danger or difficulty appears1 they look for nothing but to have their insufficiency discovered4 ,vain-glorious men1 such as estimate their sufficiency by the flattery of other men1 or the fortune of some precedent action1 without assured ground of hope from the true knowledge of themselves1 are inclined to rash engaging2 and in the approach of danger1 or difficulty1 to retire if they can3 because not seeing the way of safety1 they will rather hazard their honour1 which may be salved with an excuse2 than their lives1 for which no salve is sufficient4 ,sidenote3 ,ambition1 from opinion of sufficiency4 ,men that have a strong opinion of their own wisdom in matter of government1 are disposed to ambition4 ,because without public employment in council or magistracy1 the honour of their wisdom is lost4 ,and therefore eloquent speakers are inclined to ambition2 for eloquence seemeth wisdom1 both to themselves and others4 ,sidenote3 ,irresolution1 from too great valuing of small matters4 ,pusillanimity disposeth men to irresolution1 and consequently to lose the occasions1 and fittest opportunities of action4 ,for after men have been in deliberation till the time of action approach1 if it be not then manifest what is best to be done1 it is a sign1 the difference of motives1 the one way and the other1 are not great3 therefore not to resolve then1 is to lose the occasion by weighing of trifles2 which is pusillanimity4 ,frugality1 though in poor men a virtue1 maketh a man unapt to atchieve such actions1 as require the strength of many men at once3 for it weakeneth their endeavour1 which is to be nourished and kept in vigour by reward4 ,sidenote3 ,confidence in others1 from ignorance of the marks of wisdom and kindness4 ,eloquence1 with flattery1 disposeth men to confide in them that have it2 because the former is seeming wisdom1 the latter seeming kindness4 ,add to them military reputation1 and it disposeth men to adhere1 and subject themselves to those men that have them4 ,the two former having given them caution against danger from him2 the latter gives them caution against danger from others4 ,sidenote3 ,and from ignorance of natural causes4 ,want of science1 that is1 ignorance of causes1 disposeth1 or rather constraineth a man to rely on the advice1 and authority of others4 ,for all men whom the truth concerns1 if they rely not on their own1 must rely on the opinion of some other1 whom they think wiser than themselves1 and see not why he should deceive them4 ,sidenote3 ,and from want of understanding4 ,ignorance of the signification of words1 which is want of understanding1 disposeth men to take on trust1 not only the truth they know not2 but also the errors2 and which is more1 the nonsense of them they trust3 for neither error nor nonsense1 can without a perfect understanding of words1 be detected4 ,from the same it proceedeth1 that men give different names1 to one and the same thing1 from the difference of their own passions3 as they that approve a private opinion1 call it opinion2 but they that mislike it1 heresy3 and yet heresy signifies no more than private opinion2 but has only a greater tincture of choler4 ,from the same also it proceedeth1 that men cannot distinguish1 without study and great understanding1 between one action of many men1 and many actions of one multitude2 as for example1 between one action of all the senators of ,rome in killing ,cataline1 and the many actions of a number of senators in killing ,csar2 and therefore are disposed to take for the action of the people1 that which is a multitude of actions done by a multitude of men1 led perhaps by the persuasion of one4 ,sidenote3 ,adherence to custom1 from ignorance of the nature of right and wrong4 ,ignorance of the causes1 and original constitution of right1 equity1 law1 and justice1 disposeth a man to make custom and example the rule of his actions2 in such manner1 as to think that unjust which it hath been the custom to punish2 and that just1 of the impunity and approbation whereof they can produce an example1 or1 as the lawyers which only use this false measure of justice barbarously call it1 a precedent2 like little children1 that have no other rule of good and evil manners1 but the correction they receive from their parents and masters2 save that children are constant to their rule1 whereas1 men are not so2 because grown old1 and stubborn1 they appeal from custom to reason1 and from reason to custom1 as it serves their turn2 receding from custom when their interest requires it1 and setting themselves against reason1 as oft as reason is against them3 which is the cause1 that the doctrine of right and wrong1 is perpetually disputed1 both by the pen and the sword3 whereas the doctrine of lines1 and figures1 is not so2 because men care not1 in that subject1 what be truth1 as a thing that crosses no man's ambition1 profit or lust4 ,for ,i doubt not1 but if it had been a thing contrary to any man's right of dominion1 or to the interest of men that have dominion1 that the three angles of a triangle1 should be equal to two angles of a square2 that doctrine should have been1 if not disputed1 yet by the burning of all books of geometry1 suppressed1 as far as he whom it concerned was able4 ,sidenote3 ,adherence to private men1 from ignorance of the causes of peace4 ,ignorance of remote causes1 disposeth men to attribute all events1 to the causes immediate1 and instrumental3 for these are all the causes they perceive4 ,and hence it comes to pass1 that in all places1 men that are grieved with payments to the public1 discharge their anger upon the publicans1 that is to say1 farmers1 collectors1 and other officers of the public revenue2 and adhere to such as find fault with the public government2 and thereby1 when they have engaged themselves beyond hope of justification1 fall also upon the supreme authority1 for fear of punishment1 or shame of receiving pardon4 ,sidenote3 ,credulity1 from ignorance of nature4 ,ignorance of natural causes1 disposeth a man to credulity1 so as to believe many times impossibilities3 for such know nothing to the contrary1 but that they may be true2 being unable to detect the impossibility4 ,and credulity1 because men like to be hearkened unto in company1 disposeth them to lying3 so that ignorance itself without malice1 is able to make a man both to believe lies1 and tell them2 and sometimes also to invent them4 ,sidenote3 ,curiosity to know1 from care of future time4 ,anxiety for the future time1 disposeth men to inquire into the causes of things3 because the knowledge of them1 maketh men the better able to order the present to their best advantage4 ,sidenote3 ,natural religion from the same4 ,curiosity1 or love of the knowledge of causes1 draws a man from the consideration of the effect1 to seek the cause2 and again1 the cause of that cause2 till of necessity he must come to this thought at last1 that there is some cause1 whereof there is no former cause1 but is eternal2 which is it men call ,god4 ,so that it is impossible to make any profound inquiry into natural causes1 without being inclined thereby to believe there is one ,god eternal2 though they cannot have any idea of him in their mind1 answerable to his nature4 ,for as a man that is born blind1 hearing men talk of warming themselves by the fire1 and being brought to warm himself by the same1 may easily conceive1 and assure himself1 there is somewhat there1 which men call fire1 and is the cause of the heat he feels2 but cannot imagine what it is like2 nor have an idea of it in his mind1 such as they have that see it3 so also by the visible things in this world1 and their admirable order1 a man may conceive there is a cause of them1 which men call ,god2 and yet not have an idea1 or image of him in his mind4 ,and they that make little1 or no inquiry into the natural causes of things1 yet from the fear that proceeds from the ignorance itself1 of what it is that hath the power to do them much good or harm1 are inclined to suppose1 and feign unto themselves1 several kinds of powers invisible2 and to stand in awe of their own imaginations2 and in time of distress to invoke them2 as also in the time of an expected good success1 to give them thanks2 making the creatures of their own fancy1 their gods4 ,by which means it hath come to pass1 that from the innumerable variety of fancy1 men have created in the world innumerable sorts of gods4 ,and this fear of things invisible1 is the natural seed of that1 which every one in himself calleth religion2 and in them that worship1 or fear that power otherwise than they do1 superstition4 ,and this seed of religion1 having been observed by many2 some of those that have observed it1 have been inclined thereby to nourish1 dress1 and form it into laws2 and to add to it of their own invention1 any opinion of the causes of future events1 by which they thought they should be best able to govern others1 and make unto themselves the greatest use of their powers4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,of ,,religion4 ,sidenote3 ,religion in man only4 ,seeing there are no signs1 nor fruit of religion1 but in man only2 there it no cause to doubt1 but that the seed of religion1 is also only in man2 and consisteth in some peculiar quality1 or at least in some eminent degree thereof1 not to be found in any other living creatures4 ,sidenote3 ,first1 from his desire of knowing causes4 ,and first1 it is peculiar to the nature of man1 to be inquisitive into the causes of the events they see1 some more1 some less2 but all men so much1 as to be curious in the search of the causes of their own good and evil fortune4 ,sidenote3 ,from the consideration of the beginning of things4 ,secondly1 upon the sight of anything that hath a beginning1 to think also it had a cause1 which determined the same to begin1 then when it did1 rather than sooner or later4 ,sidenote3 ,from his observation of the sequel of things4 ,thirdly1 whereas there is no other felicity of beasts1 but the enjoying of their quotidian food1 ease1 and lusts2 as having little or no foresight of the time to come1 for want of observation1 and memory of the order1 consequence1 and dependence of the things they see2 man observeth how one event hath been produced by another2 and remembereth in them antecedence and consequence2 and when he cannot assure himself of the true causes of things1 7for the causes of good and evil fortune for the most part are invisible17 he supposes causes of them1 either such as his own fancy suggesteth2 or trusteth the authority of other men1 such as he thinks to be his friends1 and wiser than himself4 ,sidenote3 ,the natural cause of religion1 the anxiety of the time to come4 ,the two first1 make anxiety4 ,for being assured that there be causes of all things that have arrived hitherto1 or shall arrive hereafter2 it is impossible for a man1 who continually endeavoureth to secure himself against the evil he fears1 and procure the good he desireth1 not to be in a perpetual solicitude of the time to come2 so that every man1 especially those that are over provident1 are in a state like to that of ,prometheus4 ,for as ,prometheus1 which interpreted1 is1 the prudent man1 was bound to the hill ,caucasus1 a place of large prospect1 where1 an eagle feeding on his liver1 devoured in the day1 as much as was repaired in the night3 so that man1 which looks too far before him1 in the care of future time1 hath his heart all the day long1 gnawed on by fear of death1 poverty1 or other calamity2 and has no repose1 nor pause of his anxiety1 but in sleep4 ,sidenote3 ,which makes them fear the power of invisible things4 ,this perpetual fear1 always accompanying mankind in the ignorance of causes1 as it were in the dark1 must needs have for object something4 ,and therefore when there is nothing to be seen1 there is nothing to accuse1 either of their good1 or evil fortune1 but some power1 or agent invisible3 in which sense perhaps it was1 that some of the old poets said1 that the gods were at first created by human fear3 which spoken of the gods1 that is to say1 of the many gods of the ,gentiles1 is very true4 ,but the acknowledging of one ,god1 eternal1 infinite1 and omnipotent1 may more easily be derived1 from the desire men have to know the causes of natural bodies1 and their several virtues1 and operations2 than from the fear of what was to befall them in time to come4 ,for he that from any effect he seeth come to pass1 should reason to the next and immediate cause thereof1 and from thence to the cause of that cause1 and plunge himself profoundly in the pursuit of causes2 shall at last come to this1 that there must be1 as even the heathen philosophers confessed1 one first mover2 that is1 a first1 and an eternal cause of all things2 which is that which men mean by the name of ,god3 and all this without thought of their fortune2 the solicitude whereof1 both inclines to fear1 and hinders them from the search of the causes of other things2 and thereby gives occasion of feigning of as many gods1 as there be men that feign them4 ,sidenote3 ,and suppose them incorporeal4 ,and for the matter1 or substance of the invisible agents1 so fancied2 they could not by natural cogitation1 fall upon any other conceit1 but that it was the same with that of the soul of man2 and that the soul of man1 was of the same substance1 with that which appeareth in a dream1 to one that sleepeth2 or in a looking-glass1 to one that is awake2 which1 men not knowing that such apparitions are nothing else but creatures of the fancy1 think to be real1 and external substances2 and therefore call them ghosts2 as the ,latins called them imagines1 and umbr2 and thought them spirits1 that is1 thin aerial bodies2 and those invisible agents1 which they feared1 to be like them2 save that they appear1 and vanish when they please4 ,but the opinion that such spirits were incorporeal1 or immaterial1 could never enter into the mind of any man by nature2 because1 though men may put together words of contradictory signification1 as spirit1 and incorporeal2 yet they can never have the imagination of any thing answering to them3 and therefore1 men that by their own meditation1 arrive to the acknowledgment of one infinite1 omnipotent1 and eternal ,god1 chose rather to confess he is incomprehensible1 and above their understanding1 than to define his nature by spirit incorporeal1 and then confess their definition to be unintelligible3 or if they give him such a title1 it is not dogmatically1 with intention to make the divine nature understood2 but piously1 to honour him with attributes1 of significations1 as remote as they can from the grossness of bodies visible4 ,sidenote3 ,but know not the way how they effect anything4 ,then1 for the way by which they think these invisible agents wrought their effects2 that is to say1 what immediate causes they used1 in bringing things to pass1 men that know not what it is that we call causing1 that is1 almost all men1 have no other rule to guess by1 but by observing1 and remembering what they have seen to precede the like effect at some other time1 or times before1 without seeing between the antecedent and subsequent event1 any dependence or connexion at all3 and therefore from the like things past1 they expect the like things to come2 and hope for good or evil luck1 superstitiously1 from things that have no part at all in the causing of it3 as the ,athenians did for their war at ,lepanto1 demand another ,phormio2 the ,pompeian faction for their war in ,africa1 another ,scipio2 and others have done in divers other occasions since4 ,in like manner they attribute their fortune to a stander by1 to a lucky or unlucky place1 to words spoken1 especially if the name of ,god be amongst them2 as charming and conjuring1 the liturgy of witches2 insomuch as to believe1 they have power to turn a stone into bread1 bread into a man1 or any thing into any thing4 ,sidenote3 ,but honour them as they honour men4 ,thirdly1 for the worship which naturally men exhibit to powers invisible1 it can be no other1 but such expressions of their reverence1 as they would use towards men2 gifts1 petitions1 thanks1 submission of body1 considerate addresses1 sober behaviour1 premeditated words1 swearing1 that is1 assuring one another of their promises1 by invoking them4 ,beyond that reason suggesteth nothing2 but leaves them either to rest there2 or for further ceremonies1 to rely on those they believe to be wiser than themselves4 ,sidenote3 ,and attribute to them all extraordinary events4 ,lastly1 concerning how these invisible powers declare to men the things which shall hereafter come to pass1 especially concerning their good or evil fortune in general1 or good or ill success in any particular undertaking1 men are naturally at a stand2 save that using to conjecture of the time to come1 by the time past1 they are very apt1 not only to take casual things1 after one or two encounters1 for prognostics of the like encounter ever after1 but also to believe the like prognostics from other men1 of whom they have once conceived a good opinion4 ,sidenote3 ,four things1 natural seeds of religion4 ,and in these four things1 opinion of ghosts1 ignorance of second causes1 devotion towards what men fear1 and taking of things casual for prognostics1 consisteth the natural seed of religion2 which by reason of the different fancies1 judgments1 and passions of several men1 hath grown up into ceremonies so different1 that those which are used by one man1 are for the most part ridiculous to another4 ,sidenote3 ,made different by culture4 ,for these seeds have received culture from two sorts of men4 ,one sort have been they1 that have nourished1 and ordered them1 according to their own invention4 ,the other have done it1 by ,god's commandment1 and direction3 but both sorts have done it1 with a purpose to make those men that relied on them1 the more apt to obedience1 laws1 peace1 charity1 and civil society4 ,so that the religion of the former sort1 is a part of human politics2 and teacheth part of the duty which earthly kings require of their subjects4 ,and the religion of the latter sort is divine politics2 and containeth precepts to those that have yielded themselves subjects in the kingdom of ,god4 ,of the former sort1 were all the founders of common-wealths1 and the lawgivers of the ,gentiles3 of the latter sort1 were ,abraham1 ,moses1 and our blessed ,saviour2 by whom have been derived unto us the laws of the kingdom of ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,the absurd opinion of ,gentilism4 ,and for that part of religion1 which consisteth in opinions concerning the nature of powers invisible1 there is almost nothing that has a name1 that has not been esteemed amongst the ,gentiles1 in one place or another1 a god1 or devil2 or by their poets feigned to be inanimated1 inhabited1 or possessed by some spirit or other4 ,the unformed matter of the world1 was a god1 by the name of ,chaos4 ,the heaven1 the ocean1 the planets1 the fire1 the earth1 the winds1 were so many gods4 ,sidenote3 ,the absurd opinion of ,gentilism4 ,men1 women1 a bird1 a crocodile1 a calf1 a dog1 a snake1 an onion1 a leek1 were deified4 ,besides that1 they filled almost all places1 with spirits called demons3 the plains1 with ,pan1 and ,panises1 or ,satyrs2 the woods1 with ,fawns1 and ,nymphs2 the sea1 with ,tritons1 and other ,nymphs2 every river1 and fountain1 with a ghost of his name1 and with ,nymphs2 every house with its ,lares1 or familiars2 every man with his ,genius2 hell with ghosts1 and spiritual officers1 as ,charon1 ,cerberus1 and the ,furies2 and in the night time1 all places with larv1 lemures1 ghosts of men deceased1 and a whole kingdom of fairies and bugbears4 ,they have also ascribed divinity1 and built temples to meer accidents1 and qualities2 such as are time1 night1 day1 peace1 concord1 love1 contention1 virtue1 honour1 health1 rust1 fever1 and the like2 which when they prayed for1 or against1 they prayed to1 as if there were ghosts of those names hanging over their heads1 and letting fall1 or withholding that good1 or evil1 for1 or against which they prayed4 ,they invoked also their own wit1 by the name of ,muses2 their own ignorance1 by the name of ,fortune2 their own lusts by the name of ,cupid2 their own rage1 by the name of ,furies2 their own privy members1 by the name of ,priapus2 and attributed their pollutions1 to ,incubi1 and ,succub3 insomuch as there was nothing1 which a poet could introduce as a person in his poem1 which they did not make either a god1 or a devil4 ,the same authors of the religion of the ,gentiles1 observing the second ground for religion1 which is men's ignorance of causes2 and thereby their aptness to attribute their fortune to causes1 on which there was no dependence at all apparent1 took occasion to obtrude on their ignorance1 instead of second causes1 a kind of second and ministerial gods2 ascribing the cause of fecundity1 to ,venus2 the cause of arts1 to ,apollo2 of subtlety and craft1 to ,mercury2 of tempests and storms1 to olus2 and of other effects1 to other gods2 insomuch as there was amongst the heathen almost as great variety of gods1 as of business4 ,and to the worship1 which naturally men conceived fit to be used towards their gods1 namely1 oblations1 prayers1 thanks1 and the rest formerly named2 the same legislators of the ,gentiles have added their images1 both in picture1 and sculpture2 that the more ignorant sort1 that is to say1 the most part or generality of the people1 thinking the gods for whose representation they were made1 were really included1 and as it were housed within them1 might so much the more stand in fear of them3 and endowed them with lands1 and houses1 and officers1 and revenues1 set apart from all other human uses2 that is1 consecrated1 and made holy to those their idols2 as caverns1 groves1 woods1 mountains1 and whole islands2 and have attributed to them1 not only the shapes1 some of men1 some of beasts1 some of monsters2 but also the faculties1 and passions of men and beasts3 as sense1 speech1 sex1 lust1 generation1 and this not only by mixing one with another1 to propagate the kind of gods2 but also by mixing with men1 and women1 to beget mongrel gods1 and but inmates of heaven1 as ,bacchus1 ,hercules1 and others2 besides anger1 revenge1 and other passions of living creatures1 and the actions proceeding from them1 as fraud1 theft1 adultery1 sodomy1 and any vice that may be taken for an effect of power1 or a cause of pleasure2 and all such vices1 as amongst men are taken to be against law1 rather than against honour4 ,lastly1 to the prognostics of time to come2 which are naturally1 but conjectures upon experience of time past2 and supernaturally1 divine revelation2 the same authors of the religion of the ,gentiles1 partly upon pretended experience1 partly upon pretended revelation1 have added innumerable other superstitious ways of divination2 and made men believe they should find their fortunes1 sometimes in the ambiguous or senseless answers of the priests at ,delphi1 ,delos1 ,ammon1 and other famous oracles2 which answers1 were made ambiguous by design1 to own the event both ways2 or absurd1 by the intoxicating vapour of the place1 which is very frequent in sulphurous caverns3 sometimes in the leaves of the ,sybils2 of whose prophecies1 like those perhaps of ,nostradamus 7for the fragments now extant seem to be the invention of later times71 there were some books in reputation in the time of the ,roman republic3 sometimes in the insignificant speeches of madmen1 supposed to be possessed with a divine spirit1 which possession they called enthusiasm2 and these kinds of foretelling events1 were accounted theomancy1 or prophecy3 sometimes in the aspect of the stars at their nativity2 which was called horoscopy1 and esteemed a part of judiciary astrology3 sometimes in their own hopes and fears1 called thumomancy1 or presage3 sometimes in the prediction of witches1 that pretended conference with the dead2 which is called necromancy1 conjuring1 and witchcraft2 and is but juggling and confederate knavery3 sometimes in the casual flight1 or feeding of birds2 called augury3 sometimes in the entrails of a sacrificed beast2 which was aruspicina3 sometimes in dreams3 sometimes in croaking of ravens1 or chattering of birds3 sometimes in the lineaments of the face2 which was called metoposcopy2 or by palmistry in the lines of the hand2 in casual words1 called omina3 sometimes in monsters1 or unusual accidents2 as eclipses1 comets1 rare meteors1 earthquakes1 inundations1 uncouth births1 and the like1 which they called portenta1 and ostenta1 because they thought them to portend1 or foreshow some great calamity to come2 sometimes1 in mere lottery1 as cross and pile2 counting holes in a sieve2 dipping of verses in ,homer1 and ,virgil2 and innumerable other such vain conceits4 ,so easy are men to be drawn to believe any thing1 from such men as have gotten credit with them2 and can with gentleness1 and dexterity1 take hold of their fear1 and ignorance4 ,sidenote3 ,the designs of the authors of the religion of the heathen4 ,and therefore the first founders1 and legislators of commonwealths among the ,gentiles1 whose ends were only to keep the people in obedience1 and peace1 have in all places taken care2 first1 to imprint in their minds a belief1 that those precepts which they gave concerning religion1 might not be thought to proceed from their own device1 but from the dictates of some god1 or other spirit2 or else that they themselves were of a higher nature than mere mortals1 that their laws might the more easily be received3 so ,numa ,pompilius pretended to receive the ceremonies he instituted amongst the ,romans1 from the nymph ,egeria3 and the first king and founder of the kingdom of ,peru1 pretended himself and his wife to be the children of the ,sun2 and ,mahomet1 to set up his new religion1 pretended to have conferences with the ,holy ,ghost1 in form of a dove4 ,secondly1 they have had a care1 to make it believed1 that the same things were displeasing to the gods1 which were forbidden by the laws4 ,thirdly1 to prescribe ceremonies1 supplications1 sacrifices1 and festivals1 by which they were to believe1 the anger of the gods might be appeased2 and that ill success in war1 great contagions of sickness1 earthquakes1 and each man's private misery1 came from the anger of the gods1 and their anger from the neglect of their worship1 or the forgetting1 or mistaking some point of the ceremonies required4 ,and though amongst the ancient ,romans1 men were not forbidden to deny1 that which in the poets is written of the pains1 and pleasures after this life3 which divers of great authority1 and gravity in that state have in their harangues openly derided2 yet that belief was always more cherished1 than the contrary4 ,and by these1 and such other institutions1 they obtained in order to their end1 which was the peace of the commonwealth1 that the common people in their misfortunes1 laying the fault on neglect1 or error in their ceremonies1 or on their own disobedience to the laws1 were the less apt to mutiny against their governors2 and being entertained with the pomp1 and pastime of festivals1 and public games1 made in honour of the gods1 needed nothing else but bread to keep them from discontent1 murmuring1 and commotion against the state4 ,and therefore the ,romans1 that had conquered the greatest part of the then known world1 made no scruple of tolerating any religion whatsoever in the city of ,rome itself2 unless it had something in it1 that could not consist with their civil government2 nor do we read1 that any religion was there forbidden1 but that of the ,jews2 who1 being the peculiar kingdom of ,god1 thought it unlawful to acknowledge subjection to any mortal king or state whatsoever4 ,and thus you see how the religion of the ,gentiles was a part of their policy4 ,sidenote3 ,the true religion and the laws of ,god's kingdom the same4 ,but where ,god himself1 by supernatural revelation1 planted religion2 there he also made to himself a peculiar kingdom3 and gave laws1 not only of behaviour towards himself1 but also towards one another2 and thereby in the kingdom of ,god1 the policy1 and laws civil1 are a part of religion2 and therefore the distinction of temporal1 and spiritual domination1 hath there no place4 ,it is true1 that ,god is king of all the earth3 yet may he be king of a peculiar1 and chosen nation4 ,for there is no more incongruity therein1 than that he that hath the general command of the whole army1 should have withal a peculiar regiment1 or company of his own4 ,god is king of all the earth by his power3 but of his chosen people1 he is king by covenant4 ,but to speak more largely of the kingdom of ,god1 both by nature1 and covenant1 ,i have in the following discourse assigned another place 7chapter ,,xxxv47 ,from the propagation of religion1 it is not hard to understand the causes of the resolution of the same into its first seeds1 or principles2 which are only an opinion of a deity1 and powers invisible1 and supernatural2 that can never be so abolished out of human nature1 but that new religions may again be made to spring out of them1 by the culture of such men1 as for such purpose are in reputation4 ,sidenote3 ,the causes of change in religion4 ,for seeing all formed religion1 is founded at first1 upon the faith which a multitude hath in some one person1 whom they believe not only to be a wise man1 and to labour to procure their happiness1 but also to be a holy man1 to whom ,god himself vouchsafeth to declare his will supernaturally2 it followeth necessarily1 when they that have the government of religion1 shall come to have either the wisdom of those men1 their sincerity1 or their love suspected2 or when they shall be unable to show any probable token of divine revelation2 that the religion which they desire to uphold1 must be suspected likewise2 and1 without the fear of the civil sword1 contradicted and rejected4 ,sidenote3 ,enjoining belief of impossibilities4 ,that which taketh away the reputation of wisdom1 in him that formeth a religion1 or addeth to it when it is already formed1 is the enjoining of a belief of contradictories3 for both parts of a contradiction cannot possibly be true3 and therefore to enjoin the belief of them1 is an argument of ignorance2 which detects the author in that2 and discredits him in all things else he shall propound as from revelation supernatural3 which revelation a man may indeed have of many things above1 but of nothing against natural reason4 ,sidenote3 ,doing contrary to the religion they establish4 ,that which taketh away the reputation of sincerity1 is the doing or saying of such things1 as appear to be signs1 that what they require other men to believe1 is not believed by themselves2 all which doings1 or sayings are therefore called scandalous1 because they be stumbling blocks1 that make men to fall in the way of religion2 as injustice1 cruelty1 profaneness1 avarice1 and luxury4 ,for who can believe1 that he that doth ordinarily such actions as proceed from any of these roots1 believeth there is any such invisible power to be feared1 as he affrighteth other men withal1 for lesser faults8 ,that which taketh away the reputation of love1 is the being detected of private ends3 as when the belief they require of others1 conduceth or seemeth to conduce to the acquiring of dominion1 riches1 dignity1 or secure pleasure1 to themselves only1 or specially4 ,for that which men reap benefit by to themselves1 they are thought to do for their own sakes1 and not for love of others4 ,sidenote3 ,want of the testimony of miracles4 ,lastly1 the testimony that men can render of divine calling1 can be no other1 than the operation of miracles2 or true prophecy1 which also is a miracle2 or extraordinary felicity4 ,and therefore1 to those points of religion1 which have been received from them that did such miracles2 those that are added by such1 as approve not their calling by some miracle1 obtain no greater belief1 than what the custom and laws of the places1 in which they be educated1 have wrought into them4 ,for as in natural things1 men of judgment require natural signs1 and arguments2 so in supernatural things1 they require signs supernatural1 which are miracles1 before they consent inwardly1 and from their hearts4 ,all which causes of the weakening of men's faith1 do manifestly appear in the examples following4 ,first1 we have the example of the children of ,israel2 who when ,moses1 that had approved his calling to them by miracles1 and by the happy conduct of them out of ,egypt1 was absent but forty days1 revolted from the worship of the true ,god1 recommended to them by him2 and setting up 7,exod4 xxxiii4 #a1 #b7 a golden calf for their god1 relapsed into the idolatry of the ,egyptians2 from whom they had been so lately delivered4 ,and again1 after ,moses1 ,aaron1 ,joshua1 and that generation which had seen the great works of ,god in ,israel1 7,judges ii4 #aa7 were dead2 another generation arose1 and served ,baal4 ,so that miracles failing1 faith also failed4 ,again1 when the sons of ,samuel1 7#a ,sam4 viii4 #c7 being constituted by their father judges in ,bersabee1 received bribes1 and judged unjustly1 the people of ,israel refused any more to have ,god to be their king1 in other manner than he was king of other people2 and therefore cried out to ,samuel1 to choose them a king after the manner of the nations4 ,so that justice failing1 faith also failed3 insomuch1 as they deposed their ,god1 from reigning over them4 ,and whereas in the planting of ,christian religion1 the oracles ceased in all parts of the ,roman empire1 and the number of ,christians increased wonderfully every day1 and in every place1 by the preaching of the ,apostles1 and ,evangelists2 a great part of that success1 may reasonably be attributed1 to the contempt1 into which the priests of the ,gentiles of that time1 had brought themselves1 by their uncleanness1 avarice1 and juggling between princes4 ,also the religion of the church of ,rome1 was partly1 for the same cause abolished in ,england1 and many other parts of ,christendom2 insomuch1 as the failing of virtue in the pastors1 maketh faith fail in the people3 and partly from bringing of the philosophy1 and doctrine of ,aristotle into religion1 by the ,schoolmen2 from whence there arose so many contradictions1 and absurdities1 as brought the clergy into a reputation both of ignorance1 and of fraudulent intention2 and inclined people to revolt from them1 either against the will of their own princes1 as in ,france and ,holland2 or with their will1 as in ,england4 ,lastly1 amongst the points by the church of ,rome declared necessary for salvation1 there be so many1 manifestly to the advantage of the ,pope1 and of his spiritual subjects1 residing in the territories of other ,christian princes1 that were it not for the mutual emulation of those princes1 they might without war1 or trouble1 exclude all foreign authority1 as easily as it has been excluded in ,england4 ,for who is there that does not see1 to whose benefit it conduceth1 to have it believed1 that a king hath not his authority from ,christ1 unless a bishop crown him8 ,that a king1 if he be a priest1 cannot marry8 ,that whether a prince be born in lawful marriage1 or not1 must be judged by authority from ,rome8 ,that subjects may be freed from their allegiance1 if by the court of ,rome1 the king be judged an heretic8 ,that a king1 as ,chilperic of ,france1 may be deposed by a pope1 as ,pope ,zachary1 for no cause2 and his kingdom given to one of his subjects8 ,that the clergy and regulars1 in what country soever1 shall be exempt from the jurisdiction of their king in cases criminal8 ,or who does not see1 to whose profit redound the fees of private masses1 and vales of purgatory2 with other signs of private interest1 enough to mortify the most lively faith1 if1 as ,i said1 the civil magistrate1 and custom did not more sustain it1 than any opinion they have of the sanctity1 wisdom1 or probity of their teachers8 ,so that ,i may attribute all the changes of religion in the world1 to one and the same cause2 and that is1 unpleasing priests2 and those not only amongst ,catholics1 but even in that church that hath presumed most of reformation4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,natural ,,condition ,,of ,,mankind ,,as ,,concerning ,,their ,,felicity1 ,,and ,,misery4 ,sidenote3 ,men by nature equal4 ,nature hath made men so equal1 in the faculties of the body1 and mind2 as that though there be found one man sometimes manifestly stronger in body1 or of quicker mind than another2 yet when all is reckoned together1 the difference between man1 and man1 is not so considerable1 as that one man can thereupon claim to himself any benefit1 to which another may not pretend1 as well as he4 ,for as to the strength of body1 the weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest1 either by secret machination1 or by confederacy with others1 that are in the same danger with himself4 ,and as to the faculties of the mind1 setting aside the arts grounded upon words1 and especially that skill of proceeding upon general1 and infallible rules1 called science2 which very few have1 and but in few things2 as being not a native faculty1 born with us2 nor attained1 as prudence1 while we look after somewhat else1 ,i find yet a greater equality amongst men1 than that of strength4 ,for prudence1 is but experience2 which equal time1 equally bestows on all men1 in those things they equally apply themselves unto4 ,that which may perhaps make such equality incredible1 is but a vain conceit of one's own wisdom1 which almost all men think they have in a greater degree1 than the vulgar2 that is1 than all men but themselves1 and a few others1 whom by fame1 or for concurring with themselves1 they approve4 ,for such is the nature of men1 that howsoever they may acknowledge many others to be more witty1 or more eloquent1 or more learned2 yet they will hardly believe there be many so wise as themselves2 for they see their own wit at hand1 and other men's at a distance4 ,but this proveth rather that men are in that point equal1 than unequal4 ,for there is not ordinarily a greater sign of the equal distribution of any thing1 than that every man is contented with his share4 ,sidenote3 ,from equality proceeds diffidence4 ,from this equality of ability1 ariseth equality of hope in the attaining of our ends4 ,and therefore if any two men desire the same thing1 which nevertheless they cannot both enjoy1 they become enemies2 and in the way to their end1 which is principally their own conservation1 and sometimes their delectation only1 endeavour to destroy1 or subdue one another4 ,and from hence it comes to pass1 that where an invader hath no more to fear1 than another man's single power2 if one plant1 sow1 build1 or possess a convenient seat1 others may probably be expected to come prepared with forces united1 to dispossess1 and deprive him1 not only of the fruit of his labour1 but also of his life1 or liberty4 ,and the invader again is in the like danger of another4 ,sidenote3 ,from diffidence war4 ,and from this diffidence of one another1 there is no way for any man to secure himself1 so reasonable1 as anticipation2 that is1 by force1 or wiles1 to master the persons of all men he can1 so long1 till he see no other power great enough to endanger him3 and this is no more than his own conservation requireth1 and is generally allowed4 ,also because there be some1 that taking pleasure in contemplating their own power in the acts of conquest1 which they pursue farther than their security requires2 if others1 that otherwise would be glad to be at ease within modest bounds1 should not by invasion increase their power1 they would not be able1 long time1 by standing only on their defence1 to subsist4 ,and by consequence1 such augmentation of dominion over men being necessary to a man's conservation1 it ought to be allowed him4 ,again1 men have no pleasure1 but on the contrary a great deal of grief1 in keeping company1 where there is no power able to over-awe them all4 ,for every man looketh that his companion should value him1 at the same rate he sets upon himself3 and upon all signs of contempt1 or undervaluing1 naturally endeavours1 as far as he dares1 7which amongst them that have no common power to keep them in quiet1 is far enough to make them destroy each other71 to extort a greater value from his contemners1 by damage2 and from others1 by the example4 ,so that in the nature of man1 we find three principal causes of quarrel4 ,first1 competition2 secondly1 diffidence2 thirdly1 glory4 ,the first1 maketh men invade for gain2 the second1 for safety2 and the third1 for reputation4 ,the first use violence1 to make themselves masters of other men's persons1 wives1 children1 and cattle2 the second1 to defend them2 the third1 for trifles1 as a word1 a smile1 a different opinion1 and any other sign of undervalue1 either direct in their persons1 or by reflection in their kindred1 their friends1 their nation1 their profession1 or their name4 ,sidenote3 ,out of civil states1 there is always war of every one against every one4 ,hereby it is manifest1 that during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe1 they are in that condition which is called war2 and such a war1 as is of every man1 against every man4 ,for ,,war1 consisteth not in battle only1 or the act of fighting2 but in a tract of time1 wherein the will to contend by battle is sufficiently known3 and therefore the notion of time1 is to be considered in the nature of war2 as it is in the nature of weather4 ,for as the nature of foul weather1 lieth not in a shower or two of rain2 but in an inclination thereto of many days together3 so the nature of war1 consisteth not in actual fighting2 but in the known disposition thereto1 during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary4 ,all other time is ,,peace4 ,sidenote3 ,the incommodities of such a war4 ,whatsoever therefore is consequent to a time of war1 where every man is enemy to every man2 the same is consequent to the time1 wherein men live without other security1 than what their own strength1 and their own invention shall furnish them withal4 ,in such condition1 there is no place for industry2 because the fruit thereof is uncertain3 and consequently no culture of the earth2 no navigation1 nor use of the commodities that may be imported by sea2 no commodious building2 no instruments of moving1 and removing1 such things as require much force2 no knowledge of the face of the earth2 no account of time2 no arts2 no letters2 no society2 and which is worst of all1 continual fear1 and danger of violent death2 and the life of man1 solitary1 poor1 nasty1 brutish1 and short4 ,it may seem strange to some man1 that has not well weighed these things2 that nature should thus dissociate1 and render men apt to invade1 and destroy one another3 and he may therefore1 not trusting to this inference1 made from the passions1 desire perhaps to have the same confirmed by experience4 ,let him therefore consider with himself1 when taking a journey1 he arms himself1 and seeks to go well accompanied2 when going to sleep1 he locks his doors2 when even in his house he locks his chests2 and this when he knows there be laws1 and public officers1 armed1 to revenge all injuries shall be done him2 what opinion he has of his fellow-subjects1 when he rides armed2 of his fellow citizens1 when he locks his doors2 and of his children1 and servants1 when he locks his chests4 ,does he not there as much accuse mankind by his actions1 as ,i do by my words8 ,but neither of us accuse man's nature in it4 ,the desires1 and other passions of man1 are in themselves no sin4 ,no more are the actions1 that proceed from those passions1 till they know a law that forbids them3 which till laws be made they cannot know3 nor can any law be made1 till they have agreed upon the person that shall make it4 ,it may peradventure be thought1 there was never such a time1 nor condition of war as this2 and ,i believe it was never generally so1 over all the world3 but there are many places1 where they live so now4 ,for the savage people in many places of ,america1 except the government of small families1 the concord whereof dependeth on natural lust1 have no government at all2 and live at this day in that brutish manner1 as ,i said before4 ,howsoever1 it may be perceived what manner of life there would be1 where there were no common power to fear1 by the manner of life1 which men that have formerly lived under a peaceful government1 use to degenerate into1 in a civil war4 ,but though there had never been any time1 wherein particular men were in a condition of war one against another2 yet in all times1 kings1 and persons of sovereign authority1 because of their independency1 are in continual jealousies1 and in the state and posture of gladiators2 having their weapons pointing1 and their eyes fixed on one another2 that is1 their forts1 garrisons1 and guns upon the frontiers of their kingdoms2 and continual spies upon their neighbours2 which is a posture of war4 ,but because they uphold thereby1 the industry of their subjects2 there does not follow from it1 that misery1 which accompanies the liberty of particular men4 ,sidenote3 ,in such a war nothing is unjust4 ,to this war of every man1 against every man1 this also is consequent2 that nothing can be unjust4 ,the notions of right and wrong1 justice and injustice have there no place4 ,where there is no common power1 there is no law3 where no law1 no injustice4 ,force1 and fraud1 are in war the two cardinal virtues4 ,justice1 and injustice are none of the faculties neither of the body1 nor mind4 ,if they were1 they might be in a man that were alone in the world1 as well as his senses1 and passions4 ,they are qualities1 that relate to men in society1 not in solitude4 ,it is consequent also to the same condition1 that there be no propriety1 no dominion1 no mine and thine distinct2 but only that to be every man's1 that he can get2 and for so long1 as he can keep it4 ,and thus much for the ill condition1 which man by mere nature is actually placed in2 though with a possibility to come out of it1 consisting partly in the passions1 partly in his reason4 ,sidenote3 ,the passions that incline men to peace4 ,the passions that incline men to peace1 are fear of death2 desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living2 and a hope by their industry to obtain them4 ,and reason suggesteth convenient articles of peace1 upon which men may be drawn to agreement4 ,these articles1 are they1 which otherwise are called the ,laws of ,nature3 whereof ,i shall speak more particularly1 in the two following chapters4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,first ,,and ,,second ,,natural ,,laws1 ,,and ,,of ,,contracts4 ,sidenote3 ,right of nature what4 ,the ,,right ,,of ,,nature1 which writers commonly call jus naturale1 is the liberty each man hath1 to use his own power1 as he will himself1 for the preservation of his own nature2 that is to say1 of his own life2 and consequently1 of doing any thing1 which in his own judgment1 and reason1 he shall conceive to be the aptest means thereunto4 ,sidenote3 ,liberty what4 ,by ,,liberty1 is understood1 according to the proper signification of the word1 the absence of external impediments3 which impediments1 may oft take away part of a man's power to do what he would2 but cannot hinder him from using the power left him1 according as his judgment1 and reason shall dictate to him4 ,sidenote3 ,a law of nature what4 ,a ,,law ,,of ,,nature1 lex naturalis1 is a precept or general rule1 found out by reason1 by which a man is forbidden to do that1 which is destructive of his life1 or taketh away the means of preserving the same2 and to omit that1 by which he thinketh it may be best preserved4 ,for though they that speak of this subject1 use to confound jus1 and lex1 right and law3 ,sidenote3 ,difference of right and law4 yet they ought to be distinguished2 because ,,right1 consisteth in liberty to do1 or to forbear2 whereas ,,law1 determineth1 and bindeth to one of them3 so that law1 and right1 differ as much1 as obligation1 and liberty2 which in one and the same matter are inconsistent4 ,sidenote3 ,naturally every man has right to every thing4 ,and because the condition of man1 as hath been declared in the precedent chapter1 is a condition of war of every one against every one2 in which case every one is governed by his own reason2 and there is nothing he can make use of1 that may not be a help unto him1 in preserving his life against his enemies2 it followeth1 that in such a condition1 every man has a right to every thing2 even to one another's body4 ,and therefore1 as long as this natural right of every man to every thing endureth1 there can be no security to any man1 how strong or wise soever he be1 of living out the time1 which nature ordinarily alloweth men to live4 ,sidenote3 ,the fundamental law of nature4 ,and consequently it is a precept1 or general rule of reason1 that every man1 ought to endeavour peace1 as far as he has hope of obtaining it2 and when he cannot obtain it1 that he may seek1 and use1 all helps1 and advantages of war4 ,the first branch of which rule1 containeth the first1 and fundamental law of nature2 which is1 to seek peace1 and follow it4 ,the second1 the sum of the right of nature2 which is1 by all means we can1 to defend ourselves4 ,sidenote3 ,the second law of nature4 ,from this fundamental law of nature1 by which men are commanded to endeavour peace1 is derived this second law2 that a man be willing1 when others are so too1 as far-forth1 as for peace1 and defence of himself he shall think it necessary1 to lay down this right to all things2 and be contented with so much liberty against other men1 as he would allow other men against himself4 ,for as long as every man holdeth this right1 of doing any thing he liketh2 so long are all men in the condition of war4 ,but if other men will not lay down their right1 as well as he2 then there is no reason for any one1 to divest himself of his3 for that were to expose himself to prey1 which no man is bound to1 rather than to dispose himself to peace4 ,this is that law of the ,gospel2 whatsoever you require that others should do to you1 that do ye to them4 ,and that law of all men1 quod tibi fieri non vis1 alteri ne feceris4 ,sidenote3 ,what it is to lay down a right4 ,to lay down a man's right to any thing1 is to divest himself of the liberty1 of hindering another of the benefit of his own right to the same4 ,for he that renounceth1 or passeth away his right1 giveth not to any other man a right which he had not before2 because there is nothing to which every man had not right by nature3 but only standeth out of his way1 that he may enjoy his own original right1 without hindrance from him2 not without hindrance from another4 ,so that the effect which redoundeth to one man1 by another man's defect of right1 is but so much diminution of impediments to the use of his own right original4 ,sidenote3 ,renouncing a right1 what it is4 ,right is laid aside1 either by simply renouncing it2 or by transferring it to another4 ,by simply ,,renouncing2 when he cares not to whom the benefit thereof redoundeth4 ,sidenote3 ,transferring right what4 ,obligation4 ,by ,,transferring2 when he intendeth the benefit thereof to some certain person1 or persons4 ,and when a man hath in either manner abandoned1 or granted away his right2 then is he said to be ,,obliged1 or ,,bound1 not to hinder those1 to whom such right is granted1 or abandoned1 from the benefit of it3 and that he ought1 ,sidenote3 ,duty4 and it is his ,,duty1 not to make void that voluntary act of his own3 ,sidenote3 ,injustice4 and that such hindrance is ,,injustice1 and ,,injury1 as being sine jure2 the right being before renounced1 or transferred4 ,so that injury1 or injustice1 in the controversies of the world1 is somewhat like to that1 which in the disputations of scholars is called absurdity4 ,for as it is there called an absurdity1 to contradict what one maintained in the beginning3 so in the world1 it is called injustice1 and injury1 voluntarily to undo that1 which from the beginning he had voluntarily done4 ,the way by which a man either simply renounceth1 or transferreth his right1 is a declaration1 or signification1 by some voluntary and sufficient sign1 or signs1 that he doth so renounce1 or transfer2 or hath so renounced1 or transferred the same1 to him that accepteth it4 ,and these signs are either words only1 or actions only2 or1 as it happeneth most often1 both words1 and actions4 ,and the same are the ,,bonds1 by which men are bound1 and obliged3 bonds1 that have their strength1 not from their own nature1 for nothing is more easily broken than a man's word1 but from fear of some evil consequence upon the rupture4 ,sidenote3 ,not all rights are alienable4 ,whensoever a man transferreth his right1 or renounceth it2 it is either in consideration of some right reciprocally transferred to himself2 or for some other good he hopeth for thereby4 ,for it is a voluntary act3 and of the voluntary acts of every man1 the object is some good to himself4 ,and therefore there be some rights1 which no man can be understood by any words1 or other signs1 to have abandoned1 or transferred4 ,as first a man cannot lay down the right of resisting them1 that assault him by force1 to take away his life2 because he cannot be understood to aim thereby1 at any good to himself4 ,the same may be said of wounds1 and chains1 and imprisonment2 both because there is no benefit consequent to such patience2 as there is to the patience of suffering another to be wounded1 or imprisoned3 as also because a man cannot tell1 when he seeth men proceed against him by violence1 whether they intend his death or not4 ,and lastly the motive1 and end for which this renouncing1 and transferring of right is introduced1 is nothing else but the security of a man's person1 in his life1 and in the means of so preserving life1 as not to be weary of it4 ,and therefore if a man by words1 or other signs1 seem to despoil himself of the end1 for which those signs were intended2 he is not to be understood as if he meant it1 or that it was his will2 but that he was ignorant of how such words and actions were to be interpreted4 ,sidenote3 ,contract what4 ,the mutual transferring of right1 is that which men call ,,contract4 ,there is difference between transferring of right to the thing2 and transferring1 or tradition1 that is delivery of the thing itself4 ,for the thing may be delivered together with the translation of the right2 as in buying and selling with ready-money2 or exchange of goods1 or lands3 and it may be delivered some time after4 ,sidenote3 ,covenant what4 ,again1 one of the contractors1 may deliver the thing contracted for on his part1 and leave the other to perform his part at some determinate time after1 and in the mean time be trusted2 and then the contract on his part1 is called ,,pact1 or ,,covenant3 or both parts may contract now1 to perform hereafter3 in which cases1 he that is to perform in time to come1 being trusted1 his performance is called keeping of promise1 or faith2 and the failing of performance1 if it be voluntary1 violation of faith4 ,sidenote3 ,free-gift4 ,when the transferring of right1 is not mutual3 but one of the parties transferreth1 in hope to gain thereby friendship1 or service from another1 or from his friends2 or in hope to gain the reputation of charity1 or magnanimity2 or to deliver his mind from the pain of compassion2 or in hope of reward in heaven2 this is not contract1 but ,,gift1 ,,free-,,gift1 ,,grace3 which words signify one and the same thing4 ,sidenote3 ,signs of contract express4 ,signs of contract1 are either express1 or by inference4 ,express1 are words spoken with understanding of what they signify3 and such words are either of the time present1 or past2 as1 ,i give1 ,i grant1 ,i have given1 ,i have granted1 ,i will that this be yours3 or of the future2 as1 ,i will give1 ,i will grant3 ,sidenote3 ,promise4 which words of the future are called ,,promise4 ,sidenote3 ,signs of contract by inference4 ,signs by inference1 are sometimes the consequence of words2 sometimes the consequence of silence2 sometimes the consequence of actions2 sometimes the consequence of forbearing an action3 and generally a sign by inference1 of any contract1 is whatsoever sufficiently argues the will of the contractor4 ,sidenote3 ,free gift passeth by words of the present or past4 ,words alone1 if they be of the time to come1 and contain a bare promise1 are an insufficient sign of a free-gift1 and therefore not obligatory4 ,for if they be of the time to come1 as to-morrow ,i will give1 they are a sign ,i have not given yet1 and consequently that my right is not transferred1 but remaineth till ,i transfer it by some other act4 ,but if the words be of the time present1 or past1 as1 ,i have given1 or1 do give to be delivered to-morrow1 then is my to-morrow's right given away to day2 and that by the virtue of the words1 though there were no other argument of my will4 ,and there is a great difference in the signification of these words1 volo hoc tuum esse cras1 and cras dabo2 that is1 between ,i will that this be thine to-morrow1 and1 ,i will give it thee to-morrow3 for the word ,i will1 in the former manner of speech1 signifies an act of the will present2 but in the latter1 it signifies a promise of an act of the will to come3 and therefore the former words1 being of the present1 transfer a future right2 the latter1 that be of the future1 transfer nothing4 ,but if there be other signs of the will to transfer a right1 besides words2 then1 though the gift be free1 yet may the right be understood to pass by words of the future3 as if a man propound a prize to him that comes first to the end of a race1 the gift is free2 and though the words be of the future1 yet the right passeth3 for if he would not have his words so be understood1 he should not have let them run4 ,sidenote3 ,signs of contract are words both of the past1 present1 and future4 ,in contracts1 the right passeth1 not only where the words are of the time present1 or past1 but also where they are of the future3 because all contract is mutual translation1 or change of right2 and therefore he that promiseth only1 because he hath already received the benefit for which he promiseth1 is to be understood as if he intended the right should pass3 for unless he had been content to have his words so understood1 the other would not have performed his part first4 ,and for that cause1 in buying1 and selling1 and other acts of contract1 a promise is equivalent to a covenant2 and therefore obligatory4 ,sidenote3 ,merit what4 ,he that performeth first in the case of a contract1 is said to ,,merit that which he is to receive by the performance of the other2 and he hath it as due4 ,also when a prize is propounded to many1 which is to be given to him only that winneth2 or money is thrown amongst many1 to be enjoyed by them that catch it2 though this be a free gift2 yet so to win1 or so to catch1 is to merit1 and to have it as ,,due4 ,for the right is transferred in the propounding of the prize1 and in throwing down the money2 though it be not determined to whom1 but by the event of the contention4 ,but there is between these two sorts of merit1 this difference1 that in contract1 ,i merit by virtue of my own power1 and the contractor's need2 but in this case of free gift1 ,i am enabled to merit only by the benignity of the giver3 in contract1 ,i merit at the contractor's hand that he should depart with his right2 in this case of gift1 ,i merit not that the giver should part with his right2 but that when he has parted with it1 it should be mine1 rather than another's4 ,and this ,i think to be the meaning of that distinction of the ,schools1 between meritum congrui1 and meritum condigni4 ,for ,god ,almighty1 having promised ,paradise to those men1 hoodwinked with carnal desires1 that can walk through this world according to the precepts1 and limits prescribed by him2 they say1 he that shall so walk1 shall merit ,paradise ex congruo4 ,but because no man can demand a right to it1 by his own righteousness1 or any other power in himself1 but by the free grace of ,god only2 they say1 no man can merit ,paradise ex condigno4 ,this ,i say1 ,i think is the meaning of that distinction2 but because disputers do not agree upon the signification of their own terms of art1 longer than it serves their turn2 ,i will not affirm any thing of their meaning3 only this ,i say2 when a gift is given indefinitely1 as a prize to be contended for1 he that winneth meriteth1 and may claim the prize as due4 ,sidenote3 ,covenants of mutual trust1 when invalid4 ,if a covenant be made1 wherein neither of the parties perform presently1 but trust one another2 in the condition of mere nature1 which is a condition of war of every man against every man1 upon any reasonable suspicion1 it is void3 but if there be a common power set over them both1 with right and force sufficient to compel performance1 it is not void4 ,for he that performeth first1 has no assurance the other will perform after2 because the bonds of words are too weak to bridle men's ambition1 avarice1 anger1 and other passions1 without the fear of some coercive power2 which in the condition of mere nature1 where all men are equal1 and judges of the justness of their own fears1 cannot possibly be supposed4 ,and therefore he which performeth first1 does but betray himself to his enemy2 contrary to the right1 he can never abandon1 of defending his life1 and means of living4 ,but in a civil estate1 where there is a power set up to constrain those that would otherwise violate their faith1 that fear is no more reasonable2 and for that cause1 he which by the covenant is to perform first1 is obliged so to do4 ,the cause of fear1 which maketh such a covenant invalid1 must be always something arising after the covenant made2 as some new fact1 or other sign of the will not to perform3 else it cannot make the covenant void4 ,for that which could not hinder a man from promising1 ought not to be admitted as a hindrance of performing4 ,sidenote3 ,right to the end1 containeth right to the means4 ,he that transferreth any right1 transferreth the means of enjoying it1 as far as lieth in his power4 ,as he that selleth land1 is understood to transfer the herbage1 and whatsoever grows upon it3 nor can he that sells a mill turn away the stream that drives it4 ,and they that give to a man the right of government in sovereignty1 are understood to give him the right of levying money to maintain soldiers2 and of appointing magistrates for the administration of justice4 ,sidenote3 ,no covenant with beasts4 ,to make covenants with brute beasts1 is impossible2 because not understanding our speech1 they understand not1 nor accept of any translation of right2 nor can translate any right to another3 and without mutual acceptation1 there is no covenant4 ,sidenote3 ,nor with ,god without special revelation4 ,to make covenant with ,god1 is impossible1 but by mediation of such as ,god speaketh to1 either by revelation supernatural1 or by his lieutenants that govern under him1 and in his name3 for otherwise we know not whether our covenants be accepted1 or not4 ,and therefore they that vow anything contrary to any law of nature1 vow in vain2 as being a thing unjust to pay such vow4 ,and if it be a thing commanded by the law of nature1 it is not the vow1 but the law that binds them4 ,sidenote3 ,no covenant1 but of possible and future4 ,the matter1 or subject of a covenant1 is always something that falleth under deliberation2 for to covenant1 is an act of the will2 that is to say1 an act1 and the last act of deliberation2 and is therefore always understood to be something to come2 and which is judged possible for him that covenanteth1 to perform4 ,and therefore1 to promise that which is known to be impossible1 is no covenant4 ,but if that prove impossible afterwards1 which before was thought possible1 the covenant is valid1 and bindeth1 though not to the thing itself1 yet to the value2 or1 if that also be impossible1 to the unfeigned endeavour of performing as much as is possible3 for to more no man can be obliged4 ,sidenote3 ,covenants how made void4 ,men are freed of their covenants two ways2 by performing2 or by being forgiven4 ,for performance1 is the natural end of obligation2 and forgiveness1 the restitution of liberty2 as being a retransferring of that right1 in which the obligation consisted4 ,sidenote3 ,covenants extorted by fear are valid4 ,covenants entered into by fear1 in the condition of mere nature1 are obligatory4 ,for example1 if ,i covenant to pay a ransom1 or service for my life1 to an enemy2 ,i am bound by it3 for it is a contract1 wherein one receiveth the benefit of life2 the other is to receive money1 or service for it2 and consequently1 where no other law1 as in the condition of mere nature1 forbiddeth the performance1 the covenant is valid4 ,therefore prisoners of war1 if trusted with the payment of their ransom1 are obliged to pay it3 and if a weaker prince1 make a disadvantageous peace with a stronger1 for fear2 he is bound to keep it2 unless1 as hath been said before1 there ariseth some new1 and just cause of fear1 to renew the war4 ,and even in commonwealths1 if ,i be forced to redeem myself from a thief by promising him money1 ,i am bound to pay it1 till the civil law discharge me4 ,for whatsoever ,i may lawfully do without obligation1 the same ,i may lawfully covenant to do through fear3 and what ,i lawfully covenant1 ,i cannot lawfully break4 ,sidenote3 ,the former covenant to one1 makes void the later to another4 ,a former covenant1 makes void a later4 ,for a man that hath passed away his right to one man to-day1 hath it not to pass to-morrow to another3 and therefore the later promise passeth no right1 but is null4 ,sidenote3 ,a man's covenant not to defend himself is void4 ,a covenant not to defend myself from force1 by force1 is always void4 ,for1 as ,i have showed before1 no man can transfer1 or lay down his right to save himself from death1 wounds1 and imprisonment1 the avoiding whereof is the only end of laying down any right2 and therefore the promise of not resisting force1 in no covenant transferreth any right2 nor is obliging4 ,for though a man may covenant thus1 unless ,i do so1 or so1 kill me2 he cannot covenant thus1 unless ,i do so1 or so1 ,i will not resist you1 when you come to kill me4 ,for man by nature chooseth the lesser evil1 which is danger of death in resisting2 rather than the greater1 which is certain and present death in not resisting4 ,and this is granted to be true by all men1 in that they lead criminals to execution1 and prison1 with armed men1 notwithstanding that such criminals have consented to the law1 by which they are condemned4 ,sidenote3 ,no man obliged to accuse himself4 ,a covenant to accuse oneself1 without assurance of pardon1 is likewise invalid4 ,for in the condition of nature1 where every man is judge1 there is no place for accusation3 and in the civil state1 the accusation is followed with punishment2 which being force1 a man is not obliged not to resist4 ,the same is also true1 of the accusation of those1 by whose condemnation a man falls into misery2 as of a father1 wife1 or benefactor4 ,for the testimony of such an accuser1 if it be not willingly given1 is presumed to be corrupted by nature2 and therefore not to be received3 and where a man's testimony is not to be credited1 he is not bound to give it4 ,also accusations upon torture1 are not to be reputed as testimonies4 ,for torture is to be used but as means of conjecture1 and light1 in the further examination1 and search of truth3 and what is in that case confessed1 tendeth to the ease of him that is tortured2 not to the informing of the torturers3 and therefore ought not to have the credit of a sufficient testimony3 for whether he deliver himself by true1 or false accusation1 he does it by the right of preserving his own life4 ,sidenote3 ,the end of an oath4 ,the force of words1 being1 as ,i have formerly noted1 too weak to hold men to the performance of their covenants2 there are in man's nature1 but two imaginable helps to strengthen it4 ,and those are either a fear of the consequence of breaking their word2 or a glory1 or pride in appearing not to need to break it4 ,this latter is a generosity too rarely found to be presumed on1 especially in the pursuers of wealth1 command1 or sensual pleasure2 which are the greatest part of mankind4 ,the passion to be reckoned upon1 is fear2 whereof there be two very general objects3 one1 the power of spirits invisible2 the other1 the power of those men they shall therein offend4 ,of these two1 though the former be the greater power1 yet the fear of the latter is commonly the greater fear4 ,the fear of the former is in every man1 his own religion3 which hath place in the nature of man before civil society4 ,the latter hath not so2 at least not place enough1 to keep men to their promises2 because in the condition of mere nature1 the inequality of power is not discerned1 but by the event of battle4 ,so that before the time of civil society1 or in the interruption thereof by war1 there is nothing can strengthen a covenant of peace agreed on1 against the temptations of avarice1 ambition1 lust1 or other strong desire1 but the fear of that invisible power1 which they every one worship as ,god2 and fear as a revenger of their perfidy4 ,all therefore that can be done between two men not subject to civil power1 is to put one another to swear by the ,god he feareth3 ,sidenote3 ,the form of an oath4 which swearing1 or ,,oath1 is a form of speech1 added to a promise2 by which he that promiseth1 signifieth1 that unless he perform1 he renounceth the mercy of his ,god1 or calleth to him for vengeance on himself4 ,such was the heathen form1 ,let ,jupiter kill me else1 as ,i kill this beast4 ,so is our form1 ,i shall do thus1 and thus1 so help me ,god4 ,and this1 with the rites and ceremonies1 which every one useth in his own religion1 that the fear of breaking faith might be the greater4 ,sidenote3 ,no oath but by ,god4 ,by this it appears1 that an oath taken according to any other form1 or rite1 than his1 that sweareth1 is in vain2 and no oath3 and that there is no swearing by any thing which the swearer thinks not ,god4 ,for though men have sometimes used to swear by their kings1 for fear1 or flattery2 yet they would have it thereby understood1 they attributed to them divine honour4 ,and that swearing unnecessarily by ,god1 is but prophaning of his name3 and swearing by other things1 as men do in common discourse1 is not swearing1 but an impious custom1 gotten by too much vehemence of talking4 ,sidenote3 ,an oath adds nothing to the obligation4 ,it appears also1 that the oath adds nothing to the obligation4 ,for a covenant1 if lawful1 binds in the sight of ,god1 without the oath1 as much as with it3 if unlawful1 bindeth not at all2 though it be confirmed with an oath4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,of ,,other ,,laws ,,of ,,nature4 ,sidenote3 ,the third law of nature1 justice4 ,from that law of nature1 by which we are obliged to transfer to another1 such rights1 as being retained1 hinder the peace of mankind1 there followeth a third2 which is this1 that men perform their covenants made3 without which1 covenants are in vain1 and but empty words2 and the right of all men to all things remaining1 we are still in the condition of war4 ,sidenote3 ,justice and injustice what4 ,and in this law of nature1 consisteth the fountain and original of ,,justice4 ,for where no covenant hath preceded1 there hath no right been transferred1 and every man has right to every thing2 and consequently1 no action can be unjust4 ,but when a covenant is made1 then to break it is unjust3 and the definition of ,,injustice1 is no other than the not performance of covenant4 ,and whatsoever is not unjust1 is just4 ,sidenote3 ,justice and propriety begin with the constitution of commonwealth4 ,but because covenants of mutual trust1 where there is a fear of not performance on either part1 as hath been said in the former chapter1 are invalid2 though the original of justice be the making of covenants2 yet injustice actually there can be none1 till the cause of such fear be taken away2 which while men are in the natural condition of war1 cannot be done4 ,therefore before the names of just1 and unjust can have place1 there must be some coercive power1 to compel men equally to the performance of their covenants1 by the terror of some punishment1 greater than the benefit they expect by the breach of their covenant2 and to make good that propriety1 which by mutual contract men acquire1 in recompense of the universal right they abandon3 and such power there is none before the erection of a commonwealth4 ,and this is also to be gathered out of the ordinary definition of justice in the ,schools3 for they say1 that justice is the constant will of giving to every man his own4 ,and therefore where there is no own1 that is no propriety1 there is no injustice2 and where there is no coercive power erected1 that is1 where there is no commonwealth1 there is no propriety2 all men having right to all things3 therefore where there is no commonwealth1 there nothing is unjust4 ,so that the nature of justice1 consisteth in keeping of valid covenants3 but the validity of covenants begins not but with the constitution of a civil power1 sufficient to compel men to keep them3 and then it is also that propriety begins4 ,sidenote3 ,justice not contrary to reason4 ,the fool hath said in his heart1 there is no such thing as justice2 and sometimes also with his tongue2 seriously alleging1 that every man's conservation1 and contentment1 being committed to his own care1 there could be no reason1 why every man might not do what he thought conduced thereunto3 and therefore also to make1 or not make2 keep1 or not keep covenants1 was not against reason1 when it conduced to one's benefit4 ,he does not therein deny1 that there be covenants2 and that they are sometimes broken1 sometimes kept2 and that such breach of them may be called injustice1 and the observance of them justice3 but he questioneth1 whether injustice1 taking away the fear of ,god1 for the same fool hath said in his heart there is no ,god1 may not sometimes stand with that reason1 which dictateth to every man his own good2 and particularly then1 when it conduceth to such a benefit1 as shall put a man in a condition1 to neglect not only the dispraise1 and revilings1 but also the power of other men4 ,the kingdom of ,god is gotten by violence3 but what if it could be gotten by unjust violence8 were it against reason so to get it1 when it is impossible to receive hurt by it8 and if it be not against reason1 it is not against justice2 or else justice is not to be approved for good4 ,from such reasoning as this1 successful wickedness hath obtained the name of virtue3 and some that in all other things have disallowed the violation of faith2 yet have allowed it1 when it is for the getting of a kingdom4 ,and the heathen that believed1 that ,saturn was deposed by his son ,jupiter1 believed nevertheless the same ,jupiter to be the avenger of injustice3 somewhat like to a piece of law in ,coke's ,commentaries on ,littleton2 where he says1 if the right heir of the crown be attainted of treason2 yet the crown shall descend to him1 and eo instante the attainder be void3 from which instances a man will be very prone to infer2 that when the heir apparent of a kingdom1 shall kill him that is in possession1 though his father2 you may call it injustice1 or by what other name you will2 yet it can never be against reason1 seeing all the voluntary actions of men tend to the benefit of themselves2 and those actions are most reasonable1 that conduce most to their ends4 ,this specious reasoning is nevertheless false4 ,for the question is not of promises mutual1 where there is no security of performance on either side2 as when there is no civil power erected over the parties promising2 for such promises are no covenants3 but either where one of the parties has performed already2 or where there is a power to make him perform2 there is the question whether it be against reason1 that is1 against the benefit of the other to perform1 or not4 ,and ,i say it is not against reason4 ,for the manifestation whereof1 we are to consider2 first1 that when a man doth a thing1 which notwithstanding any thing can be foreseen1 and reckoned on1 tendeth to his own destruction1 howsoever some accident which he could not expect1 arriving may turn it to his benefit2 yet such events do not make it reasonably or wisely done4 ,secondly1 that in a condition of war1 wherein every man to every man1 for want of a common power to keep them all in awe1 is an enemy1 there is no man who can hope by his own strength1 or wit1 to defend himself from destruction1 without the help of confederates2 where every one expects the same defence by the confederation1 that any one else does3 and therefore he which declares he thinks it reason to deceive those that help him1 can in reason expect no other means of safety1 than what can be had from his own single power4 ,he therefore that breaketh his covenant1 and consequently declareth that he thinks he may with reason do so1 cannot be received into any society1 that unite themselves for peace and defence1 but by the error of them that receive him2 nor when he is received1 be retained in it1 without seeing the danger of their error2 which errors a man cannot reasonably reckon upon as the means of his security3 and therefore if he be left1 or cast out of society1 he perisheth2 and if he live in society1 it is by the errors of other men1 which he could not foresee1 nor reckon upon2 and consequently against the reason of his preservation2 and so1 as all men that contribute not to his destruction1 forbear him only out of ignorance of what is good for themselves4 ,as for the instance of gaining the secure and perpetual felicity of heaven1 by any way2 it is frivolous3 there being but one way imaginable2 and that is not breaking1 but keeping of covenant4 ,and for the other instance of attaining sovereignty by rebellion2 it is manifest1 that though the event follow1 yet because it cannot reasonably be expected1 but rather the contrary2 and because by gaining it so1 others are taught to gain the same in like manner1 the attempt thereof is against reason4 ,justice therefore1 that is to say1 keeping of covenant1 is a rule of reason1 by which we are forbidden to do any thing destructive to our life2 and consequently a law of nature4 ,there be some that proceed further2 and will not have the law of nature1 to be those rules which conduce to the preservation of man's life on earth2 but to the attaining of an eternal felicity after death2 to which they think the breach of covenant may conduce2 and consequently be just and reasonable2 such are they that think it a work of merit to kill1 or depose1 or rebel against1 the sovereign power constituted over them by their own consent4 ,but because there is no natural knowledge of man's estate after death2 much less of the reward that is then to be given to breach of faith2 but only a belief grounded upon other men's saying1 that they know it supernaturally1 or that they know those1 that knew them1 that knew others1 that knew it supernaturally2 breach of faith cannot be called a precept of reason1 or nature4 ,sidenote3 ,covenants not discharged by the vice of the person to whom they are made4 ,others1 that allow for a law of nature1 the keeping of faith1 do nevertheless make exception of certain persons2 as heretics1 and such as use not to perform their covenant to others3 and this also is against reason4 ,for if any fault of a man1 be sufficient to discharge our covenant made2 the same ought in reason to have been sufficient to have hindered the making of it4 ,sidenote3 ,justice of men and justice of actions what4 ,the names of just1 and injust1 when they are attributed to men1 signify one thing2 and when they are attributed to actions1 another4 ,when they are attributed to men1 they signify conformity1 or inconformity of manners1 to reason4 ,but when they are attributed to actions1 they signify the conformity1 or inconformity to reason1 not of manners1 or manner of life1 but of particular actions4 ,a just man therefore1 is he that taketh all the care he can1 that his actions may be all just3 and an unjust man1 is he that neglecteth it4 ,and such men are more often in our language styled by the names of righteous1 and unrighteous2 than just1 and unjust2 though the meaning be the same4 ,therefore a righteous man1 does not lose that title1 by one1 or a few unjust actions1 that proceed from sudden passion1 or mistake of things1 or persons3 nor does an unrighteous man1 lose his character1 for such actions1 as he does1 or forbears to do1 for fear2 because his will is not framed by the justice1 but by the apparent benefit of what he is to do4 ,that which gives to human actions the relish of justice1 is a certain nobleness or gallantness of courage1 rarely found1 by which a man scorns to be beholden for the contentment of his life1 to fraud1 or breach of promise4 ,this justice of the manners1 is that which is meant1 where justice is called a virtue2 and injustice a vice4 ,but the justice of actions denominates men1 not just1 but guiltless3 and the injustice of the same1 which is also called injury1 gives them but the name of guilty4 ,sidenote3 ,justice of manners1 and justice of actions4 ,again1 the injustice of manners1 is the disposition1 or aptitude to do injury2 and is injustice before it proceed to act2 and without supposing any individual person injured4 ,but the injustice of an action1 that is to say injury1 supposeth an individual person injured2 namely him1 to whom the covenant was made3 and therefore many times the injury is received by one man1 when the damage redoundeth to another4 ,as when the master commandeth his servant to give money to a stranger2 if it be not done1 the injury is done to the master1 whom he had before covenanted to obey2 but the damage redoundeth to the stranger1 to whom he had no obligation2 and therefore could not injure him4 ,and so also in commonwealths1 private men may remit to one another their debts2 but not robberies or other violences1 whereby they are endamaged2 because the detaining of debt1 is an injury to themselves2 but robbery and violence1 are injuries to the person of the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,nothing done to a man by his own consent can be injury4 ,whatsoever is done to a man1 conformable to his own will signified to the doer1 is no injury to him4 ,for if he that doeth it1 hath not passed away his original right to do what he please1 by some antecedent covenant1 there is no breach of covenant2 and therefore no injury done him4 ,and if he have2 then his will to have it done being signified1 is a release of that covenant3 and so again there is no injury done him4 ,sidenote3 ,justice commutative and distributive4 ,justice of actions1 is by writers divided into commutative1 and distributive3 and the former they say consisteth in proportion arithmetical2 the latter in proportion geometrical4 ,commutative therefore1 they place in the equality of value of the things contracted for2 and distributive1 in the distribution of equal benefit1 to men of equal merit4 ,as if it were injustice to sell dearer than we buy2 or to give more to a man than he merits4 ,the value of all things contracted for1 is measured by the appetite of the contractors3 and therefore the just value1 is that which they be contented to give4 ,and merit1 besides that which is by covenant1 where the performance on one part1 meriteth the performance of the other part1 and falls under justice commutative1 not distributive1 is not due by justice2 but is rewarded of grace only4 ,and therefore this distinction1 in the sense wherein it useth to be expounded1 is not right4 ,to speak properly1 commutative justice1 is the justice1 of a contractor2 that is1 a performance of covenant1 in buying1 and selling2 hiring1 and letting to hire2 lending1 and borrowing2 exchanging1 bartering1 and other acts of contract4 ,and distributive justice1 the justice of an arbitrator2 that is to say1 the act of defining what is just4 ,wherein1 being trusted by them that make him arbitrator1 if he perform his trust1 he is said to distribute to every man his own3 and this is indeed just distribution1 and may be called1 though improperly1 distributive justice2 but more properly equity2 which also is a law of nature1 as shall be shown in due place4 ,sidenote3 ,the fourth law of nature1 gratitude4 ,as justice dependeth on antecedent covenant2 so does ,,gratitude depend on antecedent grace2 that is to say1 antecedent free gift3 and is the fourth law of nature2 which may be conceived in this form1 that a man which receiveth benefit from another of mere grace1 endeavour that he which giveth it1 have no reasonable cause to repent him of his good will4 ,for no man giveth1 but with intention of good to himself2 because gift is voluntary2 and of all voluntary acts1 the object is to every man his own good2 of which if men see they shall be frustrated1 there will be no beginning of benevolence1 or trust2 nor consequently of mutual help2 nor of reconciliation of one man to another2 and therefore they are to remain still in the condition of war2 which is contrary to the first and fundamental law of nature1 which commandeth men to seek peace4 ,the breach of this law1 is called ingratitude2 and hath the same relation to grace1 that injustice hath to obligation by covenant4 ,sidenote3 ,the fifth mutual accommodation1 or complaisance4 ,a fifth law of nature1 is ,,complaisance2 that is to say1 that every man strive to accommodate himself to the rest4 ,for the understanding whereof1 we may consider1 that there is in men's aptness to society1 a diversity of nature1 rising from their diversity of affections2 not unlike to that we see in stones brought together for building of an edifice4 ,for as that stone which by the asperity1 and irregularity of figure1 takes more room from others1 than itself fills2 and for the hardness1 cannot be easily made plain1 and thereby hindereth the building1 is by the builders cast away as unprofitable1 and troublesome3 so also1 a man that by asperity of nature1 will strive to retain those things which to himself are superfluous1 and to others necessary2 and for the stubbornness of his passions1 cannot be corrected1 is to be left1 or cast out of society1 as cumbersome thereunto4 ,for seeing every man1 not only by right1 but also by necessity of nature1 is supposed to endeavour all he can1 to obtain that which is necessary for his conservation2 he that shall oppose himself against it1 for things superfluous1 is guilty of the war that thereupon is to follow2 and therefore doth that1 which is contrary to the fundamental law of nature1 which commandeth to seek peace4 ,the observers of this law1 may be called ,,sociable1 the ,latins call them commodi2 the contrary1 stubborn1 insociable1 froward1 intractable4 ,sidenote3 ,the sixth1 facility to pardon4 ,a sixth law of nature1 is this1 that upon caution of the future time1 a man ought to pardon the offences past of them that repenting1 desire it4 ,for ,,pardon1 is nothing but granting of peace2 which though granted to them that persevere in their hostility1 be not peace1 but fear2 yet not granted to them that give caution of the future time1 is sign of an aversion to peace2 and therefore contrary to the law of nature4 ,sidenote3 ,the seventh1 that in revenges1 men respect only the future good4 ,a seventh is1 that in revenges1 that is1 retribution of evil for evil1 men look not at the greatness of the evil past1 but the greatness of the good to follow4 ,whereby we are forbidden to inflict punishment with any other design1 than for correction of the offender1 or direction of others4 ,for this law is consequent to the next before it1 that commandeth pardon1 upon security of the future time4 ,besides1 revenge without respect to the example1 and profit to come1 is a triumph1 or glorying in the hurt of another1 tending to no end2 for the end is always somewhat to come2 and glorying to no end1 is vain-glory1 and contrary to reason1 and to hurt without reason1 tendeth to the introduction of war2 which is against the law of nature2 and is commonly styled by the name of cruelty4 ,sidenote3 ,the eighth1 against contumely4 ,and because all signs of hatred1 or contempt1 provoke to fight2 insomuch as most men choose rather to hazard their life1 than not to be revenged2 we may in the eighth place1 for a law of nature1 set down this precept1 that no man by deed1 word1 countenance1 or gesture1 declare hatred1 or contempt of another4 ,the breach of which law1 is commonly called contumely4 ,sidenote3 ,the ninth1 against pride4 ,the question who is the better man1 has no place in the condition of mere nature2 where1 as has been shewn before1 all men are equal4 ,the inequality that now is1 has been introduced by the laws civil4 ,i know that ,aristotle in the first book of his ,politics1 for a foundation of his doctrine1 maketh men by nature1 some more worthy to command1 meaning the wiser sort1 such as he thought himself to be for his philosophy2 others to serve1 meaning those that had strong bodies1 but were not philosophers as he2 as if master and servant were not introduced by consent of men1 but by difference of wit3 which is not only against reason2 but also against experience4 ,for there are very few so foolish1 that had not rather govern themselves1 than be governed by others3 nor when the wise in their own conceit1 contend by force1 with them who distrust their own wisdom1 do they always1 or often1 or almost at any time1 get the victory4 ,if nature therefore have made men equal1 that equality is to be acknowledged3 or if nature have made men unequal2 yet because men that think themselves equal1 will not enter into conditions of peace1 but upon equal terms1 such equality must be admitted4 ,and therefore for the ninth law of nature1 ,i put this1 that every man acknowledge another for his equal by nature4 ,the breach of this precept is pride4 ,sidenote3 ,the tenth1 against arrogance4 ,on this law1 dependeth another1 that at the entrance into conditions of peace1 no man require to reserve to himself any right1 which he is not content should be reserved to every one of the rest4 ,as it is necessary for all men that seek peace1 to lay down certain rights of nature2 that is to say1 not to have liberty to do all they list3 so is it necessary for man's life1 to retain some2 as right to govern their own bodies2 enjoy air1 water1 motion1 ways to go from place to place2 and all things else1 without which a man cannot live1 or not live well4 ,if in this case1 at the making of peace1 men require for themselves1 that which they would not have to be granted to others1 they do contrary to the precedent law1 that commandeth the acknowledgment of natural equality1 and therefore also against the law of nature4 ,the observers of this law1 are those we call modest1 and the breakers arrogant men4 ,the ,greeks call the violation of this law 2 that is1 a desire of more than their share4 ,sidenote3 ,the eleventh1 equity4 ,also if a man be trusted to judge between man and man1 it is a precept of the law of nature1 that he deal equally between them4 ,for without that1 the controversies of men cannot be determined but by war4 ,he therefore that is partial in judgment1 doth what in him lies1 to deter men from the use of judges1 and arbitrators2 and consequently1 against the fundamental law of nature1 is the cause of war4 ,the observance of this law1 from the equal distribution to each man1 of that which in reason belongeth to him1 is called ,,equity1 and1 as ,i have said before1 distributive justice3 the violation1 acception of persons1 4 ,sidenote3 ,the twelfth1 equal use of things common4 ,and from this followeth another law1 that such things as cannot be divided1 be enjoyed in common1 if it can be2 and if the quantity of the thing permit1 without stint2 otherwise proportionably to the number of them that have right4 ,for otherwise the distribution is unequal1 and contrary to equity4 ,sidenote3 ,the thirteenth1 of lot4 ,but some things there be1 that can neither be divided1 nor enjoyed in common4 ,then1 the law of nature1 which prescribeth equity1 requireth1 that the entire right2 or else1 making the use alternate1 the first possession1 be determined by lot4 ,for equal distribution1 is of the law of nature2 and other means of equal distribution cannot be imagined4 ,sidenote3 ,the fourteenth1 of primogeniture1 and first seizing4 ,of lots there be two sorts1 arbitrary1 and natural4 ,arbitrary1 is that which is agreed on by the competitors3 natural1 is either primogeniture1 which the ,greek calls 1 which signifies1 given by lot2 or first seizure4 ,and therefore those things which cannot be enjoyed in common1 nor divided1 ought to be adjudged to the first possessor2 and in some cases to the first born1 as acquired by lot4 ,sidenote3 ,the fifteenth1 of mediators4 ,it is also a law of nature1 that all men that mediate peace1 be allowed safe conduct4 ,for the law that commandeth peace1 as the end1 commandeth intercession1 as the means2 and to intercession the means is safe conduct4 ,illustration3 ,the sixteenth1 of submission to arbitrement4 ,and because1 though men be never so willing to observe these laws1 there may nevertheless arise questions concerning a man's action2 first1 whether it were done1 or not done2 secondly1 if done1 whether against the law1 or not against the law2 the former whereof1 is called a question of fact2 the latter a question of right1 therefore unless the parties to the question1 covenant mutually to stand to the sentence of another1 they are as far from peace as ever4 ,this other to whose sentence they submit is called an ,,arbitrator4 ,and therefore it is of the law of nature1 that they that are at controversy1 submit their right to the judgment of an arbitrator4 ,sidenote3 ,the seventeenth1 no man is his own judge4 ,and seeing every man is presumed to do all things in order to his own benefit1 no man is a fit arbitrator in his own cause2 and if he were never so fit2 yet equity allowing to each party equal benefit1 if one be admitted to be judge1 the other is to be admitted also2 and so the controversy1 that is1 the cause of war1 remains1 against the law of nature4 ,sidenote3 ,the eighteenth1 no man to be judge1 that has in him a natural cause of partiality4 ,for the same reason no man in any cause ought to be received for arbitrator1 to whom greater profit1 or honour1 or pleasure apparently ariseth out of the victory of one party1 than of the other3 for he hath taken1 though an unavoidable bribe1 yet a bribe2 and no man can be obliged to trust him4 ,and thus also the controversy1 and the condition of war remaineth1 contrary to the law of nature4 ,sidenote3 ,the nineteenth of witnesses4 ,and in a controversy of fact1 the judge being to give no more credit to one1 than to the other1 if there be no other arguments1 must give credit to a third2 or to a third and fourth2 or more3 for else the question is undecided1 and left to force1 contrary to the law of nature4 ,these are the laws of nature1 dictating peace1 for a means of the conservation of men in multitudes2 and which only concern the doctrine of civil society4 ,there be other things tending to the destruction of particular men2 as drunkenness1 and all other parts of intemperance2 which may therefore also be reckoned amongst those things which the law of nature hath forbidden2 but are not necessary to be mentioned1 nor are pertinent enough to this place4 ,sidenote3 ,a rule1 by which the laws of nature may easily be examined4 ,and though this may seem too subtle a deduction of the laws of nature1 to be taken notice of by all men2 whereof the most part are too busy in getting food1 and the rest too negligent to understand2 yet to leave all men inexcusable1 they have been contracted into one easy sum1 intelligible even to the meanest capacity2 and that is1 ,do not that to another1 which thou wouldest not have done to thyself2 which sheweth him1 that he has no more to do in learning the laws of nature1 but1 when weighing the actions of other men with his own1 they seem too heavy1 to put them into the other part of the balance1 and his own into their place1 that his own passions1 and self-love1 may add nothing to the weight2 and then there is none of these laws of nature that will not appear unto him very reasonable4 ,sidenote3 ,the laws of nature oblige in conscience always1 but in effect then only when there is security4 ,the laws of nature oblige in foro interno2 that is to say1 they bind to a desire they should take place3 but in foro externo2 that is1 to the putting them in act1 not always4 ,for he that should be modest1 and tractable1 and perform all he promises1 in such time1 and place1 where no man else should do so1 should but make himself a prey to others1 and procure his own certain ruin1 contrary to the ground of all laws of nature1 which tend to nature's preservation4 ,and again1 he that having sufficient security1 that others shall observe the same laws towards him1 observes them not himself1 seeketh not peace1 but war2 and consequently the destruction of his nature by violence4 ,and whatsoever laws bind in foro interno1 may be broken1 not only by a fact contrary to the law1 but also by a fact according to it1 in case a man think it contrary4 ,for though his action in this case1 be according to the law2 yet his purpose was against the law2 which1 where the obligation is in foro interno1 is a breach4 ,sidenote3 ,the laws of nature are eternal4 ,the laws of nature are immutable and eternal2 for injustice1 ingratitude1 arrogance1 pride1 iniquity1 acception of persons1 and the rest1 can never be made lawful4 ,for it can never be that war shall preserve life1 and peace destroy it4 ,sidenote3 ,and yet easy4 ,the same laws1 because they oblige only to a desire1 and endeavour1 ,i mean an unfeigned and constant endeavour1 are easy to be observed4 ,for in that they require nothing but endeavour1 he that endeavoureth their performance1 fulfilleth them2 and he that fulfilleth the law1 is just4 ,sidenote3 ,the science of these laws1 is the true moral philosophy4 ,and the science of them1 is the true and only moral philosophy4 ,for moral philosophy is nothing else but the science of what is good1 and evil1 in the conversation1 and society of mankind4 ,good1 and evil1 are names that signify our appetites1 and aversions2 which in different tempers1 customs1 and doctrines of men1 are different3 and divers men1 differ not only in their judgment1 on the senses of what is pleasant1 and unpleasant to the taste1 smell1 hearing1 touch1 and sight2 but also of what is conformable1 or disagreeable to reason1 in the actions of common life4 ,nay1 the same man1 in divers times1 differs from himself2 and one time praiseth1 that is1 calleth good1 what another time he dispraiseth1 and calleth evil3 from whence arise disputes1 controversies1 and at last war4 ,and therefore so long as a man is in the condition of mere nature1 which is a condition of war1 as private appetite is the measure of good1 and evil3 and consequently all men agree on this1 that peace is good1 and therefore also the way1 or means of peace1 which1 as ,i have shewed before1 are justice1 gratitude1 modesty1 equity1 mercy1 and the rest of the laws of nature1 are good2 that is to say2 moral virtues2 and their contrary vices1 evil4 ,now the science of virtue and vice1 is moral philosophy2 and therefore the true doctrine of the laws of nature1 is the true moral philosophy4 ,but the writers of moral philosophy1 though they acknowledge the same virtues and vices2 yet not seeing wherein consisted their goodness2 nor that they come to be praised1 as the means of peaceable1 sociable1 and comfortable living1 place them in a mediocrity of passions3 as if not the cause1 but the degree of daring1 made fortitude2 or not the cause1 but the quantity of a gift1 made liberality4 ,these dictates of reason1 men used to call by the name of laws1 but improperly3 for they are but conclusions1 or theorems concerning what conduceth to the conservation and defence of themselves2 whereas law1 properly1 is the word of him1 that by right hath command over others4 ,but yet if we consider the same theorems1 as delivered in the word of ,god1 that by right commandeth all things2 then are they properly called laws4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,of ,,persons1 ,,authors1 ,,and ,,things ,,personated4 ,sidenote3 ,a person what4 ,a ,,person1 is he1 whose words or actions are considered1 either as his own1 or as representing the words or actions of another man1 or of any other thing1 to whom they are attributed1 whether truly or by fiction4 ,sidenote3 ,person natural1 and artificial4 ,when they are considered as his own1 then is he called a natural person3 and when they are considered as representing the words and actions of another1 then is he a feigned or artificial person4 ,sidenote3 ,the word person1 whence4 ,the word person is ,latin3 instead whereof the ,greeks have 1 which signifies the face1 as persona in ,latin signifies the disguise1 or outward appearance of a man1 counterfeited on the stage2 and sometimes more particularly that part of it1 which disguiseth the face1 as a mask or vizard3 and from the stage1 hath been translated to any representer of speech and action1 as well in tribunals1 as theatres4 ,so that a person1 is the same that an actor is1 both on the stage and in common conversation2 and to personate1 is to act1 or represent himself1 or another2 and he that acteth another1 is said to bear his person1 or act in his name2 in which sense ,cicero useth it where he says1 ,unus sustineo tres personas2 mei1 adversarii1 et judicis3 ,i bear three persons2 my own1 my adversary's1 and the judge's2 and is called in divers occasions1 diversly2 as a representer1 or representative1 a lieutenant1 a vicar1 an attorney1 a deputy1 a procurator1 an actor1 and the like4 ,of persons artificial1 some have their words and actions owned by those whom they represent4 ,sidenote3 ,actor4 ,and then the person is the actor2 ,sidenote3 ,author4 and he that owneth his words and actions1 is the ,,author3 in which case the actor acteth by authority4 ,for that which in speaking of goods and possessions1 is called an owner1 and in ,latin dominus1 in ,greek speaking of actions1 is called author4 ,and as the right of possession1 is called dominion2 ,sidenote3 ,authority4 so the right of doing any action1 is called ,,authority4 ,so that by authority1 is always understood a right of doing any act2 and done by authority1 done by commission1 or licence from him whose right it is4 ,sidenote3 ,covenants by authority1 bind the author4 ,from hence it followeth1 that when the actor maketh a covenant by authority1 he bindeth thereby the author1 no less than if he had made it himself2 and no less subjecteth him to all the consequences of the same4 ,and therefore all that hath been said formerly1 7chap4 ,,xiv7 of the nature of covenants between man and man in their natural capacity1 is true also when they are made by their actors1 representers1 or procurators1 that have authority from them1 so far forth as is in their commission1 but no further4 ,and therefore he that maketh a covenant with the actor1 or representer1 not knowing the authority he hath1 doth it at his own peril4 ,for no man is obliged by a covenant1 whereof he is not author2 nor consequently by a covenant made against1 or beside the authority he gave4 ,sidenote3 ,but not the actor4 ,when the actor doth anything against the law of nature by command of the author1 if he be obliged by former covenant to obey him1 not he1 but the author breaketh the law of nature2 for though the action be against the law of nature2 yet it is not his3 but contrarily1 to refuse to do it1 is against the law of nature1 that forbiddeth breach of covenant4 ,sidenote3 ,the authority is to be shown4 ,and he that maketh a covenant with the author1 by mediation of the actor1 not knowing what authority he hath1 but only takes his word2 in case such authority be not made manifest unto him upon demand1 is no longer obliged3 for the covenant made with the author1 is not valid1 without his counter-assurance4 ,but if he that so covenanteth1 knew beforehand he was to expect no other assurance1 than the actor's word2 then is the covenant valid2 because the actor in this case maketh himself the author4 ,and therefore1 as when the authority is evident1 the covenant obligeth the author1 not the actor2 so when the authority is feigned1 it obligeth the actor only2 there being no author but himself4 ,sidenote3 ,things personated1 inanimate4 ,there are few things1 that are incapable of being represented by fiction4 ,inanimate things1 as a church1 an hospital1 a bridge1 may be personated by a rector1 master1 or overseer4 ,but things inanimate1 cannot be authors1 nor therefore give authority to their actors3 yet the actors may have authority to procure their maintenance1 given them by those that are owners1 or governors of those things4 ,and therefore1 such things cannot be personated1 before there be some state of civil government4 ,sidenote3 ,irrational4 ,likewise children1 fools1 and madmen that have no use of reason1 may be personated by guardians1 or curators2 but can be no authors1 during that time1 of any action done by them1 longer than1 when they shall recover the use of reason1 they shall judge the same reasonable4 ,yet during the folly1 he that hath right of governing them1 may give authority to the guardian4 ,but this again has no place but in a state civil1 because before such estate1 there is no dominion of persons4 ,sidenote3 ,false gods4 ,an idol1 or mere figment of the brain1 may be personated2 as were the gods of the heathen3 which by such officers as the state appointed1 were personated1 and held possessions1 and other goods1 and rights1 which men from time to time dedicated1 and consecrated unto them4 ,but idols cannot be authors3 for an idol is nothing4 ,the authority proceeded from the state3 and therefore before introduction of civil government1 the gods of the heathen could not be personated4 ,sidenote3 ,the true ,god4 ,the true ,god may be personated4 ,as he was2 first1 by ,moses2 who governed the ,israelites1 that were not his1 but ,god's people1 not in his own name1 with hoc dicit ,moses2 but in ,god's name1 with hoc dicit ,dominus4 ,secondly1 by the ,son of man1 his own ,son1 our blessed ,saviour ,jesus ,christ1 that came to reduce the ,jews1 and induce all nations into the kingdom of his father2 not as of himself1 but as sent from his father4 ,and thirdly1 by the ,holy ,ghost1 or ,comforter1 speaking1 and working in the ,apostles3 which ,holy ,ghost1 was a ,comforter that came not of himself2 but was sent1 and proceeded from them both4 ,sidenote3 ,a multitude of men1 how one person4 ,a multitude of men1 are made one person1 when they are by one man1 or one person1 represented2 so that it be done with the consent of every one of that multitude in particular4 ,for it is the unity of the representer1 not the unity of the represented1 that maketh the person one4 ,and it is the representer that beareth the person1 and but one person3 and unity1 cannot otherwise be understood in multitude4 ,sidenote3 ,every one is author4 ,and because the multitude naturally is not one1 but many2 they cannot be understood for one2 but many authors1 of every thing their representative saith1 or doth in their name2 every man giving their common representer1 authority from himself in particular2 and owning all the actions the representer doth1 in case they give him authority without stint3 otherwise1 when they limit him in what1 and how far he shall represent them1 none of them owneth more than they gave him commission to act4 ,sidenote3 ,an actor may be many men made one by plurality of voices4 ,and if the representative consist of many men1 the voice of the greater number1 must be considered as the voice of them all4 ,for if the lesser number pronounce1 for example1 in the affirmative1 and the greater in the negative1 there will be negatives more than enough to destroy the affirmatives2 and thereby the excess of negatives1 standing uncontradicted1 are the only voice the representative hath4 ,sidenote3 ,representatives1 when the number is even1 unprofitable4 ,and a representative of even number1 especially when the number is not great1 whereby the contradictory voices are oftentimes equal1 is therefore oftentimes mute1 and incapable of action4 ,yet in some cases contradictory voices equal in number1 may determine a question2 as in condemning1 or absolving1 equality of votes1 even in that they condemn not1 do absolve2 but not on the contrary condemn1 in that they absolve not4 ,for when a cause is heard2 not to condemn1 is to absolve3 but on the contrary1 to say that not absolving1 is condemning1 is not true4 ,the like it is in a deliberation of executing presently1 or deferring till another time3 for when the voices are equal1 the not decreeing execution1 is a decree of dilation4 ,sidenote3 ,negative voice4 ,or if the number be odd1 as three1 or more1 men or assemblies2 whereof every one has by a negative voice1 authority to take away the effect of all the affirmative voices of the rest1 this number is no representative2 because by the diversity of opinions1 and interests of men1 it becomes oftentimes1 and in cases of the greatest consequence1 a mute person1 and unapt1 as for many things else1 so for the government of a multitude1 especially in time of war4 ,of authors there be two sorts4 ,the first simply so called2 which ,i have before defined to be him1 that owneth the action of another simply4 ,the second is he1 that owneth an action1 or covenant of another conditionally2 that is to say1 he undertaketh to do it1 if the other doth it not1 at1 or before a certain time4 ,and these authors conditional1 are generally called ,,sureties1 in ,latin1 fidejussores1 and sponsores2 and particularly for debt1 prdes2 and for appearance before a judge1 or magistrate1 vades4 ,,part ,,ii4 ,,of ,,commonwealth4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,of ,,the ,,causes1 ,,generation1 ,,and ,,definition ,,of ,a ,,commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,the end of commonwealth1 particular security3 ,the final cause1 end1 or design of men1 who naturally love liberty1 and dominion over others1 in the introduction of that restraint upon themselves1 in which we see them live in commonwealths1 is the foresight of their own preservation1 and of a more contented life thereby2 that is to say1 of getting themselves out from that miserable condition of war1 which is necessarily consequent1 as hath been shown in chapter ,,xiii1 to the natural passions of men1 when there is no visible power to keep them in awe1 and tie them by fear of punishment to the performance of their covenants1 and observation of those laws of nature set down in the fourteenth and fifteenth chapters4 ,sidenote3 ,which is not to be had from the law of nature3 ,for the laws of nature1 as justice1 equity1 modesty1 mercy1 and1 in sum1 doing to others1 as we would be done to1 of themselves1 without the terror of some power1 to cause them to be observed1 are contrary to our natural passions1 that carry us to partiality1 pride1 revenge1 and the like4 ,and covenants1 without the sword1 are but words1 and of no strength to secure a man at all4 ,therefore notwithstanding the laws of nature1 which every one hath then kept1 when he has the will to keep them1 when he can do it safely1 if there be no power erected1 or not great enough for our security2 every man will1 and may lawfully rely on his own strength and art1 for caution against all other men4 ,and in all places1 where men have lived by small families1 to rob and spoil one another1 has been a trade1 and so far from being reputed against the law of nature1 that the greater spoils they gained1 the greater was their honour2 and men observed no other laws therein1 but the laws of honour2 that is1 to abstain from cruelty1 leaving to men their lives1 and instruments of husbandry4 ,and as small families did then2 so now do cities and kingdoms which are but greater families1 for their own security1 enlarge their dominions1 upon all pretences of danger1 and fear of invasion1 or assistance that may be given to invaders1 and endeavour as much as they can1 to subdue1 or weaken their neighbours1 by open force1 and secret arts1 for want of other caution1 justly2 and are remembered for it in after ages with honour4 ,sidenote3 ,nor from the conjunction of a few men or families3 ,nor is it the joining together of a small number of men1 that gives them this security2 because in small numbers1 small additions on the one side or the other1 make the advantage of strength so great1 as is sufficient to carry the victory2 and therefore gives encouragement to an invasion4 ,the multitude sufficient to confide in for our security1 is not determined by any certain number1 but by comparison with the enemy we fear2 and is then sufficient1 when the odds of the enemy is not of so visible and conspicuous moment1 to determine the event of war1 as to move him to attempt4 ,sidenote3 ,nor from a great multitude1 unless directed by one judgment3 ,and be there never so great a multitude2 yet if their actions be directed according to their particular judgments1 and particular appetites1 they can expect thereby no defence1 nor protection1 neither against a common enemy1 nor against the injuries of one another4 ,for being distracted in opinions concerning the best use and application of their strength1 they do not help but hinder one another2 and reduce their strength by mutual opposition to nothing3 whereby they are easily1 not only subdued by a very few that agree together2 but also when there is no common enemy1 they make war upon each other1 for their particular interests4 ,for if we could suppose a great multitude of men to consent in the observation of justice1 and other laws of nature1 without a common power to keep them all in awe2 we might as well suppose all mankind to do the same2 and then there neither would be1 nor need to be any civil government1 or ,commonwealth at all2 because there would be peace without subjection4 ,sidenote3 ,and that continually4 ,nor is it enough for the security1 which men desire should last all the time of their life1 that they be governed1 and directed by one judgment1 for a limited time2 as in one battle1 or one war4 ,for though they obtain a victory by their unanimous endeavour against a foreign enemy2 yet afterwards1 when either they have no common enemy1 or he that by one part is held for an enemy1 is by another part held for a friend1 they must needs by the difference of their interests dissolve1 and fall again into a war amongst themselves4 ,sidenote3 ,why certain creatures without reason1 or speech1 do nevertheless live in society1 without any coercive power4 ,it is true1 that certain living creatures1 as bees1 and ants1 live sociably one with another1 which are therefore by ,aristotle numbered amongst political creatures2 and yet have no other direction1 than their particular judgments and appetites2 nor speech1 whereby one of them can signify to another1 what he thinks expedient for the common benefit3 and therefore some man may perhaps desire to know1 why mankind cannot do the same4 ,to which ,i answer1 ,first1 that men are continually in competition for honour and dignity1 which these creatures are not2 and consequently amongst men there ariseth on that ground1 envy and hatred1 and finally war2 but amongst these not so4 ,secondly1 that amongst these creatures1 the common good differeth not from the private2 and being by nature inclined to their private1 they procure thereby the common benefit4 ,but man1 whose joy consisteth in comparing himself with other men1 can relish nothing but what is eminent4 ,thirdly1 that these creatures1 having not1 as man1 the use of reason1 do not see1 nor think they see any fault1 in the administration of their common business2 whereas amongst men1 there are very many1 that think themselves wiser1 and abler to govern the public1 better than the rest2 and these strive to reform and innovate1 one this way1 another that way2 and thereby bring it into distraction and civil war4 ,fourthly1 that these creatures1 though they have some use of voice1 in making known to one another their desires1 and other affections2 yet they want that art of words1 by which some men can represent to others1 that which is good1 in the likeness of evil2 and evil1 in the likeness of good2 and augment1 or diminish the apparent greatness of good and evil2 discontenting men1 and troubling their peace at their pleasure4 ,fifthly1 irrational creatures cannot distinguish between injury and damage2 and therefore as long as they be at ease1 they are not offended with their fellows3 whereas man is then most troublesome1 when he is most at ease3 for then it is that he loves to shew his wisdom1 and control the actions of them that govern the commonwealth4 ,lastly1 the agreement of these creatures is natural2 that of men1 is by covenant only1 which is artificial3 and therefore it is no wonder if there be somewhat else required1 besides covenant1 to make their agreement constant and lasting2 which is a common power1 to keep them in awe1 and to direct their actions to the common benefit4 ,sidenote3 ,the generation of a commonwealth4 ,the only way to erect such a common power1 as may be able to defend them from the invasion of foreigners1 and the injuries of one another1 and thereby to secure them in such sort1 as that by their own industry1 and by the fruits of the earth1 they may nourish themselves and live contentedly2 is1 to confer all their power and strength upon one man1 or upon one assembly of men1 that may reduce all their wills1 by plurality of voices1 unto one will3 which is as much as to say1 to appoint one man1 or assembly of men1 to bear their person2 and every one to own1 and acknowledge himself to be author of whatsoever he that so beareth their person1 shall act1 or cause to be acted1 in those things which concern the common peace and safety2 and therein to submit their wills1 every one to his will1 and their judgments1 to his judgment4 ,this is more than consent1 or concord2 it is a real unity of them all1 in one and the same person1 made by covenant of every man with every man1 in such manner1 as if every man should say to every man1 ,i authorise and give up my right of governing myself1 to this man1 or to this assembly of men1 on this condition1 that thou give up thy right to him1 and authorize all his actions in like manner4 ,this done1 the multitude so united in one person1 is called a ,,commonwealth1 in ,latin ,,civitas4 ,this is the generation of that great ,,leviathan1 or rather1 to speak more reverently1 of that mortal god1 to which we owe under the immortal ,god1 our peace and defence4 ,for by this authority1 given him by every particular man in the commonwealth1 he hath the use of so much power and strength conferred on him1 that by terror thereof1 he is enabled to perform the wills of them all1 to peace at home1 and mutual aid against their enemies abroad4 ,sidenote3 ,the definition of a commonwealth4 ,and in him consisteth the essence of the commonwealth2 which1 to define it1 is one person1 of whose acts a great multitude1 by mutual covenants one with another1 have made themselves every one the author1 to the end he may use the strength and means of them all1 as he shall think expedient1 for their peace and common defence4 ,sidenote3 ,sovereign1 and subject1 what4 ,and he that carrieth this person1 is called ,,sovereign1 and said to have sovereign power2 and every one besides1 his ,,subject4 ,the attaining to this sovereign power1 is by two ways4 ,one1 by natural force2 as when a man maketh his children1 to submit themselves1 and their children to his government1 as being able to destroy them if they refuse2 or by war subdueth his enemies to his will1 giving them their lives on that condition4 ,the other1 is when men agree amongst themselves1 to submit to some man1 or assembly of men1 voluntarily1 on confidence to be protected by him against all others4 ,this latter1 may be called a political commonwealth1 or commonwealth by institution2 and the former1 a commonwealth by acquisition4 ,and first1 ,i shall speak of a commonwealth by institution4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,rights ,,of ,,sovereigns ,,by ,,institution4 ,sidenote3 ,the act of instituting a commonwealth1 what4 ,a commonwealth is said to be instituted1 when a multitude of men do agree2 and covenant1 every one1 with every one1 that to whatsoever man1 or assembly of men1 shall be given by the major part1 the right to present the person of them all1 that is to say1 to be their representative2 every one1 as well he that voted for it1 as he that voted against it1 shall authorize all the actions and judgments1 of that man1 or assembly of men1 in the same manner1 as if they were his own1 to the end1 to live peaceably amongst themselves1 and be protected against other men4 ,sidenote3 ,the consequences to such institution1 are4 ,from this institution of a commonwealth are derived all the rights1 and faculties of him1 or them1 on whom sovereign power is conferred by the consent of the people assembled4 ,sidenote3 #a4 ,the subjects cannot change the form of government4 ,first1 because they covenant1 it is to be understood1 they are not obliged by former covenant to anything repugnant hereunto4 ,and consequently they that have already instituted a commonwealth1 being thereby bound by covenant1 to own the actions1 and judgments of one1 cannot lawfully make a new covenant1 amongst themselves1 to be obedient to any other1 in any thing whatsoever1 without his permission4 ,and therefore1 they that are subjects to a monarch1 cannot without his leave cast off monarchy1 and return to the confusion of a disunited multitude2 nor transfer their person from him that beareth it1 to another man1 or other assembly of men3 for they are bound1 every man to every man1 to own1 and be reputed author of all1 that he that already is their sovereign1 shall do1 and judge fit to be done3 so that any one man dissenting1 all the rest should break their covenant made to that man1 which is injustice3 and they have also every man given the sovereignty to him that beareth their person2 and therefore if they depose him1 they take from him that which is his own1 and so again it is injustice4 ,besides1 if he that attempteth to depose his sovereign1 be killed1 or punished by him for such attempt1 he is author of his own punishment1 as being by the institution1 author of all his sovereign shall do3 and because it is injustice for a man to do anything1 for which he may be punished by his own authority1 he is also upon that title1 unjust4 ,and whereas some men have pretended for their disobedience to their sovereign1 a new covenant1 made1 not with men1 but with ,god2 this also is unjust3 for there is no covenant with ,god1 but by mediation of somebody that representeth ,god's person2 which none doth but ,god's lieutenant1 who hath the sovereignty under ,god4 ,but this pretence of covenant with ,god1 is so evident a lie1 even in the pretenders' own consciences1 that it is not only an act of an unjust1 but also of a vile1 and unmanly disposition4 ,sidenote3 #b4 ,sovereign power cannot be forfeited4 ,secondly1 because the right of bearing the person of them all1 is given to him they make sovereign1 by covenant only of one to another1 and not of him to any of them2 there can happen no breach of covenant on the part of the sovereign2 and consequently none of his subjects1 by any pretence of forfeiture1 can be freed from his subjection4 ,that he which is made sovereign maketh no covenant with his subjects beforehand1 is manifest2 because either he must make it with the whole multitude1 as one party to the covenant2 or he must make a several covenant with every man4 ,with the whole1 as one party1 it is impossible2 because as yet they are not one person3 and if he make so many several covenants as there be men1 those covenants after he hath the sovereignty are void2 because what act soever can be pretended by any one of them for breach thereof1 is the act both of himself1 and of all the rest1 because done in the person1 and by the right of every one of them in particular4 ,besides1 if any one1 or more of them1 pretend a breach of the covenant made by the sovereign at his institution2 and others1 or one other of his subjects1 or himself alone1 pretend there was no such breach1 there is in this case1 no judge to decide the controversy2 it returns therefore to the sword again2 and every man recovereth the right of protecting himself by his own strength1 contrary to the design they had in the institution4 ,it is therefore in vain to grant sovereignty by way of precedent covenant4 ,the opinion that any monarch receiveth his power by covenant1 that is to say1 on condition1 proceedeth from want of understanding this easy truth1 that covenants being but words and breath1 have no force to oblige1 contain1 constrain1 or protect any man1 but what it has from the public sword2 that is1 from the untied hands of that man1 or assembly of men that hath the sovereignty1 and whose actions are avouched by them all1 and performed by the strength of them all1 in him united4 ,but when an assembly of men is made sovereign2 then no man imagineth any such covenant to have passed in the institution2 for no man is so dull as to say1 for example1 the people of ,rome made a covenant with the ,romans1 to hold the sovereignty on such or such conditions2 which not performed1 the ,romans might lawfully depose the ,roman people4 ,that men see not the reason to be alike in a monarchy1 and in a popular government1 proceedeth from the ambition of some1 that are kinder to the government of an assembly1 whereof they may hope to participate1 than of monarchy1 which they despair to enjoy4 ,sidenote3 #c4 ,no man can without injustice protest against the institution of the sovereign declared by the major part4 ,thirdly1 because the major part hath by consenting voices declared a sovereign2 he that dissented must now consent with the rest2 that is1 be contented to avow all the actions he shall do1 or else justly be destroyed by the rest4 ,for if he voluntarily entered into the congregation of them that were assembled1 he sufficiently declared thereby his will1 and therefore tacitly covenanted1 to stand to what the major part should ordain3 and therefore if he refuse to stand thereto1 or make protestation against any of their decrees1 he does contrary to his covenant1 and therefore unjustly4 ,and whether he be of the congregation1 or not2 and whether his consent be asked1 or not1 he must either submit to their decrees1 or be left in the condition of war he was in before2 wherein he might without injustice be destroyed by any man whatsoever4 ,sidenote3 #d4 ,the sovereign's actions cannot be justly accused by the subject4 ,fourthly1 because every subject is by this institution author of all the actions1 and judgments of the sovereign instituted2 it follows1 that whatsoever he doth1 it can be no injury to any of his subjects2 nor ought he to be by any of them accused of injustice4 ,for he that doth anything by authority from another1 doth therein no injury to him by whose authority he acteth3 but by this institution of a commonwealth1 every particular man is author of all the sovereign doth3 and consequently he that complaineth of injury from his sovereign1 complaineth of that whereof he himself is author2 and therefore ought not to accuse any man but himself2 no nor himself of injury2 because to do injury to one's self1 is impossible4 ,it is true that they that have sovereign power may commit iniquity2 but not injustice1 or injury in the proper signification4 ,sidenote3 #e4 ,whatsoever the sovereign doth is unpunishable by the subject4 ,fifthly1 and consequently to that which was said last1 no man that hath sovereign power can justly be put to death1 or otherwise in any manner by his subjects punished4 ,for seeing every subject is author of the actions of his sovereign2 he punisheth another for the actions committed by himself4 ,sidenote3 #f4 ,the sovereign is judge of what is necessary for the peace and defence of his subjects4 ,and because the end of this institution1 is the peace and defence of them all2 and whosoever has right to the end1 has right to the means2 it belongeth of right1 to whatsoever man1 or assembly that hath the sovereignty1 to be judge both of the means of peace and defence1 and also of the hindrances1 and disturbances of the same2 and to do whatsoever he shall think necessary to be done1 both beforehand1 for the preserving of peace and security1 by prevention of discord at home1 and hostility from abroad2 and1 when peace and security are lost1 for the recovery of the same4 ,and therefore1 ,sidenote3 ,and judge of what doctrines are fit to be taught them4 ,sixthly1 it is annexed to the sovereignty1 to be judge of what opinions and doctrines are averse1 and what conducing to peace2 and consequently1 on what occasions1 how far1 and what men are to be trusted withal1 in speaking to multitudes of people2 and who shall examine the doctrines of all books before they be published4 ,for the actions of men proceed from their opinions2 and in the well-governing of opinions1 consisteth the well-governing of men's actions1 in order to their peace1 and concord4 ,and though in matter of doctrine1 nothing ought to be regarded but the truth2 yet this is not repugnant to regulating the same by peace4 ,for doctrine repugnant to peace1 can no more be true1 than peace and concord can be against the law of nature4 ,it is true1 that in a commonwealth1 where by the negligence1 or unskilfulness of governors1 and teachers1 false doctrines are by time generally received2 the contrary truths may be generally offensive4 ,yet the most sudden1 and rough bursting in of a new truth1 that can be1 does never break the peace1 but only sometimes awake the war4 ,for those men that are so remissly governed1 that they dare take up arms to defend1 or introduce an opinion1 are still in war2 and their condition not peace1 but only a cessation of arms for fear of one another2 and they live1 as it were1 in the precincts of battle continually4 ,it belongeth therefore to him that hath the sovereign power1 to be judge1 or constitute all judges of opinions and doctrines1 as a thing necessary to peace2 thereby to prevent discord and civil war4 ,sidenote3 #g4 ,the right of making rules2 whereby the subjects may every man know what is so his own1 as no other subject can without injustice take it from him4 ,seventhly1 is annexed to the sovereignty1 the whole power of prescribing the rules1 whereby every man may know1 what goods he may enjoy1 and what actions he may do1 without being molested by any of his fellow-subjects2 and this is it men call propriety4 ,for before constitution of sovereign power1 as hath already been shown1 all men had right to all things2 which necessarily causeth war3 and therefore this propriety1 being necessary to peace1 and depending on sovereign power1 is the act of that power1 in order to the public peace4 ,these rules of propriety1 or meum and tuum1 and of good1 evil1 lawful1 and unlawful in the actions of subjects1 are the civil laws2 that is to say1 the laws of each commonwealth in particular2 though the name of civil law be now restrained to the ancient civil laws of the city of ,rome2 which being the head of a great part of the world1 her laws at that time were in these parts the civil law4 ,sidenote3 #h4 ,to him also belongeth the right of judicature and decision of controversy4 ,eighthly1 is annexed to the sovereignty1 the right of judicature2 that is to say1 of hearing and deciding all controversies1 which may arise concerning law1 either civil1 or natural2 or concerning fact4 ,for without the decision of controversies1 there is no protection of one subject1 against the injuries of another2 the laws concerning meum and tuum are in vain2 and to every man remaineth1 from the natural and necessary appetite of his own conservation1 the right of protecting himself by his private strength1 which is the condition of war1 and contrary to the end for which every commonwealth is instituted4 ,sidenote3 #i4 ,and of making war1 and peace1 as he shall think best4 ,ninthly1 is annexed to the sovereignty1 the right of making war and peace with other nations1 and commonwealths2 that is to say1 of judging when it is for the public good1 and how great forces are to be assembled1 armed1 and paid for that end2 and to levy money upon the subjects1 to defray the expenses thereof4 ,for the power by which the people are to be defended1 consisteth in their armies2 and the strength of an army1 in the union of their strength under one command2 which command the sovereign instituted1 therefore hath2 because the command of the militia1 without other institution1 maketh him that hath it sovereign4 ,and therefore whosoever is made general of an army1 he that hath the sovereign power is always generalissimo4 ,sidenote3 #aj4 ,and of choosing all counsellors and ministers1 both of peace war4 ,tenthly1 is annexed to the sovereignty1 the choosing of all counsellors1 ministers1 magistrates1 and officers1 both in peace1 and war4 ,for seeing the sovereign is charged with the end1 which is the common peace and defence1 he is understood to have power to use such means1 as he shall think most fit for his discharge4 ,sidenote3 #aa4 ,and of rewarding and punishing1 and that 7where no former law hath determined the measure of it7 arbitrarily4 ,eleventhly1 to the sovereign is committed the power of rewarding with riches1 or honour1 and of punishing with corporal or pecuniary punishment1 or with ignominy1 every subject according to the law he hath formerly made2 or if there be no law made1 according as he shall judge most to conduce to the encouraging of men to serve the commonwealth1 or deterring of them from doing disservice to the same4 ,sidenote3 #ab4 ,and of honour and order4 ,lastly1 considering what value men are naturally apt to set upon themselves2 what respect they look for from others2 and how little they value other men2 from whence continually arise amongst them1 emulation1 quarrels1 factions1 and at last war1 to the destroying of one another1 and diminution of their strength against a common enemy2 it is necessary that there be laws of honour1 and a public rate of the worth of such men as have deserved1 or are able to deserve well of the commonwealth2 and that there be force in the hands of some or other1 to put those laws in execution4 ,but it hath already been shown1 that not only the whole militia1 or forces of the commonwealth2 but also the judicature of all controversies1 is annexed to the sovereignty4 ,to the sovereign therefore it belongeth also to give titles of honour2 and to appoint what order of place1 and dignity1 each man shall hold2 and what signs of respect1 in public or private meetings1 they shall give to one another4 ,sidenote3 ,these rights are indivisible4 ,these are the rights1 which make the essence of sovereignty2 and which are the marks1 whereby a man may discern in what man1 or assembly of men1 the sovereign power is placed1 and resideth4 ,for these are incommunicable1 and inseparable4 ,the power to coin money2 to dispose of the estate and persons of infant heirs2 to have premption in markets2 and all other statute prerogatives1 may be transferred by the sovereign2 and yet the power to protect his subjects be retained4 ,but if he transfer the militia1 he retains the judicature in vain1 for want of execution of the laws3 or if he grant away the power of raising money2 the militia is in vain2 or if he give away the government of doctrines1 men will be frighted into rebellion with the fear of spirits4 ,and so if we consider any one of the said rights1 we shall presently see1 that the holding of all the rest will produce no effect1 in the conservation of peace and justice1 the end for which all commonwealths are instituted4 ,and this division is it1 whereof it is said1 a kingdom divided in itself cannot stand3 for unless this division precede1 division into opposite armies can never happen4 ,if there had not first been an opinion received of the greatest part of ,england1 that these powers were divided between the ,king1 and the ,lords1 and the ,house of ,commons1 the people had never been divided and fallen into this civil war2 first between those that disagreed in politics2 and after between the dissenters about the liberty of religion2 which have so instructed men in this point of sovereign right1 that there be few now in ,england that do not see1 that these rights are inseparable1 and will be so generally acknowledged at the next return of peace2 and so continue1 till their miseries are forgotten2 and no longer1 except the vulgar be better taught than they have hitherto been4 ,sidenote3 ,and can by no grant pass away without direct renouncing of the sovereign power4 ,and because they are essential and inseparable rights1 it follows necessarily1 that in whatsoever words any of them seem to be granted away1 yet if the sovereign power itself be not in direct terms renounced1 and the name of sovereign no more given by the grantees to him that grants them1 the grant is void3 for when he has granted all he can1 if we grant back the sovereignty1 all is restored1 as inseparably annexed thereunto4 ,sidenote3 ,the power and honour of subjects vanisheth in the presence of the power sovereign4 ,this great authority being indivisible1 and inseparably annexed to the sovereignty1 there is little ground for the opinion of them1 that say of sovereign kings1 though they be singulis majores1 of greater power than every one of their subjects1 yet they be universis minores1 of less power than them all together4 ,for if by all together1 they mean not the collective body as one person1 then all together1 and every one1 signify the same2 and the speech is absurd4 ,but if by all together1 they understand them as one person1 which person the sovereign bears1 then the power of all together1 is the same with the sovereign's power2 and so again the speech is absurd3 which absurdity they see well enough1 when the sovereignty is in an assembly of the people2 but in a monarch they see it not2 and yet the power of sovereignty is the same in whomsoever it be placed4 ,and as the power1 so also the honour of the sovereign1 ought to be greater1 than that of any1 or all the subjects4 ,for in the sovereignty is the fountain of honour4 ,the dignities of lord1 earl1 duke1 and prince are his creatures4 ,as in the presence of the master1 the servants are equal1 and without any honour at all2 so are the subjects1 in the presence of the sovereign4 ,and though they shine some more1 some less1 when they are out of his sight2 yet in his presence1 they shine no more than the stars in the presence of the sun4 ,sidenote3 ,sovereign power not so hurtful as the want of it1 and the hurt proceeds for the greatest part from not submitting readily to a less4 ,but a man may here object1 that the condition of subjects is very miserable2 as being obnoxious to the lusts1 and other irregular passions of him1 or them that have so unlimited a power in their hands4 ,and commonly they that live under a monarch1 think it the fault of monarchy2 and they that live under the government of democracy1 or other sovereign assembly1 attribute all the inconvenience to that form of commonwealth2 whereas the power in all forms1 if they be perfect enough to protect them1 is the same3 not considering that the state of man can never be without some incommodity or other2 and that the greatest1 that in any form of government can possibly happen to the people in general1 is scarce sensible1 in respect of the miseries1 and horrible calamities1 that accompany a civil war1 or that dissolute condition of masterless men1 without subjection to laws1 and a coercive power to tie their hands from rapine and revenge3 nor considering that the greatest pressure of sovereign governors1 proceedeth not from any delight1 or profit they can expect in the damage or weakening of their subjects1 in whose vigour1 consisteth their own strength and glory2 but in the restiveness of themselves1 that unwillingly contributing to their own defence1 make it necessary for their governors to draw from them what they can in time of peace1 that they may have means on any emergent occasion1 or sudden need1 to resist1 or take advantage on their enemies4 ,for all men are by nature provided of notable multiplying glasses1 that is their passions and self-love1 through which1 every little payment appeareth a great grievance2 but are destitute of those prospective glasses1 namely moral and civil science1 to see afar off the miseries that hang over them1 and cannot without such payments be avoided4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,of ,,the ,,several ,,kinds ,,of ,,commonwealth ,,by ,,institution1 ,,and ,,of ,,succession ,,to ,,the ,,sovereign ,,power4 ,sidenote3 ,the different forms of commonwealths but three4 ,the difference of commonwealths1 consisteth in the difference of the sovereign1 or the person representative of all and every one of the multitude4 ,and because the sovereignty is either in one man1 or in an assembly of more than one2 and into that assembly either every man hath right to enter1 or not every one1 but certain men distinguished from the rest2 it is manifest1 there can be but three kinds of commonwealth4 ,for the representative must needs be one man1 or more3 and if more1 then it is the assembly of all1 or but of a part4 ,when the representative is one man1 then is the commonwealth a ,,monarchy3 when an assembly of all that will come together1 then it is a ,,democracy1 or popular commonwealth3 when an assembly of a a part only1 then it is called an ,,aristocracy4 ,other kind of commonwealth there can be none3 for either one1 or more1 or all1 must have the sovereign power1 which ,i have shown to be indivisible1 entire4 ,sidenote3 ,tyranny and oligarchy1 but different names of monarchy1 and aristocracy4 ,there be other names of government1 in the histories1 and books of policy2 as tyranny1 and oligarchy3 but they are not the names of other forms of government1 but of the same forms misliked4 ,for they that are discontented under monarchy1 call it tyranny2 and they that are displeased with aristocracy1 call it oligarchy3 so also1 they which find themselves grieved under a democracy1 call it anarchy1 which signifies want of government2 and yet ,i think no man believes1 that want of government1 is any new kind of government3 nor by the same reason ought they to believe1 that the government is of one kind1 when they like it1 and another1 when they mislike it1 or are oppressed by the governors4 ,sidenote3 ,subordinate representatives dangerous4 ,it is manifest1 that men who are in absolute liberty1 may1 if they please1 give authority to one man1 to represent them every one2 as well as give such authority to any assembly of men whatsoever2 and consequently may subject themselves1 if they think good1 to a monarch1 as absolutely1 as to any other representative4 ,therefore1 where there is already erected a sovereign power1 there can be no other representative of the same people1 but only to certain particular ends1 by the sovereign limited4 ,for that were to erect two sovereigns2 and every man to have his person represented by two actors1 that by opposing one another1 must needs divide that power1 which1 if men will live in peace1 is indivisible2 and thereby reduce the multitude into the condition of war1 contrary to the end for which all sovereignty is instituted4 ,and therefore as it is absurd1 to think that a sovereign assembly1 inviting the people of their dominion1 to send up their deputies1 with power to make known their advice1 or desires1 should therefore hold such deputies1 rather than themselves1 for the absolute representatives of the people3 so it is absurd also1 to think the same in a monarchy4 ,and ,i know not how this so manifest a truth1 should of late be so little observed2 that in a monarchy1 he that had the sovereignty from a descent of six hundred years1 was alone called sovereign1 had the title of ,majesty from every one of his subjects1 and was unquestionably taken by them for their king1 was notwithstanding never considered as their representative2 the name without contradiction passing for the title of those men1 which at his command were sent up by the people to carry their petitions1 and give him1 if he permitted it1 their advice4 ,which may serve as an admonition1 for those that are the true1 and absolute representative of a people1 to instruct men in the nature of that office1 and to take heed how they admit of any other general representation upon any occasion whatsoever1 if they mean to discharge the trust committed to them4 ,sidenote3 ,comparison of monarchy1 with sovereign assemblies4 ,the difference between these three kinds of commonwealth1 consisteth not in the difference of power2 but in the difference of convenience1 or aptitude to produce the peace1 and security of the people2 for which end they were instituted4 ,and to compare monarchy with the other two1 we may observe2 first1 that whosoever beareth the person of the people1 or is one of that assembly that bears it1 beareth also his own natural person4 ,and though he be careful in his politic person to procure the common interest2 yet he is more1 or no less careful to procure the private good of himself1 his family1 kindred and friends2 and for the most part1 if the public interest chance to cross the private1 he prefers the private3 for the passions of men1 are commonly more potent than their reason4 ,from whence it follows1 that where the public and private interest are most closely united1 there is the public most advanced4 ,now in monarchy1 the private interest is the same with the public4 ,the riches1 power1 and honour of a monarch arise only from the riches1 strength and reputation of his subjects4 ,for no king can be rich1 nor glorious1 nor secure1 whose subjects are either poor1 or contemptible1 or too weak through want or dissention1 to maintain a war against their enemies3 whereas in a democracy1 or aristocracy1 the public prosperity confers not so much to the private fortune of one that is corrupt1 or ambitious1 as doth many times a perfidious advice1 a treacherous action1 or a civil war4 ,secondly1 that a monarch receiveth counsel of whom1 when1 and where he pleaseth2 and consequently may hear the opinion of men versed in the matter about which he deliberates1 of what rank or quality soever1 and as long before the time of action1 and with as much secrecy1 as he will4 ,but when a sovereign assembly has need of counsel1 none are admitted but such as have a right thereto from the beginning2 which for the most part are of those who have been versed more in the acquisition of wealth than of knowledge2 and are to give their advice in long discourses1 which may1 and do commonly excite men to action1 but not govern them in it4 ,for the understanding is by the flame of the passions1 never enlightened1 but dazzled4 ,nor is there any place1 or time1 wherein an assembly can receive counsel with secrecy1 because of their own multitude4 ,thirdly1 that the resolutions of a monarch1 are subject to no other inconstancy1 than that of human nature2 but in assemblies1 besides that of nature1 there ariseth an inconstancy from the number4 ,for the absence of a few1 that would have the resolution once taken1 continue firm1 which may happen by security1 negligence1 or private impediments1 or the diligent appearance of a few of the contrary opinion1 undoes to-day1 all that was concluded yesterday4 ,fourthly1 that a monarch cannot disagree with himself1 out of envy1 or interest2 but an assembly may2 and that to such a height1 as may produce a civil war4 ,fifthly1 that in monarchy there is this inconvenience2 that any subject1 by the power of one man1 for the enriching of a favourite or flatterer1 may be deprived of all he possesseth2 which ,i confess is a great and inevitable inconvenience4 ,but the same may as well happen1 where the sovereign power is in an assembly3 for their power is the same2 and they are as subject to evil counsel1 and to be seduced by orators1 as a monarch by flatterers2 and becoming one another's flatterers1 serve one another's covetousness and ambition by turns4 ,and whereas the favourites of monarchs1 are few1 and they have none else to advance but their own kindred2 the favourites of an assembly1 are many2 and the kindred much more numerous1 than of any monarch4 ,besides1 there is no favourite of a monarch1 which cannot as well succour his friends1 as hurt his enemies3 but orators1 that is to say1 favourites of sovereign assemblies1 though they have great power to hurt1 have little to save4 ,for to accuse1 requires less eloquence1 such is man's nature1 than to excuse2 and condemnation1 than absolution more resembles justice4 ,sixthly1 that it is an inconvenience in monarchy1 that the sovereignty may descend upon an infant1 or one that cannot discern between good and evil3 and consisteth in this1 that the use of his power1 must be in the hand of another man1 or of some assembly of men1 which are to govern by his right1 and in his name2 as curators1 and protectors of his person1 and authority4 ,but to say there is inconvenience1 in putting the use of the sovereign power1 into the hand of a man1 or an assembly of men2 is to say that all government is more inconvenient1 than confusion1 and civil war4 ,and therefore all the danger that can be pretended1 must arise from the contention of those1 that for an office of so great honour1 and profit1 may become competitors4 ,to make it appear1 that this inconvenience1 proceedeth not from that form of government we call monarchy1 we are to consider1 that the precedent monarch hath appointed who shall have the tuition of his infant successor1 either expressly by testament1 or tacitly1 by not controlling the custom in that case received3 and then such inconvenience1 if it happen1 is to be attributed1 not to the monarchy1 but to the ambition1 and injustice of the subjects2 which in all kinds of government1 where the people are not well instructed in their duty1 and the rights of sovereignty1 is the same4 ,or else the precedent monarch hath not at all taken order for such tuition2 and then the law of nature hath provided this sufficient rule1 that the tuition shall be in him1 that hath by nature most interest in the preservation of the authority of the infant1 and to whom least benefit can accrue by his death1 or diminution4 ,for seeing every man by nature seeketh his own benefit1 and promotion2 to put an infant into the power of those1 that can promote themselves by his destruction1 or damage1 is not tuition1 but treachery4 ,so that sufficient provision being taken1 against all just quarrel1 about the government under a child1 if any contention arise to the disturbance of the public peace1 it is not to be attributed to the form of monarchy1 but to the ambition of subjects1 and ignorance of their duty4 ,on the other side1 there is no great commonwealth1 the sovereignty whereof is in a great assembly1 which is not1 as to consultations of peace1 and war1 and making of laws1 in the same condition1 as if the government were in a child4 ,for as a child wants the judgment to dissent from counsel given him1 and is thereby necessitated to take the advice of them1 or him1 to whom he is committed3 so an assembly wanteth the liberty1 to dissent from the counsel of the major part1 be it good1 or bad4 ,and as a child has need of a tutor1 or protector1 to preserve his person and authority3 so also1 in great commonwealths1 the sovereign assembly1 in all great dangers and troubles1 have need of custodes libertatis2 that is of dictators1 or protectors of their authority2 which are as much as temporary monarchs1 to whom for a time1 they may commit the entire exercise of their power2 and have1 at the end of that time1 been oftener deprived thereof1 than infant kings1 by their protectors1 regents1 or any other tutors4 ,sidenote3 ,definition of monarchy1 and other forms4 ,though the kinds of sovereignty be1 as ,i have now shown1 but three2 that is to say1 monarchy1 where one man has it2 or democracy1 where the general assembly of subjects hath it2 or aristocracy1 where it is in an assembly of certain persons nominated1 or otherwise distinguished from the rest3 yet he that shall consider the particular commonwealths that have been1 and are in the world1 will not perhaps easily reduce them to three1 and may thereby be inclined to think there be other forms1 arising from these mingled together4 ,as for example1 elective kingdoms2 where kings have the sovereign power put into their hands for a time2 or kingdoms1 wherein the king hath a power limited3 which governments1 are nevertheless by most writers called monarchy4 ,likewise if a popular1 or aristocratical commonwealth1 subdue an enemy's country1 and govern the same1 by a president1 procurator1 or other magistrate2 this may seem perhaps at first sight1 to be a democratical1 or aristocratical government4 ,but it is not so4 ,for elective kings1 are not sovereigns1 but ministers of the sovereign2 nor limited kings1 sovereigns1 but ministers of them that have the sovereign power3 nor are those provinces which are in subjection to a democracy1 or aristocracy of another commonwealth1 democratically or aristocratically governed1 but monarchically4 ,and first1 concerning an elective king1 whose power is limited to his life1 as it is in many places of ,christendom at this day2 or to certain years or months1 as the dictator's power amongst the ,romans2 if he have right to appoint his successor1 he is no more elective but hereditary4 ,but if he have no power to elect his successor1 then there is some other man1 or assembly known1 which after his decease may elect anew1 or else the commonwealth dieth1 and dissolveth with him1 and returneth to the condition of war4 ,if it be known who have the power to give the sovereignty after his death1 it is known also that the sovereignty was in them before3 for none have right to give that which they have not right to possess1 and keep to themselves1 if they think good4 ,but if there be none that can give the sovereignty1 after the decease of him that was first elected2 then has he power1 nay he is obliged by the law of nature1 to provide1 by establishing his successor1 to keep those that had trusted him with the government1 from relapsing into the miserable condition of civil war4 ,and consequently he was1 when elected1 a sovereign absolute4 ,secondly1 that king whose power is limited1 is not superior to him1 or them that have the power to limit it2 and he that is not superior1 is not supreme2 that is to say not sovereign4 ,the sovereignty therefore was always in that assembly which had the right to limit him2 and by consequence the government not monarchy1 but either democracy1 or aristocracy2 as of old time in ,sparta2 where the kings had a privilege to lead their armies2 but the sovereignty was in the ,ephori4 ,thirdly1 whereas heretofore the ,roman people governed the land of ,judea1 for example1 by a president2 yet was not ,judea therefore a democracy2 because they were not governed by any assembly1 into the which1 any of them1 had right to enter2 nor an aristocracy2 because they were not governed by any assembly1 into which1 any man could enter by their election3 but they were governed by one person1 which1 though as to the people of ,rome1 was an assembly of the people1 or democracy2 yet as to the people of ,judea1 which had no right at all of participating in the government1 was a monarch4 ,for though where the people are governed by an assembly1 chosen by themselves out of their own number1 the government is called a democracy1 or aristocracy2 yet when they are governed by an assembly1 not of their own choosing1 it is a monarchy2 not of one man1 over another man2 but of one people1 over another people4 ,sidenote3 ,of the right of succession4 ,of all these forms of government1 the matter being mortal1 so that not only monarchs1 but also whole assemblies die1 it is necessary for the conservation of the peace of men1 that as there was order taken for an artificial man1 so there be order also taken1 for an artificial eternity of life2 without which1 men that are governed by an assembly1 should return into the condition of war in every age2 and they that are governed by one man1 as soon as their governor dieth4 ,this artificial eternity1 is that which men call the right of succession4 ,there is no perfect form of government1 where the disposing of the succession is not in the present sovereign4 ,for if it be in any other particular man1 or private assembly1 it is in a person subject and may be assumed by the sovereign at his pleasure2 and consequently the right is in himself4 ,and if it be in no particular man1 but left to a new choice2 then is the commonwealth dissolved2 and the right is in him that can get it2 contrary to the intention of them that did institute the commonwealth1 for their perpetual1 and not temporary security4 ,in a democracy1 the whole assembly cannot fail1 unless the multitude that are to be governed fail4 ,and therefore questions of the right of succession1 have in that form of government no place at all4 ,in an aristocracy1 when any of the assembly dieth1 the election of another into his room belongeth to the assembly1 as the sovereign1 to whom belongeth the choosing of all counsellors and officers4 ,for that which the representative doth1 as actor1 every one of the subjects doth1 as author4 ,and though the sovereign assembly may give power to others1 to elect new men1 for supply of their court2 yet it is still by their authority1 that the election is made2 and by the same it may1 when the public shall require it1 be recalled4 ,sidenote3 ,the present monarch hath right to dispose of the succession4 ,the greatest difficulty about the right of succession1 is in monarchy3 and the difficulty ariseth from this1 that at first sight1 it is not manifest who is to appoint the successor2 nor many times1 who it is whom he hath appointed4 ,for in both these cases1 there is required a more exact ratiocination1 than every man is accustomed to use4 ,as to the question1 who shall appoint the successor1 of a monarch that hath the sovereign authority2 that is to say1 who shall determine of the right of inheritance1 7for elective kings and princes have not the sovereign power in propriety1 but in use only71 we are to consider1 that either he that is in possession1 has right to dispose of the succession1 or else that right is again in the dissolved multitude4 ,for the death of him that hath the sovereign power in propriety1 leaves the multitude without any sovereign at all2 that is1 without any representative in whom they should be united1 and be capable of doing any one action at all3 and therefore they are incapable of election of any new monarch2 every man having equal right to submit himself to such as he thinks best able to protect him2 or if he can1 protect himself by his own sword2 which is a return to confusion1 and to the condition of a war of every man against every man1 contrary to the end for which monarchy had its first institution4 ,therefore it is manifest1 that by the institution of monarchy1 the disposing of the successor1 is always left to the judgment and will of the present possessor4 ,and for the question1 which may arise sometimes1 who it is that the monarch in possession1 hath designed to the succession and inheritance of his power2 it is determined by his express words1 and testament2 or by other tacit signs sufficient4 ,sidenote3 ,succession passeth by express words2 ,by express words1 or testament1 when it is declared by him in his lifetime1 viva voce1 or by writing2 as the first emperors of ,rome declared who should be their heirs4 ,for the word heir does not of itself imply the children1 or nearest kindred of a man2 but whomsoever a man shall any way declare1 he would have to succeed him in his estate4 ,if therefore a monarch declare expressly1 that such a man shall be his heir1 either by word or writing1 then is that man immediately after the decease of his predecessor1 invested in the right of being monarch4 ,sidenote3 ,or1 by not controlling a custom2 ,but where testament1 and express words are wanting1 other natural signs of the will are to be followed3 whereof the one is custom4 ,and therefore where the custom is1 that the next of kindred absolutely succeedeth1 there also the next of kindred hath right to the succession2 for that1 if the will of him that was in possession had been otherwise1 he might easily have declared the same in his life-time4 ,and likewise where the custom is1 that the next of the male kindred succeedeth1 there also the right of succession is in the next of the kindred male1 for the same reason4 ,and so it is if the custom were to advance the female4 ,for whatsoever custom a man may by a word control1 and does not1 it is a natural sign he would have that custom stand4 ,sidenote3 ,or1 by presumption of natural affection4 ,but where neither custom1 nor testament hath preceded1 there it is to be understood1 first1 that a monarch's will is1 that the government remain monarchical2 because he hath approved that government in himself4 ,secondly1 that a child of his own1 male1 or female1 be preferred before any other2 because men are presumed to be more inclined by nature1 to advance their own children1 than the children of other men2 and of their own1 rather a male than a female2 because men1 are naturally fitter than women1 for actions of labour and danger4 ,thirdly1 where his own issue faileth1 rather a brother than a stranger2 and so still the nearer in blood1 rather than the more remote2 because it is always presumed that the nearer of kin1 is the nearer in affection2 and it is evident that a man receives always1 by reflection1 the most honour from the greatness of his nearest kindred4 ,sidenote3 ,to dispose of the succession1 though to a king of another nation1 not unlawful4 ,but if it be lawful for a monarch to dispose of the succession by words of contract1 or testament1 men may perhaps object a great inconvenience3 for he may sell1 or give his right of governing to a stranger2 which1 because strangers1 that is1 men not used to live under the same government1 nor speaking the same language1 do commonly undervalue one another1 may turn to the oppression of his subjects2 which is indeed a great inconvenience3 but it proceedeth not necessarily from the subjection to a stranger's government1 but from the unskilfulness of the governors1 ignorant of the true rules of politics4 ,and therefore the ,romans when they had subdued many nations1 to make their government digestible1 were wont to take away that grievance1 as much as they thought necessary1 by giving sometimes to whole nations1 and sometimes to principal men of every nation they conquered1 not only the privileges1 but also the name of ,romans2 and took many of them into the senate1 and offices of charge1 even in the ,roman city4 ,and this was it our most wise king1 king ,james1 aimed at1 in endeavouring the union of his two realms of ,england and ,scotland4 ,which if he could have obtained1 had in all likelihood prevented the civil wars1 which make both those kingdoms1 at this present1 miserable4 ,it is not therefore any injury to the people1 for a monarch to dispose of the succession by will2 though by the fault of many princes1 it hath been sometimes found inconvenient4 ,of the lawfulness of it1 this also is an argument1 that whatsoever inconvenience can arrive by giving a kingdom to a stranger1 may arrive also by so marrying with strangers1 as the right of succession may descend upon them3 yet this by all men is accounted lawful4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,of ,,dominion ,,paternal1 ,,and ,,despotical4 ,sidenote3 ,a commonwealth by acquisition4 ,a ,,commonwealth by acquisition1 is that1 where the sovereign power is acquired by force2 and it is acquired by force1 when men singly1 or many together by plurality of voices1 for fear of death1 or bonds1 do authorize all the actions of that man1 or assembly1 that hath their lives and liberty in his power4 ,sidenote3 ,wherein different from a commonwealth by institution4 ,and this kind of dominion1 or sovereignty1 differeth from sovereignty by institution1 only in this1 that men who choose their sovereign1 do it for fear of one another1 and not of him whom they institute3 but in this case1 they subject themselves1 to him they are afraid of4 ,in both cases they do it for fear3 which is to be noted by them1 that hold all such covenants1 as proceed from fear of death or violence1 void3 which if it were true1 no man1 in any kind of commonwealth1 could be obliged to obedience4 ,it is true1 that in a commonwealth once instituted1 or acquired1 promises proceeding from fear of death or violence1 are no covenants1 nor obliging1 when the thing promised is contrary to the laws2 but the reason is not1 because it was made upon fear1 but because he that promiseth1 hath no right in the thing promised4 ,also1 when he may lawfully perform1 and doth not1 it is not the invalidity of the covenant1 that absolveth him1 but the sentence of the sovereign4 ,otherwise1 whensoever a man lawfully promiseth1 he unlawfully breaketh3 but when the sovereign1 who is the actor1 acquitteth him1 then he is acquitted by him that extorted the promise1 as by the author of such absolution4 ,sidenote3 ,the rights of sovereignty the same in both4 ,but the rights1 and consequences of sovereignty1 are the same in both4 ,his power cannot1 without his consent1 be transferred to another3 he cannot forfeit it3 he cannot be accused by any of his subjects1 of injury3 he cannot be punished by them3 he is judge of what is necessary for peace2 and judge of doctrines3 he is sole legislator2 and supreme judge of controversies2 and of the times1 and occasions of war1 and peace3 to him it belongeth to choose magistrates1 counsellors1 commanders1 and all other officers1 and ministers2 and to determine of rewards1 and punishments1 honour1 and order4 ,the reasons whereof1 are the same which are alleged in the precedent chapter1 for the same rights1 and consequences of sovereignty by institution4 ,sidenote3 ,dominion paternal how attained4 ,dominion is acquired two ways2 by generation1 and by conquest4 ,the right of dominion by generation1 is that1 which the parent hath over his children2 and is called ,,paternal4 ,sidenote3 ,not by generation1 but by contract2 ,and is not so derived from the generation1 as if therefore the parent had dominion over his child because he begat him2 but from the child's consent1 either express1 or by other sufficient arguments declared4 ,for as to the generation1 ,god hath ordained to man a helper2 and there be always two that are equally parents3 the dominion therefore over the child1 should belong equally to both2 and he be equally subject to both1 which is impossible2 for no man can obey two masters4 ,and whereas some have attributed the dominion to the man only1 as being of the more excellent sex2 they misreckon in it4 ,for there is not always that difference of strength1 or prudence between the man and the woman1 as that the right can be determined without war4 ,in commonwealths1 this controversy is decided by the civil law2 and for the most part1 but not always1 the sentence is in favour of the father2 because for the most part commonwealths have been erected by the fathers1 not by the mothers of families4 ,but the question lieth now in the state of mere nature2 where there are supposed no laws of matrimony2 no laws for the education of children2 but the law of nature1 and the natural inclination of the sexes1 one to another1 and to their children4 ,in this condition of mere nature1 either the parents between themselves dispose of the dominion over the child by contract2 or do not dispose thereof at all4 ,if they dispose thereof1 the right passeth according to the contract4 ,we find in history that the ,amazons contracted with the men of the neighbouring countries1 to whom they had recourse for issue1 that the issue male should be sent back1 but the female remain with themselves3 so that the dominion of the females was in the mother4 ,sidenote3 ,or education2 ,if there be no contract1 the dominion is in the mother4 ,for in the condition of mere nature1 where there are no matrimonial laws1 it cannot be known who is the father1 unless it be declared by the mother3 and therefore the right of dominion over the child dependeth on her will1 and is consequently hers4 ,again1 seeing the infant is first in the power of the mother1 so as she may either nourish1 or expose it2 if she nourish it1 it oweth its life to the mother2 and is therefore obliged to obey her1 rather than any other2 and by consequence the dominion over it is hers4 ,but if she expose it1 and another find and nourish it1 the dominion is in him that nourisheth it4 ,for it ought to obey him by whom it is preserved2 because preservation of life being the end1 for which one man becomes subject to another1 every man is supposed to promise obedience1 to him1 in whose power it is to save1 or destroy him4 ,sidenote3 ,or precedent subjection of one of the parents to the other4 ,if the mother be the father's subject1 the child1 is in the father's power3 and if the father be the mother's subject1 as when a sovereign queen marrieth one of her subjects1 the child is subject to the mother2 because the father also is her subject4 ,if a man and woman1 monarchs of two several kingdoms1 have a child1 and contract concerning who shall have the dominion of him1 the right of the dominion passeth by the contract4 ,if they contract not1 the dominion followeth the dominion of the place of his residence4 ,for the sovereign of each country hath dominion over all that reside therein4 ,he that hath the dominion over the child1 hath dominion also over the children of the child2 and over their children's children4 ,for he that hath dominion over the person of a man1 hath dominion over all that is his2 without which1 dominion were but a title1 without the effect4 ,sidenote3 ,the right of succession followeth the rules of the right of possession4 ,the right of succession to paternal dominion1 proceedeth in the same manner1 as doth the right of succession of monarchy2 of which ,i have already sufficiently spoken in the precedent chapter4 ,sidenote3 ,despotical dominion attained4 ,dominion acquired by conquest1 or victory in war1 is that which some writers call ,,despotical1 from 1 which signifieth a lord1 or master2 and is the dominion of the master over his servant4 ,and this dominion is then acquired to the victor1 when the vanquished1 to avoid the present stroke of death1 covenanteth either in express words1 or by other sufficient signs of the will1 that so long as his life1 and the liberty of his body is allowed him1 the victor shall have the use thereof1 at his pleasure4 ,and after such covenant made1 the vanquished is a ,,servant1 and not before3 for by the word servant1 whether it be derived from servire1 to serve1 or from servare1 to save1 which ,i leave to grammarians to dispute1 is not meant a captive1 which is kept in prison1 or bonds1 till the owner of him that took him1 or bought him of one that did1 shall consider what to do with him3 for such men1 commonly called slaves1 have no obligation at all2 but may break their bonds1 or the prison2 and kill1 or carry away captive their master1 justly3 but one1 that being taken1 hath corporal liberty allowed him2 and upon promise not to run away1 nor to do violence to his master1 is trusted by him4 ,sidenote3 ,not by the victory1 but by the consent of the vanquished4 ,it is not therefore the victory1 that giveth the right of dominion over the vanquished1 but his own covenant4 ,nor is he obliged because he is conquered2 that is to say1 beaten1 and taken1 or put to flight2 but because he cometh in1 and submitteth to the victor2 nor is the victor obliged by an enemy's rendering himself1 without promise of life1 to spare him for this his yielding to discretion2 which obliges not the victor longer1 than in his own discretion he shall think fit4 ,and that which men do1 when they demand1 as it is now called1 quarter1 which the ,greeks called 1 taking alive1 is to evade the present fury of the victor1 by submission1 and to compound for their life1 with ransom1 or service3 and therefore he that hath quarter1 hath not his life given1 but deferred till farther deliberation2 for it is not a yielding on condition of life1 but to discretion4 ,and then only is his life in security1 and his service due1 when the victor hath trusted him with his corporal liberty4 ,for slaves that work in prisons2 or fetters1 do it not of duty1 but to avoid the cruelty of their task-masters4 ,the master of the servant1 is master also of all he hath3 and may exact the use thereof2 that is to say1 of his goods1 of his labour1 of his servants1 and of his children1 as often as he shall think fit4 ,for he holdeth his life of his master1 by the covenant of obedience2 that is1 of owning1 and authorizing whatsoever the master shall do4 ,and in case the master1 if he refuse1 kill him1 or cast him into bonds1 or otherwise punish him for his disobedience1 he is himself the author of the same2 and cannot accuse him of injury4 ,in sum1 the rights and consequences of both paternal and despotical dominion1 are the very same with those of a sovereign by institution2 and for the same reasons3 which reasons are set down in the precedent chapter4 ,so that for a man that is monarch of divers nations1 whereof he hath1 in one the sovereignty by institution of the people assembled1 and in another by conquest1 that is by the submission of each particular1 to avoid death or bonds2 to demand of one nation more than of the other1 from the title of conquest1 as being a conquered nation1 is an act of ignorance of the rights of sovereignty2 for the sovereign is absolute over both alike2 or else there is no sovereignty at all2 and so every man may lawfully protect himself1 if he can1 with his own sword1 which is the condition of war4 ,sidenote3 ,difference between a family and a kingdom4 ,by this it appears2 that a great family1 if it be not part of some commonwealth1 is of itself1 as to the rights of sovereignty1 a little monarchy3 whether that family consist of a man and his children2 or of a man and his servants2 or of a man1 and his children1 and servants together3 wherein the father or master is the sovereign4 ,but yet a family is not properly a commonwealth2 unless it be of that power by its own number1 or by other opportunities1 as not to be subdued without the hazard of war4 ,for where a number of men are manifestly too weak to defend themselves united1 every one may use his own reason in time of danger1 to save his own life1 either by flight1 or by submission to the enemy1 as he shall think best2 in the same manner as a very small company of soldiers1 surprised by an army1 may cast down their arms1 and demand quarter1 or run away1 rather than be put to the sword4 ,and thus much shall suffice1 concerning what ,i find by speculation1 and deduction1 of sovereign rights1 from the nature1 need1 and designs of men1 in erecting of commonwealths1 and putting themselves under monarchs1 or assemblies1 entrusted with power enough for their protection4 ,sidenote3 ,the rights of monarchy from ,scripture4 ,let us now consider what the ,scripture teacheth in the same point4 ,to ,moses1 the children of ,israel say thus3 ,speak thou to us1 and we will hear thee2 but let not ,god speak to us1 lest we die4 7,exod4 xx4 #ai47 ,this is absolute obedience to ,moses4 ,concerning the right of kings1 ,god himself by the mouth of ,samuel1 saith1 7#a ,sam4 viii4 #aa1 #ab1 c47 ,this shall be the right of the king you will have to reign over you4 ,he shall take your sons1 and set them to drive his chariots1 and to be his horsemen1 and to run before his chariots2 and gather in his harvest2 and to make his engines of war1 and instruments of his chariots2 and shall take your daughters to make perfumes1 to be his cooks1 and bakers4 ,he shall take your fields1 your vine-yards1 and your olive-yards1 and give them to his servants4 ,he shall take the tithe of your corn and wine1 and give it to the men of his chamber1 and to his other servants4 ,he shall take your man-servants1 and your maid-servants1 and the choice of your youth1 and employ them in his business4 ,he shall take the tithe of your flocks2 and you shall be his servants4 ,this is absolute power1 and summed up in the last words1 you shall be his servants4 ,again1 when the people heard what power their king was to have1 yet they consented thereto1 and say thus1 7verse #aj7 we will be as all other nations1 and our king shall judge our causes1 and go before us1 to conduct our wars4 ,here is confirmed the right that sovereigns have1 both to the militia1 and to all judicature2 in which is contained as absolute power1 as one man can possibly transfer to another4 ,again1 the prayer of king ,solomon to ,god1 was this 7#a ,kings1 iii4 #i73 ,give to thy servant understanding1 to judge thy people1 and to discern between good and evil4 ,it belongeth therefore to the sovereign to be judge1 and to prescribe the rules of discerning good and evil3 which rules are laws2 and therefore in him is the legislative power4 ,saul sought the life of ,david2 yet when it was in his power to slay ,saul1 and his servants would have done it1 ,david forbad them1 saying1 7#a ,sam4 xxiv4 #f7 ,god forbid ,i should do such an act against my ,lord1 the anointed of ,god4 ,for obedience of servants ,st4 ,paul saith2 7,col4 iii4 #bb7 ,servants obey your masters in all things2 and1 7,col4 iii4 #bj7 children obey your parents in all things4 ,there is simple obedience in those that are subject to paternal1 or despotical dominion4 ,again1 7,matt4 xxiii4 #b1 #c7 ,the ,scribes and ,pharisees sit in ,moses' chair1 and therefore all that they shall bid you observe1 that observe and do4 ,there again is simple obedience4 ,and ,st4 ,paul1 7,titus iii4 #b7 ,warn them that they subject themselves to princes1 and to those that are in authority1 and obey them4 ,this obedience is also simple4 ,lastly1 our ,saviour himself acknowledges1 that men ought to pay such taxes as are by kings imposed1 where he says1 give to ,csar that which is ,csar's2 and paid such taxes himself4 ,and that the king's word1 is sufficient to take anything from any subject1 when there is need2 and that the king is judge of that need3 for he himself1 as king of the ,jews1 commanded his disciples to take the ass1 and ass's colt to carry him into ,jerusalem1 saying1 7,matth4 xxi4 #b1 #c7 ,go into the village over against you1 and you shall find a she ass tied1 and her colt with her1 untie them1 and bring them to me4 ,and if any man ask you1 what you mean by it1 say the ,lord hath need of them3 and they will let them go4 ,they will not ask whether his necessity be a sufficient title2 nor whether he be judge of that necessity2 but acquiesce in the will of the ,lord4 ,to these places may be added also that of ,genesis1 7iii4 #e7 ,ye shall be as gods1 knowing good and evil4 ,and 7verse #aa7 ,who told thee that thou wast naked8 hast thou eaten of the tree1 of which ,i commanded thee thou shouldest not eat8 ,for the cognizance or judicature of good and evil1 being forbidden by the name of the fruit of the tree of knowledge1 as a trial of ,adam's obedience2 the devil to inflame the ambition of the woman1 to whom that fruit already seemed beautiful1 told her that by tasting it1 they should be as gods1 knowing good and evil4 ,whereupon having both eaten1 they did indeed take upon them ,god's office1 which is judicature of good and evil2 but acquired no new ability to distinguish between them aright4 ,and whereas it is said1 that having eaten1 they saw they were naked2 no man hath so interpreted that place1 as if they had been formerly blind1 and saw not their own skins3 the meaning is plain1 that it was then they first judged their nakedness1 wherein it was ,god's will to create them1 to be uncomely2 and by being ashamed1 did tacitly censure ,god himself4 ,and thereupon ,god saith2 ,hast thou eaten1 c4 as if he should say1 doest thou that owest me obedience1 take upon thee to judge of my commandments8 ,whereby it is clearly1 though allegorically1 signified1 that the commands of them that have the right to command1 are not by their subjects to be censured1 nor disputed4 ,sidenote3 ,sovereign power ought in all commonwealths to be absolute4 ,so that it appeareth plainly1 to my understanding1 both from reason1 and ,scripture1 that the sovereign power1 whether placed in one man1 as in monarchy1 or in one assembly of men1 as in popular1 and aristocratical commonwealths1 is as great1 as possibly men can be imagined to make it4 ,and though of so unlimited a power1 men may fancy many evil consequences1 yet the consequences of the want of it1 which is perpetual war of every man against his neighbour1 are much worse4 ,the condition of man in this life shall never be without inconveniences2 but there happeneth in no commonwealth any great inconvenience1 but what proceeds from the subject's disobedience1 and breach of those covenants1 from which the commonwealth hath its being4 ,and whosoever thinking sovereign power too great1 will seek to make it less1 must subject himself1 to the power1 that can limit it2 that is to say1 to a greater4 ,the greatest objection is1 that of the practice2 when men ask1 where1 and when1 such power has by subjects been acknowledged4 ,but one may ask them again1 when1 or where has there been a kingdom long free from sedition and civil war4 ,in those nations1 whose commonwealths have been long-lived1 and not been destroyed but by foreign war1 the subjects never did dispute of the sovereign power4 ,but howsoever1 an argument from the practice of men1 that have not sifted to the bottom1 and with exact reason weighed the causes1 and nature of commonwealths1 and suffer daily those miseries1 that proceed from the ignorance thereof1 is invalid4 ,for though in all places of the world1 men should lay the foundation of their houses on the sand1 it could not thence be inferred1 that so it ought to be4 ,the skill of making1 and maintaining commonwealths1 consisteth in certain rules1 as doth arithmetic and geometry2 not1 as tennis-play1 on practice only3 which rules1 neither poor men have the leisure1 nor men that have had the leisure1 have hitherto had the curiosity1 or the method to find out4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,of ,,the ,,liberty ,,of ,,subjects4 ,sidenote3 ,liberty what4 ,,liberty1 or ,,freedom1 signifieth1 properly1 the absence of opposition2 by opposition1 ,i mean external impediments of motion2 and may be applied no less to irrational1 and inanimate creatures1 than to rational4 ,for whatsoever is so tied1 or environed1 as it cannot move but within a certain space1 which space is determined by the opposition of some external body1 we say it hath not liberty to go further4 ,and so of all living creatures1 whilst they are imprisoned1 or restrained1 with walls1 or chains2 and of the water whilst it is kept in by banks1 or vessels1 that otherwise would spread itself into a larger space1 we use to say1 they are not at liberty1 to move in such manner1 as without those external impediments they would4 ,but when the impediment of motion1 is in the constitution of the thing itself1 we use not to say2 it wants the liberty2 but the power to move2 as when a stone lieth still1 or a man is fastened to his bed by sickness4 ,sidenote3 ,what it is to be free4 ,and according to this proper1 and generally received meaning of the word1 a ,,freeman1 is he1 that in those things1 which by his strength and wit he is able to do1 is not hindered to do what he has a will to4 ,but when the words free1 and liberty1 are applied to any thing but bodies1 they are abused2 for that which is not subject to motion1 is not subject to impediment3 and therefore1 when it is said1 for example1 the way is free1 no liberty of the way is signified1 but of those that walk in it without stop4 ,and when we say a gift is free1 there is not meant any liberty of the gift1 but of the giver1 that was not bound by any law or covenant to give it4 ,so when we speak freely1 it is not the liberty of voice1 or pronunciation1 but of the man1 whom no law hath obliged to speak otherwise than he did4 ,lastly1 from the use of the word free-will1 no liberty can be inferred of the will1 desire1 or inclination1 but the liberty of the man2 which consisteth in this1 that he finds no stop1 in doing what he has the will1 desire1 or inclination to do4 ,sidenote3 ,fear and liberty are consistent4 ,fear and liberty are consistent2 as when a man throweth his goods into the sea for fear the ship should sink1 he doth it nevertheless very willingly1 and may refuse to do it if he will3 it is therefore the action of one that was free3 so a man sometimes pays his debt1 only for fear of imprisonment1 which because nobody hindered him from detaining1 was the action of a man at liberty4 ,and generally all actions which men do in commonwealths1 for fear of the law1 are actions1 which the doers had liberty to omit4 ,sidenote3 ,liberty and necessity consistent4 ,liberty1 and necessity are consistent3 as in the water1 that hath not only liberty1 but a necessity of descending by the channel2 so likewise in the actions which men voluntarily do3 which1 because they proceed from their will1 proceed from liberty2 and yet1 because every act of man's will1 and every desire1 and inclination proceedeth from some cause1 and that from another cause1 in a continual chain1 whose first link is in the hand of ,god the first of all causes1 proceed from necessity4 ,so that to him that could see the connexion of those causes1 the necessity of all men's voluntary actions1 would appear manifest4 ,and therefore ,god1 that seeth1 and disposeth all things1 seeth also that the liberty of man in doing what he will1 is accompanied with the necessity of doing that which ,god will1 and no more1 nor less4 ,for though men may do many things1 which ,god does not command1 nor is therefore author of them2 yet they can have no passion1 nor appetite to anything1 of which appetite ,god's will is not the cause4 ,and did not his will assure the necessity of man's will1 and consequently of all that on man's will dependeth1 the liberty of men would be a contradiction1 and impediment to the omnipotence and liberty of ,god4 ,and this shall suffice1 as to the matter in hand1 of that natural liberty1 which only is properly called liberty4 ,sidenote3 ,artificial bonds1 or covenants4 ,but as men1 for the attaining of peace1 and conservation of themselves thereby1 have made an artificial man1 which we call a commonwealth2 so also have they made artificial chains1 called civil laws1 which they themselves1 by mutual covenants1 have fastened at one end1 to the lips of that man1 or assembly1 to whom they have given the sovereign power2 and at the other end to their own ears4 ,these bonds1 in their own nature but weak1 may nevertheless be made to hold1 by the danger1 though not by the difficulty of breaking them4 ,sidenote3 ,liberty of subjects consisteth in liberty from covenants4 ,in relation to these bonds only it is1 that ,i am to speak now1 of the liberty of subjects4 ,for seeing there is no commonwealth in the world1 wherein there be rules enough set down1 for the regulating of all the actions1 and words of men2 as being a thing impossible3 it followeth necessarily1 that in all kinds of actions by the laws prtermitted1 men have the liberty1 of doing what their own reasons shall suggest1 for the most profitable to themselves4 ,for if we take liberty in the proper sense1 for corporal liberty2 that is to say1 freedom from chains and prison2 it were very absurd for men to clamour as they do1 for the liberty they so manifestly enjoy4 ,again1 if we take liberty1 for an exemption from laws1 it is it no less absurd1 for men to demand as they do1 that liberty1 by which all other men may be masters of their lives4 ,and yet1 as absurd as it is1 this is it they demand2 not knowing that the laws are of no power to protect them1 without a sword in the hands of a man1 or men1 to cause those laws to be put in execution4 ,the liberty of a subject1 lieth therefore only in those things1 which in regulating their actions1 the sovereign hath prtermitted3 such as is the liberty to buy1 and sell1 and otherwise contract with one another2 to choose their own abode1 their own diet1 their own trade of life1 and institute their children as they themselves think fit2 and the like4 ,sidenote3 ,liberty of the subject consistent with the unlimited power of the sovereign4 ,nevertheless we are not to understand1 that by such liberty1 the sovereign power of life and death1 is either abolished1 or limited4 ,for it has been already shown1 that nothing the sovereign representative can do to a subject1 on what pretence soever1 can properly be called injustice1 or injury2 because every subject is author of every act the sovereign doth2 so that he never wanteth right to anything1 otherwise1 than as he himself is the subject of ,god1 and bound thereby to observe the laws of nature4 ,and therefore it may1 and doth often happen in commonwealths1 that a subject may be put to death1 by the command of the sovereign power2 and yet neither do the other wrong3 as when ,jephtha caused his daughter to be sacrificed3 in which1 and the like cases1 he that so dieth1 had liberty to do the action1 for which he is nevertheless1 without injury put to death4 ,and the same holdeth also in a sovereign prince1 that putteth to death an innocent subject4 ,for though the action be against the law of nature1 as being contrary to equity1 as was the killing of ,uriah1 by ,david2 yet it was not an injury to ,uriah1 but to ,god4 ,not to ,uriah1 because the right to do what he pleased was given him by ,uriah himself3 and yet to ,god1 because ,david was ,god's subject1 and prohibited all iniquity by the law of nature3 which distinction1 ,david himself1 when he repented the fact1 evidently confirmed1 saying1 ,to thee only have ,i sinned4 ,in the same manner1 the people of ,athens1 when they banished the most potent of their commonwealth for ten years1 thought they committed no injustice2 and yet they never questioned what crime he had done2 but what hurt he would do3 nay they commanded the banishment of they knew not whom2 and every citizen bringing his oystershell into the market place1 written with the name of him he desired should be banished1 without actually accusing him1 sometimes banished an ,aristides1 for his reputation of justice2 and sometimes a scurrilous jester1 as ,hyperbolus1 to make a jest of it4 ,and yet a man cannot say1 the sovereign people of ,athens wanted right to banish them2 or an ,athenian the liberty to jest1 or to be just4 ,sidenote3 ,the liberty which writers praise1 is the liberty of sovereigns2 not of private men4 ,the liberty1 whereof there is so frequent and honourable mention1 in the histories1 and philosophy of the ancient ,greeks1 and ,romans1 and in the writings1 and discourse of those that from them have received all their learning in the politics1 is not the liberty of particular men2 but the liberty of the commonwealth3 which is the same with that which every man then should have1 if there were no civil laws1 nor commonwealth at all4 ,and the effects of it also be the same4 ,for as amongst masterless men1 there is perpetual war1 of every man against his neighbour2 no inheritance1 to transmit to the son1 nor to expect from the father2 no propriety of goods1 or lands2 no security2 but a full and absolute liberty in every particular man3 so in states1 and commonwealths not dependent on one another1 every commonwealth1 not every man1 has an absolute liberty1 to do what it shall judge1 that is to say1 what that man1 or assembly that representeth it1 shall judge most conducing to their benefit4 ,but withal1 they live in the condition of a perpetual war1 and upon the confines of battle1 with their frontiers armed1 and cannons planted against their neighbours round about4 ,the ,athenians1 and ,romans were free2 that is1 free commonwealths3 not that any particular men had the liberty to resist their own representative2 but that their representative had the liberty to resist1 or invade other people4 ,there is written on the turrets of the city of ,lucca in great characters at this day1 the word ,,libertas2 yet no man can thence infer1 that a particular man has more liberty1 or immunity from the service of the commonwealth there1 than in ,constantinople4 ,whether a commonwealth be monarchical1 or popular1 the freedom is still the same4 ,but it is an easy thing1 for men to be deceived1 by the specious name of liberty2 and for want of judgment to distinguish1 mistake that for their private inheritance1 and birth-right1 which is the right of the public only4 ,and when the same error is confirmed by the authority of men in reputation for their writings on this subject1 it is no wonder if it produce sedition1 and change of government4 ,in these western parts of the world1 we are made to receive our opinions concerning the institution1 and rights of commonwealths1 from ,aristotle1 ,cicero1 and other men1 ,greeks and ,romans1 that living under popular states1 derived those rights1 not from the principles of nature1 but transcribed them into their books1 out of the practice of their own commonwealths1 which were popular2 as the grammarians describe the rules of language1 out of the practice of the time2 or the rules of poetry1 out of the poems of ,homer and ,virgil4 ,and because the ,athenians were taught1 to keep them from desire of changing their government1 that they were freemen1 and all that lived under monarchy were slaves2 therefore ,aristotle puts it down in his ,politics1 7lib4 #f4 cap4 ii47 ,in democracy1 ,,liberty is to be supposed3 for it is commonly held1 that no man is ,,free in any other government4 ,and as ,aristotle2 so ,cicero1 and other writers have grounded their civil doctrine1 on the opinions of the ,romans1 who were taught to hate monarchy1 at first1 by them that having deposed their sovereign1 shared amongst them the sovereignty of ,rome2 and afterwards by their successors4 ,and by reading of these ,greek1 and ,latin authors1 men from their childhood have gotten a habit1 under a false show of liberty1 of favouring tumults1 and of licentious controlling the actions of their sovereigns1 and again of controlling those controllers2 with the effusion of so much blood1 as ,i think ,i may truly say1 there was never any thing so dearly bought1 as these western parts have bought the learning of the ,greek and ,latin tongues4 ,sidenote3 ,liberty of subjects how to be measured4 ,to come now to the particulars of the true liberty of a subject2 that is to say1 what are the things1 which though commanded by the sovereign1 he may nevertheless1 without injustice1 refuse to do2 we are to consider1 what rights we pass away1 when we make a commonwealth2 or1 which is all one1 what liberty we deny ourselves1 by owning all the actions1 without exception1 of the man1 or assembly we make our sovereign4 ,for in the act of our submission1 consisteth both our obligation1 and our liberty2 which must therefore be inferred by arguments taken from thence2 there being no obligation on any man1 which ariseth not from some act of his own2 for all men equally1 are by nature free4 ,and because such arguments1 must either be drawn from the express words1 ,i authorize all his actions1 or from the intention of him that submitteth himself to his power1 which intention is to be understood by the end for which he so submitteth2 the obligation1 and liberty of the subject1 is to be derived1 either from those words1 or others equivalent2 or else from the end of the institution of sovereignty1 namely1 the peace of the subjects within themselves1 and their defence against a common enemy4 ,sidenote3 ,subjects have liberty to defend their own bodies1 even against them that lawfully invade them4 ,first therefore1 seeing sovereignty by institution1 is by covenant of every one to every one2 and sovereignty by acquisition1 by covenants of the vanquished to the victor1 or child to the parent2 it is manifest1 that every subject has liberty in all those things1 the right whereof cannot by covenant be transferred4 ,i have shewn before in the #adth chapter1 that covenants1 not to defend a man's own body1 are void4 ,therefore1 ,sidenote3 ,are not bound to hurt themselves4 ,if the sovereign command a man1 though justly condemned1 to kill1 wound1 or maim himself2 or not to resist those that assault him2 or to abstain from the use of food1 air1 medicine1 or any other thing1 without which he cannot live2 yet hath that man the liberty to disobey4 ,if a man be interrogated by the sovereign1 or his authority1 concerning a crime done by himself1 he is not bound1 without assurance of pardon1 to confess it2 because no man1 as ,i have shown in the same chapter1 can be obliged by covenant to accuse himself4 ,again1 the consent of a subject to sovereign power1 is contained in these words1 ,i authorize1 or take upon me1 all his actions2 in which there is no restriction at all1 of his own former natural liberty3 for by allowing him to kill me1 ,i am not bound to kill myself when he commands me4 ,it is one thing to say1 kill me1 or my fellow1 if you please2 another thing to say1 ,i will kill myself1 or my fellow4 ,it followeth therefore1 that ,no man is bound by the words themselves1 either to kill himself1 or any other man2 and consequently1 that the obligation a man may sometimes have1 upon the command of the sovereign to execute any dangerous1 or dishonourable office1 dependeth not on the words of our submission2 but on the intention1 which is to be understood by the end thereof4 ,when therefore our refusal to obey1 frustrates the end for which the sovereignty was ordained2 then there is no liberty to refuse3 otherwise there is4 ,sidenote3 ,nor to warfare1 unless they voluntarily undertake it4 ,upon this ground1 a man that is commanded as a soldier to fight against the enemy1 though his sovereign have right enough to punish his refusal with death1 may nevertheless in many cases refuse1 without injustice2 as when he substituteth a sufficient soldier in his place3 for in this case he deserteth not the service of the commonwealth4 ,and there is allowance to be made for natural timorousness2 not only to women1 of whom no such dangerous duty is expected1 but also to men of feminine courage4 ,when armies fight1 there is on one side1 or both1 a running away2 yet when they do it not out of treachery1 but fear1 they are not esteemed to do it unjustly1 but dishonourably4 ,for the same reason1 to avoid battle1 is not injustice1 but cowardice4 ,but he that inrolleth himself a soldier1 or taketh imprest money1 taketh away the excuse of a timorous nature2 and is obliged1 not only to go to the battle1 but also not to run from it1 without his captain's leave4 ,and when the defence of the commonwealth1 requireth at once the help of all that are able to bear arms1 every one is obliged2 because otherwise the institution of the commonwealth1 which they have not the purpose1 or courage to preserve1 was in vain4 ,to resist the sword of the commonwealth1 in defence of another man1 guilty1 or innocent1 no man hath liberty2 because such liberty1 takes away from the sovereign1 the means of protecting us2 and is therefore destructive of the very essence of government4 ,but in case a great many men together1 have already resisted the sovereign power unjustly1 or committed some capital crime1 for which every one of them expecteth death1 whether have they not the liberty then to join together1 and assist1 and defend one another8 ,certainly they have3 for they but defend their lives1 which the guilty man may as well do1 as the innocent4 ,there was indeed injustice in the first breach of their duty2 their bearing of arms subsequent to it1 though it be to maintain what they have done1 is no new unjust act4 ,and if it be only to defend their persons1 it is not unjust at all4 ,but the offer of pardon taketh from them1 to whom it is offered1 the plea of self-defence1 and maketh their perseverance in assisting1 or defending the rest1 unlawful4 ,sidenote3 ,the greatest liberty of subjects1 dependeth on the silence of the law4 ,as for other liberties1 they depend on the silence of the law4 ,in cases where the sovereign has prescribed no rule1 there the subject hath the liberty to do1 or forbear1 according to his own discretion4 ,and therefore such liberty is in some places more1 and in some less2 and in some times more1 in other times less1 according as they that have the sovereignty shall think most convenient4 ,as for example1 there was a time1 when in ,england a man might enter into his own land1 and dispossess such as wrongfully possessed it1 by force4 ,but in aftertimes1 that liberty of forcible entry1 was taken away by a statute made1 by the king1 in parliament4 ,and in some places of the world1 men have the liberty of many wives3 in other places1 such liberty is not allowed4 ,if a subject have a controversy with his sovereign1 of debt1 or of right of possession of lands or goods1 or concerning any service required at his hands1 or concerning any penalty1 corporal1 or pecuniary1 grounded on a precedent law2 he hath the same liberty to sue for his right1 as if it were against a subject2 and before such judges1 as are appointed by the sovereign4 ,for seeing the sovereign demandeth by force of a former law1 and not by virtue of his power2 he declareth thereby1 that he requireth no more1 than shall appear to be due by that law4 ,the suit therefore is not contrary to the will of the sovereign2 and consequently the subject hath the liberty to demand the hearing of his cause2 and sentence1 according to that law4 ,but if he demand1 or take anything by pretence of his power2 there lieth1 in that case1 no action of law2 for all that is done by him in virtue of his power1 is done by the authority of every subject1 and consequently he that brings an action against the sovereign1 brings it against himself4 ,if a monarch1 or sovereign assembly1 grant a liberty to all1 or any of his subjects1 which grant standing1 he is disabled to provide for their safety1 the grant is void2 unless he directly renounce1 or transfer the sovereignty to another4 ,for in that he might openly1 if it had been his will1 and in plain terms1 have renounced1 or transferred it1 and did not2 it is to be understood it was not his will1 but that the grant proceeded from ignorance of the repugnancy between such a liberty and the sovereign power2 and therefore the sovereignty is still retained2 and consequently all those powers1 which are necessary to the exercising thereof2 such as are the power of war1 and peace1 of judicature1 of appointing officers1 and councillors1 of levying money1 and the rest named in the #ahth chapter4 ,sidenote3 ,in what cases subjects are absolved of their obedience to their sovereign4 ,the obligation of subjects to the sovereign1 is understood to last as long1 and no longer1 than the power lasteth1 by which he is able to protect them4 ,for the right men have by nature to protect themselves1 when none else can protect them1 can by no covenant be relinquished4 ,the sovereignty is the soul of the commonwealth2 which once departed from the body1 the members do no more receive their motion from it4 ,the end of obedience is protection2 which1 wheresoever a man seeth it1 either in his own1 or in another's sword1 nature applieth his obedience to it1 and his endeavour to maintain it4 ,and though sovereignty1 in the intention of them that make it1 be immortal2 yet is it in its own nature1 not only subject to violent death1 by foreign war2 but also through the ignorance1 and passions of men1 it hath in it1 from the very institution1 many seeds of a natural mortality1 by intestine discord4 ,sidenote3 ,in case of captivity4 ,if a subject be taken prisoner in war2 or his person1 or his means of life be within the guards of the enemy1 and hath his life and corporal liberty given him1 on condition to be subject to the victor1 he hath liberty to accept the condition2 and having accepted it1 is the subject of him that took him2 because he had no other way to preserve himself4 ,the case is the same1 if he be detained on the same terms1 in a foreign country4 ,but if a man be held in prison1 or bonds1 or is not trusted with the liberty of his body2 he cannot be understood to be bound by covenant to subjection2 and therefore may1 if he can1 make his escape by any means whatsoever4 ,sidenote3 ,in case the sovereign cast off the government from himself and his heirs4 ,if a monarch shall relinquish the sovereignty1 both for himself1 and his heirs2 his subjects return to the absolute liberty of nature2 because1 though nature may declare who are his sons1 and who are the nearest of his kin2 yet it dependeth on his own will1 as hath been said in the precedent chapter1 who shall be his heir4 ,if therefore he will have no heir1 there is no sovereignty1 nor subjection4 ,the case is the same1 if he die without known kindred1 and without declaration of his heir4 ,for then there can no heir be known1 and consequently no subjection be due4 ,sidenote3 ,in case of banishment4 ,if the sovereign banish his subject2 during the banishment1 he is not subject4 ,but he that is sent on a message1 or hath leave to travel1 is still subject2 but it is1 by contract between sovereigns1 not by virtue of the covenant of subjection4 ,for whosoever entereth into another's dominion1 is subject to all the laws thereof2 unless he have a privilege by the amity of the sovereigns1 or by special licence4 ,sidenote3 ,in case the sovereign render himself subject to another4 ,if a monarch subdued by war1 render himself subject to the victor2 his subjects are delivered from their former obligation1 and become obliged to the victor4 ,but if he be held prisoner1 or have not the liberty of his own body2 he is not understood to have given away the right of sovereignty2 and therefore his subjects are obliged to yield obedience to the magistrates formerly placed1 governing not in their own name1 but in his4 ,for1 his right remaining1 the question is only of the administration2 that is to say1 of the magistrates and officers2 which1 if he have not means to name1 he is supposed to approve those1 which he himself had formerly appointed4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,of ,,systems ,,subject1 ,,political1 ,,and ,,private4 ,sidenote3 ,the divers sorts of systems of people4 ,having spoken of the generation1 form1 and power of a commonwealth1 ,i am in order to speak next of the parts thereof4 ,and first of systems1 which resemble the similar parts1 or muscles of a body natural4 ,by ,,systems1 ,i understand any numbers of men joined in one interest1 or one business4 ,of which1 some are regular1 and some irregular4 ,regular are those1 where one man1 or assembly of men1 is constituted representative of the whole number4 ,all other are irregular4 ,of regular1 some are absolute1 and independent1 subject to none but their own representative3 such are only commonwealths2 of which ,i have spoken already in the five last precedent chapters4 ,others are dependent2 that is to say1 subordinate to some sovereign power1 to which every one1 as also their representative is subject4 ,of systems subordinate1 some are political1 and some private4 ,political1 otherwise called bodies politic1 and persons in law1 are those1 which are made by authority from the sovereign power of the commonwealth4 ,private1 are those1 which are constituted by subjects amongst themselves1 or by authority from a stranger4 ,for no authority derived from foreign power1 within the dominion of another1 is public there1 but private4 ,and of private systems1 some are lawful2 some unlawful4 ,lawful1 are those which are allowed by the commonwealth3 all other are unlawful4 ,irregular systems1 are those which having no representative1 consist only in concourse of people2 which if not forbidden by the commonwealth1 nor made on evil design1 such as are conflux of people to markets1 or shows1 or any other harmless end1 are lawful4 ,but when the intention is evil1 or 7if the number be considerable71 unknown1 they are unlawful4 ,sidenote3 ,in all bodies politic the power of the representative is limited4 ,in bodies politic1 the power of the representative is always limited3 and that which prescribeth the limits thereof1 is the power sovereign4 ,for power unlimited1 is absolute sovereignty4 ,and the sovereign in every commonwealth1 is the absolute representative of all the subjects2 and therefore no other can be representative of any part of them1 but so far forth1 as he shall give leave4 ,and to give leave to a body politic of subjects1 to have an absolute representative to all intents and purposes1 were to abandon the government of so much of the commonwealth1 and to divide the dominion1 contrary to their peace and defence2 which the sovereign cannot be understood to do1 by any grant1 that does not plainly1 and directly discharge them of their subjection4 ,for consequences of words1 are not the signs of his will1 when other consequences are signs of the contrary2 but rather signs of error1 and misreckoning2 to which all mankind is too prone4 ,the bounds of that power1 which is given to the representative of a body politic1 are to be taken notice of1 from two things4 ,one is their writ1 or letters from the sovereign3 the other is the law of the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,by letters patent3 ,for though in the institution or acquisition of a commonwealth1 which is independent1 there needs no writing1 because the power of the representative has there no other bounds1 but such as are set out by the unwritten law of nature2 yet in subordinate bodies1 there are such diversities of limitation necessary1 concerning their businesses1 times1 and places1 as can neither be remembered without letters1 nor taken notice of1 unless such letters be patent1 that they may be read to them1 and withal sealed1 or testified1 with the seals1 or other permanent signs of the authority sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,and the laws4 ,and because such limitation is not always easy1 or perhaps possible to be described in writing2 the ordinary laws1 common to all subjects1 must determine what the representative may lawfully do1 in all cases1 where the letters themselves are silent4 ,and therefore1 ,sidenote3 ,when the representative is one man1 his unwarranted acts are his own only4 ,in a body politic1 if the representative be one man1 whatsoever he does in the person of the body1 which is not warranted in his letters1 nor by the laws1 is his own act1 and not the act of the body1 nor of any other member thereof besides himself3 because further than his letters1 or the laws limit1 he representeth no man's person1 but his own4 ,but what he does according to these1 is the act of every one3 for of the act of the sovereign every one is author1 because he is their representative unlimited2 and the act of him that recedes not from the letters of the sovereign1 is the act of the sovereign1 and therefore every member of the body is author of it4 ,sidenote3 ,when it is an assembly1 it is the act of them that assented only4 ,but if the representative be an assembly2 whatsoever that assembly shall decree1 not warranted by their letters1 or the laws1 is the act of the assembly1 or body politic1 and the act of every one by whose vote the decree was made2 but not the act of any man that being present voted to the contrary2 nor of any man absent1 unless he voted it by procuration4 ,it is the act of the assembly1 because voted by the major part2 and if it be a crime1 the assembly may be punished1 as far forth as it is capable1 as by dissolution1 or forfeiture of their letters 7which is to such artificial1 and fictitious bodies1 capital7 or1 if the assembly have a common stock1 wherein none of the innocent members have propriety1 by pecuniary mulct4 ,for from corporal penalties nature hath exempted all bodies politic4 ,but they that gave not their vote1 are therefore innocent1 because the assembly cannot represent any man in things unwarranted by their letters1 and consequently are not involved in their votes4 ,sidenote3 ,when the representative is one man1 if he borrow money1 or owe it1 by contract1 he is liable only1 the members not4 ,if the person of the body politic being in one man1 borrow money of a stranger1 that is1 of one that is not of the same body1 7for no letters need limit borrowing1 seeing it is left to men's own inclinations to limit lending71 the debt is the representative's4 ,for if he should have authority from his letters1 to make the members pay what he borroweth1 he should have by consequence the sovereignty of them2 and therefore the grant were either void1 as proceeding from error1 commonly incident to human nature1 and an insufficient sign of the will of the granter2 or if it be avowed by him1 then is the representer sovereign1 and falleth not under the present question1 which is only of bodies subordinate4 ,no member therefore is obliged to pay the debt so borrowed1 but the representative himself3 because he that lendeth it1 being a stranger to the letters1 and to the qualification of the body1 understandeth those only for his debtors1 that are engaged3 and seeing the representer can engage himself1 and none else1 has him only for debtor2 who must therefore pay him1 out of the common stock1 if there be any1 or1 if there be none1 out of his own estate4 ,if he come into debt by contract1 or mulct1 the case is the same4 ,sidenote3 ,when it is an assembly1 they only are liable that have assented4 ,but when the representative is an assembly1 and the debt to a stranger2 all they1 and only they are responsible for the debt1 that gave their votes to the borrowing of it1 or to the contract that made it due1 or to the fact for which the mulct was imposed2 because every one of those in voting did engage himself for the payment3 for he that is author of the borrowing1 is obliged to the payment1 even of the whole debt2 though when paid by any one1 he be discharged4 ,sidenote3 ,if the debt be to one of the assembly1 the body only is obliged4 ,but if the debt be to one of the assembly1 the assembly only is obliged to the payment1 out of their common stock1 if they have any3 for having liberty of vote1 if he vote the money shall be borrowed1 he votes it shall be paid2 if he vote it shall not be borrowed1 or be absent1 yet because in lending1 he voteth the borrowing1 he contradicteth his former vote1 and is obliged by the latter1 and becomes both borrower and lender1 and consequently cannot demand payment from any particular man1 but from the common treasure only2 which failing he hath no remedy1 nor complaint1 but against himself1 that being privy to the acts of the assembly1 and to their means to pay1 and not being enforced1 did nevertheless through his own folly lend his money4 ,sidenote3 ,protestation against the decrees of bodies politic sometimes lawful1 but against sovereign power never4 ,it is manifest by this1 that in bodies politic subordinate1 and subject to a sovereign power1 it is sometimes not only lawful1 but expedient1 for a particular man to make open protestation against the decrees of the representative assembly1 and cause their dissent to be registered1 or to take witness of it2 because otherwise they may be obliged to pay debts contracted1 and be responsible for crimes committed by other men4 ,but in a sovereign assembly1 that liberty is taken away1 both because he that protesteth there1 denies their sovereignty2 and also because whatsoever is commanded by the sovereign power1 is as to the subject1 though not so always in the sight of ,god1 justified by the command3 for of such command every subject is the author4 ,sidenote3 ,bodies politic for government of a province1 colony1 or town ,the variety of bodies politic1 is almost infinite3 for they are not only distinguished by the several affairs1 for which they are constituted1 wherein there is an unspeakable diversity2 but also by the times1 places1 and numbers1 subject to many limitations4 ,and as to their affairs1 some are ordained for government2 as first1 the government of a province may be committed to an assembly of men1 wherein all resolutions shall depend on the votes of the major part2 and then this assembly is a body politic1 and their power limited by commission4 ,this word province signifies a charge1 or care of business1 which he whose business it is1 committeth to another man1 to be administered for1 and under him2 and therefore when in one commonwealth there be divers countries1 that have their laws distinct one from another1 or are far distant in place1 the administration of the government being committed to divers persons1 those countries where the sovereign is not resident1 but governs by commission1 are called provinces4 ,but of the government of a province1 by an assembly residing in the province itself1 there be few examples4 ,the ,romans who had the sovereignty of many provinces2 yet governed them always by presidents1 and prtors2 and not by assemblies1 as they governed the city of ,rome1 and territories adjacent4 ,in like manner1 when there were colonies sent from ,england1 to plant ,virginia1 and ,sommer-islands2 though the governments of them here1 were committed to assemblies in ,london1 yet did those assemblies never commit the government under them to any assembly there1 but did to each plantation send one governor4 ,for though every man1 where he can be present by nature1 desires to participate of government2 yet where they cannot be present1 they are by nature also inclined1 to commit the government of their common interest rather to a monarchical1 than a popular form of government3 which is also evident in those men that have great private estates2 who when they are unwilling to take the pains of administering the business that belongs to them1 chuse rather to trust one servant1 than an assembly either of their friends or servants4 ,but howsoever it be in fact1 yet we may suppose the government of a province1 or colony committed to an assembly3 and when it is1 that which in this place ,i have to say1 is this2 that whatsoever debt is by that assembly contracted2 or whatsoever unlawful act is decreed1 is the act only of those that assented1 and not of any that dissented1 or were absent1 for the reasons before alleged4 ,also that an assembly residing out of the bounds of that colony whereof they have the government1 cannot execute any power over the persons1 or goods of any of the colony1 to seize on them for debt1 or other duty1 in any place without the colony itself1 as having no jurisdiction1 nor authority elsewhere1 but are left to the remedy1 which the law of the place alloweth them4 ,and though the assembly have right1 to impose a mulct upon any of their members1 that shall break the laws they make2 yet out of the colony itself1 they have no right to execute the same4 ,and that which is said here1 of the rights of an assembly1 for the government of a province1 or a colony1 is appliable also to an assembly for the government of a town1 an university1 or a college1 or a church1 or for any other government over the persons of men4 ,and generally1 in all bodies politic1 if any particular member conceive himself injured by the body itself1 the cognizance of his cause belongeth to the sovereign1 and those the sovereign hath ordained for judges in such causes1 or shall ordain for that particular cause2 and not to the body itself4 ,for the whole body is in this case his fellow-subject1 which in a sovereign assembly1 is otherwise3 for there1 if the sovereign be not judge1 though in his own cause1 there can be no judge at all4 ,sidenote3 ,bodies politic for ordering of trade4 ,in a body politic1 for the well ordering of foreign traffic1 the most commodious representative is an assembly of all the members2 that is to say1 such a one1 as every one that adventureth his money1 may be present at all the deliberations1 and resolutions of the body1 if they will themselves4 ,for proof whereof1 we are to consider the end1 for which men that are merchants1 and may buy and sell1 export1 and import their merchandize1 according to their own discretions1 do nevertheless bind themselves up in one corporation4 ,it is true1 there be few merchants1 that with the merchandize they buy at home1 can freight a ship1 to export it2 or with that they buy abroad1 to bring it home2 and have therefore need to join together in one society2 where every man may either participate of the gain1 according to the proportion of his adventure2 or take his own1 and sell what he transports1 or imports1 at such prices as he thinks fit4 ,but this is no body politic1 there being no common representative to oblige them to any other law1 than that which is common to all other subjects4 ,the end of their incorporating1 is to make their gain the greater2 which is done two ways2 by sole buying1 and sole selling1 both at home1 and abroad4 ,so that to grant to a company of merchants to be a corporation1 or body politic1 is to grant them a double monopoly1 whereof one is to be sole buyers2 another to be sole sellers4 ,for when there is a company incorporate for any particular foreign country1 they only export the commodities vendible in that country2 which is sole buying at home1 and sole selling abroad4 ,for at home there is but one buyer1 and abroad but one that selleth3 both which is gainful to the merchant1 because thereby they buy at home at lower1 and sell abroad at higher rates3 and abroad there is but one buyer of foreign merchandize1 and but one that sells them at home2 both which again are gainful to the adventurers4 ,of this double monopoly one part is disadvantageous to the people at home1 the other to foreigners4 ,for at home by their sole exportation they set what price they please on the husbandry1 and handy-works of the people2 and by the sole importation1 what price they please on all foreign commodities the people have need of2 both which are ill for the people4 ,on the contrary1 by the sole selling of the native commodities abroad1 and sole buying the foreign commodities upon the place1 they raise the price of those1 and abate the price of these1 to the disadvantage of the foreigner3 for where but one selleth1 the merchandize is the dearer2 and where but one buyeth1 the cheaper4 ,such corporations therefore are no other than monopolies2 though they would be very profitable for a commonwealth1 if being bound up into one body in foreign markets they were at liberty at home1 every man to buy1 and sell at what price he could4 ,the end then of these bodies of merchants1 being not a common benefit to the whole body1 which have in this case no common stock1 but what is deducted out of the particular adventures1 for building1 buying1 victualling and manning of ships1 but the particular gain of every adventurer1 it is reason that every one be acquainted with the employment of his own2 that is1 that every one be of the assembly1 that shall have the power to order the same2 and be acquainted with their accounts4 ,and therefore the representative of such a body must be an assembly1 where every member of the body may be present at the consultations1 if he will4 ,if a body politic of merchants1 contract a debt to a stranger by the act of their representative assembly1 every member is liable by himself for the whole4 ,for a stranger can take no notice of their private laws1 but considereth them as so many particular men1 obliged every one to the whole payment1 till payment made by one dischargeth all the rest3 but if the debt be to one of the company1 the creditor is debtor for the whole to himself1 and cannot therefore demand his debt1 but only from the common stock1 if there be any4 ,if the commonwealth impose a tax upon the body1 it is understood to be laid upon every member proportionably to his particular adventure in the company4 ,for there is in this case no other common stock1 but what is made of their particular adventures4 ,if a mulct be laid upon the body for some unlawful act1 they only are liable by whose votes the act was decreed1 or by whose assistance it was executed2 for in none of the rest is there any other crime but being of the body2 which if a crime1 because the body was ordained by the authority of the commonwealth1 is not his4 ,if one of the members be indebted to the body1 he may be sued by the body2 but his goods cannot be taken1 nor his person imprisoned by the authority of the body2 but only by authority of the commonwealth3 for if they can do it by their own authority1 they can by their own authority give judgment that the debt is due2 which is as much as to be judge in their own cause4 ,sidenote3 ,a body politic for counsel to be given to the sovereign4 ,those bodies made for the government of men1 or of traffic1 be either perpetual1 or for a time prescribed by writing4 ,but there be bodies also whose times are limited1 and that only by the nature of their business4 ,for example1 if a sovereign monarch1 or a sovereign assembly1 shall think fit to give command to the towns1 and other several parts of their territory1 to send to him their deputies1 to inform him of the condition1 and necessities of the subjects1 or to advise with him for the making of good laws1 or for any other cause1 as with one person representing the whole country1 such deputies1 having a place and time of meeting assigned them1 are there1 and at that time1 a body politic1 representing every subject of that dominion2 but it is only for such matters as shall be propounded unto them by that man1 or assembly1 that by the sovereign authority sent for them2 and when it shall be declared that nothing more shall be propounded1 nor debated by them1 the body is dissolved4 ,for if they were the absolute representatives of the people1 then were it the sovereign assembly2 and so there would be two sovereign assemblies1 or two sovereigns1 over the same people2 which cannot consist with their peace4 ,and therefore where there is once a sovereignty1 there can be no absolute representation of the people1 but by it4 ,and for the limits of how far such a body shall represent the whole people1 they are set forth in the writing by which they were sent for4 ,for the people cannot choose their deputies to other intent1 than is in the writing directed to them from their sovereign expressed4 ,sidenote3 ,a regular private body1 lawful as a family4 ,private bodies regular1 and lawful1 are those that are constituted without letters1 or other written authority1 saving the laws common to all other subjects4 ,and because they be united in one person representative1 they are held for regular2 such as are all families1 in which the father1 or master ordereth the whole family4 ,for he obligeth his children1 and servants1 as far as the law permitteth1 though not further1 because none of them are bound to obedience in those actions1 which the law hath forbidden to be done4 ,in all other actions1 during the time they are under domestic government1 they are subject to their fathers1 and masters1 as to their immediate sovereigns4 ,for the father and master1 being before the institution of commonwealth1 absolute sovereigns in their own families1 they lose afterward no more of their authority1 than the law of the commonwealth taketh from them4 ,sidenote3 ,private bodies regular1 but unlawful4 ,private bodies regular1 but unlawful1 are those that unite themselves into one person representative1 without any public authority at all2 such as are the corporations of beggars1 thieves and gipsies1 the better to order their trade of begging and stealing2 and the corporations of men1 that by authority from any foreign person1 unite themselves in another's dominion1 for the easier propagation of doctrines1 and for making a party1 against the power of the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,systems irregular1 such as are private leagues4 ,irregular systems1 in their nature but leagues1 or sometimes mere concourse of people1 without union to any particular design1 not by obligation of one to another1 but proceeding only from a similitude of wills and inclinations1 become lawful1 or unlawful1 according to the lawfulness1 or unlawfulness of every particular man's design therein3 and his design is to be understood by the occasion4 ,the leagues of subjects1 because leagues are commonly made for mutual defence1 are in a commonwealth1 which is no more than a league of all the subjects together1 for the most part unnecessary1 and savour of unlawful design2 and are for that cause unlawful1 and go commonly by the name of factions1 or conspiracies4 ,for a league being a connexion of men by covenants1 if there be no power given to any one man or assembly1 as in the condition of mere nature1 to compel them to performance1 is so long only valid1 as there ariseth no just cause of distrust3 and therefore leagues between commonwealths1 over whom there is no human power established1 to keep them all in awe1 are not only lawful1 but also profitable for the time they last4 ,but leagues of the subjects of one and the same commonwealth1 where every one may obtain his right by means of the sovereign power1 are unnecessary to the maintaining of peace and justice1 and1 in case the design of them be evil or unknown to the commonwealth1 unlawful4 ,for all uniting of strength by private men1 is1 if for evil intent1 unjust2 if for intent unknown1 dangerous to the public1 and unjustly concealed4 ,sidenote3 ,secret cabals4 ,if the sovereign power be in a great assembly1 and a number of men1 part of the assembly1 without authority1 consult apart1 to contrive the guidance of the rest2 this is a faction1 or conspiracy unlawful1 as being a fraudulent seducing of the assembly for their particular interest4 ,but if he1 whose private interest is to be debated and judged in the assembly1 make as many friends as he can2 in him it is no injustice2 because in this case he is no part of the assembly4 ,and though he hire such friends with money1 unless there be an express law against it1 yet it is not injustice4 ,for sometimes1 as men's manners are1 justice cannot be had without money2 and every man may think his own cause just1 till it be heard1 and judged4 ,sidenote3 ,feuds of private families4 ,in all commonwealths1 if private men entertain more servants1 than the government of his estate1 and lawful employment he has for them requires1 it is faction1 and unlawful4 ,for having the protection of the commonwealth1 he needeth not the defence of private force4 ,and whereas in nations not thoroughly civilized1 several numerous families have lived in continual hostility1 and invaded one another with private force2 yet it is evident enough1 that they have done unjustly2 or else they had no commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,factions for government4 ,and as factions for kindred1 so also factions for government of religion1 as of ,papists1 ,protestants1 c4 or of state1 as patricians1 and plebeians of old time in ,rome1 and of aristocraticals and democraticals of old time in ,greece1 are unjust1 as being contrary to the peace and safety of the people1 and a taking of the sword out of the hand of the sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,concourse of people4 ,concourse of people is an irregular system1 the lawfulness1 or unlawfulness1 whereof dependeth on the occasion1 and on the number of them that are assembled4 ,if the occasion be lawful1 and manifest1 the concourse is lawful2 as the usual meeting of men at church1 or at a public show1 in usual numbers3 for if the numbers be extraordinarily great1 the occasion is not evident2 and consequently he that cannot render a particular and good account of his being amongst them1 is to be judged conscious of an unlawful1 and tumultuous design4 ,it may be lawful for a thousand men1 to join to a petition to be delivered to a judge1 or magistrate2 yet if a thousand men come to present it1 it is a tumultuous assembly2 because there needs but one or two for that purpose4 ,but in such cases as these1 it is not a set number that makes the assembly unlawful1 but such a number1 as the present officers are not able to suppress1 and bring to justice4 ,sidenote3 ,concourse of people4 ,when an unusual number of men1 assemble against a man whom they accuse2 the assembly is an unlawful tumult2 because they may deliver their accusation to the magistrate by a few1 or by one man4 ,such was the case of ,st4 ,paul at ,ephesus2 where ,demetrius and a great number of other men1 brought two of ,paul's companions before the magistrate1 saying with one voice1 ,great is ,diana of the ,ephesians2 which was their way of demanding justice against them for teaching the people such doctrine1 as was against their religion1 and trade4 ,the occasion here1 considering the laws of that people1 was just2 yet was their assembly judged unlawful1 and the magistrate reprehended them for it in these words 7,acts xix4 #ch-dj47 ,if ,demetrius and the other workmen can accuse any man1 of any thing1 there be pleas1 and deputies1 let them accuse one another4 ,and if you have any other thing to demand1 your case may be judged in an assembly lawfully called4 ,for we are in danger to be accused for this day's sedition2 because there is no cause by which any man can render any reason of this concourse of people4 ,where he calleth an assembly1 whereof men can give no just account1 a sedition1 and such as they could not answer for4 ,and this is all ,i shall say concerning systems1 and assemblies of people1 which may be compared1 as ,i said1 to the similar parts of man's body2 such as be lawful1 to the muscles2 such as are unlawful1 to wens1 biles1 and apostems1 engendered by the unnatural conflux of evil humours4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,public ,,ministers ,,of ,,sovereign ,,power4 ,in the last chapter ,i have spoken of the similar parts of a commonwealth3 in this ,i shall speak of the parts organical1 which are public ministers4 ,sidenote3 ,public minister who4 ,a ,,public ,,minister1 is he1 that by the sovereign1 whether a monarch or an assembly1 is employed in any affairs1 with authority to represent in that employment1 the person of the commonwealth4 ,and whereas every man1 or assembly that hath sovereignty1 representeth two persons1 or1 as the more common phrase is1 has two capacities1 one natural1 and another politic3 as a monarch1 hath the person not only of the commonwealth1 but also of a man2 and a sovereign assembly hath the person not only of the commonwealth1 but also of the assembly3 they that be servants to them in their natural capacity1 are not public ministers2 but those only that serve them in the administration of the public business4 ,and therefore neither ushers1 nor sergeants1 nor other officers that wait on the assembly1 for no other purpose1 but for the commodity of the men assembled1 in an aristocracy1 or democracy2 nor stewards1 chamberlains1 cofferers1 or any other officers of the household of a monarch1 are public ministers in a monarchy4 ,sidenote3 ,ministers for the general administration4 ,of public ministers1 some have charge committed to them of a general administration1 either of the whole dominion1 or of a part thereof4 ,of the whole1 as to a protector1 or regent1 may be committed by the predecessor of an infant king1 during his minority1 the whole administration of his kingdom4 ,in which case1 every subject is so far obliged to obedience1 as the ordinances he shall make1 and the commands he shall give be in the king's name1 and not inconsistent with his sovereign power4 ,of a part1 or province2 as when either a monarch1 or a sovereign assembly1 shall give the general charge thereof to a governor1 lieutenant1 prfect1 or viceroy3 and in this case also1 every one of that province is obliged to all he shall do in the name of the sovereign1 and that not incompatible with the sovereign's right4 ,for such protectors1 viceroys1 and governors1 have no other right1 but what depends on the sovereign's will2 and no commission that can be given them1 can be interpreted for a declaration of the will to transfer the sovereignty1 without express and perspicuous words to that purpose4 ,and this kind of public ministers resembleth the nerves1 and tendons that move the several limbs of a body natural4 ,sidenote3 ,for special administration1 as for economy4 ,others have special administration2 that is to say1 charges of some special business1 either at home1 or abroad3 as at home1 first1 for the economy of a commonwealth1 they that have authority concerning the treasure1 as tributes1 impositions1 rents1 fines1 or whatsoever public revenue1 to collect1 receive1 issue1 or take the accounts thereof1 are public ministers3 ministers1 because they serve the person representative1 and can do nothing against his command1 nor without his authority3 public1 because they serve him in his political capacity4 ,secondly1 they that have authority concerning the militia2 to have the custody of arms1 forts1 ports2 to levy1 pay1 or conduct soldiers2 or to provide for any necessary thing for the use of war1 either by land or sea1 are public ministers4 ,but a soldier without command1 though he fight for the commonwealth1 does not therefore represent the person of it2 because there is none to represent it to4 ,for every one that hath command1 represents it to them only whom he commandeth4 ,sidenote3 ,for instruction of the people4 ,they also that have authority to teach1 or to enable others to teach the people their duty to the sovereign power1 and instruct them in the knowledge of what is just1 and unjust1 thereby to render them more apt to live in godliness1 and in peace amongst themselves1 and resist the public enemy1 are public ministers3 ministers1 in that they do it not by their own authority1 but by another's2 and public1 because they do it1 or should do it1 by no authority but that of the sovereign4 ,the monarch1 or the sovereign assembly only hath immediate authority from ,god1 to teach and instruct the people2 and no man but the sovereign1 receiveth his power ,dei grati simply2 that is to say1 from the favour of none but ,god3 all other1 receive theirs from the favour and providence of ,god1 and their sovereigns2 as in a monarchy ,dei grati et regis2 or ,dei providenti et voluntate regis4 ,sidenote3 ,for judicature4 ,they also to whom jurisdiction is given1 are public ministers4 ,for in their seats of justice they represent the person of the sovereign2 and their sentence1 is his sentence3 for1 as hath been before declared1 all judicature is essentially annexed to the sovereignty2 and therefore all other judges are but ministers of him or them that have the sovereign power4 ,and as controversies are of two sorts1 namely of fact1 and of law2 so are judgments1 some of fact1 some of law3 and consequently in the same controversy1 there may be two judges1 one of fact1 another of law4 ,and in both these controversies1 there may arise a controversy between the party judged1 and the judge2 which because they be both subjects to the sovereign1 ought in equity to be judged by men agreed on by consent of both2 for no man can be judge in his own cause4 ,but the sovereign is already agreed on for judge by them both1 and is therefore either to hear the cause1 and determine it himself1 or appoint for judge such as they shall both agree on4 ,and this agreement is then understood to be made between them divers ways2 as first1 if the defendant be allowed to except against such of his judges1 whose interest maketh him suspect them1 7for as to the complainant1 he hath already chosen his own judge71 those which he excepteth not against1 are judges he himself agrees on4 ,secondly1 if he appeal to any other judge1 he can appeal no further2 for his appeal is his choice4 ,thirdly1 if he appeal to the sovereign himself1 and he by himself1 or by delegates which the parties shall agree on1 give sentence2 that sentence is final3 for the defendant is judged by his own judges1 that is to say1 by himself4 ,these properties of just and rational judicature considered1 ,i cannot forbear to observe the excellent constitution of the courts of justice1 established both for ,common1 and also for ,public ,pleas in ,england4 ,by ,common ,pleas1 ,i mean those1 where both the complainant and defendant are subjects3 and by public1 which are also called ,pleas of the ,crown1 those where the complainant is the sovereign4 ,for whereas there were two orders of men1 whereof one was ,lords1 the other ,commons2 the ,lords had this privilege1 to have for judges in all capital crimes1 none but ,lords2 and of them1 as many as would be present2 which being ever acknowledged as a privilege of favour1 their judges were none but such as they had themselves desired4 ,and in all controversies1 every subject1 7as also in civil controversies the ,lords71 had for judges1 men of the country where the matter in controversy lay2 against which he might make his exceptions1 till at last twelve men without exception being agreed on1 they were judged by those twelve4 ,so that having his own judges1 there could be nothing alleged by the party1 why the sentence should not be final4 ,these public persons1 with authority from the sovereign power1 either to instruct1 or judge the people1 are such members of the commonwealth1 as may fitly be compared to the organs of voice in a body natural4 ,sidenote3 ,for execution4 ,public ministers are also all those1 that have authority from the sovereign1 to procure the execution of judgments given2 to publish the sovereign's commands2 to suppress tumults2 to apprehend1 and imprison malefactors2 and other acts tending to the conservation of the peace4 ,for every act they do by such authority1 is the act of the commonwealth2 and their service1 answerable to that of the hands1 in a body natural4 ,public ministers abroad1 are those that represent the person of their own sovereign1 to foreign states4 ,such are ambassadors1 messengers1 agents1 and heralds1 sent by public authority1 and on public business4 ,but such as are sent by authority only of some private party of a troubled state1 though they be received1 are neither public1 nor private ministers of the commonwealth2 because none of their actions have the commonwealth for author4 ,likewise1 an ambassador sent from a prince1 to congratulate1 condole1 or to assist at a solemnity2 though the authority be public2 yet because the business is private1 and belonging to him in his natural capacity2 is a private person4 ,also if a man be sent into another country1 secretly to explore their counsels1 and strength2 though both the authority1 and the business be public2 yet because there is none to take notice of any person in him1 but his own2 he is but a private minister2 but yet a minister of the commonwealth2 and may be compared to an eye in the body natural4 ,and those that are appointed to receive the petitions or other informations of the people1 and are as it were the public ear1 are public ministers1 and represent their sovereign in that office4 ,sidenote3 ,councillors without other employment than to advise are not public ministers4 ,neither a councillor1 nor a council of state1 if we consider it with no authority of judicature or command1 but only of giving advice to the sovereign when it is required1 or of offering it when it is not required1 is a public person4 ,for the advice is addressed to the sovereign only1 whose person cannot in his own presence1 be represented to him1 by another4 ,but a body of councillors1 are never without some other authority1 either of judicature1 or of immediate administration3 as in a monarchy1 they represent the monarch1 in delivering his commands to the public ministers3 in a democracy1 the council1 or senate propounds the result of their deliberations to the people1 as a council2 but when they appoint judges1 or hear causes1 or give audience to ambassadors1 it is in the quality of a minister of the people3 and in an aristocracy1 the council of state is the sovereign assembly itself2 and gives counsel to none but themselves4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,nutrition1 ,,and ,,procreation ,,of ,a ,,commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,the nourishment of a commonwealth consisteth in the commodities of sea and land4 ,the ,,nutrition of a commonwealth consisteth1 in the plenty1 and distribution of materials conducing to life3 in concoction1 or preparation2 and1 when concocted1 in the conveyance of it1 by convenient conduits1 to the public use4 ,as for the plenty of matter1 it is a thing limited by nature1 to those commodities1 which from the two breasts of our common mother1 land and sea1 ,god usually either freely giveth1 or for labour selleth to mankind4 ,for the matter of this nutriment1 consisting in animals1 vegetals1 and minerals1 ,god hath freely laid them before us1 in or near to the face of the earth2 so as there needeth no more but the labour1 and industry of receiving them4 ,insomuch as plenty dependeth1 next to ,god's favour1 merely on the labour and industry of men4 ,this matter1 commonly called commodities1 is partly native1 and partly foreign3 native1 that which is to be had within the territory of the commonwealth3 foreign1 that which is imported from without4 ,and because there is no territory under the dominion of one commonwealth1 except it be of very vast extent1 that produceth all things needful for the maintenance1 and motion of the whole body2 and few that produce not some thing more than necessary2 the superfluous commodities to be had within1 become no more superfluous1 but supply these wants at home1 by importation of that which may be had abroad1 either by exchange1 or by just war1 or by labour4 ,for a man's labour also1 is a commodity exchangeable for benefit1 as well as any other thing3 and there have been commonwealths that having no more territory1 than hath served them for habitation1 have nevertheless1 not only maintained1 but also encreased their power1 partly by the labour of trading from one place to another1 and partly by selling the manufactures whereof the materials were brought in from other places4 ,sidenote3 ,and the right distribution of them4 ,the distribution of the materials of this nourishment1 is the constitution of mine1 and thine1 and his2 that is to say1 in one word propriety2 and belongeth in all kinds of commonwealth to the sovereign power4 ,for where there is no commonwealth1 there is1 as hath been already shown1 a perpetual war of every man against his neighbour2 and therefore every thing is his that getteth it1 and keepeth it by force2 which is neither propriety1 nor community2 but uncertainty4 ,which is so evident1 that even ,cicero1 a passionate defender of liberty1 in a public pleading1 attributeth all propriety to the law civil4 ,let the civil law1 saith he1 be once abandoned1 or but negligently guarded1 not to say oppressed1 and there is nothing1 that any man can be sure to receive from his ancestor1 or leave to his children4 ,and again2 ,take away the civil law1 and no man knows what is his own1 and what another man's4 ,seeing therefore the introduction of propriety is an effect of commonwealth1 which can do nothing but by the person that represents it1 it is the act only of the sovereign2 and consisteth in the laws1 which none can make that have not the sovereign power4 ,and this they well knew of old1 who called that 1 that is to say1 distribution1 which we call law2 and defined justice1 by distributing to every man his own4 ,sidenote3 ,all private estates of land proceed originally from the arbitrary distribution of the sovereign4 ,in this distribution1 the first law1 is for division of the land itself3 wherein the sovereign assigneth to every man a portion1 according as he1 and not according as any subject1 or any number of them1 shall judge agreeable to equity1 and the common good4 ,the children of ,israel1 were a commonwealth in the wilderness2 but wanted the commodities of the earth1 till they were masters of the ,land of ,promise2 which afterward was divided amongst them1 not by their own discretion1 but by the discretion of ,eleazar the ,priest1 and ,joshua their ,general1 who1 when there were twelve tribes1 making them thirteen by subdivision of the tribe of ,joseph1 made nevertheless but twelve portions of the land2 and ordained for the tribe of ,levi no land2 but assigned them the tenth part of the whole fruits2 which division was therefore arbitrary4 ,and though a people coming into possession of a land by war1 do not always exterminate the ancient inhabitants1 as did the ,jews1 but leave to many1 or most1 or all of them their estates2 yet it is manifest they hold them afterwards1 as of the victors' distribution2 as the people of ,england held all theirs of ,william the ,conqueror4 ,sidenote3 ,propriety of subject excludes not the dominion of the sovereign1 but only of another subject4 ,from whence we may collect1 that the propriety which a subject hath in his lands1 consisteth in a right to exclude all other subjects from the use of them2 and not to exclude their sovereign1 be it an assembly1 or a monarch4 ,for seeing the sovereign1 that is to say1 the commonwealth1 whose person he representeth1 is understood to do nothing but in order to the common peace and security1 this distribution of lands1 is to be understood as done in order to the same3 and consequently1 whatsoever distribution he shall make in prejudice thereof1 is contrary to the will of every subject1 that committed his peace1 and safety to his discretion1 and conscience2 and therefore by the will of every one of them1 is to be reputed void4 ,it is true1 that a sovereign monarch1 or the greater part of a sovereign assembly1 may ordain the doing of many things in pursuit of their passions1 contrary to their own consciences1 which is a breach of trust1 and of the law of nature2 but this is not enough to authorize any subject1 either to make war upon1 or so much as to accuse of injustice1 or any way to speak evil of their sovereign2 because they have authorized all his actions1 and in bestowing the sovereign power1 made them their own4 ,but in what cases the commands of sovereigns are contrary to equity1 and the law of nature1 is to be considered hereafter in another place4 ,sidenote3 ,the public is not to be dieted4 ,in the distribution of land1 the commonwealth itself1 may be conceived to have a portion1 and possess1 and improve the same by their representative2 and that such portion may be made sufficient1 to sustain the whole expense to the common peace1 and defence necessarily required4 ,which were very true1 if there could be any representative conceived free from human passions1 and infirmities4 ,but the nature of men being as it is1 the setting forth of public land1 or of any certain revenue for the commonwealth1 is in vain2 and tendeth to the dissolution of government1 and to the condition of mere nature1 and war1 as soon as ever the sovereign power falleth into the hands of a monarch1 or of an assembly1 that are either too negligent of money1 or too hazardous in engaging the public stock into a long or costly war4 ,commonwealths can endure no diet3 for seeing their expense is not limited by their own appetite1 but by external accidents1 and the appetites of their neighbours1 the public riches cannot be limited by other limits1 than those which the emergent occasions shall require4 ,and whereas in ,england1 there were by the ,conqueror1 divers lands reserved to his own use1 besides forests and chases1 either for his recreation1 or preservation of woods1 and divers services reserved on the land he gave his subjects2 yet it seems they were not reserved for his maintenance in his public1 but in his natural capacity4 ,for he1 and his successors did for all that1 lay arbitrary taxes on all subjects' land1 when they judged it necessary4 ,or if those public lands1 and services1 were ordained as a sufficient maintenance of the commonwealth1 it was contrary to the scope of the institution2 being1 as it appeared by those ensuing taxes1 insufficient1 and1 as it appears by the late small revenue of the crown1 subject to alienation and diminution4 ,it is therefore in vain1 to assign a portion to the commonwealth2 which may sell1 or give it away2 and does sell and give it away1 when it is done by their representative4 ,sidenote3 ,the places and matter of traffic depend1 as their distribution1 on the sovereign4 ,as the distribution of lands at home2 so also to assign in what places1 and for what commodities1 the subject shall traffic abroad1 belongeth to the sovereign4 ,for if it did belong to private persons to use their own discretion therein1 some of them would be drawn for gain1 both to furnish the enemy with means to hurt the commonwealth1 and hurt it themselves1 by importing such things1 as pleasing men's appetites1 be nevertheless noxious1 or at least unprofitable to them4 ,and therefore it belongeth to the commonwealth1 that is1 to the sovereign only1 to approve1 or disapprove both of the places1 and matter of foreign traffic4 ,sidenote3 ,the laws of transferring propriety belong also to the sovereign4 ,further1 seeing it is not enough to the sustentation of a commonwealth1 that every man have a propriety in a portion of land1 or in some few commodities1 or a natural property in some useful art1 and there is no art in the world1 but is necessary either for the being1 or well being almost of every particular man2 it is necessary1 that men distribute that which they can spare1 and transfer their propriety therein1 mutually one to another1 by exchange1 and mutual contract4 ,and therefore it belongeth to the commonwealth1 that is to say1 to the sovereign1 to appoint in what manner all kinds of contract between subjects1 as buying1 selling1 exchanging1 borrowing1 lending1 letting1 and taking to hire1 are to be made2 and by what words and signs they shall be understood for valid4 ,and for the matter1 and distribution of the nourishment1 to the several members of the commonwealth1 thus much1 considering the model of the whole work1 is sufficient4 ,sidenote3 ,money the blood of a commonwealth4 ,by concoction1 ,i understand the reducing of all commodities1 which are not presently consumed1 but reserved for nourishment in time to come1 to something of equal value1 and withal so portable1 as not to hinder the motion of men from place to place2 to the end a man may have in what place soever1 such nourishment as the place affordeth4 ,and this is nothing else but gold1 and silver1 and money4 ,for gold and silver1 being1 as it happens1 almost in all countries of the world highly valued1 is a commodious measure of the value of all things else between nations2 and money1 of what matter soever coined by the sovereign of a commonwealth1 is a sufficient measure of the value of all things else1 between the subjects of that commonwealth4 ,by the means of which measures1 all commodities1 moveable and immoveable1 are made to accompany a man to all places of his resort1 within and without the place of his ordinary residence2 and the same passeth from man to man1 within the commonwealth2 and goes round about1 nourishing1 as it passeth1 every part thereof2 in so much as this concoction1 is as it were the sanguification of the commonwealth3 for natural blood is in like manner made of the fruits of the earth2 and circulating1 nourisheth by the way every member of the body of man4 ,and because silver and gold have their value from the matter itself2 they have first this privilege1 that the value of them cannot be altered by the power of one1 nor of a few commonwealths2 as being a common measure of the commodities of all places4 ,but base money1 may easily be enhanced1 or abased4 ,secondly1 they have the privilege to make commonwealths move1 and stretch out their arms1 when need is1 into foreign countries3 and supply1 not only private subjects that travel1 but also whole armies with provision4 ,but that coin1 which is not considerable for the matter1 but for the stamp of the place1 being unable to endure change of air1 hath its effect at home only2 where also it is subject to the change of laws1 and thereby to have the value diminished1 to the prejudice many times of those that have it4 ,sidenote3 ,the conduits and way of money to the public use4 ,the conduits1 and ways by which it is conveyed to the public use1 are of two sorts3 one1 that conveyeth it to the public coffers2 the other1 that issueth the same out again for public payments4 ,of the first sort1 are collectors1 receivers1 and treasurers2 of the second1 are the treasurers again1 and the officers appointed for payment of several public or private ministers4 ,and in this also1 the artificial man maintains his resemblance with the natural2 whose veins receiving the blood from the several parts of the body1 carry it to the heart2 where being made vital1 the heart by the arteries sends it out again1 to enliven1 and enable for motion all the members of the same4 ,sidenote3 ,the children of a commonwealth colonies4 ,the procreation or children of a commonwealth1 are those we call plantations1 or colonies2 which are numbers of men sent out from the commonwealth1 under a conductor1 or governor1 to inhabit a foreign country1 either formerly void of inhabitants1 or made void then by war4 ,and when a colony is settled1 they are either a commonwealth of themselves1 discharged of their subjection to their sovereign that sent them1 as hath been done by many commonwealths1 of ancient time1 in which case the commonwealth from which they went1 was called their metropolis or mother1 and requires no more of them1 than fathers require of the children1 whom they emancipate and make free from their domestic government1 which is honour1 and friendship2 or else they remain united to their metropolis1 as were the colonies of the people of ,rome2 and then they are no commonwealths themselves1 but provinces1 and parts of the commonwealth that sent them4 ,so that the right of colonies1 saving honour and league with their metropolis1 dependeth wholly on their licence or letters1 by which their sovereign authorized them to plant4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,of ,,counsel4 ,sidenote3 ,counsel what4 ,how fallacious it is to judge of the nature of things by the ordinary and inconstant use of words1 appeareth in nothing more1 than in the confusion of counsels1 and commands1 arising from the imperative manner of speaking in them both1 and in many other occasions besides4 ,for the words do this1 are the words not only of him that commandeth2 but also of him that giveth counsel2 and of him that exhorteth2 and yet there are but few1 that see not that these are very different things1 or that cannot distinguish between them1 when they perceive who it is that speaketh1 and to whom the speech is directed1 and upon what occasion4 ,but finding those phrases in men's writings1 and being not able1 or not willing to enter into a consideration of the circumstances1 they mistake sometimes the precepts of counsellors1 for the precepts of them that command2 and sometimes the contrary2 according as it best agreeth with the conclusions they would infer1 or the actions they approve4 ,to avoid which mistakes1 and render to those terms of commanding1 counselling and exhorting1 their proper and distinct significations1 ,i define them thus4 ,sidenote3 ,differences between command and counsel4 ,,command is1 where a man saith1 do this1 or do not this1 without expecting other reason than the will of him that says it4 ,from this it followeth manifestly1 that he that commandeth1 pretendeth thereby his own benefit3 for the reason of his command is his own will only1 and the proper object of every man's will1 is some good to himself4 ,,counsel1 is where a man saith1 do1 or do not this1 and deduceth his reasons from the benefit that arriveth by it to him to whom he saith it4 ,and from this it is evident1 that he that giveth counsel1 pretendeth only1 whatsoever he intendeth1 the good of him1 to whom he giveth it4 ,therefore between counsel and command1 one great difference is1 that command is directed to a man's own benefit2 and counsel to the benefit of another man4 ,and from this ariseth another difference1 that a man may be obliged to do what he is commanded2 as when he hath covenanted to obey3 but he cannot be obliged to do as he is counselled1 because the hurt of not following it1 is his own2 or if he should covenant to follow it1 then is the counsel turned into the nature of a command4 ,a third difference between them is1 that no man can pretend a right to be of another man's counsel2 because he is not to pretend benefit by it to himself3 but to demand right to counsel another1 argues a will to know his designs1 or to gain some other good to himself3 which1 as ,i said before1 is of every man's will the proper object4 ,this also is incident to the nature of counsel2 that whatsoever it be1 he that asketh it1 cannot in equity accuse1 or punish it3 for to ask counsel of another1 is to permit him to give such counsel as he shall think best2 and consequently1 he that giveth counsel to his sovereign1 whether a monarch1 or an assembly1 when he asketh it1 cannot in equity be punished for it1 whether the same be conformable to the opinion of the most1 or not1 so it be to the proposition in debate4 ,for if the sense of the assembly can be taken notice of1 before the debate be ended1 they should neither ask1 nor take any further counsel2 for the sense of the assembly1 is the resolution of the debate1 and end of all deliberation4 ,and generally he that demandeth counsel1 is author of it2 and therefore cannot punish it2 and what the sovereign cannot1 no man else can4 ,but if one subject giveth counsel to another1 to do anything contrary to the laws1 whether that counsel proceed from evil intention1 or from ignorance only1 it is punishable by the commonwealth2 because ignorance of the law is no good excuse1 where every man is bound to take notice of the laws to which he is subject4 ,sidenote3 ,exhortation and dehortation what4 ,,exhortation and ,,dehortation is counsel1 accompanied with signs in him that giveth it1 of vehement desire to have it followed3 or to say it more briefly1 counsel vehemently pressed4 ,for he that exhorteth1 doth not deduce the consequences of what he adviseth to be done1 and tie himself therein to the rigour of true reasoning2 but encourages him he counselleth to action3 as he that dehorteth1 deterreth him from it4 ,and1 therefore1 they have in their speeches1 a regard to the common passions and opinions of men1 in deducing their reasons2 and make use of similitudes1 metaphors1 examples1 and other tools of oratory1 to persuade their hearers of the utility1 honour1 or justice of following their advice4 ,from whence may be inferred1 first1 that exhortation and dehortation is directed to the good of him that giveth the counsel1 not of him that asketh it1 which is contrary to the duty of a counsellor2 who1 by the definition of counsel1 ought to regard not his own benefit1 but his whom he adviseth4 ,and that he directeth his counsel to his own benefit1 is manifest enough1 by the long and vehement urging1 or by the artificial giving thereof2 which being not required of him1 and consequently proceeding from his own occasions1 is directed principally to his own benefit1 and but accidentally to the good of him that is counselled1 or not at all4 ,secondly1 that the use of exhortation and dehortation lieth only where a man is to speak to a multitude2 because when the speech is addressed to one1 he may interrupt him1 and examine his reasons more rigorously than can be done in a multitude2 which are too many to enter into dispute1 and dialogue with him that speaketh indifferently to them all at once4 ,thirdly1 that they that exhort and dehort1 where they are required to give counsel1 are corrupt counsellors1 and as it were bribed by their own interest4 ,for though the counsel they give be never so good2 yet he that gives it1 is no more a good counsellor1 than he that giveth a just sentence for a reward1 is a just judge4 ,but where a man may lawfully command1 as a father in his family1 or a leader in an army1 his exhortations and dehortations1 are not only lawful1 but also necessary1 and laudable4 ,but then they are no more counsels1 but commands2 which when they are for execution of sour labour1 sometimes necessity1 and always humanity requireth to be sweetened in the delivery1 by encouragement1 and in the tune and phrase of counsel1 rather than in harsher language of command4 ,examples of the difference between command and counsel1 we may take from the forms of speech that express them in ,holy ,scripture4 ,have no other ,gods but me2 make to thyself no graven image2 take not ,god's name in vain2 sanctify the sabbath2 honour thy parents2 kill not2 steal not1 c4 are commands2 because the reason for which we are to obey them1 is drawn from the will of ,god our king1 whom we are obliged to obey4 ,but these words1 ,sell all thou hast2 give it to the poor2 and follow me1 are counsel2 because the reason for which we are to do so1 is drawn from our own benefit2 which is this1 that we shall have treasure in ,heaven4 ,these words1 ,go into the village over against you1 and you shall find an ass tied1 and her colt2 loose her1 and bring her to me1 are a command3 for the reason of their fact is drawn from the will of their ,master3 but these words1 ,repent and be baptized in the name of ,jesus1 are counsel2 because the reason why we should so do1 tendeth not to any benefit of ,god ,almighty1 who shall still be king in what manner soever we rebel2 but of ourselves1 who have no other means of avoiding the punishment hanging over us for our sins4 ,sidenote3 ,differences of fit and unfit counsellors4 ,as the difference of counsel from command1 hath been now deduced from the nature of counsel1 consisting in a deducing of the benefit1 or hurt that may arise to him that is to be counselled1 by the necessary or probable consequences of the action he propoundeth2 so may also the differences between apt and inept counsellors be derived from the same4 ,for experience1 being but memory of the consequences of like actions formerly observed1 and counsel but the speech whereby that experience is made known to another2 the virtues1 and defects of counsel1 are the same with the virtues1 and defects intellectual3 and to the person of a commonwealth1 his counsellors serve him in the place of memory1 and mental discourse4 ,but with this resemblance of the commonwealth1 to a natural man1 there is one dissimilitude joined1 of great importance2 which is1 that a natural man receiveth his experience1 from the natural objects of sense1 which work upon him without passion1 or interest of their own2 whereas they that give counsel to the representative person of a commonwealth1 may have1 and have often their particular ends and passions1 that render their counsels always suspected1 and many times unfaithful4 ,and therefore we may set down for the first condition of a good counsellor1 that his ends1 and interests1 be not inconsistent with the ends and interests of him he counselleth4 ,secondly1 because the office of a counsellor1 when an action comes into deliberation1 is to make manifest the consequences of it1 in such manner1 as he that is counselled may be truly and evidently informed2 he ought to propound his advice1 in such form of speech1 as may make the truth most evidently appear2 that is to say1 with as firm ratiocination1 as significant and proper language1 and as briefly1 as the evidence will permit4 ,and therefore rash and unevident inferences1 such as are fetched only from examples1 or authority of books1 and are not arguments of what is good1 or evil1 but witnesses of fact1 or of opinion2 obscure1 confused1 and ambiguous expressions1 also all metaphorical speeches1 tending to the stirring up of passion1 7because such reasoning1 and such expressions1 are useful only to deceive1 or to lead him we counsel towards other ends than his own7 are repugnant to the office of a counsellor4 ,thirdly1 because the ability of counselling proceedeth from experience1 and long study2 and no man is presumed to have experience in all those things that to the administration of a great commonwealth are necessary to be known1 no man is presumed to be a good counsellor1 but in such business1 as he hath not only been much versed in1 but hath also much meditated on1 and considered4 ,for seeing the business of a commonwealth is this1 to preserve the people in peace at home1 and defend them against foreign invasion1 we shall find1 it requires great knowledge of the disposition of mankind1 of the rights of government1 and of the nature of equity1 law1 justice1 and honour1 not to be attained without study2 and of the strength1 commodities1 places1 both of their own country1 and their neighbours2 as also of the inclinations1 and designs of all nations that may any way annoy them4 ,and this is not attained to1 without much experience4 ,of which things1 not only the whole sum1 but every one of the particulars requires the age1 and observation of a man in years1 and of more than ordinary study4 ,the wit required for counsel1 as ,i have said before 7chap4 ,,viii47 is judgment4 ,and the differences of men in that point come from different education1 of some to one kind of study or business1 and of others to another4 ,when for the doing of any thing1 there be infallible rules1 as in engines and edifices1 the rules of geometry1 all the experience of the world cannot equal his counsel1 that has learnt1 or found out the rule4 ,and when there is no such rule1 he that hath most experience in that particular kind of business1 has therein the best judgment1 and is the best counsellor4 ,fourthly1 to be able to give counsel to a commonwealth1 in a business that hath reference to another commonwealth1 it is necessary to be acquainted with the intelligences1 and letters that come from thence1 and with all the records of treaties1 and other transactions of state between them2 which none can do1 but such as the representative shall think fit4 ,by which we may see1 that they who are not called to counsel1 can have no good counsel in such cases to obtrude4 ,fifthly1 supposing the number of counsellors equal1 a man is better counselled by hearing them apart1 than in an assembly2 and that for many causes4 ,first1 in hearing them apart1 you have the advice of every man2 but in an assembly many of them deliver their advice with aye1 or no1 or with their hands1 or feet1 not moved by their own sense1 but by the eloquence of another1 or for fear of displeasing some that have spoken1 or the whole assembly1 by contradiction2 or for fear of appearing duller in apprehension1 than those that have applauded the contrary opinion4 ,secondly1 in an assembly of many1 there cannot choose but be some whose interests are contrary to that of the public2 and these their interests make passionate1 and passion eloquent1 and eloquence draws others into the same advice4 ,for the passions of men1 which asunder are moderate1 as the heat of one brand2 in an assembly are like many brands1 that inflame one another1 especially when they blow one another with orations1 to the setting of the commonwealth on fire1 under pretence of counselling it4 ,thirdly1 in hearing every man apart1 one may examine1 when there is need1 the truth1 or probability of his reasons1 and of the grounds of the advice he gives1 by frequent interruptions1 and objections2 which cannot be done in an assembly1 where1 in every difficult question1 a man is rather astonied1 and dazzled with the variety of discourse upon it1 than informed of the course he ought to take4 ,besides1 there cannot be an assembly of many1 called together for advice1 wherein there be not some1 that have the ambition to be thought eloquent1 and also learned in the politics2 and give not their advice with care of the business propounded1 but of the applause of their motley orations1 made of the divers coloured threds1 or shreads of authors2 which is an impertinence at least1 that takes away the time of serious consultation1 and in the secret way of counselling apart1 is easily avoided4 ,fourthly1 in deliberations that ought to be kept secret1 whereof there be many occasions in public business1 the counsels of many1 and especially in assemblies1 are dangerous2 and therefore great assemblies are necessitated to commit such affairs to lesser numbers1 and of such persons as are most versed1 and in whose fidelity they have most confidence4 ,to conclude1 who is there that so far approves the taking of counsel from a great assembly of counsellors1 that wisheth for1 or would accept of their pains1 when there is a question of marrying his children1 disposing of his lands1 governing his household1 or managing his private estate1 especially if there be amongst them such as wish not his prosperity8 ,a man that doth his business by the help of many and prudent counsellors1 with every one consulting apart in his proper element1 does it best1 as he that useth able seconds at tennis play1 placed in their proper stations4 ,he does next best1 that useth his own judgment only2 as he that has no second at all4 ,but he that is carried up and down to his business in a framed counsel1 which cannot move but by the plurality of consenting opinions1 the execution whereof is commonly1 out of envy or interest1 retarded by the part dissenting1 does it worst of all1 and like one that is carried to the ball1 though by good players1 yet in a wheel-barrow1 or other frame1 heavy of itself1 and retarded also by the inconcurrent judgments1 and endeavours of them that drive it2 and so much the more1 as they be more that set their hands to it2 and most of all1 when there is one1 or more amongst them1 that desire to have him lose4 ,and though it be true1 that many eyes see more than one2 yet it is not to be understood of many counsellors2 but then only1 when the final resolution is in one man4 ,otherwise1 because many eyes see the same thing in divers lines1 and are apt to look asquint towards their private benefit2 they that desire not to miss their mark1 though they look about with two eyes1 yet they never aim but with one2 and therefore no great popular commonwealth was ever kept up1 but either by a foreign enemy that united them2 or by the reputation of some eminent man amongst them2 or by the secret counsel of a few2 or by the mutual fear of equal factions2 and not by the open consultations of the assembly4 ,and as for very little commonwealths1 be they popular1 or monarchical1 there is no human wisdom can uphold them1 longer than the jealousy lasteth of their potent neighbours4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,of ,,civil ,,laws4 ,sidenote3 ,civil law what4 ,by ,,civil ,,laws1 ,i understand the laws1 that men are therefore bound to observe1 because they are members1 not of this1 or that commonwealth in particular1 but of a commonwealth4 ,for the knowledge of particular laws belongeth to them1 that profess the study of the laws of their several countries2 but the knowledge of civil law in general1 to any man4 ,the ancient law of ,rome was called their civil law1 from the word civitas1 which signifies a commonwealth3 and those countries1 which having been under the ,roman empire1 and governed by that law1 retain still such part thereof as they think fit1 call that part the civil law1 to distinguish it from the rest of their own civil laws4 ,but that is not it ,i intend to speak of here2 my design being not to show what is law here1 and there2 but what is law2 as ,plato1 ,aristotle1 ,cicero1 and divers others have done1 without taking upon them the profession of the study of the law4 ,and first it is manifest1 that law in general1 is not counsel1 but command2 nor a command of any man to any man2 but only of him1 whose command is addressed to one formerly obliged to obey him4 ,and as for civil law1 it addeth only the name of the person commanding1 which is persona civitatis1 the person of the commonwealth4 ,which considered1 ,i define civil law in this manner4 ,,civil ,,law1 is to every subject1 those rules1 which the commonwealth hath commanded him1 by word1 writing1 or other sufficient sign of the will1 to make use of1 for the distinction of right1 and wrong2 that is to say1 of what is contrary1 and what is not contrary to the rule4 ,in which definition1 there is nothing that is not at first sight evident4 ,for every man seeth1 that some laws are addressed to all the subjects in general2 some to particular provinces2 some to particular vocations2 and some to particular men2 and are therefore laws1 to every of those to whom the command is directed1 and to none else4 ,as also1 that laws are the rules of just1 and unjust2 nothing being reputed unjust1 that is not contrary to some law4 ,likewise1 that none can make laws but the commonwealth2 because our subjection is to the commonwealth only3 and that commands1 are to be signified by sufficient signs2 because a man knows not otherwise how to obey them4 ,and therefore1 whatsoever can from this definition by necessary consequence be deduced1 ought to be acknowledged for truth4 ,now ,i deduce from it this that followeth4 ,sidenote3 ,the sovereign is legislator4 #a4 ,the legislator in all commonwealths1 is only the sovereign1 be he one man1 as in a monarchy1 or one assembly of men1 as in a democracy1 or aristocracy4 ,for the legislator is he that maketh the law4 ,and the commonwealth only prescribes1 and commandeth the observation of those rules1 which we call law3 therefore the commonwealth is the legislator4 ,but the commonwealth is no person1 nor has capacity to do anything1 but by the representative1 that is1 the sovereign2 and therefore the sovereign is the sole legislator4 ,for the same reason1 none can abrogate a law made1 but the sovereign2 because a law is not abrogated1 but by another law1 that forbiddeth it to be put in execution4 ,sidenote3 ,and not subject to civil law4 #b4 ,the sovereign of a commonwealth1 be it an assembly1 or one man1 is not subject to the civil laws4 ,for having power to make1 and repeal laws1 he may when he pleaseth1 free himself from that subjection1 by repealing those laws that trouble him1 and making of new2 and consequently he was free before4 ,for he is free1 that can be free when he will3 nor is it possible for any person to be bound to himself2 because he that can bind1 can release2 and therefore he that is bound to himself only1 is not bound4 ,sidenote3 ,use1 a law not by virtue of time1 but of the sovereign's consent4 #c4 ,when long use obtaineth the authority of a law1 it is not the length of time that maketh the authority1 but the will of the sovereign signified by his silence1 for silence is sometimes an argument of consent2 and it is no longer law1 than the sovereign shall be silent therein4 ,and therefore if the sovereign shall have a question of right grounded1 not upon his present will1 but upon the laws formerly made2 the length of time shall bring no prejudice to his right2 but the question shall be judged by equity4 ,for many unjust actions1 and unjust sentences1 go uncontrolled a longer time than any man can remember4 ,and our lawyers account no customs law1 but such as are reasonable1 and that evil customs are to be abolished4 ,but the judgment of what is reasonable1 and of what is to be abolished1 belongeth to him that maketh the law1 which is the sovereign assembly1 or monarch4 ,sidenote3 ,the law of nature1 and the civil law contain each other4 #d4 ,the law of nature1 and the civil law1 contain each other1 and are of equal extent4 ,for the laws of nature1 which consist in equity1 justice1 gratitude1 and other moral virtues on these depending1 in the condition of mere nature1 as ,i have said before in the end of the fifteenth chapter1 are not properly laws1 but qualities that dispose men to peace and obedience4 ,when a commonwealth is once settled1 then are they actually laws1 and not before2 as being then the commands of the commonwealth2 and therefore also civil laws3 for it is the sovereign power that obliges men to obey them4 ,for in the differences of private men1 to declare1 what is equity1 what is justice1 and what is moral virtue1 and to make them binding1 there is need of the ordinances of sovereign power1 and punishments to be ordained for such as shall break them2 which ordinances are therefore part of the civil law4 ,the law of nature therefore is a part of the civil law in all commonwealths of the world4 ,reciprocally also1 the civil law is a part of the dictates of nature4 ,for justice1 that is to say1 performance of covenant1 and giving to every man his own1 is a dictate of the law of nature4 ,but every subject in a commonwealth1 hath convenanted to obey the civil law2 either one with another1 as when they assemble to make a common representative1 or with the representative itself one by one1 when subdued by the sword they promise obedience1 that they may receive life2 and therefore obedience to the civil law is part also of the law of nature4 ,civil1 and natural law are not different kinds1 but different parts of law2 whereof one part being written1 is called civil1 the other unwritten1 natural4 ,but the right of nature1 that is1 the natural liberty of man1 may by the civil law be abridged1 and restrained3 nay1 the end of making laws1 is no other1 but such restraint2 without the which there cannot possibly be any peace4 ,and law was brought into the world for nothing else1 but to limit the natural liberty of particular men1 in such manner1 as they might not hurt1 but assist one another1 and join together against a common enemy4 ,sidenote3 ,provincial laws are not made by custom1 but by the sovereign power4 #e4 ,if the sovereign of one commonwealth1 subdue a people that have lived under other written laws1 and afterwards govern them by the same laws1 by which they were governed before2 yet those laws are the civil laws of the victor1 and not of the vanquished commonwealth4 ,for the legislator is he1 not by whose authority the laws were first made1 but by whose authority they now continue to be laws4 ,and therefore where there be divers provinces1 within the dominion of a commonwealth1 and in those provinces diversity of laws1 which commonly are called the customs of each several province1 we are not to understand that such customs have their force1 only from length of time2 but that they were anciently laws written1 or otherwise made known1 for the constitutions1 and statutes of their sovereigns2 and are now laws1 not by virtue of the prescription of time1 but by the constitutions of their present sovereigns4 ,but if an unwritten law1 in all the provinces of a dominion1 shall be generally observed1 and no iniquity appear in the use thereof2 that law can be no other but a law of nature1 equally obliging all mankind4 ,sidenote3 ,some foolish opinions of lawyers concerning the making of laws4 #f4 ,seeing then all laws1 written and unwritten1 have their authority and force1 from the will of the commonwealth2 that is to say1 from the will of the representative2 which in a monarchy is the monarch1 and in other commonwealths the sovereign assembly2 a man may wonder from whence proceed such opinions1 as are found in the books of lawyers of eminence in several commonwealths1 directly1 or by consequence making the legislative power depend on private men1 or subordinate judges4 ,as for example1 that the common law1 hath no controller but the parliament2 which is true only where a parliament has the sovereign power1 and cannot be assembled1 nor dissolved1 but by their own discretion4 ,for if there be a right in any else to dissolve them1 there is a right also to control them1 and consequently to control their controllings4 ,and if there be no such right1 then the controller of laws is not parliamentum1 but rex in parliamento4 ,and where a parliament is sovereign1 if it should assemble never so many1 or so wise men1 from the countries subject to them1 for whatsoever cause2 yet there is no man will believe1 that such an assembly hath thereby acquired to themselves a legislative power4 ,item1 that the two arms of a commonwealth1 are force and justice2 the first whereof is in the king2 the other deposited in the hands of the parliament4 ,as if a commonwealth could consist1 where the force were in any hand1 which justice had not the authority to command and govern4 ,sidenote3 ,sir ,edw4 ,coke upon ,littleton1 lib4 #b1 ch4 #f1 fol4 #ig1 b4 #g4 ,that law can never be against reason1 our lawyers are agreed2 and that not the letter1 that is every construction of it1 but that which is according to the intention of the legislator1 is the law4 ,and it is true3 but the doubt is of whose reason it is1 that shall be received for law4 ,it is not meant of any private reason2 for then there would be as much contradiction in the laws1 as there is in the ,schools2 nor yet1 as ,sir ,edward ,coke makes it1 an artificial perfection of reason1 gotten by long study1 observation1 and experience1 as his was4 ,for it is possible long study may increase1 and confirm erroneous sentences3 and where men build on false grounds1 the more they build1 the greater is the ruin3 and of those that study1 and observe with equal time and diligence1 the reasons and resolutions are1 and must remain discordant3 and therefore it is not that juris prudentia1 or wisdom of subordinate judges2 but the reason of this our artificial man the commonwealth1 and his command1 that maketh law3 and the commonwealth being in their representative but one person1 there cannot easily arise any contradiction in the laws2 and when there doth1 the same reason is able1 by interpretation1 or alteration1 to take it away4 ,in all courts of justice1 the sovereign1 which is the person of the commonwealth1 is he that judgeth3 the subordinate judge1 ought to have regard to the reason1 which moved his sovereign to make such law1 that his sentence may be according thereunto2 which then is his sovereign's sentence2 otherwise it is his own1 and an unjust one4 ,sidenote3 ,law made1 if not also made known1 is no law4 #h4 ,from this1 that the law is a command1 and a command consisteth in declaration1 or manifestation of the will of him that commandeth1 by voice1 writing1 or some other sufficient argument of the same1 we may understand1 that the command of the commonwealth is law only to those1 that have means to take notice of it4 ,over natural fools1 children1 or madmen1 there is no law1 no more than over brute beasts2 nor are they capable of the title of just1 or unjust2 because they had never power to make any covenant1 or to understand the consequences thereof2 and consequently never took upon them to authorize the actions of any sovereign1 as they must do that make to themselves a commonwealth4 ,and as those from whom nature or accident hath taken away the notice of all laws in general2 so also every man1 from whom any accident1 not proceeding from his own default1 hath taken away the means to take notice of any particular law1 is excused1 if he observe it not3 and to speak properly1 that law is no law to him4 ,it is therefore necessary1 to consider in this place1 what arguments1 and signs be sufficient for the knowledge of what is the law2 that is to say1 what is the will of the sovereign1 as well in monarchies1 as in other forms of government4 ,sidenote3 ,unwritten laws are all of them laws of nature4 ,and first1 if it be a law that obliges all the subjects without exception1 and is not written1 nor otherwise published in such places as they may take notice thereof1 it is a law of nature4 ,for whatsoever men are to take knowledge of for law1 not upon other men's words1 but every one from his own reason1 must be such as is agreeable to the reason of all men2 which no law can be1 but the law of nature4 ,the laws of nature therefore need not any publishing1 nor proclamation2 as being contained in this one sentence1 approved by all the world1 ,do not that to another1 which thou thinkest unreasonable to be done by another to thyself4 ,secondly1 if it be a law that obliges only some condition of men1 or one particular man1 and be not written1 nor published by word1 then also it is a law of nature2 and known by the same arguments1 and signs1 that distinguish those in such a condition1 from other subjects4 ,for whatsoever law is not written1 or some way published by him that makes it law1 can be known no way1 but by the reason of him that is to obey it2 and is therefore also a law not only civil1 but natural4 ,for example1 if the sovereign employ a public minister1 without written instructions what to do2 he is obliged to take for instructions the dictates of reason2 as if he make a judge1 the judge is to take notice1 that his sentence ought to be according to the reason of his sovereign1 which being always understood to be equity1 he is bound to it by the law of nature3 or if an ambassador1 he is1 in all things not contained in his written instructions1 to take for instruction that which reason dictates to be most conducing to his sovereign's interest2 and so of all other ministers of the sovereignty1 public and private4 ,all which instructions of natural reason may be comprehended under one name of fidelity2 which is a branch of natural justice4 ,the law of nature excepted1 it belongeth to the essence of all other laws1 to be made known1 to every man that shall be obliged to obey them1 either by word1 or writing1 or some other act1 known to proceed from the sovereign authority4 ,for the will of another cannot be understood1 but by his own word1 or act1 or by conjecture taken from his scope and purpose2 which in the person of the commonwealth1 is to be supposed always consonant to equity and reason4 ,and in ancient time1 before letters were in common use1 the laws were many times put into verse2 that the rude people taking pleasure in singing1 or reciting them1 might the more easily retain them in memory4 ,and for the same reason ,solomon 7,prov4 vii4 #c7 adviseth a man1 to bind the ten commandments upon his ten fingers4 ,and for the law which ,moses gave to the people of ,israel at the renewing of the covenant 7,deut4 xi4 #ai71 he biddeth them to teach it their children1 by discoursing of it both at home1 and upon the way2 at going to bed1 and at rising from bed2 and to write it upon the posts1 and doors of their houses2 and 7,deut4 xxxi4 #ab7 to assemble the people1 man1 woman1 and child1 to hear it read4 ,sidenote3 ,nothing is law where the legislator cannot be known4 ,nor is it enough the law be written1 and published2 but also that there be manifest signs1 that it proceedeth from the will of the sovereign4 ,for private men1 when they have1 or think they have force enough to secure their unjust designs1 and convoy them safely to their ambitious ends1 may publish for laws what they please1 without1 or against the legislative authority4 ,there is therefore requisite1 not only a declaration of the law1 but also sufficient signs of the author and authority4 ,the author1 or legislator is supposed in every commonwealth to be evident1 because he is the sovereign1 who having been constituted by the consent of every one1 is supposed by every one to be sufficiently known4 ,and though the ignorance and security of men be such1 for the most part1 as that when the memory of the first constitution of their commonwealth is worn out1 they do not consider1 by whose power they used to be defended against their enemies1 and to have their industry protected1 and to be righted when injury is done them2 yet because no man that considers1 can make question of it1 no excuse can be derived from the ignorance of where the sovereignty is placed4 ,and it is a dictate of natural reason1 and consequently an evident law of nature1 that no man ought to weaken that power1 the protection whereof he hath himself demanded1 or wittingly received against others4 ,therefore of who is sovereign1 no man1 but by his own fault1 7whatsoever evil men suggest17 can make any doubt4 ,sidenote3 ,difference between verifying authorizing4 ,the difficulty consisteth in the evidence of the authority derived from him2 the removing whereof1 dependeth on the knowledge of the public registers1 public counsels1 public ministers1 and public seals2 by which all laws are sufficiently verified2 verified1 ,i say1 not authorized3 for the verification1 is but the testimony and record1 not the authority of the law2 which consisteth in the command of the sovereign only4 ,sidenote3 ,the law verified by the subordinate judge4 ,if therefore a man have a question of injury1 depending on the law of nature2 that is to say1 on common equity2 the sentence of the judge1 that by commission hath authority to take cognizance of such causes1 is a sufficient verification of the law of nature in that individual case4 ,for though the advice of one that professeth the study of the law1 be useful for the avoiding of contention2 yet it is but advice3 it is the judge must tell men what is law1 upon the hearing of the controversy4 ,sidenote3 ,by the public registers4 ,but when the question is of injury1 or crime1 upon a written law2 every man by recourse to the registers1 by himself or others1 may1 if he will1 be sufficiently informed1 before he do such injury1 or commit the crime1 whether it be an injury1 or not3 nay he ought to do so3 for when a man doubts whether the act he goeth about1 be just1 or unjust2 and may inform himself1 if he will2 the doing is unlawful4 ,in like manner1 he that supposeth himself injured1 in a case determined by the written law1 which he may1 by himself or others1 see and consider2 if he complain before he consults with the law1 he does unjustly1 and bewrayeth a disposition rather to vex other men1 than to demand his own right4 ,sidenote3 ,by letters patent and public seal4 ,if the question be of obedience to a public officer2 to have seen his commission1 with the public seal1 and heard it read2 or to have had the means to be informed of it1 if a man would1 is a sufficient verification of his authority4 ,for every man is obliged to do his best endeavour1 to inform himself of all written laws1 that may concern his own future actions4 ,sidenote3 ,the interpretation of the law dependeth on the sovereign power4 ,the legislator known2 and the laws1 either by writing1 or by the light of nature1 sufficiently published2 there wanteth yet another very material circumstance to make them obligatory4 ,for it is not the letter1 but the intendment1 or meaning1 that is to say1 the authentic interpretation of the law 7which is the sense of the legislator71 in which the nature of the law consisteth2 and therefore the interpretation of all laws dependeth on the authority sovereign2 and the interpreters can be none but those1 which the sovereign1 to whom only the subject oweth obedience1 shall appoint4 ,for else1 by the craft of an interpreter1 the law may be made to bear a sense1 contrary to that of the sovereign3 by which means the interpreter becomes the legislator4 ,sidenote3 ,all laws need interpretation4 ,all laws1 written1 and unwritten1 have need of interpretation4 ,the unwritten law of nature1 though it be easy to such1 as without partiality and passion1 make use of their natural reason1 and therefore leaves the violators thereof without excuse2 yet considering there be very few1 perhaps none1 that in some cases are not blinded by self-love1 or some other passion2 it is now become of all laws the most obscure1 and has consequently the greatest need of able interpreters4 ,the written laws1 if they be short1 are easily misinterpreted1 from the divers significations of a word1 or two3 if long1 they be more obscure by the divers significations of many words3 insomuch as no written law1 delivered in few1 or many words1 can be well understood1 without a perfect understanding of the final causes1 for which the law was made2 the knowledge of which final causes is in the legislator4 ,to him therefore there cannot be any knot in the law1 insoluble2 either by finding out the ends1 to undo it by2 or else by making what ends he will1 as ,alexander did with his sword in the ,gordian knot1 by the legislative power2 which no other interpreter can do4 ,sidenote3 ,the authentical interpretation of law is not that of writers4 ,the interpretation of the laws of nature1 in a commonwealth1 dependeth not on the books of moral philosophy4 ,the authority of writers1 without the authority of the commonwealth1 maketh not their opinions law1 be they never so true4 ,that which ,i have written in this treatise1 concerning the moral virtues1 and of their necessity for the procuring1 and maintaining peace1 though it be evident truth1 is not therefore presently law2 but because in all commonwealths in the world1 it is part of the civil law4 ,for though it be naturally reasonable2 yet it is by the sovereign power that it is law3 otherwise1 it were a great error1 to call the laws of nature unwritten law2 whereof we see so many volumes published1 and in them so many contradictions of one another1 and of themselves4 ,sidenote3 ,the interpreter of the law is the judge giving sentence viva voce in every particular case4 ,the interpretation of the law of nature1 is the sentence of the judge constituted by the sovereign authority1 to hear and determine such controversies1 as depend thereon2 and consisteth in the application of the law to the present case4 ,for in the act of judicature1 the judge doth no more but consider1 whether the demand of the party1 be consonant to natural reason1 and equity2 and the sentence he giveth1 is therefore the interpretation of the law of nature2 which interpretation is authentic2 not because it is his private sentence2 but because he giveth it by authority of the sovereign1 whereby it becomes the sovereign's sentence2 which is law for that time1 to the parties pleading4 ,sidenote3 ,the sentence of a judge does not bind him1 or another judge to give like sentence in like cases ever after4 ,but because there is no judge subordinate1 nor sovereign1 but may err in a judgment of equity2 if afterward in another like case he find it more consonant to equity to give a contrary sentence1 he is obliged to do it4 ,no man's error becomes his own law2 nor obliges him to persist in it4 ,neither1 for the same reason1 becomes it a law to other judges1 though sworn to follow it4 ,for though a wrong sentence given by authority of the sovereign1 if he know and allow it1 in such laws as are mutable1 be a constitution of a new law1 in cases1 in which every little circumstance is the same2 yet in laws immutable1 such as are the laws of nature1 they are no laws to the same or other judges1 in the like cases for ever after4 ,princes succeed one another2 and one judge passeth1 another cometh2 nay1 heaven and earth shall pass2 but not one tittle of the law of nature shall pass2 for it is the eternal law of ,god4 ,therefore all the sentences of precedent judges that have ever been1 cannot altogether make a law contrary to natural equity3 nor any examples of former judges1 can warrant an unreasonable sentence1 or discharge the present judge of the trouble of studying what is equity1 in the case he is to judge1 from the principles of his own natural reason4 ,for example sake1 it is against the law of nature1 to punish the innocent2 and innocent is he that acquitteth himself judicially1 and is acknowledged for innocent by the judge4 ,put the case now1 that a man is accused of a capital crime1 and seeing the power and malice of some enemy1 and the frequent corruption and partiality of judges1 runneth away for fear of the event1 and afterwards is taken1 and brought to a legal trial1 and maketh it sufficiently appear1 he was not guilty of the crime1 and being thereof acquitted1 is nevertheless condemned to lose his goods2 this is a manifest condemnation of the innocent4 ,i say therefore1 that there is no place in the world1 where this can be an interpretation of a law of nature1 or be made a law by the sentences of precedent judges1 that had done the same4 ,for he that judged it first1 judged unjustly2 and no injustice can be a pattern of judgment to succeeding judges4 ,a written law may forbid innocent men to fly1 and they may be punished for flying3 but that flying for fear of injury1 should be taken for presumption of guilt1 after a man is already absolved of the crime judicially1 is contrary to the nature of a presumption1 which hath no place after judgment given4 ,yet this is set down by a great lawyer for the common law of ,england4 ,if a man1 saith he1 that is innocent1 be accused of felony1 and for fear flyeth for the same2 albeit he judicially acquitteth himself of the felony2 yet if it be found that he fled for the felony1 he shall notwithstanding his innocency1 forfeit all his goods1 chattels1 debts1 and duties4 ,for as to the forfeiture of them1 the law will admit no proof against the presumption in law1 grounded upon his flight4 ,here you see1 an innocent man judicially acquitted1 notwithstanding his innocency1 when no written law forbad him to fly1 after his acquittal1 upon a presumption in law1 condemned to lose all the goods he hath4 ,if the law ground upon his flight a presumption of the fact1 which was capital1 the sentence ought to have been capital3 if the presumption were not of the fact1 for what then ought he to lose his goods8 ,this therefore is no law of ,england2 nor is the condemnation grounded upon a presumption of law1 but upon the presumption of the judges4 ,it is also against law1 to say that no proof shall be admitted against a presumption of law4 ,for all judges1 sovereign and subordinate1 if they refuse to hear proof1 refuse to do justice3 for though the sentence be just1 yet the judges that condemn without hearing the proofs offered1 are unjust judges2 and their presumption is but prejudice2 which no man ought to bring with him to the seat of justice1 whatsoever precedent judgments1 or examples he shall pretend to follow4 ,there be other things of this nature1 wherein men's judgments have been perverted1 by trusting to precedents3 but this is enough to show1 that though the sentence of the judge1 be a law to the party pleading1 yet it is no law to any judge1 that shall succeed him in that office4 ,in like manner1 when question is of the meaning of written laws1 he is not the interpreter of them1 that writeth a commentary upon them4 ,for commentaries are commonly more subject to cavil1 than the text2 and therefore need other commentaries2 and so there will be no end of such interpretation4 ,and therefore unless there be an interpreter authorized by the sovereign1 from which the subordinate judges are not to recede1 the interpreter can be no other than the ordinary judges1 in the same manner1 as they are in cases of the unwritten law2 and their sentences are to be taken by them that plead1 for laws in that particular case2 but not to bind other judges1 in like cases to give like judgments4 ,for a judge may err in the interpretation even of written laws2 but no error of a subordinate judge1 can change the law1 which is the general sentence of the sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,the difference between the letter and sentence of the law4 ,in written laws1 men use to make a difference between the letter1 and the sentence of the law3 and when by the letter1 is meant whatsoever can be gathered from the bare words1 it is well distinguished4 ,for the significations of almost all words1 are either in themselves1 or in the metaphorical use of them1 ambiguous2 and may be drawn in argument1 to make many senses2 but there is only one sense of the law4 ,but if by the letter1 be meant the literal sense1 then the letter1 and the sentence or intention of the law1 is all one4 ,for the literal sense is that1 which the legislator intended1 should by the letter of the law be signified4 ,now the intention of the legislator is always supposed to be equity3 for it were a great contumely for a judge to think otherwise of the sovereign4 ,he ought therefore1 if the word of the law do not fully authorize a reasonable sentence1 to supply it with the law of nature2 or if the case be difficult1 to respite judgment till he have received more ample authority4 ,for example1 a written law ordaineth1 that he which is thrust out of his house by force1 shall be restored by force3 it happens that a man by negligence leaves his house empty1 and returning is kept out by force1 in which case there is no special law ordained4 ,it is evident that this case is contained in the same law3 for else there is no remedy for him at all2 which is to be supposed against the intention of the legislator4 ,again1 the word of the law commandeth to judge according to the evidence3 a man is accused falsely of a fact1 which the judge himself saw done by another1 and not by him that is accused4 ,in this case neither shall the letter of the law be followed to the condemnation of the innocent1 nor shall the judge give sentence against the evidence of the witnesses2 because the letter of the law is to the contrary3 but procure of the sovereign that another be made judge1 and himself witness4 ,so that the incommodity that follows the bare words of a written law1 may lead him to the intention of the law1 whereby to interpret the same the better2 though no incommodity can warrant a sentence against the law4 ,for every judge of right1 and wrong1 is not judge of what is commodious1 or incommodious to the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,the abilities required in a judge4 ,the abilities required in a good interpreter of the law1 that is to say1 in a good judge1 are not the same with those of an advocate2 namely the study of the laws4 ,for a judge1 as he ought to take notice of the fact1 from none but the witnesses2 so also he ought to take notice of the law from nothing but the statutes1 and constitutions of the sovereign1 alleged in the pleading1 or declared to him by some that have authority from the sovereign power to declare them2 and need not take care beforehand1 what he shall judge2 for it shall be given him what he shall say concerning the fact1 by witnesses2 and what he shall say in point of law1 from those that shall in their pleadings show it1 and by authority interpret it upon the place4 ,the ,lords of parliament in ,england were judges1 and most difficult causes have been heard and determined by them2 yet few of them were much versed in the study of the laws1 and fewer had made profession of them3 and though they consulted with lawyers1 that were appointed to be present there for that purpose2 yet they alone had the authority of giving sentence4 ,in like manner1 in the ordinary trials of right1 twelve men of the common people1 are the judges1 and give sentence1 not only of the fact1 but of the right2 and pronounce simply for the complainant1 or for the defendant2 that is to say1 are judges1 not only of the fact1 but also of the right3 and in a question of crime1 not only determine whether done1 or not done2 but also whether it be murder1 homicide1 felony1 assault1 and the like1 which are determinations of law3 but because they are not supposed to know the law of themselves1 there is one that hath authority to inform them of it1 in the particular case they are to judge of4 ,but yet if they judge not according to that he tells them1 they are not subject thereby to any penalty2 unless it be made appear1 that they did it against their consciences1 or had been corrupted by reward4 ,the things that make a good judge1 or good interpreter of the laws1 are1 first1 a right understanding of that principal law of nature called equity2 which depending not on the reading of other men's writings1 but on the goodness of a man's own natural reason1 and meditation1 is presumed to be in those most1 that have had most leisure1 and had the most inclination to meditate thereon4 ,secondly1 contempt of unnecessary riches1 and preferments4 ,thirdly1 to be able in judgment to divest himself of all fear1 anger1 hatred1 love1 and compassion4 ,fourthly1 and lastly1 patience to hear2 diligent attention in hearing2 and memory to retain1 digest and apply what he hath heard4 ,sidenote3 ,divisions of law4 ,the difference and division of the laws1 has been made in divers manners1 according to the different methods1 of those men that have written of them4 ,for it is a thing that dependeth not on nature1 but on the scope of the writer2 and is subservient to every man's proper method4 ,in the ,institutions of ,justinian1 we find seven sorts of civil laws3 #a4 ,the edicts1 constitutions1 and epistles of the prince1 that is1 of the emperor2 because the whole power of the people was in him4 ,like these1 are the proclamations of the kings of ,england4 #b4 ,the decrees of the whole people of ,rome1 comprehending the senate1 when they were put to the question by the senate4 ,these were laws1 at first1 by the virtue of the sovereign power residing in the people2 and such of them as by the emperors were not abrogated1 remained laws1 by the authority imperial4 ,for all laws that bind1 are understood to be laws by his authority that has power to repeal them4 ,somewhat like to these laws1 are the acts of parliament in ,england4 #c4 ,the decrees of the common people1 excluding the senate1 when they were put to the question by the tribune of the people4 ,for such of them as were not abrogated by the emperors1 remained laws by the authority imperial4 ,like to these1 were the orders of the ,house of ,commons in ,england4 #d4 ,senatus consulta1 the orders of the senate2 because when the people of ,rome grew so numerous1 as it was inconvenient to assemble them2 it was thought fit by the emperor1 that men should consult the senate1 instead of the people2 and these have some resemblance with the acts of council4 #e4 ,the edicts of prtors1 and in some cases of diles3 such as are the chief justices in the courts of ,england4 #f4 ,responsa prudentum2 which were the sentences1 and opinion of those lawyers1 to whom the emperor gave authority to interpret the law1 and to give answer to such as in matter of law demanded their advice2 which answers1 the judges in giving judgment were obliged by the constitutions of the emperor to observe3 and should be like the reports of cases judged1 if other judges be by the law of ,england bound to observe them4 ,for the judges of the common law of ,england1 are not properly judges1 but juris consulti2 of whom the judges1 who are either the lords1 or twelve men of the country1 are in point of law to ask advice4 #g4 ,also1 unwritten customs1 which in their own nature are an imitation of law1 by the tacit consent of the emperor1 in case they be not contrary to the law of nature1 are very laws4 ,sidenote3 ,another division of law4 ,another division of laws1 is into natural and positive4 ,natural are those which have been laws from all eternity2 and are called not only natural1 but also moral laws2 consisting in the moral virtues1 as justice1 equity1 and all habits of the mind that conduce to peace1 and charity2 of which ,i have already spoken in the fourteenth and fifteenth chapters4 ,positive1 are those which have not been from eternity2 but have been made laws by the will of those that have had the sovereign power over others2 and are either written1 or made known to men1 by some other argument of the will of their legislator4 ,again1 of positive laws some are human1 some divine2 and of human positive laws1 some are distributive1 some penal4 ,distributive are those that determine the rights of the subjects1 declaring to every man what it is1 by which he acquireth and holdeth a propriety in lands1 or goods1 and a right or liberty of action3 and these speak to all the subjects4 ,penal are those1 which declare1 what penalty shall be inflicted on those that violate the law2 and speak to the ministers and officers ordained for execution4 ,for though every one ought to be informed of the punishments ordained beforehand for their transgression2 nevertheless the command is not addressed to the delinquent1 who cannot be supposed will faithfully punish himself1 but to public ministers appointed to see the penalty executed4 ,and these penal laws are for the most part written together with the laws distributive2 and are sometimes called judgments4 ,for all laws are general judgments1 or sentences of the legislator2 as also every particular judgment1 is a law to him1 whose case is judged4 ,sidenote3 ,divine positive law how made known to be law4 ,divine positive laws 7for natural laws being eternal1 and universal1 are all divine71 are those1 which being the commandments of ,god1 not from all eternity1 nor universally addressed to all men1 but only to a certain people1 or to certain persons1 are declared for such1 by those whom ,god hath authorized to declare them4 ,but this authority of man to declare what be these positive laws of ,god1 how can it be known8 ,god may command a man by a supernatural way1 to deliver laws to other men4 ,but because it is of the essence of law1 that he who is to be obliged1 be assured of the authority of him that declareth it1 which we cannot naturally take notice to be from ,god1 how can a man without supernatural revelation be assured of the revelation received by the declarer8 and how can he be bound to obey them8 ,for the first question1 how a man can be assured of the revelation of another1 without a revelation particularly to himself1 it is evidently impossible4 ,for though a man may be induced to believe such revelation1 from the miracles they see him do1 or from seeing the extraordinary sanctity of his life1 or from seeing the extraordinary wisdom1 or extraordinary felicity of his actions1 all which are marks of ,god's extraordinary favour2 yet they are not assured evidences of special revelation4 ,miracles are marvellous works3 but that which is marvellous to one1 may not be so to another4 ,sanctity may be feigned2 and the visible felicities of this world1 are most often the work of ,god by natural1 and ordinary causes4 ,and therefore no man can infallibly know by natural reason1 that another has had a supernatural revelation of ,god's will2 but only a belief2 every one1 as the signs thereof shall appear greater or lesser1 a firmer or a weaker belief4 ,but for the second1 how can he be bound to obey them2 it is not so hard4 ,for if the law declared1 be not against the law of nature1 which is undoubtedly ,god's law1 and he undertake to obey it1 he is bound by his own act2 bound ,i say to obey it1 but not bound to believe it3 for men's belief1 and interior cogitations1 are not subject to the commands1 but only to the operation of ,god1 ordinary1 or extraordinary4 ,faith of supernatural law1 is not a fulfilling1 but only an assenting to the same2 and not a duty that we exhibit to ,god1 but a gift which ,god freely giveth to whom he pleaseth2 as also unbelief is not a breach of any of his laws2 but a rejection of them all1 except the laws natural4 ,but this that ,i say1 will be made yet clearer1 by the examples and testimonies concerning this point in holy ,scripture4 ,the covenant ,god made with ,abraham1 in a supernatural manner1 was thus1 7,gen4 xvii4 #aj7 ,this is the covenant which thou shalt observe between me and thee and thy seed after thee4 ,abraham's seed had not this revelation1 nor were yet in being2 yet they are a party to the covenant1 and bound to obey what ,abraham should declare to them for ,god's law2 which they could not be1 but in virtue of the obedience they owed to their parents2 who1 if they be subject to no other earthly power1 as here in the case of ,abraham1 have sovereign power over their children and servants4 ,again1 where ,god saith to ,abraham1 ,in thee shall all nations of the earth be blessed2 for ,i know thou wilt command thy children1 and thy house after thee to keep the way of the ,lord1 and to observe righteousness and judgment1 it is manifest1 the obedience of his family1 who had no revelation1 depended on their former obligation to obey their sovereign4 ,at ,mount ,sinai ,moses only went up to ,god2 the people were forbidden to approach on pain of death2 yet they were bound to obey all that ,moses declared to them for ,god's law4 ,upon what ground1 but on this submission of their own1 ,speak thou to us1 and we will hear thee2 but let not ,god speak to us1 lest we die8 ,by which two places it sufficiently appeareth1 that in a commonwealth1 a subject that has no certain and assured revelation particularly to himself concerning the will of ,god1 is to obey for such1 the command of the commonwealth3 for if men were at liberty1 to take for ,god's commandments1 their own dreams and fancies1 or the dreams and fancies of private men2 scarce two men would agree upon what is ,god's commandment2 and yet in respect of them1 every man would despise the commandments of the commonwealth4 ,i conclude therefore1 that in all things not contrary to the moral law1 that is to say1 to the law of nature1 all subjects are bound to obey that for divine law1 which is declared to be so1 by the laws of the commonwealth4 ,which also is evident to any man's reason2 for whatsoever is not against the law of nature1 may be made law in the name of them that have the sovereign power2 and there is no reason men should be the less obliged by it1 when it is propounded in the name of ,god4 ,besides1 there is no place in the world where men are permitted to pretend other commandments of ,god1 than are declared for such by the commonwealth4 ,christian states punish those that revolt from the ,christian religion1 and all other states1 those that set up any religion by them forbidden4 ,for in whatsoever is not regulated by the commonwealth1 it is equity1 which is the law of nature1 and therefore an eternal law of ,god1 that every man equally enjoy his liberty4 ,sidenote3 ,another division of laws4 ,there is also another distinction of laws1 into fundamental and not fundamental2 but ,i could never see in any author1 what a fundamental law signifieth4 ,nevertheless one may very reasonably distinguish laws in that manner4 ,sidenote3 ,a fundamental law1 what4 ,for a fundamental law in every commonwealth is that1 which being taken away1 the commonwealth faileth1 and is utterly dissolved2 as a building whose foundation is destroyed4 ,and therefore a fundamental law is that1 by which subjects are bound to uphold whatsoever power is given to the sovereign1 whether a monarch1 or a sovereign assembly1 without which the commonwealth cannot stand2 such as is the power of war and peace1 of judicature1 of election of officers1 and of doing whatsoever he shall think necessary for the public good4 ,not fundamental is that1 the abrogating whereof1 draweth not with it the dissolution of the commonwealth2 such as are the laws concerning controversies between subject and subject4 ,thus much of the division of laws4 ,sidenote3 ,difference between law and right4 ,i find the words lex civilis1 and jus civile1 that is to say law and right civil1 promiscuously used for the same thing1 even in the most learned authors2 which nevertheless ought not to be so4 ,for right is liberty1 namely that liberty which the civil law leaves us3 but civil law is an obligation1 and takes from us the liberty which the law of nature gave us4 ,nature gave a right to every man to secure himself by his own strength1 and to invade a suspected neighbour1 by way of prevention3 but the civil law takes away that liberty1 in all cases where the protection of the law may be safely stayed for4 ,insomuch as lex and jus1 are as different as obligation and liberty4 ,sidenote3 ,and between a law and a charter4 ,likewise laws and charters are taken promiscuously for the same thing4 ,yet charters are donations of the sovereign2 and not laws1 but exemptions from law4 ,the phrase of a law is1 jubeo1 injungo1 ,i command and enjoin3 the phrase of a charter is1 dedi1 concessi1 ,i have given1 ,i have granted3 but what is given or granted1 to a man1 is not forced upon him1 by a law4 ,a law may be made to bind all the subjects of a commonwealth3 a liberty1 or charter is only to one man1 or some one part of the people4 ,for to say all the people of a commonwealth1 have liberty in any case whatsoever1 is to say1 that in such case1 there hath been no law made2 or else having been made1 is now abrogated4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,of ,,crimes1 ,,excuses1 ,,and ,,extenuations4 ,sidenote3 ,sin1 what4 ,a ,,sin1 is not only a transgression of a law1 but also any contempt of the legislator4 ,for such contempt1 is a breach of all his laws at once4 ,and therefore may consist1 not only in the commission of a fact1 or in speaking of words by the laws forbidden1 or in the omission of what the law commandeth1 but also in the intention1 or purpose to transgress4 ,for the purpose to break the law1 is some degree of contempt of him1 to whom it belongeth to see it executed4 ,to be delighted in the imagination only1 of being possessed of another man's goods1 servants1 or wife1 without any intention to take them from him by force or fraud1 is no breach of the law1 that saith1 ,thou shalt not covet3 nor is the pleasure a man may have in imagining or dreaming of the death of him1 from whose life he expecteth nothing but damage1 and displeasure1 a sin2 but the resolving to put some act in execution1 that tendeth thereto4 ,for to be pleased in the fiction of that1 which would please a man if it were real1 is a passion so adherent to the nature both of man1 and every other living creature1 as to make it a sin1 were to make sin of being a man4 ,the consideration of this1 has made me think them too severe1 both to themselves1 and others1 that maintain1 that the first motions of the mind1 though checked with the fear of ,god1 be sins4 ,but ,i confess it is safer to err on that hand1 than on the other4 ,sidenote3 ,a crime1 what4 ,a ,,crime1 is a sin1 consisting in the committing1 by deed or word1 of that which the law forbiddeth1 or the omission of what it hath commanded4 ,so that every crime is a sin2 but not every sin a crime4 ,to intend to steal1 or kill1 is a sin1 though it never appear in word1 or fact3 for ,god that seeth the thoughts of man1 can lay it to his charge3 but till it appear by something done1 or said1 by which the intention may be argued by a human judge1 it hath not the name of crime3 which distinction the ,greeks observed1 in the word 1 and 1 or 2 whereof the former1 which is translated sin1 signifieth any swerving from the law whatsoever2 but the two latter1 which are translated crime1 signify that sin only1 whereof one man may accuse another4 ,but of intentions1 which never appear by any outward act1 there is no place for human accusation4 ,in like manner the ,latins by peccatum1 which is sin1 signify all manner of deviation from the law2 but by crimen1 which word they derive from cerno1 which signifies to perceive1 they mean only such sins1 as may be made appear before a judge2 and therefore are not mere intentions4 ,sidenote3 ,where no civil law is1 there is no crime4 ,from this relation of sin to the law1 and of crime to the civil law1 may be inferred1 first1 that where law ceaseth1 sin ceaseth4 ,but because the law of nature is eternal1 violation of covenants1 ingratitude1 arrogance1 and all facts contrary to any moral virtue1 can never cease to be sin4 ,secondly1 that the civil law ceasing1 crimes cease3 for there being no other law remaining1 but that of nature1 there is no place for accusation2 every man being his own judge1 and accused only by his own conscience1 and cleared by the uprightness of his own intention4 ,when therefore his intention is right1 his fact is no sin3 if otherwise1 his fact is sin2 but not crime4 ,thirdly1 that when the sovereign power ceaseth1 crime also ceaseth2 for where there is no such power1 there is no protection to be had from the law2 and therefore every one may protect himself by his own power3 for no man in the institution of sovereign power can be supposed to give away the right of preserving his own body2 for the safety whereof all sovereignty was ordained4 ,but this is to be understood only of those1 that have not themselves contributed to the taking away of the power that protected them2 for that was a crime from the beginning4 ,sidenote3 ,ignorance of the law of nature excuseth no man4 ,the source of every crime1 is some defect of the understanding2 or some error in reasoning2 or some sudden force of the passions4 ,defect in the understanding1 is ignorance2 in reasoning1 erroneous opinion4 ,again1 ignorance is of three sorts2 of the law1 and of the sovereign1 and of the penalty4 ,ignorance of the law of nature excuseth no man2 because every man that hath attained to the use of reason1 is supposed to know1 he ought not to do to another1 what he would not have done to himself4 ,therefore into what place soever a man shall come1 if he do anything contrary to that law1 it is a crime4 ,if a man come from the ,indies hither1 and persuade men here to receive a new religion1 or teach them anything that tendeth to disobedience of the laws of this country1 though he be never so well persuaded of the truth of what he teacheth1 he commits a crime1 and may be justly punished for the same1 not only because his doctrine is false1 but also because he does that which he would not approve in another1 namely1 that coming from hence1 he should endeavour to alter the religion there4 ,but ignorance of the civil law1 shall excuse a man in a strange country1 till it be declared to him2 because1 till then no civil law is binding4 ,sidenote3 ,ignorance of the civil law excuseth sometimes4 ,in the like manner1 if the civil law of a man's own country1 be not so sufficiently declared1 as he may know it if he will2 nor the action against the law of nature2 the ignorance is a good excuse3 in other cases ignorance of the civil law1 excuseth not4 ,sidenote3 ,ignorance of the sovereign excuseth not4 ,ignorance of the sovereign power1 in the place of a man's ordinary residence1 excuseth him not2 because he ought to take notice of the power1 by which he hath been protected there4 ,sidenote3 ,ignorance of the penalty excuseth not4 ,ignorance of the penalty1 where the law is declared1 excuseth no man3 for in breaking the law1 which without a fear of penalty to follow1 were not a law1 but vain words1 he undergoeth the penalty1 though he know not what it is2 because1 whosoever voluntarily doth any action1 accepteth all the known consequences of it2 but punishment is a known consequence of the violation of the laws1 in every commonwealth2 which punishment1 if it be determined already by the law1 he is subject to that2 if not1 then he is subject to arbitrary punishment4 ,for it is reason1 that he which does injury1 without other limitation than that of his own will1 should suffer punishment without other limitation1 than that of his will whose law is thereby violated4 ,sidenote3 ,punishments declared before the fact1 excuse from greater punishments after it4 ,but when a penalty1 is either annexed to the crime in the law itself1 or hath been usually inflicted in the like cases2 there the delinquent is excused from a greater penalty4 ,for the punishment foreknown1 if not great enough to deter men from the action1 is an invitement to it3 because when men compare the benefit of their injustice1 with the harm of their punishment1 by necessity of nature they chuse that which appeareth best for themselves3 and therefore when they are punished more than the law had formerly determined1 or more than others were punished for the same crime2 it is the law that tempted1 and deceiveth them4 ,sidenote3 ,nothing can be made a crime by a law made after the fact4 ,no law1 made after a fact done1 can make it a crime3 because if the fact be against the law of nature1 the law was before the fact2 and a positive law cannot be taken notice of1 before it be made2 and therefore cannot be obligatory4 ,but when the law that forbiddeth a fact1 is made before the fact be done2 yet he that doth the fact1 is liable to the penalty ordained after1 in case no lesser penalty were made known before1 neither by writing1 nor by example1 for the reason immediately before alleged4 ,sidenote3 ,false principles of right wrong causes of crime4 ,from defect in reasoning1 that is to say1 from error1 men are prone to violate the laws1 three ways4 ,first1 by presumption of false principles3 as when men1 from having observed how in all places1 and in all ages1 unjust actions have been authorized1 by the force1 and victories of those who have committed them2 and that potent men1 breaking through the cobweb laws of their country1 the weaker sort1 and those that have failed in their enterprises1 have been esteemed the only criminals2 have thereupon taken for principles1 and grounds of their reasoning1 that justice is but a vain word3 that whatsoever a man can get by his own industry1 and hazard1 is his own3 that the practice of all nations cannot be unjust3 that examples of former times are good arguments of doing the like again2 and many more of that kind3 which being granted1 no act in itself can be a crime1 but must be made so1 not by the law1 but by the success of them that commit it2 and the same fact be virtuous1 or vicious1 as fortune pleaseth2 so that what ,marius makes a crime1 ,sylla shall make meritorious1 and ,csar1 the same laws standing1 turn again into a crime1 to the perpetual disturbance of the peace of the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,false teachers mis-interpreting the law of nature4 ,secondly1 by false teachers1 that either misinterpret the law of nature1 making it thereby repugnant to the law civil2 or by teaching for laws1 such doctrines of their own1 or traditions of former times1 as are inconsistent with the duty of a subject4 ,sidenote3 ,and false inferences from true principles1 by teachers4 ,thirdly1 by erroneous inferences from true principles2 which happens commonly to men that are hasty1 and precipitate in concluding1 and resolving what to do2 such as are they1 that have both a great opinion of their own understanding1 and believe that things of this nature require not time and study1 but only common experience1 and a good natural wit2 whereof no man thinks himself unprovided3 whereas the knowledge1 of right and wrong1 which is no less difficult1 there is no man will pretend to1 without great and long study4 ,and of those defects in reasoning1 there is none that can excuse1 though some of them may extenuate1 a crime in any man1 that pretendeth to the administration of his own private business2 much less in them that undertake a public charge2 because they pretend to the reason1 upon the want whereof they would ground their excuse4 ,sidenote3 ,by their passions4 ,of the passions that most frequently are the causes of crime1 one1 is vain glory1 or a foolish overrating of their own worth2 as if difference of worth1 were an effect of their wit1 or riches1 or blood1 or some other natural quality1 not depending on the will of those that have the sovereign authority4 ,from whence proceedeth a presumption that the punishments ordained by the laws1 and extended generally to all subjects1 ought not to be inflicted on them1 with the same rigour they are inflicted on poor1 obscure1 and simple men1 comprehended under the name of the vulgar4 ,sidenote3 ,presumption of riches1 ,therefore it happeneth commonly1 that such as value themselves by the greatness of their wealth1 adventure on crimes1 upon hope of escaping punishment1 by corrupting public justice1 or obtaining pardon by money1 or other rewards4 ,sidenote3 ,and friends4 ,and that such as have multitude of potent kindred2 and popular men1 that have gained reputation amongst the multitude1 take courage to violate the laws1 from a hope of oppressing the power1 to whom it belongeth to put them in execution4 ,sidenote3 ,wisdom4 ,and that such as have a great1 and false opinion of their own wisdom1 take upon them to reprehend the actions1 and call in question the authority of them that govern1 and so to unsettle the laws with their public discourse1 as that nothing shall be a crime1 but what their own designs require should be so4 ,it happeneth also to the same men1 to be prone to all such crimes1 as consist in craft1 and in deceiving of their neighbours2 because they think their designs are too subtle to be perceived4 ,these ,i say are effects of a false presumption of their own wisdom4 ,for of them that are the first movers in the disturbance of commonwealth1 which can never happen without a civil war1 very few are left alive long enough1 to see their new designs established3 so that the benefit of their crimes redoundeth to posterity1 and such as would least have wished it3 which argues they were not so wise1 as they thought they were4 ,and those that deceive upon hope of not being observed1 do commonly deceive themselves1 the darkness in which they believe they lie hidden1 being nothing else but their own blindness2 and are no wiser than children1 that think all hid1 by hiding their own eyes4 ,and generally all vain-glorious men1 unless they be withal timorous1 are subject to anger2 as being more prone than others to interpret for contempt1 the ordinary liberty of conversation3 and there are few crimes that may not be produced by anger4 ,sidenote3 ,hatred1 lust1 ambition1 covetousness1 causes of crime ,as for the passions1 of hate1 lust1 ambition1 and covetousness1 what crimes they are apt to produce1 is so obvious to every man's experience and understanding1 as there needeth nothing to be said of them1 saving that they are infirmities1 so annexed to the nature1 both of man1 and all other living creatures1 as that their effects cannot be hindered1 but by extraordinary use of reason1 or a constant severity in punishing them4 ,for in those things men hate1 they find a continual1 and unavoidable molestation2 whereby either a man's patience must be everlasting1 or he must be eased by removing the power of that which molesteth him4 ,the former is difficult2 the latter is many times impossible1 without some violation of the law4 ,ambition1 and covetousness are passions also that are perpetually incumbent1 and pressing2 whereas reason is not perpetually present1 to resist them3 and therefore whensoever the hope of impunity appears1 their effects proceed4 ,and for lust1 what it wants in the lasting1 it hath in the vehemence1 which sufficeth to weigh down the apprehension of all easy1 or uncertain punishments4 ,sidenote3 ,fear sometimes cause of crime1 as when the danger is neither present nor corporeal4 ,of all passions1 that which inclineth men least to break the laws1 is fear4 ,nay1 excepting some generous natures1 it is the only thing1 when there is apparence of profit or pleasure by breaking the laws1 that makes men keep them4 ,and yet in many cases a crime may be committed through fear4 ,for not every fear justifies the action it produceth1 but the fear only of corporeal hurt1 which we call bodily fear1 and from which a man cannot see how to be delivered1 but by the action4 ,a man is assaulted1 fears present death1 from which he sees not how to escape1 but by wounding him that assaulteth him3 if he wound him to death1 this is no crime2 because no man is supposed at the making of a commonwealth1 to have abandoned the defence of his life1 or limbs1 where the law cannot arrive time enough to his assistance4 ,but to kill a man1 because from his actions1 or his threatenings1 ,i may argue he will kill me when he can1 seeing ,i have time1 and means to demand protection1 from the sovereign power1 is a crime4 ,again1 a man receives words of disgrace or some little injuries1 for which they that made the laws1 had assigned no punishment1 nor thought it worthy of a man that hath the use of reason1 to take notice of1 and is afraid1 unless he revenge it1 he shall fall into contempt1 and consequently be obnoxious to the like injuries from others2 and to avoid this1 breaks the law1 and protects himself for the future1 by the terror of his private revenge4 ,this is a crime3 for the hurt is not corporeal1 but phantastical1 and1 though in this corner of the world1 made sensible by a custom not many years since begun1 amongst young and vain men1 so light1 as a gallant man1 and one that is assured of his own courage1 cannot take notice of4 ,also a man may stand in fear of spirits1 either through his own superstition1 or through too much credit given to other men1 that tell him of strange dreams and visions2 and thereby be made believe they will hurt him1 for doing1 or omitting divers things1 which nevertheless1 to do1 or omit1 is contrary to the laws2 and that which is so done1 or omitted1 is not to be excused by this fear2 but is a crime4 ,for1 as ,i have shown before in the second chapter1 dreams be naturally but the fancies remaining in sleep1 after the impressions our senses had formerly received waking2 and when men are by any accident unassured they have slept1 seem to be real visions2 and therefore he that presumes to break the law upon his own1 or another's dream1 or pretended vision1 or upon other fancy of the power of invisible spirits1 than is permitted by the commonwealth1 leaveth the law of nature1 which is a certain offence1 and followeth the imagery of his own1 or another private man's brain1 which he can never know whether it signifieth any thing or nothing1 nor whether he that tells his dream1 say true1 or lie2 which if every private man should have leave to do1 as they must by the law of nature1 if any one have it1 there could no law be made to hold1 and so all commonwealth would be dissolved4 ,sidenote3 ,crimes not equal4 ,from these different sources of crimes1 it appears already1 that all crimes are not1 as the ,stoics of old time maintained1 of the same allay4 ,there is place1 not only for ,,excuse1 by which that which seemed a crime1 is proved to be none at all2 but also for ,,extenuation1 by which the crime1 that seemed great1 is made less4 ,for though all crimes do equally deserve the name of injustice1 as all deviation from a straight line is equally crookedness1 which the ,stoics rightly observed3 yet it does not follow that all crimes are equally unjust1 no more than that all crooked lines are equally crooked2 which the ,stoics not observing1 held it as great a crime1 to kill a hen1 against the law1 as to kill one's father4 ,sidenote3 ,total excuses4 ,that which totally excuseth a fact1 and takes away from it the nature of a crime1 can be none but that1 which at the same time1 taketh away the obligation of the law4 ,for the fact committed once against the law1 if he that committed it be obliged to the law1 can be no other than a crime4 ,the want of means to know the law1 totally excuseth4 ,for the law whereof a man has no means to inform himself1 is not obligatory4 ,but the want of diligence to inquire1 shall not be considered as a want of means2 nor shall any man1 that pretendeth to reason enough for the government of his own affairs1 be supposed to want means to know the laws of nature2 because they are known by the reason he pretends to3 only children1 and madmen are excused from offences against the law natural4 ,where a man is captive1 or in the power of the enemy 7and he is then in the power of the enemy1 when his person1 or his means of living1 is so71 if it be without his own fault1 the obligation of the law ceaseth2 because he must obey the enemy1 or die2 and consequently such obedience is no crime3 for no man is obliged1 when the protection of the law faileth1 not to protect himself1 by the best means he can4 ,if a man1 by the terror of present death1 be compelled to do a fact against the law1 he is totally excused2 because no law can oblige a man to abandon his own preservation4 ,and supposing such a law were obligatory2 yet a man would reason thus1 ,if ,i do it not1 ,i die presently2 if ,i do it1 ,i die afterwards2 therefore by doing it1 there is time of life gained2 nature therefore compels him to the fact4 ,when a man is destitute of food1 or other thing necessary for his life1 and cannot preserve himself any other way1 but by some fact against the law2 as if in a great famine he take the food by force1 or stealth1 which he cannot obtain for money nor charity2 or in defence of his life1 snatch away another man's sword2 he is totally excused1 for the reason next before alleged4 ,sidenote3 ,excuses against the author4 ,again1 facts done against the law by the authority of another1 are by that authority excused against the author2 because no man ought to accuse his own fact in another1 that is but his instrument3 but it is not excused against a third person thereby injured2 because in the violation of the law1 both the author and actor are criminals4 ,from hence it followeth that when that man1 or assembly1 that hath the sovereign power1 commandeth a man to do that which is contrary to a former law1 the doing of it is totally excused3 for he ought not to condemn it himself1 because he is the author2 and what cannot justly be condemned by the sovereign1 cannot justly be punished by any other4 ,besides1 when the sovereign commandeth anything to be done against his own former law1 the command1 as to that particular fact1 is an abrogation of the law4 ,if that man1 or assembly1 that hath the sovereign power1 disclaim any right essential to the sovereignty1 whereby there accrueth to the subject1 any liberty inconsistent with the sovereign power1 that is to say1 with the very being of a commonwealth1 if the subject shall refuse to obey the command in anything contrary to the liberty granted1 this is nevertheless a sin1 and contrary to the duty of the subject3 for he ought to take notice of what is inconsistent with the sovereignty1 because it was erected by his own consent and for his own defence2 and that such liberty as is inconsistent with it1 was granted through ignorance of the evil consequence thereof4 ,but if he not only disobey1 but also resist a public minister in the execution of it1 then it is a crime2 because he might have been righted1 without any breach of the peace1 upon complaint4 ,the degrees of crime are taken on divers scales1 and measured1 first1 by the malignity of the source1 or cause2 secondly1 by the contagion of the example2 thirdly1 by the mischief of the effect2 and fourthly1 by the concurrence of times1 places1 and persons4 ,sidenote3 ,presumption of power aggravateth4 ,the same fact done against the law1 if it proceed from presumption of strength1 riches1 or friends to resist those that are to execute the law1 is a greater crime than if it proceed from hope of not being discovered1 or of escape by flight3 for presumption of impunity by force1 is a root1 from whence springeth1 at all times1 and upon all temptations1 a contempt of all laws2 whereas in the latter case1 the apprehension of danger1 that makes a man fly1 renders him more obedient for the future4 ,a crime which we know to be so1 is greater than the same crime proceeding from a false persuasion that it is lawful2 for he that committeth it against his own conscience1 presumeth on his force1 or other power1 which encourages him to commit the same again3 but he that doth it by error1 after the error is shewn him1 is conformable to the law4 ,sidenote3 ,evil teachers extenuate4 ,he1 whose error proceeds from the authority of a teacher1 or an interpreter of the law publicly authorized1 is not so faulty as he whose error proceedeth from a peremptory pursuit of his own principles and reasoning3 for what is taught by one that teacheth by public authority1 the commonwealth teacheth1 and hath a resemblance of law1 till the same authority controlleth it2 and in all crimes that contain not in them a denial of the sovereign power1 nor are against an evident law1 excuseth totally3 whereas he that groundeth his actions on his private judgment1 ought1 according to the rectitude1 or error thereof1 to stand or fall4 ,sidenote3 ,examples of impunity extenuate4 ,the same fact1 if it have been constantly punished in other men1 is a greater crime1 than if there have been many precedent examples of impunity4 ,for those examples are so many hopes of impunity1 given by the sovereign himself3 and because he which furnishes a man with such a hope and presumption of mercy1 as encourageth him to offend1 hath his part in the offence2 he cannot reasonably charge the offender with the whole4 ,sidenote3 ,premeditation aggravateth4 ,a crime arising from a sudden passion1 is not so great1 as when the same ariseth from long meditation3 for in the former case there is a place for extenuation1 in the common infirmity of human nature3 but he that doth it with premeditation1 has used circumspection1 and cast his eye on the law1 on the punishment1 and on the consequence thereof to human society2 all which1 in committing the crime1 he hath contemned and postposed to his own appetite4 ,but there is no suddenness of passion sufficient for a total excuse3 for all the time between the first knowing of the law1 and the commission of the fact1 shall be taken for a time of deliberation2 because he ought by meditation of the law1 to rectify the irregularity of his passions4 ,where the law is publicly1 and with assiduity1 before all the people read and interpreted1 a fact done against it1 is a greater crime1 than where men are left without such instruction1 to enquire of it with difficulty1 uncertainty1 and interruption of their callings1 and be informed by private men3 for in this case1 part of the fault is discharged upon common infirmity2 but1 in the former1 there is apparent negligence1 which is not without some contempt of the sovereign power4 ,sidenote3 ,tacit approbation of the sovereign extenuates4 ,those facts which the law expressly condemneth1 but the law-maker by other manifest signs of his will tacitly approveth1 are less crimes1 than the same facts1 condemned both by the law and law-maker4 ,for seeing the will of the law-maker is a law1 there appear in this case two contradictory laws2 which would totally excuse1 if men were bound to take notice of the sovereign's approbation1 by other arguments than are expressed by his command4 ,but because there are punishments consequent1 not only to the transgression of his law1 but also to the observing of it1 he is in part a cause of the transgression1 and therefore cannot reasonably impute the whole crime to the delinquent4 ,for example1 the law condemneth duels2 the punishment is made capital3 on the contrary part1 he that refuseth duel1 is subject to contempt and scorn1 without remedy2 and sometimes by the sovereign himself thought unworthy to have any charge1 or preferment in war4 ,if thereupon he accept duel1 considering all men lawfully endeavour to obtain the good opinion of them that have the sovereign power1 he ought not in reason to be rigorously punished2 seeing part of the fault may be discharged on the punisher3 which ,i say1 not as wishing liberty of private revenges1 or any other kind of disobedience2 but a care in governors1 not to countenance anything obliquely1 which directly they forbid4 ,the examples of princes1 to those that see them1 are1 and ever have been1 more potent to govern their actions1 than the laws themselves4 ,and though it be our duty to do1 not what they do1 but what they say2 yet will that duty never be performed1 till it please ,god to give men an extraordinary1 and supernatural grace to follow that precept4 ,sidenote3 ,comparison of crimes from their effects4 ,again1 if we compare crimes by the mischief of their effects2 first1 the same fact1 when it redounds to the damage of many1 is greater1 than when it redounds to the hurt of few4 ,and therefore1 when a fact hurteth1 not only in the present1 but also1 by example1 in the future1 it is a greater crime1 than if it hurt only in the present3 for the former1 is a fertile crime1 and multiplies to the hurt of many2 the latter is barren4 ,to maintain doctrines contrary to the religion established in the commonwealth1 is a greater fault1 in an authorized preacher1 than in a private person3 so also is it1 to live profanely1 incontinently1 or do any irreligious act whatsoever4 ,likewise in a professor of the law1 to maintain any point1 or do any act1 that tendeth to the weakening of the sovereign power1 is a greater crime1 than in another man3 also in a man that hath such reputation for wisdom1 as that his counsels are followed1 or his actions imitated by many1 his fact against the law1 is a greater crime1 than the same fact in another3 for such men not only commit crime1 but teach it for law to all other men4 ,and generally all crimes are the greater1 by the scandal they give2 that is to say1 by becoming stumbling-blocks to the weak1 that look not so much upon the way they go in1 as upon the light that other man carry before them4 ,sidenote3 ,lsa ,majestas4 ,also facts of hostility against the present state of the commonwealth1 are greater crimes1 than the same acts done to private men3 for the damage extends itself to all3 such are the betraying of the strengths1 or revealing of the secrets of the commonwealth to an enemy2 also all attempts upon the representative of the commonwealth1 be it a monarch1 or an assembly2 and all endeavours by word1 or deed1 to diminish the authority of the same1 either in the present time1 or in succession3 which crimes the ,latins understand by crimina ls majestatis1 and consist in design1 or act1 contrary to a fundamental law4 ,sidenote3 ,bribery and false testimony4 ,likewise those crimes1 which render judgments of no effect1 are greater crimes1 than injuries done to one1 or a few persons2 as to receive money to give false judgment1 or testimony1 is a greater crime1 than otherwise to deceive a man of the like1 or a greater sum2 because not only he has wrong1 that falls by such judgments2 but all judgments are rendered useless1 and occasion ministered to force1 and private revenges4 ,sidenote3 ,depeculation4 ,also robbery1 and depeculation of the public treasure1 or revenues1 is a greater crime1 than the robbing1 or defrauding of a private man2 because to rob the public1 is to rob many at once4 ,sidenote3 ,counterfeiting authority4 ,also the counterfeit usurpation of public ministry1 the counterfeiting of public seals or public coin1 than counterfeiting of a private man's person1 or his seal2 because the fraud thereof1 extendeth to the damage of many4 ,sidenote3 ,crimes against private men compared4 ,of facts against the law1 done to private men1 the greater crime1 is that1 where the damage in the common opinion of men1 is most sensible4 ,and therefore ,to kill against the law1 is a greater crime1 than any other injury1 life preserved4 ,and to kill with torment1 greater1 than simply to kill4 ,and mutilation of a limb1 greater1 than the spoiling a man of his goods4 ,and the spoiling a man of his goods1 by terror of death1 or wounds1 than by clandestine surreption4 ,and by clandestine surreption1 than by consent fraudulently obtained4 ,and the violation of chastity by force1 greater1 than by flattery4 ,and of a woman married1 than of a woman not married4 ,for all these things are commonly so valued3 though some men are more1 and some less sensible of the same offence4 ,but the law regardeth not the particular1 but the general inclination of mankind4 ,and therefore the offence men take1 from contumely1 in words1 or gesture1 when they produce no other harm1 than the present grief of him that is reproached1 hath been neglected in the laws of the ,greeks1 ,romans1 and other both ancient and modern commonwealths2 supposing the true cause of such grief to consist1 not in the contumely1 which takes no hold upon men conscious of their own virtue1 but in the pusillanimity of him that is offended by it4 ,also a crime against a private man1 is much aggravated by the person1 time1 and place4 ,for to kill one's parent1 is a greater crime1 than to kill another3 for the parent ought to have the honour of a sovereign1 though he surrendered his power to the civil law2 because he had it originally by nature4 ,and to rob a poor man1 is a greater crime1 than to rob a rich man2 because it is to the poor a more sensible damage4 ,and a crime committed in the time or place appointed for devotion1 is greater1 than if committed at another time or place3 for it proceeds from a greater contempt of the law4 ,many other cases of aggravation1 and extenuation might be added3 but by these ,i have set down1 it is obvious to every man1 to take the altitude of any other crime proposed4 ,sidenote3 ,public crimes what4 ,lastly1 because in almost all crimes there is an injury done1 not only to some private men1 but also to the commonwealth2 the same crime1 when the accusation is in the name of the commonwealth1 is called public crime3 and when in the name of a private man1 a private crime2 and the pleas according thereunto called public1 judicia publica1 ,pleas of the ,crown2 or ,private ,pleas4 ,as in an accusation of murder1 if the accuser be a private man1 the plea is a ,private ,plea2 if the accuser be the sovereign1 the plea is a ,public ,plea4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,,of ,,punishments ,,and ,,rewards4 ,sidenote3 ,the definition of punishment4 ,a ,,punishment1 is an evil inflicted by public authority1 on him that hath done1 or omitted that which is judged by the same authority to be a transgression of the law2 to the end that the will of men may thereby the better be disposed to obedience4 ,sidenote3 ,right to punish whence derived3 ,before ,i infer any thing from this definition1 there is a question to be answered1 of much importance2 which is1 by what door the right or authority of punishing in any case1 came in4 ,for by that which has been said before1 no man is supposed bound by covenant1 not to resist violence2 and consequently it cannot be intended1 that he gave any right to another to lay violent hands upon his person4 ,in the making of a commonwealth1 every man giveth away the right of defending another2 but not of defending himself4 ,also he obligeth himself1 to assist him that hath the sovereignty1 in the punishing of another2 but of himself not4 ,but to covenant to assist the sovereign1 in doing hurt to another1 unless he that so covenanteth have a right to do it himself1 is not to give him a right to punish4 ,it is manifest therefore that the right which the commonwealth1 that is1 he1 or they that represent it1 hath to punish1 is not grounded on any concession1 or gift of the subjects4 ,but ,i have also showed formerly1 that before the institution of commonwealth1 every man had a right to every thing1 and to do whatsoever he thought necessary to his own preservation2 subduing1 hurting1 or killing any man in order thereunto4 ,and this is the foundation of that right of punishing1 which is exercised in every commonwealth4 ,for the subjects did not give the sovereign that right2 but only in laying down theirs1 strengthened him to use his own1 as he should think fit1 for the preservation of them all3 so that it was not given1 but left to him1 and to him only2 and 7excepting the limits set him by natural law7 as entire1 as in the condition of mere nature1 and of war of every one against his neighbour4 ,sidenote3 ,private injuries revenges no punishments3 ,from the definition of punishment1 ,i infer1 first1 that neither private revenges1 nor injuries of private men1 can properly be styled punishment2 because they proceed not from public authority4 ,sidenote3 ,nor denial of preferment3 ,secondly1 that to be neglected1 and unpreferred by the public favour1 is not a punishment2 because no new evil is thereby on any man inflicted2 he is only left in the estate he was in before4 ,sidenote3 ,nor pain inflicted without public hearing2 ,thirdly1 that the evil inflicted by public authority1 without precedent public condemnation1 is not to be styled by the name of punishment2 but of an hostile act2 because the fact for which a man is punished1 ought first to be judged by public authority1 to be a transgression of the law4 ,sidenote3 ,nor pain inflicted by usurped power2 ,fourthly1 that the evil inflicted by usurped power1 and judges without authority from the sovereign1 is not punishment2 but an act of hostility2 because the acts of power usurped1 have not for author1 the person condemned2 and therefore are not acts of public authority4 ,sidenote3 ,nor pain inflicted without respect to the future good4 ,fifthly1 that all evil which is inflicted without intention1 or possibility of disposing the delinquent1 or1 by his example1 other men1 to obey the laws1 is not punishment2 but an act of hostility3 because without such an end1 no hurt done is contained under that name4 ,sidenote3 ,natural evil consequences no punishments4 ,sixthly1 whereas to certain actions1 there be annexed by nature1 divers hurtful consequences2 as when a man in assaulting another1 is himself slain1 or wounded2 or when he falleth into sickness by the doing of some unlawful act2 such hurt1 though in respect of ,god1 who is the author of nature1 it may be said to be inflicted1 and therefore a punishment divine2 yet it is not contained in the name of punishment in respect of men1 because it is not inflicted by the authority of man4 ,sidenote3 ,hurt inflicted1 if less than the benefit of transgressing1 is not punishment4 ,seventhly1 if the harm inflicted be less than the benefit1 or contentment that naturally followeth the crime committed1 that harm is not within the definition2 and is rather the price1 or redemption1 than the punishment of a crime3 because it is of the nature of punishment1 to have for end1 the disposing of men to obey the law2 which end1 if it be less than the benefit of the transgression1 it attaineth not1 but worketh a contrary effect4 ,sidenote3 ,where the punishment is annexed to the law1 a greater hurt is not punishment1 but hostility4 ,eighthly1 if a punishment be determined and prescribed in the law itself1 and after the crime committed1 there be a greater punishment inflicted1 the excess is not punishment1 but an act of hostility4 ,for seeing the aim of punishment is not a revenge1 but terror2 and the terror of a great punishment unknown1 is taken away by the declaration of a less1 the unexpected addition is no part of the punishment4 ,but where there is no punishment at all determined by the law1 there whatsoever is inflicted1 hath the nature of punishment4 ,for he that goes about the violation of a law1 wherein no penalty is determined1 expecteth an indeterminate1 that is to say1 an arbitrary punishment4 ,sidenote3 ,hurt inflicted for a fact done before the law1 no punishment4 ,ninthly1 harm inflicted for a fact done before there was a law that forbade it1 is not punishment1 but an act of hostility3 for before the law1 there is no transgression of the law3 but punishment supposeth a fact judged1 to have been a transgression of the law2 therefore harm inflicted before the law made1 is not punishment1 but an act of hostility4 ,sidenote3 ,the representative of the commonwealth unpunishable4 ,tenthly1 hurt inflicted on the representative of the commonwealth1 is not punishment1 but an act of hostility3 because it is of the nature of punishment1 to be inflicted by public authority1 which is the authority only of the representative itself4 ,sidenote3 ,hurt to revolted subjects is done by right of war1 not by way of punishment4 ,lastly1 harm inflicted upon one that is a declared enemy1 falls not under the name of punishment3 because seeing they were either never subject to the law1 and therefore cannot transgress it2 or having been subject to it1 and professing to be no longer so1 by consequence deny they can transgress it1 all the harms that can be done them1 must be taken as acts of hostility4 ,but in declared hostility1 all infliction of evil is lawful4 ,from whence it followeth1 that if a subject shall by fact1 or word1 wittingly1 and deliberately deny the authority of the representative of the commonwealth 7whatsoever penalty hath been formerly ordained for treason7 he may lawfully be made to suffer whatsoever the representative will4 ,for in denying subjection1 he denies such punishment as by the law hath been ordained2 and therefore suffers as an enemy of the commonwealth2 that is1 according to the will of the representative4 ,for the punishments set down in the law1 are to subjects1 not to enemies2 such as are they1 that having been by their own acts subjects1 deliberately revolting1 deny the sovereign power4 ,the first1 and most general distribution of punishments1 is into divine1 and human4 ,of the former ,i shall have occasion to speak1 in a more convenient place hereafter4 ,human1 are those punishments that be inflicted by the commandment of man2 and are either corporal1 or pecuniary1 or ignominy1 or imprisonment1 or exile1 or mixed of these4 ,sidenote3 ,punishments corporal4 ,corporal punishment is that1 which is inflicted on the body directly1 and according to the intention of him that inflicteth it3 such as are stripes1 or wounds1 or deprivation of such pleasures of the body1 as were before lawfully enjoyed4 ,sidenote3 ,capital4 ,and of these1 some be capital1 some less than capital4 ,capital1 is the infliction of death2 and that either simply1 or with torment4 ,less than capital1 are stripes1 wounds1 chains1 and any other corporal pain1 not in its own nature mortal4 ,for if upon the infliction of a punishment death follow not in the intention of the inflictor1 the punishment is not to be esteemed capital1 though the harm prove mortal by an accident not to be foreseen2 in which case death is not inflicted1 but hastened4 ,pecuniary punishment1 is that which consisteth not only in the deprivation of a sum of money1 but also of lands1 or any other goods which are usually bought and sold for money4 ,and in case the law1 that ordaineth such a punishment1 be made with design to gather money1 from such as shall transgress the same1 it is not properly a punishment1 but the price of privilege and exemption from the law1 which doth not absolutely forbid the fact1 but only to those that are not able to pay the money3 except where the law is natural1 or part of religion2 for in that case it is not an exemption from the law1 but a transgression of it4 ,as where a law exacteth a pecuniary mulct1 of them that take the name of ,god in vain1 the payment of the mulct1 is not the price of a dispensation to swear1 but the punishment of the transgression of a law indispensable4 ,in like manner if the law impose a sum of money to be paid1 to him that has been injured2 this is but a satisfaction for the hurt done him2 and extinguisheth the accusation of the party injured1 not the crime of the offender4 ,sidenote3 ,ignominy4 ,ignominy1 is the infliction of such evil1 as is made dishonourable2 or the deprivation of such good1 as is made honourable by the commonwealth4 ,for there be some things honourable by nature2 as the effects of courage1 magnanimity1 strength1 wisdom1 and other abilities of body and mind3 others made honourable by the commonwealth2 as badges1 titles1 offices1 or any other singular mark of the sovereign's favour4 ,the former1 though they may fail by nature1 or accident1 cannot be taken away by a law2 and therefore the loss of them is not punishment4 ,but the latter1 may be taken away by the public authority that made them honourable1 and are properly punishments3 such are degrading men condemned1 of their badges1 titles1 and offices2 or declaring them incapable of the like in time to come4 ,sidenote3 ,imprisonment4 ,imprisonment1 is when a man is by public authority deprived of liberty2 and may happen from two divers ends2 whereof one is the safe custody of a man accused2 the other is the inflicting of pain on a man condemned4 ,the former is not punishment2 because no man is supposed to be punished1 before he be judicially heard1 and declared guilty4 ,and therefore whatsoever hurt a man is made to suffer by bonds1 or restraint1 before his cause be heard1 over and above that which is necessary to assure his custody1 is against the law of nature4 ,but the latter is punishment1 because evil1 and inflicted by public authority1 for somewhat that has by the same authority been judged a transgression of the law4 ,under this word imprisonment1 ,i comprehend all restraint of motion1 caused by an external obstacle1 be it a house1 which is called by the general name of a prison2 or an island1 as when men are said to be confined to it2 or a place where men are set to work1 as in old time men have been condemned to quarries1 and in these times to galleys2 or be it a chain1 or any other such impediment4 ,sidenote3 ,exile4 ,exile 7banishment7 is when a man is for a crime1 condemned to depart out of the dominion of the commonwealth1 or out of a certain part thereof3 and during a prefixed time1 or for ever1 not to return into it3 and seemeth not in its own nature1 without other circumstances1 to be a punishment2 but rather an escape1 or a public commandment to avoid punishment by flight4 ,and ,cicero says1 there was never any such punishment ordained in the city of ,rome2 but calls it a refuge of men in danger4 ,for if a man banished1 be nevertheless permitted to enjoy his goods1 and the revenue of his lands1 the mere change of air is no punishment1 nor does it tend to that benefit of the commonwealth1 for which all punishments are ordained1 that is to say1 to the forming of men's wills to the observation of the law2 but many times to the damage of the commonwealth4 ,for a banished man1 is a lawful enemy of the commonwealth that banished him2 as being no more a member of the same4 ,but if he be withal deprived of his lands1 or goods1 then the punishment lieth not in the exile1 but is to be reckoned amongst punishments pecuniary4 ,sidenote3 ,the punishment of innocent subjects is contrary to the law of nature4 ,all punishments of innocent subjects1 be they great or little1 are against the law of nature2 for punishment is only for transgression of the law1 and therefore there can be no punishment of the innocent4 ,it is therefore a violation1 first1 of that law of nature1 which forbiddeth all men1 in their revenges1 to look at anything but some future good3 for there can arrive no good to the commonwealth1 by punishing the innocent4 ,secondly1 of that1 which forbiddeth ingratitude3 for seeing all sovereign power1 is originally given by the consent of every one of the subjects1 to the end they should as long as they are obedient1 be protected thereby2 the punishment of the innocent1 is a rendering of evil for good4 ,and thirdly1 of the law that commandeth equity2 that is to say1 an equal distribution of justice2 which in punishing the innocent is not observed4 ,sidenote3 ,but the harm done to innocents in war not so4 ,but the infliction of what evil soever1 on an innocent man1 that is not a subject1 if it be for the benefit of the commonwealth1 and without violation of any former covenant1 is no breach of the law of nature4 ,for all men that are not subjects1 are either enemies1 or else they have ceased from being so by some precedent covenants4 ,but against enemies1 whom the commonwealth judgeth capable to do them hurt1 it is lawful by the original right of nature to make war2 wherein the sword judgeth not1 nor doth the victor make distinction of nocent1 and innocent1 as to the time past nor has other respect of mercy1 than as it conduceth to the good of his own people4 ,sidenote3 ,nor that which is done to declared rebels4 ,and upon this ground it is1 that also in subjects1 who deliberately deny the authority of the commonwealth established1 the vengeance is lawfully extended1 not only to the fathers1 but also to the third and fourth generation not yet in being1 and consequently innocent of the fact1 for which they are afflicted3 because the nature of this offence1 consisteth in the renouncing of subjection2 which is a relapse into the condition of war1 commonly called rebellion2 and they that so offend1 suffer not as subjects1 but as enemies4 ,for rebellion1 is but war renewed4 ,sidenote3 ,reward is either salary or grace4 ,,reward1 is either of gift1 or by contract4 ,when by contract1 it is called salary1 and wages2 which is benefit due for service performed1 or promised4 ,when of gift1 it is benefit proceeding from the grace of them that bestow it1 to encourage1 or enable men to do them service4 ,and therefore when the sovereign of a commonwealth appointeth a salary to any public office1 he that receiveth it1 is bound in justice to perform his office2 otherwise1 he is bound only in honour1 to acknowledgment1 and an endeavour of requital4 ,for though men have no lawful remedy1 when they be commanded to quit their private business1 to serve the public1 without reward or salary2 yet they are not bound thereto1 by the law of nature1 nor by the institution of the commonwealth1 unless the service cannot otherwise be done2 because it is supposed the sovereign may make use of all their means1 insomuch as the most common soldier1 may demand the wages of his warfare1 as a debt4 ,sidenote3 ,benefits bestowed for fear are not rewards4 ,the benefit which a sovereign bestoweth on a subject1 for fear of some power and ability he hath to do hurt to the commonwealth1 are not properly rewards2 for they are not salaries2 because there is in this case no contract supposed1 every man being obliged already not to do the commonwealth disservice3 nor are they graces2 because they be extorted by fear1 which ought not to be incident to the sovereign power3 but are rather sacrifices1 which the sovereign1 considered in his natural person1 and not in the person of the commonwealth1 makes1 for the appeasing the discontent of him he thinks more potent than himself2 and encourage not to obedience1 but on the contrary1 to the continuance1 and increasing of further extortion4 ,sidenote3 ,salaries certain and casual4 ,and whereas some salaries are certain1 and proceed from the public treasure2 and others uncertain1 and casual1 proceeding from the execution of the office for which the salary is ordained2 the latter is in some cases hurtful to the commonwealth2 as in the case of judicature4 ,for where the benefit of the judges1 and ministers of a court of justice ariseth from the multitude of causes that are brought to their cognizance1 there must needs follow two inconveniences3 one1 is the nourishing of suits2 for the more suits1 the greater benefit3 and another that depends on that1 which is contention about jurisdiction2 each court drawing to itself1 as many causes as it can4 ,but in offices of execution there are not those inconveniences2 because their employment cannot be increased by any endeavour of their own4 ,and thus much shall suffice for the nature of punishment and reward2 which are1 as it were1 the nerves and tendons1 that move the limbs and joints of a commonwealth4 ,hitherto ,i have set forth the nature of man1 whose pride and other passions have compelled him to submit himself to government3 together with the great power of his governor1 whom ,i compared to ,leviathan1 taking that comparison out of the two last verses of the one-and-fortieth of ,job2 where ,god having set forth the great power of ,leviathan1 calleth him king of the proud4 ,there is nothing1 saith he1 on earth1 to be compared with him4 ,he is made so as not to be afraid4 ,he seeth every high thing below him2 and is king of all the children of pride4 ,but because he is mortal1 and subject to decay1 as all other earthly creatures are2 and because there is that in heaven1 though not on earth1 that he should stand in fear of1 and whose laws he ought to obey2 ,i shall in the next following chapters speak of his diseases1 and the causes of his mortality2 and of what laws of nature he is bound to obey4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxix4 ,,of ,,those ,,things ,,that ,,weaken1 ,,or ,,tend ,,to ,,the ,,dissolution ,,of ,a ,,commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,dissolution of commonwealths proceedeth from their imperfect institution4 ,though nothing can be immortal1 which mortals make2 yet1 if men had the use of reason they pretend to1 their commonwealths might be secured1 at least from perishing by internal diseases4 ,for by the nature of their institution1 they are designed to live1 as long as mankind1 or as the laws of nature1 or as justice itself1 which gives them life4 ,therefore when they come to be dissolved1 not by external violence1 but intestine disorder1 the fault is not in men1 as they are the matter2 but as they are the makers1 and orderers of them4 ,for men1 as they become at last weary of irregular jostling1 and hewing one another1 and desire with all their hearts1 to conform themselves into one firm and lasting edifice3 so for want1 both of the art of making fit laws1 to square their actions by1 and also of humility1 and patience1 to suffer the rude and cumbersome points of their present greatness to be taken off1 they cannot without the help of a very able architect1 be compiled into any other than a crazy building1 such as hardly lasting out their own time1 must assuredly fall upon the heads of their posterity4 ,amongst the infirmities therefore of a commonwealth1 ,i will reckon in the first place1 those that arise from an imperfect institution1 and resemble the diseases of a natural body1 which proceed from a defectuous procreation4 ,sidenote3 ,want of absolute power4 ,of which1 this is one1 that a man to obtain a kingdom1 is sometimes content with less power1 than to the peace1 and defence of the commonwealth is necessarily required4 ,from whence it cometh to pass1 that when the exercise of the power laid by1 is for the public safety to be resumed1 it hath the resemblance of an unjust act2 which disposeth great numbers of men1 when occasion is presented1 to rebel2 in the same manner as the bodies of children1 gotten by diseased parents1 are subject either to untimely death1 or to purge the ill quality1 derived from their vicious conception1 by breaking out into biles and scabs4 ,and when kings deny themselves some such necessary power1 it is not always1 though sometimes1 out of ignorance of what is necessary to the office they undertake2 but many times out of a hope to recover the same again at their pleasure4 ,wherein they reason not well2 because such as will hold them to their promises1 shall be maintained against them by foreign commonwealths2 who in order to the good of their own subjects let slip few occasions to weaken the estate of their neighbours4 ,so was ,thomas ,becket1 archbishop of ,canterbury1 supported against ,henry the ,second1 by the ,pope2 the subjection of ecclesiastics to the commonwealth1 having been dispensed with by ,william the ,conqueror at his reception1 when he took an oath1 not to infringe the liberty of the church4 ,and so were the barons1 whose power was by ,william ,rufus1 to have their help in transferring the succession from his elder brother to himself1 increased to a degree inconsistent with the sovereign power1 maintained in their rebellion against king ,john1 by the ,french4 ,nor does this happen in monarchy only4 ,for whereas the style of the ancient ,roman commonwealth1 was1 the senate and people of ,rome2 neither senate1 nor people pretended to the whole power2 which first caused the seditions1 of ,tiberius ,gracchus1 ,caius ,gracchus1 ,lucius ,saturninus1 and others2 and afterwards the wars between the senate and the people1 under ,marius and ,sylla2 and again under ,pompey and ,csar1 to the extinction of their democracy1 and the setting up of monarchy4 ,the people of ,athens bound themselves but from one only action2 which was1 that no man on pain of death should propound the renewing of the war for the island of ,salamis2 and yet thereby1 if ,solon had not caused to be given out he was mad1 and afterwards in gesture and habit of a madman1 and in verse1 propounded it to the people that flocked about him1 they had had an enemy perpetually in readiness1 even at the gates of their city2 such damage1 or shifts1 are all commonwealths forced to1 that have their power never so little limited4 ,sidenote3 ,private judgment of good and evil4 ,in the second place1 ,i observe the diseases of a commonwealth1 that proceed from the poison of seditious doctrines1 whereof one is1 ,that every private man is judge of good and evil actions4 ,this is true in the condition of mere nature1 where there are no civil laws2 and also under civil government1 in such cases as are not determined by the law4 ,but otherwise1 it is manifest1 that the measure of good and evil actions1 is the civil law2 and the judge the legislator1 who is always representative of the commonwealth4 ,from this false doctrine1 men are disposed to debate with themselves1 and dispute the commands of the commonwealth2 and afterwards to obey1 or disobey them1 as in their private judgments they shall think fit2 whereby the commonwealth is distracted and weakened4 ,sidenote3 ,erroneous conscience4 ,another doctrine repugnant to civil society1 is1 that whatsoever a man does against his conscience1 is sin2 and it dependeth on the presumption of making himself judge of good and evil4 ,for a man's conscience1 and his judgment is the same thing1 and as the judgment1 so also the conscience may be erroneous4 ,therefore1 though he that is subject to no civil law1 sinneth in all he does against his conscience1 because he has no other rule to follow but his own reason2 yet it is not so with him that lives in a commonwealth2 because the law is the public conscience1 by which he hath already undertaken to be guided4 ,otherwise in such diversity1 as there is of private consciences1 which are but private opinions1 the commonwealth must needs be distracted1 and no man dare to obey the sovereign power1 further than it shall seem good in his own eyes4 ,sidenote3 ,pretence of inspiration4 ,it hath been also commonly taught1 that faith and sanctity1 are not to be attained by study and reason1 but by supernatural inspiration1 or infusion4 ,which granted1 ,i see not why any man should render a reason of his faith2 or why every ,christian should not be also a prophet2 or why any man should take the law of his country1 rather than his own inspiration1 for the rule of his action4 ,and thus we fall again in the fault of taking upon us to judge of good and evil2 or to make judges of it1 such private men as pretend to be supernaturally inspired1 to the dissolution of all civil government4 ,faith comes by hearing1 and hearing by those accidents1 which guide us into the presence of them that speak to us2 which accidents are all contrived by ,god ,almighty2 and yet are not supernatural1 but only1 for the great number of them that concur to every effect1 unobservable4 ,faith and sanctity1 are indeed not very frequent2 but yet they are not miracles1 but brought to pass by education1 discipline1 correction1 and other natural ways1 by which ,god worketh them in his elect1 at such times as he thinketh fit4 ,and these three opinions1 pernicious to peace and government1 have in this part of the world1 proceeded chiefly from the tongues1 and pens of unlearned divines1 who joining the words of ,holy ,scripture together1 otherwise than is agreeable to reason1 do what they can1 to make men think1 that sanctity and natural reason1 cannot stand together4 ,sidenote3 ,subjecting the sovereign power to civil laws4 ,a fourth opinion1 repugnant to the nature of a commonwealth1 is this1 that he that hath the sovereign power is subject to the civil laws4 ,it is true1 that sovereigns are all subject to the laws of nature2 because such laws be divine1 and cannot by any man1 or commonwealth be abrogated4 ,but to those laws which the sovereign himself1 that is1 which the commonwealth maketh1 he is not subject4 ,for to be subject to laws1 is to be subject to the commonwealth1 that is to the sovereign representative1 that is to himself2 which is not subjection1 but freedom from the laws4 ,which error1 because it setteth the laws above the sovereign1 setteth also a judge above him1 and a power to punish him2 which is to make a new sovereign2 and again for the same reason a third1 to punish the second2 and so continually without end1 to the confusion1 and dissolution of the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,attributing of absolute propriety to subjects4 ,a fifth doctrine1 that tendeth to the dissolution of a commonwealth1 is1 that every private man has an absolute propriety in his goods2 such1 as excludeth the right of the sovereign4 ,every man has indeed a propriety that excludes the right of every other subject3 and he has it only from the sovereign power2 without the protection whereof1 every other man should have equal right to the same4 ,but if the right of the sovereign also be excluded1 he cannot perform the office they have put him into2 which is1 to defend them both from foreign enemies1 and from the injuries of one another2 and consequently there is no longer a commonwealth4 ,and if the propriety of subjects1 exclude not the right of the sovereign representative to their goods2 much less to their offices of judicature1 or execution1 in which they represent the sovereign himself4 ,sidenote3 ,dividing of the sovereign power4 ,there is a sixth doctrine1 plainly1 and directly against the essence of a commonwealth2 and it is this1 that the sovereign power may be divided4 ,for what is it to divide the power of a commonwealth1 but to dissolve it2 for powers divided mutually destroy each other4 ,and for these doctrines1 men are chiefly beholding to some of those1 that making profession of the laws1 endeavour to make them depend upon their own learning1 and not upon the legislative power4 ,sidenote3 ,imitation of neighbour nations4 ,and as false doctrine1 so also oftentimes the example of different government in a neighbouring nation1 disposeth men to alteration of the form already settled4 ,so the people of the ,jews were stirred up to reject ,god1 and to call upon the prophet ,samuel1 for a king after the manner of the nations3 so also the lesser cities of ,greece1 were continually disturbed1 with seditions of the aristocratical1 and democratical factions2 one part of almost every commonwealth1 desiring to imitate the ,lacedemonians2 the other1 the ,athenians4 ,and ,i doubt not1 but many men have been contented to see the late troubles in ,england1 out of an imitation of the ,low ,countries2 supposing there needed no more to grow rich1 than to change1 as they had done1 the form of their government4 ,for the constitution of man's nature1 is of itself subject to desire novelty4 ,when therefore they are provoked to the same1 by the neighbourhood also of those that have been enriched by it1 it is almost impossible for them1 not to be content with those that solicit them to change2 and love the first beginnings1 though they be grieved with the continuance of disorder2 like hot bloods1 that having gotten the itch1 tear themselves with their own nails1 till they can endure the smart no longer4 ,sidenote3 ,imitation of the ,greeks and ,romans4 ,and as to rebellion in particular against monarchy2 one of the most frequent causes of it1 is the reading of the books of policy1 and histories of the ancient ,greeks1 and ,romans2 from which1 young men1 and all others that are unprovided of the antidote of solid reason1 receiving a strong1 and delightful impression1 of the great exploits of war1 achieved by the conductors of their armies1 receive withal a pleasing idea1 of all they have done besides2 and imagine their great prosperity1 not to have proceeded from the emulation of particular men1 but from the virtue of their popular form of government3 not considering the frequent seditions1 and civil wars1 produced by the imperfection of their policy4 ,from the reading1 ,i say1 of such books1 men have undertaken to kill their kings1 because the ,greek and ,latin writers1 in their books1 and discourses of policy1 make it lawful1 and laudable1 for any man so to do2 provided1 before he do it1 he call him tyrant4 ,for they say not regicide1 that is1 killing a king1 but tyrannicide1 that is1 killing of a tyrant is lawful4 ,from the same books1 they that live under a monarch conceive an opinion1 that the subjects in a popular commonwealth enjoy liberty2 but that in a monarchy they are all slaves4 ,i say1 they that live under a monarchy conceive such an opinion2 not they that live under a popular government3 for they find no such matter4 ,in sum1 ,i cannot imagine1 how anything can be more prejudicial to a monarchy1 than the allowing of such books to be publicly read1 without present applying such correctives of discreet masters1 as are fit to take away their venom3 which venom ,i will not doubt to compare to the biting of a mad dog1 which is a disease the physicians call hydrophobia1 or fear of water4 ,for as he that is so bitten1 has a continual torment of thirst1 and yet abhorreth water2 and is in such an estate1 as if the poison endeavoured to convert him into a dog3 so when a monarchy is once bitten to the quick1 by those democratical writers1 that continually snarl at that estate2 it wanteth nothing more than a strong monarch1 which nevertheless out of a certain tyrannophobia1 or fear of being strongly governed1 when they have him1 they abhor4 ,sidenote3 ,the opinion that there be more sovereigns than one in the commonwealth4 ,as there have been doctors1 that hold there be three souls in a man2 so there be also that think there may be more souls1 that is1 more sovereigns1 than one1 in a commonwealth2 and set up a supremacy against the sovereignty2 canons against laws2 and a ghostly authority against the civil2 working on men's minds1 with words and distinctions1 that of themselves signify nothing1 but bewray by their obscurity2 that there walketh1 as some think1 invisibly another kingdom1 as it were a kingdom of fairies1 in the dark4 ,now seeing it is manifest1 that the civil power1 and the power of the commonwealth is the same thing2 and that supremacy1 and the power of making canons1 and granting faculties1 implieth a commonwealth2 it followeth1 that where one is sovereign1 another supreme2 where one can make laws1 and another make canons2 there must needs be two commonwealths1 of one and the same subjects2 which is a kingdom divided in itself1 and cannot stand4 ,for notwithstanding the insignificant distinction of temporal1 and ghostly1 they are still two kingdoms1 and every subject is subject to two masters4 ,for seeing the ghostly power challengeth the right to declare what is sin1 it challengeth by consequence to declare what is law1 sin being nothing but the transgression of the law2 and again1 the civil power challenging to declare what is law1 every subject must obey two masters1 who both will have their commands be observed as law2 which is impossible4 ,or1 if it be but one kingdom1 either the civil1 which is the power of the commonwealth1 must be subordinate to the ghostly1 and then there is no sovereignty but the ghostly2 or the ghostly must be subordinate to the temporal1 and then there is no supremacy but the temporal4 ,when therefore these two powers oppose one another1 the commonwealth cannot but be in great danger of civil war and dissolution4 ,for the civil authority being more visible1 and standing in the clearer light of natural reason1 cannot choose but draw to it in all times a very considerable part of the people3 and the spiritual1 though it stand in the darkness of ,school distinctions1 and hard words1 yet because the fear of darkness and ghosts1 is greater than other fears1 cannot want a party sufficient to trouble1 and sometimes to destroy a commonwealth4 ,and this is a disease which not unfitly may be compared to the epilepsy1 or falling sickness1 which the ,jews took to be one kind of possession by spirits1 in the body natural4 ,for as in this disease1 there is an unnatural spirit1 or wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of the nerves1 and moving them violently1 taketh away the motion which naturally they should have from the power of the soul in the brain1 and thereby causeth violent1 and irregular motions1 which men call convulsions1 in the parts2 insomuch as he that is seized therewith1 falleth down sometimes into the water1 and sometimes into the fire1 as a man deprived of his senses2 so also in the body politic1 when the spiritual power1 moveth the members of a commonwealth1 by the terror of punishments1 and hope of rewards1 which are the nerves of it1 otherwise than by the civil power1 which is the soul of the commonwealth1 they ought to be moved2 and by strange1 and hard words suffocates their understanding1 it must needs thereby distract the people1 and either overwhelm the commonwealth with oppression1 or cast it into the fire of a civil war4 ,sidenote3 ,mixed government4 ,sometimes also in the merely civil government1 there be more than one soul2 as when the power of levying money1 which is the nutritive faculty1 has depended on a general assembly2 the power of conduct and command1 which is the motive faculty1 on one man2 and the power of making laws1 which is the rational faculty1 on the accidental consent1 not only of those two1 but also of a third2 this endangereth the commonwealth1 sometimes for want of consent to good laws2 but most often for want of such nourishment1 as is necessary to life1 and motion4 ,for although few perceive1 that such government1 is not government1 but division of the commonwealth into three factions1 and call it mixed monarchy2 yet the truth is1 that it is not one independent commonwealth1 but three independent factions2 nor one representative person1 but three4 ,in the kingdom of ,god1 there may be three persons independent1 without breach of unity in ,god that reigneth2 but where men reign1 that be subject to diversity of opinions1 it cannot be so4 ,and therefore if the king bear the person of the people1 and the general assembly bear also the person of the people1 and another assembly bear the person of a part of the people1 they are not one person1 nor one sovereign1 but three persons1 and three sovereigns4 ,to what disease in the natural body of man1 ,i may exactly compare this irregularity of a commonwealth1 ,i know not4 ,but ,i have seen a man1 that had another man growing out of his side1 with a head1 arms1 breast1 and stomach1 of his own3 if he had had another man growing out of his other side1 the comparison might then have been exact4 ,sidenote3 ,want of money4 ,hitherto ,i have named such diseases of a commonwealth1 as are of the greatest1 and most present danger4 ,there be other not so great2 which nevertheless are not unfit to be observed4 ,as first1 the difficulty of raising money1 for the necessary uses of the commonwealth2 especially in the approach of war4 ,this difficulty ariseth from the opinion1 that every subject hath a propriety in his lands and goods1 exclusive of the sovereign's right to the use of the same4 ,from whence it cometh to pass1 that the sovereign power1 which foreseeth the necessities and dangers of the commonwealth1 finding the passage of money to the public treasury obstructed1 by the tenacity of the people1 whereas it ought to extend itself1 to encounter1 and prevent such dangers in their beginnings1 contracteth itself as long as it can1 and when it cannot longer1 struggles with the people by stratagems of law1 to obtain little sums1 which not sufficing1 he is fain at last violently to open the way for present supply1 or perish2 and being put often to these extremities1 at last reduceth the people to their due temper2 or else the commonwealth must perish4 ,insomuch as we may compare this distemper very aptly to an ague2 wherein1 the fleshy parts being congealed1 or by venomous matter obstructed1 the veins which by their natural course empty themselves into the heart1 are not1 as they ought to be1 supplied from the arteries1 whereby there succeedeth at first a cold contraction1 and trembling of the limbs2 and afterward a hot1 and strong endeavour of the heart1 to force a passage for the blood2 and before it can do that1 contenteth itself with the small refreshments of such things as cool for a time1 till1 if nature be strong enough1 it break at last the contumacy of the parts obstructed1 and dissipateth the venom into sweat2 or1 if nature be too weak1 the patient dieth4 ,sidenote3 ,monopolies1 and abuses of publicans4 ,again1 there is sometimes in a commonwealth1 a disease1 which resembleth the pleurisy2 and that is1 when the treasure of the commonwealth1 flowing out of its due course1 is gathered together in too much abundance1 in one1 or a few private men1 by monopolies1 or by farms of the public revenues2 in the same manner as the blood in a pleurisy1 getting into the membrane of the breast1 breedeth there an inflammation1 accompanied with a fever1 and painful stitches4 ,sidenote3 ,popular men4 ,also the popularity of a potent subject1 unless the commonwealth have very good caution of his fidelity1 is a dangerous disease2 because the people1 which should receive their motion from the authority of the sovereign1 by the flattery and by the reputation of an ambitious man are drawn away from their obedience to the laws1 to follow a man1 of whose virtues1 and designs they have no knowledge4 ,and this is commonly of more danger in a popular government1 than in a monarchy2 because an army is of so great force1 and multitude1 as it may easily be made believe1 they are the people4 ,by this means it was1 that ,julius ,csar1 who was set up by the people against the senate1 having won to himself the affections of his army1 made himself master both of senate and people4 ,and this proceeding of popular1 and ambitious men1 is plain rebellion2 and may be resembled to the effects of witchcraft4 ,sidenote3 ,excessive greatness of a town1 multitude of corporations4 ,another infirmity of a commonwealth1 is the immoderate greatness of a town1 when it is able to furnish out of its own circuit1 the number1 and expense of a great army3 as also the great number of corporations2 which are as it were many lesser commonwealths in the bowels of a greater1 like worms in the entrails of a natural man4 ,sidenote3 ,liberty of disputing against sovereign power4 ,to which may be added1 the liberty of disputing against absolute power1 by pretenders to political prudence2 which though bred for the most part in the lees of the people1 yet animated by false doctrines1 are perpetually meddling with the fundamental laws1 to the molestation of the commonwealth2 like the little worms1 which physicians call ascarides4 ,we may further add1 the insatiable appetite1 or 1 of enlarging dominion2 with the incurable wounds thereby many times received from the enemy2 and the wens1 of ununited conquests1 which are many times a burthen1 and with less danger lost1 than kept2 as also the lethargy of ease1 and consumption of riot and vain expense4 ,sidenote3 ,dissolution of the commonwealth4 ,lastly1 when in a war1 foreign or intestine1 the enemies get a final victory2 so as1 the forces of the commonwealth keeping the field no longer1 there is no further protection of subjects in their loyalty2 then is the commonwealth ,,dissolved1 and every man at liberty to protect himself by such courses as his own discretion shall suggest unto him4 ,for the sovereign is the public soul1 giving life and motion to the commonwealth2 which expiring1 the members are governed by it no more1 than the carcase of a man1 by his departed1 though immortal1 soul4 ,for though the right of a sovereign monarch cannot be extinguished by the act of another2 yet the obligation of the members may4 ,for he that wants protection1 may seek it any where2 and when he hath it1 is obliged1 without fraudulent pretence of having submitted himself out of fear1 to protect his protection as long as he is able4 ,but when the power of an assembly is once suppressed1 the right of the same perisheth utterly2 because the assembly itself is extinct2 and consequently1 there is no possibility for the sovereignty to re-enter4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxx4 ,,of ,,the ,,office ,,of ,,the ,,sovereign ,,representative4 ,sidenote3 ,the procuration of the good of the people4 ,the office of the sovereign1 be it a monarch or an assembly1 consisteth in the end1 for which he was trusted with the sovereign power1 namely the procuration of the safety of the people2 to which he is obliged by the law of nature1 and to render an account thereof to ,god1 the author of that law1 and to none but him4 ,but by safety here1 is not meant a bare preservation1 but also all other contentments of life1 which every man by lawful industry1 without danger1 or hurt to the commonwealth1 shall acquire to himself4 ,sidenote3 ,by instruction and laws4 ,and this is intended should be done1 not by care applied to individuals1 further than their protection from injuries1 when they shall complain2 but by a general providence1 contained in public instruction1 both of doctrine1 and example2 and in the making and executing of good laws1 to which individual persons may apply their own cases4 ,sidenote3 ,against the duty of a sovereign to relinquish any essential right of sovereignty4 ,and because1 if the essential rights of sovereignty1 specified before in the eighteenth chapter1 be taken away1 the commonwealth is thereby dissolved1 and every man returneth into the condition1 and calamity of a war with every other man1 which is the greatest evil that can happen in this life2 it is the office of the sovereign1 to maintain those rights entire2 and consequently against his duty1 first1 to transfer to another1 or to lay from himself any of them4 ,for he that deserteth the means1 deserteth the ends2 and he deserteth the means1 that being the sovereign1 acknowledgeth himself subject to the civil laws2 and renounceth the power of supreme judicature2 or of making war1 or peace by his own authority2 or of judging of the necessities of the commonwealth2 or of levying money and soldiers1 when1 and as much as in his own conscience he shall judge necessary2 or of making officers1 and ministers both of war and peace2 or of appointing teachers1 and examining what doctrines are conformable1 or contrary to the defence1 peace1 and good of the people4 ,sidenote3 ,or not to see the people taught the grounds of them4 ,secondly1 it is against his duty1 to let the people be ignorant1 or misinformed of the grounds1 and reasons of those his essential rights2 because thereby men are easy to be seduced1 and drawn to resist him1 when the commonwealth shall require their use and exercise4 ,and the grounds of these rights1 have the rather need to be diligently1 and truly taught2 because they cannot be maintained by any civil law1 or terror of legal punishment4 ,for a civil law1 that shall forbid rebellion1 7and such is all resistance to the essential rights of the sovereignty71 is not1 as a civil law1 any obligation1 but by virtue only of the law of nature1 that forbiddeth the violation of faith2 which natural obligation1 if men know not1 they cannot know the right of any law the sovereign maketh4 ,and for the punishment1 they take it but for an act of hostility2 which when they think they have strength enough1 they will endeavour by acts of hostility1 to avoid4 ,sidenote3 ,objection of those that say there are no principles of reason for absolute sovereignty4 ,as ,i have heard some say1 that justice is but a word1 without substance2 and that whatsoever a man can by force1 or art1 acquire to himself1 not only in the condition of war1 but also in a commonwealth1 is his own1 which ,i have already showed to be false3 so there be also that maintain1 that there are no grounds1 nor principles of reason1 to sustain those essential rights1 which make sovereignty absolute4 ,for if there were1 they would have been found out in some place1 or other2 whereas we see1 there has not hitherto been any commonwealth1 where those rights have been acknowledged1 or challenged4 ,wherein they argue as ill1 as if the savage people of ,america1 should deny there were any grounds1 or principles of reason1 so to build a house1 as to last as long as the materials1 because they never yet saw any so well built4 ,time1 and industry1 produce every day new knowledge4 ,and as the art of well building is derived from principles of reason1 observed by industrious men1 that had long studied the nature of materials1 and the divers effects of figure1 and proportion1 long after mankind began1 though poorly1 to build3 so1 long time after men have begun to constitute commonwealths1 imperfect1 and apt to relapse into disorder1 there may principles of reason be found out1 by industrious meditation1 to make their constitution1 excepting by external violence1 everlasting4 ,and such are those which ,i have in this discourse set forth3 which whether they come not into the sight of those that have power to make use of them1 or be neglected by them1 or not1 concerneth my particular interests1 at this day1 very little4 ,but supposing that these of mine are not such principles of reason2 yet ,i am sure they are principles from authority of ,scripture2 as ,i shall make it appear1 when ,i shall come to speak of the kingdom of ,god1 administered by ,moses1 over the ,jews1 his peculiar people by covenant4 ,sidenote3 ,objection from the incapacity of the vulgar4 ,but they say again1 that though the principles be right1 yet common people are not of capacity enough to be made to understand them4 ,i should be glad1 that the rich and potent subjects of a kingdom1 or those that are accounted the most learned1 were no less incapable than they4 ,but all men know1 that the obstructions to this kind of doctrine1 proceed not so much from the difficulty of the matter1 as from the interest of them that are to learn4 ,potent men1 digest hardly any thing that setteth up a power to bridle their affections2 and learned men1 any thing that discovereth their errors1 and thereby lesseneth their authority3 whereas the common people's minds1 unless they be tainted with dependance on the potent1 or scribbled over with the opinions of their doctors1 are like clean paper1 fit to receive whatsoever by public authority shall be imprinted in them4 ,shall whole nations be brought to acquiesce in the great mysteries of the ,christian religion1 which are above reason1 and millions of men be made believe1 that the same body may be in innumerable places at one and the same time1 which is against reason2 and shall not men be able1 by their teaching1 and preaching1 protected by the law1 to make that received1 which is so consonant to reason1 that any unprejudicated man1 needs no more to learn it1 than to hear it8 ,i conclude therefore1 that in the instruction of the people in the essential rights which are the natural and fundamental laws of sovereignty1 there is no difficulty1 whilst a sovereign has his power entire1 but what proceeds from his own fault1 or the fault of those whom he trusteth in the administration of the commonwealth2 and consequently1 it is his duty1 to cause them so to be instructed2 and not only his duty1 but his benefit also1 and security against the danger that may arrive to himself in his natural person from rebellion4 ,sidenote3 ,subjects are to be taught not to affect change of government4 ,and1 to descend to particulars1 the people are to be taught1 first1 that they ought not to be in love with any form of government they see in their neighbour nations1 more than with their own1 nor1 whatsoever present prosperity they behold in nations that are otherwise governed than they1 to desire change4 ,for the prosperity of a people ruled by an aristocratical1 or democratical assembly1 cometh not from aristocracy1 nor from democracy1 but from the obedience1 and concord of the subjects3 nor do the people flourish in a monarchy1 because one man has the right to rule them1 but because they obey him4 ,take away in any kind of state1 the obedience1 and consequently the concord of the people1 and they shall not only not flourish1 but in short time be dissolved4 ,and they that go about by disobedience1 to do no more than reform the commonwealth1 shall find they do thereby destroy it2 like the foolish daughters of ,peleus1 in the fable2 which desiring to renew the youth of their decrepid father1 did by the counsel of ,medea1 cut him in pieces1 and boil him1 together with strange herbs1 but made not of him a new man4 ,this desire of change1 is like the breach of the first of ,god's commandments3 for there ,god says1 ,non habebis ,deos alienos2 ,thou shalt not have the ,gods of other nations2 and in another place concerning kings1 that they are ,gods4 ,sidenote3 ,nor adhere1 against the sovereign1 to popular men4 ,secondly1 they are to be taught1 that they ought not to be led with admiration of the virtue of any of their fellow-subjects1 how high soever he stand1 or how conspicuously soever he shine in the commonwealth2 nor of any assembly1 except the sovereign assembly1 so as to defer to them any obedience1 or honour1 appropriate to the sovereign only1 whom1 in their particular stations1 they represent2 nor to receive any influence from them1 but such as is conveyed by them from the sovereign authority4 ,for that sovereign cannot be imagined to love his people as he ought1 that is not jealous of them1 but suffers them by the flattery of popular men1 to be seduced from their loyalty1 as they have often been1 not only secretly1 but openly1 so as to proclaim marriage with them in facie ecclesi by preachers1 and by publishing the same in the open streets3 which may fitly be compared to the violation of the second of the ten commandments4 ,sidenote3 ,nor to dispute the sovereign power4 ,thirdly1 in consequence to this1 they ought to be informed1 how great a fault it is1 to speak evil of the sovereign representative1 whether one man1 or an assembly of men2 or to argue and dispute his power2 or any way to use his name irreverently1 whereby he may be brought into contempt with his people1 and their obedience1 in which the safety of the commonwealth consisteth1 slackened4 ,which doctrine the third commandment by resemblance pointeth to4 ,sidenote3 ,and to have days set apart to learn their duty4 ,fourthly1 seeing people cannot be taught this1 nor when it is taught1 remember it1 nor after one generation past1 so much as know in whom the sovereign power is placed1 without setting apart from their ordinary labour1 some certain times1 in which they may attend those that are appointed to instruct them2 it is necessary that some such times be determined1 wherein they may assemble together1 and1 after prayers and praises given to ,god1 the sovereign of sovereigns1 hear those their duties told them1 and the positive laws1 such as generally concern them all1 read and expounded1 and be put in mind of the authority that maketh them laws4 ,to this end had the ,jews every seventh day1 a sabbath1 in which the law was read and expounded2 and in the solemnity whereof they were put in mind1 that their king was ,god2 that having created the world in six days1 he rested the seventh day2 and by their resting on it from their labour1 that that ,god was their king1 which redeemed them from their servile1 and painful labour in ,egypt1 and gave them a time1 after they had rejoiced in ,god1 to take joy also in themselves1 by lawful recreation4 ,so that the first table of the commandments1 is spent all in setting down the sum of ,god's absolute power2 not only as ,god1 but as king by pact1 in peculiar1 of the ,jews2 and may therefore give light1 to those that have sovereign power conferred on them by the consent of men1 to see what doctrine they ought to teach their subjects4 ,sidenote3 ,and to honour their parents4 ,and because the first instruction of children1 dependeth on the care of their parents1 it is necessary that they should be obedient to them1 whilst they are under their tuition2 and not only so1 but that also afterwards1 as gratitude requireth1 they acknowledge the benefit of their education1 by external signs of honour4 ,to which end they are to be taught1 that originally the father of every man was also his sovereign lord1 with power over him of life and death2 and that the fathers of families1 when by instituting a commonwealth1 they resigned that absolute power1 yet it was never intended1 they should lose the honour due unto them for their education4 ,for to relinquish such right1 was not necessary to the institution of sovereign power2 nor would there be any reason1 why any man should desire to have children1 or take the care to nourish and instruct them1 if they were afterwards to have no other benefit from them1 than from other men4 ,and this accordeth with the fifth commandment4 ,sidenote3 ,and to avoid doing of injury4 ,again1 every sovereign ought to cause justice to be taught1 which1 consisting in taking from no man what is his1 is as much as to say1 to cause men to be taught not to deprive their neighbours1 by violence or fraud1 of any thing which by the sovereign authority is theirs4 ,of things held in propriety1 those that are dearest to a man are his own life1 and limbs2 and in the next degree1 in most men1 those that concern conjugal affection2 and after them1 riches and means of living4 ,therefore the people are to be taught1 to abstain from violence to one another's person1 by private revenges2 from violation of conjugal honour2 and from forcible rapine1 and fraudulent surreption of one another's goods4 ,for which purpose also it is necessary they be showed the evil consequences of false judgment1 by corruption either of judges or witnesses1 whereby the distinction of propriety is taken away1 and justice becomes of no effect3 all which things are intimated in the sixth1 seventh1 eighth1 and ninth commandments4 ,sidenote3 ,and to do all this sincerely from the heart4 ,lastly1 they are to be taught1 that not only the unjust facts1 but the designs and intentions to do them1 though by accident hindered1 are injustice2 which consisteth in the pravity of the will1 as well as in the irregularity of the act4 ,and this is the intention of the tenth commandment1 and the sum of the second table2 which is reduced all to this one commandment of mutual charity1 thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself3 as the sum of the first table is reduced to the love of ,god2 whom they had then newly received as their king4 ,sidenote3 ,the use of universities4 ,as for the means1 and conduits1 by which the people may receive this instruction1 we are to search1 by what means so many opinions1 contrary to the peace of mankind1 upon weak and false principles1 have nevertheless been so deeply rooted in them4 ,i mean those1 which ,i have in the precedent chapter specified3 as that men shall judge of what is lawful and unlawful1 not by the law itself1 but by their own consciences2 that is to say1 by their own private judgments3 that subjects sin in obeying the commands of the commonwealth1 unless they themselves have first judged them to be lawful3 that their propriety in their riches is such1 as to exclude the dominion1 which the commonwealth hath over the same3 that it is lawful for subjects to kill such1 as they call tyrants3 that the sovereign power may be divided1 and the like2 which come to be instilled into the people by this means4 ,they whom necessity1 or covetousness keepeth attent on their trades1 and labour2 and they1 on the other side1 whom superfluity1 or sloth carrieth after their sensual pleasures2 which two sorts of men take up the greatest part of mankind2 being diverted from the deep meditation1 which the learning of truth1 not only in the matter of natural justice1 but also of all other sciences necessarily requireth1 receive the notions of their duty1 chiefly from divines in the pulpit1 and partly from such of their neighbours or familiar acquaintance1 as having the faculty of discoursing readily1 and plausibly1 seem wiser and better learned in cases of law and conscience1 than themselves4 ,and the divines1 and such others as make show of learning1 derive their knowledge from the universities1 and from the schools of law1 or from the books1 which by men1 eminent in those schools and universities1 have been published4 ,it is therefore manifest1 that the instruction of the people1 dependeth wholly1 on the right teaching of youth in the universities4 ,but are not1 may some man say1 the universities of ,england learned enough already to do that8 or is it you1 will undertake to teach the universities8 ,hard questions4 ,yet to the first1 ,i doubt not to answer2 that till towards the latter end of ,henry the ,eighth1 the power of the ,pope1 was always upheld against the power of the commonwealth1 principally by the universities2 and that the doctrines maintained by so many preachers1 against the sovereign power of the king1 and by so many lawyers1 and others1 that had their education there1 is a sufficient argument1 that though the universities were not authors of those false doctrines1 yet they knew not how to plant the true4 ,for in such a contradiction of opinions1 it is most certain1 that they have not been sufficiently instructed2 and it is no wonder1 if they yet retain a relish of that subtle liquor1 wherewith they were first seasoned1 against the civil authority4 ,but to the latter question1 it is not fit1 nor needful for me to say either aye1 or no3 for any man that sees what ,i am doing1 may easily perceive what ,i think4 ,the safety of the people1 requireth further1 from him1 or them that have the sovereign power1 that justice be equally administered to all degrees of people2 that is1 that as well the rich and mighty1 as poor and obscure persons1 may be righted of the injuries done them2 so as the great1 may have no greater hope of impunity1 when they do violence1 dishonour1 or any injury to the meaner sort1 than when one of these1 does the like to one of them3 for in this consisteth equity2 to which1 as being a precept of the law of nature1 a sovereign is as much subject1 as any of the meanest of his people4 ,all breaches of the law1 are offences against the commonwealth3 but there be some1 that are also against private persons4 ,those that concern the commonwealth only1 may without breach of equity be pardoned2 for every man may pardon what is done against himself1 according to his own discretion4 ,but an offence against a private man1 cannot in equity be pardoned1 without the consent of him that is injured2 or reasonable satisfaction4 ,the inequality of subjects1 proceedeth from the acts of sovereign power2 and therefore has no more place in the presence of the sovereign1 that is to say1 in a court of justice1 than the inequality between kings and their subjects1 in the presence of the ,king of kings4 ,the honour of great persons1 is to be valued for their beneficence and the aids they give to men of inferior rank1 or not at all4 ,and the violences1 oppressions1 and injuries they do1 are not extenuated1 but aggravated by the greatness of their persons2 because they have least need to commit them4 ,the consequences of this partiality towards the great1 proceed in this manner4 ,impunity maketh insolence2 insolence1 hatred2 and hatred1 an endeavour to pull down all oppressing and contumelious greatness1 though with the ruin of the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,equal taxes4 ,to equal justice1 appertaineth also the equal imposition of taxes2 the equality whereof dependeth not on the equality of riches1 but on the equality of the debt that every man oweth to the commonwealth for his defence4 ,it is not enough1 for a man to labour for the maintenance of his life2 but also to fight1 if need be1 for the securing of his labour4 ,they must either do as the ,jews did after their return from captivity1 in re-edifying the temple1 build with one hand1 and hold the sword in the other2 or else they must hire others to fight for them4 ,for the impositions1 that are laid on the people by the sovereign power1 are nothing else but the wages1 due to them that hold the public sword1 to defend private men in the exercise of their several trades1 and callings4 ,seeing then the benefit that every one receiveth thereby1 is the enjoyment of life1 which is equally dear to poor and rich2 the debt which a poor man oweth them that defend his life1 is the same which a rich man oweth for the defence of his2 saving that the rich1 who have the service of the poor1 may be debtors not only for their own persons but for many more4 ,which considered1 the equality of imposition1 consisteth rather in the equality of that which is consumed1 than of the riches of the persons that consume the same4 ,for what reason is there1 that he which laboureth much1 and sparing the fruits of his labour1 consumeth little1 should be more charged1 than he that living idly1 getteth little1 and spendeth all he gets2 seeing the one hath no more protection from the commonwealth1 than the other8 ,but when the impositions1 are laid upon those things which men consume1 every man payeth equally for what he useth3 nor is the commonwealth defrauded by the luxurious waste of private men4 ,sidenote3 ,public charity4 ,and whereas many men1 by accident inevitable1 become unable to maintain themselves by their labour2 they ought not to be left to the charity of private persons2 but to be provided for1 as far forth as the necessities of nature require1 by the laws of the commonwealth4 ,for as it is uncharitableness in any man1 to neglect the impotent2 so it is in the sovereign of a commonwealth1 to expose them to the hazard of such uncertain charity4 ,sidenote3 ,prevention of idleness4 ,but for such as have strong bodies1 the case is otherwise3 they are to be forced to work2 and to avoid the excuse of not finding employment1 there ought to be such laws1 as may encourage all manner of arts2 as navigation1 agriculture1 fishing1 and all manner of manufacture that requires labour4 ,the multitude of poor1 and yet strong people still increasing1 they are to be transplanted into countries not sufficiently inhabited3 where nevertheless1 they are not to exterminate those they find there2 but constrain them to inhabit closer together1 and not to range a great deal of ground1 to snatch what they find2 but to court each little plot with art and labour1 to give them their sustenance in due season4 ,and when all the world is overcharged with inhabitants1 then the last remedy of all is war2 which provideth for every man1 by victory1 or death4 ,sidenote3 ,good laws1 what4 ,to the care of the sovereign1 belongeth the making of good laws4 ,but what is a good law8 ,by a good law1 ,i mean not a just law3 for no law can be unjust4 ,the law is made by the sovereign power1 and all that is done by such power1 is warranted1 and owned by every one of the people2 and that which every man will have so1 no man can say is unjust4 ,it is in the laws of a commonwealth1 as in the laws of gaming3 whatsoever the gamesters all agree on1 is injustice to none of them4 ,a good law is that1 which is needful1 for the good of the people1 and withal perspicuous4 ,sidenote3 ,such as are necessary4 ,for the use of laws1 which are but rules authorized1 is not to bind the people from all voluntary actions2 but to direct and keep them in such a motion1 as not to hurt themselves by their own impetuous desires1 rashness or indiscretion2 as hedges are set1 not to stop travellers1 but to keep them in their way4 ,and therefore a law that is not needful1 having not the true end of a law1 is not good4 ,a law may be conceived to be good1 when it is for the benefit of the sovereign2 though it be not necessary for the people2 but it is not so4 ,for the good of the sovereign and people1 cannot be separated4 ,it is a weak sovereign1 that has weak subjects2 and a weak people1 whose sovereign wanteth power to rule them at his will4 ,unnecessary laws are not good laws2 but traps for money3 which where the right of sovereign power is acknowledged1 are superfluous2 and where it is not acknowledged1 insufficient to defend the people4 ,sidenote3 ,such as are perspicuous4 ,the perspicuity1 consisteth not so much in the words of the law itself1 as in a declaration of the causes1 and motives for which it was made4 ,that is it1 that shows us the meaning of the legislator2 and the meaning of the legislator known1 the law is more easily understood by few1 than many words4 ,for all words1 are subject to ambiguity2 and therefore multiplication of words in the body of the law1 is multiplication of ambiguity3 besides it seems to imply1 by too much diligence1 that whosoever can evade the words1 is without the compass of the law4 ,and this is a cause of many unnecessary processes4 ,for when ,i consider how short were the laws of ancient times2 and how they grew by degrees still longer2 methinks ,i see a contention between the penners1 and pleaders of the law2 the former seeking to circumscribe the latter2 and the latter to evade their circumscriptions2 and that the pleaders have got the victory4 ,it belongeth therefore to the office of a legislator1 7such as is in all commonwealths the supreme representative1 be it one man1 or an assembly71 to make the reason perspicuous1 why the law was made2 and the body of the law itself1 as short1 but in as proper1 and significant terms1 as may be4 ,sidenote3 ,punishments4 ,it belongeth also to the office of the sovereign1 to make a right application of punishments1 and rewards4 ,and seeing the end of punishing is not revenge1 and discharge of choler2 but correction1 either of the offender1 or of others by his example2 the severest punishments are to be inflicted for those crimes1 that are of most danger to the public2 such as are those which proceed from malice to the government established2 those that spring from contempt of justice2 those that provoke indignation in the multitude2 and those1 which unpunished1 seem authorized1 as when they are committed by sons1 servants1 or favourites of men in authority4 ,for indignation carrieth men1 not only against the actors1 and authors of injustice2 but against all power that is likely to protect them2 as in the case of ,tarquin2 when for the insolent act of one of his sons1 he was driven out of ,rome1 and the monarchy itself dissolved4 ,but crimes of infirmity2 such as are those which proceed from great provocation1 from great fear1 great need1 or from ignorance whether the fact be a great crime1 or not1 there is place many times for lenity1 without prejudice to the commonwealth2 and lenity1 when there is such place for it1 is required by the law of nature4 ,the punishment of the leaders and teachers in a commotion1 not the poor seduced people1 when they are punished1 can profit the commonwealth by their example4 ,to be severe to the people1 is to punish that ignorance1 which may in great part be imputed to the sovereign1 whose fault it was1 that they were no better instructed4 ,sidenote3 ,rewards4 ,in like manner it belongeth to the office1 and duty of the sovereign1 to apply his rewards always so1 as there may arise from them benefit to the commonwealth2 wherein consisteth their use1 and end2 and is then done1 when they that have well served the commonwealth1 are with as little expense of the common treasure1 as is possible1 so well recompensed1 as others thereby may be encouraged1 both to serve the same as faithfully as they can1 and to study the arts by which they may be enabled to do it better4 ,to buy with money1 or preferment1 from a popular ambitious subject1 to be quiet1 and desist from making ill impressions in the minds of the people1 has nothing of the nature of reward2 7which is ordained not for disservice1 but for service past27 nor a sign of gratitude1 but of fear2 nor does it tend to the benefit1 but to the damage of the public4 ,it is a contention with ambition1 like that of ,hercules with the monster ,hydra1 which having many heads1 for every one that was vanquished1 there grew up three4 ,for in like manner1 when the stubbornness of one popular man1 is overcome with reward1 there arise many more1 by the example1 that do the same mischief1 in hope of like benefit3 and as all sorts of manufacture1 so also malice encreaseth by being vendible4 ,and though sometimes a civil war1 may be deferred by such ways as that1 yet the danger grows still the greater1 and the public ruin more assured4 ,it is therefore against the duty of the sovereign1 to whom the public safety is committed1 to reward those that aspire to greatness by disturbing the peace of their country1 and not rather to oppose the beginnings of such men1 with a little danger1 than after a longer time with greater4 ,sidenote3 ,counsellors4 ,another business of the sovereign1 is to choose good counsellors2 ,i mean such1 whose advice he is to take in the government of the commonwealth4 ,for this word counsel1 consilium1 corrupted from considium1 is of a large signification1 and comprehendeth all assemblies of men that sit together1 not only to deliberate what is to be done hereafter1 but also to judge of facts past1 and of law for the present4 ,i take it here in the first sense only3 and in this sense1 there is no choice of counsel1 neither in a democracy1 nor aristocracy2 because the persons counselling are members of the person counselled4 ,the choice of counsellors therefore is proper to monarchy2 in which1 the sovereign that endeavoureth not to make choice of those1 that in every kind are the most able1 dischargeth not his office as he ought to do4 ,the most able counsellors1 are they that have least hope of benefit by giving evil counsel1 and most knowledge of those things that conduce to the peace1 and defence of the commonwealth4 ,it is a hard matter to know who expecteth benefit from public troubles2 but the signs that guide to a just suspicion1 is the soothing of the people in their unreasonable1 or irremediable grievances1 by men whose estates are not sufficient to discharge their accustomed expenses1 and may easily be observed by any one whom it concerns to know it4 ,but to know1 who has most knowledge of the public affairs1 is yet harder2 and they that know them1 need them a great deal the less4 ,for to know1 who knows the rules almost of any art1 is a great degree of the knowledge of the same art2 because no man can be assured of the truth of another's rules1 but he that is first taught to understand them4 ,but the best signs of knowledge of any art1 are1 much conversing in it1 and constant good effects of it4 ,good counsel comes not by lot1 nor by inheritance2 and therefore there is no more reason to expect good advice from the rich or noble1 in matter of state1 than in delineating the dimensions of a fortress2 unless we shall think there needs no method in the study of the politics1 as there does in the study of geometry1 but only to be lookers on2 which is not so4 ,for the politics is the harder study of the two4 ,whereas in these parts of ,europe1 it hath been taken for a right of certain persons1 to have place in the highest council of state by inheritance2 it is derived from the conquests of the ancient ,germans2 wherein many absolute lords joining together to conquer other nations1 would not enter into the confederacy1 without such privileges1 as might be marks of difference in time following1 between their posterity1 and the posterity of their subjects2 which privileges being inconsistent with the sovereign power1 by the favour of the sovereign1 they may seem to keep2 but contending for them as their right1 they must needs by degrees let them go1 and have at last no further honour1 than adhereth naturally to their abilities4 ,and how able soever be the counsellors in any affair1 the benefit of their counsel is greater1 when they give every one his advice1 and the reasons of it apart1 than when they do it in an assembly1 by way of orations2 and when they have premeditated1 than when they speak on the sudden2 both because they have more time1 to survey the consequences of action2 and are less subject to be carried away to contradiction1 through envy1 emulation1 or other passions arising from the difference of opinion4 ,the best counsel1 in those things that concern not other nations1 but only the ease and benefit the subjects may enjoy1 by laws that look only inward1 is to be taken from the general informations1 and complaints of the people of each province1 who are best acquainted with their own wants1 and ought therefore1 when they demand nothing in derogation of the essential rights of sovereignty1 to be diligently taken notice of4 ,for without those essential rights1 as ,i have often before said1 the commonwealth cannot at all subsist4 ,sidenote3 ,commanders4 ,a commander of an army in chief1 if he be not popular1 shall not be beloved nor feared as he ought to be by his army2 and consequently1 cannot perform that office with good success4 ,he must therefore be industrious1 valiant1 affable1 liberal and fortunate1 that he may gain an opinion both of sufficiency1 and of loving his soldiers4 ,this is popularity1 and breeds in the soldiers both desire1 and courage1 to recommend themselves to his favour2 and protects the severity of the general in punishing1 when need is1 the mutinous1 or negligent soldiers4 ,but this love of soldiers1 if caution be not given of the commander's fidelity1 is a dangerous thing to sovereign power2 especially when it is in the hands of an assembly not popular4 ,it belongeth therefore to the safety of the people1 both that they be good conductors1 and faithful subjects1 to whom the sovereign commits his armies4 ,but when the sovereign himself is popular2 that is1 reverenced and beloved of his people1 there is no danger at all from the popularity of a subject4 ,for soldiers are never so generally unjust1 as to side with their captain though they love him1 against their sovereign1 when they love not only his person1 but also his cause4 ,and therefore those1 who by violence have at any time suppressed the power of their lawful sovereign1 before they could settle themselves in his place1 have been always put to the trouble of contriving their titles1 to save the people from the shame of receiving them4 ,to have a known right to sovereign power1 is so popular a quality1 as he that has it needs no more1 for his own part1 to turn the hearts of his subjects to him1 but that they see him able absolutely to govern his own family3 nor1 on the part of his enemies1 but a disbanding of their armies4 ,for the greatest and most active part of mankind1 has never hitherto been well contented with the present4 ,concerning the offices of one sovereign to another1 which are comprehended in that law1 which is commonly called the law of nations1 ,i need not say anything in this place2 because the law of nations1 and the law of nature1 is the same thing4 ,and every sovereign hath the same right1 in procuring the safety of his people1 that any particular man can have1 in procuring the safety of his own body4 ,and the same law1 that dictateth to men that have no civil government1 what they ought to do1 and what to avoid in regard of one another1 dictateth the same to commonwealths1 that is1 to the consciences of sovereign princes and sovereign assemblies2 there being no court of natural justice1 but in the conscience only2 where not man1 but ,god reigneth2 whose laws1 such of them as oblige all mankind1 in respect of ,god1 as he is the author of nature1 are natural2 and in respect of the same ,god1 as he is ,king of kings1 are laws4 ,but of the kingdom of ,god1 as ,king of kings1 and as ,king also of a peculiar people1 ,i shall speak in the rest of this discourse4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxi4 ,,of ,,the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,god ,,by ,,nature4 ,sidenote3 ,the scope of the following chapters4 ,that the condition of mere nature1 that is to say1 of absolute liberty1 such as is theirs1 that neither are sovereigns1 nor subjects1 is anarchy1 and the condition of war3 that the precepts1 by which men are guided to avoid that condition1 are the laws of nature3 that a commonwealth1 without sovereign power1 is but a word without substance1 and cannot stand3 that subjects owe to sovereigns1 simple obedience1 in all things wherein their obedience is not repugnant to the laws of ,god1 ,i have sufficiently proved1 in that which ,i have already written4 ,there wants only1 for the entire knowledge of civil duty1 to know what are those laws of ,god4 ,for without that1 a man knows not1 when he is commanded any thing by the civil power1 whether it be contrary to the law of ,god1 or not3 and so1 either by too much civil obedience1 offends the ,divine ,majesty2 or through fear of offending ,god1 transgresses the commandments of the commonwealth4 ,to avoid both these rocks1 it is necessary to know what are the laws divine4 ,and seeing the knowledge of all law1 dependeth on the knowledge of the sovereign power1 ,i shall say something in that which followeth1 of the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,god4 ,sidenote3 ,who are subjects in the kingdom of ,god4 ,god is king1 let the earth rejoice1 saith the psalmist1 7xcvii4 #a74 ,and again1 7,psalm xcix4 #a7 ,god is king1 though the nations be angry2 and he that sitteth on the cherubims1 though the earth be moved4 ,whether men will or not1 they must be subject always to the divine power4 ,by denying the existence1 or providence of ,god1 men may shake off their ease1 but not their yoke4 ,but to call this power of ,god1 which extendeth itself not only to man1 but also to beasts1 and plants1 and bodies inanimate1 by the name of kingdom1 is but a metaphorical use of the word4 ,for he only is properly said to reign1 that governs his subjects by his word1 and by promise of rewards to those that obey it1 and by threatening them with punishment that obey it not4 ,subjects therefore in the kingdom of ,god1 are not bodies inanimate1 nor creatures irrational2 because they understand no precepts as his3 nor atheists1 nor they that believe not that ,god has any care of the actions of mankind2 because they acknowledge no word for his1 nor have hope of his rewards or fear of his threatenings4 ,they therefore that believe there is a ,god that governeth the world1 and hath given precepts1 and propounded rewards1 and punishments to mankind1 are ,god's subjects2 all the rest1 are to be understood as enemies4 ,sidenote3 ,a threefold word of ,god1 reason1 revelation1 prophecy4 ,to rule by words1 requires that such words be manifestly made known2 for else they are no laws3 for to the nature of laws belongeth a sufficient1 and clear promulgation1 such as may take away the excuse of ignorance2 which in the laws of men is but of one only kind1 and that is1 proclamation1 or promulgation by the voice of man4 ,but ,god declareth his laws three ways2 by the dictates of natural reason1 by revelation1 and by the voice of some man1 to whom by the operation of miracles1 he procureth credit with the rest4 ,from hence there ariseth a triple word of ,god1 rational1 sensible1 and prophetic3 to which correspondeth a triple hearing2 right reason1 sense supernatural1 and faith4 ,as for sense supernatural1 which consisteth in revelation or inspiration1 there have not been any universal laws so given1 because ,god speaketh not in that manner but to particular persons1 and to divers men divers things4 ,sidenote3 ,a twofold kingdom of ,god1 natural and prophetic4 ,from the difference between the other two kinds of ,god's word1 rational1 and prophetic1 there may be attributed to ,god1 a twofold kingdom1 natural1 and prophetic3 natural1 wherein he governeth as many of mankind as acknowledge his providence1 by the natural dictates of right reason2 and prophetic1 wherein having chosen out one peculiar nation1 the ,jews1 for his subjects1 he governed them1 and none but them1 not only by natural reason1 but by positive laws1 which he gave them by the mouths of his holy prophets4 ,of the natural kingdom of ,god ,i intend to speak in this chapter4 ,sidenote3 ,the right of ,god's sovereignty is derived from his omnipotence4 ,the right of nature1 whereby ,god reigneth over men1 and punisheth those that break his laws1 is to be derived1 not from his creating them1 as if he required obedience as of gratitude for his benefits2 but from his irresistible power4 ,i have formerly shown1 how the sovereign right ariseth from pact3 to show how the same right may arise from nature1 requires no more1 but to show in what case it is never taken away4 ,seeing all men by nature had right to all things1 they had right every one to reign over all the rest4 ,but because this right could not be obtained by force1 it concerned the safety of every one1 laying by that right1 to set up men1 with sovereign authority1 by common consent1 to rule and defend them3 whereas if there had been any man of power irresistible1 there had been no reason1 why he should not by that power have ruled and defended both himself1 and them1 according to his own discretion4 ,to those therefore whose power is irresistible1 the dominion of all men adhereth naturally by their excellence of power2 and consequently it is from that power1 that the kingdom over men1 and the right of afflicting men at his pleasure1 belongeth naturally to ,god ,almighty2 not as ,creator1 and gracious2 but as omnipotent4 ,and though punishment be due for sin only1 because by that word is understood affliction for sin2 yet the right of afflicting1 is not always derived from men's sin1 but from ,god's power4 ,sidenote3 ,sin not the cause of all affliction4 ,this question1 why evil men often prosper1 and good men suffer adversity1 has been much disputed by the ancient1 and is the same with this of ours1 by what right ,god dispenseth the prosperities and adversities of this life2 and is of that difficulty1 as it hath shaken the faith1 not only of the vulgar1 but of philosophers1 and which is more1 of the ,saints1 concerning the ,divine ,providence4 ,how good1 saith ,david1 7,psalm lxxiii4 #a1 #b1 #c7 is the ,god of ,israel to those that are upright in heart2 and yet my feet were almost gone1 my treadings had well-nigh slipt2 for ,i was grieved at the wicked1 when ,i saw the ungodly in such prosperity4 ,and ,job1 how earnestly does he expostulate with ,god1 for the many afflictions he suffered1 notwithstanding his righteousness8 ,this question in the case of ,job1 is decided by ,god himself1 not by arguments derived from ,job's sin1 but his own power4 ,for whereas the friends of ,job drew their arguments from his affliction to his sin1 and he defended himself by the conscience of his innocence1 ,god himself taketh up the matter1 and having justified the affliction by arguments drawn from his power1 such as this1 7,job xxxviii4 #d7 ,where wast thou1 when ,i laid the foundations of the earth8 and the like1 both approved ,job's innocence1 and reproved the erroneous doctrine of his friends4 ,conformable to this doctrine is the sentence of our ,saviour1 concerning the man that was born blind1 in these words1 ,neither hath this man sinned1 nor his fathers2 but that the works of ,god might be made manifest in him4 ,and though it be said1 that death entered into the world by sin1 7by which is meant1 that if ,adam had never sinned1 he had never died1 that is1 never suffered any separation of his soul from his body17 it follows not thence1 that ,god could not justly have afflicted him1 though he had not sinned1 as well as he afflicteth other living creatures1 that cannot sin4 ,sidenote3 ,divine laws4 ,having spoken of the right of ,god's sovereignty1 as grounded only on nature2 we are to consider next1 what are the ,divine laws1 or dictates of natural reason2 which laws concern either the natural duties of one man to another1 or the honour naturally due to our ,divine ,sovereign4 ,the first are the same laws of nature1 of which ,i have spoken already in the fourteenth and fifteenth chapters of this treatise2 namely1 equity1 justice1 mercy1 humility1 and the rest of the moral virtues4 ,it remaineth therefore that we consider1 what precepts are dictated to men1 by their natural reason only1 without other word of ,god1 touching the honour and worship of the ,divine ,majesty4 ,sidenote3 ,honour and worship1 what4 ,honour consisteth in the inward thought1 and opinion of the power1 and goodness of another2 and therefore to honour ,god1 is to think as highly of his power and goodness1 as is possible4 ,and of that opinion1 the external signs appearing in the words and actions of men1 are called worship2 which is one part of that which the ,latins understand by the word cultus4 ,for cultus signifieth properly1 and constantly1 that labour which a man bestows on anything1 with a purpose to make benefit by it4 ,now those things whereof we make benefit1 are either subject to us1 and the profit they yield1 followeth the labour we bestow upon them1 as a natural effect2 or they are not subject to us1 but answer our labour1 according to their own wills4 ,in the first sense the labour bestowed on the earth1 is called culture2 and the education of children1 a culture of their minds4 ,in the second sense1 where men's wills are to be wrought to our purpose1 not by force1 but by complaisance1 it signifieth as much as courting1 that is1 a winning of favour by good offices2 as by praises1 by acknowledging their power1 and by whatsoever is pleasing to them from whom we look for any benefit4 ,and this is properly worship3 in which sense ,publicola1 is understood for a worshipper of the people2 and cultus ,dei1 for the worship of ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,several signs of honour4 ,from internal honour1 consisting in the opinion of power and goodness1 arise three passions2 love1 which hath reference to goodness2 and hope1 and fear1 that relate to power3 and three parts of external worship2 praise1 magnifying1 and blessing3 the subject of praise1 being goodness2 the subject of magnifying and blessing1 being power1 and the effect thereof felicity4 ,praise1 and magnifying are signified both by words1 and actions3 by words1 when we say a man is good1 or great3 by actions1 when we thank him for his bounty1 and obey his power4 ,the opinion of the happiness of another1 can only be expressed by words4 ,sidenote3 ,worship natural and arbitrary4 ,there be some signs of honour1 both in attributes and actions1 that be naturally so2 as amongst attributes1 good1 just1 liberal1 and the like2 and amongst actions1 prayers1 thanks1 and obedience4 ,others are so by institution1 or custom of men2 and in some times and places are honourable2 in others1 dishonourable2 in others1 indifferent3 such as are the gestures in salutation1 prayer1 and thanksgiving1 in different times and places1 differently used4 ,the former is natural2 the latter arbitrary worship4 ,sidenote3 ,worship commanded and free4 ,and of arbitrary worship1 there be two differences3 for sometimes it is a commanded1 sometimes voluntary worship3 commanded1 when it is such as he requireth1 who is worshipped3 free1 when it is such as the worshipper thinks fit4 ,when it is commanded1 not the words1 or gesture1 but the obedience is the worship4 ,but when free1 the worship consists in the opinion of the beholders3 for if to them the words1 or actions by which we intend honour1 seem ridiculous1 and tending to contumely1 they are no worship1 because no signs of honour2 and no signs of honour1 because a sign is not a sign to him that giveth it1 but to him to whom it is made1 that is1 to the spectator4 ,sidenote3 ,worship public and private4 ,again1 there is a public1 and a private worship4 ,public1 is the worship that a commonwealth performeth1 as one person4 ,private1 is that which a private person exhibiteth4 ,public1 in respect of the whole commonwealth1 is free2 but in respect of particular men1 it is not so4 ,private1 is in secret free2 but in the sight of the multitude1 it is never without some restraint1 either from the laws1 or from the opinion of men2 which is contrary to the nature of liberty4 ,sidenote3 ,the end of worship4 ,the end of worship amongst men1 is power4 ,for where a man seeth another worshipped1 he supposeth him powerful1 and is the readier to obey him2 which makes his power greater4 ,but ,god has no ends3 the worship we do him1 proceeds from our duty1 and is directed according to our capacity1 by those rules of honour1 that reason dictateth to be done by the weak to the more potent men1 in hope of benefit1 for fear of damage1 or in thankfulness for good already received from them4 ,sidenote3 ,attributes of divine honour4 ,that we may know what worship of ,god is taught us by the light of nature1 ,i will begin with his attributes4 ,where1 first1 it is manifest1 we ought to attribute to him existence4 ,for no man can have the will to honour that1 which he thinks not to have any being4 ,secondly1 that those philosophers1 who said the world1 or the soul of the world was ,god1 spake unworthily of him2 and denied his existence4 ,for by ,god1 is understood the cause of the world2 and to say the world is ,god1 is to say there is no cause of it1 that is1 no ,god4 ,thirdly1 to say the world was not created1 but eternal1 seeing that which is eternal has no cause1 is to deny there is a ,god4 ,fourthly1 that they who attributing1 as they think1 ease to ,god1 take from him the care of mankind2 take from him his honour3 for it takes away men's love1 and fear of him2 which is the root of honour4 ,fifthly1 in those things that signify greatness1 and power2 to say he is finite1 is not to honour him3 for it is not a sign of the will to honour ,god1 to attribute to him less than we can2 and finite1 is less than we can2 because to finite1 it is easy to add more4 ,therefore to attribute figure to him1 is not honour2 for all figure is finite3 ,nor to say we conceive1 and imagine1 or have an idea of him1 in our mind3 for whatsoever we conceive is finite3 ,nor to attribute to him parts1 or totality2 which are the attributes only of things finite3 ,nor to say he is in this1 or that place3 for whatsoever is in place1 is bounded1 and finite3 ,nor that he is moved1 or resteth3 for both these attributes ascribe to him place3 ,nor that there be more ,gods than one2 because it implies them all finite3 for there cannot be more than one infinite3 ,nor to ascribe to him1 7unless metaphorically1 meaning not the passion but the effect17 passions that partake of grief2 as repentance1 anger1 mercy3 or of want2 as appetite1 hope1 desire2 or of any passive faculty3 for passion1 is power limited by somewhat else4 ,and therefore when we ascribe to ,god a will1 it is not to be understood1 as that of man1 for a rational appetite2 but as the power1 by which he effecteth every thing4 ,likewise when we attribute to him sight1 and other acts of sense2 as also knowledge1 and understanding2 which in us is nothing else1 but a tumult of the mind1 raised by external things that press the organical parts of man's body3 for there is no such thing in ,god2 and being things that depend on natural causes1 cannot be attributed to him4 ,he that will attribute to ,god1 nothing but what is warranted by natural reason1 must either use such negative attributes1 as infinite1 eternal1 incomprehensible2 or superlatives1 as most high1 most great1 and the like2 or indefinite1 as good1 just1 holy1 creator2 and in such sense1 as if he meant not to declare what he is1 7for that were to circumscribe him within the limits of our fancy17 but how much we admire him1 and how ready we would be to obey him2 which is a sign of humility1 and of a will to honour him as much as we can4 ,for there is but one name to signify our conception of his nature1 and that is1 ,i ,,am3 and but one name of his relation to us1 and that is1 ,god2 in which is contained ,father1 ,king1 and ,lord4 ,sidenote3 ,actions that are signs of divine honour4 ,concerning the actions of divine worship1 it is a most general precept of reason1 that they be signs of the intention to honour ,god2 such as are1 first1 prayers4 ,for not the carvers1 when they made images1 were thought to make them gods2 but the people that prayed to them4 ,secondly1 thanksgiving2 which differeth from prayer in divine worship1 no otherwise1 than that prayers precede1 and thanks succeed the benefit2 the end1 both of the one and the other1 being to acknowledge ,god1 for author of all benefits1 as well past1 as future4 ,thirdly1 gifts1 that is to say1 sacrifices and oblations1 if they be of the best1 are signs of honour3 for they are thanksgivings4 ,fourthly1 not to swear by any but ,god1 is naturally a sign of honour3 for it is a confession that ,god only knoweth the heart2 and that no man's wit or strength can protect a man against ,god's vengeance on the perjured4 ,fifthly1 it is a part of rational worship1 to speak considerately of ,god2 for it argues a fear of him1 and fear is a confession of his power4 ,hence followeth1 that the name of ,god is not to be used rashly1 and to no purpose2 for that is as much1 as in vain3 and it is to no purpose1 unless it be by way of oath1 and by order of the commonwealth1 to make judgments certain2 or between commonwealths1 to avoid war4 ,and that disputing of ,god's nature is contrary to his honour3 for it is supposed1 that in this natural kingdom of ,god1 there is no other way to know anything1 but by natural reason1 that is1 from the principles of natural science2 which are so far from teaching us any thing of ,god's nature1 as they cannot teach us our own nature1 nor the nature of the smallest creature living4 ,and therefore1 when men out of the principles of natural reason1 dispute of the attributes of ,god1 they but dishonour him3 for in the attributes which we give to ,god1 we are not to consider the signification of philosophical truth2 but the signification of pious intention1 to do him the greatest honour we are able4 ,from the want of which consideration1 have proceeded the volumes of disputation about the nature of ,god1 that tend not to his honour1 but to the honour of our own wits and learning2 and are nothing else but inconsiderate and vain abuses of his sacred name4 ,sixthly1 in prayers1 thanksgivings1 offerings1 and sacrifices1 it is a dictate of natural reason1 that they be every one in his kind the best1 and most significant of honour4 ,as for example1 that prayers and thanksgiving1 be made in words and phrases1 not sudden1 nor light1 nor plebeian2 but beautiful1 and well composed4 ,for else we do not ,god as much honour as we can4 ,and therefore the heathens did absurdly1 to worship images for gods3 but their doing it in verse1 and with music1 both of voice and instruments1 was reasonable4 ,also that the beasts they offered in sacrifice1 and the gifts they offered1 and their actions in worshipping1 were full of submission1 and commemorative of benefits received1 was according to reason1 as proceeding from an intention to honour him4 ,seventhly1 reason directeth not only to worship ,god in secret2 but also1 and especially1 in public1 and in the sight of men4 ,for without that1 that which in honour is most acceptable1 the procuring others to honour him1 is lost4 ,lastly1 obedience to his laws1 that is1 in this case to the laws of nature1 is the greatest worship of all4 ,for as obedience is more acceptable to ,god than sacrifice2 so also to set light by his commandments1 is the greatest of all contumelies4 ,and these are the laws of that divine worship1 which natural reason dictateth to private men4 ,sidenote3 ,public worship consisteth in uniformity4 ,but seeing a commonwealth is but one person1 it ought also to exhibit to ,god but one worship2 which then it doth1 when it commandeth it to be exhibited by private men1 publicly4 ,and this is public worship2 the property whereof1 is to be uniform3 for those actions that are done differently1 by different men1 cannot be said to be a public worship4 ,and therefore1 where many sorts of worship be allowed1 proceeding from the different religions of private men1 it cannot be said there is any public worship1 nor that the commonwealth is of any religion at all4 ,sidenote3 ,all attributes depend on the laws civil4 ,and because words1 and consequently the attributes of ,god1 have their signification by agreement and constitution of men1 those attributes are to be held significative of honour1 that men intend shall so be2 and whatsoever may be done by the wills of particular men1 where there is no law but reason1 may be done by the will of the commonwealth1 by laws civil4 ,and because a commonwealth hath no will1 nor makes no laws1 but those that are made by the will of him1 or them that have the sovereign power2 it followeth that those attributes which the sovereign ordaineth1 in the worship of ,god1 for signs of honour1 ought to be taken and used for such1 by private men in their public worship4 ,sidenote3 ,not all actions4 ,but because not all actions are signs by constitution1 but some are naturally signs of honour1 others of contumely2 these latter1 which are those that men are ashamed to do in the sight of them they reverence1 cannot be made by human power a part of ,divine worship2 nor the former1 such as are decent1 modest1 humble behaviour1 ever be separated from it4 ,but whereas there be an infinite number of actions and gestures of an indifferent nature2 such of them as the commonwealth shall ordain to be publicly and universally in use1 as signs of honour1 and part of ,god's worship1 are to be taken and used for such by the subjects4 ,and that which is said in the ,scripture1 ,it is better to obey ,god than man1 hath place in the kingdom of ,god by pact1 and not by nature4 ,sidenote3 ,natural punishments4 ,having thus briefly spoken of the natural kingdom of ,god1 and his natural laws1 ,i will add only to this chapter a short declaration of his natural punishments4 ,there is no action of man in this life1 that is not the beginning of so long a chain of consequences1 as no human providence is high enough1 to give a man a prospect to the end4 ,and in this chain1 there are linked together both pleasing and unpleasing events2 in such manner1 as he that will do anything for his pleasure1 must engage himself to suffer all the pains annexed to it2 and these pains1 are the natural punishments of those actions1 which are the beginning of more harm than good4 ,and hereby it comes to pass1 that intemperance is naturally punished with diseases2 rashness1 with mischances2 injustice1 with the violence of enemies2 pride1 with ruin2 cowardice1 with oppression2 negligent government of princes1 with rebellion2 and rebellion1 with slaughter4 ,for seeing punishments are consequent to the breach of laws2 natural punishments must be naturally consequent to the breach of the laws of nature2 and therefore follow them as their natural1 not arbitrary effects4 ,sidenote3 ,the conclusion of the second part4 ,and thus far concerning the constitution1 nature1 and right of sovereigns1 and concerning the duty of subjects1 derived from the principles of natural reason4 ,and now1 considering how different this doctrine is1 from the practice of the greatest part of the world1 especially of these western parts1 that have received their moral learning from ,rome and ,athens2 and how much depth of moral philosophy is required1 in them that have the administration of the sovereign power2 ,i am at the point of believing this my labour1 as useless1 as the commonwealth of ,plato4 ,for he also is of opinion that it is impossible for the disorders of state1 and change of governments by civil war1 ever to be taken away1 till sovereigns be philosophers4 ,but when ,i consider again1 that the science of natural justice1 is the only science necessary for sovereigns and their principal ministers2 and that they need not be charged with the sciences mathematical1 as by ,plato they are1 farther than by good laws to encourage men to the study of them2 and that neither ,plato1 nor any other philosopher hitherto1 hath put into order1 and sufficiently or probably proved all the theorems of moral doctrine1 that men may learn thereby1 both how to govern1 and how to obey2 ,i recover some hope1 that one time or other1 this writing of mine may fall into the hands of a sovereign1 who will consider it himself1 7for it is short1 and ,i think clear17 without the help of any interested1 or envious interpreter2 and by the exercise of entire sovereignty1 in protecting the public teaching of it1 convert this truth of speculation1 into the utility of practice4 ,,part ,,iii4 ,,of ,a ,,christian ,,commonwealth4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxii4 ,,of ,,the ,,principles ,,of ,,christian ,,politics4 ,sidenote3 ,the word of ,god delivered by prophets is the main principle of ,christian politics4 ,i have derived the rights of sovereign power1 and the duty of subjects1 hitherto from the principles of nature only2 such as experience has found true1 or consent concerning the use of words has made so2 that is to say1 from the nature of men1 known to us by experience1 and from definitions of such words as are essential to all political reasoning1 universally agreed on4 ,but in that ,i am next to handle1 which is the nature and rights of a ,,christian ,,commonwealth1 whereof there dependeth much upon supernatural revelations of the will of ,god2 the ground of my discourse must be1 not only the natural word of ,god1 but also the prophetical4 ,sidenote3 ,yet is not natural reason to be renounced4 ,nevertheless1 we are not to renounce our senses1 and experience2 nor1 that which is the undoubted word of ,god1 our natural reason4 ,for they are the talents which he hath put into our hands to negotiate1 till the coming again of our blessed ,saviour2 and therefore not to be folded up in the napkin of an implicit faith1 but employed in the purchase of justice1 peace1 and true religion4 ,for though there be many things in ,god's word above reason2 that it is to say1 which cannot by natural reason be either demonstrated1 or confuted2 yet there is nothing contrary to it2 but when it seemeth so1 the fault is either in our unskilful interpretation1 or erroneous ratiocination4 ,therefore1 when anything therein written is too hard for our examination1 we are bidden to captivate our understanding to the words2 and not to labour in sifting out a philosophical truth by logic1 of such mysteries as are not comprehensible1 nor fall under any rule of natural science4 ,for it is with the mysteries of our religion1 as with wholesome pills for the sick2 which swallowed whole1 have the virtue to cure2 but chewed1 are for the most part cast up again without effect4 ,sidenote3 ,what it is to captivate the understanding4 ,but by the captivity of our understanding1 is not meant a submission of the intellectual faculty to the opinion of any other man2 but of the will to obedience1 where obedience is due4 ,for sense1 memory1 understanding1 reason1 and opinion are not in our power to change2 but always1 and necessarily such1 as the things we see1 hear1 and consider suggest unto us2 and therefore are not effects of our will1 but our will of them4 ,we then captivate our understanding and reason1 when we forbear contradiction2 when we so speak1 as by lawful authority we are commanded2 and when we live accordingly2 which1 in sum1 is trust and faith reposed in him that speaketh1 though the mind be incapable of any notion at all from the words spoken4 ,sidenote3 ,how ,god speaketh to men4 ,when ,god speaketh to man1 it must be either immediately2 or by mediation of another man1 to whom he had formerly spoken by himself immediately4 ,how ,god speaketh to a man immediately1 may be understood by those well enough1 to whom he hath so spoken2 but how the same should be understood by another1 is hard1 if not impossible to know4 ,for if a man pretend to me1 that ,god hath spoken to him supernaturally and immediately1 and ,i make doubt of it1 ,i cannot easily perceive what argument he can produce1 to oblige me to believe it4 ,it is true1 that if he be my sovereign1 he may oblige me to obedience1 so1 as not by act or word to declare ,i believe him not2 but not to think any otherwise than my reason persuades me4 ,but if one that hath not such authority over me1 should pretend the same1 there is nothing that exacteth either belief1 or obedience4 ,for to say that ,god hath spoken to him in the ,holy ,scripture1 is not to say ,god hath spoken to him immediately1 but by mediation of the prophets1 or of the apostles1 or of the church1 in such manner as he speaks to all other ,christian men4 ,to say he hath spoken to him in a dream1 is no more than to say he dreamed that ,god spake to him2 which is not of force to win belief from any man1 that knows dreams are for the most part natural1 and may proceed from former thoughts2 and such dreams as that1 from self-conceit1 and foolish arrogance1 and false opinion of a man's own godliness1 or other virtue1 by which he thinks he hath merited the favour of extraordinary revelation4 ,to say he hath seen a vision1 or heard a voice1 is to say1 that he hath dreamed between sleeping and waking3 for in such manner a man doth many times naturally take his dream for a vision1 as not having well observed his own slumbering4 ,to say he speaks by supernatural inspiration1 is to say he finds an ardent desire to speak1 or some strong opinion of himself1 for which he can allege no natural and sufficient reason4 ,so that though ,god ,almighty can speak to a man by dreams1 visions1 voice1 and inspiration2 yet he obliges no man to believe he hath so done to him that pretends it2 who1 being a man1 may err1 and1 which is more1 may lie4 ,sidenote3 ,by what marks prophets are known4 ,how then can he1 to whom ,god hath never revealed his will immediately1 saving by the way of natural reason1 know when he is to obey1 or not to obey his word1 delivered by him that says he is a prophet8 ,of four hundred prophets1 of whom the king of ,israel asked counsel1 concerning the war he made against ,ramoth ,gilead1 7#a ,kings1 xxii47 only ,micaiah was a true one4 ,the prophet that was sent to prophecy against the altar set up by ,jeroboam1 7#a ,kings1 xiii47 though a true prophet1 and that by two miracles done in his presence1 appears to be a prophet sent from ,god1 was yet deceived by another old prophet1 that persuaded him as from the mouth of ,god1 to eat and drink with him4 ,if one prophet deceive another1 what certainty is there of knowing the will of ,god1 by other way than that of reason8 ,to which ,i answer out of the ,holy ,scripture1 that there be two marks1 by which together1 not asunder1 a true prophet is to be known4 ,one is the doing of miracles2 the other is the not teaching any other religion than that which is already established4 ,asunder1 ,i say1 neither of these is sufficient4 ,if a prophet rise amongst you1 or a dreamer of dreams1 and shall pretend the doing of a miracle and the miracle come to pass2 if he say1 ,let us follow strange ,gods1 which thou hast not known1 thou shalt not hearken to him1 c4 ,but that prophet and dreamer of dreams shall be put to death1 because he hath spoken to you to revolt from the ,lord your ,god4 7,deut4 xiii4 #a-e47 ,in which words two things are to be observed2 first1 that ,god will not have miracles alone serve for arguments1 to approve the prophet's calling2 but1 as it is in the third verse1 for an experiment of the constancy of our adherence to himself4 ,for the works of the ,egyptian sorcerers1 though not so great as those of ,moses1 yet were great miracles4 ,secondly1 that how great soever the miracle be1 yet if it tend to stir up revolt against the king1 or him that governeth by the king's authority1 he that doth such miracle1 is not to be considered otherwise than as sent to make trial of their allegiance4 ,for these words1 revolt from the ,lord your ,god1 are in this place equivalent to revolt from your king4 ,for they had made ,god their king by pact at the foot of ,mount ,sinai2 who ruled them by ,moses only2 for he only spake with ,god1 and from time to time declared ,god's commandments to the people4 ,in like manner1 after our ,saviour ,christ had made his disciples acknowledge him for the ,messiah1 7that is to say1 for ,god's anointed1 whom the nation of the ,jews daily expected for their king1 but refused when he came17 he omitted not to advertise them of the danger of miracles4 ,there shall arise1 saith he1 false ,christs1 and false prophets1 and shall do great wonders and miracles1 even to the seducing1 if it were possible1 of the very elect4 7,matt4 xxiv4 #bd47 ,by which it appears1 that false prophets may have the power of miracles2 yet are we not to take their doctrine for ,god's word4 ,st4 ,paul says farther to the ,galatians1 7,gal4 i4 #h47 that if himself1 or an angel from heaven preach another gospel to them1 than he had preached1 let him be accursed4 ,that gospel was1 that ,christ was ,king2 so that all preaching against the power of the king received1 in consequence to these words1 is by ,st4 ,paul accursed4 ,for his speech is addressed to those1 who by his preaching had already received ,jesus for the ,christ1 that is to say1 for ,king of the ,jews4 ,sidenote3 ,the marks of a prophet in the old law1 miracles1 and doctrine comformable to the law4 ,and as miracles1 without preaching that doctrine which ,god hath established2 so preaching the true doctrine1 without the doing of miracles1 is an insufficient argument of immediate revelation4 ,for if a man that teacheth not false doctrine1 should pretend to be a prophet without showing any miracle1 he is never the more to be regarded for his pretence1 as is evident by ,deut4 xviii4 v4 #ba1 #bb1 ,if thou say in thy heart1 ,how shall we know that the word 7of the prophet7 is not that which the ,lord hath spoken8 when the prophet shall have spoken in the name of the ,lord1 that which shall not come to pass1 that is the word which the ,lord hath not spoken1 but the prophet has spoken it out of the pride of his own heart1 fear him not4 ,but a man may here again ask1 when the prophet hath foretold a thing1 how shall we know whether it will come to pass or not8 ,for he may foretell it as a thing to arrive after a certain long time1 longer than the time of man's life2 or indefinitely1 that it will come to pass one time or other3 in which case this mark of a prophet is unuseful2 and therefore the miracles that oblige us to believe a prophet1 ought to be confirmed by an immediate1 or a not long deferred event4 ,so that it is manifest1 that the teaching of the religion which ,god hath established1 and the showing of a present miracle1 joined together1 were the only marks whereby the ,scripture would have a true prophet1 that is to say1 immediate revelation1 to be acknowledged2 neither of them being singly sufficient to oblige any other man to regard what he saith4 ,sidenote3 ,miracles ceasing1 prophets cease1 and the ,scripture supplies their place4 ,seeing therefore miracles now cease1 we have no sign left1 whereby to acknowledge the pretended revelations or inspirations of any private man2 nor obligation to give ear to any doctrine1 farther than it is conformable to the ,holy ,scriptures1 which since the time of our ,saviour1 supply the place1 and sufficiently recompense the want of all other prophecy2 and from which1 by wise and learned interpretation1 and careful ratiocination1 all rules and precepts necessary to the knowledge of our duty both to ,god and man1 without enthusiasm or supernatural inspiration1 may easily be deduced4 ,and this ,scripture is it1 out of which ,i am to take the principles of my discourse1 concerning the rights of those that are the supreme governors on earth of ,christian commonwealths2 and of the duty of ,christian subjects towards their sovereigns4 ,and to that end1 ,i shall speak in the next chapter1 of the books1 writers1 scope and authority of the ,bible4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,number1 ,,antiquity1 ,,scope1 ,,authority ,,and ,,interpreters ,,of ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,holy ,,scripture4 ,sidenote3 ,of the books of ,holy ,scripture4 ,by the ,books of ,holy ,,scripture1 are understood those1 which ought to be the canon1 that is to say1 the rules of ,christian life4 ,and because all rules of life1 which men are in conscience bound to observe1 are laws2 the question of the ,scripture1 is the question of what is law throughout all ,christendom1 both natural and civil4 ,for though it be not determined in ,scripture1 what laws every ,christian king shall constitute in his own dominions2 yet it is determined what laws he shall not constitute4 ,seeing therefore ,i have already proved1 that sovereigns in their own dominions are the sole legislators2 those books only are canonical1 that is1 law1 in every nation1 which are established for such by the sovereign authority4 ,it is true1 that ,god is the sovereign of all sovereigns2 and therefore1 when he speaks to any subject1 he ought to be obeyed1 whatsoever any earthly potentate command to the contrary4 ,but the question is not of obedience to ,god1 but of when and what ,god hath said2 which to subjects that have no supernatural revelation1 cannot be known1 but by that natural reason1 which guideth them1 for the obtaining of peace and justice1 to obey the authority of their several commonwealths1 that is to say1 of their lawful sovereigns4 ,according to this obligation1 ,i can acknowledge no other books of the ,old ,testament1 to be ,holy ,scripture1 but those which have been commanded to be acknowledged for such1 by the authority of the ,church of ,england4 ,what books these are1 is sufficiently known1 without a catalogue of them here2 and they are the same that are acknowledged by ,st4 ,jerome1 who holdeth the rest1 namely1 the ,wisdom of ,solomon1 ,ecclesiasticus1 ,judith1 ,tobias1 the first and the second of ,maccabees1 7though he had seen the first in ,hebrew17 and the third and fourth of ,esdras1 for ,apocrypha4 ,of the canonical1 ,josephus1 a learned ,jew1 that wrote in the time of the emperor ,domitian1 reckoneth twenty-two1 making the number agree with the ,hebrew alphabet4 ,st4 ,jerome does the same1 though they reckon them in different manner4 ,for ,josephus numbers five ,books of ,moses1 thirteen of ,prophets that writ the history of their own times1 7which how it agrees with the prophets' writings contained in the ,bible we shall see hereafter17 and four of hymns and moral precepts4 ,but ,st4 ,jerome reckons five books of ,moses1 eight of ,prophets1 and nine of other ,holy ,writ1 which he calls of 4 ,the ,septuagint1 who were seventy learned men of the ,jews1 sent for by ,ptolemy1 king of ,egypt1 to translate the ,jewish law out of the ,hebrew into the ,greek1 have left us no other for ,holy ,scripture in the ,greek tongue1 but the same that are received in the ,church of ,england4 ,sidenote3 ,their antiquity4 ,as for the ,books of the ,new ,testament1 they are equally acknowledged for canon by all ,christian churches1 and by all sects of ,christians1 that admit any books at all for canonical4 ,who were the original writers of the several ,books of ,holy ,scripture1 has not been made evident by any sufficient testimony of other history1 which is the only proof of matter of fact2 nor can be1 by any arguments of natural reason3 for reason serves only to convince the truth1 not of fact1 but1 of consequence4 ,the light therefore that must guide us in this question1 must be that which is held out unto us from the books themselves3 and this light1 though it show us not the writer of every book1 yet it is not unuseful to give us knowledge of the time1 wherein they were written4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,pentateuch not written by ,moses4 ,and first1 for the ,pentateuch1 it is not argument enough that they were written by ,moses1 because they are called the five ,books of ,moses2 no more than these titles1 the ,book of ,joshua1 the ,book of ,judges1 the ,book of ,ruth1 and the ,books of the ,kings1 are arguments sufficient to prove1 that they were written by ,joshua1 by the ,judges1 by ,ruth1 and by the ,kings4 ,for in titles of books1 the subject is marked1 as often as the writer4 ,the history of ,livy1 denotes the writer2 but the history of ,scanderberg1 is denominated from the subject4 ,we read in the last chapter of ,deuteronomy1 verse #fth1 concerning the sepulchre of ,moses1 that no man knoweth of his sepulchre to this day1 that is1 to to the day wherein those words were written4 ,it is therefore manifest1 that those words were written after his interment4 ,for it were a strange interpretation1 to say ,moses spake of his own sepulchre1 though by prophecy1 that it was not found to that day1 wherein he was yet living4 ,but it may perhaps be alleged1 that the last chapter only1 not the whole ,pentateuch1 was written by some other man1 but the rest not4 ,let us therefore consider that which we find in the book of ,genesis1 7xii4 #f47 ,and ,abraham passed through the land to the place of ,sichem1 unto the plain of ,moreh1 and the ,canaanite was then in the land2 which must needs be the words of one that wrote when the ,canaanite was not in the land2 and consequently1 not of ,moses1 who died before he came into it4 ,likewise ,numbers1 xxi4 #ad1 the writer citeth another more ancient book1 entitled1 ,the ,book of the ,wars of the ,lord1 wherein were registered the acts of ,moses1 at the ,red ,sea1 and at the brook of ,arnon4 ,it is therefore sufficiently evident1 that the five ,books of ,moses were written after his time1 though how long after it be not so manifest4 ,but though ,moses did not compile those books entirely1 and in the form we have them2 yet he wrote all that which he is there said to have written3 as for example1 the ,volume of the ,law1 which is contained1 as it seemeth1 in the xith4 of ,deuteronomy1 and the following chapters to the xxviith4 which was also commanded to be written on stones1 in their entry into the land of ,canaan4 ,and this also did ,moses himself write1 7,deut4 xxxi4 #i1 #aj7 and delivered to the priests and elders of ,israel1 to be read every seventh year to all ,israel1 at their assembling in the ,feast of ,tabernacles4 ,and this is that law which ,god commanded1 that their kings1 when they should have established that form of government1 should take a copy of from the priests and ,levites3 and which ,moses commanded the priests and ,levites to lay in the side of the ark1 7,deut4 xxxi4 #bf72 and the same which having been lost1 was long time after found again by ,hilkiah1 and sent to king ,josias 7#b ,kings xxii4 #h7 who causing it to be read to the people1 7#b ,kings xxiii4 #a1 #b1 #c7 renewed the covenant between ,god and them4 ,sidenote3 ,the book of ,joshua written after his time4 ,that the book of ,joshua was also written long after the time of ,joshua1 may be gathered out of many places of the book itself4 ,joshua had set up twelve stones in the midst of ,jordan1 for a monument of their passage2 of which the writer saith thus1 ,they are there unto this day 7,josh4 iv4 #i72 for unto this day1 is a phrase that signifieth a time past1 beyond the memory of man4 ,in like manner1 upon the saying of the ,lord1 that he had rolled off from the people the reproach of ,egypt1 the writer saith1 ,the place is called ,gilgal unto this day 7,josh4 v4 #i72 which to have said in the time of ,joshua had been improper4 ,so also the name of the valley of ,achor1 from the trouble that ,achan raised in the camp1 the writer saith1 remaineth unto this day 7,josh4 vii4 #bf72 which must needs be therefore long after the time of ,joshua4 ,arguments of this kind there be many other2 as ,josh4 viii4 #bi1 xiii4 #ac1 xiv4 #ad1 xv4 #fc4 ,sidenote3 ,the books of ,judges and ,ruth written long after the captivity4 ,the same is manifest by like arguments of the book of ,judges1 chap4 i4 #ba1 #bf1 vi4 #bd1 x4 #d1 xv4 #ai1 xvii4 #f1 and ,ruth i4 #a2 but especially ,judg4 xviii4 #cj1 where it is said1 that ,jonathan and his sons were priests to the tribe of ,dan1 until the day of the captivity of the land4 ,sidenote3 ,the like of the books of ,samuel4 ,that the books of ,samuel were also written after his own time1 there are the like arguments1 #a ,sam4 v4 #e1 vii4 #ac1 #ae2 xxvii1 #f1 and xxx4 #be1 where1 after ,david had adjudged equal part of the spoils1 to them that guarded the ammunition1 with them that fought1 the writer saith1 ,he made it a statute and an ordinance to ,israel to this day4 ,again1 when ,david1 displeased1 that the ,lord had slain ,uzzah1 for putting out his hand to sustain the ark1 called the place ,perez-,uzzah1 the writer saith1 7#b ,sam4 vi4 #h7 it is called so to this day3 the time therefore of the writing of that book1 must be long after the time of the fact2 that is1 long after the time of ,david4 ,sidenote3 ,the books of the ,kings1 and the ,chronicles4 ,as for the two books of the ,kings1 and the two books of the ,chronicles1 besides the places which mention such monuments1 as the writer saith1 remained till his own days2 such as are #a ,kings ix4 #ac1 ix4 #ba1 x4 #ab1 xii4 #ai4 #b ,kings ii4 #bb1 viii4 #bb1 x4 #bg1 xiv4 #g1 xvi4 #f1 xvii4 #bc1 xvii4 #cd1 xvii4 #da1 and #a ,chron4 iv4 #da1 v4 #bf3 it is argument sufficient they were written after the captivity in ,babylon1 that the history of them is continued till that time4 ,for the facts registered are always more ancient than the register2 and much more ancient than such books as make mention of1 and quote the register2 as these books do in divers places1 referring the reader to the ,chronicles of the ,kings of ,judah1 to the ,chronicles of the ,kings of ,israel1 to the ,books of the prophet ,samuel1 of the prophet ,nathan1 of the prophet ,ahijah2 to the ,vision of ,jehdo1 to the books of the prophet ,serveiah1 and of the prophet ,addo4 ,sidenote3 ,ezra and ,nehemiah4 ,the books of ,ezra and ,nehemiah were written certainly after their return from captivity2 because their return1 the re-edification of the walls and houses of ,jerusalem1 the renovation of the covenant1 and ordination of their policy1 are therein contained4 ,sidenote3 ,esther4 ,the history of ,queen ,esther is of the time of the captivity2 and therefore the writer must have been of the same time1 or after it4 ,sidenote3 ,job4 ,the book of ,job hath no mark in it of the time wherein it was written2 and though it appear sufficiently 7,ezekiel xiv4 #ad1 and ,james v4 #aa7 that he was no feigned person2 yet the book itself seemeth not to be a history1 but a treatise concerning a question in ancient time much disputed1 why wicked men have often prospered in this world1 and good men have been afflicted2 and this is the more probable1 because from the beginning1 to the third verse of the third chapter1 where the complaint of ,job beginneth1 the ,hebrew is1 as ,st4 ,jerome testifies1 in prose2 and from thence to the sixth verse of the last chapter1 in hexameter verses2 and the rest of that chapter again in prose4 ,so that the dispute is all in verse2 and the prose is added1 but as a preface in the beginning1 and an epilogue in the end4 ,but verse is no usual style of such1 as either are themselves in great pain1 as ,job2 or of such as come to comfort them1 as his friends2 but in philosophy1 especially moral philosophy1 in ancient time frequent4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,psalter4 ,the ,psalms were written the most part by ,david1 for the use of the quire4 ,to these are added some songs of ,moses1 and other holy men2 and some of them after the return from the captivity1 as the #acgth and the #abfth1 whereby it is manifest that the ,psalter was compiled1 and put into the form it now hath1 after the return of the ,jews from ,babylon4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,proverbs4 ,the ,proverbs1 being a collection of wise and godly sayings1 partly of ,solomon1 partly of ,agur1 the son of ,jakeh1 and partly of the mother of king ,lemuel1 cannot probably be thought to have been collected by ,solomon1 rather than by ,agur1 or the mother of ,lemuel2 and that1 though the sentences be theirs1 yet the collection or compiling them into this one book1 was the work of some other godly man1 that lived after them all4 ,sidenote3 ,ecclesiastes and the ,canticles4 ,the books of ,ecclesiastes and the ,canticles have nothing that was not ,solomon's1 except it be the titles1 or inscriptions4 ,for ,the ,words of the ,preacher1 the son of ,david1 king in ,jerusalem2 and1 ,the ,song of ,songs1 which is ,solomon's1 seem to have been made for distinction's sake1 then1 when the ,books of ,scripture were gathered into one body of the law2 to the end1 that not the doctrine only1 but the authors also might be extant4 ,sidenote3 ,prophets4 ,of the prophets1 the most ancient1 are ,zephaniah1 ,jonah1 ,amos1 ,hosea1 ,isaiah1 and ,michah1 who lived in the time of ,amaziah and ,azariah1 otherwise ,ozias1 kings of ,judah4 ,but the book of ,jonah is not properly a register of his prophecy2 for that is contained in these few words1 ,forty days and ,niniveh shall be destroyed2 but a history or narration of his frowardness and disputing ,god's commandments2 so that there is small probability he should be the author1 seeing he is the subject of it4 ,but the book of ,amos is his prophecy4 ,jeremiah1 ,obadiah1 ,nahum1 and ,habakkuk prophecied in the time of ,josiah4 ,ezekiel1 ,daniel1 ,haggai1 and ,zechariah1 in the captivity4 ,when ,joel and ,malachi prophecied1 is not evident by their writings4 ,but considering the inscriptions1 or titles of their books1 it is manifest enough1 that the whole ,scripture of the ,old ,testament1 was set forth in the form we have it1 after the return of the ,jews from their captivity in ,babylon1 and before the time of ,ptolomus ,philadelphus1 that caused it to be translated into ,greek by seventy men1 which were sent him out of ,judea for that purpose4 ,and if the books of ,apocrypha1 which are recommended to us by the church1 though not for canonical1 yet for profitable books for our instruction1 may in this point be credited1 the ,scripture was set forth in the form we have it in1 by ,esdras3 as may appear by that which he himself saith1 in the second book1 7chapter xiv4 verse #ba1 #bb1 c47 where speaking to ,god1 he saith thus1 ,thy law is burnt2 therefore no man knoweth the things which thou hast done1 or the works that are to begin4 ,but if ,i have found grace before thee1 send down the holy spirit into me1 and ,i shall write all that hath been done in the world1 since the beginning1 which were written in thy law1 that men may find thy path1 and that they which will live in the latter day1 may live4 ,and verse #de3 ,and it came to pass when the forty days were fulfilled1 that the highest spake1 saying1 ,the first that thou hast written1 publish openly1 that the worthy and unworthy may read it2 but keep the seventy last1 that thou mayest deliver them only to such as be wise among the people4 ,and thus much concerning the time of the writing of the books of the ,old ,testament4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,new ,testament4 ,the writers of the ,new ,testament lived all in less than an age after ,christ's ascension1 and had all of them seen our ,saviour1 or been his disciples1 except ,st4 ,paul1 and ,st4 ,luke2 and consequently whatsoever was written by them1 is as ancient as the time of the apostles4 ,but the time wherein the books of the ,new ,testament were received1 and acknowledged by the church to be of their writing1 is not altogether so ancient4 ,for1 as the books of the ,old ,testament are derived to us1 from no other time than that of ,esdras1 who by the direction of ,god's spirit retrieved them1 when they were lost3 those of the ,new ,testament1 of which the copies were not many1 nor could easily be all in any one private man's hand1 cannot be derived from a higher time1 than that wherein the governors of the church collected1 approved1 and recommended them to us1 as the writings of those apostles and disciples1 under whose names they go4 ,the first enumeration of all the books1 both of the ,old and ,new ,testament1 is in the canons of the apostles1 supposed to be collected by ,clement1 the first 7after ,st4 ,peter7 bishop of ,rome4 ,but because that is but supposed1 and by many questioned1 the ,council of ,laodicea is the first we know1 that recommended the ,bible to the then ,christian churches1 for the writings of the prophets and apostles3 and this ,council was held in the #cfdth year after ,christ4 ,at which time1 though ambition had so far prevailed on the great doctors of the church1 as no more to esteem emperors1 though ,christian1 for the shepherds of the people1 but for sheep2 and emperors not ,christian1 for wolves2 and endeavoured to pass their doctrine1 not for counsel and information1 as preachers2 but for laws1 as absolute governors2 and thought such frauds as tended to make the people the more obedient to ,christian doctrine1 to be pious2 yet ,i am persuaded they did not therefore falsify the ,scriptures1 though the copies of the books of the ,new ,testament1 were in the hands only of the ecclesiastics2 because if they had had an intention so to do1 they would surely have made them more favourable to their power over ,christian princes1 and civil sovereignty1 than they are4 ,i see not therefore any reason to doubt but that the ,old and ,new ,testament1 as we have them now1 are the true registers of those things1 which were done and said by the prophets and apostles4 ,and so perhaps are some of those books which are called apocrypha1 and left out of the canon1 not for inconformity of doctrine with the rest1 but only because they are not found in the ,hebrew4 ,for after the conquest of ,asia by ,alexander the ,great1 there were few learned ,jews1 that were not perfect in the ,greek tongue4 ,for the seventy interpreters that converted the ,bible into ,greek1 were all of them ,hebrews2 and we have extant the works of ,philo and ,josephus1 both ,jews1 written by them eloquently in ,greek4 ,sidenote3 ,their scope4 ,but it is not the writer1 but the authority of the church1 that maketh the book canonical4 ,and although these books were written by divers men1 yet it is manifest the writers were all indued with one and the same spirit1 in that they conspire to one and the same end1 which is setting forth of the rights of the kingdom of ,god1 the ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,ghost4 ,for the book of ,genesis1 deriveth the genealogy of ,god's people1 from the creation of the world1 to the going into ,egypt3 the other four books of ,moses contain the election of ,god for their king1 and the laws which he prescribed for their government3 the books of ,joshua1 ,judges1 ,ruth1 and ,samuel1 to the time of ,saul1 describe the acts of ,god's people1 till the time they cast off ,god's yoke1 and called for a king1 after the manner of their neighbour nations4 ,the rest of the history of the ,old ,testament derives the succession of the line of ,david1 to the captivity1 out of which line was to spring the restorer of the kingdom of ,god1 even our blessed ,saviour ,god the ,son1 whose coming was foretold in the books of the prophets1 after whom the ,evangelists write his life1 and actions1 and his claim to the kingdom1 whilst he lived on earth3 and lastly1 the ,acts1 and ,epistles of the ,apostles1 declare the coming of ,god the ,holy ,ghost1 and the authority he left with them and their successors1 for the direction of the ,jews1 and for the invitation of the ,gentiles4 ,in sum1 the histories and the prophecies of the ,old ,testament1 and the gospels and epistles of the ,new ,testament1 have had one and the same scope1 to convert men to the obedience of ,god2 ,i41 in ,moses1 and the ,priests2 ,,ii41 in the man ,christ2 and ,,iii41 in the ,apostles and the successors to apostolical power4 ,for these three at several times did represent the person of ,god3 ,moses1 and his successors the ,high ,priests1 and ,kings of ,judah1 in the ,old ,testament3 ,christ himself1 in the time he lived on earth3 and the ,apostles1 and their successors1 from the day of ,pentecost1 when the ,holy ,ghost descended on them1 to this day4 ,sidenote3 ,the question of the authority of the ,scriptures stated4 ,it is a question much disputed between the divers sects of ,christian religion1 from whence the ,scriptures derive their authority2 which question is also propounded sometimes in other terms1 as1 how we know them to be the word of ,god1 or1 why we believe them to be so3 and the difficulty of resolving it1 ariseth chiefly from the improperness of the words wherein the question itself is couched4 ,for it is believed on all hands1 that the first and original author of them is ,god2 and consequently the question disputed1 is not that4 ,again1 it is manifest1 that none can know they are ,god's word1 7though all true ,christians believe it17 but those to whom ,god himself hath revealed it supernaturally2 and therefore the question is not rightly moved1 of our knowledge of it4 ,lastly1 when the question is propounded of our belief2 because some are moved to believe for one1 and others for other reasons2 there can be rendered no one general answer for them all4 ,the question truly stated is1 by what authority they are made law4 ,sidenote3 ,their authority and interpretation4 ,as far as they differ not from the laws of nature1 there is no doubt1 but they are the law of ,god1 and carry their authority with them1 legible to all men that have the use of natural reason3 but this is no other authority1 than that of all other moral doctrine consonant to reason2 the dictates whereof are laws1 not made1 but eternal4 ,if they be made law by ,god himself1 they are of the nature of written law1 which are laws to them only to whom ,god hath so sufficiently published them1 as no man can excuse himself1 by saying1 he knew not they were his4 ,he therefore to whom ,god hath not supernaturally revealed that they are his1 nor that those that published them1 were sent by him1 is not obliged to obey them1 by any authority1 but his1 whose commands have already the force of laws2 that is to say1 by any other authority1 than that of the commonwealth1 residing in the sovereign1 who only has the legislative power4 ,again1 if it be not the legislative authority of the commonwealth1 that giveth them the force of laws1 it must be some other authority derived from ,god1 either private1 or public3 if private1 it obliges only him1 to whom in particular ,god hath been pleased to reveal it4 ,for if every man should be obliged1 to take for ,god's law1 what particular men1 on pretence of private inspiration1 or revelation1 should obtrude upon him1 in such a number of men1 that out of pride and ignorance1 take their own dreams1 and extravagant fancies1 and madness1 for testimonies of ,god's spirit2 or out of ambition1 pretend to such divine testimonies1 falsely1 and contrary to their own consciences1 it were impossible that any divine law should be acknowledged4 ,if public1 it is the authority of the commonwealth1 or of the church4 ,but the church1 if it be one person1 is the same thing with a commonwealth of ,christians2 called a commonwealth1 because it consisteth of men united in one person1 their sovereign2 and a church1 because it consisteth in ,christian men1 united in one ,christian sovereign4 ,but if the church be not one person1 then it hath no authority at all3 it can neither command1 nor do any action at all2 nor is capable of having any power1 or right to anything3 nor has any will1 reason nor voice2 for all these qualities are personal4 ,now if the whole number of ,christians be not contained in one commonwealth1 they are not one person2 nor is there an universal church that hath any authority over them2 and therefore the ,scriptures are not made laws1 by the universal church3 or if it be one commonwealth1 then all ,christian monarchs and states are private persons1 and subject to be judged1 deposed1 and punished by an universal sovereign of all ,christendom4 ,so that the question of the authority of the ,scriptures1 is reduced to this1 whether ,christian kings1 and the sovereign assemblies in ,christian commonwealths1 be absolute in their own territories1 immediately under ,god2 or subject to one vicar of ,christ1 constituted of the universal church2 to be judged1 condemned1 deposed1 and put to death1 as he shall think expedient1 or necessary for the common good4 ,which question cannot be resolved1 without a more particular consideration of the ,kingdom of ,god2 from whence also1 we are to judge of the authority of interpreting the ,scripture4 ,for1 whosoever hath a lawful power over any writing1 to make it law1 hath the power also to approve1 or disapprove the interpretation of the same4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,of ,,spirit1 ,,angel1 ,,and ,,inspiration ,,in ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,holy ,,scripture4 ,sidenote3 ,body and spirit how taken in the ,scripture4 ,seeing the foundation of all true ratiocination1 is the constant signification of words2 which in the doctrine following1 dependeth not1 as in natural science1 on the will of the writer1 nor1 as in common conversation1 on vulgar use1 but on the sense they carry in the ,scripture2 it is necessary1 before ,i proceed any further1 to determine1 out of the ,bible1 the meaning of such words1 as by their ambiguity1 may render what ,i am to infer upon them1 obscure1 or disputable4 ,i will begin with the words ,,body and ,,spirit1 which in the language of the ,schools are termed1 substances1 corporeal1 and incorporeal4 ,sidenote3 ,body and spirit how taken in the ,scripture4 ,the word body1 in the most general acceptation1 signifieth that which filleth1 or occupieth some certain room1 or imagined place2 and dependeth not on the imagination1 but is a real part of that we call the universe4 ,for the universe1 being the aggregate of all bodies1 there is no real part thereof that is not also body2 nor any thing properly a body1 that is not also part of that aggregate of all bodies1 the universe4 ,the same also1 because bodies are subject to change1 that is to say1 to variety of apparence to the sense of living creatures1 is called substance1 that is to say1 subject to various accidents3 as sometimes to be moved2 sometimes to stand still2 and to seem to our senses sometimes hot1 sometimes cold1 sometimes of one colour1 smell1 taste1 or sound1 sometimes of another4 ,and this diversity of seeming1 produced by the diversity of the operation of bodies on the organs of our sense1 we attribute to alterations of the bodies that operate1 and call them accidents of those bodies4 ,and according to this acceptation of the word1 substance and body signify the same thing2 and therefore substance incorporeal are words1 which when they are joined together1 destroy one another1 as if a man should say1 an incorporeal body4 ,but in the sense of common people1 not all the universe is called body1 but only such parts thereof as they can discern by the sense of feeling1 to resist their force1 or by the sense of their eyes1 to hinder them from a farther prospect4 ,therefore in the common language of men1 air1 and aerial substances1 use not to be taken for bodies1 but 7as often as men are sensible of their effects7 are called wind1 or breath1 or 7because the same are called in the ,latin spiritus7 spirits2 as when they call that aerial substance1 which in the body of any living creature gives it life and motion1 vital and animal spirits4 ,but for those idols of the brain1 which represent bodies to us1 where they are not1 as in a looking-glass1 in a dream1 or to a distempered brain waking1 they are1 as the apostle saith generally of all idols1 nothing2 nothing at all1 ,i say1 there where they seem to be2 and in the brain itself1 nothing but tumult1 proceeding either from the action of the objects1 or from the disorderly agitation of the organs of our sense4 ,and men1 that are otherwise employed1 than to search into their causes1 know not of themselves1 what to call them2 and may therefore easily be persuaded1 by those whose knowledge they much reverence1 some to call them bodies1 and think them made of air compacted by a power supernatural1 because the sight judges them corporeal2 and some to call them spirits1 because the sense of touch discerneth nothing in the place where they appear1 to resist their fingers3 so that the proper signification of spirit in common speech1 is either a subtle1 fluid1 and invisible body1 or a ghost1 or other idol or phantasm of the imagination4 ,but for metaphorical significations1 there be many3 for sometimes it is taken for disposition or inclination of the mind2 as when for the disposition to controul the sayings of other men1 we say1 a spirit of contradiction2 for a disposition to uncleanness1 an unclean spirit2 for perverseness1 a froward spirit2 for sullenness1 a dumb spirit2 and for inclination to godliness and ,god's service1 the ,spirit of ,god3 sometimes for any eminent ability or extraordinary passion1 or disease of the mind1 as when great wisdom is called the spirit of wisdom2 and madmen are said to be possessed with a spirit4 ,other signification of spirit ,i find nowhere any2 and where none of these can satisfy the sense of that word in ,scripture1 the place falleth not under human understanding2 and our faith therein consisteth not in our opinion1 but in our submission2 as in all places where ,god is said to be a ,spirit2 or where by the ,spirit of ,god1 is meant ,god himself4 ,for the nature of ,god is incomprehensible2 that is to say1 we understand nothing of what he is1 but only that he is2 and therefore the attributes we give him1 are not to tell one another1 what he is1 nor to signify our opinion of his nature1 but our desire to honour him with such names as we conceive most honourable amongst ourselves4 ,sidenote3 ,the spirit of ,god taken in the ,scripture sometimes for a wind1 or breath4 ,gen4 i4 #b4 ,the ,spirit of ,god moved upon the face of the waters4 ,here if by the ,spirit of ,god be meant ,god himself1 then is motion attributed to ,god1 and consequently place1 which are intelligible only of bodies1 and not of substances incorporeal2 and so the place is above our understanding1 that can conceive nothing moved that changes not place1 or that has not dimension2 and whatsoever has dimension1 is body4 ,but the meaning of those words is best understood by the like place1 7,gen4 viii4 #a47 where when the earth was covered with waters1 as in the beginning1 ,god intending to abate them1 and again to discover the dry land1 useth the like words1 ,i will bring my ,spirit upon the earth1 and the waters shall be diminished3 in which place1 by ,spirit is understood a wind1 that is an air or spirit moved1 which might be called1 as in the former place1 the ,spirit of ,god1 because it was ,god's work4 ,sidenote3 ,secondly1 for extraordinary gifts of the understanding4 ,gen4 xli4 #ch1 ,pharoah calleth the ,wisdom of ,joseph1 the ,spirit of ,god4 ,for ,joseph having advised him to look out a wise and discreet man1 and to set him over the land of ,egypt1 he saith thus1 ,can we find such a man as this is1 in whom is the ,spirit of ,god8 ,and ,exod4 xxviii4 #c1 ,thou shalt speak1 saith ,god1 to all the wise hearted1 whom ,i have filled with the spirit of wisdom1 to make ,aaron garments1 to consecrate him3 where extraordinary understanding1 though but in making garments1 as being the gift of ,god1 is called the ,spirit of ,god4 ,the same is found again1 ,exod4 xxxi4 #c1 #d1 #e1 #f1 and xxxv4 #ca4 ,and ,isaiah xi4 #b1 #c1 where the prophet speaking of the ,messiah1 saith1 the ,spirit of the ,lord shall abide upon him1 the spirit of wisdom and understanding1 the spirit of counsel and fortitude1 and the spirit of the fear of the ,lord4 ,where manifestly is meant1 not so many ghosts1 but so many eminent graces that ,god would give him4 ,sidenote3 ,thirdly1 for extraordinary affections4 ,in the book of ,judges1 an extraordinary zeal and courage in the defence of ,god's people1 is called the ,spirit of ,god2 as when it excited ,othniel1 ,gideon1 ,jephtha1 and ,sampson to deliver them from servitude1 ,judges1 iii4 #aj1 vi4 #cd1 xi4 #bi1 xiii4 #be1 xiv4 #f1 #ai4 ,and of ,saul1 upon the news of the insolence of the ,ammonites towards the men of ,jabesh ,gilead1 it is said1 7#a ,sam4 xi4 #f7 that the ,spirit of ,god came upon ,saul1 and his anger1 7or1 as it is in the ,latin1 his fury71 was kindled greatly4 ,where it is not probable was meant a ghost1 but an extraordinary zeal to punish the cruelty of the ,ammonites4 ,in like manner by the ,spirit of ,god1 that came upon ,saul1 when he was amongst the prophets that praised ,god in songs and music1 7#a ,sam4 xix4 #bc71 is to be understood1 not a ghost1 but an unexpected and sudden zeal to join with them in their devotion4 ,sidenote3 ,fourthly1 for the gift of prediction by dreams and visions4 ,the false prophet ,zedekiah saith to ,micaiah 7#a ,kings xxii4 #bd71 which way went the ,spirit of the ,lord from me to speak to thee8 ,which can not be understood of a ghost2 for ,micaiah declared before the kings of ,israel and ,judah1 the event of the battle1 as from a vision1 and not as from a spirit speaking in him4 ,in the same manner it appeareth in the books of the ,prophets1 that though they spake by the spirit of ,god1 that is to say1 by a special grace of prediction2 yet their knowledge of the future1 was not by a ghost within them1 but by some supernatural dream or vision4 ,sidenote3 ,fifthly1 for life4 ,gen4 ii4 #g1 it is said1 ,god made man of the dust of the earth1 and breathed into his nostrils 7spiraculum vit7 the breath of life1 and man was made a living soul4 ,there the breath of life inspired by ,god1 signifies no more1 but that ,god gave him life2 and 7,job xxvii4 #c7 as long as the ,spirit of ,god is in my nostrils1 is no more than to say1 as long as ,i live4 ,so in ,ezek4 i4 #bj1 the spirit of life was in the wheels1 is equivalent to1 the wheels were alive4 ,and1 7,ezek4 ii4 #b7 the ,spirit entered into me1 and set me on my feet1 that is1 ,i recovered my vital strength2 not that any ghost or incorporeal substance entered into1 and possessed his body4 ,sidenote3 ,sixthly1 for a subordination to authority4 ,in the xith chap4 of ,numbers1 v4 #ag1 ,i will take1 saith ,god1 of the ,spirit1 which is upon thee1 and will put it upon them1 and they shall bear the burthen of the people with thee2 that is1 upon the seventy elders3 whereupon two of the seventy are said to prophecy in the camp2 of whom some complained1 and ,joshua desired ,moses to forbid them2 which ,moses would not do4 ,whereby it appears1 that ,joshua knew not that they had received authority so to do1 and prophecied according to the mind of ,moses1 that is to say1 by a spirit1 or authority subordinate to his own4 ,in the like sense we read1 7,deut4 xxxiv4 #i7 that ,joshua was full of the spirit of wisdom1 because ,moses had laid his hands upon him3 that is because he was ordained by ,moses1 to prosecute the work he had himself begun1 namely the bringing of ,god's people into the promised land1 but prevented by death1 could not finish4 ,in the like sense it is said1 7,rom4 viii4 #i7 ,if any man have not the ,spirit of ,christ1 he is none of his3 not meaning thereby the ghost of ,christ1 but a submission to his doctrine4 ,as also1 7#a ,john iv4 #b7 ,hereby you shall know the ,spirit of ,god2 every spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god2 by which is meant the spirit of unfeigned ,christianity1 or submission to that main article of ,christian faith1 that ,jesus is the ,christ2 which cannot be interpreted of a ghost4 ,likewise these words1 7,luke iv4 #a7 ,and ,jesus full of the ,holy ,ghost1 7that is1 as it is expressed1 ,matt4 iv4 #a1 and ,mark i4 #ab1 of the ,holy ,spirit17 may be understood1 for zeal to do the work for which he was sent by ,god the ,father3 but to interpret it of a ghost1 is to say1 that ,god himself1 for so our ,saviour was1 was filled with ,god2 which is very improper and insignificant4 ,how we came to translate spirits1 by the word ghosts1 which signifieth nothing1 neither in heaven1 nor earth1 but the imaginary inhabitants of man's brain1 ,i examine not3 but this ,i say1 the word spirit in the text signifieth no such thing2 but either properly a real substance1 or metaphorically1 some extraordinary ability or affection of the mind1 or of the body4 ,sidenote3 ,seventhly1 for aerial bodies4 ,the disciples of ,christ1 seeing him walking upon the sea1 7,matt4 xiv4 #bf1 and ,mark vi4 #di7 supposed him to be a ,spirit1 meaning thereby an aerial body1 and not a phantasm2 for it is said1 they all saw him2 which cannot be understood of the delusions of the brain1 7which are not common to many at once1 as visible bodies are2 but singular1 because of the differences of fancies17 but of bodies only4 ,in like manner1 where he was taken for a spirit1 by the same apostles1 7,luke xxiv4 #cg73 so also 7,acts xii4 #ae7 when ,st4 ,peter was delivered out of prison1 it would not be believed2 but when the maid said he was at the door1 they said it was his angel2 by which must be meant a corporeal substance1 or we must say1 the disciples themselves did follow the common opinion of both ,jews and ,gentiles1 that some such apparitions were not imaginary1 but real1 and such as needed not the fancy of man for their existence4 ,these the ,jews called spirits1 and angels1 good or bad2 as the ,greeks called the same by the name of demons4 ,and some such apparitions may be real1 and substantial2 that is to say1 subtle bodies1 which ,god can form by the same power1 by which he formed all things1 and make use of1 as of ministers1 and messengers1 that is to say1 angels1 to declare his will1 and execute the same when he pleaseth1 in extraordinary and supernatural manner4 ,but when he hath so formed them1 they are substances1 endued with dimensions1 and take up room1 and can be moved from place to place1 which is peculiar to bodies2 and therefore are not ghosts incorporeal1 that is to say1 ghosts that are in no place2 that is to say1 that are no where2 that is to say1 that seeming to be somewhat1 are nothing4 ,but if corporeal be taken in the most vulgar manner1 for such substances as are perceptible by our external senses2 then is substance incorporeal1 a thing not imaginary1 but real2 namely1 a thin substance invisible1 but that hath the same dimensions that are in grosser bodies4 ,sidenote3 ,angel1 what4 ,by the name of ,,angel1 is signified generally1 a messenger2 and most often1 a messenger of ,god2 and by a messenger of ,god1 is signified1 any thing that makes known his extraordinary presence2 that is to say1 the extraordinary manifestation of his power1 especially by a dream or vision4 ,concerning the creation of angels1 there is nothing delivered in the ,scriptures4 ,that they are spirits1 is often repeated3 but by the name of spirit1 is signified both in ,scripture1 and vulgarly1 both amongst ,jews and ,gentiles1 sometimes thin bodies3 as the air1 the wind1 the spirits vital and animal of living creatures2 and sometimes the images that rise in the fancy in dreams and visions2 which are not real substances1 nor last any longer than the dream1 or vision they appear in2 which apparitions1 though no real substances1 but accidents of the brain2 yet when ,god raiseth them supernaturally1 to signify his will1 they are not improperly termed ,god's messengers1 that is to say1 his angels4 ,and as the ,gentiles did vulgarly conceive the imagery of the brain1 for things really subsistent without them1 and not dependent on the fancy2 and out of them framed their opinions of demons1 good and evil2 which because they seemed to subsist really1 they called substances2 and1 because they could not feel them with their hands1 incorporeal3 so also the ,jews1 upon the same ground1 without any thing in the ,old ,testament that constrained them thereunto1 had generally an opinion1 except the sect of the ,sadducees1 that those apparitions1 which it pleased ,god sometimes to produce in the fancy of men1 for his own service1 and therefore called them his angels1 were substances1 not dependent on the fancy1 but permanent creatures of ,god2 whereof those which they thought were good to them1 they esteemed the angels of ,god1 and those they thought would hurt them1 they called evil angels1 or evil spirits2 such as was the spirit of ,python1 and the spirits of madmen1 of lunatics and epileptics3 for they esteemed such as were troubled with such diseases1 demoniacs4 ,but if we consider the places of the ,old ,testament where angels are mentioned1 we shall find1 that in most of them1 there can nothing else be understood by the word angel1 but some image raised1 supernaturally1 in the fancy1 to signify the presence of ,god in the execution of some supernatural work2 and therefore in the rest1 where their nature is not expressed1 it may be understood in the same manner4 ,for we read1 7,gen4 xvi47 that the same apparition is called1 not only an angel1 but ,god2 where that which 7verse #g7 is called the angel of the ,lord1 in the tenth verse1 saith to ,agar1 ,i will multiply thy seed exceedingly2 that is1 speaketh in the person of ,god4 ,neither was this apparition a fancy figured1 but a voice4 ,by which it is manifest1 that angel signifieth there1 nothing but ,god himself1 that caused ,agar supernaturally to apprehend a voice from heaven2 or rather1 nothing else but a voice supernatural1 testifying ,god's special presence there4 ,why therefore may not the angels that appeared to ,lot1 and are called 7,gen4 xix4 #ab7 men2 and to whom1 though they were two1 ,lot speaketh 7verse #ah7 as but to one1 and that one1 as ,god1 7for the words are1 ,lot said unto them1 ,oh not so my ,lord71 be understood of images of men1 supernaturally formed in the fancy2 as well as before by angel was understood a fancied voice8 ,when the angel called to ,abraham out of heaven1 to stay his hand 7,gen4 xxii4 #aa7 from slaying ,isaac1 there was no apparition1 but a voice2 which nevertheless was called properly enough a messenger or angel of ,god1 because it declared ,god's will supernaturally1 and saves the labour of supposing any permanent ghosts4 ,the angels which ,jacob saw on the ladder of ,heaven1 7,gen4 xxviii4 #ab7 were a vision of his sleep2 therefore only fancy1 and a dream2 yet being supernatural1 and signs of ,god's special presence1 those apparitions are not improperly called angels4 ,the same is to be understood1 7,gen4 xxxi4 #aa7 where ,jacob saith thus1 ,the ,angel of the ,lord appeared to me in my sleep4 ,for an apparition made to a man in his sleep1 is that which all men call a dream1 whether such dream be natural1 or supernatural3 and that which there ,jacob calleth an angel1 was ,god himself2 for the same angel saith1 verse #ac1 ,i am the ,god of ,bethel4 ,also 7,exod4 xiv4 #ai7 the angel that went before the army of ,israel to the ,red ,sea1 and then came behind it1 is1 7verse #bd7 the ,lord himself2 and he appeared1 not in the form of a beautiful man1 but in form1 7,exod4 xiii4 #ba7 by day1 of a pillar of cloud1 and1 by night1 in form of a pillar of fire2 and yet this pillar was all the apparition and angel promised to ,moses1 7,exod4 xxxiii4 #b7 for the army's guide3 for this cloudy pillar 7,exod4 xxxiii4 #i7 is said to have descended1 and stood at the door of the ,tabernacle1 and to have talked with ,moses4 ,there you see motion and speech1 which are commonly attributed to angels1 attributed to a cloud1 because the cloud served as a sign of ,god's presence2 and was no less an angel1 than if it had had the form of a man1 or child of never so great beauty2 or wings1 as usually they are painted1 for the false instruction of common people4 ,for it is not the shape2 but their use that makes them angels4 ,but their use is to be significations of ,god's presence in supernatural operations2 as when ,moses 7,exod4 xxxiii4 #ad7 had desired ,god to go along with the camp1 as he had done always before the making of the golden calf1 ,god did not answer1 ,i will go1 nor1 ,i will send an angel in my stead2 but thus1 ,my presence shall go with thee4 ,to mention all the places of the ,old ,testament where the name of angel is found1 would be too long4 ,therefore to comprehend them all at once1 ,i say1 there is no text in that part of the ,old ,testament1 which the ,church of ,england holdeth for canonical1 from which we can conclude1 there is1 or hath been created1 any permanent thing1 understood by the name of spirit or angel1 that hath not quantity2 and that may not be by the understanding divided2 that is to say1 considered by parts2 so as one part may be in one place1 and the next part in the next place to it2 and1 in sum1 which is not 7taking body for that1 which is somewhat or some where17 corporeal2 but in every place1 the sense will bear the interpretation of angel1 for messenger2 as ,john ,baptist is called an angel1 and ,christ the ,angel of the ,covenant2 and as1 according to the same analogy1 the dove and the fiery tongues1 in that they were signs of ,god's special presence1 might also be called angels4 ,though we find in ,daniel two names of angels1 ,gabriel and ,michael2 yet it is clear out of the text itself1 7,dan4 xii4 #a7 that by ,michael is meant ,christ1 not as an angel1 but as a prince3 and that ,gabriel1 as the like apparitions made to other holy men in their sleep1 was nothing but a supernatural phantasm1 by which it seemed to ,daniel1 in his dream1 that two saints being in talk1 one of them said to the other1 ,gabriel1 ,let us make this man understand his vision3 for ,god needeth not to distinguish his celestial servants by names1 which are useful only to the short memories of mortals4 ,nor in the ,new ,testament is there any place1 out of which it can be proved1 that angels1 except when they are put for such men as ,god hath made the messengers and ministers of his word or works1 are things permanent1 and withal incorporeal4 ,that they are permanent1 may be gathered from the words of our ,saviour himself1 7,matt4 xxv4 #da7 where he saith1 it shall be said to the wicked in the last day1 ,go ye cursed into everlasting fire prepared for the ,devil and his angels3 which place is manifest for the permanence of evil angels1 7unless we might think the name of ,devil and his angels may be understood of the ,church's adversaries and their ministers72 but then it is repugnant to their immateriality2 because everlasting fire is no punishment to impatible substances1 such as are all things incorporeal4 ,angels therefore are not thence proved to be incorporeal4 ,in like manner where ,st4 ,paul says1 7#a ,cor4 vi4 #c7 ,know ye not that we shall judge the angels8 and #b ,pet4 ii4 #d1 ,for if ,god spared not the angels that sinned1 but cast them down into hell3 and 7,jude i4 #f7 ,and the angels that kept not their first estate1 but left their own habitation1 he hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness unto the judgment of the last day3 though it prove the permanence of angelical nature1 it confirmeth also their materiality4 ,and 7,matt4 xxii4 #cj7 ,in the resurrection men do neither marry nor give in marriage1 but are as the angels of ,god in heaven3 but in the resurrection men shall be permanent1 and not incorporeal2 so therefore also are the angels4 ,there be divers other places out of which may be drawn the like conclusion4 ,to men that understand the signification of these words1 substance1 and incorporeal2 as incorporeal is taken1 not for subtle body1 but for not body2 they imply a contradiction3 insomuch as to say1 an angel or spirit is in that sense an incorporeal substance1 is to say in effect1 there is no angel nor spirit at all4 ,considering therefore the signification of the word angel in the ,old ,testament1 and the nature of dreams and visions that happen to men by the ordinary way of nature2 ,i was inclined to this opinion1 that angels were nothing but supernatural apparitions of the fancy1 raised by the special and extraordinary operation of ,god1 thereby to make his presence and commandments known to mankind1 and chiefly to his own people4 ,but the many places of the ,new ,testament1 and our ,saviour's own words1 and in such texts1 wherein is no suspicion of corruption of the ,scripture1 have extorted from my feeble reason1 an acknowledgment and belief1 that there be also angels substantial1 and permanent4 ,but to believe they be in no place1 that is to say1 no where1 that is to say1 nothing1 as they1 though indirectly1 say1 that will have them incorporeal1 cannot by ,scripture be evinced4 ,sidenote3 ,inspiration1 what4 ,on the signification of the word spirit1 dependeth that of the word ,,inspiration2 which must either be taken properly2 and then it is nothing but the blowing into a man some thin and subtle air or wind1 in such manner as a man filleth a bladder with his breath2 or if spirits be not corporeal1 but have their existence only in the fancy1 it is nothing but the blowing in of a phantasm2 which is improper to say1 and impossible2 for phantasms are not1 but only seem to be1 somewhat4 ,that word therefore is used in the ,scripture metaphorically only3 as 7,gen4 ii4 #g7 where it is said that ,god inspired into man the breath of life1 no more is meant1 than that ,god gave unto him vital motion4 ,for we are not to think that ,god made first a living breath and then blew it into ,adam after he was made1 whether that breath were real1 or seeming2 but only as it is1 7,acts xvii4 #be7 that he gave him life1 and breath2 that is1 made him a living creature4 ,and where it is said1 7#b ,tim4 iii4 #af7 all ,scripture is given by inspiration from ,god1 speaking there of the ,scripture of the ,old ,testament1 it is an easy metaphor1 to signify1 that ,god inclined the spirit or mind of those writers1 to write that which should be useful1 in teaching1 reproving1 correcting1 and instructing men in the way of righteous living4 ,but where ,st4 ,peter1 7#b ,pet4 i4 #ba7 saith1 that ,prophecy came not in old time by the will of man1 but the holy men of ,god spake as they were moved by the ,holy ,spirit1 by the ,holy ,spirit is meant the voice of ,god in a dream or vision supernatural1 which is not inspiration4 ,nor1 when our ,saviour breathing on his disciples1 said1 ,receive the ,holy ,spirit1 was that breath the ,spirit1 but a sign of the spiritual graces he gave unto them4 ,and though it be said of many1 and of our ,saviour himself1 that he was full of the ,holy ,spirit2 yet that fulness is not to be understood for infusion of the substance of ,god1 but for accumulation of his gifts1 such as are the gift of sanctity of life1 of tongues1 and the like1 whether attained supernaturally1 or by study and industry2 for in all cases they are the gifts of ,god4 ,so likewise where ,god says 7,joel ii4 #bh7 ,i will pour out my ,spirit upon all flesh1 and your sons and your daughters shall prophecy1 your old men shall dream dreams1 and your young men shall see visions1 we are not to understand it in the proper sense1 as if his ,spirit were like water1 subject to effusion or infusion2 but as if ,god had promised to give them prophetical dreams1 and visions4 ,for the proper use of the word infused1 in speaking of the graces of ,god1 is an abuse of it2 for those graces are virtues1 not bodies to be carried hither and thither1 and to be poured into men as into barrels4 ,in the same manner1 to take inspiration in the proper sense1 or to say that good spirits entered into men to make them prophecy1 or evil spirits into those that became phrenetic1 lunatic1 or epileptic1 is not to take the word in the sense of the ,scripture2 for the ,spirit there is taken for the power of ,god1 working by causes to us unknown4 ,as also 7,acts ii4 #b7 the wind1 that is there said to fill the house wherein the apostles were assembled on the day of ,pentecost1 is not to be understood for the ,holy ,spirit1 which is the ,deity itself2 but for an external sign of ,god's special working on their hearts1 to effect in them the internal graces1 and holy virtues he thought requisite for the performance of their apostleship4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxv4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,kingdom ,,of ,,god1 ,,of ,,holy1 ,,sacred1 ,,and ,,sacrament4 ,sidenote3 ,the kingdom of ,god taken by divines metaphorically1 but in the ,scriptures properly4 ,the ,kingdom of ,god in the writings of divines1 and specially in sermons and treatises of devotion1 is taken most commonly for eternal felicity1 after this life1 in the highest heaven1 which they also call the kingdom of glory2 and sometimes for the earnest of that felicity1 sanctification1 which they term the kingdom of grace2 but never for the monarchy1 that is to say1 the sovereign power of ,god over any subjects acquired by their own consent1 which is the proper signification of kingdom4 ,to the contrary1 ,i find the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,god to signify1 in most places of ,scripture1 a kingdom properly so named1 constituted by the votes of the people of ,israel in peculiar manner2 wherein they chose ,god for their king by covenant made with him1 upon ,god's promising them the possession of the land of ,canaan2 and but seldom metaphorically2 and then it is taken for dominion over sin2 7and only in the ,new ,testament27 because such a dominion as that1 every subject shall have in the kingdom of ,god1 and without prejudice to the sovereign4 ,from the very creation1 ,god not only reigned over all men naturally by his might2 but also had peculiar subjects1 whom he commanded by a voice1 as one man speaketh to another4 ,in which manner he reigned over ,adam1 and gave him commandment to abstain from the tree of cognizance of good and evil2 which when he obeyed not1 but tasting thereof1 took upon him to be as ,god1 judging between good and evil1 not by his creator's commandment1 but by his own sense1 his punishment was a privation of the estate of eternal life1 wherein ,god had at first created him3 and afterwards ,god punished his posterity for their vices1 all but eight persons1 with an universal deluge2 and in these eight did consist the then kingdom of ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,the original of the kingdom of ,god4 ,after this it pleased ,god to speak to ,abraham1 and 7,gen4 xvii4 #g1 #h7 to make a covenant with him in these words1 ,i will establish my covenant between me1 and thee1 and thy seed after thee in their generations1 for an everlasting covenant1 to be a ,god to thee1 and to thy seed after thee2 and ,i will give unto thee1 and to thy seed after thee1 the land wherein thou art a stranger1 all the land of ,canaan for an everlasting possession4 ,in this covenant ,abraham promiseth for himself and his posterity1 to obey as ,god1 the ,lord that spake to him2 and ,god on his part promiseth to ,abraham the land of ,canaan for an everlasting possession4 ,and for a memorial1 and a token of this covenant1 he ordaineth 7,gen4 xvii4 #aa7 the sacrament of circumcision4 ,this is it which is called the old covenant or testament2 and containeth a contract between ,god and ,abraham2 by which ,abraham obligeth himself1 and his posterity1 in a peculiar manner to be subject to ,god's positive law2 for to the law moral he was obliged before1 as by an oath of allegiance4 ,and though the name of ,king be not yet given to ,god1 nor of kingdom to ,abraham and his seed3 yet the thing is the same2 namely1 an institution by pact1 of ,god's peculiar sovereignty over the seed of ,abraham2 which in the renewing of the same covenant by ,moses1 at ,mount ,sinai1 is expressly called a peculiar kingdom of ,god over the ,jews3 and it is of ,abraham1 not of ,moses1 ,st4 ,paul saith 7,rom4 iv4 #aa7 that he is the father of the faithful2 that is1 of those that are loyal1 and do not violate their allegiance sworn to ,god1 then by circumcision1 and afterwards in the new covenant by baptism4 ,sidenote3 ,that the kingdom of ,god is properly his civil sovereignty over a peculiar people by pact4 ,this covenant1 at the foot of ,mount ,sinai1 was renewed by ,moses1 7,exod4 xix4 #e7 where the ,lord commandeth ,moses to speak to the people in this manner1 ,if you will obey my voice indeed1 and keep my covenant1 then ye shall be a peculiar people to me1 for all the earth is mine2 and ye shall be unto me a sacerdotal kingdom1 and an holy nation4 ,for a peculiar people1 the vulgar ,latin hath peculium de cunctis populis3 the ,english translation1 made in the beginning of the reign of ,king ,james1 hath a peculiar treasure unto me above all nations2 and the ,geneva ,french1 the most precious jewel of all nations4 ,but the truest translation is the first1 because it is confirmed by ,st4 ,paul himself 7,tit4 ii4 #ad7 where he saith1 alluding to that place1 that our blessed ,saviour gave himself for us1 that he might purify us to himself1 a peculiar1 that is1 an extraordinary1 people3 for the word is in the ,greek 1 which is opposed commonly to the word 3 and as this signifieth ordinary1 quotidian1 or1 as in the ,lord's ,prayer1 of daily use2 so the other signifieth that which is overplus1 and stored up1 and enjoyed in a special manner2 which the ,latins call peculium3 and this meaning of the place is confirmed by the reason ,god rendereth of it1 which followeth immediately1 in that he addeth1 ,for all the earth is mine1 as if he should say1 ,all the nations of the world are mine2 but it is not so that you are mine1 but in a special manner3 for they are all mine1 by reason of my power2 but you shall be mine1 by your own consent1 and covenant2 which is an addition to his ordinary title1 to all nations4 ,the same is again confirmed in express words in the same text1 ,ye shall be to me a sacerdotal kingdom1 and an holy nation4 ,the vulgar ,latin hath it1 regnum sacerdotale1 to which agreeth the translation of that place 7#a ,pet4 ii4 #i7 ,sacerdotium regale1 a regal priesthood2 as also the institution itself1 by which no man might enter into the ,sanctum ,sanctorum1 that is to say1 no man might enquire ,god's will immediately of ,god himself1 but only the high-priest4 ,the ,english translation before mentioned1 following that of ,geneva1 has1 a kingdom of priests2 which is either meant of the succession of one high-priest after another1 or else it accordeth not with ,st4 ,peter1 nor with the exercise of the high-priesthood3 for there was never any but the high-priest only1 that was to inform the people of ,god's will2 nor any convocation of priests ever allowed to enter into the ,sanctum ,sanctorum4 ,again1 the title of a holy nation confirms the same3 for holy signifies1 that which is ,god's by special1 not by general right4 ,all the earth1 as is said in the text1 is ,god's2 but all the earth is not called holy1 but that only which is set apart for his especial service1 as was the nation of the ,jews4 ,it is therefore manifest enough by this one place1 that by the kingdom of ,god1 is properly meant a commonwealth1 instituted1 by the consent of those which were to be subject thereto1 for their civil government1 and the regulating of their behaviour1 not only towards ,god their king1 but also towards one another in point of justice1 and towards other nations both in peace and war2 which properly was a kingdom wherein ,god was king1 and the high-priest was to be1 after the death of ,moses1 his sole viceroy or lieutenant4 ,but there be many other places that clearly prove the same4 ,as first 7#a ,samuel1 viii4 #g7 when the ,elders of ,israel1 grieved with the corruption of the sons of ,samuel1 demanded a king1 ,samuel displeased therewith1 prayed unto the ,lord1 and the ,lord answering said unto him1 ,hearken unto the voice of the people1 for they have not rejected thee1 but they have rejected me1 that ,i should not reign over them4 ,out of which it is evident1 that ,god himself was then their king2 and ,samuel did not command the people1 but only delivered to them that which ,god from time to time appointed him4 ,again1 7#a ,sam4 xii4 #ab7 where ,samuel saith to the people1 ,when ye saw that ,nahash1 king of the children of ,ammon1 came against you1 ye said unto me1 ,nay1 but a king shall reign over us2 when the ,lord your ,god was your king4 ,it is manifest that ,god was their king1 and governed the civil state of their commonwealth4 ,and after the ,israelites had rejected ,god1 the prophets did foretell his restitution2 as 7,isaiah1 xxiv4 #bc7 ,then the moon shall be confounded1 and the sun ashamed1 when the ,lord of hosts shall reign in ,mount ,zion1 and in ,jerusalem2 where he speaketh expressly of his reign in ,zion and ,jerusalem2 that is1 on earth4 ,and 7,micah1 iv4 #g7 ,and the ,lord shall reign over them in ,mount ,zion3 this ,mount ,zion is in ,jerusalem1 upon the earth4 ,and 7,ezek4 xx4 #cc7 ,as ,i live1 saith the ,lord ,god1 surely with a mighty hand1 and a stretched out arm1 and with fury poured out1 ,i will rule over you2 and 7verse #cg7 ,i will cause you to pass under the rod1 and ,i will bring you into the bond of the covenant2 that is1 ,i will reign over you1 and make you to stand to that covenant which you made with me by ,moses1 and brake in your rebellion against me in the days of ,samuel1 and in your election of another king4 ,and in the ,new ,testament1 the angel ,gabriel saith of our ,saviour 7,luke i4 #cb1 #cc7 ,he shall be great1 and be called the ,son of the most ,high1 and the ,lord shall give unto him the throne of his father ,david2 and he shall reign over the house of ,jacob for ever2 and of his kingdom there shall be no end4 ,this is also a kingdom upon earth2 for the claim whereof1 as an enemy to ,csar1 he was put to death2 the title of his cross1 was1 ,jesus of ,nazareth1 ,king of the ,jews2 he was crowned in scorn with a crown of thorns2 and for the proclaiming of him1 it is said of the disciples 7,acts xvii4 #g7 ,that they did all of them contrary to the decrees of ,csar1 saying there was another king1 one ,jesus4 ,the kingdom therefore of ,god is a real1 not a metaphorical kingdom2 and so taken1 not only in the ,old ,testament1 but in the ,new2 when we say1 ,for thine is the kingdom1 the power1 and glory1 it is to be understood of ,god's kingdom1 by force of our covenant1 not by the right of ,god's power2 for such a kingdom ,god always hath2 so that it were superfluous to say in our prayer1 ,thy kingdom come1 unless it be meant of the restoration of that kingdom of ,god by ,christ1 which by revolt of the ,israelites had been interrupted in the election of ,saul4 ,nor had it been proper to say1 ,the kingdom of heaven is at hand2 or to pray1 ,thy kingdom come1 if it had still continued4 ,there be so many other places that confirm this interpretation1 that it were a wonder there is no greater notice taken of it1 but that it gives too much light to ,christian kings to see their right of ecclesiastical government4 ,this they have observed1 that instead of a sacerdotal kingdom1 translate1 a kingdom of priests2 for they may as well translate a royal priesthood1 as it is in ,st4 ,peter1 into a priesthood of kings4 ,and whereas1 for a peculiar people1 they put a precious jewel1 or treasure1 a man might as well call the special regiment1 or company of a general1 the general's precious jewel1 or his treasure4 ,in short1 the kingdom of ,god is a civil kingdom2 which consisted1 first1 in the obligation of the people of ,israel to those laws1 which ,moses should bring unto them from ,mount ,sinai2 and which afterwards the high-priest for the time being1 should deliver to them from before the cherubims in the sanctum sanctorum2 and which kingdom having been cast off in the election of ,saul1 the prophets foretold1 should be restored by ,christ2 and the restoration whereof we daily pray for1 when we say in the ,lord's ,prayer1 ,thy kingdom come2 and the right whereof we acknowledge1 when we add1 ,for thine is the kingdom1 the power1 and glory1 for ever and ever1 ,amen2 and the proclaiming whereof1 was the preaching of the apostles2 and to which men are prepared1 by the teachers of the ,gospel2 to embrace which ,gospel1 that is to say1 to promise obedience to ,god's government1 is to be in the kingdom of grace1 because ,god hath gratis given to such the power to be the subjects1 that is children1 of ,god hereafter1 when ,christ shall come in majesty to judge the world1 and actually to govern his own people1 which is called the kingdom of glory4 ,if the kingdom of ,god1 called also the kingdom of heaven1 from the gloriousness and admirable height of that throne1 were not a kingdom which ,god by his lieutenants1 or vicars1 who deliver his commandments to the people1 did exercise on earth2 there would not have been so much contention1 and war1 about who it is1 by whom ,god speaketh to us2 neither would many priests have troubled themselves with spiritual jurisdiction1 nor any king have denied it them4 ,sidenote3 ,holy1 what4 ,out of this literal interpretation of the kingdom of ,god1 ariseth also the true interpretation of the word ,,holy4 ,for it is a word1 which in ,god's kingdom answereth to that1 which men in their kingdoms use to call public1 or the king's4 ,the king of any country is the public person1 or representative of all his own subjects4 ,and ,god the king of ,israel was the ,holy ,one of ,israel4 ,the nation which is subject to one earthly sovereign1 is the nation of that sovereign1 that is1 of the public person4 ,so the ,jews1 who were ,god's nation1 were called 7,exod4 xix4 #f7 a holy nation4 ,for by holy1 is always understood either ,god himself1 or that which is ,god's in propriety2 as by public is always meant1 either the person of the commonwealth itself1 or something that is so the commonwealth's1 as no private person can claim any propriety therein4 ,therefore the ,sabbath1 ,god's day1 is a holy day2 the temple1 ,god's house1 a holy house2 sacrifices1 tithes1 and offerings1 ,god's tribute1 holy duties2 priests1 prophets1 and anointed kings1 under ,christ1 ,god's ministers1 holy men2 the celestial ministering spirits1 ,god's messengers1 holy angels2 and the like3 and wheresoever the word holy is taken properly1 there is still something signified of propriety1 gotten by consent4 ,in saying1 ,hallowed be thy name1 we do but pray to ,god for grace to keep the first commandment1 of having no other ,gods but him4 ,mankind is ,god's nation in propriety3 but the ,jews only were a holy nation4 ,why1 but because they became his propriety by covenant8 ,sidenote3 ,sacred1 what4 ,and the word profane1 is usually taken in the ,scripture for the same with common2 and consequently their contraries1 holy and proper1 in the kingdom of ,god1 must be the same also4 ,but figuratively1 those men also are called holy1 that led such godly lives1 as if they had forsaken all worldly designs1 and wholly devoted and given themselves to ,god4 ,in the proper sense1 that which is made holy by ,god's appropriating or separating it to his own use1 is said to be sanctified by ,god1 as the seventh day in the fourth commandment2 and as the elect in the ,new ,testament were said to be sanctified1 when they were endued with the spirit of godliness4 ,and that which is made holy by the dedication of men1 and given to ,god1 so as to be used only in his public service1 is called also ,,sacred1 and said to be consecrated1 as temples1 and other houses of public prayer1 and their utensils1 priests1 and ministers1 victims1 offerings1 and the external matter of sacraments4 ,sidenote3 ,degrees of sanctity4 ,of holiness there be degrees3 for of those things that are set apart for the service of ,god1 there may be some set apart again1 for a nearer and more especial service4 ,the whole nation of the ,israelites were a people holy to ,god2 yet the tribe of ,levi was amongst the ,israelites a holy tribe2 and amongst the ,levites1 the priests were yet more holy2 and amongst the priests1 the high-priest was the most holy4 ,so the land of ,judea was the ,holy ,land2 but the holy city wherein ,god was to be worshipped1 was more holy2 and again the ,temple more holy than the city1 and the sanctum sanctorum more holy than the rest of the ,temple4 ,sidenote3 ,sacrament4 ,a ,,sacrament1 is a separation of some visible thing from common use2 and a consecration of it to ,god's service1 for a sign either of our admission into the kingdom of ,god1 to be of the number of his peculiar people1 or for a commemoration of the same4 ,in the ,old ,testament1 the sign of admission was circumcision2 in the ,new ,testament1 baptism4 ,the commemoration of it in the ,old ,testament1 was the eating1 at a certain time which was anniversary1 of the ,paschal ,lamb2 by which they were put in mind of the night wherein they were delivered out of their bondage in ,egypt2 and in the ,new ,testament1 the celebrating of the ,lord's ,supper2 by which1 we are put in mind of our deliverance from the bondage of sin1 by our blessed ,saviour's death upon the cross4 ,the sacraments of admission1 are but once to be used1 because there needs but one admission2 but because we have need of being often put in mind of our deliverance1 and of our allegiance1 the sacraments of commemoration have need to be reiterated4 ,and these are the principal sacraments1 and as it were the solemn oaths we make of our allegiance4 ,there be also other consecrations1 that may be called sacraments1 as the word implieth only consecration to ,god's service2 but as it implies an oath1 or promise of allegiance to ,god1 there were no other in the ,old ,testament1 but circumcision1 and the passover2 nor are there any other in the ,new ,testament1 but baptism and the ,lord's ,supper4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,word ,,of ,,god1 ,,and ,,of ,,prophets4 ,sidenote3 ,word1 what4 ,when there is mention of the word of ,god1 or of man1 it doth not signify a part of speech1 such as grammarians call a noun1 or a verb1 or any simple voice1 without a contexture with other words to make it significative2 but a perfect speech or discourse1 whereby the speaker affirmeth1 denieth1 commandeth1 promiseth1 threateneth1 wisheth1 or interrogateth4 ,in which sense it is not vocabulum1 that signifies a word2 but sermo1 7in ,greek 7 that is1 some speech1 discourse1 or saying4 ,sidenote3 ,the words spoken by ,god1 and concerning ,god1 both are called ,god's word in ,scripture4 ,again1 if we say the word of ,god1 or of man1 it may be understood sometimes of the speaker3 as the words that ,god hath spoken1 or that a man hath spoken2 in which sense1 when we say1 the ,gospel of ,st4 ,matthew1 we understand ,st4 ,matthew to be the writer of it3 and sometimes of the subject2 in which sense1 when we read in the ,bible1 the words of the days of the kings of ,israel1 or ,judah1 it is meant1 that the acts that were done in those days1 were the subject of those words2 and in the ,greek1 which1 in the ,scripture1 retaineth many ,hebraisms1 by the word of ,god is oftentimes meant1 not that which is spoken by ,god1 but concerning ,god1 and his government2 that is to say1 the doctrine of religion3 insomuch1 as it is all one1 to say 1 and theologia2 which is1 that doctrine which we usually call divinity1 as is manifest by the places following1 7,acts xiii4 #df7 ,then ,paul and ,barnabas waxed bold1 and said1 it was necessary that the word of ,god should first have been spoken to you1 but seeing you put it from you1 and judge yourselves unworthy of everlasting life1 lo1 we turn to the ,gentiles4 ,that which is here called the word of ,god1 was the doctrine of ,christian religion2 as it appears evidently by that which goes before4 ,and 7,acts v4 #bj7 where it is said to the apostles by an angel1 ,go stand and speak in the ,temple1 all the words of this life2 by the words of this life1 is meant1 the doctrine of the ,gospel2 as is evident by what they did in the ,temple1 and is expressed in the last verse of the same chapter1 ,daily in the ,temple1 and in every house they ceased not to teach and preach ,christ ,jesus3 in which place it is manifest1 that ,jesus ,christ was the subject of this word of life2 or1 which is all one1 the subject of the words of this life eternal1 that our ,saviour offered them4 ,so 7,acts xv4 #g7 the word of ,god1 is called the word of the ,gospel1 because it containeth the doctrine of the kingdom of ,christ2 and the same word 7,rom4 x4 #h1 #i7 is called the word of faith2 that is1 as is there expressed1 the doctrine of ,christ come1 and raised from the dead4 ,also 7,matth4 xiii4 #ai7 ,when any one heareth the word of the kingdom2 that is1 the doctrine of the kingdom taught by ,christ4 ,again1 the same word1 is said 7,acts xii4 #bd7 to grow and to be multiplied2 which to understand of the evangelical doctrine is easy1 but of the voice or speech of ,god1 hard and strange4 ,in the same sense 7#a ,tim4 iv4 #a7 the doctrine of devils signifieth not the words of any devil1 but the doctrine of heathen men concerning demons1 and those phantasms which they worshipped as gods4 ,sidenote3 ,the word of ,god metaphorically used1 first1 for the decrees and power of ,god4 ,considering these two significations of the ,,word ,,of ,,god1 as it is taken in ,scripture1 it is manifest in this latter sense1 where it is taken for the doctrine of ,christian religion1 that the whole ,scripture is the word of ,god3 but in the former sense1 not so4 ,for example1 though these words1 ,i am the ,lord thy ,god1 c4 to the end of the ,ten ,commandments1 were spoken by ,god to ,moses2 yet the preface1 ,god spake these words and said1 is to be understood for the words of him that wrote the holy history4 ,the word of ,god1 as it is taken for that which he hath spoken1 is understood sometimes properly1 sometimes metaphorically4 ,properly1 as the words he hath spoken to his prophets3 metaphorically1 for his wisdom1 power1 and eternal decree1 in making the world2 in which sense1 those fiats1 ,let there be light1 ,let there be a firmament1 ,let us make man1 c4 7,gen4 i47 are the word of ,god4 ,and in the same sense it is said 7,john i4 #c7 ,all things were made by it1 and without it was nothing made that was made3 and 7,heb4 i4 #c7 ,he upholdeth all things by the word of his power2 that is1 by the power of his word2 that is1 by his power3 and 7,heb4 xi4 #c7 ,the worlds were framed by the word of ,god2 and many other places to the same sense3 as also amongst the ,latins1 the name of fate1 which signified properly the word spoken1 is taken in the same sense4 ,sidenote3 ,secondly1 for the effect of his word4 ,secondly1 for the effect of his word2 that is to say1 for the thing itself1 which by his word is affirmed1 commanded1 threatened1 or promised2 as 7,psalm cv4 #ai7 where ,joseph is said to have been kept in prison1 till his word was come2 that is1 till that was come to pass which he had foretold to ,pharaoh's butler 7,gen4 xl4 #ac7 concerning his being restored to his office3 for there1 by his word was come1 is meant1 the thing itself was come to pass4 ,so also 7#a ,kings xviii4 #cf7 ,elijah saith to ,god1 ,i have done all these thy words1 instead of ,i have done all these things at thy word1 or commandment2 and 7,jer4 xvii4 #ae7 ,where is the word of the ,lord1 is put for1 ,where is the evil he threatened4 ,and 7,ezek4 xii4 #bh7 ,there shall none of my words be prolonged any more3 by words are understood those things1 which ,god promised to his people4 ,and in the ,new ,testament 7,matth4 xxiv4 #ce7 heaven and earth shall pass away1 but my words shall not pass away2 that is1 there is nothing that ,i have promised or foretold1 that shall not come to pass4 ,and in this sense it is1 that ,st4 ,john the ,evangelist1 and1 ,i think1 ,st4 ,john only1 calleth our ,saviour himself as in the flesh the word of ,god1 as 7,john i4 #ad7 the word was made flesh2 that is to say1 the word1 or promise that ,christ should come into the world2 who in the beginning was with ,god2 that is to say1 it was in the purpose of ,god the ,father1 to send ,god the ,son into the world1 to enlighten men in the way of eternal life2 but it was not till then put in execution1 and actually incarnate4 ,so that our ,saviour is there called the word1 not because he was the promise1 but the thing promised4 ,they that taking occasion from this place1 do commonly call him the verb of ,god1 do but render the text more obscure4 ,they might as well term him the noun of ,god3 for as by noun1 so also by verb1 men understand nothing but a part of speech1 a voice1 a sound1 that neither affirms1 nor denies1 nor commands1 nor promiseth1 nor is any substance corporeal1 or spiritual2 and therefore it cannot be said to be either ,god1 or man2 whereas our ,saviour is both4 ,and this word1 which ,st4 ,john in his gospel saith was with ,god1 is 7in his first ,epistle1 verse #a7 called the word of life2 and 7verse #b7 the eternal life1 which was with the ,father4 ,so that he can be in no other sense called the word1 than in that1 wherein he is called eternal life2 that is1 he that hath procured us eternal life1 by his coming in the flesh4 ,so also 7,apocalypse xix4 #ac7 the apostle speaking of ,christ1 clothed in a garment dipped in blood1 saith1 his name is the word of ,god2 which is to be understood1 as if he had said his name had been1 ,he that was come according to the purpose of ,god from the beginning1 and according to his word and promises delivered by the prophets4 ,so that there is nothing here of the incarnation of a word1 but of the incarnation of ,god the ,son1 therefore called the word1 because his incarnation was the performance of the promise2 in like manner as the ,holy ,ghost is called 7,acts i4 #d2 ,luke xxiv4 #di7 the promise4 ,sidenote3 ,thirdly1 for the words of reason and equity4 ,there are also places of the ,scripture1 where1 by the word of ,god1 is signified such words as are consonant to reason and equity1 though spoken sometimes neither by prophet1 nor by a holy man4 ,for ,pharaoh-,necho was an idolater2 yet his words to the good king ,josiah1 in which he advised him by messengers1 not to oppose him in his march against ,charchemish1 are said to have proceeded from the mouth of ,god2 and that ,josiah1 not hearkening to them1 was slain in the battle2 as is to be read 7#b ,chron4 xxxv4 #ba1 #bb1 #bc47 ,it is true1 that as the same history is related in the first book of ,esdras1 not ,pharaoh1 but ,jeremiah1 spake these words to ,josiah1 from the mouth of the ,lord4 ,but we are to give credit to the canonical ,scripture1 whatsoever be written in the ,apocrypha4 ,the word of ,god1 is then also to be taken for the dictates of reason and equity1 when the same is said in the ,scriptures to be written in man's heart2 as ,psalm xxxvii4 #ca2 ,jer4 xxxi4 #cc2 ,deut4 xxx4 #aa1 #ad1 and many other like places4 ,sidenote3 ,divers acceptions of the word prophet4 ,the name of ,,prophet signifieth in ,scripture1 sometimes prolocutor2 that is1 he that speaketh from ,god to man1 or from man to ,god3 and sometimes predictor1 or a foreteller of things to come3 and sometimes one that speaketh incoherently1 as men that are distracted4 ,it is most frequently used in the sense of speaking from ,god to the people4 ,so ,moses1 ,samuel1 ,elijah1 ,isaiah1 ,jeremiah1 and others were prophets4 ,and in this sense the high-priest was a prophet1 for he only went into the sanctum sanctorum1 to enquire of ,god2 and was to declare his answer to the people4 ,and therefore when ,caiphas said1 it was expedient that one man should die for the people1 ,st4 ,john saith 7chapter xi4 #ea7 that ,he spake not this of himself1 but being high-priest that year1 he prophesied that one man should die for the nation4 ,also they that in ,christian congregations taught the people1 7#a ,cor4 xiv4 #c7 are said to prophecy4 ,in the like sense it is1 that ,god saith to ,moses 7,exod4 iv4 #af7 concerning ,aaron1 ,he shall be thy spokesman to the people2 and he shall be to thee a mouth1 and thou shalt be to him instead of ,god3 that which here is spokesman1 is 7,exod4 vii4 #a7 interpreted prophet2 ,see1 saith ,god1 ,i have made thee a ,god to ,pharaoh1 and ,aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet4 ,in the sense of speaking from man to ,god1 ,abraham is called a prophet 7,gen4 xx4 #g7 where ,god in a dream speaketh to ,abimelech in this manner1 ,now therefore restore the man his wife1 for he is a prophet1 and shall pray for thee2 whereby may be also gathered1 that the name of prophet may be given1 not unproperly1 to them that in ,christian churches1 have a calling to say public prayers for the congregation4 ,in the same sense1 the prophets that came down from the high place1 or hill of ,god1 with a psaltery1 and a tabret1 and a pipe1 and a harp 7#a ,sam4 x4 #e1 #f1 and #aj71 ,saul amongst them1 are said to prophecy1 in that they praised ,god in that manner publicly4 ,in the like sense1 is ,miriam 7,exod4 xv4 #bj7 called a prophetess4 ,so is it also to be taken 7#a ,cor4 xi4 #d1 #e71 where ,st4 ,paul saith1 ,every man that prayeth or prophecieth with his head covered1 c41 and every woman that prayeth or prophecieth with her head uncovered3 for prophecy1 in that place1 signifieth no more1 but praising ,god in psalms and holy songs2 which women might do in the church1 though it were not lawful for them to speak to the congregation4 ,and in this signification it is1 that the poets of the heathen1 that composed hymns and other sorts of poems in the honour of their gods1 were called vates1 prophets2 as is well enough known by all that are versed in the books of the ,gentiles1 and as is evident 7,tit4 i4 #ab71 where ,st4 ,paul saith of the ,cretians1 that a prophet of their own said1 they were liars2 not that ,st4 ,paul held their poets for prophets1 but acknowledgeth that the word prophet was commonly used to signify them that celebrated the honour of ,god in verse4 ,sidenote3 ,prediction of future contingents1 not always prophecy4 ,when by prophecy is meant prediction1 or foretelling of future contingents2 not only they were prophets1 who were ,god's spokesmen1 and foretold those things to others1 which ,god had foretold to them2 but also all those impostors1 that pretend1 by help of familiar spirits1 or by superstitious divination of events past1 from false causes1 to foretel the like events in time to come3 of which1 as ,i have declared already in the twelfth chapter of this discourse1 there be many kinds1 who gain in the opinion of the common sort of men1 a greater reputation of prophecy1 by one casual event that may be but wrested to their purpose1 than can be lost again by never so many failings4 ,prophecy is not an art1 nor1 when it is taken for prediction1 a constant vocation2 but an extraordinary1 and temporary employment from ,god1 most often of good men1 but sometimes also of the wicked4 ,the woman of ,endor1 who is said to have had a familiar spirit1 and thereby to have raised a phantasm of ,samuel1 and foretold ,saul his death1 was not therefore a prophetess2 for neither had she any science1 whereby she could raise such a phantasm2 nor does it appear that ,god commanded the raising of it2 but only guided that imposture to be a means of ,saul's terror and discouragement1 and by consequent1 of the discomfiture by which he fell4 ,and for incoherent speech1 it was amongst the ,gentiles taken for one sort of prophecy1 because the prophets of their oracles1 intoxicated with a spirit or vapour from the cave of the ,pythian oracle at ,delphi1 were for the time really mad1 and spake like madmen2 of whose loose words a sense might be made to fit any event1 in such sort1 as all bodies are said to be made of materia prima4 ,in ,scripture ,i find it also so taken 7#a ,sam4 xviii4 #aj7 in these words1 ,and the evil spirit came upon ,saul1 and he prophecied in the midst of the house4 ,sidenote3 ,the manner how ,god hath spoken to the prophets4 ,and although there be so many significations in ,scripture of the word prophet2 yet is that the most frequent1 in which it is taken for him1 to whom ,god speaketh immediately that which the prophet is to say from him1 to some other man1 or to the people4 ,and hereupon a question may be asked1 in what manner ,god speaketh to such a prophet4 ,can it1 may some say1 be properly said1 that ,god hath voice and language1 when it cannot be properly said1 he hath a tongue1 or other organs1 as a man8 ,the prophet ,david argueth thus1 7,psalm xciv4 #i7 ,shall he that made the eye1 not see8 or he that made the ear1 not hear8 ,but this may be spoken1 not as usually1 to signify ,god's nature1 but to signify our intention to honour him4 ,for to see1 and hear1 are honourable attributes1 and may be given to ,god1 to declare1 as far as our capacity can conceive1 his almighty power4 ,but if it were to be taken in the strict and proper sense1 one might argue from his making of all other parts of man's body1 that he had also the same use of them which we have2 which would be many of them so uncomely1 as it would be the greatest contumely in the world to ascribe them to him4 ,therefore we are to interpret ,god's speaking to men immediately1 for that way1 whatsoever it be1 by which ,god makes them understand his will4 ,and the ways whereby he doth this1 are many1 and to be sought only in the ,holy ,scripture3 where though many times it be said1 that ,god spake to this1 and that person1 without declaring in what manner2 yet there be again many places1 that deliver also the signs by which they were to acknowledge his presence1 and commandment2 and by these may be understood1 how he spake to many of the rest4 ,sidenote3 ,to the extraordinary prophets of the ,old ,testament he spake by dreams1 or visions4 ,in what manner ,god spake to ,adam1 and ,eve1 and ,cain1 and ,noah1 is not expressed2 nor how he spake to ,abraham1 till such time as he came out of his own country to ,sichem in the land of ,canaan2 and then 7,gen4 xii4 #g7 ,god is said to have appeared to him4 ,so there is one way1 whereby ,god made his presence manifest2 that is1 by an apparition1 or vision4 ,and again1 7,gen4 xv4 #a7 the word of the ,lord came to ,abraham in a vision2 that is to say1 somewhat1 as a sign of ,god's presence1 appeared as ,god's messenger1 to speak to him4 ,again1 the ,lord appeared to ,abraham 7,gen4 xviii4 #a7 by an apparition of three angels2 and to ,abimelech 7,gen4 xx4 #c7 in a dream3 to ,lot 7,gen4 xix4 #a7 by an apparition of two angels3 and to ,agar 7,gen4 xxi4 #ag7 by the apparition of one angel3 and to ,abraham again 7,gen4 xxii4 #aa7 by the apparition of a voice from heaven3 and 7,gen4 xxvi4 #bd7 to ,isaac in the night1 that is1 in his sleep1 or by dream3 and to ,jacob 7,gen4 xxviii4 #ab7 in a dream2 that is to say1 as are the words of the text1 ,jacob dreamed that he saw a ladder1 c43 and 7,gen4 xxxii4 #a7 in a vision of angels3 and to ,moses 7,exod4 iii4 #b7 in the apparition of a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush4 ,and after the time of ,moses1 where the manner how ,god spake immediately to man in the ,old ,testament is expressed1 he spake always by a vision1 or by a dream2 as to ,gideon1 ,samuel1 ,eliah1 ,elisha1 ,isaiah1 ,ezekiel1 and the rest of the prophets2 and often in the ,new ,testament1 as to ,joseph1 to ,st4 ,peter1 to ,st4 ,paul1 and to ,st4 ,john the ,evangelist in the ,apocalypse4 ,only to ,moses he spake in a more extraordinary manner in ,mount ,sinai1 and in the ,tabernacle2 and to the high-priest in the ,tabernacle1 and in the sanctum sanctorum of the ,temple4 ,but ,moses1 and after him the high-priests1 were prophets of a more eminent place and degree in ,god's favour2 and ,god himself in express words declareth1 that to other prophets he spake in dreams and visions1 but to his servant ,moses1 in such manner as a man speaketh to his friend4 ,the words are these 7,numb4 xii4 #f1 #g1 #h7 ,if there be a prophet among you1 ,i the ,lord will make myself known to him in a vision1 and will speak unto him in a dream4 ,my servant ,moses is not so1 who is faithful in all my house2 with him ,i will speak mouth to mouth1 even apparently1 not in dark speeches2 and the similitude of the ,lord shall he behold4 ,and 7,exod4 xxxiii4 #aa7 ,the ,lord spake to ,moses face to face1 as a man speaketh to his friend4 ,and yet this speaking of ,god to ,moses1 was by mediation of an angel1 or angels1 as appears expressly1 ,acts vii4 #ce and #ec1 and ,gal4 iii4 #ai2 and was therefore a vision1 though a more clear vision than was given to other prophets4 ,and conformable hereunto1 where ,god saith 7,deut4 xiii4 #a7 ,if there arise amongst you a prophet1 or dreamer of dreams1 the latter word is but the interpretation of the former4 ,and 7,joel1 ii4 #bh7 ,your sons and your daughters shall prophecy2 your old men shall dream dreams1 and your young men shall see visions2 where again1 the word prophecy is expounded by dream1 and vision4 ,and in the same manner it was1 that ,god spake to ,solomon1 promising him wisdom1 riches1 and honour2 for the text saith1 7#a ,kings iii4 #ae7 ,and ,solomon awoke1 and behold it was a dream2 so that generally the prophets extraordinary in the ,old ,testament took notice of the word of ,god no otherwise than from their dreams1 or visions2 that is to say1 from the imaginations which they had in their sleep1 or in an extasy3 which imaginations in every true prophet were supernatural2 but in false prophets were either natural or feigned4 ,the same prophets were nevertheless said to speak by the spirit2 as 7,zech4 vii4 #ab72 where the prophet speaking of the ,jews1 saith1 ,they made their hearts hard as adamant1 lest they should hear the law1 and the words which the ,lord of ,hosts hath sent in his ,spirit by the former prophets4 ,by which it is manifest1 that speaking by the spirit1 or inspiration1 was not a particular manner of ,god's speaking1 different from vision1 when they1 that were said to speak by the ,spirit1 were extraordinary prophets1 such as for every new message1 were to have a peculiar commission1 or1 which is all one1 a new dream1 or vision4 ,sidenote3 ,to prophets of perpetual calling1 and supreme1 ,god spake in the ,old ,testament from the mercy seat1 in a manner not expressed in the ,scripture4 ,of prophets1 that were so by a perpetual calling in the ,old ,testament1 some were supreme1 and some subordinate3 supreme were first ,moses2 and after him the high-priests1 every one for his time1 as long as the priesthood was royal2 and after the people of the ,jews had rejected ,god1 that he should no more reign over them1 those kings which submitted themselves to ,god's government1 were also his chief prophets2 and the high-priest's office became ministerial4 ,and when ,god was to be consulted1 they put on the holy vestments1 and enquired of the ,lord1 as the king commanded them1 and were deprived of their office1 when the king thought fit4 ,for king ,saul 7#a ,sam4 xiii4 #i7 commanded the burnt offering to be brought1 and 7#a ,sam4 xiv4 #ah7 he commands the priests to bring the ark near him2 and 7v4 #ai7 again to let it alone1 because he saw an advantage upon his enemies4 ,and in the same chapter 7v4 #cg7 ,saul asketh counsel of ,god4 ,in like manner king ,david1 after his being anointed1 though before he had possession of the kingdom1 is said to enquire of the ,lord 7#a ,sam4 xxiii4 #b7 whether he should fight against the ,philistines at ,keilah2 and 7verse #i7 ,david commandeth the priest to bring him the ephod1 to enquire whether he should stay in ,keilah1 or not4 ,and king ,solomon 7#a ,kings ii4 #bg7 took the priesthood from ,abiathar1 and gave it 7verse #ce7 to ,zadok4 ,therefore ,moses1 and the high-priests1 and the pious kings1 who enquired of ,god on all extraordinary occasions1 how they were to carry themselves1 or what event they were to have1 were all sovereign prophets4 ,but in what manner ,god spake unto them is not manifest4 ,to say that when ,moses went up to ,god in ,mount ,sinai1 it was a dream or vision1 such as other prophets had1 is contrary to that distinction which ,god made between ,moses and other prophets 7,numb4 xii4 #f1 #g1 #h74 ,to say ,god spake or appeared as he is in his own nature1 is to deny his infiniteness1 invisibility1 incomprehensibility4 ,to say he spake by inspiration1 or infusion of the ,holy ,spirit1 as the ,holy ,spirit signifieth the ,deity1 is to make ,moses equal with ,christ1 in whom only the ,godhead 7as ,st4 ,paul speaketh1 ,col4 ii4 #i7 dwelleth bodily4 ,and lastly1 to say he spake by the ,holy ,spirit1 as it signifieth the graces or gifts of the ,holy ,spirit1 is to attribute nothing to him supernatural4 ,for ,god disposeth men to piety1 justice1 mercy1 truth1 faith1 and all manner of virtue1 both moral and intellectual1 by doctrine1 example1 and by several occasions1 natural and ordinary4 ,and as these ways cannot be applied to ,god in his speaking to ,moses1 at ,mount ,sinai2 so also1 they cannot be applied to him1 in his speaking to the high-priests1 from the mercy-seat4 ,therefore in what manner ,god spake to those sovereign prophets of the ,old ,testament1 whose office it was to enquire of him1 is not intelligible4 ,in the time of the ,new ,testament1 there was no sovereign prophet1 but our ,saviour2 who was both ,god that spake1 and the prophet to whom he spake4 ,sidenote3 ,to prophets of perpetual calling1 but subordinate1 ,god spake by the spirit4 ,to subordinate prophets of perpetual calling1 ,i find not any place that proveth ,god spake to them supernaturally2 but only in such manner1 as naturally he inclineth men to piety1 to belief1 to righteousness1 and to other virtues all other ,christian men4 ,which way1 though it consist in constitution1 instruction1 education1 and the occasions and invitements men have to ,christian virtues2 yet it is truly attributed to the operation of the ,spirit of ,god1 or ,holy ,spirit1 which we in our language call the ,holy ,ghost3 for there is no good inclination1 that is not of the operation of ,god4 ,but these operations are not always supernatural4 ,when therefore a prophet is said to speak in the spirit1 or by the spirit of ,god1 we are to understand no more1 but that he speaks according to ,god's will1 declared by the supreme prophet4 ,for the most common acceptation of the word spirit1 is in the signification of a man's intention1 mind1 or disposition4 ,in the time of ,moses1 there were seventy men besides himself1 that prophecied in the camp of the ,israelites4 ,in what manner ,god spake to them1 is declared in ,numbers1 chap4 xi4 verse #be4 ,the ,lord came down in a cloud1 and spake unto ,moses1 and took of the spirit that was upon him1 and gave it to the seventy elders4 ,and it came to pass1 when the spirit rested upon them1 they prophecied and did not cease4 ,by which it is manifest1 first1 that their prophecying to the people was subservient and subordinate to the prophecying of ,moses2 for that ,god took of the spirit of ,moses1 to put upon them2 so that they prophecied as ,moses would have them3 otherwise they had not been suffered to prophecy at all4 ,for there was 7verse #bg7 a complaint made against them to ,moses2 and ,joshua would have ,moses to have forbidden them2 which he did not1 but said to ,joshua1 be not jealous in my behalf4 ,secondly1 that the spirit of ,god in that place signifieth nothing but the mind and disposition to obey and assist ,moses in the administration of the government4 ,for if it were meant they had the substantial spirit of ,god2 that is1 the divine nature1 inspired into them1 then they had it in no less manner than ,christ himself1 in whom only the spirit of ,god dwelt bodily4 ,it is meant therefore of the gift and grace of ,god1 that guided them to cooperate with ,moses2 from whom their spirit was derived4 ,and it appeareth 7,numb4 xi4 #af7 that they were such as ,moses himself should appoint for elders and officers of the people3 for the words are1 ,gather unto me seventy men1 whom thou knowest to be elders and officers of the people3 where1 thou knowest1 is the same with thou appointest1 or hast appointed to be such4 ,for we are told before 7,exod4 xviii4 #bd7 that ,moses following the counsel of ,jethro1 his father-in-law1 did appoint judges and officers over the people1 such as feared ,god2 and of these were those seventy1 whom ,god1 by putting upon them ,moses' spirit1 inclined to aid ,moses in the administration of the kingdom3 and in this sense the spirit of ,god is said 7#a ,sam4 xvi4 #ac1 #ad7 presently upon the anointing of ,david1 to have come upon ,david1 and left ,saul2 ,god giving his graces to him he chose to govern his people1 and taking them away from him he rejected4 ,so that by the spirit is meant inclination to ,god's service2 and not any supernatural revelation4 ,sidenote3 ,god sometimes also spake by lots4 ,god spake also many times by the event of lots2 which were ordered by such as he had put in authority over his people4 ,so we read that ,god manifested by the lots which ,saul caused to be drawn 7#a ,sam4 xiv4 #dc7 the fault that ,jonathan had committed1 in eating a honey-comb1 contrary to the oath taken by the people4 ,and 7,josh4 xviii4 #aj7 ,god divided the land of ,canaan amongst the ,israelites1 by the lots that ,joshua did cast before the ,lord in ,shiloh4 ,in the same manner it seemeth to be1 that ,god discovered 7,joshua vii4 #af1 c47 the crime of ,achan4 ,and these are the ways whereby ,god declared his will in the ,old ,testament4 ,all which ways he used also in the ,new ,testament4 ,to the ,virgin ,mary1 by a vision of an angel3 to ,joseph in a dream3 again1 to ,paul1 in the way to ,damascus1 in a vision of our ,saviour3 and to ,peter in the vision of a sheet let down from heaven1 with divers sorts of flesh2 of clean1 and unclean beasts2 and in prison1 by vision of an angel3 and to all the apostles1 and writers of the ,new ,testament1 by the graces of his spirit2 and to the apostles again1 at the choosing of ,matthias in the place of ,judas ,iscariot1 by lot4 ,sidenote3 ,every man ought to examine the probability of a pretended prophet's calling4 ,seeing then1 all prophecy supposeth vision1 or dream1 7which two1 when they be natural1 are the same71 or some especial gift of ,god so rarely observed in mankind as to be admired where observed2 and seeing as well such gifts1 as the most extraordinary dreams and visions1 may proceed from ,god1 not only by his supernatural1 and immediate1 but also by his natural operation1 and by mediation of second causes2 there is need of reason and judgment to discern between natural1 and supernatural gifts1 and between natural1 and supernatural visions or dreams4 ,and consequently men had need to be very circumspect and wary1 in obeying the voice of man1 that pretending himself to be a prophet1 requires us to obey ,god in that way1 which he in ,god's name telleth us to be the way to happiness4 ,for he that pretends to teach men the way of so great felicity1 pretends to govern them2 that is to say1 to rule and reign over them2 which is a thing1 that all men naturally desire1 and is therefore worthy to be suspected of ambition and imposture2 and consequently1 ought to be examined and tried by every man1 before he yield them obedience2 unless he have yielded it them already1 in the institution of a commonwealth2 as when the prophet is the civil sovereign1 or by the civil sovereign authorized4 ,and if this examination of prophets and spirits1 were not allowed to every one of the people1 it had been to no purpose to set out the marks1 by which every man might be able to distinguish between those1 whom they ought1 and those whom they ought not to follow4 ,seeing therefore such marks are set out 7,deut4 xiii4 #a1 c47 to know a prophet by2 and 7#a ,john iv4 #a1 c47 to know a spirit by3 and seeing there is so much prophecying in the ,old ,testament1 and so much preaching in the ,new ,testament1 against prophets2 and so much greater a number ordinarily of false prophets1 than of true2 every one is to beware of obeying their directions1 at their own peril4 ,and first1 that there were many more false than true prophets1 appears by this1 that when ,ahab 7#a ,kings xxii47 consulted four hundred prophets1 they were all false impostors1 but only one ,micaiah4 ,and a little before the time of the captivity1 the prophets were generally liars4 ,the prophets1 7saith the ,lord1 by ,jeremiah1 chapter xiv4 #ad7 prophecy lies in my name4 ,i sent them not1 neither have ,i commanded them1 nor spake unto them2 they prophecy to you a false vision1 a thing of nought1 and the deceit of their heart4 ,insomuch as ,god commanded the people by the mouth of the prophet ,jeremiah 7chapter xxiii4 #af7 not to obey them3 ,thus saith the ,lord of hosts1 hearken not unto the words of the prophets1 that prophecy to you4 ,they make you vain1 they speak a vision of their own heart1 and not out of the mouth of the ,lord4 ,sidenote3 ,all prophecy but of the sovereign prophet1 is to be examined by every subject4 ,seeing then there was in the time of the ,old ,testament1 such quarrels amongst the visionary prophets1 one contesting with another1 and asking1 when departed the ,spirit from me1 to go to thee8 as between ,micaiah and the rest of the four hundred2 and such giving of the lie to one another1 7as in ,jerem4 xiv4 #ad7 and such controversies in the ,new ,testament at this day1 amongst the spiritual prophets2 every man then was1 and now is bound to make use of his natural reason1 to apply to all prophecy those rules which ,god hath given us1 to discern the true from false4 ,of which rules1 in the ,old ,testament1 one was1 conformable doctrine to that which ,moses the sovereign prophet had taught them2 and the other1 the miraculous power of foretelling what ,god would bring to pass1 as ,i have already showed out of ,deut4 xiii4 #a1 c4 ,and in the ,new ,testament there was but one only mark2 and that was the preaching of this doctrine1 that ,jesus is the ,christ1 that is1 king of the ,jews1 promised in the ,old ,testament4 ,whosoever denied that article1 he was a false prophet1 whatsoever miracles he might seem to work2 and he that taught it was a true prophet4 ,for ,st4 ,john 7#a ,epist4 iv4 #b1 c47 speaking expressly of the means to examine spirits1 whether they be of ,god1 or not2 after he had told them that there would arise false prophets1 saith thus1 ,hereby know ye the ,spirit of ,god4 ,every spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god2 that is1 is approved and allowed as a prophet of ,god3 not that he is a godly man1 or one of the elect1 for this1 that he confesseth1 professeth1 or preacheth ,jesus to be the ,christ2 but for that he is a prophet avowed4 ,for ,god sometimes speaketh by prophets1 whose persons he hath not accepted2 as he did by ,balaam2 and as he foretold ,saul of his death1 by the ,witch of ,endor4 ,again in the next verse1 ,every spirit that confesseth not that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is not of ,christ2 and this is the spirit of ,anti-,christ4 ,so that the rule is perfect on both sides2 that he is a true prophet1 which preacheth the ,messiah already come1 in the person of ,jesus2 and he a false one that denieth him come1 and looketh for him in some future impostor1 that shall take upon him that honour falsely1 whom the apostle there properly calleth ,anti-,christ4 ,every man therefore ought to consider who is the sovereign prophet2 that is to say1 who it is1 that is ,god's vicegerent on earth2 and hath next under ,god1 the authority of governing ,christian men2 and to observe for a rule1 that doctrine1 which in the name of ,god1 he hath commanded to be taught2 and thereby to examine and try out the truth of those doctrines1 which pretended prophets with miracle1 or without1 shall at any time advance3 and if they find it contrary to that rule1 to do as they did1 that came to ,moses1 and complained that there were some that prophecied in the camp1 whose authority so to do they doubted of2 and leave to the sovereign1 as they did to ,moses1 to uphold1 or to forbid them1 as he should see cause2 and if he disavow them1 then no more to obey their voice2 or if he approve them1 then to obey them1 as men to whom ,god hath given a part of the spirit of their sovereign4 ,for when ,christian men1 take not their ,christian sovereign1 for ,god's prophet2 they must either take their own dreams1 for the prophecy they mean to be governed by1 and the tumor of their own hearts for the ,spirit of ,god2 or they must suffer themselves to be led by some strange prince2 or by some of their fellow-subjects1 that can bewitch them1 by slander of the government1 into rebellion1 without other miracle to confirm their calling1 than sometimes an extraordinary success and impunity2 and by this means destroying all laws1 both divine and human1 reduce all order1 government1 and society1 to the first chaos of violence and civil war4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxvii4 ,,of ,,miracles1 ,,and ,,their ,,use4 ,sidenote3 ,a miracle is a work that causeth admiration4 ,by miracles are signified the admirable works of ,god3 and therefore they are also called wonders4 ,and because they are for the most part1 done1 for a signification of his commandment1 in such occasions1 as without them1 men are apt to doubt1 7following their private natural reasoning17 what he hath commanded1 and what not1 they are commonly1 in holy ,scripture1 called signs1 in the same sense1 as they are called by the ,latins1 ostenta1 and portenta1 from showing and fore-signifying that1 which the ,almighty is about to bring to pass4 ,sidenote3 ,and must therefore be rare1 and whereof there is no natural cause known4 ,to understand therefore what is a miracle1 we must first understand what works they are1 which men wonder at1 and call admirable4 ,and there be but two things which make men wonder at any event3 the one is1 if it be strange1 that is to say1 such as the like of it hath never1 or very rarely been produced3 the other is1 if when it is produced1 we cannot imagine it to have been done by natural means1 but only by the immediate hand of ,god4 ,but when we see some possible1 natural cause of it1 how rarely soever the like has been done1 or if the like have been often done1 how impossible soever it be to imagine a natural means thereof1 we no more wonder1 nor esteem it for a miracle4 ,therefore1 if a horse or cow should speak1 it were a miracle2 because both the thing is strange1 and the natural cause difficult to imagine4 ,so also were it to see a strange deviation of nature1 in the production of some new shape of a living creature4 ,but when a man1 or other animal1 engenders his like1 though we know no more how this is done1 than the other2 yet because it is usual1 it is no miracle4 ,in like manner1 if a man be metamorphosed into a stone1 or into a pillar1 it is a miracle2 because strange3 but if a piece of wood be so changed2 because we see it often1 it is no miracle3 and yet we know no more by what operation of ,god1 the one is brought to pass1 than the other4 ,the first rainbow that was seen in the world1 was a miracle1 because the first2 and consequently strange2 and served for a sign from ,god1 placed in heaven1 to assure his people1 there should be no more any universal destruction of the world by water4 ,but at this day1 because they are frequent1 they are not miracles1 neither to them that know their natural causes1 nor to them who know them not4 ,again1 there be many rare works produced by the art of man3 yet when we know they are done2 because thereby we know also the means how they are done1 we count them not for miracles1 because not wrought by the immediate hand of ,god1 but of human industry4 ,sidenote3 ,that which seemeth a miracle to one man1 may seem otherwise to another4 ,furthermore1 seeing admiration and wonder are consequent to the knowledge and experience1 wherewith men are endued1 some more1 some less2 it followeth1 that the same thing may be a miracle to one1 and not to another4 ,and thence it is1 that ignorant and superstitious men make great wonders of those works1 which other men1 knowing to proceed from nature1 7which is not the immediate1 but the ordinary work of ,god71 admire not at all3 as when eclipses of the sun and moon have been taken for supernatural works1 by the common people2 when nevertheless1 there were others1 who could from their natural causes have foretold the very hour they should arrive3 or1 as when a man1 by confederacy and secret intelligence1 getting knowledge of the private actions of an ignorant1 unwary man1 thereby tells him what he has done in former time2 it seems to him a miraculous thing2 but amongst wise1 and cautelous men1 such miracles as those1 cannot easily be done4 ,sidenote3 ,the end of miracles4 ,again1 it belongeth to the nature of a miracle1 that it be wrought for the procuring of credit to ,god's messengers1 ministers1 and prophets1 that thereby men may know1 they are called1 sent1 and employed by ,god1 and thereby be the better inclined to obey them4 ,and therefore1 though the creation of the world1 and after that the destruction of all living creatures in the universal deluge1 were admirable works2 yet because they were not done to procure credit to any prophet1 or other minister of ,god1 they use not to be called miracles4 ,for how admirable soever any work be1 the admiration consisteth not in that it could be done2 because men naturally believe the ,almighty can do all things2 but because he does it at the prayer or word of a man4 ,but the works of ,god in ,egypt1 by the hand of ,moses1 were properly miracles2 because they were done with intention to make the people of ,israel believe1 that ,moses came unto them1 not out of any design of his own interest1 but as sent from ,god4 ,therefore1 after ,god had commanded him to deliver the ,israelites from the ,egyptian bondage1 when he said 7,exod4 iv4 #a7 ,they will not believe me1 but will say1 the ,lord hath not appeared unto me1 ,god gave him power1 to turn the rod he had in his hand into a serpent1 and again to return it into a rod2 and by putting his hand into his bosom1 to make it leprous2 and again by putting it out1 to make it whole2 to make the children of ,israel believe 7as it is in verse #e7 that the ,god of their fathers had appeared unto him3 and if that were not enough1 he gave him power to turn their waters into blood4 ,and when he had done these miracles before the people1 it is said 7verse #ca7 that they believed him4 ,nevertheless1 for fear of ,pharaoh1 they durst not yet obey him4 ,therefore the other works which were done to plague ,pharaoh and the ,egyptians1 tended all to make the ,israelites believe in ,moses1 and were properly miracles4 ,in like manner if we consider all the miracles done by the hand of ,moses1 and all the rest of the prophets1 till the captivity2 and those of our ,saviour1 and his apostles afterwards2 we shall find1 their end was always to beget or confirm belief1 that they came not of their own motion1 but were sent by ,god4 ,we may farther observe in ,scripture1 that the end of miracles1 was to beget belief1 not universally in all men1 elect and reprobate2 but in the elect only2 that is to say1 in such as ,god had determined should become his subjects4 ,for those miraculous plagues of ,egypt1 had not for their end1 the conversion of ,pharaoh2 for ,god had told ,moses before1 that he would harden the heart of ,pharoah1 that he should not let the people go3 and when he let them go at last1 not the miracles persuaded him1 but the plagues forced him to it4 ,so also of our ,saviour1 it is written 7,matth4 xiii4 #eh71 that he wrought not many miracles in his own country1 because of their unbelief2 and 7in ,mark vi4 #e7 instead of1 ,he wrought not many1 it is1 ,he could work none4 ,it was not because he wanted power2 which to say1 were blasphemy against ,god2 nor that the end of miracles was not to convert incredulous men to ,christ2 for the end of all the miracles of ,moses1 of the prophets1 of our ,saviour1 and of his apostles was to add men to the church3 but it was1 because the end of their miracles1 was to add to the church1 not all men1 but such as should be saved2 that is to say1 such as ,god had elected4 ,seeing therefore our ,saviour was sent from his ,father1 he could not use his power in the conversion of those1 whom his ,father had rejected4 ,they that expounding this place of ,st4 ,mark1 say1 that this word1 ,he could not1 is put for1 ,he would not1 do it without example in the ,greek tongue3 where would not1 is put sometimes for could not1 in things inanimate1 that have no will2 but could not1 for would not never3 and thereby lay a stumbling block before weak ,christians2 as if ,christ could do no miracles1 but amongst the credulous4 ,sidenote3 ,the definition of a miracle4 ,from that which ,i have here set down1 of the nature and use of a miracle1 we may define it thus3 ,a ,,miracle is a work of ,god1 7besides his operation by the way of nature1 ordained in the creation7 done1 for the making manifest to his elect1 the mission of an extraordinary minister for their salvation4 ,and from this definition1 we may infer2 first1 that in all miracles1 the work done1 is not the effect of any virtue in the prophet2 because it is the effect of the immediate hand of ,god2 that is to say ,god hath done it1 without using the prophet therein1 as a subordinate cause4 ,secondly1 that no devil1 angel1 or other created spirit1 can do a miracle4 ,for it must either be by virtue of some natural science1 or by incantation1 that is1 by virtue of words4 ,for if the enchanters do it by their own power independent1 there is some power that proceedeth not from ,god2 which all men deny3 and if they do it by power given them1 then is the work not from the immediate hand of ,god1 but natural1 and consequently no miracle4 ,there be some texts of ,scripture1 that seem to attribute the power of working wonders1 equal to some of those immediate miracles wrought by ,god himself1 to certain arts of magic and incantation4 ,as for example1 when we read that after the rod of ,moses being cast on the ground became a serpent1 7,exod4 vii4 #aa7 the magicians of ,egypt did the like by their enchantments2 and that after ,moses had turned the waters of the ,egyptian streams1 rivers1 ponds1 and pools of water into blood1 7,exod4 vii4 #bb7 the magicians did so likewise with their enchantments2 and that after ,moses had by the power of ,god brought frogs upon the land1 7,exod4 viii4 #g7 the magicians also did so with their enchantments1 and brought up frogs upon the land of ,egypt2 will not a man be apt to attribute miracles to enchantments2 that is to say1 to the efficacy of the sound of words2 and think the same very well proved out of this1 and other such places8 ,and yet there is no place of ,scripture1 that telleth us what an enchantment is4 ,if therefore enchantment be not1 as many think it1 a working of strange effects by spells and words2 but imposture and delusion1 wrought by ordinary means2 and so far from supernatural1 as the impostors need not the study so much as of natural causes1 but the ordinary ignorance1 stupidity1 and superstition of mankind1 to do them2 those texts that seem to countenance the power of magic1 witchcraft1 and enchantment1 must needs have another sense1 than at first sight they seem to bear4 ,for it is evident enough1 that words have no effect1 but on those that understand them2 and then they have no other1 but to signify the intentions or passions of them that speak2 and thereby produce hope1 fear1 or other passions or conceptions in the hearer4 ,therefore when a rod seemeth a serpent1 or the waters blood1 or any other miracle seemeth done by enchantment2 if it be not to the edification of ,god's people1 not the rod1 nor the water1 nor any other thing is enchanted2 that is to say1 wrought upon by the words1 but the spectator4 ,so that all the miracle consisteth in this1 that the enchanter has deceived a man2 which is no miracle1 but a very easy matter to do4 ,sidenote3 ,that men are apt to be deceived by false miracles4 ,for such is the ignorance and aptitude to error generally of all men1 but especially of them that have not much knowledge of natural causes1 and of the nature and interests of men2 as by innumerable and easy tricks to be abused4 ,what opinion of miraculous power1 before it was known there was a science of the course of the stars1 might a man have gained1 that should have told the people1 this hour or day the sun should be darkened8 ,a juggler by the handling of his goblets and other trinkets1 if it were not now ordinarily practised1 would be thought to do his wonders by the power at least of the devil4 ,a man that hath practised to speak by drawing in of his breath1 7which kind of men in ancient time were called ventriloqui71 and so make the weakness of his voice seem to proceed1 not from the weak impulsion of the organs of speech1 but from distance of place1 is able to make very many men believe it is a voice from ,heaven1 whatsoever he please to tell them4 ,and for a crafty man1 that hath enquired into the secrets1 and familiar confessions that one man ordinarily maketh to another of his actions and adventures past1 to tell them him again is no hard matter2 and yet there be many1 that by such means as that obtain the reputation of being conjurers4 ,but it is too long a business1 to reckon up the several sorts of those men1 which the ,greeks called 1 that is to say1 workers of things wonderful3 and yet these do all they do1 by their own single dexterity4 ,but if we look upon the impostures wrought by confederacy1 there is nothing how impossible soever to be done1 that is impossible to be believed4 ,for two men conspiring1 one to seem lame1 the other to cure him with a charm1 will deceive many3 but many conspiring1 one to seem lame1 another so to cure him1 and all the rest to bear witness1 will deceive many more4 ,sidenote3 ,cautions against the imposture of miracles4 ,in this aptitude of mankind1 to give too hasty belief to pretended miracles1 there can be no better1 nor ,i think any other caution1 than that which ,god hath prescribed1 first by ,moses1 as ,i have said before in the precedent chapter1 in the beginning of the xiiith and end of the xviiith of ,deuteronomy2 that we take not any for prophets1 that teach any other religion1 than that which ,god's lieutenant1 which at that time was ,moses1 hath established2 nor any1 though he teach the same religion1 whose prediction we do not see come to pass4 ,moses therefore in his time1 and ,aaron and his successors in their times1 and the sovereign governor of ,god's people1 next under ,god himself1 that is to say1 the head of the ,church1 in all times1 are to be consulted1 what doctrine he hath established1 before we give credit to a pretended miracle or prophet4 ,and when that is done1 the thing they pretend to be a miracle1 we must both see it done1 and use all means possible to consider1 whether it be really done2 and not only so1 but whether it be such1 as no man can do the like by his natural power1 but that it requires the immediate hand of ,god4 ,and in this also we must have recourse to ,god's lieutenant1 to whom in all doubtful cases1 we have submitted our private judgments4 ,for example2 if a man pretend1 after certain words spoken over a piece of bread1 that presently ,god hath made it not bread1 but a god1 or a man1 or both1 and nevertheless it looketh still as like bread as ever it did2 there is no reason for any man to think it really done1 nor consequently to fear him1 till he enquire of ,god1 by his vicar or lieutenant1 whether it be done1 or not4 ,if he say1 not1 then followeth that which ,moses saith 7,deut4 xviii4 #bb7 he hath spoken it presumptuously1 thou shalt not fear him4 ,if he say1 it is done1 then he is not to contradict it4 ,so also if we see not1 but only hear tell of a miracle1 we are to consult the lawful ,church2 that is to say1 the lawful head thereof1 how far we are to give credit to the relators of it4 ,and this is chiefly the case of men1 that in these days live under ,christian sovereigns4 ,for in these times1 ,i do not know one man1 that ever saw any such wonderous work1 done by the charm1 or at the word1 or prayer of a man1 that a man endued but with a mediocrity of reason would think supernatural3 and the question is no more1 whether what we see done1 be a miracle2 whether the miracle we hear1 or read of1 were a real work1 and not the act of a tongue1 or pen2 but in plain terms1 whether the report be true1 or a lie4 ,in which question we are not every one1 to make our own private reason1 or conscience1 but the public reason1 that is1 the reason of ,god's supreme lieutenant1 judge2 and indeed we have made him judge already1 if we have given him a sovereign power1 to do all that is necessary for our peace and defence4 ,a private man has always the liberty1 because thought is free1 to believe or not believe in his heart those acts that have been given out for miracles1 according as he shall see what benefit can accrue by men's belief1 to those that pretend or countenance them1 and thereby conjecture whether they be miracles or lies4 ,but when it comes to confession of that faith1 the private reason must submit to the public2 that is to say1 to ,god's lieutenant4 ,but who is this lieutenant of ,god1 and head of the ,church1 shall be considered in its proper place hereafter4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,eternal ,,life1 ,,hell1 ,,salvation1 ,,the ,,world ,,to ,,come1 ,,and ,,redemption4 ,the maintenance of civil society depending on justice1 and justice on the power of life and death1 and other less rewards and punishments1 residing in them that have the sovereignty of the commonwealth2 it is impossible a commonwealth should stand1 where any other than the sovereign hath a power of giving greater rewards than life1 and of inflicting greater punishments than death4 ,now seeing eternal life is a greater reward than the life present2 and eternal torment a greater punishment than the death of nature2 it is a thing worthy to be well considered of all men that desire1 by obeying authority1 to avoid the calamities of confusion and civil war1 what is meant in ,holy ,scripture1 by life eternal1 and torment eternal2 and for what offences1 and against whom committed1 men are to be eternally tormented2 and for what actions they are to obtain eternal life4 ,sidenote3 ,the place of ,adam's eternity1 if he had not sinned1 had been the terrestrial ,paradise4 ,and first we find that ,adam was created in such a condition of life1 as had he not broken the commandment of ,god1 he had enjoyed it in the paradise of ,eden everlastingly4 ,for there was the tree of life1 whereof he was so long allowed to eat1 as he should forbear to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil2 which was not allowed him4 ,and therefore as soon as he had eaten of it1 ,god thrust him out of ,paradise1 7,gen4 iii4 #bb7 lest he should put forth his hand1 and take also of the tree of life and live for ever4 ,by which it seemeth to me1 7with submission nevertheless both in this1 and in all questions whereof the determination dependeth on the ,scriptures1 to the interpretation of the ,bible authorized by the commonwealth1 whose subject ,i am71 that ,adam1 if he had not sinned1 had had an eternal life on earth1 and that mortality entered upon himself and his posterity by his first sin4 ,not that actual death then entered2 for ,adam then could never have had children2 whereas he lived long after1 and saw a numerous posterity ere he died4 ,but where it is said1 7,gen4 ii4 #ag7 ,in the day that thou eatest thereof1 thou shalt surely die1 it must needs be meant of his mortality1 and certitude of death4 ,seeing then eternal life was lost by ,adam's forfeiture in committing sin1 he that should cancel that forfeiture1 was to recover thereby that life again4 ,now ,jesus ,christ hath satisfied for the sins of all that believe in him2 and therefore recovered to all believers1 that eternal life which was lost by the sin of ,adam4 ,and in this sense it is that the comparison of ,st4 ,paul holdeth1 7,rom4 v4 #ah1 #ai7 ,as by the offence of one1 judgment came upon all men to condemnation1 even so by the righteousness of one1 the free gift came upon all men to justification of life2 which is again 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #ba1 #bb7 more perspicuously delivered in these words1 ,for since by man came death1 by man came also the resurrection of the dead4 ,for as in ,adam all die1 even so in ,christ shall all be made alive4 ,sidenote3 ,texts concerning the place of life eternal1 for believers4 ,concerning the place wherein men shall enjoy that eternal life which ,christ hath obtained for them1 the texts next before alleged seem to make it on earth4 ,for if as in ,adam all die1 that is1 have forfeited paradise and eternal life on earth1 even so in ,christ all shall be made alive2 then all men shall be made to live on earth2 for else the comparison were not proper4 ,hereunto seemeth to agree that of the psalmist 7,psalm4 cxxxiii4 #c7 upon ,zion ,god commanded the blessing1 even life for evermore3 for ,zion is in ,jerusalem upon earth3 as also that of ,st4 ,john 7,rev4 ii4 #g7 ,to him that overcometh ,i will give to eat of the tree of life1 which is in the midst of the paradise of ,god4 ,this was the tree of ,adam's eternal life2 but his life was to have been on earth4 ,the same seemeth to be confirmed again by ,st4 ,john 7,rev4 xxi4 #b71 where he saith1 ,i ,john saw the holy city1 new ,jerusalem1 coming down from ,god out of heaven1 prepared as a bride adorned for her husband3 and again 7verse #aj7 to the same effect3 as if he should say1 the new ,jerusalem1 the paradise of ,god1 at the coming again of ,christ1 should come down to ,god's people from heaven1 and not they go up to it from earth4 ,and this differs nothing from that1 which the two men in white clothing1 that is the two angels1 said to the apostles that were looking upon ,christ ascending 7,acts i4 #aa7 ,this same ,jesus1 who is taken up from you into heaven1 shall so come1 as you have seen him go up into heaven4 ,which soundeth as if they had said he should come down to govern them under his ,father eternally here1 and not take them up to govern them in heaven2 and is conformable to the restoration of the kingdom of ,god instituted under ,moses1 which was a political government of the ,jews on earth4 ,again1 that saying of our ,saviour 7,matth4 xxii4 #cj71 that in the resurrection they neither marry1 nor are given in marriage1 but are as the angels of ,god in heaven1 is a description of an eternal life1 resembling that which we lost in ,adam in the point of marriage4 ,for seeing ,adam and ,eve1 if they had not sinned1 had lived on earth eternally in their individual persons2 it is manifest1 they should not continually have procreated their kind2 for if immortals should have generated as mankind doth now1 the earth in a small time would not have been able to afford them place to stand on4 ,the ,jews that asked our ,saviour the question1 whose wife the woman that had married many brothers should be in the resurrection1 knew not what were the consequences of life eternal3 and therefore our ,saviour puts them in mind of this consequence of immortality2 that there shall be no generation1 and consequently no marriage1 no more than there is marriage or generation among the angels4 ,the comparison between that eternal life which ,adam lost1 and our ,saviour by his victory over death hath recovered1 holdeth also in this2 that as ,adam lost eternal life by his sin1 and yet lived after it for a time1 so the faithful ,christian hath recovered eternal life by ,christ's passion1 though he die a natural death1 and remain dead for a time1 namely1 till the resurrection4 ,for as death is reckoned from the condemnation of ,adam1 not from the execution2 so life is reckoned from the absolution1 not from the resurrection of them that are elected in ,christ4 ,sidenote3 ,ascension into heaven4 ,that the place wherein men are to live eternally1 after the resurrection1 is the heavens1 7meaning by heaven1 those parts of the world1 which are the most remote from earth1 as where the stars are1 or above the stars1 in another higher heaven1 called clum empyreum1 whereof there is no mention in ,scripture1 nor ground in reason71 is not easily to be drawn from any text that ,i can find4 ,by the ,kingdom of ,heaven1 is meant the kingdom of the ,king that dwelleth in heaven2 and his kingdom was the people of ,israel1 whom he ruled by the prophets1 his lieutenants2 first ,moses1 and after him ,eleazar1 and the sovereign priests1 till in the days of ,samuel they rebelled1 and would have a mortal man for their king1 after the manner of other nations4 ,and when our ,saviour ,christ1 by the preaching of his ministers1 shall have persuaded the ,jews to return1 and called the ,gentiles to his obedience1 then shall there be a new kingdom of heaven2 because our king shall then be ,god1 whose throne is heaven3 without any necessity evident in the ,scripture1 that man shall ascend to his happiness any higher than ,god's footstool the earth4 ,on the contrary1 we find written 7,john iii4 #ac7 that no man hath ascended into heaven1 but he that came down from heaven1 even the son of man1 that is in heaven4 ,where ,i observe by the way1 that these words are not1 as those which go immediately before1 the words of our ,saviour1 but of ,st4 ,john himself2 for ,christ was then not in heaven1 but upon the earth4 ,the like is said of ,david 7,acts ii4 #cd7 where ,st4 ,peter1 to prove the ascension of ,christ1 using the words of the ,psalmist 7,psalm xvi4 #aj71 ,thou wilt not leave my soul in hell1 nor suffer thine holy one to see corruption1 saith1 they were spoken1 not of ,david1 but of ,christ2 and to prove it1 addeth this reason1 ,for ,david is not ascended into heaven4 ,but to this a man may easily answer1 and say1 that though their bodies were not to ascend till the general day of judgment1 yet their souls were in heaven as soon as they were departed from their bodies2 which also seemeth to be confirmed by the words of our ,saviour 7,luke xx4 #cg1 #ch71 who proving the resurrection out of the words of ,moses1 saith thus1 ,that the dead are raised1 even ,moses shewed at the bush1 when he calleth the ,lord1 the ,god of ,abraham1 and the ,god of ,isaac1 and the ,god of ,jacob4 ,for he is not a ,god of the dead1 but of the living2 for they all live to him4 ,but if these words be to be understood only of the immortality of the soul1 they prove not at all that which our ,saviour intended to prove1 which was the resurrection of the body1 that is to say1 the immortality of the man4 ,therefore our ,saviour meaneth1 that those patriarchs were immortal2 not by a property consequent to the essence and nature of mankind2 but by the will of ,god1 that was pleased of his mere grace1 to bestow eternal life upon the faithful4 ,and though at that time the patriarchs and many other faithful men were dead1 yet as it is in the text1 they lived to ,god2 that is1 they were written in the ,book of ,life with them that were absolved of their sins1 and ordained to life eternal at the resurrection4 ,that the soul of man is in its own nature eternal1 and a living creature independent on the body1 or that any mere man is immortal1 otherwise than by the resurrection in the last day1 except ,enoch and ,elias1 is a doctrine not apparent in ,scripture4 ,the whole of the xivth chapter of ,job1 which is the speech not of his friends1 but of himself1 is a complaint of this mortality of nature2 and yet no contradiction of the immortality at the resurrection4 ,there is hope of a tree1 saith he1 7verse #g7 if it be cast down4 ,though the root thereof wax old1 and the stock thereof die in the ground1 yet when it scenteth the water it will bud1 and bring forth boughs like a plant4 ,but man dieth and wasteth away1 yea1 man giveth up the ghost1 and where is he8 ,and 7verse #ab7 ,man lieth down1 and riseth not1 till the heavens be no more4 ,but when is it1 that the heavens shall be no more8 ,st4 ,peter tells us1 that it is at the general resurrection4 ,for in his #bnd ,epistle1 chap4 iii4 verse #g1 he saith1 that the heavens and the earth that are now1 are reserved unto fire against the day of judgment1 and perdition of ungodly men1 and 7v4 #ab7 looking for1 and hasting to the coming of ,god1 wherein the heavens shall be on fire and shall be dissolved1 and the elements shall melt with fervent heat4 ,nevertheless1 we according to the promise look for new heavens1 and a new earth1 wherein dwelleth righteousness4 ,therefore where ,job saith1 man riseth not till the heavens be no more2 it is all one1 as if he had said1 the immortal life1 7and soul and life in the ,scripture do usually signify the same thing17 beginneth not in man1 till the resurrection and day of judgment2 and hath for cause1 not his specifical nature and generation1 but the promise4 ,for ,st4 ,peter says1 not ,we look for new heavens and a new earth1 from nature1 but from promise4 ,lastly1 seeing it hath been already proved out of divers evident places of ,scripture1 in chap4 xxxv4 of this book1 that the kingdom of ,god is a civil commonwealth1 where ,god himself is sovereign1 by virtue first of the old1 and since of the new covenant1 wherein he reigneth by his vicar or lieutenant2 the same places do therefore also prove1 that after the coming again of our ,saviour in his majesty and glory1 to reign actually and eternally1 the kingdom of ,god is to be on earth4 ,but because this doctrine1 though proved out of places of ,scripture not few nor obscure1 will appear to most men a novelty1 ,i do but propound it2 maintaining nothing in this1 or any other paradox of religion2 but attending the end of that dispute of the sword1 concerning the authority1 not yet amongst my countrymen decided1 by which all sorts of doctrine are to be approved or rejected2 and whose commands1 both in speech and writing1 whatsoever be the opinions of private men1 must by all men1 that mean to be protected by their laws1 be obeyed4 ,for the points of doctrine concerning the kingdom of ,god1 have so great influence on the kingdom of man1 as not to be determined1 but by them1 that under ,god have the sovereign power4 ,sidenote3 ,the place after judgment of those who were never in the kingdom of ,god1 or having been in1 are cast out4 ,as the kingdom of ,god1 and eternal life1 so also ,god's enemies1 and their torments after judgment1 appear by the ,scripture to have their place on earth4 ,the name of the place1 where all men remain till the resurrection1 that were either buried1 or swallowed up of the earth1 is usually called in ,scripture1 by words that signify under ground2 which the ,latins read generally infernus1 and inferi1 and the ,greek 1 that is to say1 a place where men cannot see2 and containeth as well the grave1 as any any other deeper place4 ,but for the place of the damned after the resurrection1 it is not determined1 neither in the ,old nor ,new ,testament1 by any note of situation2 but only by the company3 as that it shall be1 where such wicked men were1 as ,god in former times1 in extraordinary and miraculous manner1 had destroyed from off the face of the earth3 ,sidenote3 ,tartarus4 as for example1 that they are in ,inferno1 in ,tartarus1 or in the bottomless pit2 because ,corah1 ,dathan1 and ,abiron1 were swallowed up alive into the earth4 ,not that the writers of the ,scripture would have us believe1 there could be in the globe of the earth1 which is not only finite1 but also1 compared to the height of the stars1 of no considerable magnitude1 a pit without a bottom1 that is1 a hole of infinite depth1 such as the ,greeks in their demonology1 7that is to say1 in their doctrine concerning demons71 and after them the ,romans1 called ,tartarus2 of which ,virgil 7n4 vi4 #egh1 #egi7 says1 ,bis patet in prceps tantum1 tenditque sub umbras1 ,quantus ad therium cli suspectus ,olympum3 for that is a thing the proportion of earth to heaven cannot bear3 but that we should believe them there1 indefinitely1 where those men are1 on whom ,god inflicted that exemplary punishment4 ,sidenote3 ,the congregation of giants4 ,again1 because those mighty men of the earth1 that lived in the time of ,noah1 before the flood1 7which the ,greeks call heroes1 and the ,scripture giants1 and both say were begotten by copulation of the children of ,god with the children of men17 were for their wicked life destroyed by the general deluge2 the place of the damned1 is therefore also sometimes marked out1 by the company of those deceased giants2 as ,proverbs xxi4 #af1 ,the man that wandereth out of the way of understanding1 shall remain in the congregation of the giants2 and ,job xxvi4 #e1 ,behold the giants groan under water1 and they that dwell with them4 ,here the place of the damned is under the water4 ,and ,isaiah xiv4 #i1 ,hell is troubled how to meet thee 7that is1 the ,king of ,babylon7 and will displace the giants for thee3 and here again the place of the damned1 if the sense be literal1 is to be under water4 ,sidenote3 ,lake of fire4 ,thirdly1 because the cities of ,sodom and ,gomorrah1 by the extraordinary wrath of ,god1 were consumed for their wickedness with fire and brimstone1 and together with them the country about made a stinking bituminous lake3 the place of the damned is sometimes expressed by fire1 and a fiery lake1 as in the ,apocalypse1 xxi4 #h1 ,but the timorous1 incredulous1 and abominable1 and murderers1 and whoremongers1 and sorcerers1 and idolaters1 and all liars1 shall have their part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone2 which is the second death4 ,so that it is manifest1 that hell fire1 which is here expressed by metaphor from the real fire of ,sodom1 signifieth not any certain kind or place of torment2 but is to be taken indefinitely1 for destruction1 as it is in ,rev4 xx4 #ad1 where it is said1 that death and hell were cast into the lake of fire2 that is to say1 were abolished and destroyed2 as if after the day of judgment1 there shall be no more dying1 nor no more going into hell2 that is1 no more going to ,hades1 7from which word perhaps our word ,hell is derived17 which is the same with no more dying4 ,sidenote3 ,utter darkness4 ,fourthly1 from the plague of darkness inflicted on the ,egyptians1 of which it is written 7,exod4 x4 #bc7 ,they saw not one another1 neither rose any man from his place for three days2 but all the children of ,israel had light in their dwellings2 the place of the wicked after judgment1 is called utter darkness1 or1 as it is in the original1 darkness without4 ,and so it is expressed 7,matth4 xxii4 #ac7 where the king commanded his servants1 to bind hand and foot the man that had not on his wedding garment1 and to cast him out1 1 into external darkness1 or darkness without3 which though translated utter darkness1 does not signify how great1 but where that darkness is to be2 namely1 without the habitation of ,god's elect4 ,sidenote3 ,gehenna1 and ,tophet4 ,lastly1 whereas there was a place near ,jerusalem1 called the ,valley of the ,children of ,hinnon2 in a part whereof1 called ,tophet1 the ,jews had committed most grievous idolatry1 sacrificing their children to the idol ,moloch2 and wherein also ,god had afflicted his enemies with most grievous punishments2 and wherein ,josiah had burned the priests of ,moloch upon their own altars1 as appeareth at large in the #bnd of ,kings1 chap4 xxiii43 the place served afterwards to receive the filth and garbage which was carried thither out of the city2 and there used to be fires made from time to time1 to purify the air1 and take away the stench of carrion4 ,from this abominable place1 the ,jews used ever after to call the place of the damned1 by the name of ,gehenna1 or ,valley of ,hinnon4 ,and this ,gehenna1 is that word which is usually now translated ,,hell2 and from the fires from time to time there burning1 we have the notion of everlasting and unquenchable fire4 ,sidenote3 ,of the literal sense of the ,scripture concerning hell4 ,seeing now there is none1 that so interprets the ,scripture1 as that after the day of judgment1 the wicked are all eternally to be punished in the ,valley of ,hinnon2 or that they shall so rise again1 as to be ever after under ground or under water2 or that after the resurrection1 they shall no more see one another1 nor stir from one place to another3 it followeth1 methinks1 very necessarily1 that that which is thus said concerning hell fire1 is spoken metaphorically2 and that therefore there is a proper sense to be enquired after1 7for of all metaphors there is some real ground1 that may be expressed in proper words17 both of the place of hell1 and the nature of hellish torments1 and tormenters4 ,sidenote3 ,satan1 ,devil1 not proper names1 but appellatives4 ,and first for the tormenters1 we have their nature and properties1 exactly and properly delivered by the names of1 the ,enemy1 or ,satan2 the ,accuser1 or ,diabolus2 the ,destroyer1 or ,abaddon4 ,which significant names1 ,satan1 ,devil1 ,abaddon1 set not forth to us any individual person1 as proper names use to do2 but only an office1 or quality2 and are therefore appellatives2 which ought not to have been left untranslated1 as they are in the ,latin and modern ,bibles2 because thereby they seem to be proper names of demons2 and men are the more easily seduced to believe the doctrine of devils2 which at that time was the religion of the ,gentiles1 and contrary to that of ,moses and of ,christ4 ,and because by the ,enemy1 the ,accuser1 and ,destroyer1 is meant the enemy of them that shall be in the kingdom of ,god2 therefore if the kingdom of ,god after the resurrection1 be upon the earth1 as in the former chapter ,i have shown by ,scripture it seems to be1 the ,enemy and his kingdom must be on earth also4 ,for so also was it1 in the time before the ,jews had deposed ,god4 ,for ,god's kingdom was in ,palestine2 and the nations round about1 were the kingdoms of the ,enemy2 and consequently by ,satan1 is meant any earthly enemy of the ,church4 ,sidenote3 ,torments of hell4 ,the torments of hell1 are expressed sometimes1 by weeping1 and gnashing of teeth1 as ,matth4 viii4 #ab4 ,sometimes by the worm of conscience2 as ,isaiah lxvi4 #bd1 and ,mark ix4 #dd1 #df1 #dh3 sometimes1 by fire1 as in the place now quoted1 where the worm dieth not1 and the fire is not quenched1 and many places beside3 sometimes by shame and contempt1 as ,dan4 xii4 #b1 ,and many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth1 shall awake2 some to everlasting life2 and some to shame1 and everlasting contempt4 ,all which places design metaphorically a grief and discontent of mind1 from the sight of that eternal felicity in others1 which they themselves through their own incredulity and disobedience have lost4 ,and because such felicity in others1 is not sensible but by comparison with their own actual miseries2 it followeth that they are to suffer such bodily pains1 and calamities1 as are incident to those1 who not only live under evil and cruel governors1 but have also for enemy the eternal king of the saints1 ,god ,almighty4 ,and amongst these bodily pains1 is to be reckoned also to every one of the wicked a second death4 ,for though the ,scripture be clear for an universal resurrection2 yet we do not read1 that to any of the reprobate is promised an eternal life4 ,for whereas ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #db1 #dc7 to the question concerning what bodies men shall rise with again1 saith1 that ,the body is sown in corruption1 and is raised in incorruption2 it is sown in dishonour1 it is raised in glory2 it is sown in weakness1 it is raised in power4 ,glory and power cannot be applied to the bodies of the wicked3 nor can the name of second death be applied to those that can never die but once3 and although in metaphorical speech1 a calamitous life everlasting1 may be called an everlasting death1 yet it cannot well be understood of a second death4 ,the fire prepared for the wicked1 is an everlasting fire3 that is to say1 the estate wherein no man can be without torture1 both of body and mind1 after the resurrection1 shall endure for ever2 and in that sense the fire shall be unquenchable1 and the torments everlasting3 but it cannot thence be inferred1 that he who shall be cast into that fire1 or be tormented with those torments1 shall endure and resist them so as to be eternally burnt1 and tortured1 and yet never be destroyed1 nor die4 ,and though there be many places that affirm everlasting fire and torments1 into which men may be cast successively one after another as long as the world lasts1 yet ,i find none that affirm there shall be an eternal life therein of any individual person2 but to the contrary1 an everlasting death1 which is the second death3 7,rev4 xx4 #ac1 #ad7 ,for after death and the grave shall have delivered up the dead which were in them1 and every man be judged according to his works2 death and the grave shall also be cast into the lake of fire4 ,this is the second death4 ,whereby it is evident that there is to be a second death of every one that shall be condemned at the day of judgment1 after which he shall die no more4 ,sidenote3 ,the joys of life eternal1 and salvation1 the same thing4 ,sidenote3 ,salvation from sin1 and from misery1 all one4 ,the joys of life eternal1 are in ,scripture comprehended all under the name of ,,salvation1 or being saved4 ,to be saved1 is to be secured1 either respectively1 against special evils1 or absolutely1 against all evils1 comprehending want1 sickness1 and death itself4 ,and because man was created in a condition immortal1 not subject to corruption1 and consequently to nothing that tendeth to the dissolution of his nature2 and fell from that happiness by the sin of ,adam2 it followeth1 that to be saved from sin1 is to be saved from all the evil and calamities that sin hath brought upon us4 ,and therefore in the holy ,scripture1 remission of sin1 and salvation from death and misery1 is the same thing1 as it appears by the words of our ,saviour1 who having cured a man sick of the palsy1 by saying1 7,matth4 ix4 #b7 ,son be of good cheer1 thy sins be forgiven thee2 and knowing that the ,scribes took for blasphemy1 that a man should pretend to forgive sins1 asked them 7verse #e7 whether it were easier to say1 ,thy sins be forgiven thee1 or1 ,arise and walk2 signifying thereby1 that it was all one1 as to the saving of the sick1 to say1 ,thy sins are forgiven1 and ,arise and walk2 and that he used that form of speech1 only to shew he had power to forgive sins4 ,and it is besides evident in reason1 that since death and misery were the punishments of sin1 the discharge of sin must also be a discharge of death and misery2 that is to say1 salvation absolute1 such as the faithful are to enjoy after the day of judgment1 by the power and favour of ,jesus ,christ1 who for that cause is called our ,,saviour4 ,concerning particular salvations1 such as are understood1 7#a ,sam4 xiv4 #ci7 as the ,lord liveth that saveth ,israel1 that is1 from their temporary enemies1 and 7#b ,sam4 xxii4 #c7 ,thou art my ,saviour1 thou savest me from violence2 and1 7#b ,kings xiii4 #e7 ,god gave the ,israelites a ,saviour1 and so they were delivered from the hand of the ,assyrians1 and the like1 ,i need say nothing2 there being neither difficulty1 nor interest to corrupt the interpretation of texts of that kind4 ,sidenote3 ,the place of eternal salvation4 ,but concerning the general salvation1 because it must be in the kingdom of heaven1 there is great difficulty concerning the place4 ,on one side1 by kingdom1 which is an estate ordained by men for their perpetual security against enemies and want1 it seemeth that this salvation should be on earth4 ,for by salvation is set forth unto us1 a glorious reign of our king1 by conquest2 not a safety by escape3 and therefore there where we look for salvation1 we must look also for triumph2 and before triumph1 for victory2 and before victory1 for battle2 which cannot well be supposed1 shall be in heaven4 ,but how good soever this reason may be1 ,i will not trust to it1 without very evident places of ,scripture4 ,the state of salvation is described at large1 ,isaiah xxxiii4 #bj1 #ba1 #bb1 #bc1 #bd3 ,look upon ,zion1 the city of our solemnities2 thine eyes shall see ,jerusalem a quiet habitation1 a tabernacle that shall not be taken down2 not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be removed1 neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken4 ,but there the glorious ,lord will be unto us a place of broad rivers and streams2 wherein shall go no galley with oars1 neither shall gallant ship pass thereby4 ,for the ,lord is our ,judge1 the ,lord is our law-giver1 the ,lord is our king1 he will save us4 ,thy tacklings are loosed2 they could not well strengthen their mast2 they could not spread the sail3 then is the prey of a great spoil divided2 the lame take the prey3 ,and the inhabitant shall not say1 ,i am sick2 the people that shall dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity4 ,in which words we have the place from whence salvation is to proceed1 ,jerusalem1 a quiet habitation2 the eternity of it1 a tabernacle that shall not be taken down1 c2 the ,saviour of it1 the ,lord1 their judge1 their law-giver1 their king1 he will save us2 the salvation1 the ,lord shall be to them as a broad moat of swift waters1 c2 the condition of their enemies1 their tacklings are loose1 their masts weak1 the lame shall take the spoil of them2 the condition of the saved1 the inhabitant shall not say1 ,i am sick3 and lastly1 all this is comprehended in forgiveness of sin1 the people that dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity4 ,by which it is evident1 that salvation shall be on earth1 then1 when ,god shall reign1 at the coming again of ,christ1 in ,jerusalem2 and from ,jerusalem shall proceed the salvation of the ,gentiles that shall be received into ,god's kingdom3 as is also more expressly declared by the same prophet1 7,isaiah lxvi4 #bj1 #ba71 ,and they 7that is the ,gentiles who had any ,jew in bondage7 shall bring all your brethren1 for an offering to the ,lord1 out of all nations1 upon horses1 and in chariots1 and in litters1 and upon mules1 and upon swift beasts1 to my holy mountain1 ,jerusalem1 saith the ,lord1 as the children of ,israel bring an offering in a clean vessel into the house of the ,lord4 ,and ,i will also take of them for priests and for ,levites1 saith the ,lord4 ,whereby it is manifest1 that the chief seat of ,god's kingdom1 which is the place from whence the salvation of us that were ,gentiles shall proceed1 shall be ,jerusalem3 and the same is also confirmed by our ,saviour in his discourse with the woman of ,samaria1 concerning the place of ,god's worship2 to whom he saith 7,john iv4 #bb7 that the ,samaritans worshipped they knew not what1 but the ,jews worshipped what they knew1 for salvation is of the ,jews 7ex ,judis1 that is1 begins at the ,jews73 as if he should say1 you worship ,god1 but know not by whom he will save you1 as we do1 that know it shall be by one of the tribe of ,judah2 a ,jew1 not a ,samaritan4 ,and therefore also the woman not impertinently answered him again1 ,we know the ,messias shall come4 ,so that which our ,saviour saith1 ,salvation is from the ,jews1 is the same that ,paul says 7,rom4 i4 #af1 #ag7 ,the ,gospel is the power of ,god to salvation to every one that believeth3 to the ,jew first1 and also to the ,greek4 ,for therein is the righteousness of ,god revealed from faith to faith2 from the faith of the ,jew to the faith of the ,gentile4 ,in the like sense the prophet ,joel describing the day of ,judgment1 7chap4 ii4 #cj1 #ca7 that ,god would shew wonders in heaven1 and in earth1 blood1 and fire1 and pillars of smoke2 the sun shall be turned to darkness1 and the moon into blood1 before the great and terrible day of the ,lord come3 he addeth1 7verse #cb7 and it shall come to pass1 that whosoever shall call upon the name of the ,lord shall be saved4 ,for in ,mount ,zion and in ,jerusalem shall be salvation4 ,and ,obadiah1 7verse #ag7 saith the same1 ,upon ,mount ,zion shall be deliverance2 and there shall be holiness1 and the house of ,jacob shall possess their possessions1 that is the possessions of the heathen1 which possessions1 he expresseth more particularly in the following verses1 by the mount of ,esau1 the ,land of the ,philistines1 the fields of ,ephraim1 of ,samaria1 ,gilead1 and the cities of the south1 and concludes with these words1 the kingdom shall be the ,lord's4 ,all these places are for salvation1 and the kingdom of ,god1 after the day of judgment1 upon earth4 ,on the other side1 ,i have not found any text that can probably be drawn1 to prove any ascension of the saints into heaven2 that is to say1 into any clum empyreum1 or other therial region2 saving that it is called the kingdom of ,heaven3 which name it may have1 because ,god1 that was king of the ,jews1 governed them by his commands1 sent to ,moses by angels from heaven2 and after the revolt1 sent his ,son from heaven to reduce them to their obedience2 and shall send him thence again to rule both them1 and all other faithful men1 from the day of judgment1 everlastingly3 or from that1 that the throne of this our great king is in heaven2 whereas the earth is but his footstool4 ,but that the subjects of ,god should have any place as high as his throne1 or higher than his footstool1 it seemeth not suitable to the dignity of a king1 nor can ,i find any evident text for it in ,holy ,scripture4 ,sidenote3 ,the world to come4 ,from this that hath been said of the kingdom of ,god1 and of salvation1 it is not hard to interpret what is meant by the ,,world ,,to ,,come4 ,there are three worlds mentioned in ,scripture1 the old world1 the present world1 and the world to come4 ,of the first1 ,st4 ,peter speaks1 7#b ,pet4 ii4 #e7 ,if ,god spared not the old world1 but saved ,noah the eighth person1 a preacher of righteousness1 bringing the flood upon the world of the ungodly1 c4 ,so the first world1 was from ,adam to the general flood4 ,of the present world1 our ,saviour speaks 7,john xviii4 #cf7 ,my kingdom is not of this world4 ,for he came only to teach men the way of salvation1 and to renew the kingdom of his ,father1 by his doctrine4 ,of the world to come1 ,st4 ,peter speaks 7#b ,pet4 iii4 #ac7 ,nevertheless we according to his promise look for new heavens1 and a new earth4 ,this is that ,,world1 wherein ,christ coming down from heaven in the clouds1 with great power1 and glory1 shall send his angels1 and shall gather together his elect1 from the four winds1 and from the uttermost parts of the earth1 and thenceforth reign over them1 under his ,father1 everlastingly4 ,sidenote3 ,redemption4 ,salvation of a sinner1 supposeth a precedent ,,redemption2 for he that is once guilty of sin1 is obnoxious to the penalty of the same2 and must pay1 or some other for him1 such ransom as he that is offended1 and has him in his power1 shall require4 ,and seeing the person offended1 is ,almighty ,god1 in whose power are all things2 such ransom is to be paid before salvation can be acquired1 as ,god hath been pleased to require4 ,by this ransom1 is not intended a satisfaction for sin1 equivalent to the offence2 which no sinner for himself1 nor righteous man can ever be able to make for another3 the damage a man does to another1 he may make amends for by restitution or recompense2 but sin cannot be taken away by recompense2 for that were to make the liberty to sin1 a thing vendible4 ,but sins may be pardoned to the repentant1 either gratis1 or upon such penalty as ,god is pleased to accept4 ,that which ,god usually accepted in the ,old ,testament1 was some sacrifice or oblation4 ,to forgive sin is not an act of injustice1 though the punishment have been threatened4 ,even amongst men1 though the promise of good1 bind the promiser2 yet threats1 that is to say1 promises of evil1 bind them not2 much less shall they bind ,god1 who is infinitely more merciful than men4 ,our ,saviour ,christ therefore to redeem us1 did not in that sense satisfy for the sins of men1 as that his death1 of its own virtue1 could make it unjust in ,god to punish sinners with eternal death2 but did make that sacrifice and oblation of himself1 at his first coming1 which ,god was pleased to require for the salvation1 at his second coming1 of such as in the meantime should repent1 and believe in him4 ,and though this act of our redemption1 be not always in ,scripture called a sacrifice1 and oblation1 but sometimes a price2 yet by price we are not to understand anything1 by the value whereof1 he could claim right to a pardon for us1 from his offended ,father2 but that price which ,god the ,father was pleased in mercy to demand4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xxxix4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,the ,,word ,,church4 ,sidenote3 ,church the ,lord's house4 ,the word ,church1 7,ecclesia7 signifieth in the books of ,holy ,scripture divers things4 ,sometimes1 though not often1 it is taken for ,god's house1 that is to say1 for a temple1 wherein ,christians assembled to perform holy duties1 publicly1 as 7#a ,cor4 xiv4 #cd7 ,let your women keep silence in the ,churches3 but this is metaphorically put for the congregation there assembled2 and hath been since used for the edifice itself1 to distinguish between the temples of ,christians and idolaters4 ,the ,temple of ,jerusalem was ,god's house1 and the house of prayer2 and so is any edifice dedicated by ,christians to the worship of ,christ1 ,christ's house3 and therefore the ,greek fathers call it 1 the ,lord's house3 and thence in our language it came to be called kyrke1 and church4 ,sidenote3 ,ecclesia1 properly what4 ,church1 when not taken for a house1 signifieth the same that ecclesia signified in the ,grecian commonwealth1 that is to say1 a congregation1 or an assembly of citizens1 called forth to hear the magistrate speak unto them2 and which in the commonwealth of ,rome was called concio3 as he that spake was called ecclesiastes1 and concionator4 ,and when they were called forth by lawful authority1 7,acts xix4 #ci7 it was ,ecclesia legitima1 a lawful ,church1 4 ,but when they were excited by tumultuous and seditious clamour1 then it was a ,confused ,church1 4 ,it is taken also sometimes for the men that have right to be of the congregation1 though not actually assembled1 that is to say1 for the whole multitude of ,christian men1 how far soever they be dispersed3 as 7,acts viii4 #c7 where it is said1 that ,saul made havoc of the ,church3 and in this sense is ,christ said to be the head of the ,church4 ,and sometimes for a certain part of ,christians1 as 7,col4 iv4 #ae7 ,salute the ,church that is in his house4 ,sometimes also for the elect only2 as 7,eph4 v4 #bg7 ,a glorious ,church1 without spot1 or wrinkle1 holy1 and without blemish2 which is meant of the ,church triumphant1 or ,church to come4 ,sometimes1 for a congregation assembled of professors of ,christianity1 whether their profession be true or counterfeit2 as it is understood1 7,matth4 xviii4 #ag7 where it is said1 ,tell it to the ,church2 and if he neglect to hear the ,church1 let him be to thee as a ,gentile1 or publican4 ,sidenote3 ,in what sense the church is one person4 ,sidenote3 ,church defined4 ,and in this last sense only it is that the ,church can be taken for one person2 that is to say1 that it can be said to have power to will1 to pronounce1 to command1 to be obeyed1 to make laws1 or to do any other action whatsoever4 ,for without authority from a lawful congregation1 whatsoever act be done in a concourse of people1 it is the particular act of every one of those that were present1 and gave their aid to the performance of it2 and not the act of them all in gross1 as of one body2 much less the act of them that were absent1 or that being present1 were not willing it should be done4 ,according to this sense1 ,i define a ,,church to be1 a company of men professing ,christian religion1 united in the person of one sovereign1 at whose command they ought to assemble1 and without whose authority they ought not to assemble4 ,and because in all commonwealths1 that assembly1 which is without warrant from the civil sovereign1 is unlawful2 that ,church also1 which is assembled in any commonwealth that hath forbidden them to assemble1 is an unlawful assembly4 ,sidenote3 ,a ,christian commonwealth and a church all one4 ,it followeth also1 that there is on earth1 no such universal ,church1 as all ,christians are bound to obey2 because there is no power on earth1 to which all other commonwealths are subject4 ,there are ,christians1 in the dominions of several princes and states2 but every one of them is subject to that commonwealth1 whereof he is himself a member2 and consequently1 cannot be subject to the commands of any other person4 ,and therefore a ,church1 such a one as is capable to command1 to judge1 absolve1 condemn1 or do any other act1 is the same thing with a civil commonwealth1 consisting of ,christian men2 and is called a civil state1 for that the subjects of it are men2 and a ,church1 for that the subjects thereof are ,christians4 ,temporal and spiritual government1 are but two words brought into the world1 to make men see double1 and mistake their lawful sovereign4 ,it is true1 that the bodies of the faithful1 after the resurrection1 shall be not only spiritual1 but eternal2 but in this life they are gross1 and corruptible4 ,there is therefore no other government in this life1 neither of state1 nor religion1 but temporal2 nor teaching of any doctrine1 lawful to any subject1 which the governor both of the state1 and of the religion forbiddeth to be taught4 ,and that governor must be one2 or else there must needs follow faction and civil war in the commonwealth1 between the ,church and ,state2 between spiritualists and temporalists2 between the sword of justice1 and the shield of faith3 and1 which is more1 in every ,christian man's own breast1 between the ,christian1 and the man4 ,the doctors of the ,church1 are called pastors2 so also are civil sovereigns4 ,but if pastors be not subordinate one to another1 so as that there may be one chief pastor1 men will be taught contrary doctrines2 whereof both may be1 and one must be false4 ,who that one chief pastor is1 according to the law of nature1 hath been already shown2 namely1 that it is the civil sovereign3 and to whom the ,scripture hath assigned that office1 we shall see in the chapters following4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xl4 ,,of ,,the ,,rights ,,of ,,the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,god1 ,,in ,,abraham1 ,,moses1 ,,the ,,high-,,priests1 ,,and ,,the ,,kings ,,of ,,judah4 ,sidenote3 ,the sovereign right of ,abraham4 ,the father of the faithful1 and first in the kingdom of ,god by covenant1 was ,abraham4 ,for with him was the covenant first made2 wherein he obliged himself1 and his seed after him1 to acknowledge and obey the commands of ,god2 not only such1 as he could take notice of1 7as moral laws17 by the light of nature2 but also such1 as ,god should in special manner deliver to him by dreams and visions4 ,for as to the moral law1 they were already obliged1 and needed not have been contracted withal1 by promise of the land of ,canaan4 ,nor was there any contract1 that could add to1 or strengthen the obligation1 by which both they1 and all men else were bound naturally to obey ,god ,almighty3 and therefore the covenant which ,abraham made with ,god1 was to take for the commandment of ,god1 that which in the name of ,god was commanded him in a dream1 or vision2 and to deliver it to his family1 and cause them to observe the same4 ,sidenote3 ,abraham had the sole power of ordering the religion of his own people4 ,in this contract of ,god with ,abraham1 we may observe three points of important consequence in the government of ,god's people4 ,first1 that at the making of this covenant1 ,god spake only to ,abraham2 and therefore contracted not with any of his family1 or seed1 otherwise than as their wills1 which make the essence of all covenants1 were before the contract involved in the will of ,abraham2 who was therefore supposed to have had a lawful power1 to make them perform all that he covenanted for them4 ,according whereunto 7,gen4 xviii4 #ah1 #ai7 ,god saith1 ,all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in him2 for ,i know him that he will command his children and his household after him1 and they shall keep the way of the ,lord4 ,from whence may be concluded this first point1 that they to whom ,god hath not spoken immediately1 are to receive the positive commandments of ,god1 from their sovereign2 as the family and seed of ,abraham did from ,abraham their father1 and ,lord1 and civil sovereign4 ,and consequently in every commonwealth1 they who have no supernatural revelation to the contrary1 ought to obey the laws of their own sovereign1 in the external acts and profession of religion4 ,as for the inward thought1 and belief of men1 which human governors can take no notice of1 7for ,god only knoweth the heart71 they are not voluntary1 nor the effect of the laws1 but of the unrevealed will and of the power of ,god2 and consequently fall not under obligation4 ,sidenote3 ,no pretence of private spirit against the religion of ,abraham4 ,from whence proceedeth another point1 that it was not unlawful for ,abraham1 when any of his subjects should pretend private vision or spirit1 or other revelation from ,god1 for the countenancing of any doctrine which ,abraham should forbid1 or when they followed or adhered to any such pretender1 to punish them2 and consequently that it is lawful now for the sovereign to punish any man that shall oppose his private spirit against the laws3 for he hath the same place in the commonwealth1 that ,abraham had in his own family4 ,sidenote3 ,abraham sole judge and interpreter of what ,god spake4 ,there ariseth also from the same1 a third point2 that as none but ,abraham in his family1 so none but the sovereign in a ,christian commonwealth1 can take notice what is1 or what is not the word of ,god4 ,for ,god spake only to ,abraham2 and it was he only1 that was able to know what ,god said1 and to interpret the same to his family3 and therefore also1 they that have the place of ,abraham in a commonwealth1 are the only interpreters of what ,god hath spoken4 ,sidenote3 ,the authority of ,moses whereon grounded4 ,the same covenant was renewed with ,isaac2 and afterwards with ,jacob2 but afterwards no more1 till the ,israelites were freed from the ,egyptians1 and arrived at the foot of ,mount ,sinai3 and then it was renewed by ,moses1 7as ,i have said before1 chap4 xxxv47 in such manner1 as they became from that time forward the peculiar kingdom of ,god2 whose lieutenant was ,moses1 for his own time3 and the succession to that office was settled upon ,aaron1 and his heirs after him1 to be to ,god a a sacerdotal kingdom for ever4 ,by this constitution1 a kingdom is acquired to ,god4 ,but seeing ,moses had no authority to govern the ,israelites1 as a successor to the right of ,abraham1 because he could not claim it by inheritance2 it appeareth not as yet1 that the people were obliged to take him for ,god's lieutenant1 longer than they believed that ,god spake unto him4 ,and therefore his authority1 notwithstanding the covenant they made with ,god1 depended yet merely upon the opinion they had of his sanctity1 and of the reality of his conferences with ,god1 and the verity of his miracles2 which opinion coming to change1 they were no more obliged to take anything for the law of ,god1 which he propounded to them in ,god's name4 ,we are therefore to consider1 what other ground there was1 of their obligation to obey him4 ,for it could not be the commandment of ,god that could oblige them2 because ,god spake not to them immediately1 but by the mediation of ,moses himself3 and our ,saviour saith of himself1 7,john v4 #ca7 ,if ,i bear witness of myself1 my witness is not true2 much less if ,moses bear witness of himself1 especially in a claim of kingly power over ,god's people1 ought his testimony to be received4 ,his authority therefore1 as the authority of all other princes1 must be grounded on the consent of the people1 and their promise to obey him4 ,and so it was3 for the people 7,exod4 xx4 #ah1 #ai7 when they saw the thunderings1 and the lightenings1 and the noise of the trumpets1 and the mountain smoking1 removed1 and stood afar off4 ,and they said unto ,moses1 speak thou with us1 and we will hear1 but let not ,god speak with us lest we die4 ,here was their promise of obedience2 and by this it was they obliged themselves to obey whatsoever he should deliver unto them for the commandment of ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,moses was1 under ,god1 sovereign of the ,jews all his own time1 though ,aaron had the priesthood4 ,and notwithstanding the covenant constituted a sacerdotal kingdom1 that is to say1 a kingdom hereditary to ,aaron2 yet that is to be understood of the succession after ,moses should be dead4 ,for whosoever ordereth and establisheth the policy1 as first founder of a commonwealth1 be it monarchy1 aristocracy1 or democracy1 must needs have sovereign power over the people all the while he is doing of it4 ,and that ,moses had that power all his own time1 is evidently affirmed in the ,scripture4 ,first1 in the text last before cited1 because the people promised obedience1 not to ,aaron1 but to him4 ,secondly1 7,exod4 xxiv4 #a1 #b7 ,and ,god said unto ,moses1 ,come up unto the ,lord1 thou and ,aaron1 ,nadab and ,abihu1 and seventy of the ,elders of ,israel4 ,and ,moses alone shall come near the ,lord1 but they shall not come nigh1 neither shall the people go up with him4 ,by which it is plain1 that ,moses1 who was alone called up to ,god1 7and not ,aaron1 nor the other priests1 nor the seventy elders1 nor the people who were forbidden to come up17 was alone he1 that represented to the ,israelites the person of ,god1 that is to say1 was their sole sovereign under ,god4 ,and though afterwards it be said 7verses #i1 #aj7 ,then went up ,moses and ,aaron1 ,nadab and ,abihu1 and seventy of the elders of ,israel1 and they saw the ,god of ,israel1 and there was under his feet1 as it were a paved work of a sapphire stone c2 yet this was not till after ,moses had been with ,god before1 and had brought to the people the words which ,god had said to him4 ,he only went for the business of the people2 the others1 as the nobles of his retinue1 were admitted for honour to that special grace1 which was not allowed to the people2 which was1 as in the verse after appeareth1 to see ,god and live1 ,god laid not his hand upon them1 they saw ,god and did eat and drink1 that is1 did live3 but did not carry any commandment from him to the people4 ,again1 it is everywhere said1 the ,lord spake unto ,moses1 as in all other occasions of government1 so also in the ordering of the ceremonies of religion1 contained in chapters xxv4 xxvi4 xxvii4 xxviii4 xxix4 xxx4 and xxxi4 of ,exodus1 and throughout ,leviticus3 to ,aaron seldom4 ,the calf that ,aaron made1 ,moses threw into the fire4 ,lastly1 the question of the authority of ,aaron1 by occasion of his and ,miriam's mutiny against ,moses1 was 7,numb4 xii47 judged by ,god himself for ,moses4 ,so also in the question between ,moses and the people1 who had the right of governing the people1 when ,corah1 ,dathan1 and ,abiram1 and two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly1 gathered themselves together 7,numb4 xvi4 #c7 against ,moses1 and against ,aaron1 and said unto them1 ye take too much upon you1 seeing all the congregation are holy1 every one of them1 and the ,lord is amongst them1 why lift you up yourselves above the congregation of the ,lord8 ,god caused the earth to swallow ,corah1 ,dathan1 and ,abiram1 with their wives and children1 alive1 and consumed those two hundred and fifty princes with fire4 ,therefore neither ,aaron1 nor the people1 nor any aristocracy of the chief princes of the people1 but ,moses alone had next under ,god the sovereignty over the ,israelites3 and that not only in causes of civil policy1 but also of religion3 for ,moses only spake with ,god1 and therefore only could tell the people what it was that ,god required at their hands4 ,no man upon pain of death might be so presumptuous as to approach the mountain where ,god talked with ,moses4 ,thou shalt set bounds 7saith the ,lord1 ,exod4 xix4 #ab7 to the people round about1 and say1 ,take heed to yourselves that you go not up into the ,mount1 or touch the border of it2 whosoever toucheth the ,mount shall surely be put to death4 ,and again 7verse #ba7 ,go down1 charge the people1 lest they break through unto the ,lord to gaze4 ,out of which we may conclude1 that whosoever in a ,christian commonwealth holdeth the place of ,moses1 is the sole messenger of ,god1 and interpreter of his commandments4 ,and according hereunto1 no man ought in the interpretation of the ,scripture to proceed further than the bounds which are set by their several sovereigns4 ,for the ,scriptures1 since ,god now speaketh in them1 are the ,mount ,sinai2 the bounds whereof are the laws of them that represent ,god's person on earth4 ,to look upon them1 and therein to behold the wondrous works of ,god1 and learn to fear him1 is allowed2 but to interpret them1 that is1 to pry into what ,god saith to him whom he appointeth to govern under him1 and make themselves judges whether he govern as ,god commandeth him1 or not1 is to transgress the bounds ,god hath set us1 and to gaze upon ,god irreverently4 ,sidenote3 ,all spirits were subordinate to the spirit of ,moses4 ,there was no prophet in the time of ,moses1 nor pretender to the spirit of ,god1 but such as ,moses had approved and authorized4 ,for there were in his time but seventy men1 that are said to prophecy by the spirit of ,god1 and these were all of ,moses his election2 concerning whom ,god said to ,moses1 7,numb4 xi4 #af7 ,gather to me seventy of the elders of ,israel1 whom thou knowest to be the elders of the people4 ,to these ,god imparted his spirit2 but it was not a different spirit from that of ,moses2 for it is said 7verse #be7 ,god came down in a cloud1 and took of the spirit that was upon ,moses1 and gave it to the seventy elders4 ,but as ,i have shown before 7chap4 ,,xxxvi47 by spirit1 is understood the mind2 so that the sense of the place is no other than this1 that ,god endued them with a mind conformable and subordinate to that of ,moses1 that they might prophecy1 that is to say1 speak to the people in ,god's name1 in such manner1 as to set forward1 as ministers of ,moses and by his authority1 such doctrine as was agreeable to ,moses his doctrine4 ,for they were but ministers2 and when two of them prophecied in the camp1 it was thought a new and unlawful thing2 and as it is in verses #bg and #bh of the same chapter1 they were accused of it1 and ,joshua advised ,moses to forbid them1 as not knowing that it was by ,moses his spirit that they prophecied4 ,by which it is manifest1 that no subject ought to pretend to prophecy1 or to the spirit1 in opposition to the doctrine established by him whom ,god hath set in the place of ,moses4 ,sidenote3 ,after ,moses the sovereignty was in the high priest4 ,aaron being dead1 and after him also ,moses1 the kingdom1 as being a sacerdotal kingdom1 descended by virtue of the covenant1 to ,aaron's son ,eleazar the high-priest3 and ,god declared him1 next under himself1 for sovereign1 at the same time that he appointed ,joshua for the ,general of their army4 ,for thus ,god saith expressly 7,numb4 xxvii4 #ba7 concerning ,joshua3 ,he shall stand before ,eleazar the priest1 who shall ask counsel for him before the ,lord2 at his word shall they go out1 and at his word they shall come in1 both he1 and all the children of ,israel with him4 ,therefore the supreme power of making war and peace1 was in the priest4 ,the supreme power of judicature belonged also to the high-priest3 for the book of the law was in their keeping2 and the priests and ,levites only were the subordinate judges in causes civil1 as appears in ,deut4 xvii4 #h1 #i1 #aj4 ,and for the manner of ,god's worship1 there was never doubt made1 but that the high-priest till the time of ,saul1 had the supreme authority4 ,therefore the civil and ecclesiastical power were both joined together in one and the same person1 the high-priest2 and ought to be so1 in whosoever governeth by divine right1 that is1 by authority immediate from ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,of the sovereign power between the time of ,joshua and of ,saul4 ,after the death of ,joshua1 till the time of ,saul1 the time between is noted frequently in the ,book of ,judges1 ,that there was in those days no king in ,israel2 and sometimes with this addition1 that every man did that which was right in his own eyes4 ,by which is to be understood1 that where it is said1 there was no king1 is meant1 there was no sovereign power in ,israel4 ,and so it was1 if we consider the act and exercise of such power4 ,for after the death of ,joshua and ,eleazar1 there arose another generation 7,judges ii4 #aj1 #aa7 that knew not the ,lord1 nor the works which he had done for ,israel1 but did evil in the sight of the ,lord1 and served ,baalim4 ,and the ,jews had that quality which ,st4 ,paul noteth1 to look for a sign1 not only before they would submit themselves to the government of ,moses1 but also after they had obliged themselves by their submission4 ,whereas signs and miracles had for end to procure faith1 not to keep men from violating it1 when they have once given it2 for to that men are obliged by the law of nature4 ,but if we consider not the exercise1 but the right of governing1 the sovereign power was still in the high-priest4 ,therefore whatsoever obedience was yielded to any of the judges1 who were men chosen by ,god extraordinarily to save his rebellious subjects out of the hands of the enemy1 it cannot be drawn into argument against the right the high-priest had to the sovereign power1 in all matters both of policy and religion4 ,and neither the judges nor ,samuel himself had an ordinary1 but an extraordinary calling to the government2 and were obeyed by the ,israelites1 not out of duty1 but out of reverence to their favour with ,god1 appearing in their wisdom1 courage1 or felicity4 ,hitherto therefore the right of regulating both the policy1 and the religion1 were inseparable4 ,sidenote3 ,of the rights of the kings of ,israel4 ,to the judges succeeded kings3 and whereas before1 all authority1 both in religion and policy1 was in the high-priest2 so now it was all in the king4 ,for the sovereignty over the people1 which was before1 not only by virtue of the divine power1 but also by a particular pact of the ,israelites1 in ,god1 and next under him1 in the high-priest1 as his vicegerent on earth1 was cast off by the people1 with the consent of ,god himself4 ,for when they said to ,samuel 7#a ,sam4 viii4 #e7 ,make us a king to judge us like all the nations1 they signified that they would no more be governed by the commands that should be laid upon them by the priest1 in the name of ,god2 but by one that should command them in the same manner that all other nations were commanded2 and consequently in deposing the high-priest of royal authority1 they deposed that peculiar government of ,god4 ,and yet ,god consented to it1 saying to ,samuel 7#a ,sam4 viii4 #g7 ,hearken unto the voice of the people1 in all that they shall say unto thee2 for they have not rejected thee1 but they have rejected me1 that ,i should not reign over them4 ,having therefore rejected ,god1 in whose right the priests governed1 there was no authority left to the priests1 but such as the king was pleased to allow them2 which was more or less1 according as the kings were good or evil4 ,and for the government of civil affairs1 it is manifest1 it was all in the hands of the king4 ,for in the same chapter1 7verse #bj71 they say they will be like all the nations2 that their king shall be their judge1 and go before them1 and fight their battles2 that is1 he shall have the whole authority1 both in peace and war4 ,in which is contained also the ordering of religion3 for there was no other word of ,god in that time1 by which to regulate religion1 but the law of ,moses1 which was their civil law4 ,besides1 we read 7#a ,kings ii4 #bg7 that ,solomon thrust out ,abiathar from being priest before the ,lord3 he had therefore authority over the high-priest1 as over any other subject2 which is a great mark of supremacy in religion4 ,and we read also1 7#a ,kings viii47 that he dedicated the ,temple2 that he blessed the people2 and that he himself in person made that excellent prayer1 used in the consecration of all churches and houses of prayer2 which is another great mark of supremacy in religion4 ,again1 we read 7#b ,kings xxii47 that when there was question concerning the ,book of the ,law found in the ,temple1 the same was not decided by the high-priest1 but ,josiah sent both him and others to enquire concerning it1 of ,huldah1 the prophetess2 which is another mark of supremacy in religion4 ,lastly1 we read 7#a ,chron4 xxvi4 #cj7 that ,david made ,hashabiah and his brethren1 ,hebronites1 officers of ,israel among them westward1 in all their business of the ,lord1 and in the service of the king4 ,likewise 7verse #cb7 that he made other ,hebronites1 rulers over the ,reubenites1 the ,gadites1 and the half tribe of ,manasseh 7these were the rest of ,israel that dwelt beyond ,jordan7 for every matter pertaining to ,god1 and affairs of the king4 ,is not this full power1 both temporal and spiritual1 as they call it that would divide it8 ,to conclude2 from the first institution of ,god's kingdom1 to the captivity1 the supremacy of religion was in the same hand with that of the civil sovereignty2 and the priest's office after the election of ,saul1 was not magisterial1 but ministerial4 ,sidenote3 ,the practice of supremacy in religion was not1 in the time of the kings1 according to the right thereof4 ,notwithstanding the government both in policy and religion1 were joined1 first in the high-priests1 and afterwards in the kings1 so far forth as concerned the right2 yet it appeareth by the same holy history1 that the people understood it not3 but there being amongst them a great part1 and probably the greatest part1 that no longer than they saw great miracles1 or1 what is equivalent to a miracle1 great abilities1 or great felicity in the enterprises of their governors1 gave sufficient credit either to the fame of ,moses or to the colloquies between ,god and the priests2 they took occasion1 as oft as their governors displeased them1 by blaming sometimes the policy1 sometimes the religion1 to change the government or revolt from their obedience at their pleasure3 and from thence proceeded from time to time the civil troubles1 divisions1 and calamities of the nation4 ,as for example1 after the death of ,eleazar and ,joshua1 the next generation which had not seen the wonders of ,god1 but were left to their own weak reason1 not knowing themselves obliged by the covenant of a sacerdotal kingdom1 regarded no more the commandment of the priest nor any law of ,moses1 but did every man that which was right in his own eyes1 and obeyed in civil affairs such men1 as from time to time they thought able to deliver them from the neighbour nations that oppressed them2 and consulted not with ,god1 as they ought to do1 but with such men or women1 as they guessed to be prophets by their predictions of things to come2 and though they had an idol in their chapel1 yet if they had a ,levite for their chaplain1 they made account they worshipped the ,god of ,israel4 ,and afterwards when they demanded a king after the manner of the nations2 yet it was not with a design to depart from the worship of ,god their king2 but despairing of the justice of the sons of ,samuel1 they would have a king to judge them in civil actions2 but not that they would allow their king to change the religion which they thought was recommended to them by ,moses4 ,so that they always kept in store a pretext1 either of justice or religion1 to discharge themselves of their obedience1 whensoever they had hope to prevail4 ,samuel was displeased with the people1 for that they desired a king2 for ,god was their king already1 and ,samuel had but an authority under him2 yet did ,samuel1 when ,saul observed not his counsel1 in destroying ,agag as ,god had commanded1 anoint another king1 namely ,david1 to take the succession from his heirs4 ,rehoboam was no idolater2 but when the people thought him an oppressor1 that civil pretence carried from him ten tribes to ,jeroboam an idolater4 ,and generally through the whole history of the kings1 as well of ,judah as of ,israel1 there were prophets that always controlled the kings1 for transgressing the religion2 and sometimes also for errors of state2 as ,jehosaphat was reproved 7#b ,chron4 xix4 #b7 by the prophet ,jehu1 for aiding the king of ,israel against the ,syrians2 and ,hezekiah1 by ,isaiah1 7xxxix4 #c-g7 for shewing his treasures to the ambassadors of ,babylon4 ,by all which it appeareth1 that though the power both of state and religion were in the kings2 yet none of them were uncontrolled in the use of it1 but such as were gracious for their own natural abilities or felicities4 ,so that from the practise of those times1 there can no argument be drawn1 that the right of supremacy in religion was not in the kings1 unless we place it in the prophets1 and conclude1 that because ,hezekiah praying to the ,lord before the cherubims1 was not answered from thence1 nor then1 but afterwards by the prophet ,isaiah1 therefore ,isaiah was supreme head of the church2 or because ,josiah consulted ,huldah the prophetess1 concerning the ,book of the ,law1 that therefore neither he nor the high-priest1 but ,huldah the prophetess1 had the supreme authority in matter of religion2 which ,i think is not the opinion of any doctor4 ,sidenote3 ,after the captivity1 the ,jews had no settled commonwealth4 ,during the captivity1 the ,jews had no commonwealth at all3 and after their return1 though they renewed their covenant with ,god1 yet there was no promise made of obedience1 neither to ,esdras1 nor to any other3 and presently after1 they became subjects to the ,greeks1 from whose customs and demonology1 and from the doctrine of the ,cabalists1 their religion became much corrupted3 in such sort as nothing can be gathered from their confusion1 both in state and religion1 concerning the supremacy in either4 ,and therefore so far forth as concerneth the ,old ,testament1 we may conclude1 that whosoever had the sovereignty of the commonwealth amongst the ,jews1 the same had also the supreme authority in matter of ,god's external worship1 and represented ,god's person2 that is1 the person of ,god the ,father2 though he were not called by the name of ,father1 till such time as he sent into the world his son ,jesus ,christ1 to redeem mankind from their sins1 and bring them into his everlasting kingdom1 to be saved for evermore4 ,of which we are to speak in the chapter following4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xli4 ,,of ,,the ,,office ,,of ,,our ,,blessed ,,saviour4 ,sidenote3 ,three parts of the office of ,christ4 ,we find in ,holy ,scripture three parts of the office of the ,messiah3 the first of a ,redeemer or ,saviour2 the second of a pastor1 counsellor1 or teacher1 that is1 of a prophet sent from ,god to convert such as ,god hath elected to salvation3 the third of a king1 an eternal king1 but under his ,father1 as ,moses and the high-priests were in their several times4 ,and to these three parts are correspondent three times4 ,for our redemption he wrought at his first coming1 by the sacrifice wherein he offered up himself for our sins upon the cross3 our conversion he wrought partly then in his own person1 and partly worketh now by his ministers1 and will continue to work till his coming again4 ,and after his coming again1 shall begin that his glorious reign over his elect1 which is to last eternally4 ,sidenote3 ,his office as a ,redeemer4 ,to the office of a ,redeemer1 that is1 of one that payeth the ransom of sin1 which ransom is death1 it appertaineth1 that he was sacrificed1 and thereby bare upon his own head and carried away from us our iniquities1 in such sort as ,god had required4 ,not that the death of one man1 though without sin1 can satisfy for the offences of all men1 in the rigour of justice1 but in the mercy of ,god1 that ordained such sacrifices for sin1 as he was pleased in his mercy to accept4 ,in the old law 7as we may read1 ,levit4 xvi47 the ,lord required that there should1 every year once1 be made an atonement for the sins of all ,israel1 both priests and others2 for the doing whereof1 ,aaron alone was to sacrifice for himself and the priests a young bullock2 and for the rest of the people1 he was to receive from them two young goats1 of which he was to sacrifice one2 but as for the other1 which was the scape-goat1 he was to lay his hands on the head thereof1 and by a confession of the iniquities of the people1 to lay them all on that head1 and then by some opportune man1 to cause the goat to be led into the wilderness1 and there to escape1 and carry away with him the iniquities of the people4 ,as the sacrifice of the one goat was a sufficient1 because an acceptable1 price for the ransom of all ,israel2 so the death of the ,messiah1 is a sufficient price for the sins of all mankind1 because there was no more required4 ,our ,saviour ,christ's sufferings seem to be here figured1 as clearly as in the oblation of ,isaac1 or in any other type of him in the ,old ,testament4 ,he was both the sacrificed goat1 and the scapegoat2 he was oppressed1 and he was afflicted 7,isaiah liii4 #g72 he opened not his mouth2 he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter1 and as a sheep is dumb before the shearer1 so he opened not his mouth3 here he is the sacrificed goat4 ,he hath borne our griefs 7verse #d71 and carried our sorrows3 and again1 7verse #f71 the ,lord hath laid upon him the iniquities of us all3 and so he is the scape-goat4 ,he was cut off from the land of the living 7ver4 #h7 for the transgression of my people3 there again he is the sacrificed goat4 ,and again1 7verse #aa7 he shall bear their sins3 he is the scape goat4 ,thus is the lamb of ,god equivalent to both those goats2 sacrificed1 in that he died2 and escaping1 in his resurrection2 being raised opportunely by his ,father1 and removed from the habitation of men in his ascension4 ,sidenote3 ,christ's kingdom not of this world4 ,for as much therefore1 as he that redeemeth hath no title to the thing redeemed1 before the redemption1 and ransom paid2 and this ransom was the death of the ,redeemer2 it is manifest1 that our ,saviour1 as man1 was not king of those that he redeemed1 before he suffered death2 that is1 during that time he conversed bodily on the earth4 ,i say1 he was not then king in present1 by virtue of the pact1 which the faithful make with him in baptism4 ,nevertheless1 by the renewing of their pact with ,god in baptism1 they were obliged to obey him for king1 under his ,father1 whensoever he should be pleased to take the kingdom upon him4 ,according whereunto1 our ,saviour himself expressly saith1 7,john xviii4 #cf7 ,my kingdom is not of this world4 ,now seeing the ,scripture maketh mention but of two worlds2 this that is now1 and shall remain unto the day of judgment1 which is therefore also called the last day2 and that which shall be after the day of judgment1 when there shall be a new heaven1 and a new earth3 the kingdom of ,christ is not to begin till the general resurrection4 ,and that is it which our ,saviour saith1 7,matth4 xvi4 #bg7 ,the ,son of man shall come in the glory of his ,father1 with his angels2 and then he shall reward every man according to his works4 ,to reward every man according to his works1 is to execute the office of a king2 and this is not to be till he come in the glory of his ,father1 with his angels4 ,when our ,saviour saith1 7,matth4 xxiii4 #b1 #c7 ,the ,scribes and ,pharisees sit in ,moses' seat2 all therefore whatsoever they bid you do1 that observe and do2 he declared plainly1 that he ascribed kingly power1 for that time1 not to himself1 but to them4 ,and so he doth also1 where he saith 7,luke xii4 #ad7 ,who made me a judge or divider over you8 ,and 7,john xii4 #dg7 ,i came not to judge the world1 but to save the world4 ,and yet our ,saviour came into this world that he might be a king and a judge in the world to come3 for he was the ,messiah1 that is1 the ,christ1 that is1 the anointed priest1 and the sovereign prophet of ,god2 that is to say1 he was to have all the power that was in ,moses the prophet1 in the high-priests that succeeded ,moses1 and in the kings that succeeded the priests4 ,and ,st4 ,john says expressly 7chap4 v4 verse #bb7 the ,father judgeth no man1 but hath committed all judgment to the ,son4 ,and this is not repugnant to that other place1 ,i came not to judge the world3 for this is spoken of the world present1 the other of the world to come2 as also where it is said1 that at the second coming of ,christ1 7,matth4 xix4 #bh7 ,ye that have followed me in the regeneration1 when the ,son of ,man shall sit in the throne of his glory1 ye shall also sit on twelve thrones1 judging the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,sidenote3 ,the end of ,christ's coming was to renew the covenant of the kingdom of ,god1 and to persuade the elect to embrace it1 which was the second part of his office4 ,if then ,christ1 whilst he was on earth1 had no kingdom in this world1 to what end was his first coming8 ,it was to restore unto ,god1 by a new covenant1 the kingdom1 which being his by the old covenant1 had been cut off by the rebellion of the ,israelites in the election of ,saul4 ,which to do1 he was to preach unto them1 that he was the ,messiah1 that is1 the king promised to them by the prophets2 and to offer himself in sacrifice for the sins of them that should by faith submit themselves thereto2 and in case the nation generally should refuse him1 to call to his obedience such as should believe in him amongst the ,gentiles4 ,so that there are two parts of our ,saviour's office during his abode upon the earth3 one to proclaim himself the ,christ2 and another by teaching1 and by working of miracles1 to persuade and prepare men to live so1 as to be worthy of the immortality believers were to enjoy1 at such time as he should come in majesty to take possession of his ,father's kingdom4 ,and therefore it is1 that the time of his preaching is often by himself called the regeneration2 which is not properly a kingdom1 and thereby a warrant to deny obedience to the magistrates that then were2 for he commanded to obey those that sat then in ,moses' chair1 and to pay tribute to ,csar2 but only an earnest of the kingdom of ,god that was to come1 to those to whom ,god had given the grace to be his disciples1 and to believe in him2 for which cause the godly are said to be already in the kingdom of grace1 as naturalized in that heavenly kingdom4 ,sidenote3 ,the preaching of ,christ not contrary to the then law of the ,jews1 nor of ,csar4 ,hitherto1 therefore1 there is nothing done or taught by ,christ1 that tendeth to the diminution of the civil right of the ,jews or of ,csar4 ,for as touching the commonwealth which then was amongst the ,jews1 both they that bare rule amongst them1 and they that were governed1 did all expect the ,messiah and kingdom of ,god2 which they could not have done1 if their laws had forbidden him1 when he came1 to manifest and declare himself4 ,seeing therefore he did nothing1 but by preaching and miracles go about to prove himself to be that ,messiah1 he did therein nothing against their laws4 ,the kingdom he claimed was to be in another world3 he taught all men to obey in the mean time them that sat in ,moses' seat3 he allowed them to give ,csar his tribute1 and refused to take upon himself to be a judge4 ,how then could his words or actions be seditious1 or tend to the overthrow of their then civil government8 ,but ,god having determined his sacrifice for the reduction of his elect to their former covenanted obedience1 for the means1 whereby he would bring the same to effect1 made use of their malice and ingratitude4 ,nor was it contrary to the laws of ,csar4 ,for though ,pilate himself1 to gratify the ,jews1 delivered him to be crucified2 yet before he did so1 he pronounced openly1 that he found no fault in him3 and put for title of his condemnation1 not as the ,jews required1 that he pretended to be king2 but simply1 that he was king of the ,jews2 and notwithstanding their clamour1 refused to alter it2 saying1 ,what ,i have written1 ,i have written4 ,sidenote3 ,the third part of his office was to be king1 under his ,father1 of the elect4 ,as for the third part of his office1 which was to be king1 ,i have already shewn that his kingdom was not to begin till the resurrection4 ,but then he shall be king1 not only as ,god1 in which sense he is king already1 and ever shall be1 of all the earth1 in virtue of his omnipotence2 but also peculiarly of his own elect1 by virtue of the pact they make with him in their baptism4 ,and therefore it is1 that our ,saviour saith 7,matth4 xix4 #bh7 that his apostles should sit upon twelve thrones1 judging the twelve tribes of ,israel1 ,when the ,son of ,man shall sit in the throne of his glory3 whereby he signified that he should reign then in his human nature2 and 7,matth4 xvi4 #bg7 ,the ,son of ,man shall come in the glory of his ,father1 with his angels1 and then he shall reward every man according to his works4 ,the same we may read1 ,mark xiii4 #bf1 and xiv4 #fb2 and more expressly for the time1 ,luke xxii4 #bi1 #cj1 ,i appoint unto you a kingdom1 as my ,father hath appointed to me1 that you may eat and drink at my table in my kingdom1 and sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,by which it is manifest1 that the kingdom of ,christ appointed to him by his ,father1 is not to be before the ,son of ,man shall come in glory1 and make his apostles judges of the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,but a man may here ask1 seeing there is no marriage in the kingdom of heaven1 whether men shall then eat and drink8 ,what eating therefore is meant in this place8 ,this is expounded by our ,saviour 7,john vi4 #bg71 where he saith1 ,labour not for the meat which perisheth1 but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life1 which the ,son of ,man shall give you4 ,so that by eating at ,christ's table1 is meant the eating of the tree of life2 that is to say1 the enjoying of immortality1 in the kingdom of the ,son of ,man4 ,by which places and many more1 it is evident that our ,saviour's kingdom is to be exercised by him in his human nature4 ,sidenote3 ,christ's authority in the kingdom of ,god1 subordinate to that of his ,father4 ,again1 he is to be king then1 no otherwise than as subordinate or vicegerent of ,god the ,father1 as ,moses was in the wilderness2 and as the high-priests were before the reign of ,saul2 and as the kings were after it4 ,for it is one of the prophecies concerning ,christ1 that he should be like1 in office1 to ,moses3 ,i will raise them up a prophet1 saith the ,lord 7,deut4 xviii4 #ah7 from amongst their brethren1 like unto thee1 and will put my words into his mouth2 and this similitude with ,moses1 is also apparent in the actions of our ,saviour himself1 whilst he was conversant on earth4 ,for as ,moses chose twelve princes of the tribes1 to govern under him2 so did our ,saviour choose twelve apostles1 who shall sit on twelve thrones1 and judge the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,and as ,moses authorized seventy elders1 to receive the ,spirit of ,god1 and to prophecy to the people1 that is1 as ,i have said before1 to speak unto them in the name of ,god2 so our ,saviour also ordained seventy disciples1 to preach his kingdom and salvation to all nations4 ,and as when a complaint was made to ,moses1 against those of the seventy that prophecied in the camp of ,israel1 he justified them in it1 as being subservient therein to his government2 so also our ,saviour1 when ,st4 ,john complained to him of a certain man that cast out devils in his name1 justified him therein1 saying1 7,luke ix4 #ej7 ,forbid him not1 for he that is not against us1 is on our part4 ,sidenote3 ,christ's authority in the kingdom of ,god1 subordinate to that of his ,father4 ,again1 our ,saviour resembled ,moses in the institution of sacraments1 both of admission into the kingdom of ,god1 and of commemoration of his deliverance of his elect from their miserable condition4 ,as the children of ,israel had for sacrament of their reception into the kingdom of ,god1 before the time of ,moses1 the rite of circumcision1 which rite having been omitted in the wilderness1 was again restored as soon as they came into the ,land of ,promise2 so also the ,jews1 before the coming of our ,saviour1 had a rite of baptizing1 that is1 of washing with water1 all those that being ,gentiles embraced the ,god of ,israel4 ,this rite ,st4 ,john the ,baptist used in the reception of all them that gave their names to the ,christ1 whom he preached to be already come into the world2 and our ,saviour instituted the same for a sacrament to be taken by all that believed in him4 ,from what cause the rite of baptism first proceeded1 is not expressed formally in the ,scripture2 but it may be probably thought to be an imitation of the law of ,moses1 concerning leprosy2 wherein the leprous man was commanded to be kept out of the camp of ,israel for a certain time2 after which time being judged by the priest to be clean1 he was admitted into the camp after a solemn washing4 ,and this may therefore be a type of the washing in baptism2 wherein such men as are cleansed of the leprosy of sin by faith1 are received into the ,church with the solemnity of baptism4 ,there is another conjecture1 drawn from the ceremonies of the ,gentiles1 in a certain case that rarely happens3 and that is1 when a man that was thought dead chanced to recover1 other men made scruple to converse with him1 as they would do to converse with a ghost1 unless he were received again into the number of men by washing1 as children new-born were washed from the uncleanness of their nativity2 which was a kind of new birth4 ,this ceremony of the ,greeks1 in the time that ,judea was under the dominion of ,alexander and the ,greeks his successors1 may probably enough have crept into the religion of the ,jews4 ,but seeing it is not likely our ,saviour would countenance a heathen rite1 it is most likely it proceeded from the legal ceremony of washing after leprosy4 ,and for the other sacrament of eating the ,paschal lamb1 it is manifestly imitated in the sacrament of the ,lord's ,supper2 in which the breaking of the bread1 and the pouring out of the wine1 do keep in memory our deliverance from the misery of sin1 by ,christ's passion1 as the eating of the ,paschal lamb kept in memory the deliverance of the ,jews out of the bondage of ,egypt4 ,seeing therefore the authority of ,moses was but subordinate1 and he but a lieutenant of ,god2 it followeth that ,christ1 whose authority1 as man1 was to be like that of ,moses1 was no more but subordinate to the authority of his ,father4 ,the same is more expressly signified1 by that that he teacheth us to pray1 ,our ,father1 let thy kingdom come2 and1 ,for thine is the kingdom1 the power and the glory2 and by that it is said1 that ,he shall come in the glory of his ,father2 and by that which ,st4 ,paul saith1 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #bd7 then cometh the end1 when he shall have delivered up the kingdom to ,god1 even the ,father2 and by many other most express places4 ,sidenote3 ,one and the same ,god is the person represented by ,moses and ,christ4 ,our ,saviour1 therefore1 both in teaching and reigning1 representeth1 as ,moses did1 the person of ,god2 which ,god from that time forward1 but not before1 is called the ,father2 and being still one and the same substance1 is one person as represented by ,moses1 and another person as represented by his son the ,christ4 ,for person being a relative to a representer1 it is consequent to plurality of representers1 that there be a plurality of persons1 though of one and the same substance4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xlii4 ,,of ,,power ,,ecclesiastical4 ,for the understanding of ,,power ,,ecclesiastical1 what1 and in whom it is1 we are to distinguish the time from the ascension of our ,saviour1 into two parts2 one before the conversion of kings1 and men endued with sovereign civil power2 the other after their conversion4 ,for it was long after the ascension1 before any king or civil sovereign embraced and publicly allowed the teaching of ,christian religion4 ,sidenote3 ,of the holy spirit that fell on the apostles4 ,and for the time between1 it is manifest1 that the power ecclesiastical was in the apostles2 and after them in such as were by them ordained to preach the gospel1 and to convert men to ,christianity1 and to direct them that were converted in the way of salvation2 and after these1 the power was delivered again to others by these ordained1 and this was done by imposition of hands upon such as were ordained2 by which was signified the giving of the ,holy ,spirit1 or ,spirit of ,god1 to those whom they ordained ministers of ,god1 to advance his kingdom4 ,so that imposition of hands was nothing else but the seal of their commission to preach ,christ1 and teach his doctrine2 and the giving of the ,holy ,ghost by that ceremony of imposition of hands1 was an imitation of that which ,moses did4 ,for ,moses used the same ceremony to his minister ,joshua1 as we read 7,deut4 xxxiv4 #i7 ,and ,joshua the son of ,nun was full of the spirit of wisdom2 for ,moses had laid his hands upon him4 ,our ,saviour therefore1 between his resurrection and ascension1 gave his spirit to the apostles2 first1 by breathing on them1 and saying1 7,john xx4 #bb7 ,receive ye the ,holy ,spirit2 and after his ascension 7,acts ii4 #b1 #c7 by sending down upon them a mighty wind1 and cloven tongues of fire2 and not by imposition of hands2 as neither did ,god lay his hands on ,moses3 and his apostles afterward transmitted the same spirit by imposition of hands1 as ,moses did to ,joshua4 ,so that it is manifest hereby1 in whom the power ecclesiastical continually remained1 in those first times where there was not any ,christian commonwealth2 namely1 in them that received the same from the apostles1 by successive laying on of hands4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ,trinity4 ,here we have the person of ,god born now the third time4 ,for as ,moses1 and the high-priests1 were ,god's representative in the ,old ,testament2 and our ,saviour himself1 as man1 during his abode on earth3 so the ,holy ,ghost1 that is to say the apostles and their successors1 in the office of preaching and teaching1 that had received the holy ,spirit1 have represented him ever since4 ,but a person1 as ,i have shown before1 7chap4 ,,xiii47 is he that is represented1 as often as he is represented2 and therefore ,god1 who has been represented1 that is personated1 thrice1 may properly enough be said to be three persons2 though neither the word ,person1 nor ,trinity1 be ascribed to him in the ,bible4 ,st4 ,john1 indeed 7#a ,epist4 v4 #g7 saith1 ,there be three that bear witness in heaven1 the ,father1 the ,word1 and the ,holy ,spirit2 and these three are ,one4 ,but this disagreeth not1 but accordeth fitly with three persons in the proper signification of persons2 which is1 that which is represented by another4 ,for so ,god the ,father1 as represented by ,moses1 is one person2 and as represented by his ,son1 another person2 and as represented by the apostles1 and by the doctors that taught by authority from them derived1 is a third person2 and yet every person here1 is the person of one and the same ,god4 ,but a man may here ask1 what it was whereof these three bear witness4 ,st4 ,john therefore tells us 7verse #aa7 that they bear witness1 that ,god hath given us eternal life in his ,son4 ,again1 if it should be asked1 wherein that testimony appeareth1 the answer is easy2 for he hath testified the same by the miracles he wrought1 first by ,moses2 secondly1 by his ,son himself2 and lastly by his apostles1 that had received the ,holy ,spirit2 all which in their times represented the person of ,god1 and either prophecied or preached ,jesus ,christ4 ,and as for the apostles1 it was the character of the apostleship1 in the twelve first and great apostles1 to bear witness of his resurrection2 as appeareth expressly 7,acts i4 #ba1 #bb71 where ,st4 ,peter1 when a new apostle was to be chosen in the place of ,judas ,iscariot1 useth these words1 ,of these men which have companied with us all the time that the ,lord ,jesus went in and out amongst us1 beginning at the baptism of ,john1 unto that same day that he was taken up from us1 must one be ordained to be a witness with us of his resurrection3 which words interpret the bearing of witness1 mentioned by ,st4 ,john4 ,there is in the same place mentioned another ,trinity of witnesses in earth4 ,for 7#a ,john v4 #h7 he saith1 there are three that bear witness in earth1 the ,spirit1 and the water1 and the blood1 and these three agree in one3 that is to say1 the graces of ,god's spirit1 and the two sacraments1 baptism1 and the ,lord's supper1 which all agree in one testimony to assure the consciences of believers1 of eternal life2 of which testimony he saith 7verse #aj7 ,he that believeth on the ,son of man hath the witness in himself4 ,in this ,trinity on earth1 the unity is not of the thing2 for the spirit1 the water1 and the blood1 are not the same substance1 though they give the same testimony3 but in the ,trinity of heaven1 the persons are the persons of one and the same ,god1 though represented in three different times and occasions4 ,to conclude1 the doctrine of the ,trinity1 as far as can be gathered directly from the ,scripture1 is in substance this1 that the ,god who is always one and the same1 was the person represented by ,moses2 the person represented by his ,son incarnate2 and the person represented by the apostles4 ,as represented by the apostles1 the ,holy ,spirit1 by which they spake1 is ,god2 as represented by his ,son1 that was ,god and man1 the ,son is that ,god2 as represented by ,moses and the high-priests1 the ,father1 that is to say1 the ,father of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 is that ,god4 ,from whence we may gather the reason why those names ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,spirit1 in the signification of the ,godhead1 are never used in the ,old ,testament3 for they are persons1 that is1 they have their names from representing2 which could not be1 till divers men had represented ,god's person in ruling or in directing under him4 ,thus we see how the power ecclesiastical was left by our ,saviour to the apostles2 and how they were1 to the end they might the better exercise that power1 endued with the ,holy ,spirit1 which is therefore called sometimes in the ,new ,testament paracletus1 which signifieth an assister1 or one called to for help1 though it be commonly translated a comforter4 ,let us now consider the power itself1 what it was1 and over whom4 ,sidenote3 ,the power ecclesiastical is but the power to teach4 ,cardinal ,bellarmine1 in his third general controversy1 hath handled a great many questions concerning the ecclesiastical power of the pope of ,rome2 and begins with this1 whether it ought to be monarchical1 aristocratical1 or democratical3 all which sorts of power are sovereign and coercive4 ,if now it should appear1 that there is no coercive power left them by our ,saviour1 but only a power to proclaim the kingdom of ,christ1 and to persuade men to submit themselves thereunto2 and by precepts and good counsel1 to teach them that have submitted1 what they are to do1 that they may be received into the kingdom of ,god when it comes2 and that the apostles1 and other ministers of the ,gospel1 are our schoolmasters1 and not our commanders1 and their precepts not laws1 but wholesome counsels3 then were all that dispute in vain4 ,sidenote3 ,an argument thereof1 the power of ,christ himself4 ,i have shown already1 in the last chapter1 that the kingdom of ,christ is not of this world3 therefore neither can his ministers1 unless they be kings1 require obedience in his name4 ,for if the supreme king have not his regal power in this world2 by what authority can obedience be required to his officers8 ,as my ,father sent me1 so saith our ,saviour1 7,john xx4 #ba7 ,i send you4 ,but our ,saviour was sent to persuade the ,jews to return to1 and to invite the ,gentiles to receive1 the kingdom of his ,father1 and not to reign in majesty1 no not as his ,father's lieutenant1 till the day of judgment4 ,sidenote3 ,from the name of regeneration4 ,the time between the ascension and the general resurrection1 is called1 not a reigning1 but a regeneration2 that is1 a preparation of men for the second and glorious coming of ,christ1 at the day of judgment2 as appeareth by the words of our ,saviour1 7,matth4 xix4 #bh17 ,you that have followed me in the regeneration1 when the ,son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory1 you shall also sit upon twelve thrones2 and of ,st4 ,paul 7,ephes4 vi4 #ae7 ,having your feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace4 ,sidenote3 ,from the comparison of it1 with fishing1 leaven1 seed4 ,and is compared by our ,saviour1 to fishing1 that is1 to winning men to obedience1 not by coercion and punishing1 but by persuasion3 and therefore he said not to his apostles1 he would make them so many ,nimrods1 hunters of men2 but fishers of men4 ,it is compared also to leaven1 to sowing of seed1 and to the multiplication of a grain of mustard-seed2 by all which compulsion is excluded2 and consequently there can in that time be no actual reigning4 ,the work of ,christ's ministers1 is evangelization2 that is1 a proclamation of ,christ1 and a preparation for his second coming1 as the evangelization of ,john the ,baptist was a preparation to his first coming4 ,sidenote3 ,from the nature of faith4 ,again1 the office of ,christ's ministers in this world1 is to make men believe and have faith in ,christ2 but faith hath no relation to1 nor dependance at all upon compulsion or commandment2 but only upon certainty or probability of arguments drawn from reason1 or from something men believe already4 ,therefore the ministers of ,christ in this world1 have no power1 by that title1 to punish any man for not believing or for contradicting what they say2 they have ,i say no power by that title of ,christ's ministers1 to punish such2 but if they have sovereign civil power1 by politic institution1 then they may indeed lawfully punish any contradiction to their laws whatsoever3 and ,st4 ,paul1 of himself and other the then preachers of the gospel1 saith in express words 7#b ,cor4 i4 #bd71 ,we have no dominion over your faith1 but are helpers of your joy4 ,sidenote3 ,from the authority ,christ hath left to civil princes4 ,another argument1 that the ministers of ,christ in this present world have no right of commanding1 may be drawn from the lawful authority which ,christ hath left to all princes1 as well ,christians as infidels4 ,st4 ,paul saith 7,col4 iii4 #bj7 ,children obey your parents in all things2 for this is well pleasing to the ,lord3 and 7verse #bb7 ,servants1 obey in all things your masters according to the flesh2 not with eye-service1 as men-pleasers1 but in singleness of heart1 as fearing the ,lord2 this is spoken to them whose masters were infidels2 and yet they are bidden to obey them in all things4 ,and again1 concerning obedience to princes 7,rom4 xiii4 the first six verses71 exhorting to be subject to the higher powers1 he saith1 that all power is ordained of ,god2 and that we ought to be subject to them1 not only for fear of incurring their wrath1 but also for conscience sake4 ,and ,st4 ,peter 7#a ,epistle ii4 #ac1 #ad1 #ae71 ,submit yourselves to every ordinance of man1 for the ,lord's sake1 whether it be to the king1 as supreme2 or unto governors1 as to them that be sent by him for the punishment of evil doers1 and for the praise of them that do well2 for so is the will of ,god4 ,and again ,st4 ,paul 7,titus iii4 #a71 ,put men in mind to be subject to principalities and powers1 and to obey magistrates4 ,these princes and powers1 whereof ,st4 ,peter and ,st4 ,paul here speak1 were all infidels3 much more therefore we are to observe those ,christians1 whom ,god hath ordained to have sovereign power over us4 ,how then can we be obliged to obey any minister of ,christ1 if he should command us to do anything contrary to the command of the king1 or other sovereign representant of the commonwealth whereof we are members1 and by whom we look to be protected8 ,it is therefore manifest1 that ,christ hath not left to his ministers in this world1 unless they be also endued with civil authority1 any authority to command other men4 ,sidenote3 ,what ,christians may do to avoid persecution4 ,but what1 may some object1 if a king1 or a senate1 or other sovereign person forbid us to believe in ,christ8 ,to this ,i answer1 that such forbidding is of no effect2 because belief and unbelief never follow men's commands4 ,faith is a gift of ,god1 which man can neither give1 nor take away by promise of rewards1 or menaces of torture4 ,and if it be further asked1 what if we be commanded by our lawful prince to say with our tongue1 we believe not2 must we obey such command8 ,profession with the tongue is but an external thing1 and no more than any other gesture whereby we signify our obedience2 and wherein a ,christian1 holding firmly in his heart the faith of ,christ1 hath the same liberty which the prophet ,elisha allowed to ,naaman the ,syrian4 ,naaman was converted in his heart to the ,god of ,israel2 for he saith 7#b ,kings v4 #ag1 #ah7 ,thy servant will henceforth offer neither burnt offering nor sacrifice unto other gods1 but unto the ,lord4 ,in this thing the ,lord pardon thy servant1 that when my master goeth into the house of ,rimmon to worship there1 and he leaneth on my hand1 and ,i bow myself in the house of ,rimmon3 when ,i bow down myself in the house of ,rimmon1 the ,lord pardon thy servant in this thing4 ,this the prophet approved1 and bid him ,go in peace4 ,here ,naaman believed in his heart2 but by bowing before the idol ,rimmon1 he denied the true ,god in effect1 as much as if he had done it with his lips4 ,but then what shall we answer to our ,saviour's saying1 7,matth4 x4 #cc7 ,whosoever denieth me before men1 ,i will deny him before my ,father which is in heaven4 ,this we may say1 that whatsoever a subject1 as ,naaman was1 is compelled to do in obedience to his sovereign1 and doth it not in order to his own mind1 but in order to the laws of his country1 that action is not his1 but his sovereign's2 nor is it he that in this case denieth ,christ before men1 but his governor1 and the law of his country4 ,if any man shall accuse this doctrine1 as repugnant to true and unfeigned ,christianity2 ,i ask him1 in case there should be a subject in any ,christian commonwealth1 that should be inwardly in his heart of the ,mahomedan religion1 whether if his sovereign command him to be present at the divine service of the ,christian church1 and that on pain of death1 he think that ,mahomedan obliged in conscience to suffer death for that cause1 rather than obey that command of his lawful prince4 ,if he say1 he ought rather to suffer death1 then he authorizeth all private men to disobey their princes in maintenance of their religion1 true or false3 if he say1 he ought to be obedient1 then he alloweth to himself that which he denieth to another1 contrary to the words of our ,saviour1 7,luke vi4 #ca7 ,whatsoever you would that men should do unto you1 that do ye unto them2 and contrary to the law of nature1 which is the indubitable everlasting law of ,god1 ,do not to another1 that which thou wouldest not he should do unto thee4 ,sidenote3 ,of martyrs4 ,but what then shall we say of all those martyrs we read of in the history of the ,church1 that they have needlessly cast away their lives8 ,for answer hereunto1 we are to distinguish the persons that have been for that cause put to death3 whereof some have received a calling to preach1 and profess the kingdom of ,christ openly2 others have had no such calling1 nor more has been required of them than their own faith4 ,the former sort1 if they have been put to death1 for bearing witness to this point1 that ,jesus ,christ is risen from the dead1 were true martyrs2 for a martyr is1 7to give the true definition of the word7 a witness of the resurrection of ,jesus the ,messiah2 which none can be but those that conversed with him on earth1 and saw him after he was risen3 for a witness must have seen what he testifieth1 or else his testimony is not good4 ,and that none but such can properly be called martyrs of ,christ1 is manifest out of the words of ,st4 ,peter1 7,acts i4 #ba1 #bb7 ,wherefore of these men which have companied with us all the time that the ,lord ,jesus went in and out amongst us1 beginning from the baptism of ,john unto that same day he was taken up from us1 must one be ordained to be a martyr 7that is a witness7 with us of his resurrection3 where we may observe1 that he which is to be a witness of the truth of the resurrection of ,christ1 that is to say1 of the truth of this fundamental article of ,christian religion1 that ,jesus was the ,christ1 must be some disciple that conversed with him1 and saw him before and after his resurrection2 and consequently must be one of his original disciples3 whereas they which were not so1 can witness no more but that their antecessors said it1 and are therefore but witnesses of other men's testimony2 and are but second martyrs1 or martyrs of ,christ's witnesses4 ,he1 that to maintain every doctrine which he himself draweth out of the history of our ,saviour's life1 and of the ,acts or ,epistles of the apostles1 or which he believeth upon the authority of a private man1 will oppose the laws and authority of the civil state1 is very far from being a martyr of ,christ1 or a martyr of his martyrs4 ,it is one article only1 which to die for1 meriteth so honourable a name2 and that article is this1 that ,jesus is the ,christ2 that is to say1 ,he that hath redeemed us1 and shall come again to give us salvation1 and eternal life in his glorious kingdom4 ,to die for every tenet that serveth the ambition or profit of the clergy1 is not required2 nor is it the death of the witness1 but the testimony itself that makes the martyr3 for the word signifieth nothing else1 but the man that beareth witness1 whether he be put to death for his testimony1 or not4 ,also he that is not sent to preach this fundamental article1 but taketh it upon him of his private authority1 though he be a witness1 and consequently a martyr1 either primary of ,christ1 or secondary of his apostles1 disciples1 or their successors2 yet is he not obliged to suffer death for that cause2 because being not called thereto1 it is not required at his hands2 nor ought he to complain1 if he loseth the reward he expecteth from those that never set him on work4 ,none therefore can be a martyr1 neither of the first nor second degree1 that have not a warrant to preach ,christ come in the flesh2 that is to say1 none1 but such as are sent to the conversion of infidels4 ,for no man is a witness to him that already believeth1 and therefore needs no witness2 but to them that deny1 or doubt1 or have not heard it4 ,christ sent his apostles1 and his seventy disciples1 with authority to preach2 he sent not all that believed4 ,and he sent them to unbelievers2 ,i send you1 saith he1 7,matth4 x4 #af7 as sheep amongst wolves2 not as sheep to other sheep4 ,sidenote3 ,argument from the points of their commission4 ,lastly1 the points of their commission1 as they are expressly set down in the gospel1 contain1 none of them1 any authority over the congregation4 ,sidenote3 ,to preach2 ,we have first 7,matth4 x4 #f1 #g71 that the twelve apostles were sent to the lost sheep of the house of ,israel1 and commanded to preach that the kingdom of ,god was at hand4 ,now preaching1 in the original1 is that act1 which a crier1 herald1 or other officer useth to do publicly in proclaiming of a king4 ,but a crier hath not right to command any man4 ,and 7,luke x4 #b7 the seventy disciples are sent out as ,labourers1 not as ,lords of the harvest2 and are bidden 7verse #i7 to say1 ,the kingdom of ,god is come nigh unto you2 and by kingdom here is meant1 not the kingdom of grace1 but the kingdom of glory2 for they are bidden 7verse #aa1 #ab7 to denounce it to those cities which shall not receive them1 as a threatening that it shall be more tolerable in that day for ,sodom1 than for such a city4 ,and 7,matth4 xx4 #bh7 our ,saviour telleth his disciples1 that sought priority of place1 their office was to minister1 even as the son of man came1 not to be ministered unto1 but to minister4 ,preachers therefore have not magisterial1 but ministerial power3 ,be not called masters1 saith our ,saviour1 7,matth4 xxiii4 #aj7 for one is your master1 even ,christ4 ,sidenote3 ,and teach2 ,another point of their commission1 is1 to ,teach all nations2 as it is in ,st4 ,matth4 xxviii4 #ai1 or as in ,st4 ,mark1 xvi4 #ae2 ,go into all the world1 and preach the gospel to every creature4 ,teaching therefore1 and preaching1 is the same thing4 ,for they that proclaim the coming of a king1 must withal make known by what right he cometh1 if they mean men shall submit themselves unto him3 as ,st4 ,paul did to the ,jews of ,thessalonica1 when 7,acts xvii4 #b1 #c7 three ,sabbath days he reasoned with them out of the ,scriptures1 opening1 and alleging that ,christ must needs have suffered1 and risen again from the dead1 and that this ,jesus is ,christ4 ,but to teach out of the ,old ,testament that ,jesus was ,christ1 that is to say1 king1 and risen from the dead1 is not to say that men are bound1 after they believe it1 to obey those that tell them so1 against the laws and commands of their sovereigns2 but that they shall do wisely1 to expect the coming of ,christ hereafter1 in patience and faith1 with obedience to their present magistrates4 ,sidenote3 ,to baptize2 ,another point of their commission1 is to baptize1 in the name of the ,father1 and of the ,son1 and of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,what is baptism8 ,dipping into water4 ,but what is it to dip a man into the water in the name of anything8 ,the meaning of these words of baptism is this4 ,he that is baptized1 is dipped or washed1 as a sign of becoming a new man1 and a loyal subject to that ,god1 whose person was represented in old time by ,moses1 and the high-priests1 when he reigned over the ,jews2 and to ,jesus ,christ his ,son1 ,god and ,man1 that hath redeemed us1 and shall in his human nature represent his ,father's person in his eternal kingdom after the resurrection2 and to acknowledge the doctrine of the apostles1 who1 assisted by the spirit of the ,father and of the ,son1 were left for guides to bring us into that kingdom1 to be the only and assured way thereunto4 ,this being our promise in baptism2 and the authority of earthly sovereigns being not to be put down till the day of judgment2 for that is expressly affirmed by ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #bb1 #bc1 #bd7 where he saith1 ,as in ,adam all die1 so in ,christ all shall be made alive4 ,but every man in his own order1 ,christ the first fruits1 afterward they that are ,christ's at his coming2 then cometh the end1 when he shall have delivered up the kingdom to ,god1 even the ,father1 when he shall have put down all rule1 and all authority and power3 it is manifest1 that we do not in baptism constitute over us another authority1 by which our external actions are to be governed in this life2 but promise to take the doctrine of the apostles for our direction in the way to life eternal4 ,sidenote3 ,and to forgive1 and retain sins4 ,the power of remission and retention of sins1 called also the power of loosing and binding1 and sometimes the keys of the kingdom of heaven1 is a consequence of the authority to baptize1 or refuse to baptize4 ,for baptism is the sacrament of allegiance of them that are to be received into the kingdom of ,god2 that is to say1 into eternal life2 that is to say1 to remission of sin3 for as eternal life was lost by the committing1 so it is recovered by the remitting of men's sins4 ,the end of baptism is remission of sins3 and therefore ,st4 ,peter1 when they that were converted by his sermon on the day of ,pentecost1 asked what they were to do1 advised them 7,acts ii4 #ch7 to repent1 and be baptized in the name of ,jesus1 for the remission of sins4 ,and therefore1 seeing to baptize is to declare the reception of men into ,god's kingdom2 and to refuse to baptize is to declare their exclusion2 it followeth1 that the power to declare them cast out1 or retained in it1 was given to the same apostles1 and their substitutes and successors4 ,and therefore after our ,saviour had breathed upon them1 saying 7,john xx4 #bb7 ,receive the ,holy ,ghost1 he addeth in the next verse1 ,whosesoever sins ye remit1 they are remitted unto them2 and whosesoever sins ye retain1 they are retained4 ,by which words1 is not granted an authority to forgive or retain sins1 simply and absolutely1 as ,god forgiveth or retaineth them1 who knoweth the heart of man1 and truth of his penitence and conversion2 but conditionally1 to the penitent3 and this forgiveness1 or absolution1 in case the absolved have but a feigned repentance1 is thereby1 without other act1 or sentence of the absolved1 made void1 and hath no effect at all to salvation1 but on the contrary to the aggravation of his sin4 ,therefore the apostles1 and their successors1 are to follow but the outward marks of repentance2 which appearing1 they have no authority to deny absolution2 and if they appear not1 they have no authority to absolve4 ,the same also is to be observed in baptism3 for to a converted ,jew1 or ,gentile1 the apostles had not the power to deny baptism2 nor to grant it to the unpenitent4 ,but seeing no man is able to discern the truth of another man's repentance1 further than by external marks1 taken from his words and actions1 which are subject to hypocrisy2 another question will arise1 who it is that is constituted judge of those marks8 ,and this question is decided by our ,saviour himself2 ,if thy brother1 saith he1 7,matth4 xviii4 #ae1 #af1 #ag7 shall trespass against thee1 go and tell him his fault1 between thee and him alone2 if he shall hear thee1 thou hast gained thy brother4 ,but if he will not hear thee1 then take with thee one or two more4 ,and if he shall neglect to hear them1 tell it unto the ,church2 but if he neglect to hear the ,church1 let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican4 ,by which it is manifest1 that the judgment concerning the truth of repentance1 belonged not to any one man1 but to the ,church1 that is1 to the assembly of the faithful1 or to them that have authority to be their representant4 ,but besides the judgment1 there is necessary also the pronouncing of sentence4 ,and this belonged always to the apostle1 or some pastor of the ,church1 as prolocutor2 and of this our ,saviour speaketh in the #ahth verse1 ,whatsoever ye shall bind on earth1 shall be bound in heaven2 and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth1 shall be loosed in heaven4 ,and conformable hereunto was the practise of ,st4 ,paul1 7#a ,cor4 v4 #c1 #d1 #e7 where he saith1 ,for ,i verily1 as absent in body1 but present in spirit1 have determined already1 as though ,i were present1 concerning him that hath so done this deed2 in the name of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 when ye are gathered together1 and my spirit1 with the power of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 to deliver such a one to ,satan2 that is to say1 to cast him out of the ,church1 as a man whose sins are not forgiven4 ,paul here pronounceth the sentence2 but the assembly was first to hear the cause1 for ,st4 ,paul was absent1 and by consequence to condemn him4 ,but in the same chapter 7verses #aa1 #ab71 the judgment in such a case is more expressly attributed to the assembly3 ,but now ,i have written unto you1 not to keep company1 if any man that is called a brother be a fornicator1 c4 with such a one1 no not to eat4 ,for what have ,i to do to judge them that are without8 ,do not ye judge them that are within8 ,the sentence therefore by which a man was put out of the ,church1 was pronounced by the apostle1 or pastor2 but the judgment concerning the merit of the cause1 was in the ,church2 that is to say1 as the times were before the conversion of kings1 and men that had sovereign authority in the commonwealth1 the assembly of the ,christians dwelling in the same city3 as in ,corinth1 in the assembly of the ,christians of ,corinth4 ,sidenote3 ,of excommunication4 ,this part of the power of the keys1 by which men were thrust out from the kingdom of ,god1 is that which is called excommunication2 and to excommunicate1 is in the original1 1 to cast out of the synagogue2 that is1 out of the place of divine service2 a word drawn from the custom of the ,jews1 to cast out of their synagogues such as they thought1 in manners or doctrine1 contagious1 as lepers were by the law of ,moses separated from the congregation of ,israel1 till such time as they should be by the priest pronounced clean4 ,sidenote3 ,the use of excommunication without civil power4 ,the use and effect of excommunication1 whilst it was not yet strengthened with the civil power1 was no more than that they1 who were not excommunicate1 were to avoid the company of them that were4 ,it was not enough to repute them as heathen1 that never had been ,christians2 for with such they might eat and drink2 which with excommunicate persons they might not do2 as appeareth by the words of ,st4 ,paul1 7#a ,cor4 v4 #i1 #aj1 c47 where he telleth them1 he had formerly forbidden them to company with fornicators2 but1 because that could not be without going out of the world1 he restraineth it to such fornicators1 and otherwise vicious persons1 as were of the brethren2 with such a one1 he saith1 they ought not to keep company1 no not to eat4 ,and this is no more than our ,saviour saith 7,matth4 xviii4 #ag71 ,let him be to thee as a heathen1 and as a publican4 ,for publicans1 which signifieth farmers and receivers of the revenue of the commonwealth1 were so hated and detested by the ,jews that were to pay it1 as that publican and sinner were taken amongst them for the same thing3 insomuch1 as when our ,saviour accepted the invitation of ,zacchus a publican2 though it were to convert him1 yet it was objected to him as a crime4 ,and therefore1 when our ,saviour to heathen added publican1 he did forbid them to eat with a man excommunicate4 ,as for keeping them out of their synagogues1 or places of assembly1 they had no power to do it1 but that of the owner of the place1 whether he were ,christian1 or heathen4 ,and because all places are by right in the dominion of the commonwealth2 as well he that was excommunicated1 as he that never was baptized1 might enter into them by commission from the civil magistrate2 as ,paul before his conversion entered into their synagogues at ,damascus1 7,acts ix4 #b7 to apprehend ,christians1 men and women1 and to carry them bound to ,jerusalem1 by commission from the high-priest4 ,sidenote3 ,of no effect upon an apostate2 ,by which it appears1 that upon a ,christian1 that should become an apostate1 in a place where the civil power did persecute1 or not assist the ,church1 the effect of excommunication had nothing in it1 neither of damage in this world1 nor of terror3 not of terror1 because of their unbelief2 nor of damage1 because they are returned thereby into the favour of the world2 and in the world to come were to be in no worse estate1 than they which never had believed4 ,the damage redounded rather to the ,church1 by provocation of them they cast out1 to a freer execution of their malice4 ,sidenote3 ,but upon the faithful only4 ,excommunication therefore had its effect only upon those1 that believed that ,jesus ,christ was to come again in glory1 to reign over and to judge both the quick and the dead1 and should therefore refuse entrance into his kingdom to those whose sins were retained1 that is1 to those that were excommunicated by the ,church4 ,and thence it is1 that ,st4 ,paul calleth excommunication1 a delivery of the excommunicate person to ,satan4 ,for without the kingdom of ,christ1 all other kingdoms1 after judgment1 are comprehended in the kingdom of ,satan4 ,this is it that the faithful stood in fear of1 as long as they stood excommunicate1 that is to say1 in an estate wherein their sins were not forgiven4 ,whereby we may understand1 that excommunication1 in the time that ,christian religion was not authorized by the civil power1 was used only for a correction of manners1 not of errors in opinion3 for it is a punishment1 whereof none could be sensible but such as believed1 and expected the coming again of our ,saviour to judge the world2 and they who so believed1 needed no other opinion1 but only uprightness of life1 to be saved4 ,sidenote3 ,for what fault lieth excommunication4 ,there lieth excommunication for injustice2 as 7,matth4 xviii471 ,if thy brother offend thee1 tell it him privately2 then with witnesses2 lastly1 tell the ,church2 and then if he obey not1 ,let him be to thee as an heathen man and a publican4 ,and there lieth excommunication for a scandalous life1 as 7#a ,cor4 v4 #aa7 ,if any man that is called a brother1 be a fornicator1 or covetous1 or an idolater1 or a drunkard1 or an extortioner1 with such a one ye are not to eat4 ,but to excommunicate a man that held this foundation1 that ,jesus was the ,christ1 for difference of opinion in other points1 by which that foundation was not destroyed1 there appeareth no authority in the ,scripture1 nor example in the apostles4 ,there is indeed in ,st4 ,paul 7,titus iii4 #aj7 a text that seemeth to be to the contrary2 ,a man that is an heretic1 after the first and second admonition1 reject4 ,for an heretic1 is he1 that being a member of the ,church1 teacheth nevertheless some private opinion1 which the ,church has forbidden3 and such a one1 ,st4 ,paul adviseth ,titus1 after the first and second admonition1 to reject4 ,but to reject1 in this place1 is not to excommunicate the man2 but to give over admonishing him1 to let him alone1 to set by disputing with him1 as one that is to be convinced only by himself4 ,the same apostle saith 7#b ,tim4 ii4 #bc7 ,foolish and unlearned questions avoid3 the word avoid in this place1 and reject in the former1 is the same in the original1 3 but foolish questions may be set by without excommunication4 ,and again1 7,titus iii4 #i7 ,avoid foolish questions1 where the original 7set them by7 is equivalent to the former word reject4 ,there is no other place that can so much as colourably be drawn1 to countenance the casting out of the ,church faithful men1 such as believed the foundation1 only for a singular superstructure of their own1 proceeding perhaps from a good and pious conscience4 ,but on the contrary1 all such places as command avoiding such disputes1 are written for a lesson to pastors1 such as ,timothy and ,titus were1 not to make new articles of faith1 by determining every small controversy1 which oblige men to a needless burthen of conscience1 or provoke them to break the union of the ,church4 ,which lesson the apostles themselves observed well4 ,st4 ,peter and ,st4 ,paul1 though their controversy were great1 as we may read in ,gal4 ii4 #aa1 yet they did not cast one another out of the ,church4 ,nevertheless1 during the apostles' times1 there were other pastors that observed it not2 as ,diotrephes 7#c ,john1 #i1 c47 who cast out of the ,church such as ,st4 ,john himself thought fit to be received into it1 out of a pride he took in preeminence4 ,so early it was1 that vain glory and ambition had found entrance into the ,church of ,christ4 ,sidenote3 ,of persons liable to excommunication4 ,that a man be liable to excommunication1 there be many conditions requisite2 as first1 that he be a member of some commonalty1 that is to say1 of some lawful assembly1 that is to say1 of some ,christian ,church1 that hath power to judge of the cause for which he is to be excommunicated4 ,for where there is no community1 there can be no excommunication2 nor where there is no power to judge1 can there be any power to give sentence4 ,from hence it followeth1 that one ,church cannot be excommunicated by another3 for either they have equal power to excommunicate each other1 in which case excommunication is not discipline1 nor an act of authority1 but schism1 and dissolution of charity2 or one is so subordinate to the other1 as that they both have but one voice2 and then they be but one ,church2 and the part excommunicated is no more a ,church1 but a dissolute number of individual persons4 ,and because the sentence of excommunication1 importeth an advice1 not to keep company nor so much as to eat with him that is excommunicate1 if a sovereign prince or assembly be excommunicate1 the sentence is of no effect4 ,for all subjects are bound to be in the company and presence of their own sovereign1 when he requireth it1 by the law of nature2 nor can they lawfully either expel him from any place of his own dominion1 whether profane or holy2 nor go out of his dominion without his leave2 much less1 if he call them to that honour1 refuse to eat with him4 ,and as to other princes and states1 because they are not parts of one and the same congregation1 they need not any other sentence to keep them from keeping company with the state excommunicate3 for the very institution1 as it uniteth many men into one community1 so it dissociateth one community from another3 so that excommunication is not needful for keeping kings and states asunder2 nor has any further effect than is in the nature of policy itself1 unless it be to instigate princes to war upon one another4 ,nor is the excommunication of a ,christian subject1 that obeyeth the laws of his own sovereign1 whether ,christian or heathen1 of any effect4 ,for if he believe that ,jesus is the ,christ1 he hath the ,spirit of ,god 7#a ,john v4 #a73 and ,god dwelleth in him1 and he in ,god 7#a ,john iv4 #ae47 ,but he that hath the spirit of ,god2 he that dwelleth in ,god2 he in whom ,god dwelleth1 can receive no harm by the excommunication of men4 ,therefore1 he that believeth ,jesus to be the ,christ1 is free from all the dangers threatened to persons excommunicate4 ,he that believeth it not1 is no ,christian4 ,therefore a true and unfeigned ,christian is not liable to excommunication3 nor he also that is a professed ,christian1 till his hypocrisy appear in his manners1 that is1 till his behaviour be contrary to the law of his sovereign1 which is the rule of manners1 and which ,christ and his apostles have commanded us to be subject to4 ,for the ,church cannot judge of manners but by external actions1 which actions can never be unlawful1 but when they are against the law of the commonwealth4 ,if a man's father1 or mother1 or master1 be excommunicate1 yet are not the children forbidden to keep them company1 nor to eat with them3 for that were1 for the most part1 to oblige them not to eat at all1 for want of means to get food2 and to authorize them to disobey their parents and masters1 contrary to the precept of the apostles4 ,in sum1 the power of excommunication cannot be extended further than to the end for which the apostles and pastors of the ,church have their commission from our ,saviour2 which is not to rule by command and co-action1 but by teaching and direction of men in the way of salvation in the world to come4 ,and as a master in any science may abandon his scholar1 when he obstinately neglecteth the practise of his rules2 but not accuse him of injustice1 because he was never bound to obey him3 so a teacher of ,christian doctrine may abandon his disciples that obstinately continue in an unchristian life2 but he cannot say1 they do him wrong1 because they are not obliged to obey him4 ,for to a teacher that shall so complain1 may be applied the answer of ,god to ,samuel in the like place1 7#a ,sam4 viii4 #g7 ,they have not rejected thee1 but me4 ,excommunication therefore1 when it wanteth the assistance of the civil power1 as it doth1 when a ,christian state or prince is excommunicate by a foreign authority1 is without effect2 and consequently ought to be without terror4 ,the name of ,fulmen excommunicationis1 that is1 the thunderbolt of excommunication1 proceeded from an imagination of the ,bishop of ,rome1 which first used it1 that he was king of kings2 as the heathen made ,jupiter king of the gods1 and assigned him1 in their poems1 and pictures1 a thunderbolt1 wherewith to subdue and punish the giants1 that should dare to deny his power4 ,which imagination was grounded on two errors2 one1 that the kingdom of ,christ is of this world1 contrary to our ,saviour's own words1 7,john xviii4 #cf7 ,my kingdom is not of this world2 the other1 that he is ,christ's vicar1 not only over his own subjects1 but over all the ,christians of the world2 whereof there is no ground in ,scripture1 and the contrary shall be proved in its due place4 ,sidenote3 ,of the interpreter of the ,scriptures1 before civil sovereigns became ,christians4 ,st4 ,paul coming to ,thessalonica1 where was a ,synagogue of the ,jews1 7,acts1 xvii4 #b1 #c7 as his manner was1 went in unto them1 and three ,sabbath days reasoned with them out of the ,scriptures1 opening and alleging1 that ,christ must needs have suffered and risen again from the dead2 and that this ,jesus whom he preached was the ,christ4 ,the ,scriptures here mentioned were the ,scriptures of the ,jews1 that is1 the ,old ,testament4 ,the men1 to whom he was to prove that ,jesus was the ,christ and risen again from the dead1 were also ,jews1 and did believe already1 that they were the word of ,god4 ,hereupon 7as it is in verse #d7 some of them believed1 and 7as it is in verse #e7 some believed not4 ,what was the reason1 when they all believed the ,scripture1 that they did not all believe alike2 but that some approved1 others disapproved the interpretation of ,st4 ,paul that cited them2 and every one interpreted them to himself8 ,it was this2 ,st4 ,paul came to them without any legal commission1 and in the manner of one that would not command1 but persuade2 which he must needs do1 either by miracles1 as ,moses did to the ,israelites in ,egypt1 that they might see his authority in ,god's works2 or by reasoning from the already received ,scripture1 that they might see the truth of his doctrine in ,god's word4 ,but whosoever persuadeth by reasoning from principles written1 maketh him to whom he speaketh judge1 both of the meaning of those principles1 and also of the force of his inferences upon them4 ,if these ,jews of ,thessalonica were not1 who else was the judge of what ,st4 ,paul alleged out of ,scripture8 ,if ,st4 ,paul1 what needed he to quote any places to prove his doctrine8 ,it had been enough to have said1 ,i find it so in ,scripture1 that is to say1 in your laws1 of which ,i am interpreter1 as sent by ,christ4 ,the interpreter therefore of the ,scripture1 to whose interpretation the ,jews of ,thessalonica were bound to stand1 could be none3 every one might believe1 or not believe1 according as the allegation seemed to himself to be agreeable1 or not agreeable to the meaning of the places alleged4 ,and generally in all cases of the world1 he that pretendeth any proof1 maketh judge of his proof him to whom he addresseth his speech4 ,and as to the case of the ,jews in particular1 they were bound by express words 7,deut4 xvii47 to receive the determination of all hard questions1 from the priests and judges of ,israel for the time being4 ,but this is to be understood of the ,jews that were yet unconverted4 ,for the conversion of the ,gentiles1 there was no use of alleging the ,scriptures1 which they believed not4 ,the apostles therefore laboured by reason to confute their idolatry2 and that done1 to persuade them to the faith of ,christ1 by their testimony of his life and resurrection4 ,so that there could not yet be any controversy concerning the authority to interpret ,scripture2 seeing no man was obliged1 during his infidelity1 to follow any man's interpretation of any ,scripture1 except his sovereign's interpretation of the laws of his country4 ,let us now consider the conversion itself1 and see what there was therein that could be cause of such an obligation4 ,men were converted to no other thing than to the belief of that which the apostles preached3 and the apostles preached nothing1 but that ,jesus was the ,christ1 that is to say1 the king that was to save them1 and reign over them eternally in the world to come2 and consequently that he was not dead1 but risen again from the dead1 and gone up into heaven1 and should come again one day to judge the world1 7which also should rise again to be judged17 and reward every man according to his works4 ,none of them preached that himself1 or any other apostle1 was such an interpreter of the ,scripture1 as all that became ,christians1 ought to take their interpretation for law4 ,for to interpret the laws1 is part of the administration of a present kingdom2 which the apostles had not4 ,they prayed then1 and all other pastors ever since1 let thy kingdom come2 and exhorted their converts to obey their then ethnic princes4 ,the ,new ,testament was not yet published in one body4 ,every of the evangelists was interpreter of his own gospel2 and every apostle of his own epistle2 and of the ,old ,testament our ,saviour himself saith to the ,jews 7,john v4 #ci7 ,search the ,scriptures2 for in them ye think to have eternal life1 and they are they that testify of me4 ,if he had not meant they should interpret them1 he would not have bidden them take thence the proof of his being the ,christ3 he would either have interpreted them himself1 or referred them to the interpretation of the priests4 ,when a difficulty arose1 the apostles and elders of the ,church assembled themselves together1 and determined what should be preached and taught1 and how they should interpret the ,scriptures to the people2 but took not from the people the liberty to read and interpret them to themselves4 ,the apostles sent divers letters to the ,churches1 and other writings for their instruction2 which had been in vain1 if they had not allowed them to interpret1 that is1 to consider the meaning of them4 ,and as it was in the apostles' time1 it must be till such time as there should be pastors1 that could authorize an interpreter1 whose interpretation should generally be stood to3 but that could not be till kings were pastors1 or pastors kings4 ,sidenote3 ,of the power to make ,scripture1 law4 ,there be two senses1 wherein a writing may be said to be canonical2 for canon1 signifieth a rule2 and a rule is a precept1 by which a man is guided and directed in any action whatsoever4 ,such precepts1 though given by a teacher to his disciple1 or a counsellor to his friend1 without power to compel him to observe them1 are nevertheless canons2 because they are rules4 ,but when they are given by one1 whom he that receiveth them is bound to obey1 then are those canons1 not only rules1 but laws4 ,the question therefore here1 is of the power to make the ,scriptures1 which are the rules of ,christian faith1 laws4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ten commandments4 ,that part of the ,scripture1 which was first law1 was the ,ten ,commandments1 written in two tables of stone1 and delivered by ,god himself to ,moses2 and by ,moses made known to the people4 ,before that time there was no written law of ,god1 who as yet having not chosen any people to be his peculiar kingdom1 had given no law to men1 but the law of nature1 that is to say1 the precepts of natural reason1 written in every man's own heart4 ,of these two tables1 the first containeth the law of sovereignty2 #a4 ,that they should not obey1 nor honour the gods of other nations1 in these words1 ,non habebis deos alienos coram me1 that is1 thou shalt not have for gods1 the gods that other nations worship1 but only me3 whereby they were forbidden to obey1 or honour1 as their king and governor1 any other ,god1 than him that spake unto them then by ,moses1 and afterwards by the high-priest4 #b4 ,that they should not make any image to represent him2 that is to say1 they were not to choose to themselves1 neither in heaven1 nor in earth1 any representative of their own fancying1 but obey ,moses and ,aaron1 whom he had appointed to that office4 #c4 ,that they should not take the name of ,god in vain2 that is1 they should not speak rashly of their king1 nor dispute his right1 nor the commissions of ,moses and ,aaron1 his lieutenants4 #d4 ,that they should every seventh day abstain from their ordinary labour1 and employ that time in doing him public honour4 ,the second table containeth the duty of one man towards another1 as to honour parents2 not to kill2 not to commit adultery2 not to steal2 not to corrupt judgment by false witness2 and finally1 not so much as to design in their heart the doing of any injury one to another4 ,the question now is1 who it was that gave to these written tables the obligatory force of laws4 ,there is no doubt but they were made laws by ,god himself3 but because a law obliges not1 nor is law to any1 but to them that acknowledge it to be the act of the sovereign2 how could the people of ,israel1 that were forbidden to approach the mountain to hear what ,god said to ,moses1 be obliged to obedience to all those laws which ,moses propounded to them8 ,some of them were indeed the laws of nature1 as all the second table2 and therefore to be acknowledged for ,god's laws2 not to the ,israelites alone1 but to all people3 but of those that were peculiar to the ,israelites1 as those of the first table1 the question remains2 saving that they had obliged themselves1 presently after the propounding of them1 to obey ,moses1 in these words 7,exod4 xx4 #ai71 ,speak thou to us1 and we will hear thee2 but let not ,god speak to us1 lest we die4 ,it was therefore only ,moses then1 and after him the high-priest1 whom1 by ,moses1 ,god declared should administer this his peculiar kingdom1 that had on earth the power to make this short ,scripture of the ,decalogue to be law in the commonwealth of ,israel4 ,but ,moses1 and ,aaron1 and the succeeding high-priests1 were the civil sovereigns4 ,therefore hitherto1 the canonizing or making the ,scripture law1 belonged to the civil sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,of the judicial and ,levitical law4 ,the judicial law1 that is to say1 the laws that ,god prescribed to the magistrates of ,israel for the rule of their administration of justice1 and of the sentences or judgments they should pronounce in pleas between man and man2 and the ,levitical law1 that is to say1 the rule that ,god prescribed touching the rites and ceremonies of the priests and ,levites1 were all delivered to them by ,moses only2 and therefore also became laws1 by virtue of the same promise of obedience to ,moses4 ,whether these laws were then written1 or not written1 but dictated to the people by ,moses1 after his being forty days with ,god in the ,mount1 by word of mouth1 is not expressed in the text2 but they were all positive laws1 and equivalent to holy ,scripture1 and made canonical by ,moses the civil sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,the second law4 ,after the ,israelites were come into the plains of ,moab over against ,jericho1 and ready to enter into the land of promise1 ,moses to the former laws added divers others2 which therefore are called ,deuteronomy2 that is1 second laws4 ,and are1 7as it is written ,deut4 xxix4 #a7 the words of a covenant which the ,lord commanded ,moses to make with the children of ,israel1 besides the covenant which he made with them in ,horeb4 ,for having explained those former laws1 in the beginning of the book of ,deuteronomy1 he addeth others1 that begin at the xiith chapter1 and continue to the end of the xxvith of the same book4 ,this law 7,deut4 xxvii4 #c7 they were commanded to write upon great stones plastered over1 at their passing over ,jordan3 this law also was written by ,moses himself in a book1 and delivered into the hands of the priests1 and to the elders of ,israel 7,deut4 xxxi4 #i71 and commanded 7verse #bf7 to be put in the side of the ark2 for in the ark itself was nothing but the ten commandments4 ,this was the law1 which ,moses 7,deut4 xvii4 #ah7 commanded the kings of ,israel should keep a copy of3 and this is the law1 which having been long time lost1 was found again in the temple in the time of ,josiah1 and by his authority received for the law of ,god4 ,but both ,moses at the writing1 and ,josiah at the recovery thereof1 had both of them the civil sovereignty4 ,hitherto therefore the power of making ,scripture canonical1 was in the civil sovereign4 ,besides this book of the law1 there was no other book1 from the time of ,moses till after the ,captivity1 received amongst the ,jews for the law of ,god4 ,for the prophets1 except a few1 lived in the time of the ,captivity itself2 and the rest lived but a little before it2 and were so far from having their prophecies generally received for laws1 as that their persons were persecuted1 partly by false prophets1 and partly by the kings which were seduced by them4 ,and this book itself1 which was confirmed by ,josiah for the law of ,god1 and with it all the history of the works of ,god1 was lost in the captivity and sack of the city of ,jerusalem1 as appears by that of #b ,esdras1 xiv4 #ba1 thy law is burnt2 therefore no man knoweth the things that are done of thee1 or the works that shall begin4 ,and before the captivity1 between the time when the law was lost1 7which is not mentioned in the ,scripture1 but may probably be thought to be the time of ,rehoboam1 when 7#a ,kings xiv4 #bf7 ,shishak1 king of ,egypt1 took the spoil of the temple71 and the time of ,josiah when it was found again1 they had no written word of ,god1 but ruled according to their own discretion1 or by the direction of such as each of them esteemed prophets4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,old ,testament when made canonical4 ,from hence we may infer1 that the ,scriptures of the ,old ,testament1 which we have at this day1 were not canonical nor a law unto the ,jews1 till the renovation of their covenant with ,god at their return from the captivity1 and restoration of their commonwealth under ,esdras4 ,but from that time forward they were accounted the law of the ,jews1 and for such translated into ,greek by seventy elders of ,judea1 and put into the library of ,ptolemy at ,alexandria1 and approved for the word of ,god4 ,now seeing ,esdras was the high-priest1 and the high-priest was their civil sovereign1 it is manifest that the ,scriptures were never made laws1 but by the sovereign civil power4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,new ,testament began to be canonical under ,christian sovereigns4 ,by the writings of the fathers that lived in the time before that the ,christian religion was received1 and authorized by ,constantine the emperor1 we may find1 that the books we now have of the ,new ,testament were held by the ,christians of that time1 except a few1 7in respect of whose paucity the rest were called the ,catholic ,church1 and others heretics71 for the dictates of the ,holy ,ghost1 and consequently for the canon or rule of faith3 such was the reverence and opinion they had of their teachers2 as generally the reverence1 that the disciples bear to their first masters in all manner of doctrine they receive from them1 is not small4 ,therefore there is no doubt1 but when ,st4 ,paul wrote to the ,churches he had converted2 or any other apostle or disciple of ,christ1 to those which had then embraced ,christ2 they received those their writings for the true ,christian doctrine4 ,but in that time1 when not the power and authority of the teacher1 but the faith of the hearer1 caused them to receive it1 it was not the apostles that made their own writings canonical1 but every convert made them so to himself4 ,but the question here1 is not what any ,christian made a law or canon to himself1 which he might again reject by the same right he received it2 but what was so made a canon to them1 as without injustice they could not do any thing contrary thereunto4 ,that the ,new ,testament should in this sense be canonical1 that is to say a law1 in any place where the law of the commonwealth had not made it so1 is contrary to the nature of a law4 ,for a law1 as has been already shown1 is the commandment of that man or assembly1 to whom we have given sovereign authority to make such rules for the direction of our actions as he shall think fit1 and to punish us when we do any thing contrary to the same4 ,when therefore any other man shall offer unto us any other rules1 which the sovereign ruler hath not prescribed1 they are but counsel and advice2 which1 whether good or bad1 he that is counselled1 may without injustice refuse to observe2 and when contrary to the laws already established1 without injustice cannot observe1 how good soever he conceiveth it to be4 ,i say1 he cannot in this case observe the same in his actions1 nor in his discourse with other men2 though he may without blame believe his private teachers1 and wish he had the liberty to practise their advice1 and that it were publicly received for law4 ,for internal faith is in its own nature invisible1 and consequently exempted from all human jurisdiction2 whereas the words and actions that proceed from it1 as breaches of our civil obedience1 are injustice both before ,god and man4 ,seeing then our ,saviour hath denied his kingdom to be in this world1 seeing he had said1 he came not to judge1 but to save the world1 he hath not subjected us to other laws than those of the commonwealth2 that is1 the ,jews to the law of ,moses1 which he saith 7,matth4 v4 #ag7 he came not to destroy1 but to fulfil2 and other nations to the laws of their several sovereigns1 and all men to the laws of nature2 the observing whereof1 both he himself1 and his apostles1 have in their teaching recommended to us1 as a necessary condition of being admitted by him in the last day into his eternal kingdom1 wherein shall be protection1 and life everlasting4 ,seeing then our ,saviour1 and his apostles1 left not new laws to oblige us in this world1 but new doctrine to prepare us for the next2 the books of the ,new ,testament1 which contain that doctrine1 until obedience to them was commanded by them that ,god had given power to on earth to be legislators1 were not obligatory canons1 that is1 laws1 but only good and safe advice1 for the direction of sinners in the way to salvation1 which every man might take and refuse at his own peril1 without injustice4 ,again1 our ,saviour ,christ's commission to his apostles and disciples1 was to proclaim his kingdom1 not present1 but to come2 and to teach all nations1 and to baptize them that should believe2 and to enter into the houses of them that should receive them1 and where they were not received1 to shake off the dust of their feet against them2 but not to call for fire from heaven to destroy them1 nor to compel them to obedience by the sword4 ,in all which there is nothing of power1 but of persuasion4 ,he sent them out as sheep unto wolves1 not as kings to their subjects4 ,they had not in commission to make laws2 but to obey1 and teach obedience to laws made2 and consequently they could not make their writings obligatory canons1 without the help of the sovereign civil power4 ,and therefore the ,scripture of the ,new ,testament is there only law1 where the lawful civil power hath made it so4 ,and there also the king1 or sovereign1 maketh it a law to himself2 by which he subjecteth himself1 not to the doctor or apostle that converted him1 but to ,god himself and his ,son ,jesus ,christ1 as immediately as did the apostles themselves4 ,sidenote3 ,of the power of councils to make the ,scriptures law4 ,that which may seem to give the ,new ,testament1 in respect of those that have embraced ,christian doctrine1 the force of laws1 in the times and places of persecution1 is the decrees they made amongst themselves in their synod4 ,for we read 7,acts xv4 #bh7 the style of the council of the apostles1 the elders1 and the whole ,church1 in this manner2 ,it seemed good to the ,holy ,ghost1 and to us1 to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessary things1 c2 which is a style that signifieth a power to lay a burthen on them that had received their doctrine4 ,now to lay a burthen on another1 seemeth the same as to oblige2 and therefore the acts of that council were laws to the then ,christians4 ,nevertheless1 they were no more laws than are these other precepts1 ,repent2 be baptized2 keep the commandments2 believe the gospel2 come unto me2 sell all that thou hast2 give it to the poor2 and1 follow me2 which are not commands1 but invitations1 and callings of men to ,christianity1 like that of ,isaiah lv4 #a2 ,ho1 every man that thirsteth1 come ye to the waters1 come1 and buy wine and milk without money4 ,for first1 the apostles' power was no other than that of our ,saviour1 to invite men to embrace the kingdom of ,god2 which they themselves acknowledged for a kingdom1 not present1 but to come2 and they that have no kingdom1 can make no laws4 ,and secondly1 if their acts of council were laws1 they could not without sin be disobeyed4 ,but we read not any where1 that they who received not the doctrine of ,christ1 did therein sin2 but that they died in their sins2 that is1 that their sins against the laws to which they owed obedience1 were not pardoned4 ,and those laws were the laws of nature1 and the civil laws of the state1 whereto every ,christian man had by pact submitted himself4 ,and therefore by the burthen1 which the apostles might lay on such as they had converted1 are not to be understood laws1 but conditions proposed to those that sought salvation2 which they might accept or refuse at their own peril1 without a new sin1 though not without the hazard of being condemned and excluded out of the kingdom of ,god for their sins past4 ,and therefore of infidels1 ,st4 ,john saith not1 the wrath of ,god shall come upon them1 but 7,john iii4 #cf7 the wrath of ,god remaineth upon them2 and not that they shall be condemned1 but that 7,john iii4 #ah7 they are condemned already4 ,nor can it be conceived1 that the benefit of faith is remission of sins1 unless we conceive withal1 that the damage of infidelity is the retention of the same sins4 ,but to what end is it1 may some man ask1 that the apostles1 and other pastors of the ,church after their time1 should meet together to agree upon what doctrine should be taught1 both for faith and manners1 if no man were obliged to observe their decrees8 ,to this may be answered1 that the apostles and elders of that council were obliged even by their entrance into it1 to teach the doctrine therein concluded and decreed to be taught1 so far forth1 as no precedent law1 to which they were obliged to yield obedience1 was to the contrary2 but not that all other ,christians should be obliged to observe what they taught4 ,for though they might deliberate what each of them should teach2 yet they could not deliberate what others should do1 unless their assembly had had a legislative power2 which none could have but civil sovereigns4 ,for though ,god be the sovereign of all the world1 we are not bound to take for his law whatsoever is propounded by every man in his name2 nor anything contrary to the civil law1 which ,god hath expressly commanded us to obey4 ,seeing then the acts of council of the apostles1 were then no laws1 but counsels2 much less are laws the acts of any other doctors or council since1 if assembled without the authority of the civil sovereign4 ,and consequently1 the ,books of the ,new ,testament1 though most perfect rules of ,christian doctrine1 could not be made laws by any other authority than that of kings or sovereign assemblies4 ,the first council1 that made the ,scriptures we now have canon1 is not extant3 for that collection of the canons of the apostles1 attributed to ,clemens1 the first bishop of ,rome after ,st4 ,peter1 is subject to question4 ,for though the canonical books be there reckoned up2 yet these words1 sint vobis omnibus clericis et laicis libri venerandi1 etc4 contain a distinction of clergy and laity1 that was not in use so near ,st4 ,peter's time4 ,the first council for settling the canonical ,scripture1 that is extant1 is that of ,laodicea1 7,can4 lix47 which forbids the reading of other books than those in the churches2 which is a mandate that is not addressed to every ,christian1 but to those only that had authority to read any thing publicly in the church2 that is1 to ecclesiastics only4 ,sidenote3 ,of the right of constituting ecclesiastical officers in the time of the apostles4 ,of ecclesiastical officers in the time of the apostles1 some were magisterial1 some ministerial4 ,magisterial were the offices of the preaching of the gospel of the kingdom of ,god to infidels2 of administering the sacraments1 and divine service2 and of teaching the rules of faith and manners to those that were converted4 ,ministerial was the office of deacons1 that is1 of them that were appointed to the administration of the secular necessities of the church1 at such time as they lived upon a common stock of money1 raised out of the voluntary contributions of the faithful4 ,amongst the officers magisterial1 the first and principal were the apostles2 whereof there were at first but twelve2 and these were chosen and constituted by our ,saviour himself2 and their office was not only to preach1 teach1 and baptize1 but also to be martyrs1 witnesses of our ,saviour's resurrection4 ,this testimony was the specifical and essential mark1 whereby the apostleship was distinguished from other magistracy ecclesiastical2 as being necessary for an apostle1 either to have seen our ,saviour after his resurrection1 or to have conversed with him before1 and seen his works1 and other arguments of his divinity2 whereby they might be taken for sufficient witnesses4 ,and therefore at the election of a new apostle in the place of ,judas ,iscariot1 ,st4 ,peter saith 7,acts i4 #ba1 #bb7 ,of these men that have companied with us1 all the time that the ,lord ,jesus went in and out amongst us1 beginning from the baptism of ,john unto that same day that he was taken up from us1 must one be ordained to be a witness with us of his resurrection3 where by this word must1 is implied a necessary property of an apostle1 to have companied with the first and prime apostles1 in the time that our ,saviour manifested himself in the flesh4 ,sidenote3 ,matthias made apostle by the congregation4 ,the first apostle1 of those which were not constituted by ,christ in the time he was upon the earth1 was ,matthias1 chosen in this manner4 ,there were assembled together in ,jerusalem about one hundred and twenty ,christians 7,acts i4 #ae74 ,these 7verse #bc7 appointed two1 ,joseph the ,just and ,matthias1 and caused lots to be drawn2 and 7verse #bf7 the lot fell on ,matthias1 and he was numbered with the apostles4 ,so that here we see the ordination of this apostle was the act of the congregation1 and not of ,st4 ,peter nor of the eleven1 otherwise than as members of the assembly4 ,sidenote3 ,paul and ,barnabas made apostles by the ,church of ,antioch4 ,after him there was never any other apostle ordained1 but ,paul and ,barnabas2 which was done as we read 7,acts xiii4 #a1 #b1 #c7 in this manner4 ,there were in the ,church that was at ,antioch1 certain prophets and teachers2 as ,barnabas1 and ,simeon that was called ,niger1 and ,lucius of ,cyrene1 and ,manaen2 which had been brought up with ,herod the ,tetrarch1 and ,saul4 ,as they ministered unto the ,lord1 and fasted1 the ,holy ,ghost said1 ,separate me ,barnabas and ,saul for the work whereunto ,i have called them4 ,and when they had fasted and prayed1 and laid their hands on them1 they sent them away4 ,by which it is manifest1 that though they were called by the ,holy ,ghost1 their calling was declared unto them and their mission authorized by the particular ,church of ,antioch4 ,and that this their calling was to the apostleship1 is apparent by that1 that they are both called 7,acts xiv4 #ad7 apostles3 and that it was by virtue of this act of the ,church of ,antioch1 that they were apostles1 ,st4 ,paul declareth plainly 7,rom4 i4 #a71 in that he useth the word1 which the ,holy ,ghost used at his calling3 for he styleth himself1 ,an apostle separated unto the gospel of ,god2 alluding to the words of the ,holy ,ghost1 ,separate me ,barnabas and ,saul1 c4 ,but seeing the work of an apostle1 was to be a witness of the resurrection of ,christ1 a man may here ask1 how ,st4 ,paul1 that conversed not with our ,saviour before his passion1 could know he was risen8 ,to which is easily answered1 that our ,saviour himself appeared to him in the way to ,damascus1 from heaven1 after his ascension2 and chose him for a vessel to bear his name before the ,gentiles1 and kings1 and children of ,israel3 and consequently1 having seen the ,lord after his passion1 he was a competent witness of his resurrection4 ,and as for ,barnabas1 he was a disciple before the passion4 ,it is therefore evident that ,paul and ,barnabas were apostles2 and yet chosen and authorized1 not by the first apostles alone1 but by the ,church of ,antioch2 as ,matthias was chosen and authorized by the ,church of ,jerusalem4 ,sidenote3 ,what offices in the church are magisterial4 ,bishop1 a word formed in our language out of the ,greek 1 signifieth an overseer or superintendent of any business1 and particularly a pastor or shepherd2 and thence by metaphor was taken1 not only amongst the ,jews that were originally shepherds1 but also amongst the heathen1 to signify the office of a king1 or any other ruler or guide of people1 whether he ruled by laws or doctrine4 ,and so the apostles were the first ,christian bishops1 instituted by ,christ himself3 in which sense the apostleship of ,judas is called 7,acts i4 #bj7 his bishopric4 ,and afterwards1 when there were constituted elders in the ,christian ,churches1 with charge to guide ,christ's flock by their doctrine and advice2 these elders were also called bishops4 ,timothy was an elder1 7which word elder1 in the ,new ,testament1 is a name of office1 as well as of age72 yet he was also a bishop4 ,and bishops were then content with the title of elders4 ,nay ,st4 ,john himself1 the apostle beloved of our ,lord1 beginneth his second ,epistle with these words1 ,the elder to the elect lady4 ,by which it is evident1 that bishop1 pastor1 elder1 doctor1 that is to say1 teacher1 were but so many divers names of the same office in the time of the apostles2 for there was then no government by coercion1 but only by doctrine and persuading4 ,the kingdom of ,god was yet to come1 in a new world3 so that there could be no authority to compel in any ,church1 till the commonwealth had embraced the ,christian faith3 and consequently no diversity of authority1 though there were diversity of employments4 ,besides these magisterial employments in the ,church1 namely1 apostles1 bishops1 elders1 pastors1 and doctors1 whose calling was to proclaim ,christ to the ,jews and infidels1 and to direct and to teach those that believed1 we read in the ,new ,testament of no other4 ,for by the names of evangelists and prophets1 is not signified any office1 but several gifts1 by which several men were profitable to the ,church3 as evangelists1 by writing the life and acts of our ,saviour1 such as were ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,john apostles1 and ,st4 ,mark and ,st4 ,luke disciples1 and whosoever else wrote of that subject1 7as ,st4 ,thomas1 and ,st4 ,barnabas are said to have done1 though the ,church have not received the books that have gone under their names73 and as prophets1 by the gift of interpreting the ,old ,testament1 and sometimes by declaring their special revelations to the ,church4 ,for neither these gifts1 nor the gifts of languages1 nor the gift of casting out devils1 nor of curing other diseases1 nor any thing else1 did make an officer in the ,church1 save only the due calling and election to the charge of teaching4 ,sidenote3 ,ordination of teachers4 ,as the apostles1 ,matthias1 ,paul1 and ,barnabas1 were not made by our ,saviour himself1 but were elected by the ,church1 that is1 by the assembly of ,christians2 namely1 ,matthias by the ,church of ,jerusalem1 and ,paul and ,barnabas by the ,church of ,antioch2 so were also the presbyters and pastors in other cities1 elected by the ,churches of those cities4 ,for proof whereof let us consider1 first1 how ,st4 ,paul proceeded in the ordination of presbyters1 in the cities where he had converted men to the ,christian faith1 immediately after he and ,barnabas had received their apostleship4 ,we read 7,acts xiv4 #bc7 that they ordained elders in every ,church2 which at first sight may be taken for an argument1 that they themselves chose1 and gave them their authority3 but if we consider the original text1 it will be manifest that they were authorized and chosen by the assembly of the ,christians of each city4 ,for the words there are1 ' 1 that is1 when they had ordained them elders by the holding up of hands in every congregation4 ,now it is well enough known1 that in all those cities the manner of choosing magistrates and officers1 was by plurality of suffrages2 and1 because the ordinary way of distinguishing the affirmative votes from the negatives1 was by holding up of hands1 to ordain an officer in any of the cities1 was no more but to bring the people together1 to elect them by plurality of votes1 whether it were by plurality of elevated hands1 or by plurality of voices1 or plurality of balls1 or beans1 or small stones1 of which every man cast in one1 into a vessel marked for the affirmative or negative2 for divers cities had divers customs in that point4 ,it was therefore the assembly that elected their own elders3 the apostles were only presidents of the assembly1 to call them together for such election1 and to pronounce them elected1 and to give them the benediction which now is called consecration4 ,and for this cause1 they that were presidents of the assemblies1 as in the absence of the apostles the elders were1 were called 1 and in ,latin antistites2 which words signify the principal person of the assembly1 whose office was to number the votes1 and to declare thereby who was chosen2 and where the votes were equal1 to decide the matter in question1 by adding his own2 which is the office of a president in council4 ,and1 because all the ,churches had their presbyters ordained in the same manner1 where the word is constitute1 7as ,titus i4 #e7 1 ,for this cause left ,i thee in ,crete1 that thou shouldest constitute elders in every city1 we are to understand the same thing1 namely1 that he should call the faithful together1 and ordain them presbyters by plurality of suffrages4 ,it had been a strange thing1 if in a town1 where men perhaps had never seen any magistrate otherwise chosen than by an assembly1 those of the town becoming ,christians should so much as have thought on any other way of election of their teachers and guides1 that is to say1 of their presbyters1 7otherwise called bishops7 than this of plurality of suffrages1 intimated by ,st4 ,paul 7,acts xiv4 #bc7 in the word 4 ,nor was there ever any choosing of bishops1 before the emperors found it necessary to regulate them1 in order to the keeping of the peace amongst them1 but by the assemblies of the ,christians in every several town4 ,the same is also confirmed by the continual practice1 even to this day1 in the election of the bishops of ,rome4 ,for if the bishop of any place had the right of choosing another1 to the succession of the pastoral office1 in any city1 at such times as he went from thence to plant the same in another place2 much more had he had the right to appoint his successors in that place1 in which he last resided and died3 and we find not that ever any bishop of ,rome appointed his successor4 ,for they were a long time chosen by the people1 as we may see by the sedition raised about the election between ,damasus and ,ursicinus2 which ,ammianus ,marcellinus saith was so great1 that ,juventius the prfect1 unable to keep the peace between them1 was forced to go out of the city2 and that there were above an hundred men found dead upon that occasion in the church itself4 ,and though they afterwards were chosen1 first1 by the whole clergy of ,rome1 and afterwards by the cardinals2 yet never any was appointed to the succession by his predecessor4 ,if therefore they pretended no right to appoint their own successors1 ,i think ,i may reasonably conclude they had no right to appoint the successors of other bishops1 without receiving some new power2 which none could take from the ,church to bestow on them1 but such as had a lawful authority1 not only to teach1 but to command the ,church2 which none could do1 but the civil sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,ministers of the ,church1 what4 ,the word minister1 in the original 1 signifieth one that voluntarily doth the business of another man2 and differeth from a servant only in this1 that servants are obliged by their condition1 to do what is commanded them2 whereas ministers are obliged only by their undertaking1 and bound therefore to no more than that they have undertaken3 so that both they that teach the word of ,god1 and they that administer the secular affairs of the ,church1 are both ministers1 but they are ministers of different persons4 ,for the pastors of the ,church1 called 7,acts vi4 #d7 the ministers of the word1 are ministers of ,christ1 whose word it is3 but the ministry of a deacon1 which is called 7verse #b of the same chapter7 serving of tables1 is a service done to the ,church or congregation3 so that neither any one man1 nor the whole church1 could ever of their pastor say1 he was their minister3 but of a deacon1 whether the charge he undertook were to serve tables1 or distribute maintenance to the ,christians1 when they lived in each city on a common stock or upon collections1 as in the first times1 or to take a care of the house of prayer1 or of the revenue1 or other worldly business of the ,church1 the whole congregation might properly call him their minister4 ,for their employment1 as deacons1 was to serve the congregation2 though upon occasion they omitted not to preach the gospel1 and maintain the doctrine of ,christ1 every one according to his gifts1 as ,st4 ,stephen did2 and both to preach and baptize1 as ,philip did4 ,for that ,philip1 which 7,acts viii4 #e7 preached the gospel at ,samaria1 and 7verse #ch7 baptized the ,eunuch1 was ,philip the deacon1 not ,philip the apostle4 ,for it is manifest 7verse #a7 that when ,philip preached in ,samaria1 the apostles were at ,jerusalem1 and 7verse #ad7 when they heard that ,samaria had received the word of ,god1 sent ,peter and ,john to them2 by imposition of whose hands1 they that were baptized 7verse #ae71 received1 which before by the baptism of ,philip they had not received1 the ,holy ,ghost4 ,for it was necessary for the conferring of the ,holy ,ghost1 that their baptism should be administered or confirmed by a minister of the word1 not by a minister of the ,church4 ,and therefore to confirm the baptism of those that ,philip the deacon had baptized1 the apostles sent out of their own number from ,jerusalem to ,samaria1 ,peter and ,john2 who conferred on them that before were but baptized1 those graces that were signs of the ,holy ,spirit1 which at that time did accompany all true believers2 which what they were may be understood by that which ,st4 ,mark saith 7chap4 xvi4 #ag71 these signs follow them that believe in my name2 they shall cast out devils2 they shall speak with new tongues2 they shall take up serpents2 and if they drink any deadly thing1 it shall not hurt them2 they shall lay hands on the sick1 and they shall recover4 ,this to do1 was it that ,philip could not give2 but the apostles could1 and1 as appears by this place1 effectually did to every man that truly believed and was by a minister of ,christ himself baptized3 which power either ,christ's ministers in this age cannot confer1 or else there are very few true believers1 or ,christ hath very few ministers4 ,sidenote3 ,and how chosen4 ,that the first deacons were chosen1 not by the apostles1 but by a congregation of the disciples1 that is1 of ,christian men of all sorts1 is manifest out of ,acts vi1 where we read that the ,twelve1 after the number of disciples was multiplied1 called them together1 and having told them1 that it was not fit that the apostles should leave the word of ,god and serve tables1 said unto them1 7verse #c7 ,brethren1 look you out among you seven men of honest report1 full of the ,holy ,ghost and of wisdom1 whom we may appoint over this business4 ,here it is manifest1 that though the apostles declared them elected2 yet the congregation chose them2 which also 7verse #e7 is more expressly said1 where it is written1 that the saying pleased the whole multitude1 and they chose seven1 c4 ,sidenote3 ,of ecclesiastical revenue1 under the law of ,moses4 ,under the ,old ,testament1 the tribe of ,levi were only capable of the priesthood1 and other inferior offices of the ,church4 ,the land was divided amongst the other tribes1 ,levi excepted1 which1 by the subdivision of the tribe of ,joseph into ,ephraim and ,manasseh1 were still twelve4 ,to the tribe of ,levi were assigned certain cities for their habitation1 with the suburbs for their cattle3 but for their portion1 they were to have the tenth of the fruits of the land of their brethren4 ,again1 the priests for their maintenance had the tenth of that tenth1 together with part of the oblations and sacrifices4 ,for ,god had said to ,aaron 7,numb4 xviii4 #bj7 ,thou shalt have no inheritance in their land2 neither shalt thou have any part amongst them2 ,i am thy part and thine inheritance amongst the children of ,israel4 ,for ,god being then king1 and having constituted the tribe of ,levi to be his public ministers1 he allowed them for their maintenance the public revenue1 that is to say1 the part that ,god had reserved to himself2 which were tithes and offerings3 and that is it which is meant1 where ,god saith1 ,i am thine inheritance4 ,and therefore to the ,levites might not unfitly be attributed the name of clergy1 from 1 which signifieth lot or inheritance2 not that they were heirs of the kingdom of ,god1 more than other2 but that ,god's inheritance was their maintenance4 ,now1 seeing in this time ,god himself was their king1 and ,moses1 ,aaron1 and the succeeding high-priests1 were his lieutenants2 it is manifest1 that the right of tithes and offerings was constituted by the civil power4 ,after their rejection of ,god in the demanding of a king1 they enjoyed still the same revenue2 but the right thereof was derived from that1 that the kings did never take it from them3 for the public revenue was at the disposing of him that was the public person2 and that1 till the ,captivity1 was the king4 ,and again1 after the return from the ,captivity1 they paid their tithes as before to the priest4 ,hitherto therefore ,church livings were determined by the civil sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,in our ,saviour's time1 and after4 ,of the maintenance of our ,saviour and his apostles1 we read only they had a purse1 which was carried by ,judas ,iscariot2 and that of the apostles1 such as were fishermen did sometimes use their trade2 and that when our ,saviour sent the twelve apostles to preach1 he forbad them 7,matth4 x4 #i1 #aj73 to carry gold1 and silver1 and brass in their purses1 for that the workman is worthy of his hire4 ,by which it is probable1 their ordinary maintenance was not unsuitable to their employment2 for their employment was 7verse #h7 freely to give1 because they had freely received2 and their maintenance was the free gift of those that believed the good tiding they carried about of the coming of the ,messiah their ,saviour4 ,to which we may add1 that which was contributed out of gratitude by such as our ,saviour had healed of diseases2 of which are mentioned 7,luke viii4 #b1 #c7 ,certain women which had been healed of evil spirits and infirmities2 ,mary ,magdalen1 out of whom went seven devils2 and ,joanna the wife of ,chuza1 ,herod's steward1 and ,susanna1 and many others1 which ministered unto him of their substance4 ,after our ,saviour's ascension1 the ,christians of every city lived in common 7,acts iv4 #cd1ce7 upon the money which was made of the sale of their lands and possessions1 and laid down at the feet of the apostles1 of good will1 not of duty2 for1 whilst the land remained1 saith ,st4 ,peter to ,ananias 7,acts v4 #d71 was it not thine8 and after it was sold1 was it not in thy power8 which sheweth he needed not have saved his land nor his money by lying1 as not being bound to contribute any thing at all1 unless he had pleased4 ,and as in the time of the apostles1 so also all the time downward1 till after ,constantine the ,great1 we shall find that the maintenance of the bishops and pastors of the ,christian ,church was nothing but the voluntary contribution of them that had embraced their doctrine4 ,there was yet no mention of tithes3 but such was in the time of ,constantine and his sons the affection of ,christians to their pastors1 as ,ammianus ,marcellinus saith1 describing the sedition of ,damasus and ,ursicinus about the bishopric1 that it was worth their contention1 in that the bishops of those times1 by the liberality of their flock1 and especially of matrons1 lived splendidly1 were carried in coaches1 and were sumptuous in their fare and apparel4 ,sidenote3 ,the ministers of the ,gospel lived on the benevolence of their flocks4 ,but here may some ask1 whether the pastors were then bound to live upon voluntary contribution1 as upon alms2 ,for who1 saith ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 ix4 #g7 goeth to war at his own charges8 or who feedeth a flock1 and eateth not of the milk of the flock8 ,and again1 7verse #ac7 ,do ye not know that they which minister about holy things1 live of the things of the temple2 and they which wait at the altar1 partake with the altar2 that is to say1 have part of that which is offered at the altar for their maintenance8 ,and then he concludeth1 7verse #ad7 ,even so hath the ,lord appointed1 that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel4 ,from which place may be inferred indeed1 that the pastors of the ,church ought to be maintained by their flocks2 but not that the pastors were to determine1 either the quantity1 or the kind of their own allowance1 and be1 as it were1 their own carvers4 ,their allowance must needs therefore be determined1 either by the gratitude and liberality of every particular man of their flock1 or by the whole congregation4 ,by the whole congregation it could not be1 because their acts were then no laws2 therefore the maintenance of pastors before emperors and civil sovereigns had made laws to settle it1 was nothing but benevolence4 ,they that served at the altar lived on what was offered4 ,so may the pastors also take what is offered them by their flock2 but not exact what is not offered4 ,in what court should they sue for it1 who had no tribunals8 ,or1 if they had arbitrators amongst themselves1 who should execute their judgments1 when they had no power to arm their officers8 ,it remaineth1 therefore1 that there could be no certain maintenance assigned to any pastors of the ,church1 but by the whole congregation2 and then only1 when their decrees should have the force1 not only of canons1 but also of laws2 which laws could not be made1 but by emperors1 kings1 or other civil sovereigns4 ,the right of tithes in ,moses' law1 could not be applied to the then ministers of the gospel2 because ,moses and the high-priests were the civil sovereigns of the people under ,god1 whose kingdom amongst the ,jews was present2 whereas the kingdom of ,god by ,christ is yet to come4 ,hitherto hath been shewn what the pastors of the ,church are2 what are the points of their commission1 as that they were to preach1 to teach1 to baptize1 to be presidents in their several congregations2 what is ecclesiastical censure1 viz4 excommunication1 that is to say1 in those places where ,christianity was forbidden by the civil laws1 a putting of themselves out of the company of the excommunicate1 and where ,christianity was by the civil law commanded1 a putting the excommunicate out of the congregations of ,christians2 who elected the pastors and ministers of the ,church1 that it was the congregation2 who consecrated and blessed them1 that it was the pastor2 what was their due revenue1 that it was none but their own possessions1 and their own labour1 and the voluntary contributions of devout and grateful ,christians4 ,we are to consider now1 what office in the ,church those persons have1 who being civil sovereigns1 have embraced also the ,christian faith4 ,sidenote3 ,that the civil sovereign1 being a ,christian1 hath the right of appointing pastors4 ,and first1 we are to remember1 that the right of judging what doctrines are fit for peace1 and to be taught the subjects1 is in all commonwealths inseparably annexed1 as hath been already proved 7chapter ,,xviii471 to the sovereign power civil1 whether it be in one man1 or in one assembly of men4 ,for it is evident to the meanest capacity1 that men's actions are derived from the opinions they have of the good or evil1 which from those actions redound unto themselves2 and consequently1 men that are once possessed of an opinion1 that their obedience to the sovereign power will be more hurtful to them than their disobedience1 will disobey the laws1 and thereby overthrow the commonwealth1 and introduce confusion and civil war2 for the avoiding whereof1 all civil government was ordained4 ,and therefore in all commonwealths of the heathen1 the sovereigns have had the name of pastors of the people1 because there was no subject that could lawfully teach the people1 but by their permission and authority4 ,this right of the heathen kings cannot be thought taken from them by their conversion to the faith of ,christ2 who never ordained that kings1 for believing in him1 should be deposed1 that is1 subjected to any but himself1 or1 which is all one1 be deprived of the power necessary for the conservation of peace amongst their subjects1 and for their defence against foreign enemies4 ,and therefore ,christian kings are still the supreme pastors of their people1 and have power to ordain what pastors they please1 to teach the ,church1 that is1 to teach the people committed to their charge4 ,again1 let the right of choosing them be1 as before the conversion of kings1 in the ,church2 for so it was in the time of the apostles themselves1 as hath been shown already in this chapter2 even so also the right will be in the civil sovereign1 ,christian4 ,for in that he is a ,christian1 he allows the teaching2 and in that he is the sovereign1 which is as much as to say1 the ,church by representation1 the teachers he elects are elected by the ,church4 ,and when an assembly of ,christians choose their pastor in a ,christian commonwealth1 it is the sovereign that electeth him1 because it is done by his authority2 in the same manner1 as when a town choose their mayor1 it is the act of him that hath the sovereign power3 for every act done1 is the act of him1 without whose consent it is invalid4 ,and therefore whatsoever examples may be drawn out of history1 concerning the election of pastors by the people1 or by the clergy1 they are no arguments against the right of any civil sovereign1 because they that elected them did it by his authority4 ,seeing then in every ,christian commonwealth1 the civil sovereign is the supreme pastor1 to whose charge the whole flock of his subjects is committed1 and consequently that it is by his authority that all other pastors are made1 and have power to teach1 and perform all other pastoral offices2 it followeth also1 that it is from the civil sovereign that all other pastors derive their right of teaching1 preaching1 and other functions pertaining to that office1 and that they are but his ministers2 in the same manner as the magistrates of towns1 judges in courts of justice1 and commanders of armies1 are all but ministers of him that is the magistrate of the whole commonwealth1 judge of all causes1 and commander of the whole militia1 which is always the civil sovereign4 ,and the reason hereof1 is not because they that teach1 but because they that are to learn1 are his subjects4 ,for let it be supposed1 that a ,christian king commit the authority of ordaining pastors in his dominions to another king1 as divers ,christian kings allow that power to the ,pope2 he doth not thereby constitute a pastor over himself1 nor a sovereign pastor over his people2 for that were to deprive himself of the civil power2 which1 depending on the opinion men have of their duty to him and the fear they have of punishment in another world1 would depend also on the skill and loyalty of doctors1 who are no less subject1 not only to ambition1 but also to ignorance1 than any other sort of men4 ,so that where a stranger hath authority to appoint teachers1 it is given him by the sovereign in whose dominions he teacheth4 ,christian doctors are our schoolmasters to ,christianity2 but kings are fathers of families1 and may receive schoolmasters for their subjects from the recommendation of a stranger1 but not from the command2 especially when the ill teaching them shall redound to the great and manifest profit of him that recommends them3 nor can they be obliged to retain them1 longer than it is for the public good2 the care of which they stand so long charged withal1 as they retain any other essential right of the sovereignty4 ,sidenote3 ,the pastoral authority of sovereigns only is jure divino2 that of other pastors is jure civili4 ,if a man therefore should ask a pastor1 in the execution of his office1 as the chief-priests and elders of the people 7,matth4 xxi4 #bc7 asked our ,saviour1 ,by what authority doest thou these things1 and who gave thee this authority8 he can make no other just answer1 but that he doth it by the authority of the commonwealth1 given him by the king1 or assembly that representeth it4 ,all pastors1 except the supreme1 execute their charges in the right1 that is by the authority of the civil sovereign1 that is1 jure civili4 ,but the king1 and every other sovereign1 executeth his office of supreme pastor by immediate authority from ,god1 that is to say1 in ,god's right or jure divino4 ,and therefore none but kings can put into their titles a mark of their submission to ,god only1 ,dei grati rex1 c4 ,bishops ought to say in the beginning of their mandates1 ,by the favour of the ,king's ,majesty1 bishop of such a diocese2 or as civil ministers1 in ,his ,majesty's name4 ,for in saying1 ,divin providenti1 which is the same with ,dei grati1 though disguised1 they deny to have received their authority from the civil state2 and slily slip off the collar of their civil subjection1 contrary to the unity and defence of the commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,christian kings have power to execute all manner of pastoral function4 ,but if every ,christian sovereign be the supreme pastor of his own subjects1 it seemeth that he hath also the authority1 not only to preach1 which perhaps no man will deny1 but also to baptize and to administer the sacrament of the ,lord's ,supper3 and to consecrate both temples and pastors to ,god's service2 which most men deny2 partly because they use not to do it1 and partly because the administration of sacraments1 and consecration of persons and places to holy uses1 requireth the imposition of such men's hands1 as by the like imposition successively from the time of the apostles have been ordained to the like ministry4 ,for proof therefore that ,christian kings have power to baptize1 and to consecrate1 ,i am to render a reason1 both why they use not to do it1 and how1 without the ordinary ceremony of imposition of hands1 they are made capable of doing it when they will4 ,there is no doubt but any king1 in case he were skilful in the sciences1 might by the same right of his office read lectures of them himself1 by which he authorizeth others to read them in the universities4 ,nevertheless1 because the care of the sum of the business of the commonwealth taketh up his whole time1 it were not convenient for him to apply himself in person to that particular4 ,a king may also1 if he please1 sit in judgment to hear and determine all manner of causes1 as well as give others authority to do it in his name2 but that the charge1 that lieth upon him of command and government1 constrain him to be continually at the helm1 and to commit the ministerial offices to others under him4 ,in the like manner our ,saviour1 who surely had power to baptize1 baptized none 7,john iv4 #b7 himself1 but sent his apostles and disciples to baptize4 ,so also ,st4 ,paul1 by the necessity of preaching in divers and far distant places1 baptized few3 amongst all the ,corinthians he baptized only 7#a ,cor4 i4 #ad1 #af17 ,crispus1 ,gaius1 and ,stephanas2 and the reason was1 7#a ,cor4 i4 #ag7 because his principal charge was to preach4 ,whereby it is manifest1 that the greater charge1 such as is the government of the ,church1 is a dispensation for the less4 ,the reason therefore why ,christian kings use not to baptize1 is evident1 and the same for which at this day there are few baptized by bishops1 and by the ,pope fewer4 ,and as concerning imposition of hands1 whether it be needful for the authorising of a king to baptize and consecrate1 we may consider thus3 ,imposition of hands1 was a most ancient public ceremony amongst the ,jews1 by which was designed1 and made certain1 the person1 or other thing intended in a man's prayer1 blessing1 sacrifice1 consecration1 condemnation1 or other speech4 ,so ,jacob1 in blessing the children of ,joseph 7,gen4 xlviii4 #ad71 ,laid his right hand on ,ephraim the younger1 and his left hand on ,manasseh the first born2 and this he did wittingly 7though they were so presented to him by ,joseph1 as he was forced in doing it to stretch out his arms across7 to design to whom he intended the greater blessing4 ,so also in the sacrificing of the burnt offering1 ,aaron is commanded 7,exod4 xxix4 #aj7 to lay his hands on the head of the bullock3 and 7verse #ae7 to lay his hand on the head of the ram4 ,the same is also said again ,levit4 i4 #d1 and viii4 #ad4 ,likewise ,moses1 when he ordained ,joshua to be captain of the ,israelites1 that is1 consecrated him to ,god's service1 7,numb4 xxvii4 #bc7 ,laid his hands upon him1 and gave him his charge1 designing and rendering certain1 who it was they were to obey in war4 ,and in the consecration of the ,levites 7,numb4 viii4 #aj71 ,god commanded that the children of ,israel should put their hands upon the ,levites4 ,and in the condemnation of him that had blasphemed the ,lord 7,levit4 xxiv4 #ad71 ,god commanded that all that heard him should lay their hands on his head1 and that all the congregation should stone him4 ,and why should they only that heard him1 lay their hands upon him1 and not rather a priest1 ,levite1 or other minister of justice1 but that none else were able to design and to demonstrate to the eyes of the congregation1 who it was that had blasphemed and ought to die8 ,and to design a man or any other thing1 by the hand to the eye1 is less subject to mistake1 than when it is done to the ear by a name4 ,and so much was this ceremony observed1 that in blessing the whole congregation at once1 which cannot be done by laying on of hands1 yet ,aaron 7,levit4 ix4 #bb7 did lift up his hands toward the people when he blessed them4 ,and we read also of the like ceremony of consecration of temples amongst the heathen1 as that the priest laid his hands on some post of the temple1 all the while he was uttering the words of consecration4 ,so natural it is to design any individual thing1 rather by the hand1 to assure the eyes1 than by words to inform the ear1 in matters of ,god's public service4 ,this ceremony was not therefore new in our ,saviour's time4 ,for ,jairus 7,mark v4 #bc71 whose daughter was sick1 besought our ,saviour1 not to heal her1 but to lay his hands upon her that she might be healed4 ,and 7,matthew xix4 #ac7 they brought unto him little children1 that he should put his hands on them1 and pray4 ,according to this ancient rite1 the apostles1 and presbyters1 and the presbytery itself1 laid hands on them whom they ordained pastors1 and withal prayed for them that they might receive the ,holy ,ghost2 and that not only once1 but sometimes oftener1 when a new occasion was presented3 but the end was still the same1 namely a punctual and religious designation of the person1 ordained either to the pastoral charge in general1 or to a particular mission4 ,so 7,acts vi4 #f7 ,the apostles prayed1 and laid their hands on the seven deacons2 which was done1 not to give them the ,holy ,ghost1 7for they were full of the ,holy ,ghost before they were chosen1 as appeareth immediately before1 verse #c7 but to design them to that office4 ,and after ,philip the deacon had converted certain persons in ,samaria1 ,peter and ,john went down 7,acts viii4 #ag71 and laid their hands on them1 and they received the ,holy ,ghost4 ,and not only an apostle1 but a presbyter had this power3 for ,st4 ,paul adviseth ,timothy 7#a ,tim4 v4 #bb7 ,lay hands suddenly on no man2 that is1 design no man rashly to the office of a pastor4 ,the whole presbytery laid their hands on ,timothy1 as we read #a ,tim4 iv4 #ad3 but this is to be understood1 as that some did it by the appointment of the presbytery1 and most likely their 1 or prolocutor1 which it may be was ,st4 ,paul himself4 ,for in his second ,epistle to ,timothy1 7chap4 i4 #f7 he saith to him1 ,stir up the gift of ,god1 which is in thee by the laying on of my hands3 where note by the way1 that by the ,holy ,ghost1 is not meant the third person in the ,trinity1 but the gifts necessary to the pastoral office4 ,we read also1 that ,st4 ,paul had imposition of hands twice2 once from ,ananias at ,damascus1 7,acts ix4 #ag1 #ah7 at the time of his baptism2 and again 7,acts xiii4 #c7 at ,antioch1 when he was first sent out to preach4 ,the use then of this ceremony1 considered in the ordination of pastors1 was to design the person to whom they gave such power4 ,but if there had been then any ,christian1 that had had the power of teaching before2 the baptizing of him1 that is1 the making him a ,christian1 had given him no new power1 but had only caused him to preach true doctrine1 that is1 to use his power aright2 and therefore the imposition of hands had been unnecessary2 baptism itself had been sufficient4 ,but every sovereign1 before ,christianity1 had the power of teaching1 and ordaining teachers2 and therefore ,christianity gave them no new right1 but only directed them in the way of teaching truth2 and consequently they needed no imposition of hands1 besides that which is done in baptism1 to authorize them to exercise any part of the pastoral function1 as namely1 to baptize and consecrate4 ,and in the ,old ,testament1 though the priest only had right to consecrate1 during the time that the sovereignty was in the high-priest2 yet it was not so when the sovereignty was in the king4 ,for we read 7#a ,kings viii47 that ,solomon blessed the people1 consecrated the ,temple1 and pronounced that public prayer which is the pattern now for consecration of all ,christian churches and chapels3 whereby it appears1 he had not only the right of ecclesiastical government1 but also of exercising ecclesiastical functions4 ,sidenote3 ,the civil sovereign1 if a ,christian1 is head of the ,church in his own dominions4 ,from this consolidation of the right politic and ecclesiastic in ,christian sovereigns1 it is evident1 they have all manner of power over their subjects1 that can be given to man1 for the government of men's external actions1 both in policy and religion2 and may make such laws as themselves shall judge fittest1 for the government of their own subjects1 both as they are the commonwealth1 and as they are the ,church2 for both ,state and ,church are the same men4 ,if they please1 therefore1 they may1 as many ,christian kings now do1 commit the government of their subjects in matters of religion to the ,pope2 but then the ,pope is in that point subordinate to them1 and exerciseth that charge in another's dominion jure civili1 in the right of the civil sovereign2 not jure divino1 in ,god's right2 and may therefore be discharged of that office1 when the sovereign1 for the good of his subjects1 shall think it necessary4 ,they may also1 if they please1 commit the care of religion to one supreme pastor1 or to an assembly of pastors2 and give them what power over the ,church1 or one over another1 they think most convenient2 and what titles of honour1 as of archbishops1 bishops1 priests1 or presbyters1 they will2 and make such laws for their maintenance1 either by tithes or otherwise1 as they please1 so they do it out of a sincere conscience1 of which ,god only is the judge4 ,it is the civil sovereign that is to appoint judges and interpreters of the canonical ,scriptures2 for it is he that maketh them laws4 ,it is he also that giveth strength to excommunications2 which but for such laws and punishments1 as may humble obstinate libertines1 and reduce them to union with the rest of the ,church1 would be contemned4 ,in sum1 he hath the supreme power in all causes1 as well ecclesiastical as civil1 as far as concerneth actions and words1 for those only are known and may be accused2 and of that which cannot be accused1 there is no judge at all but ,god1 that knoweth the heart4 ,and these rights are incident to all sovereigns1 whether monarchs or assemblies3 for they that are the representants of a ,christian people1 are representants of the ,church3 for a ,church1 and a commonwealth of ,christian people1 are the same thing4 ,sidenote3 ,cardinal ,bellarmine's books1 ,de ,summo ,pontifice considered4 ,though this that ,i have here said1 and in other places of this book1 seem clear enough for the asserting of the supreme ecclesiastical power to ,christian sovereigns2 yet because the ,pope of ,rome's challenge to that power universally1 hath been maintained chiefly1 and ,i think1 as strongly as is possible1 by ,cardinal ,bellarmine1 in his controversy ,de ,summo ,pontifice2 ,i have thought it necessary1 as briefly as ,i can1 to examine the grounds and strength of his discourse4 ,sidenote3 ,the first book4 ,of five books he hath written of this subject1 the first containeth three questions3 one1 which is simply the best government1 ,monarchy1 ,aristocracy1 or ,democracy2 and concludeth for neither1 but for a government mixed of all three3 another1 which of these is the best government of the ,church2 and concludeth for the mixed1 but which should most participate of monarchy3 the third1 whether in this mixed monarchy1 ,st4 ,peter had the place of monarch4 ,concerning his first conclusion1 ,i have already sufficiently proved 7chapter ,,xviii47 that all governments which men are bound to obey1 are simple and absolute4 ,in monarchy there is but one man supreme2 and all other men that have any kind of power in the state1 have it by his commission1 during his pleasure1 and execute it in his name3 and in aristocracy and democracy1 but one supreme assembly1 with the same power that in monarchy belongeth to the monarch1 which is not a mixed1 but an absolute sovereignty4 ,and of the three sorts1 which is the best1 is not to be disputed1 where any one of them is already established2 but the present ought always to be preferred1 maintained1 and accounted best2 because it is against both the law of nature1 and the divine positive law1 to do anything tending to the subversion thereof4 ,besides1 it maketh nothing to the power of any pastor1 unless he have the civil sovereignty1 what kind of government is the best2 because their calling is not to govern men by commandment1 but to teach them1 and persuade them by arguments1 and leave it to them to consider whether they shall embrace1 or reject the doctrine taught4 ,for monarchy1 aristocracy1 and democracy1 do mark out unto us three sorts of sovereigns1 not of pastors2 or1 as we may say1 three sorts of masters of families1 not three sorts of schoolmasters for their children4 ,and therefore the second conclusion1 concerning the best form of government of the ,church1 is nothing to the question of the ,pope's power without his own dominions4 ,for in all other commonwealths his power1 if he have any at all1 is that of the schoolmaster only1 and not of the master of the family4 ,for the third conclusion1 which is1 that ,st4 ,peter was monarch of the ,church1 he bringeth for his chief argument the place of ,st4 ,matthew 7chap4 xvi4 #ah1 #ai7 ,thou art ,peter1 and upon this rock ,i will build my ,church1 c4 ,and ,i will give thee the keys of heaven2 whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth1 shall be bound in heaven1 and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth1 shall be loosed in heaven4 ,which place1 well considered1 proveth no more1 but that the ,church of ,christ hath for foundation one only article2 namely1 that which ,peter in the name of all the apostles professing1 gave occasion to our ,saviour to speak the words here cited4 ,which that we may clearly understand1 we are to consider1 that our ,saviour preached by himself1 by ,john the ,baptist1 and by his apostles1 nothing but this article of faith1 that he was the ,christ2 all other articles requiring faith no otherwise1 than as founded on that4 ,john began first1 7,matth4 iii4 #b7 preaching only this1 the kingdom of ,god is at hand4 ,then our ,saviour himself 7,matth4 iv4 #ag7 preached the same3 and to his twelve apostles1 when he gave them their commission1 7,matth4 x4 #g71 there is no mention of preaching any other article but that4 ,this was the fundamental article1 that is the foundation of the ,church's faith4 ,afterwards the apostles being returned to him1 he 7,matth4 xvi4 #ac7 asketh them all1 not ,peter only1 who men said he was2 and they answered1 that some said he was ,john the ,baptist1 some ,elias1 and others ,jeremiah1 or one of the ,prophets4 ,then 7verse #ae7 he asked them all again1 not ,peter only1 whom say ye that ,i am8 ,therefore ,st4 ,peter answered for them all1 ,thou art ,christ1 the ,son of the living ,god2 which ,i said is the foundation of the faith of the whole ,church2 from which our ,saviour takes the occasion of saying1 upon this stone ,i will build my ,church3 by which it is manifest1 that by the foundation-stone of the ,church1 was meant the fundamental article of the ,church's faith4 ,but why then1 will some object1 doth our ,saviour interpose these words1 thou art ,peter8 ,if the original of this text had been rigidly translated1 the reason would easily have appeared4 ,we are therefore to consider1 that the apostle ,simon was surnamed ,stone1 which is the signification of the ,syriac word ,cephas1 and of the ,greek word 4 ,our ,saviour therefore1 after the confession of that fundamental article1 alluding to his name1 said 7as if it were in ,english7 thus1 ,thou art ,stone1 and upon this ,stone ,i will build my ,church3 which is as much as to say1 this article1 that ,i am the ,christ1 is the foundation of all the faith ,i require in those that are to be members of my ,church4 ,neither is this allusion to a name1 an unusual thing in common speech4 ,but it had been a strange and obscure speech1 if our ,saviour1 intending to build his ,church on the person of ,st4 ,peter1 had said1 thou art a stone1 and upon this stone ,i will build my ,church2 when it was so obvious1 without ambiguity1 to have said1 ,i will build my ,church on thee2 and yet there had been still the same allusion to his name4 ,and for the following words1 ,i will give thee the keys of heaven1 c4 it is no more than what our ,saviour gave also to all the rest of his disciples1 7,matth4 xviii4 #ah71 ,whatsoever ye shall bind on earth1 shall be bound in heaven3 and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth1 shall be loosed in heaven4 ,but howsoever this be interpreted1 there is no doubt but the power here granted belongs to all supreme pastors2 such as are all ,christian civil sovereigns in their own dominions4 ,in so much1 as if ,st4 ,peter1 or our ,saviour himself1 had converted any of them to believe him1 and to acknowledge his kingdom2 yet1 because his kingdom is not of this world1 he had left the supreme care of converting his subjects to none but him2 or else he must have deprived him of the sovereignty1 to which the right of teaching is inseparably annexed4 ,and thus much in refutation of his first book1 wherein he would prove ,st4 ,peter to have been the monarch universal of the ,church1 that is to say1 of all the ,christians in the world4 ,sidenote3 ,the second book4 ,the second book hath two conclusions3 one1 that ,st4 ,peter was bishop of ,rome1 and there died3 the other1 that the ,popes of ,rome are his successors4 ,both which have been disputed by others4 ,but supposing them true2 yet if by ,bishop of ,rome1 be understood either the monarch of the ,church1 or the supreme pastor of it2 not ,silvester1 but ,constantine1 who was the first ,christian emperor1 was that bishop2 and as ,constantine1 so all other ,christian emperors1 were of right supreme bishops of the ,roman empire3 ,i say1 of the ,roman empire1 not of all ,christendom2 for other ,christian sovereigns had the same right in their several territories1 as to an office essentially adherent to their sovereignty4 ,which shall serve for answer to his second book4 ,sidenote3 ,the third book4 ,in the third book he handleth the question1 whether the ,pope be ,antichrist8 ,for my part1 ,i see no argument that proves he is so1 in that sense the ,scripture useth the name3 nor will ,i take any argument from the quality of ,antichrist1 to contradict the authority he exerciseth1 or hath heretofore exercised1 in the dominions of any other prince or state4 ,it is evident that the prophets of the ,old ,testament foretold1 and the ,jews expected a ,messiah1 that is1 a ,christ1 that should re-establish amongst them the kingdom of ,god1 which had been rejected by them in the time of ,samuel1 when they required a king after the manner of other nations4 ,this expectation of theirs made them obnoxious to the imposture of all such1 as had both the ambition to attempt the attaining of the kingdom1 and the art to deceive the people by counterfeit miracles1 by hypocritical life1 or by orations and doctrine plausible4 ,our ,saviour therefore1 and his apostles1 forewarned men of false prophets and of false ,christs4 ,false ,christs are such as pretend to be the ,christ1 but are not1 and are called properly ,antichrists2 in such sense1 as when there happeneth a schism in the ,church1 by the election of two ,popes1 the one calleth the other ,antipapa1 or the false ,pope4 ,and therefore ,antichrist in the proper signification hath two essential marks2 one1 that he denieth ,jesus to be ,christ2 and another that he professeth himself to be ,christ4 ,the first mark is set down by ,st4 ,john in his first ,epistle1 iv4 #c1 ,every ,spirit that confesseth not that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is not of ,god2 and this is the spirit of ,antichrist4 ,the other mark is expressed in the words of our ,saviour1 7,matth4 xxiv4 #e7 many shall come in my name1 saying1 ,i am ,christ2 and again1 7verse #bc7 ,if any man shall say unto you1 lo6 here is ,christ1 there is ,christ1 believe it not4 ,and therefore ,antichrist must be a false ,christ2 that is1 some one of them that shall pretend themselves to be ,christ4 ,and out of these two marks1 to deny ,jesus to be the ,christ1 and to affirm himself to be the ,christ1 it followeth1 that he must also be an adversary of ,jesus the true ,christ1 which is another usual signification of the word ,antichrist4 ,but of these many ,antichrists1 there is one special one1 1 the ,antichrist1 or ,antichrist definitely1 as one certain person2 not indefinitely an ,antichrist4 ,now1 seeing the ,pope of ,rome neither pretendeth himself1 nor denieth ,jesus to be the ,christ1 ,i perceive not how he can be called ,antichrist2 by which word is not meant1 one that falsely pretendeth to be his lieutenant or vicar-general1 but to be ,he4 ,there is also some mark of the time of this special ,antichrist1 as 7,matth4 xxiv4 #ae71 when that abominable destroyer1 spoken of by ,daniel 7,dan4 ix4 #bg7 shall stand in the ,holy place1 and such tribulation as was not since the beginning of the world1 nor ever shall be again1 insomuch as if it were to last long1 7,matth4 xxiv4 #bb7 no flesh could be saved2 but for the elect's sake those days shall be shortened1 made fewer4 ,but that tribulation is not yet come2 for it is to be followed immediately 7verse #bi7 by a darkening of the sun and moon1 a falling of the stars1 a concussion of the heavens1 and the glorious coming again of our ,saviour in the clouds4 ,and therefore the ,antichrist is not yet come2 whereas1 many ,popes are both come and gone4 ,it is true1 the ,pope1 in taking upon him to give laws to all ,christian kings and nations1 usurpeth a kingdom in this world1 which ,christ took not on him3 but he doth it not as ,christ1 but as for ,christ1 wherein there is nothing of the ,antichrist4 ,sidenote3 ,fourth book4 ,in the fourth book1 to prove the ,pope to be the supreme judge in all questions of faith and manners1 which is as much as to be the absolute monarch of all ,christians in the world1 he bringeth three propositions3 the first1 that his judgments are infallible3 the second1 that he can make very laws1 and punish those that observe them not3 the third1 that our ,saviour conferred all jurisdiction ecclesiastical on the ,pope of ,rome4 ,sidenote3 ,texts for the infallibility of the ,pope's judgment in points of faith4 ,for the infallibility of his judgments1 he allegeth the ,scriptures3 and first1 that of ,luke1 xxii4 #ca1 #cb3 ,simon1 ,simon1 ,satan hath desired you1 that he may sift you as wheat2 but ,i have prayed for thee1 that thy faith fail not2 and when thou art converted1 strengthen thy brethren4 ,this1 according to ,bellarmine's exposition1 is1 that ,christ gave here to ,simon ,peter two privileges3 one1 that neither his faith should fail1 nor the faith of any of his successors3 the other1 that neither he1 nor any of his successors1 should ever define any point concerning faith or manners erroneously1 or contrary to the definition of a former ,pope3 which is a strange1 and very much strained interpretation4 ,but he that with attention readeth that chapter1 shall find there is no place in the whole ,scripture that maketh more against the ,pope's authority1 than this very place4 ,the ,priests and ,scribes seeking to kill our ,saviour at the ,passover1 and ,judas possessed with a resolution to betray him1 and the day of killing the ,passover being come1 our ,saviour celebrated the same with his apostles1 which he said1 till the kingdom of ,god was come he would do no more2 and withal told them1 that one of them was to betray him4 ,hereupon they questioned which of them it should be2 and withal1 seeing the next ,passover their master would celebrate should be when he was king1 entered into a contention1 who should then be the greatest man4 ,our ,saviour therefore told them1 that the kings of the nations had dominion over their subjects1 and are called by a name in ,hebrew1 that signifies bountiful2 but ,i cannot be so to you1 you must endeavour to serve one another2 ,i ordain you a kingdom1 but it is such as my ,father hath ordained me2 a kingdom that ,i am now to purchase with my blood1 and not to possess till my second coming2 then ye shall eat and drink at my table1 and sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,and then addressing himself to ,st4 ,peter1 he saith2 ,simon1 ,simon1 ,satan seeks1 by suggesting a present domination1 to weaken your faith of the future2 but ,i have prayed for thee1 that thy faith shall not fail2 thou therefore note this1 being converted1 and understanding my kingdom as of another world1 confirm the same faith in thy brethren4 ,to which ,st4 ,peter answered1 as one that no more expected any authority in this world1 ,lord1 ,i am ready to go with thee1 not only to prison1 but to death4 ,whereby it is manifest1 ,st4 ,peter had not only no jurisdiction given him in this world1 but a charge to teach all the other apostles1 that they also should have none4 ,and for the infallibility of ,st4 ,peter's sentence definitive in matter of faith1 there is no more to be attributed to it out of this text1 than that ,peter should continue in the belief of this point1 namely1 that ,christ should come again and possess the kingdom at the day of judgment2 which was not given by this text to all his successors2 for we see they claim it in the world that now is4 ,the second place is that of ,matth4 xvi4 #ah1 ,thou art ,peter1 and upon this rock ,i will build my ,church1 and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it4 ,by which1 as ,i have already shown in this chapter1 is proved no more1 than that the gates of hell shall not prevail against the confession of ,peter1 which gave occasion to that speech2 namely this1 that ,jesus is ,christ the ,son of ,god4 ,the third text is ,john xxi4 #af1 #ag3 ,feed my sheep2 which contains no more but a commission of teaching4 ,and if we grant the rest of the apostles to be contained in that name of sheep2 then it is the supreme power of teaching3 but it was only for the time that there were no ,christian sovereigns already possessed of that supremacy4 ,but ,i have already proved1 that ,christian sovereigns are in their own dominions the supreme pastors1 and instituted thereto1 by virtue of their being baptized1 though without other imposition of hands4 ,for such imposition1 being a ceremony of designing the person1 is needless1 when he is already designed to the power of teaching what doctrine he will1 by his institution to an absolute power over his subjects4 ,for as ,i have proved before1 sovereigns are supreme teachers1 in general1 by their office2 and therefore oblige themselves1 by their baptism1 to teach the doctrine of ,christ3 and when they suffer others to teach their people1 they do it at the peril of their own souls2 for it is at the hands of the heads of families that ,god will require the account of the instruction of his children and servants4 ,it is of ,abraham himself1 not of a hireling1 that ,god saith 7,gen4 xviii4 #ai7 ,i know him that he will command his children1 and his household after him1 that they keep the way of the ,lord1 and do justice and judgment4 ,the fourth place is that of ,exod4 xxviii4 #cj3 ,thou shalt put in the breast-plate of judgment1 the ,urim and the ,thummim3 which he saith is interpreted by the ,septuagint 2 that is1 evidence and truth3 and thence concludeth1 ,god hath given evidence and truth1 which is almost infallibility1 to the high-priest4 ,but be it evidence and truth itself that was given2 or be it but admonition to the priest to endeavour to inform himself clearly1 and give judgment uprightly2 yet in that it was given to the high-priest1 it was given to the civil sovereign2 7for such next under ,god was the high-priest in the commonwealth of ,israel72 and is an argument for evidence and truth1 that is1 for the ecclesiastical supremacy of civil sovereigns over their own subjects1 against the pretended power of the ,pope4 ,these are all the texts he bringeth for the infallibility of the judgment of the ,pope in point of faith4 ,sidenote3 ,texts for the same1 in point of manners4 ,for the infallibility of his judgment concerning manners1 he bringeth one text1 which is that of ,john xvi4 #ac3 ,when the ,spirit of truth is come1 he will lead you into all truth3 where1 saith he1 by all truth1 is meant1 at least all truth necessary to salvation4 ,but with this mitigation1 he attributeth no more infallibility to the ,pope1 than to any man that professeth ,christianity and is not to be damned4 ,for if any man err in any point1 wherein not to err is necessary to salvation1 it is impossible he should be saved2 for that only is necessary to salvation1 without which to be saved is impossible4 ,what points these are1 ,i shall declare out of the ,scripture in the chapter following4 ,in this place ,i say no more1 but that though it were granted1 the ,pope could not possibly teach any error at all1 yet doth not this entitle him to any jurisdiction in the dominions of another prince2 unless we shall also say1 a man is obliged in conscience to set on work upon all occasions the best workman1 even then also when he hath formerly promised his work to another4 ,besides the text1 he argueth from reason1 thus4 ,if the ,pope could err in necessaries1 then ,christ hath not sufficiently provided for the ,church's salvation2 because he hath commanded her to follow the ,pope's directions4 ,but this reason is invalid1 unless he shew when and where ,christ commanded that1 or took at all any notice of a ,pope4 ,nay1 granting whatsoever was given to ,st4 ,peter1 was given to the ,pope2 yet seeing there is in the ,scripture no command to any man to obey ,st4 ,peter1 no man can be just1 that obeyeth him1 when his commands are contrary to those of his lawful sovereign4 ,lastly1 it hath not been declared by the ,church1 nor by the ,pope himself1 that he is the civil sovereign of all the ,christians in the world2 and therefore all ,christians are not bound to acknowledge his jurisdiction in point of manners4 ,for the civil sovereignty1 and supreme judicature in controversies of manners1 are the same thing3 and the makers of civil laws1 are not only declarers1 but also makers of the justice and injustice of actions2 there being nothing in men's manners that makes them righteous or unrighteous1 but their conformity with the law of the sovereign4 ,and therefore1 when the ,pope challengeth supremacy in controversies of manners1 he teacheth men to disobey the civil sovereign2 which is an erroneous doctrine1 contrary to the many precepts of our ,saviour and his apostles1 delivered to us in the ,scripture4 ,to prove the ,pope has power to make laws1 he allegeth many places2 as first1 7,deut4 xvii4 #ab71 ,the man that will do presumptuously1 and will not hearken unto the priest1 that standeth to minister there before the ,lord thy ,god1 or unto the judge1 even that man shall die2 and thou shalt put away the evil from ,israel4 ,for answer whereunto1 we are to remember that the high-priest1 next and immediately under ,god1 was the civil sovereign2 and all judges were to be constituted by him4 ,the words alleged sound therefore thus3 ,the man that will presume to disobey the civil sovereign for the time being1 or any of his officers in the execution of their places1 that man shall die1 c42 which is clearly for the civil sovereignty1 against the universal power of the ,pope4 ,secondly1 he allegeth that of ,matth4 xvi4 #ai1 ,whatsoever ye shall bind1 c4 and interpreteth it for such binding as is attributed 7,matth4 xxiii4 #d7 to the ,scribes and ,pharisees1 ,they bind heavy burthens1 and grievous to be borne1 and lay them on men's shoulders2 by which is meant1 he says1 making of laws2 and concludes thence1 that the ,pope can make laws4 ,but this also maketh only for the legislative power of civil sovereigns4 ,for the ,scribes and ,pharisees sat in ,moses' chair2 but ,moses next under ,god was sovereign of the people of ,israel3 and therefore our ,saviour commanded them to do all that they should say1 but not all that they should do3 that is1 to obey their laws1 but not follow their example4 ,the third place is ,john xxi4 #af1 ,feed my sheep2 which is not a power to make laws1 but a command to teach4 ,making laws belongs to the lord of the family2 who by his own discretion chooseth his chaplain1 as also a schoolmaster to teach his children4 ,the fourth place 7,john xx4 #ba7 is against him4 ,the words are1 ,as my father sent me1 so send ,i you4 ,but our ,saviour was sent to redeem by his death such as should believe1 and by his own and his apostles' preaching to prepare them for their entrance into his kingdom2 which he himself saith1 is not of this world1 and hath taught us to pray for the coming of it hereafter1 though he refused 7,acts i4 #f1 #g7 to tell his apostles when it should come2 and in which1 when it comes1 the twelve apostles shall sit on twelve thrones1 every one perhaps as high as that of ,st4 ,peter1 to judge the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,seeing then ,god the ,father sent not our ,saviour to make laws in this present world1 we may conclude from the text1 that neither did our ,saviour send ,st4 ,peter to make laws here1 but to persuade men to expect his second coming with a steadfast faith2 and in the mean time1 if subjects1 to obey their princes2 and if princes1 both to believe it themselves1 and to do their best to make their subjects do the same2 which is the office of a bishop4 ,therefore this place maketh most strongly for the joining of the ecclesiastical supremacy to the civil sovereignty1 contrary to that which ,cardinal ,bellarmine allegeth it for4 ,the fifth place is ,acts xv4 #bh1 #bi1 ,it hath seemed good to the ,holy ,spirit and to us1 to lay upon you no greater burthen1 than these necessary things1 that ye abstain from meats offered to idols1 and from blood1 and from things strangled1 and from fornication4 ,here he notes the word laying of burthens for the legislative power4 ,but who is there1 that reading this text1 can say1 this style of the apostles may not as properly be used in giving counsel1 as in making laws8 ,the style of a law is1 we command3 but1 we think good1 is the ordinary style of them1 that but give advice2 and they lay a burthen that give advice1 though it be conditional1 that is1 if they to whom they give it1 will attain their ends3 and such is the burthen of abstaining from things strangled1 and from blood2 not absolute1 but in case they will not err4 ,i have shown before1 7chapter ,,xxv47 that law is distinguished from counsel in this1 that the reason of a law is taken from the design and benefit of him that prescribeth it2 but the reason of a counsel1 from the design and benefit of him to whom the counsel is given4 ,but here1 the apostles aim only at the benefit of the converted ,gentiles1 namely their salvation2 not at their own benefit2 for having done their endeavour1 they shall have their reward1 whether they be obeyed or not4 ,and therefore the acts of this council1 were not laws1 but counsels4 ,the sixth place is that of ,rom4 xiii1 ,let every soul be subject to the higher powers1 for there is no power but of ,god2 which is meant1 he saith1 not only of secular1 but also of ecclesiastical princes4 ,to which ,i answer1 first1 that there are no ecclesiastical princes but those that are also civil sovereigns2 and their principalities exceed not the compass of their civil sovereignty2 without those bounds1 though they may be received for doctors1 they cannot be acknowledged for princes4 ,for if the apostle had meant1 we should be subject both to our own princes1 and also to the ,pope1 he had taught us a doctrine1 which ,christ himself hath told us is impossible1 namely1 to serve two masters4 ,and though the apostle say in another place1 7#b ,cor4 xiii4 #aj7 ,i write these things being absent1 lest being present ,i should use sharpness1 according to the power which the ,lord hath given me2 it is not1 that he challenged a power either to put to death1 imprison1 banish1 whip1 or fine any of them1 which are punishments2 but only to excommunicate1 which1 without the civil power1 is no more but a leaving of their company1 and having no more to do with them than with a heathen man or a publican2 which in many occasions might be a greater pain to the excommunicant1 than to the excommunicate4 ,the seventh place is #a ,cor4 iv4 #ba1 ,shall ,i come unto you with a rod1 or in love1 and the spirit of lenity8 ,but here again1 it is not the power of a magistrate to punish offenders1 that is meant by a rod2 but only the power of excommunication1 which is not in its own nature a punishment1 but only a denouncing of punishment1 that ,christ shall inflict when he shall be in possession of his kingdom1 at the day of judgment4 ,nor then also shall it be properly a punishment1 as upon a subject that hath broken the law2 but a revenge1 as upon an enemy or revolter1 that denieth the right of our ,saviour to the kingdom4 ,and therefore this proveth not the legislative power of any bishop1 that has not also the civil power4 ,the eighth place is #a ,timothy1 iii4 #b2 ,a bishop must be the husband of but one wife1 vigilant1 sober1 c43 which he saith was a law4 ,i thought that none could make a law in the ,church1 but the monarch of the ,church1 ,st4 ,peter4 ,but suppose this precept made by the authority of ,st4 ,peter2 yet ,i see no reason why to call it a law1 rather than an advice1 seeing ,timothy was not a subject1 but a disciple of ,st4 ,paul2 nor the flock under the charge of ,timothy1 his subjects in the kingdom1 but his scholars in the school of ,christ4 ,if all the precepts he giveth ,timothy be laws1 why is not this also a law1 7#a ,tim4 v4 #bc7 ,drink no longer water1 but use a little wine for thy health's sake4 ,and why are not also the precepts of good physicians so many laws1 but that it is not the imperative manner of speaking1 but an absolute subjection to a person1 that maketh his precepts laws8 ,in like manner1 the ninth place1 #a ,tim4 v4 #ai1 ,against an elder receive not an accusation1 but before two or three witnesses1 is a wise precept1 but not a law4 ,the tenth place is ,luke x4 #af1 ,he that heareth you1 heareth me2 and he that despiseth you1 despiseth me4 ,and there is no doubt1 but he that despiseth the counsel of those that are sent by ,christ1 despiseth the counsel of ,christ himself4 ,but who are those now that are sent by ,christ1 but such as are ordained pastors by lawful authority8 ,and who are lawfully ordained1 that are not ordained by the sovereign pastor8 ,and who is ordained by the sovereign pastor in a ,christian commonwealth1 that is not ordained by the authority of the sovereign thereof8 ,out of this place therefore it followeth1 that he which heareth his sovereign1 being a ,christian1 heareth ,christ2 and he that despiseth the doctrine which his king1 being a ,christian1 authorizeth1 despiseth the doctrine of ,christ3 which is not that which ,bellarmine intendeth here to prove1 but the contrary4 ,but all this is nothing to a law4 ,nay more1 a ,christian king1 as a pastor and teacher of his subjects1 makes not thereby his doctrines laws4 ,he cannot oblige men to believe2 though as a civil sovereign he may make laws suitable to his doctrine1 which may oblige men to certain actions1 and sometimes to such as they would not otherwise do1 and which he ought not to command2 and yet when they are commanded1 they are laws2 and the external actions done in obedience to them1 without the inward approbation1 are the actions of the sovereign1 and not of the subject1 which is in that case but as an instrument1 without any motion of his own at all2 because ,god hath commanded to obey them4 ,the eleventh is every place where the apostle for counsel putteth some word1 by which men use to signify command2 or calleth the following of his counsel by the name of obedience4 ,and therefore they are alleged out of #a ,cor4 xi4 #b1 ,i commend you for keeping my precepts as ,i delivered them to you4 ,the ,greek is1 ,i commend you for keeping those things ,i delivered to you1 as ,i delivered them4 ,which is far from signifying that they were laws1 or anything else1 but good counsel4 ,and that of #a ,thess4 iv4 #b1 ,you know what commandments we gave you3 where the ,greek word is 1 equivalent to 1 what we delivered to you1 as in the place next before alleged1 which does not prove the traditions of the apostles to be any more than counsels2 though as is said in the #hth verse1 he that despiseth them1 despiseth not man1 but ,god4 ,for our ,saviour himself came not to judge1 that is1 to be king in this world2 but to sacrifice himself for sinners1 and leave doctors in his ,church to lead1 not to drive men to ,christ1 who never accepteth forced actions1 7which is all the law produceth17 but the inward conversion of the heart2 which is not the work of laws1 but of counsel and doctrine4 ,and that of #b ,thess4 iii4 #ad1 ,if any man obey not our word by this ,epistle1 note that man1 and have no company with him1 that he may be ashamed3 where from the word obey1 he would infer1 that this epistle was a law to the ,thessalonians4 ,the epistles of the emperors were indeed laws4 ,if therefore the epistle of ,st4 ,paul were also a law1 they were to obey two masters4 ,but the word obey1 as it is in the ,greek 1 signifieth hearkening to or putting in practice1 not only that which is commanded by him that has right to punish1 but also that which is delivered in a way of counsel for our good2 and therefore ,st4 ,paul does not bid kill him that disobeys2 nor beat1 nor imprison1 nor amerce him1 which legislators may all do2 but avoid his company1 that he may be ashamed3 whereby it is evident1 it was not the empire of an apostle1 but his reputation amongst the faithful1 which the ,christians stood in awe of4 ,the last place is that of ,heb4 xiii4 #ag1 ,obey your leaders1 and submit yourselves to them2 for they watch for your souls1 as they that must give account3 and here also is intended by obedience1 a following of their counsel4 ,for the reason of our obedience is not drawn from the will and command of our pastors1 but from our own benefit1 as being the salvation of our souls they watch for1 and not for the exaltation of their own power and authority4 ,if it were meant here1 that all they teach were laws1 then not only the ,pope1 but every pastor in his parish should have legislative power4 ,again1 they that are bound to obey their pastors1 have no power to examine their commands4 ,what then shall we say to ,st4 ,john1 who bids us 7#a ,epistle iv4 #a7 ,not to believe every spirit1 but to try the spirits whether they are of ,god2 because many false prophets are gone out into the world8 ,it is therefore manifest1 that we may dispute the doctrine of our pastors2 but no man can dispute a law4 ,the commands of civil sovereigns are on all sides granted to be laws3 if any else can make a law besides himself1 all commonwealth1 and consequently all peace and justice must cease2 which is contrary to all laws both divine and human4 ,nothing therefore can be drawn from these1 or any other places of ,scripture1 to prove the decrees of the ,pope1 where he has not also the civil sovereignty1 to be laws4 ,sidenote3 ,the question of superiority between the ,pope and other bishops4 ,the last point he would prove1 is this1 ,that our ,saviour ,christ has committed ecclesiastical jurisdiction immediately to none but the ,pope4 ,wherein he handleth not the question of supremacy between the ,pope and ,christian kings1 but between the ,pope and other bishops4 ,and first1 he says1 it is agreed that the jurisdiction of bishops is at least in the general de jure divino1 that is1 in the right of ,god2 for which he alleges ,st4 ,paul1 ,eph4 iv4 #aa1 where he says1 that ,christ after his ascension into heaven1 gave gifts to men1 some apostles1 some prophets1 and some evangelists1 and some pastors1 and some teachers2 and thence infers1 they have indeed their jurisdiction in ,god's right2 but will not grant they have it immediately from ,god1 but derived through the ,pope4 ,but if a man may be said to have his jurisdiction de jure divino1 and yet not immediately2 what lawful jurisdiction1 though but civil1 is there in a ,christian commonwealth1 that is not also de juro divino8 ,for ,christian kings have their civil power from ,god immediately2 and the magistrates under him exercise their several charges in virtue of his commission2 wherein that which they do1 is no less de jure divino mediato1 than that which the bishops do in virtue of the ,pope's ordination4 ,all lawful power is of ,god1 immediately in the ,supreme ,governor1 and mediately in those that have authority under him3 so that either he must grant every constable in the state1 to hold his office in the right of ,god2 or he must not hold that any bishop holds his so1 besides the ,pope himself4 ,but this whole dispute1 whether ,christ left the jurisdiction to the ,pope only1 or to other bishops also1 if considered out of those places where the ,pope has the civil sovereignty1 is a contention de lana caprina3 for none of them1 where they are not sovereigns1 has any jurisdiction at all4 ,for jurisdiction is the power of hearing and determining causes between man and man2 and can belong to none but him that hath the power to prescribe the rules of right and wrong2 that is1 to make laws2 and with the sword of justice to compel men to obey his decisions1 pronounced either by himself1 or by the judges he ordaineth thereunto2 which none can lawfully do but the civil sovereign4 ,therefore when he allegeth out of chapter vi4 of ,luke1 that our ,saviour called his disciples together1 and chose twelve of them1 which he named apostles1 he proveth that he elected them 7all1 except ,matthias1 ,paul and ,barnabas17 and gave them power and command to preach1 but not to judge of causes between man and man3 for that is a power which he refused to take upon himself1 saying1 ,who made me a judge1 or a divider1 amongst you8 and in another place1 ,my kingdom is not of this world4 ,but he that hath not the power to hear and determine causes between man and man1 cannot be said to have any jurisdiction at all4 ,and yet this hinders not1 but that our ,saviour gave them power to preach and baptize in all parts of the world1 supposing they were not by their own lawful sovereign forbidden3 for to our own sovereigns ,christ himself1 and his apostles1 have in sundry places expressly commanded us in all things to be obedient4 ,the arguments by which he would prove1 that bishops receive their jurisdiction from the ,pope 7seeing the ,pope in the dominions of other princes hath no jurisdiction himself17 are all in vain4 ,yet because they prove1 on the contrary1 that all bishops receive jurisdiction1 when they have it1 from their civil sovereigns1 ,i will not omit the recital of them4 ,the first is from chapter xi4 of ,numbers1 where ,moses not being able alone to undergo the whole burthen of administering the affairs of the people of ,israel1 ,god commanded him to choose seventy elders1 and took part of the spirit of ,moses1 to put it upon those seventy elders3 by which is understood1 not that ,god weakened the spirit of ,moses2 for that had not eased him at all2 but that they had all of them their authority from him2 wherein he doth truly and ingenuously interpret that place4 ,but seeing ,moses had the entire sovereignty in the commonwealth of the ,jews1 it is manifest1 that it is thereby signified1 that they had their authority from the civil sovereign3 and therefore that place proveth that bishops in every ,christian commonwealth have their authority from the civil sovereign2 and from the ,pope in his own territories only1 and not in the territories of any other state4 ,the second argument1 is from the nature of monarchy2 wherein all authority is in one man1 and in others by derivation from him4 ,but the government of the ,church1 he says1 is monarchical4 ,this also makes for ,christian monarchs4 ,for they are really monarchs of their own people2 that is1 of their own ,church2 for the ,church is the same thing with a ,christian people2 whereas the power of the ,pope1 though he were ,st4 ,peter1 is neither monarchy1 nor hath anything of archical1 nor cratical1 but only of didactical2 for ,god accepteth not a forced1 but a willing obedience4 ,the third1 is from that the see of ,st4 ,peter is called by ,st4 ,cyprian1 the head1 the source1 the root1 the sun1 from whence the authority of bishops is derived4 ,but by the law of nature1 which is a better principle of right and wrong than the word of any doctor that is but a man1 the civil sovereign in every commonwealth1 is the head1 the source1 the root1 and the sun1 from which all jurisdiction is derived4 ,and therefore the jurisdiction of bishops1 is derived from the civil sovereign4 ,the fourth1 is taken from the inequality of their jurisdictions4 ,for if ,god1 saith he1 had given it them immediately1 he had given as well equality of jurisdiction1 as of order3 but we see1 some are bishops but of one town1 some of a hundred towns1 and some of many whole provinces2 which differences were not determined by the command of ,god2 their jurisdiction therefore is not of ,god1 but of man2 and one has a greater1 another a less1 as it pleaseth the ,prince of the ,church4 ,which argument1 if he had proved before1 that the ,pope had an universal jurisdiction over all ,christians1 had been for his purpose4 ,but seeing that hath not been proved1 and that it is notoriously known1 the large jurisdiction of the ,pope was given him by those that had it1 that is1 by the emperors of ,rome1 7for the patriarch of ,constantinople1 upon the same title1 namely of being bishop of the capital city of the empire1 and seat of the emperor1 claimed to be equal to him71 it followeth1 that all other bishops have their jurisdiction from the sovereigns of the place wherein they exercise the same4 ,and as for that cause they have not their authority de jure divino2 so neither hath the ,pope his de jure divino1 except only where he is also the civil sovereign4 ,his fifth argument is this3 if bishops have their jurisdiction immediately from ,god1 the ,pope could not take it from them1 for he can do nothing contrary to ,god's ordination2 and this consequence is good1 and well proved4 ,but1 saith he1 the ,pope can do this1 and has done it4 ,this also is granted1 so he do it in his own dominions1 or in the dominions of any other prince that hath given him that power2 but not universally1 in right of the popedom3 for that power belongeth to every ,christian sovereign1 within the bounds of his own empire1 and is inseparable from the sovereignty4 ,before the people of ,israel had1 by the commandment of ,god to ,samuel1 set over themselves a king1 after the manner of other nations1 the high-priest had the civil government2 and none but he could make or depose an inferior priest4 ,but that power was afterwards in the king1 as may be proved by this same argument of ,bellarmine2 for if the priest1 be he the high-priest or any other1 had his jurisdiction immediately from ,god1 then the king could not take it from him2 for he could do nothing contrary to ,god's ordinance4 ,but it is certain that king ,solomon 7#a ,kings ii4 #bf1 #bg7 deprived ,abiathar the high-priest of his office1 and placed ,zadok 7verse #ce7 in his room4 ,kings therefore may in like manner ordain and deprive bishops1 as they shall think fit for the well-governing of their subjects4 ,his sixth argument is this1 if bishops have their jurisdiction de jure divino1 that is1 immediately from ,god1 they that maintain it1 should bring some word of ,god to prove it3 but they can bring none4 ,the argument is good2 ,i have therefore nothing to say against it4 ,but it is an argument no less good1 to prove the ,pope himself to have no jurisdiction in the dominion of any other prince4 ,lastly1 he bringeth for argument the testimony of two popes1 ,innocent and ,leo2 and ,i doubt not he might have alleged1 with as good reason1 the testimonies of all the popes almost since ,st4 ,peter4 ,for considering the love of power naturally implanted in mankind1 whosoever were made ,pope1 he would be tempted to uphold the same opinion4 ,nevertheless1 they should therein but do1 as ,innocent and ,leo did1 bear witness of themselves1 and therefore their witness should not be good4 ,sidenote3 ,of the ,pope's temporal power4 ,in the fifth book he hath four conclusions4 ,the first is1 that the ,pope is not lord of all the world3 the second1 that the ,pope is not the lord of all the ,christian world3 the third1 that the ,pope1 without his own territory1 has not any temporal jurisdiction ,,directly4 ,these three conclusions are easily granted4 ,the fourth is1 that the ,pope has1 in the dominions of other princes1 the supreme temporal power ,,indirectly3 which is denied2 unless he mean by indirectly1 that he has gotten it by indirect means1 then is that also granted4 ,but ,i understand1 that when he saith he hath it indirectly1 he means1 that such temporal jurisdiction belongeth to him of right1 but that this right is but a consequence of his pastoral authority1 the which he could not exercise unless he have the other with it3 and therefore to the pastoral power1 which he calls spiritual1 the supreme power civil is necessarily annexed2 and that thereby he hath a right to change kingdoms1 giving them to one and taking them from another1 when he shall think it conduces to the salvation of souls4 ,before ,i come to consider the arguments by which he would prove this doctrine1 it will not be amiss to lay open the consequences of it2 that princes and states1 that have the civil sovereignty in their several commonwealths1 may bethink themselves1 whether it be convenient for them1 and conducing to the good of their subjects1 of whom they are to give an account at the day of judgment1 to admit the same4 ,when it is said1 the ,pope hath not1 in the territories of other states1 the supreme civil power directly2 we are to understand1 he doth not challenge it1 as other civil sovereigns do1 from the original submission thereto of those that are to be governed4 ,for it is evident1 and has already been sufficiently in this treatise demonstrated1 that the right of all sovereigns is derived originally from the consent of every one of those that are to be governed2 whether they that choose him1 do it for their common defence against an enemy1 as when they agree amongst themselves to appoint a man or an assembly of men to protect them2 or whether they do it1 to save their lives1 by submission to a conquering enemy4 ,the ,pope therefore1 when he disclaimeth the supreme civil power over other states directly1 denieth no more1 but that his right cometh to him by that way2 he ceaseth not for all that1 to claim it another way2 and that is1 without the consent of them that are to be governed1 by a right given him by ,god1 which he calleth indirectly1 in his assumption to the papacy4 ,but by what way soever he pretend1 the power is the same2 and he may1 if it be granted to be his right1 depose princes and states1 as often as it is for the salvation of souls1 that is1 as often as he will2 for he claimeth also the sole power to judge whether it be to the salvation of men's souls or not4 ,and this is the doctrine1 not only that ,bellarmine here1 and many other doctors1 teach in their sermons and books1 but also that some councils have decreed1 and the ,popes have accordingly1 when the occasion hath served them1 put in practice4 ,for the fourth council of ,lateran1 held under ,pope ,innocent the ,third1 in the third chapter ,de ,hreticis1 hath this canon3 ,if a king1 at the ,pope's admonition1 do not purge his kingdom of heretics1 and being excommunicate for the same1 make not satisfaction within a year1 his subjects are absolved of their obedience4 ,and the practice hereof hath been seen on divers occasions2 as in the deposing of ,chilperic1 king of ,france2 in the translation of the ,roman empire to ,charlemagne2 in the oppression of ,john1 king of ,england2 in transferring the kingdom of ,navarre2 and of late years1 in the league against ,henry the ,third of ,france1 and in many more occurrences4 ,i think there be few princes that consider not this as unjust1 and inconvenient2 but ,i wish they would all resolve to be kings or subjects4 ,men cannot serve two masters4 ,they ought therefore to ease them1 either by holding the reins of government wholly in their own hands2 or by wholly delivering them into the hands of the ,pope2 that such men as are willing to be obedient1 may be protected in their obedience4 ,for this distinction of temporal and spiritual power is but words4 ,power is as really divided1 and as dangerously to all purposes1 by sharing with another indirect power1 as with a direct one4 ,but to come now to his arguments4 ,the first is this1 ,the civil power is subject to the spiritual3 therefore he that hath the supreme power spiritual1 hath right to command temporal princes1 and dispose of their temporals in order to the spiritual4 ,as for the distinction of temporal and spiritual1 let us consider in what sense it may be said intelligibly1 that the temporal or civil power is subject to the spiritual4 ,there be but two ways that those words can be made sense4 ,for when we say1 one power is subject to another power1 the meaning either is1 that he which hath the one1 is subject to him that hath the other2 or that the one power is to the other1 as the means to the end4 ,for we cannot understand1 that one power hath power over another power2 or that one power can have right or command over another4 ,for subjection1 command1 right1 and power1 are accidents1 not of powers1 but of persons4 ,one power may be subordinate to another1 as the art of a saddler to the art of a rider4 ,if then it be granted1 that the civil government be ordained as a means to bring us to a spiritual felicity2 yet it does not follow1 that if a king have the civil power1 and the ,pope the spiritual1 that therefore the king is bound to obey the ,pope1 more than every saddler is bound to obey every rider4 ,therefore as from subordination of an art1 cannot be inferred the subjection of the professor2 so from the subordination of a government1 cannot be inferred the subjection of the governor4 ,when therefore he saith1 the civil power is subject to the spiritual1 his meaning is1 that the civil sovereign is subject to the spiritual sovereign4 ,and the argument stands thus1 ,the civil sovereign is subject to the spiritual2 therefore the spiritual prince may command temporal princes4 ,where the conclusion is the same with the antecedent he should have proved4 ,but to prove it1 he allegeth first1 this reason3 ,kings and popes1 clergy and laity1 make but one commonwealth2 that is to say1 but one ,church3 and in all bodies the members depend one upon another3 but things spiritual depend not of things temporal3 therefore temporal depend on spiritual1 and therefore are subject to them4 ,in which argumentation there be two gross errors3 one is1 that all ,christian kings1 popes1 clergy1 and all other ,christian men1 make but one commonwealth4 ,for it is evident that ,france is one commonwealth1 ,spain another1 and ,venice a third1 c4 ,and these consist of ,christians2 and therefore also are several bodies of ,christians2 that is to say1 several ,churches3 and their several sovereigns represent them1 whereby they are capable of commanding and obeying1 of doing and suffering1 as a natural man2 which no general or universal ,church is1 till it have a representant2 which it hath not on earth3 for if it had1 there is no doubt but that all ,christendom were one commonwealth1 whose sovereign were that representant1 both in things spiritual and temporal4 ,and the ,pope1 to make himself this representant1 wanteth three things that our ,saviour hath not given him1 to command1 and to judge1 and to punish1 otherwise than1 by excommunication1 to run from those that will not learn of him4 ,for though the ,pope were ,christ's only vicar1 yet he cannot exercise his government1 till our ,saviour's second coming3 and then also it is not the ,pope1 but ,st4 ,peter himself with the other apostles1 that are to be judges of the world4 ,the other error in this his first argument is1 that he says1 the members of every commonwealth1 as of a natural body1 depend one of another4 ,it is true1 they cohere together2 but they depend only on the sovereign1 which is the soul of the commonwealth2 which failing1 the commonwealth is dissolved into a civil war1 no one man so much as cohering to another1 for want of a common dependance on a known sovereign2 just as the members of the natural body dissolve into earth1 for want of a soul to hold them together4 ,therefore there is nothing in this similitude1 from whence to infer a dependance of the laity on the clergy1 or of the temporal officers on the spiritual2 but of both on the civil sovereign2 which ought indeed to direct his civil commands to the salvation of souls2 but is not therefore subject to any but ,god himself4 ,and thus you see the laboured fallacy of the first argument1 to deceive such men as distinguish not between the subordination of actions in the way to the end2 and the subjection of persons one to another in the administration of the means4 ,for to every end1 the means are determined by nature1 or by ,god himself supernaturally3 but the power to make men use the means1 is in every nation resigned1 by the law of nature1 which forbiddeth men to violate their faith given1 to the civil sovereign4 ,his second argument is this2 ,every commonwealth1 because it is supposed to be perfect and sufficient in itself1 may command any other commonwealth not subject to it1 and force it to change the administration of the government2 nay1 depose the prince1 and set another in his room1 if it cannot otherwise defend itself against the injuries he goes about to do them3 much more may a spiritual commonwealth command a temporal one to change the administration of their government1 and may depose princes1 and institute others1 when they cannot otherwise defend the spiritual good4 ,that a commonwealth1 to defend itself against injuries1 may lawfully do all that he hath here said1 is very true2 and hath already in that which hath gone before been sufficiently demonstrated4 ,and if it were also true1 that there is now in this world a spiritual commonwealth1 distinct from a civil commonwealth1 then might the prince thereof1 upon injury done him1 or upon want of caution that injury be not done him in time to come1 repair and secure himself by war2 which is1 in sum1 deposing1 killing1 or subduing1 or doing any act of hostility4 ,but by the same reason1 it would be no less lawful for a civil sovereign1 upon the like injuries done1 or feared1 to make war upon the spiritual sovereign2 which ,i believe is more than ,cardinal ,bellarmine would have inferred from his own proposition4 ,but spiritual commonwealth there is none in this world3 for it is the same thing with the kingdom of ,christ1 which he himself saith1 is not of this world2 but shall be in the next world at the resurrection1 when they that have lived justly1 and believed that he was the ,christ1 shall1 though they died natural bodies1 rise spiritual bodies2 and then it is1 that our ,saviour shall judge the world1 and conquer his adversaries1 and make a spiritual commonwealth4 ,in the meantime1 seeing there are no men on earth whose bodies are spiritual1 there can be no spiritual commonwealth amongst men that are yet in the flesh2 unless we call preachers1 that have commission to teach1 and prepare men for their reception into the kingdom of ,christ at the resurrection1 a commonwealth2 which ,i have proved already to be none4 ,the third argument is this2 ,it is not lawful for ,christians to tolerate an infidel1 or heretical king1 in case he endeavour to draw them to his heresy or infidelity4 ,but to judge whether a king draw his subjects to heresy or not1 belongeth to the ,pope4 ,therefore hath the ,pope right to determine whether the prince be to be deposed1 or not deposed4 ,to this ,i answer1 that both these assertions are false4 ,for ,christians1 or men of what religion soever1 if they tolerate not their king1 whatsoever law he maketh1 though it be concerning religion1 do violate their faith1 contrary to the divine law1 both natural and positive3 nor is there any judge of heresy amongst subjects1 but their own civil sovereign4 ,for heresy is nothing else but a private opinion obstinately maintained1 contrary to the opinion which the public person1 that is to say1 the representant of the commonwealth1 hath commanded to be taught4 ,by which it is manifest1 that an opinion publicly appointed to be taught1 cannot be heresy2 nor the sovereign princes that authorize them1 heretics4 ,for heretics are none but private men1 that stubbornly defend some doctrine1 prohibited by their lawful sovereigns4 ,but to prove that ,christians are not to tolerate infidel or heretical kings1 he allegeth a place in ,deut4 xvii4 #ae1 where ,god forbiddeth the ,jews1 when they shall set a king over themselves1 to choose a stranger3 and from thence inferreth1 that it is unlawful for a ,christian to choose a king that is not a ,christian4 ,and it is true1 that he that is a ,christian1 that is1 he that hath already obliged himself to receive our ,saviour1 when he shall come1 for his king1 shall tempt ,god too much in choosing for king in this world1 one that he knoweth will endeavour1 both by terror and persuasion1 to make him violate his faith4 ,but it is1 saith he1 the same danger1 to choose one that is not a ,christian1 for king1 and not to depose him when he is chosen4 ,to this ,i say1 the question is not of the danger of not deposing2 but of the justice of deposing him4 ,to choose him1 may in some cases be unjust2 but to depose him when he is chosen1 is in no case just4 ,for it is always violation of faith1 and consequently against the law of nature1 which is the eternal law of ,god4 ,nor do we read that any such doctrine was accounted ,christian in the time of the apostles2 nor in the time of the ,roman emperors1 till the ,popes had the civil sovereignty of ,rome4 ,but to this he hath replied1 that the ,christians of old deposed not ,nero1 nor ,dioclesian1 nor ,julian1 nor ,valens an ,arian1 for this cause only1 that they wanted temporal forces4 ,perhaps so4 ,but did our ,saviour1 who for calling for1 might have had twelve legions of immortal1 invulnerable angels to assist him1 want forces to depose ,csar1 or at least ,pilate1 that unjustly1 without finding fault in him1 delivered him to the ,jews to be crucified8 ,or if the apostles wanted temporal forces to depose ,nero1 was it therefore necessary for them1 in their epistles to the new made ,christians1 to teach them1 as they did1 to obey the powers constituted over them1 whereof ,nero in that time was one1 and that they ought to obey them1 not for fear of their wrath1 but for conscience sake8 ,shall we say they did not only obey1 but also teach what they meant not1 for want of strength8 ,it is not therefore for want of strength1 but for conscience sake1 that ,christians are to tolerate their heathen princes1 or princes 7for ,i cannot call any one whose doctrine is the public doctrine1 an heretic7 that authorize the teaching of an error4 ,and whereas for the temporal power of the ,pope1 he allegeth further1 that ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 vi47 appointed judges under the heathen princes of those times1 such as were not ordained by those princes2 it is not true4 ,for ,st4 ,paul does but advise them1 to take some of their brethren to compound their differences as arbitrators1 rather than to go to law one with another before the heathen judges2 which is a wholesome precept1 and full of charity1 fit to be practised also in the best ,christian commonwealths4 ,and for the danger that may arise to religion1 by the subjects tolerating of a heathen1 or an erring prince1 it is a point of which a subject is no competent judge2 or if he be1 the ,pope's temporal subjects may judge also of the ,pope's doctrine4 ,for every ,christian prince1 as ,i have formerly proved1 is no less supreme pastor of his own subjects1 than the ,pope of his4 ,the fourth argument1 is taken from the baptism of kings2 wherein1 that they may be made ,christians1 they submit their sceptres to ,christ2 and promise to keep and defend the ,christian faith4 ,this is true2 for ,christian kings are no more but ,christ's subjects3 but they may1 for all that1 be the ,pope's fellows2 for they are supreme pastors of their own subjects2 and the ,pope is no more but king and pastor1 even in ,rome itself4 ,the fifth argument1 is drawn from the words spoken by our ,saviour1 ,feed my sheep2 by which was given all power necessary for a pastor2 as the power to chase away wolves1 such as are heretics2 the power to shut up rams1 if they be mad1 or push at the other sheep with their horns1 such as are evil1 though ,christian1 kings2 and power to give the flock convenient food4 ,from whence he inferreth1 that ,st4 ,peter had these three powers given him by ,christ4 ,to which ,i answer1 that the last of these powers is no more than the power1 or rather command1 to teach4 ,for the first1 which is to chase away wolves1 that is1 heretics1 the place he quoteth is 7,matth4 vii4 #ae7 ,beware of false prophets1 which come to you in sheep's clothing1 but inwardly are ravening wolves4 ,but neither are heretics false prophets1 or at all prophets3 nor1 admitting heretics for the wolves there meant1 were the apostles commanded to kill them1 or if they were kings1 to depose them2 but to beware of1 fly1 and avoid them3 nor was it to ,st4 ,peter1 nor to any of the apostles1 but to the multitude of the ,jews that followed him into the mountain1 men for the most part not yet converted1 that he gave this counsel1 to beware of false prophets3 which therefore1 if it confer a power of chasing away kings1 was given1 not only to private men1 but to men that were not at all ,christians4 ,and as to the power of separating1 and shutting up of furious rams1 by which he meaneth ,christian kings that refuse to submit themselves to the ,roman pastor1 our ,saviour refused to take upon him that power in this world himself1 but advised to let the corn and tares grow up together till the day of judgment3 much less did he give it to ,st4 ,peter1 or can ,st4 ,peter give it to the ,popes4 ,st4 ,peter1 and all other pastors1 are bidden to esteem those ,christians that disobey the ,church1 that is1 that disobey the ,christian sovereign1 as heathen men1 and as publicans4 ,seeing then1 men challenge to the ,pope no authority over heathen princes1 they ought to challenge none over those that are to be esteemed as heathen4 ,but from the power to teach only1 he inferreth also a coercive power in the ,pope over kings4 ,the pastor1 saith he1 must give his flock convenient food3 therefore the ,pope may1 and ought to compel kings to do their duty4 ,out of which it followeth1 that the ,pope1 as pastor of ,christian men1 is king of kings3 which all ,christian kings ought indeed either to confess1 or else they ought to take upon themselves the supreme pastoral charge1 every one in his own dominion4 ,his sixth and last argument1 is from examples4 ,to which ,i answer1 first1 that examples prove nothing3 secondly1 that the examples he allegeth make not so much as a probability of right4 ,the fact of ,jehoiada1 in killing ,athaliah1 7#b ,kings xi47 was either by the authority of king ,joash1 or it was a horrible crime in the high-priest1 which ever after the election of king ,saul was a mere subject4 ,the fact of ,st4 ,ambrose1 in excommunicating ,theodosius the emperor1 if it were true he did so1 was a capital crime4 ,and for the ,popes1 ,gregory ,i1 ,gregory ,,ii1 ,zachary1 and ,leo ,,iii1 their judgments are void1 as given in their own cause2 and the acts done by them conformably to this doctrine1 are the greatest crimes1 especially that of ,zachary1 that are incident to human nature4 ,and thus much of ,power ,ecclesiastical2 wherein ,i had been more brief1 forbearing to examine these arguments of ,bellarmine1 if they had been his as a private man1 and not as the champion of the ,papacy against all other ,christian ,princes and ,states4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xliii4 ,,of ,,what ,,is ,,necessary ,,for ,a ,,man',s ,,reception ,,into ,,the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,heaven4 ,sidenote3 ,the difficulty of obeying ,god and man both at once2 ,the most frequent pretext of sedition1 and civil war1 in ,christian commonwealths1 hath a long time proceeded from a difficulty1 not yet sufficiently resolved1 of obeying at once both ,god and man1 then when their commandments are one contrary to the other4 ,it is manifest enough1 that when a man receiveth two contrary commands1 and knows that one of them is ,god's1 he ought to obey that1 and not the other1 though it be the command even of his lawful sovereign 7whether a monarch1 or a sovereign assembly71 or the command of his father4 ,the difficulty therefore consisteth in this1 that men1 when they are commanded in the name of ,god1 know not in divers cases1 whether the command be from ,god1 or whether he that commandeth do but abuse ,god's name for some private ends of his own4 ,for as there were in the ,church of the ,jews1 many false prophets1 that sought reputation with the people1 by feigned dreams and visions2 so there have been in all times in the ,church of ,christ1 false teachers1 that seek reputation with the people1 by fantastical and false doctrines2 and by such reputation1 7as is the nature of ambition71 to govern them for their private benefit4 ,sidenote3 ,is none to them that distinguish between what is1 and what is not necessary to salvation4 ,but this difficulty of obeying both ,god and the civil sovereign on earth1 to those that can distinguish between what is necessary1 and what is not necessary for their reception into the kingdom of ,god1 is of no moment4 ,for if the command of the civil sovereign be such1 as that it may be obeyed without the forfeiture of life eternal2 not to obey it is unjust2 and the precept of the apostle takes place3 ,servants obey your masters in all things2 and ,children obey your parents in all things2 and the precept of our ,saviour1 ,the ,scribes and ,pharisees sit in ,moses' chair2 all therefore they shall say1 that observe and do4 ,but if the command be such as cannot be obeyed1 without being damned to eternal death2 then it were madness to obey it1 and the council of our ,saviour takes place1 7,matth4 x4 #bh71 ,fear not those that kill the body1 but cannot kill the soul4 ,all men therefore that would avoid1 both the punishments that are to be in this world inflicted1 for disobedience to their earthly sovereign1 and those that shall be inflicted in the world to come1 for disobedience to ,god1 have need be taught to distinguish well between what is1 and what is not necessary to eternal salvation4 ,sidenote3 ,all that is necessary to salvation is contained in faith and obedience4 ,all that is ,,necessary to salvation1 is contained in two virtues1 faith in ,christ1 and obedience to laws4 ,the latter of these1 if it were perfect1 were enough to us4 ,but because we are all guilty of disobedience to ,god's law1 not only originally in ,adam1 but also actually by our own transgressions1 there is required at our hands now1 not only obedience for the rest of our time1 but also a remission of sins for the time past2 which remission is the reward of our faith in ,christ4 ,that nothing else is necessarily required to salvation1 is manifest from this1 that the kingdom of heaven is shut to none but to sinners2 that is to say1 to the disobedient1 or transgressors of the law2 nor to them1 in case they repent1 and believe all the articles of ,christian faith necessary to salvation4 ,sidenote3 ,what obedience is necessary2 ,the obedience required at our hands by ,god1 that accepteth in all our actions the will for the deed1 is a serious endeavour to obey him2 and is called also by all such names as signify that endeavour4 ,and therefore obedience is sometimes called by the names of charity and love1 because they imply a will to obey2 and our ,saviour himself maketh our love to ,god1 and to one another1 a fulfilling of the whole law3 and sometimes by the name of righteousness2 for righteousness is but the will to give to every one his own2 that is to say1 the will to obey the laws3 and sometimes by the name of repentance2 because to repent1 implieth a turning away from sin1 which is the same with the return of the will to obedience4 ,whosoever therefore unfeignedly desireth to fulfil the commandments of ,god1 or repenteth him truly of his transgressions1 or that loveth ,god with all his heart1 and his neighbour as himself1 hath all the obedience necessary to his reception into the kingdom of ,god4 ,for if ,god should require perfect innocence1 there could no flesh be saved4 ,sidenote3 ,and to what laws4 ,but what commandments are those that ,god hath given us8 ,are all those laws which were given to the ,jews by the hand of ,moses1 the commandments of ,god8 ,if they be1 why are not ,christians taught to obey them8 ,if they be not1 what others are so1 besides the law of nature8 ,for our ,saviour ,christ hath not given us new laws1 but counsel to observe those we are subject to2 that is to say1 the laws of nature1 and the laws of our several sovereigns3 nor did he make any new law to the ,jews in his sermon on the ,mount1 but only expounded the law of ,moses1 to which they were subject before4 ,the laws of ,god therefore are none but the laws of nature1 whereof the principal is1 that we should not violate our faith1 that is1 a commandment to obey our civil sovereigns1 which we constituted over us by mutual pact one with another4 ,and this law of ,god1 that commandeth obedience to the law civil1 commandeth by consequence obedience to all the precepts of the ,bible2 which1 as ,i have proved in the precedent chapter1 is there only law1 where the civil sovereign hath made it so2 and in other places1 but counsel2 which a man at his own peril may without injustice refuse to obey4 ,sidenote3 ,in the faith of a ,christian1 who is the person believed4 ,knowing now what is the obedience necessary to salvation1 and to whom it is due2 we are to consider next concerning faith1 whom1 and why we believe2 and what are the articles1 or points necessary to be believed by them that shall be saved4 ,and first1 for the person whom we believe1 because it is impossible to believe any person1 before we know what he saith1 it is necessary he be one that we have heard speak4 ,the person1 therefore1 whom ,abraham1 ,isaac1 ,jacob1 ,moses1 and the prophets1 believed1 was ,god himself1 that spake unto them supernaturally3 and the person1 whom the apostles and disciples that conversed with ,christ believed1 was our ,saviour himself4 ,but of them1 to whom neither ,god the father1 nor our ,saviour1 ever spake1 it cannot be said that the person whom they believed1 was ,god4 ,they believed the apostles1 and after them the pastors and doctors of the ,church1 that recommended to their faith the history of the ,old and ,new ,testament3 so that the faith of ,christians ever since our ,saviour's time1 hath had for foundation1 first1 the reputation of their pastors1 and afterward1 the authority of those that made the ,old and ,new ,testament to be received for the rule of faith2 which none could do but ,christian sovereigns2 who are therefore the supreme pastors1 and the only persons whom ,christians now hear speak from ,god2 except such as ,god speaketh to in these days supernaturally4 ,but because there be many false prophets gone out into the world1 other men are to examine such spirits1 as ,st4 ,john adviseth us1 7#ast ,epistle iv4 #a7 whether they be of ,god1 or not4 ,and therefore1 seeing the examination of doctrines belongeth to the supreme pastor1 the person1 which all they that have no special revelation are to believe1 is1 in every commonwealth1 the supreme pastor1 that is to say1 the civil sovereign4 ,sidenote3 ,the causes of ,christian faith4 ,the causes why men believe any ,christian doctrine1 are various4 ,for faith is the gift of ,god2 and he worketh it in each several man1 by such ways as it seemeth good unto himself4 ,the most ordinary immediate cause of our belief1 concerning any point of ,christian faith1 is1 that we believe the ,bible to be the word of ,god4 ,but why we believe the ,bible to be the word of ,god1 is much disputed1 as all questions must needs be1 that are not well stated4 ,for they make not the question to be1 why we believe it1 but1 how we know it2 as if believing and knowing were all one4 ,and thence while one side ground their knowledge upon the infallibility of the ,church1 and the other side1 on the testimony of the private spirit1 neither side concludeth what it pretends4 ,for how shall a man know the infallibility of the ,church1 but by knowing first the infallibility of the ,scripture8 ,or how shall a man know his own private spirit to be other than a belief1 grounded upon the authority and arguments of his teachers1 or upon a presumption of his own gifts8 ,besides1 there is nothing in the ,scripture1 from which can be inferred the infallibility of the ,church2 much less1 of any particular ,church2 and least of all1 the infallibility of any particular man4 ,sidenote3 ,faith comes by hearing4 ,it is manifest therefore1 that ,christian men do not know1 but only believe the ,scripture to be the word of ,god2 and that the means of making them believe1 which ,god is pleased to afford men ordinarily1 is according to the way of nature1 that is to say1 from their teachers4 ,it is the doctrine of ,st4 ,paul concerning ,christian faith in general 7,rom4 x4 #ag71 ,faith cometh by hearing1 that is1 by hearing our lawful pastors4 ,he saith also1 7verses #ad1 #ae1 of the same chapter71 ,how shall they believe in him of whom they have not heard8 and how shall they hear without a preacher8 and how shall they preach1 except they be sent8 ,whereby it is evident1 that the ordinary cause of believing that the ,scriptures are the word of ,god1 is the same with the cause of the believing of all other articles of our faith1 namely1 the hearing of those that are by the law allowed and appointed to teach us1 as our parents in their houses1 and our pastors in the churches4 ,which also is made more manifest by experience4 ,for what other cause can there be assigned1 why in ,christian commonwealths all men either believe1 or at least profess the ,scripture to be the word of ,god1 and in other commonwealths scarce any2 but that in ,christian commonwealths they are taught it from their infancy2 and in other places they are taught otherwise8 ,but if teaching be the cause of faith1 why do not all believe8 ,it is certain therefore that faith is the gift of ,god1 and he giveth it to whom he will4 ,nevertheless1 because to them to whom he giveth it1 he giveth it by the means of teachers1 the immediate cause of faith is hearing4 ,in a school1 where many are taught1 and some profit1 others profit not1 the cause of learning in them that profit1 is the master2 yet it cannot be thence inferred1 that learning is not the gift of ,god4 ,all good things proceed from ,god2 yet cannot all that have them1 say they are inspired2 for that implies a gift supernatural1 and the immediate hand of ,god2 which he that pretends to1 pretends to be a prophet1 and is subject to the examination of the ,church4 ,but whether men know1 or believe1 or grant the ,scriptures to be the word of ,god2 if out of such places of them1 as are without obscurity1 ,i shall show what articles of faith are necessary1 and only necessary for salvation1 those men must needs know1 believe1 or grant the same4 ,sidenote3 ,the only necessary article of ,christian faith2 ,the unum necessarium1 only article of faith1 which the ,scripture maketh simply necessary to salvation1 is this1 that ,,jesus ,,is ,,the ,,christ4 ,by the name of ,christ is understood the king1 which ,god had before promised by the prophets of the ,old ,testament1 to send into the world1 to reign 7over the ,jews1 and over such of other nations as should believe in him71 under himself eternally2 and to give them that eternal life1 which was lost by the sin of ,adam4 ,which when ,i have proved out of ,scripture1 ,i will further show when1 and in what sense1 some other articles may be also called necessary4 ,sidenote3 ,proved from the scope of the ,evangelists3 ,for proof that the belief of this article1 ,jesus is the ,christ1 is all the faith required to salvation1 my first argument shall be from the scope of the ,evangelists2 which was by the description of the life of our ,saviour1 to establish that one article1 ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,the sum of ,st4 ,matthew's ,gospel is this1 that ,jesus was of the stock of ,david1 born of a ,virgin2 which are the marks of the true ,christ3 that the ,magi came to worship him as ,king of the ,jews3 that ,herod for the same cause sought to kill him3 that ,john the ,baptist proclaimed him3 that he preached by himself and his apostles that he was that king3 that he taught the law1 not as a scribe1 but as a man of authority3 that he cured diseases by his word only1 and did many other miracles1 which were foretold the ,christ should do3 that he was saluted king when he entered into ,jerusalem3 that he forewarned them to beware of all others that should pretend to be ,christ3 that he was taken1 accused1 and put to death1 for saying he was king3 that the cause of his condemnation written on the cross was1 ,,jesus ,,of ,,nazareth1 ,,the ,,king ,,of ,,the ,,jews4 ,all which tend to no other end than this1 that men should believe that ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,such therefore was the scope of ,st4 ,matthew's ,gospel4 ,but the scope of all the evangelists1 as may appear by reading them1 was the same4 ,therefore the scope of the whole ,gospel was the establishing of that only article4 ,and ,st4 ,john expressly makes it his conclusion1 7,john xx4 #ca71 ,these things are written1 that you may know that ,jesus is the ,christ1 the ,son of the living ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,from the sermons of the apostles3 ,my second argument is taken from the subjects of the sermons of the apostles1 both whilst our ,saviour lived on earth1 and after his ascension4 ,the apostles1 in our ,saviour's time1 were sent1 7,luke ix4 #b7 to preach the kingdom of ,god4 ,for neither there1 nor1 ,matth4 x4 #g1 giveth he any commission to them other than this1 ,as ye go1 preach1 saying1 the kingdom of heaven is at hand2 that is1 that ,jesus is the ,messiah1 the ,christ1 the ,king which was to come4 ,that their preaching also after his ascension was the same1 is manifest out of ,acts xvii4 #f1 #g1 ,they drew1 saith ,st4 ,luke1 ,jason and certain brethren unto the rulers of the city1 crying1 these that have turned the world upside down are come hither also1 whom ,jason hath received3 and these all do contrary to the decrees of ,csar1 saying1 that there is another king1 one ,jesus4 ,and out of the #bnd and #crd verses of the same chapter1 where it is said1 that ,st4 ,paul1 as his manner was1 went in unto them2 and three sabbath days reasoned with them out of the ,scriptures2 opening and alleging1 that ,christ must needs have suffered1 and risen again from the dead1 and that this ,jesus1 whom he preached1 is ,christ4 ,sidenote3 ,from the easiness of the doctrine3 ,the third argument is from those places of ,scripture1 by which all the faith required to salvation is declared to be easy4 ,for if an inward assent of the mind to all the doctrines concerning ,christian faith now taught1 whereof the greatest part are disputed1 were necessary to salvation1 there would be nothing in the world so hard as to be a ,christian4 ,the thief upon the cross1 though repenting1 could not have been saved for saying1 ,lord remember me when thou comest into thy kingdom2 by which he testified no belief of any other article1 but this1 that ,jesus was the king4 ,nor could it be said 7as it is1 ,matth4 xi4 #cj71 that ,christ's yoke is easy1 and his burthen light3 nor that little children believe in him1 as it is ,matth4 xviii4 #f4 ,nor could ,st4 ,paul have said1 7#a ,cor4 i4 #ba71 ,it pleased ,god by the foolishness of preaching1 to save them that believe4 ,nor could ,st4 ,paul himself have been saved1 much less have been so great a doctor of the ,church so suddenly1 that never perhaps thought of transubstantiation nor purgatory1 nor many other articles now obtruded4 ,sidenote3 ,from formal and clear texts4 ,the fourth argument is taken from places express1 and such as receive no controversy of interpretation2 as first1 ,john v4 #ci2 ,search the ,scriptures2 for in them ye think ye have eternal life2 and they are they that testify of me4 ,our ,saviour here speaketh of the ,scriptures only of the ,old ,testament2 for the ,jews at that time could not search the ,scriptures of the ,new ,testament1 which were not written4 ,but the ,old ,testament hath nothing of ,christ1 but the marks by which men might know him when he came2 as that he should descend from ,david2 be born at ,bethlehem1 and of a ,virgin2 do great miracles1 and the like4 ,therefore to believe that this ,jesus was ,he1 was sufficient to eternal life3 but more than sufficient is not necessary2 and consequently no other article is required4 ,again1 7,john xi4 #bf7 ,whosoever liveth and believeth in me1 shall not die eternally4 ,therefore to believe in ,christ1 is faith sufficient to eternal life2 and consequently no more faith than that is necessary4 ,but to believe in ,jesus1 and to believe that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is all one1 as appeareth in the verses immediately following4 ,for when our ,saviour 7verse #bf7 had said to ,martha1 ,believest thou this8 she answereth 7verse #bg71 ,yea1 ,lord1 ,i believe that thou art the ,christ1 the ,son of ,god1 which should come into the world4 ,therefore this article alone is faith sufficient to life eternal2 and more than sufficient is not necessary4 ,thirdly1 ,john xx4 #ca3 ,these things are written that ye might believe1 that ,jesus is the ,christ1 the ,son of ,god1 and that believing ye might have life through his name4 ,there1 to believe that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is faith sufficient to the obtaining of life2 and therefore no other article is necessary4 ,fourthly1 #a ,john iv4 #b3 ,every spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god4 ,and #a ,john v4 #a3 ,whosoever believeth that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is born of ,god4 ,and verse #e1 ,who is he that overcometh the world1 but he that believeth that ,jesus is the ,son of ,god8 ,fifthly1 ,acts viii4 #cf1 #cg3 ,see1 saith the ,eunuch1 here is water1 what doth hinder me to be baptized8 ,and ,philip said1 if thou believest with all thy heart1 thou mayst4 ,and he answered and said1 ,i believe that ,jesus ,christ is the ,son of ,god4 ,therefore this article believed1 ,jesus is the ,christ1 is sufficient to baptism1 that is to say1 to our reception into the kingdom of ,god1 and by consequence1 only necessary4 ,and generally in all places where our ,saviour saith to any man1 ,thy faith hath saved thee1 the cause he saith it1 is some confession1 which directly1 or by consequence1 implieth a belief1 that ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,sidenote3 ,from that it is the foundation of all other articles4 ,the last argument is from the places1 where this article is made the foundation of faith3 for he that holdeth the foundation1 shall be saved4 ,which places are first1 ,matth4 xxiv4 #bc1 #bd3 ,if any man shall say unto you1 ,lo here is ,christ1 or there1 believe it not2 for there shall arise false ,christs1 and false prophets1 and shall shew great signs and wonders1 c4 ,here we see this article1 ,jesus is the ,christ1 must be held1 though he that shall teach the contrary should do great miracles4 ,the second place is1 ,gal4 i4 #h3 ,though we1 or an angel from heaven1 preach any other gospel unto you1 than that we have preached unto you1 let him be accursed4 ,but the gospel which ,paul1 and the other apostles1 preached1 was only this article1 that ,jesus is the ,christ3 therefore for the belief of this article1 we are to reject the authority of an angel from heaven2 much more of any mortal man1 if he teach the contrary4 ,this is therefore the fundamental article of ,christian faith4 ,a third place is1 #a ,john1 iv4 #a1 #b3 ,beloved1 believe not every spirit3 hereby ye shall know the ,spirit of ,god2 every spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god4 ,by which it is evident1 that this article1 is the measure and rule1 by which to estimate and examine all other articles2 and is therefore only fundamental4 ,a fourth is ,matth4 xvi4 #af1 #ah1 where after ,st4 ,peter had professed this article1 saying to our ,saviour1 ,thou art ,christ the ,son of the living ,god1 our ,saviour answered1 ,thou art ,peter1 and upon this rock ,i will build my ,church2 from whence ,i infer1 that this article is that1 on which all other doctrines of the ,church are built1 as on their foundation4 ,a fifth is #a ,cor4 iii4 #aa1 #ab1 c4 ,other foundation can no man lay1 than that which is laid1 ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,now if any man build upon this foundation1 gold1 silver1 precious stones1 wood1 hay1 stubble2 every man's work shall be made manifest2 for the day shall declare it1 because it shall be revealed by fire1 and the fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is4 ,if any man's work abide1 which he hath built thereupon1 he shall receive a reward4 ,if any man's work shall be burnt1 he shall suffer loss2 but he himself shall be saved1 yet so as by fire4 ,which words1 being partly plain and easy to understand1 and partly allegorical and difficult2 out of that which is plain1 maybe inferred1 that pastors that teach this foundation1 that ,jesus is the ,christ1 though they draw from it false consequences1 which all men are sometimes subject to1 they may nevertheless be saved2 much more that they may be saved1 who being no pastors1 but hearers1 believe that which is by their lawful pastors taught them4 ,therefore the belief of this article is sufficient2 and by consequence1 there is no other article of faith necessarily required to salvation4 ,now for the part which is allegorical1 as that the fire shall try every man's work1 and that they shall be saved1 but so as by fire1 or through fire1 7for the original is 17 it maketh nothing against this conclusion which ,i have drawn from the other words1 that are plain4 ,nevertheless1 because upon this place there hath been an argument taken1 to prove the fire of purgatory1 ,i will also here offer you my conjecture concerning the meaning of this trial of doctrines1 and saving of men as by fire4 ,the apostle here seemeth to allude to the words of the prophet ,zechariah1 7xiii4 #h1 #i71 who speaking of the restoration of the kingdom of ,god1 saith thus2 ,two parts therein shall be cut off1 and die1 but the third shall be left therein2 and ,i will bring the third part through the fire1 and will refine them as silver is refined1 and will try them as gold is tried2 they shall call on the name of the ,lord1 and ,i will hear them4 ,the day of judgment is the day of the restoration of the kingdom of ,god2 and at that day it is1 that ,st4 ,peter tells us 7#b ,pet4 iii4 #g1 #aj1 #ab7 shall be the conflagration of the world1 wherein the wicked shall perish2 but the remnant which ,god will save1 shall pass through that fire unhurt1 and be therein1 7as silver and gold are refined by the fire from their dross17 tried1 and refined from their idolatry1 and be made to call upon the name of the true ,god4 ,alluding whereto1 ,st4 ,paul here saith1 that the day1 that is1 the day of judgment1 the great day of our ,saviour's coming to restore the kingdom of ,god in ,israel1 shall try every man's doctrine1 by judging which are gold1 silver1 precious stones1 wood1 hay1 stubble2 and then they that have built false consequences on the true foundation1 shall see their doctrines condemned2 nevertheless they themselves shall be saved1 and pass unhurt through this universal fire1 and live eternally1 to call upon the name of the true and only ,god4 ,in which sense there is nothing that accordeth not with the rest of ,holy ,scripture1 or any glimpse of the fire of purgatory4 ,sidenote3 ,in what sense other articles may be called necessary4 ,but a man may here ask1 whether it be not as necessary to salvation1 to believe1 that ,god is omnipotent2 ,creator of the world2 that ,jesus ,christ is risen2 and that all men else shall rise again from the dead at the last day2 as to believe that ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,to which ,i answer1 they are2 and so are many more articles3 but they are such1 as are contained in this one1 and may be deduced from it1 with more or less difficulty4 ,for who is there that does not see1 that they who believe ,jesus to be the ,son of the ,god of ,israel1 and that the ,israelites had for ,god the ,omnipotent ,creator of all things1 do therein also believe1 that ,god is the ,omnipotent ,creator of all things8 ,or how can a man believe1 that ,jesus is the king that shall reign eternally1 unless he believe him also risen again from the dead8 ,for a dead man cannot exercise the office of a king4 ,in sum1 he that holdeth this foundation1 ,jesus is the ,christ1 holdeth expressly all that he seeth rightly deduced from it1 and implicitly all that is consequent thereunto1 though he have not skill enough to discern the consequence4 ,and therefore it holdeth still good1 that the belief of this one article is sufficient faith to obtain remission of sins to the penitent1 and consequently to bring them into the kingdom of heaven4 ,sidenote3 ,that faith and obedience are both of them necessary to salvation4 ,now that ,i have shown1 that all the obedience required to salvation1 consisteth in the will to obey the law of ,god1 that is to say1 in repentance2 and all the faith required to the same1 is comprehended in the belief of this article1 ,jesus is the ,christ2 ,i will further allege those places of the ,gospel1 that prove1 that all that is necessary to salvation is contained in both these joined together4 ,the men to whom ,st4 ,peter preached on the day of ,pentecost1 next after the ascension of our ,saviour1 asked him1 and the rest of the apostles1 saying1 7,acts ii4 #cg71 ,men and brethren1 what shall we do8 ,to whom ,st4 ,peter answered 7in the next verse7 ,repent1 and be baptized every one of you1 for the remission of sins1 and ye shall receive the gift of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,therefore repentance1 and baptism1 that is1 believing that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is all that is necessary to salvation4 ,again1 our ,saviour being asked by a certain ruler 7,luke xviii4 #ah71 ,what shall ,i do to inherit eternal life8 answered1 7verse #bj7 ,thou knowest the commandments1 do not commit adultery1 do not kill1 do not steal1 do not bear false witness1 honour thy father and thy mother4 ,which when he said he had observed1 our ,saviour added1 7verse #bb7 ,sell all thou hast1 give it to the poor1 and come and follow me3 which was as much as to say1 rely on me that am the king4 ,therefore to fulfil the law1 and to believe that ,jesus is the king1 is all that is required to bring a man to eternal life4 ,thirdly1 ,st4 ,paul saith 7,rom4 i4 #ag71 ,the just shall live by faith2 not every one1 but the just2 therefore faith and justice 7that is1 the will to be just1 or repentance7 are all that is necessary to life eternal4 ,and 7,mark i4 #ae7 our ,saviour preached1 saying1 ,the time is fulfilled1 and the kingdom of ,god is at hand1 repent and believe the evangile1 that is1 the good news that the ,christ was come4 ,therefore1 to repent1 and to believe that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is all that is required to salvation4 ,sidenote3 ,what each of them contributes thereunto ,seeing then it is necessary that faith and obedience1 implied in the word repentance1 do both concur to our salvation2 the question by which of the two we are justified1 is impertinently disputed4 ,nevertheless1 it will not be impertinent1 to make manifest in what manner each of them contributes thereunto2 and in what sense it is said1 that we are to be justified by the one1 and by the other4 ,and first1 if by righteousness be understood the justice of the works themselves1 there is no man that can be saved2 for there is none that hath not transgressed the law of ,god4 ,and therefore when we are said to be justified by works1 it is to be understood of the will1 which ,god doth always accept for the work itself1 as well in good1 as in evil men4 ,and in this sense only it is1 that a man is called just1 or unjust2 and that his justice justifies him1 that is1 gives him the title1 in ,god's acceptation1 of just2 and renders him capable of living by his faith1 which before he was not4 ,so that justice justifies in that sense1 in which to justify1 is the same as that to denominate a man just2 and not in the signification of discharging the law2 whereby the punishment of his sins should be unjust4 ,but a man is then also said to be justified1 when his plea1 though in itself insufficient1 is accepted2 as when we plead our will1 our endeavour to fulfil the law1 and repent us of our failings1 and ,god accepteth it for the performance itself4 ,and because ,god accepteth not the will for the deed1 but only in the faithful2 it is therefore faith that makes good our plea2 and in this sense it is1 that faith only justifies4 ,so that faith and obedience are both necessary to salvation2 yet in several senses each of them is said to justify4 ,sidenote3 ,obedience to ,god and to the civil sovereign not inconsistent1 whether ,christian1 or infidel4 ,having thus shown what is necessary to salvation2 it is not hard to reconcile our obedience to ,god1 with our obedience to the civil sovereign2 who is either ,christian1 or infidel4 ,if he be a ,christian1 he alloweth the belief of this article1 that ,jesus is the ,christ2 and of all the articles that are contained in1 or are by evident consequence deduced from it3 which is all the faith necessary to salvation4 ,and because he is a sovereign1 he requireth obedience to all his own1 that is1 to all the civil laws2 in which also are contained all the laws of nature1 that is all the laws of ,god3 for besides the laws of nature1 and the laws of the ,church1 which are part of the civil law1 7for the ,church that can make laws is the commonwealth71 there be no other laws divine4 ,whosoever therefore obeyeth his ,christian sovereign1 is not thereby hindered1 neither from believing1 nor from obeying ,god4 ,but suppose that a ,christian king should from this foundation ,jesus is the ,christ1 draw some false consequences1 that is to say1 make some superstructions of hay or stubble1 and command the teaching of the same2 yet seeing ,st4 ,paul says he shall be saved2 much more shall he be saved1 that teacheth them by his command2 and much more yet1 he that teaches not1 but only believes his lawful teacher4 ,and in case a subject be forbidden by the civil sovereign to profess some of those his opinions1 upon what just ground can he disobey8 ,christian kings may err in deducing a consequence1 but who shall judge8 ,shall a private man judge1 when the question is of his own obedience8 ,or shall any man judge but he that is appointed thereto by the ,church1 that is1 by the civil sovereign that representeth it8 ,or if the pope1 or an apostle judge1 may he not err in deducing of a consequence8 ,did not one of the two1 ,st4 ,peter or ,st4 ,paul1 err in a superstructure1 when ,st4 ,paul withstood ,st4 ,peter to his face8 ,there can therefore be no contradiction between the laws of ,god1 and the laws of a ,christian commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,or infidel4 ,and when the civil sovereign is an infidel1 every one of his own subjects that resisteth him1 sinneth against the laws of ,god1 7for such are the laws of nature71 and rejecteth the counsel of the apostles1 that admonisheth all ,christians to obey their princes1 and all children and servants to obey their parents and masters in all things4 ,and for their faith1 it is internal1 and invisible2 they have the license that ,naaman had1 and need not put themselves into danger for it4 ,but if they do1 they ought to expect their reward in heaven1 and not complain of their lawful sovereign2 much less make war upon him4 ,for he that is not glad of any just occasion of martyrdom1 has not the faith he professeth1 but pretends it only1 to set some colour upon his own contumacy4 ,but what infidel king is so unreasonable1 as knowing he has a subject1 that waiteth for the second coming of ,christ1 after the present world shall be burnt1 and intendeth then to obey him1 7which is the intent of believing that ,jesus is the ,christ17 and in the mean time thinketh himself bound to obey the laws of that infidel king1 7which all ,christians are obliged in conscience to do71 to put to death or to persecute such a subject8 ,sidenote3 ,conclusion4 ,and thus much shall suffice1 concerning the kingdom of ,god1 and policy ecclesiastical4 ,wherein ,i pretend not to advance any position of my own1 but only to show what are the consequences that seem to me deducible from the principles of ,christian politics1 7which are the holy ,scriptures17 in confirmation of the power of civil sovereigns1 and the duty of their subjects4 ,and in the allegation of ,scripture1 ,i have endeavoured to avoid such texts as are of obscure or controverted interpretation2 and to allege none1 but in such sense as is most plain1 and agreeable to the harmony and scope of the whole ,bible2 which was written for the re-establishment of the kingdom of ,god in ,christ4 ,for it is not the bare words1 but the scope of the writer1 that giveth the true light1 by which any writing is to be interpreted2 and they that insist upon single texts1 without considering the main design1 can derive nothing from them clearly2 but rather by casting atoms of ,scripture1 as dust before men's eyes1 make every thing more obscure than it is2 an ordinary artifice of those that seek not the truth1 but their own advantage4 ,,part ,,iv4 ,,of ,,the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,darkness4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xliv4 ,,of ,,spiritual ,,darkness1 ,,from ,,misinterpretation ,,of ,,scripture4 ,sidenote3 ,the kingdom of ,darkness1 what4 ,besides these sovereign powers1 divine1 and human1 of which ,i have hitherto discoursed1 there is mention in ,scripture of another power1 namely1 7,eph4 vi4 #ab7 that of the rulers of the darkness of this world2 7,matth4 xii4 #bf7 the kingdom of ,satan2 and 7,matth4 ix4 #cd7 the principality of ,beelzebub over demons1 that is to say1 over phantasms that appear in the air3 for which cause ,satan is also called1 7,eph4 ii4 #b7 the prince of the power of the air2 and1 because he ruleth in the darkness of this world1 7,john xvi4 #aa7 the prince of this world3 and in consequence hereunto1 they who are under his dominion1 in opposition to the faithful1 7who are the children of the light17 are called the children of darkness4 ,for seeing ,beelzebub is prince of phantasms1 inhabitants of his dominion of air and darkness1 the children of darkness1 and these demons1 phantasms1 or spirits of illusion1 signify allegorically the same thing4 ,this considered1 the kingdom of darkness1 as it is set forth in these and other places of the ,scripture1 is nothing else but a confederacy of deceivers1 that to obtain dominion over men in this present world1 endeavour by dark and erroneous doctrines1 to extinguish in them the light1 both of nature1 and of the gospel2 and so to disprepare them for the kingdom of ,god to come4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,church not yet fully freed of darkness4 ,as men that are utterly deprived from their nativity1 of the light of the bodily eye1 have no idea at all of any such light2 and no man conceives in his imagination any greater light1 than he hath at some time or other perceived by his outward senses3 so also is it of the light of the gospel1 and of the light of the understanding1 that no man can conceive there is any greater degree of it1 than that which he hath already attained unto4 ,and from hence it comes to pass1 that men have no other means to acknowledge their own darkness1 but only by reasoning from the unforeseen mischances1 that befall them in their ways4 ,the darkest part of the kingdom of ,satan1 is that which is without the ,church of ,god2 that is to say1 amongst them that believe not in ,jesus ,christ4 ,but we cannot say1 that therefore the ,church enjoyeth1 as the land of ,goshen1 all the light1 which to the performance of the work enjoined us by ,god1 is necessary4 ,whence comes it1 that in ,christendom there has been1 almost from the time of the ,apostles1 such justling of one another out of their places1 both by foreign and civil war2 such stumbling at every little asperity of their own fortune1 and every little eminence of that of other men2 and such diversity of ways in running to the same mark1 felicity1 if it be not night amongst us1 or at least a mist8 ,we are therefore yet in the dark4 ,sidenote3 ,four causes of spiritual darkness4 ,the enemy has been here in the night of our natural ignorance1 and sown the tares of spiritual errors2 and that1 first1 by abusing1 and putting out the light of the ,scriptures3 for we err1 not knowing the ,scriptures4 ,secondly1 by introducing the demonology of the heathen poets1 that is to say1 their fabulous doctrine concerning demons1 which are but idols1 or phantasms of the brain1 without any real nature of their own1 distinct from human fancy2 such as are dead men's ghosts1 and fairies1 and other matter of old wives' tales4 ,thirdly1 by mixing with the ,scripture divers relics of the religion1 and much of the vain and erroneous philosophy1 of the ,greeks1 especially of ,aristotle4 ,fourthly1 by mingling with both these1 false1 or uncertain traditions1 and feigned1 or uncertain history4 ,and so we come to err1 by giving heed to seducing spirits1 and the demonology of such as speak lies in hypocrisy2 or as it is in the original1 7#a ,tim4 iv4 #a1 #b7 of those that play the part of liars1 with a seared conscience1 that is1 contrary to their own knowledge4 ,concerning the first of these1 which is the seducing of men by abuse of ,scripture1 ,i intend to speak briefly in this chapter4 ,sidenote3 ,errors from misinterpreting the ,scriptures1 concerning the kingdom of ,god3 ,the greatest and main abuse of ,scripture1 and to which almost all the rest are either consequent or subservient1 is the wresting of it1 to prove that the kingdom of ,god1 mentioned so often in the ,scripture1 is the present ,church1 or multitude of ,christian men now living1 or that being dead1 are to rise again at the last day3 whereas the kingdom of ,god was first instituted by the ministry of ,moses1 over the ,jews only2 who were therefore called his peculiar people2 and ceased afterward1 in the election of ,saul1 when they refused to be governed by ,god any more1 and demanded a king after the manner of the nations2 which ,god himself consented unto1 as ,i have more at large proved before in chapter ,,xxxv4 ,after that time1 there was no other kingdom of ,god in the world1 by any pact1 or otherwise1 than he ever was1 is1 and shall be king of all men1 and of all creatures1 as governing according to his will1 by his infinite power4 ,nevertheless1 he promised by his prophets to restore this his government to them again1 when the time he hath in his secret counsel appointed for it shall be fully come1 and when they shall turn unto him by repentance and amendment of life4 ,and not only so1 but he invited the ,gentiles to come in1 and enjoy the happiness of his reign1 on the same conditions of conversion and repentance2 and he promised also to send his ,son into the world1 to expiate the sins of them all by his death1 and to prepare them by his doctrine1 to receive him at his second coming4 ,which second coming not yet being1 the kingdom of ,god is not yet come1 and we are not now under any other kings by pact1 but our civil sovereigns2 saving only1 that ,christian men are already in the kingdom of grace1 in as much as they have already the promise of being received at his coming again4 ,sidenote3 ,as that the kingdom of ,god is the present ,church ,consequent to this error1 that the present ,church is ,christ's kingdom1 there ought to be some one man1 or assembly1 by whose mouth our ,saviour1 now in heaven1 speaketh1 giveth law1 and which representeth his person to all ,christians2 or divers men1 or divers assemblies that do the same to divers parts of ,christendom4 ,this power regal under ,christ1 being challenged1 universally by the ,pope1 and in particular commonwealths by assemblies of the pastors of the place1 7when the ,scripture gives it to none but to civil sovereigns17 comes to be so passionately disputed1 that it putteth out the light of nature1 and causeth so great a darkness in men's understanding1 that they see not who it is to whom they have engaged their obedience4 ,sidenote3 ,and that the ,pope is his vicar general3 ,consequent to this claim of the ,pope to be vicar-general of ,christ in the present ,church1 7supposed to be that kingdom of his to which we are addressed in the gospel17 is the doctrine1 that it is necessary for a ,christian king to receive his crown by a bishop2 as if it were from that ceremony1 that he derives the clause of ,dei gratia in his title2 and that then only he is made king by the favour of ,god1 when he is crowned by the authority of ,god's universal vicegerent on earth2 and that every bishop1 whosoever be his sovereign1 taketh at his consecration an oath of absolute obedience to the ,pope4 ,consequent to the same1 is the doctrine of the fourth ,council of ,lateran1 held under ,pope ,innocent the ,third1 7chap4 ,,iii4 ,de ,hereticis71 that if a king at the ,pope's admonition1 do not purge his kingdom of heresies1 and being excommunicate for the same1 do not give satisfaction within a year1 his subjects are absolved of the bond of their obedience4 ,where1 by heresies are understood all opinions which the ,church of ,rome hath forbidden to be maintained4 ,and by this means1 as often as there is any repugnancy between the political designs of the ,pope1 and other ,christian princes1 as there is very often1 there ariseth such a mist amongst their subjects1 that they know not a stranger that thrusteth himself into the throne of their lawful prince1 from him whom they had themselves placed there2 and in this darkness of mind1 are made to fight one against another1 without discerning their enemies from their friends1 under the conduct of another man's ambition4 ,sidenote3 ,and that the pastors are the clergy4 ,from the same opinion1 that the present ,church is the kingdom of ,god1 it proceeds that pastors1 deacons1 and all other ministers of the ,church1 take the name to themselves of the clergy2 giving to other ,christians the name of laity1 that is1 simply people4 ,for clergy signifies those1 whose maintenance is that revenue1 which ,god having reserved to himself during his reign over the ,israelites1 assigned to the tribe of ,levi1 7who were to be his public ministers1 and had no portion of land set them out to live on1 as their brethren17 to be their inheritance4 ,the ,pope therefore1 pretending the present ,church to be1 as the realm of ,israel1 the kingdom of ,god1 challenging to himself and his subordinate ministers1 the like revenue1 as the inheritance of ,god1 the name of clergy was suitable to that claim4 ,and thence it is1 that tithes1 and other tributes paid to the ,levites1 as ,god's right1 amongst the ,israelites1 have a long time been demanded1 and taken of ,christians1 by ecclesiastics1 jure divino1 that is1 in ,god's right4 ,by which means1 the people every where were obliged to a double tribute2 one to the state1 another to the clergy2 whereof1 that to the clergy1 being the tenth of their revenue1 is double to that which a king of ,athens1 and esteemed a tyrant1 exacted of his subjects for the defraying of all public charges3 for he demanded no more but the twentieth part1 and yet abundantly maintained therewith the commonwealth4 ,and in the kingdom of the ,jews1 during the sacerdotal reign of ,god1 the tithes and offerings were the whole public revenue4 ,sidenote3 ,and that the pastors are the clergy4 ,from the same mistaking of the present ,church for the kingdom of ,god1 came in the distinction between the civil and the canon laws3 the civil law being the acts of sovereigns in their own dominions1 and the canon law being the acts of the ,pope in the same dominion4 ,which canons1 though they were but canons1 that is1 rules propounded1 and but voluntarily received by ,christian princes1 till the translation of the empire to ,charlemagne2 yet afterwards1 as the power of the ,pope increased1 became rules commanded1 and the emperors themselves1 to avoid greater mischiefs1 which the people blinded might be led into1 were forced to let them pass for laws4 ,from hence it is1 that in all dominions where the ,pope's ecclesiastical power is entirely received1 ,jews1 ,turks1 and ,gentiles1 are in the ,roman ,church tolerated in their religion1 as far forth1 as in the exercise and profession thereof they offend not against the civil power3 whereas in a ,christian1 though a stranger1 not to be of the ,roman religion1 is capital2 because the ,pope pretendeth1 that all ,christians1 are his subjects4 ,for otherwise it were as much against the law of nations1 to persecute a ,christian stranger1 for professing the religion of his own country1 as an infidel2 or rather more1 in as much as they that are not against ,christ1 are with him4 ,from the same it is1 that in every ,christian state there are certain men1 that are exempt1 by ecclesiastical liberty1 from the tributes1 and from the tribunals of the civil state2 for so are the secular clergy1 besides monks and friars1 which in many places bear so great a proportion to the common people1 as if need were1 there might be raised out of them alone1 an army1 sufficient for any war the ,church militant should employ them in1 against their own1 or other princes4 ,sidenote3 ,error from mistaking consecration for conjuration4 ,a second general abuse of ,scripture1 is the turning of consecration into conjuration1 or enchantment4 ,to consecrate1 is1 in ,scripture1 to offer1 give1 or dedicate1 in pious and decent language and gesture1 a man1 or any other thing to ,god1 by separating of it from common use2 that is to say1 to sanctify1 or make it ,god's1 and to be used only by those1 whom ,god hath appointed to be his public ministers1 7as ,i have already proved at large in the ,x,x,x,vth chapter17 and thereby to change1 not the thing consecrated1 but only the use of it1 from being profane and common1 to be holy1 and peculiar to ,god's service4 ,but when by such words1 the nature or quality of the thing itself1 is pretended to be changed1 it is not consecration1 but either an extraordinary work of ,god1 or a vain and impious conjuration4 ,but seeing1 for the frequency of pretending the change of nature in their consecrations1 it cannot be esteemed a work extraordinary1 it is no other than a conjuration or incantation1 whereby they would have men to believe an alteration of nature that is not1 contrary to the testimony of man's sight1 and of all the rest of his senses4 ,as for example1 when the priest1 instead of consecrating bread and wine to ,god's peculiar service in the sacrament of the ,lord's ,supper1 7which is but a separation of it from the common use1 to signify1 that is1 to put men in mind of their redemption1 by the passion of ,christ1 whose body was broken1 and blood shed upon the cross for our transgressions17 pretends1 that by saying of the words of our ,saviour1 ,this is my body1 and this is my blood1 the nature of bread is no more there1 but his very body2 notwithstanding there appeareth not to the sight1 or other sense of the receiver1 any thing that appeared not before the consecration4 ,the ,egyptian conjurers1 that are said to have turned their rods to serpents1 and the water into blood1 are thought but to have deluded the senses of the spectators1 by a false show of things1 yet are esteemed enchanters4 ,but what should we have thought of them1 if there had appeared in their rods nothing like a serpent1 and in the water enchanted1 nothing like blood1 nor like any thing else but water1 but that they had faced down the king1 that they were serpents that looked like rods1 and that it was blood that seemed water8 ,that had been both enchantment1 and lying4 ,and yet in this daily act of the priest1 they do the very same1 by turning the holy words into the manner of a charm1 which produceth nothing new to the sense2 but they face us down1 that it hath turned the bread into a man2 nay more1 into a ,god2 and require men to worship it1 as if it were our ,saviour himself present ,god and man1 and thereby to commit most gross idolatry4 ,for if it be enough to excuse it of idolatry1 to say it is no more bread1 but ,god2 why should not the same excuse serve the ,egyptians1 in case they had the faces to say1 the leeks and onions they worshipped1 were not very leeks and onions1 but a divinity under their species1 or likeness4 ,the words1 ,this is my body1 are equivalent to these1 this signifies1 or represents my body2 and it is an ordinary figure of speech3 but to take it literally1 is an abuse2 nor though so taken1 can it extend any further1 than to the bread which ,christ himself with his own hands consecrated4 ,for he never said1 that of what bread soever1 any priest whatsoever1 should say1 ,this is my body1 or1 this is ,christ's body1 the same should presently be transubstantiated4 ,nor did the ,church of ,rome ever establish this transubstantiation1 till the time of ,innocent the ,third2 which was not above #ejj years ago1 when the power of popes was at the highest1 and the darkness of the time grown so great1 as men discerned not the bread that was given them to eat1 especially when it was stamped with the figure of ,christ upon the cross1 as if they would have men believe it were transubstantiated1 not only into the body of ,christ1 but also into the wood of his cross1 and that they did eat both together in the sacrament4 ,sidenote3 ,incantation in the ceremonies of baptism3 ,the like incantation1 instead of consecration1 is used also in the sacrament of baptism3 where the abuse of ,god's name in each several person1 and in the whole ,trinity1 with the sign of the cross at each name1 maketh up the charm4 ,as first1 when they make the holy water1 the priest saith1 ,i conjure thee1 thou creature of water1 in the name of ,god the ,father ,almighty1 and in the name of ,jesus ,christ his only ,son our ,lord1 and in virtue of the ,holy ,ghost1 that thou become conjured water1 to drive away all the powers of the enemy1 and to eradicate1 and supplant the enemy1 c4 ,and the same in the benediction of the salt to be mingled with it3 ,that thou become conjured salt1 that all phantasms1 and knavery of the devil's fraud may fly and depart from the place wherein thou art sprinkled2 and every unclean spirit be conjured by ,him that shall come to judge the quick and the dead4 ,the same in the benediction of the oil2 ,that all the power of the enemy1 all the host of the devil1 all assaults and phantasms of ,satan1 may be driven away by this creature of oil4 ,and for the infant that is to be baptized1 he is subject to many charms3 first1 at the church door the priest blows thrice in the child's face1 and says3 ,go out of him unclean spirit1 and give place to the ,holy ,ghost the comforter4 ,as if all children1 till blown on by the priest1 were demoniacs4 ,again1 before his entrance into the church1 he saith as before1 ,i conjure thee1 c4 to go out1 and depart from this servant of ,god4 ,and again the same exorcism is repeated once more before he be baptized4 ,these1 and some other incantations1 are those that are used instead of benedictions1 and consecrations1 in administration of the sacraments of baptism1 and the ,lord's supper2 wherein every thing that serveth to those holy uses1 except the unhallowed spittle of the priest1 hath some set form of exorcism4 ,sidenote3 ,and in marriage1 in visitation of the sick1 and in consecration of places4 ,nor are the other rites1 as of marriage1 of extreme unction1 of visitation of the sick1 of consecrating churches and churchyards1 and the like1 exempt from charms2 inasmuch as there is in them the use of enchanted oil and water1 with the abuse of the cross1 and of the holy word of ,david1 asperges me ,domine hyssopo1 as things of efficacy to drive away phantasms1 and imaginary spirits4 ,sidenote3 ,errors from mistaking eternal life1 and everlasting death3 ,another general error1 is from the misinterpretation of the words eternal life1 everlasting death1 and the second death4 ,for though we read plainly in ,holy ,scripture1 that ,god created ,adam in an estate of living for ever1 which was conditional1 that is to say1 if he disobeyed not his commandment2 which was not essential to human nature1 but consequent to the virtue of the tree of life2 whereof he had liberty to eat1 as long as he had not sinned2 and that he was thrust out of ,paradise after he had sinned1 lest he should eat thereof1 and live for ever2 and that ,christ's ,passion is a discharge of sin to all that believe on him2 and by consequence1 a restitution of eternal life to all the faithful1 and to them only3 yet the doctrine is now1 and hath been a long time far otherwise2 namely1 that every man hath eternity of life by nature1 inasmuch as his soul is immortal4 ,so that the flaming sword at the entrance of ,paradise1 though it hinder a man from coming to the tree of life1 hinders him not from the immortality which ,god took from him for his sin2 nor makes him to need the sacrificing of ,christ1 for the recovering of the same2 and consequently1 not only the faithful and righteous1 but also the wicked and the heathen1 shall enjoy eternal life1 without any death at all2 much less a second1 and everlasting death4 ,to salve this1 it is said1 that by second1 and everlasting death1 is meant a second1 and everlasting life1 but in torments2 a figure never used but in this very case4 ,all which doctrine is founded only on some of the obscurer places of the ,new ,testament2 which nevertheless1 the whole scope of the ,scripture considered1 are clear enough in a different sense1 and unnecessary to the ,christian faith4 ,for supposing that when a man dies1 there remaineth nothing of him but his carcass2 cannot ,god1 that raised inanimated dust and clay into a living creature by his word1 as easily raise a dead carcass to life again1 and continue him alive for ever1 or make him die again1 by another word8 ,the soul in ,scripture1 signifieth always1 either the life1 or the living creature2 and the body and soul jointly1 the body alive4 ,in the fifth day of the creation1 ,god said3 ,let the waters produce reptile anim viventis1 the creeping thing that hath in it a living soul2 the ,english translate it1 that hath life4 ,and again1 ,god created whales1 et omnem animam viventem2 which in the ,english is1 every living creature4 ,and likewise of man1 ,god made him of the dust of the earth1 and breathed in his face the breath of life1 et factus est homo in animam viventem1 that is1 and man was made a living creature4 ,and after ,noah came out of the ark1 ,god saith1 he will no more smite omnem animam viventem1 that is1 every living creature4 ,and 7,deut4 xii4 #bc71 ,eat not the blood1 for the blood is the soul2 that is1 the life4 ,from which places1 if by soul were meant a substance incorporeal1 with an existence separated from the body1 it might as well be inferred of any other living creature as of man4 ,but that the souls of the faithful1 are not of their own nature1 but by ,god's special grace1 to remain in their bodies1 from the resurrection to all eternity1 ,i have already1 ,i think1 sufficiently proved out of the ,scriptures1 in chapter ,,xxxviii4 ,and for the places of the ,new ,testament1 where it is said that any man shall be cast body and soul into hell fire1 it is no more than body and life2 that is to say1 they shall be cast alive into the perpetual fire of ,gehenna4 ,sidenote3 ,as the doctrine of purgatory1 and exorcisms1 and invocation of saints4 ,this window it is1 that gives entrance to the dark doctrine1 first1 of eternal torments2 and afterwards of purgatory1 and consequently of the walking abroad1 especially in places consecrated1 solitary1 or dark1 of the ghosts of men deceased2 and thereby to the pretences of exorcism and conjuration of phantasms2 as also of invocation of men dead2 and to the doctrine of indulgences1 that is to say1 of exemption for a time1 or for ever1 from the fire of purgatory1 wherein these incorporeal substances are pretended by burning to be cleansed1 and made fit for heaven4 ,for men being generally possessed before the time of our ,saviour1 by contagion of the demonology of the ,greeks1 of an opinion1 that the souls of men were substances distinct from their bodies1 and therefore that when the body was dead1 the soul of every man1 whether godly or wicked1 must subsist somewhere by virtue of its own nature1 without acknowledging therein any supernatural gift of ,god2 the doctors of the ,church doubted a long time1 what was the place1 which they were to abide in1 till they should be reunited to their bodies in the resurrection2 supposing for a while1 they lay under the altars2 but afterward the ,church of ,rome found it more profitable to build for them this place of purgatory2 which by some other ,churches in this latter age has been demolished4 ,sidenote3 ,the texts alleged for the doctrines aforementioned have been answered before4 ,let us now consider what texts of ,scripture seem most to confirm these three general errors1 ,i have here touched4 ,as for those which ,cardinal ,bellarmine hath alleged1 for the present kingdom of ,god administered by the ,pope1 than which there are none that make a better show of proof2 ,i have already answered them2 and made it evident1 that the kingdom of ,god1 instituted by ,moses1 ended in the election of ,saul2 after which time the priest of his own authority never deposed any king4 ,that which the high-priest did to ,athaliah1 was not done in his own right1 but in the right of the young king ,joash her son3 but ,solomon in his own right deposed the high-priest ,abiathar1 and set up another in his place4 ,the most difficult place to answer1 of all those that can be brought to prove the kingdom of ,god by ,christ is already in this world1 is alleged1 not by ,bellarmine1 nor any other of the ,church of ,rome2 but by ,beza1 that will have it to begin from the resurrection of ,christ4 ,but whether he intend thereby1 to entitle the ,presbytery to the supreme power ecclesiastical in the commonwealth of ,geneva1 and consequently to every presbytery in every other commonwealth1 or to princes1 and other civil sovereigns1 ,i do not know4 ,for the presbytery hath challenged the power to excommunicate their own kings1 and to be the supreme moderators in religion1 in the places where they have that form of ,church-government1 no less than the ,pope challengeth it universally4 ,sidenote3 ,answer to the text on which ,beza inferreth that the kingdom of ,christ began at the resurrection4 ,the words are 7,mark ix4 #a71 ,verily ,i say unto you1 that there be some of them that stand here1 which shall not taste of death1 till they have seen the kingdom of ,god come with power4 ,which words if taken grammatically1 make it certain1 that either some of those men that stood by ,christ at that time1 are yet alive2 or else1 that the kingdom of ,god must be now in this present world4 ,and then there is another place more difficult4 ,for when the apostles1 after our ,saviour's resurrection1 and immediately before his ascension1 asked our ,saviour1 saying1 7,acts i4 #f71 ,wilt thou at this time restore again the kingdom to ,israel8 he answered them1 ,it is not for you to know the times and the seasons1 which the ,father hath put in his own power2 but ye shall receive power by the coming of the ,holy ,ghost upon you1 and ye shall be my 7martyrs7 witnesses both in ,jerusalem1 and in all ,judea1 and in ,samaria1 and unto the uttermost part of the earth4 ,which is as much as to say1 ,my kingdom is not yet come1 nor shall you foreknow when it shall come2 for it shall come as a thief in the night2 but ,i will send you the ,holy ,ghost1 and by him you shall have power to bear witness to all the world1 by your preaching1 of my resurrection1 and the works ,i have done1 and the doctrine ,i have taught1 that they may believe in me1 and expect eternal life1 at my coming again4 ,how does this agree with the coming of ,christ's kingdom at the resurrection8 ,and that which ,st4 ,paul says 7#a ,thess4 i4 #i1 #aj71 ,that they turned from idols1 to serve the living and true ,god1 and to wait for his ,son from heaven2 where to wait for his ,son from heaven1 is to wait for his coming to be king in power2 which were not necessary1 if his kingdom had been then present4 ,again1 if the kingdom of ,god began1 as ,beza on that place 7,mark ix4 #a7 would have it1 at the resurrection2 what reason is there for ,christians ever since the resurrection to say in their prayers1 ,let thy kingdom come8 ,it is therefore manifest1 that the words of ,st4 ,mark are not so to be interpreted4 ,there be some of them that stand here1 saith our ,saviour1 that shall not taste of death till they have seen the kingdom of ,god come in power4 ,if then this kingdom were to come at the resurrection of ,christ1 why is it said1 some of them1 rather than all8 ,for they all lived till after ,christ was risen4 ,sidenote3 ,explication of the place in ,mark ix4 #a4 ,but they that require an exact interpretation of this text1 let them interpret first the like words of our ,saviour to ,st4 ,peter1 concerning ,st4 ,john1 7chap4 xxi4 #bb71 ,if ,i will that he tarry till ,i come1 what is that to thee8 upon which was grounded a report that he should not die4 ,nevertheless the truth of that report was neither confirmed1 as well grounded2 nor refuted1 as ill grounded on those words2 but left as a saying not understood4 ,the same difficulty is also in the place of ,st4 ,mark4 ,and if it be lawful to conjecture at their meaning1 by that which immediately follows1 both here1 and in ,st4 ,luke1 where the same is again repeated1 it is not improbable1 to say they have relation to the ,transfiguration1 which is described in the verses immediately following3 where it is said1 that after six days ,jesus taketh with him ,peter1 and ,james1 and ,john 7not all1 but some of his disciples71 and leadeth them up into a high mountain apart by themselves1 and was transfigured before them3 and his raiment became shining1 exceeding white as snow2 so as no fuller on earth can white them3 and there appeared unto them1 ,elias with ,moses1 and they were talking with ,jesus1 c4 ,so that they saw ,christ in glory and majesty1 as he is to come2 insomuch as they were sore afraid4 ,and thus the promise of our ,saviour was accomplished by way of vision4 ,for it was a vision1 as may probably be inferred out of ,st4 ,luke1 that reciteth the same story 7chap4 ix4 #bh1 c471 and saith1 that ,peter and they that were with him1 were heavy with sleep3 but most certainly out of ,matth4 xvii4 #i1 where the same is again related2 for our ,saviour charged them1 saying1 ,tell no man the vision until the ,son of ,man be risen from the dead4 ,howsoever it be1 yet there can from thence be taken no argument1 to prove that the kingdom of ,god taketh beginning till the day of judgment4 ,sidenote3 ,abuse of some other texts in defence of the power of the ,pope4 ,as for some other texts1 to prove the ,pope's power over civil sovereigns1 7besides those of ,bellarmine17 as that the two swords that ,christ and his apostles had amongst them1 were the spiritual and the temporal sword1 which they say ,st4 ,peter had given him by ,christ3 and1 that of the two luminaries1 the greater signifies the ,pope1 and the lesser the ,king2 one might as well infer out of the first verse of the ,bible1 that by heaven is meant the ,pope1 and by earth the ,king4 ,which is not arguing from ,scripture1 but a wanton insulting over princes1 that came in fashion after the time the ,popes were grown so secure of their greatness1 as to contemn all ,christian kings2 and treading on the necks of emperors1 to mock both them and the ,scripture1 in the words of ,psalm ,,xci4 #ac1 ,thou shalt tread upon the lion and the adder2 the young lion and the dragon thou shalt trample under thy feet4 ,sidenote3 ,the manner of consecrations in the ,scripture1 was without exorcisms4 ,as for the rights of consecration1 though they depend for the most part upon the discretion and judgment of the governors of the ,church1 and not upon the ,scriptures2 yet those governors are obliged to such direction1 as the nature of the action itself requireth2 as that the ceremonies1 words1 and gestures1 be both decent and significant1 or at least conformable to the action4 ,when ,moses consecrated the tabernacle1 the altar1 and the vessels belonging to them1 7,exod4 xl4 #i71 he anointed them with the oil which ,god had commanded to be made for that purpose3 and they were holy3 there was nothing exorcised1 to drive away phantasms4 ,the same ,moses1 the civil sovereign of ,israel1 when he consecrated ,aaron1 the high-priest1 and his sons1 did wash them with water1 not exorcised water1 put their garments upon them1 and anointed them with oil2 and they were sanctified1 to minister unto the ,lord in the priest's office2 which was a simple and decent cleansing1 and adorning them1 before he presented them to ,god1 to be his servants4 ,when king ,solomon1 the civil sovereign of ,israel1 consecrated the temple he had built1 7#a ,kings viii471 he stood before all the congregation of ,israel2 and having blessed them1 he gave thanks to ,god1 for putting into the heart of his father to build it2 and for giving to himself the grace to accomplish the same2 and then prayed unto him1 first1 to accept that house1 though it were not suitable to his infinite greatness2 and to hear the prayers of his servants that should pray therein1 or1 if they were absent1 towards it2 and lastly1 he offered a sacrifice of peace-offering1 and the house was dedicated4 ,here was no procession2 the king stood still in his first place2 no exorcised water2 no ,asperges me1 nor other impertinent application of words spoken upon another occasion2 but a decent and rational speech1 and such as in making to ,god a present of his new-built house1 was most conformable to the occasion4 ,we read not that ,st4 ,john did exorcise the water of ,jordan2 nor ,philip the water of the river wherein he baptized the ,eunuch2 nor that any pastor in the time of the apostles1 did take his spittle1 and put it to the nose of the person to be baptized1 and say1 in odorem suavitatis1 that is1 for a sweet savour unto the ,lord2 wherein neither the ceremony of spittle1 for the uncleanness2 nor the application of that ,scripture for the levity1 can by any authority of man be justified4 ,sidenote3 ,the immortality of man's soul1 not proved by ,scripture to be of nature1 but of grace4 ,to prove that the soul separated from the body1 liveth eternally1 not only the souls of the elect1 by especial grace1 and restoration of the eternal life which ,adam lost by sin1 and our ,saviour restored by the sacrifice of himself1 to the faithful2 but also the souls of reprobates1 as a property naturally consequent to the essence of mankind1 without other grace of ,god1 but that which is universally given to all mankind2 there are divers places1 which at the first sight seem sufficiently to serve the turn3 but such1 as when ,i compare them with that which ,i have before 7chapter ,,xxxviii47 alleged out of the #adth of ,job1 seem to me much more subject to a diverse interpretation1 than the words of ,job4 ,and first there are the words of ,solomon 7,eccles4 xii4 #g71 ,then shall the dust return to dust1 as it was1 and the spirit shall return to ,god that gave it4 ,which may bear well enough1 if there be no other text directly against it1 this interpretation1 that ,god only knows1 but man not1 what becomes of a man's spirit1 when he expireth2 and the same ,solomon1 in the same book1 7chapter iii4 #bj1 #ba7 delivereth the same sentence in the same sense ,i have given it4 ,his words are3 ,all go1 7man and beast71 to the same place2 all are of the dust1 and all turn to dust again2 who knoweth that the spirit of man goeth upward1 and that the spirit of the beast goeth downward to the earth8 ,that is1 none knows but ,god2 nor is it an unusual phrase to say of things we understand not1 ,god knows what1 and1 ,god knows where4 ,that of 7,gen4 v4 #bd7 ,enoch walked with ,god1 and he was not2 for ,god took him2 which is expounded1 7,heb4 xi4 #e71 ,he was translated1 that he should not die2 and was not found1 because ,god had translated him4 ,for before his translation1 he had this testimony1 that he pleased ,god2 making as much for the immortality of the body1 as of the soul1 proveth1 that this his translation was peculiar to them that please ,god2 not common to them with the wicked1 and depending on grace1 not on nature4 ,but on the contrary1 what interpretation shall we give besides the literal sense1 of the words of ,solomon 7,eccles4 iii4 #ai71 ,that which befalleth the sons of men1 befalleth beasts2 even one thing befalleth them2 as the one dieth1 so doth the other2 yea1 they have all one breath1 7one spirit72 so that a man hath no pre-eminence above a beast1 for all is vanity4 ,by the literal sense1 here is no natural immortality of the soul2 nor yet any repugnancy with the life eternal1 which the elect shall enjoy by grace4 ,and 7,eccles4 chap4 iv4 #c7 ,better is he that hath not yet been1 than both they2 that is1 than they that live1 or have lived2 which1 if the soul of all them that have lived1 were immortal1 were a hard saying2 for then to have an immortal soul1 were worse than to have no soul at all4 ,and again1 7chapter ix4 #e71 ,the living know they shall die1 but the dead know not any thing2 that is1 naturally1 and before the resurrection of the body4 ,another place which seems to make for a natural immortality of the soul1 is that1 where our ,saviour saith1 that ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob1 are living3 but this is spoken of the promise of ,god1 and of their certitude to rise again1 not of a life then actual2 and in the same sense that ,god said to ,adam1 that on the day he should eat of the forbidden fruit1 he should certainly die2 from that time forward he was a dead man by sentence2 but not by execution1 till almost a thousand years after4 ,so ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob were alive by promise1 then1 when ,christ spake2 but are not actually till the resurrection4 ,and the history of ,dives and ,lazarus1 makes nothing against this1 if we take it1 as it is1 for a parable4 ,but there be other places of the ,new ,testament1 where an immortality seemeth to be directly attributed to the wicked4 ,for it is evident that they shall all rise to judgment4 ,and it is said besides in many places1 that they shall go into everlasting fire1 everlasting torments1 everlasting punishments2 and that the worm of conscience never dieth2 and all this is comprehended in the word everlasting death1 which is ordinarily interpreted everlasting life in torments4 ,and yet ,i can find no where that any man shall live in torments everlastingly4 ,also1 it seemeth hard1 to say1 that ,god who is the father of mercies2 that doth in heaven and earth all that he will2 that hath the hearts of all men in his disposing2 that worketh in men both to do1 and to will2 and without whose free gift a man hath neither inclination to good1 nor repentance of evil1 should punish men's transgressions without any end of time1 and with all the extremity of torture1 that men can imagine1 and more4 ,we are therefore to consider1 what the meaning is1 of everlasting fire1 and other the like phrases of ,scripture4 ,i have showed already1 that the kingdom of ,god by ,christ beginneth at the day of judgment3 that in that day the faithful shall rise again1 with glorious and spiritual bodies1 and be his subjects in that his kingdom1 which shall be eternal3 that they shall neither marry nor be given in marriage1 nor eat and drink1 as they did in their natural bodies2 but live for ever in their individual persons1 without the specifical eternity of generation3 and that the reprobates also shall rise again1 to receive punishments for their sins3 as also1 that those of the elect1 which shall be alive in their earthly bodies at that day1 shall have their bodies suddenly changed1 and made spiritual and immortal4 ,but that the bodies of the reprobate1 who make the kingdom of ,satan1 shall also be glorious1 or spiritual bodies1 or that they shall be as the angels of ,god1 neither eating1 nor drinking1 nor engendering2 or that their life shall be eternal in their individual persons1 as the life of every faithful man is1 or as the life of ,adam had been if he had not sinned1 there is no place of ,scripture to prove it2 save only these places concerning eternal torments2 which may otherwise be interpreted4 ,from whence may be inferred1 that as the elect after the resurrection shall be restored to the estate1 wherein ,adam was before he had sinned2 so the reprobate shall be in the estate1 that ,adam and his posterity were in after the sin committed2 saving that ,god promised a ,redeemer to ,adam1 and such of his seed as should trust in him1 and repent2 but not to them that should die in their sins1 as do the reprobate4 ,sidenote3 ,eternal torments1 what4 ,these things considered1 the texts that mention eternal fire1 eternal torments1 or the worm that never dieth1 contradict not the doctrine of a second1 and everlasting death1 in the proper and natural sense of the word death4 ,the fire1 or torments prepared for the wicked in ,gehenna1 ,tophet1 or in what place soever1 may continue for ever2 and there may never want wicked men to be tormented in them2 though not every1 nor any one eternally4 ,for the wicked being left in the estate they were in after ,adam's sin1 may at the resurrection live as they did1 marry1 and give in marriage1 and have gross and corruptible bodies1 as all mankind now have2 and consequently may engender perpetually1 after the resurrection1 as they did before3 for there is no place in ,scripture to the contrary4 ,for ,st4 ,paul1 speaking of the resurrection 7#a ,cor4 xv47 understandeth it only of the resurrection to life eternal2 and not the resurrection to punishment4 ,and of the first1 he saith1 that the body is sown in corruption1 raised in incorruption2 sown in dishonour1 raised in honour2 sown in weakness1 raised in power2 sown a natural body1 raised a spiritual body4 ,there is no such thing can be said of the bodies of them that rise to punishment4 ,so also our ,saviour1 when he speaketh of the nature of man after the resurrection1 meaneth the resurrection to life eternal1 not to punishment4 ,the text is1 ,luke xx4 verses #cd1 #ce1 #cf1 a fertile text3 ,the children of this world marry1 and are given in marriage2 but they that shall be counted worthy to obtain that world1 and the resurrection from the dead1 neither marry1 nor are given in marriage3 neither can they die any more2 for they are equal to the angels1 and are the children of ,god1 being the children of the resurrection4 ,the children of this world1 that are in the estate which ,adam left them in1 shall marry1 and be given in marriage2 that is1 corrupt1 and generate successively2 which is an immortality of the kind1 but not of the persons of men3 they are not worthy to be counted amongst them that shall obtain the next world1 and an absolute resurrection from the dead2 but only a short time1 as inmates of that world2 and to the end only to receive condign punishment for their contumacy4 ,the elect are the only children of the resurrection2 that is to say1 the sole heirs of eternal life3 they only can die no more1 it is they that are equal to the angels1 and that are the children of ,god2 and not the reprobate4 ,to the reprobate there remaineth after the resurrection1 a second and eternal death3 between which resurrection1 and their second and eternal death1 is but a time of punishment and torment2 and to last by succession of sinners thereunto1 as long as the kind of man by propagation shall endure2 which is eternally4 ,sidenote3 ,answer of the texts alleged for purgatory4 ,upon this doctrine of the natural eternity of separated souls1 is founded1 as ,i said1 the doctrine of purgatory4 ,for supposing eternal life by grace only1 there is no life but the life of the body2 and no immortality till the resurrection4 ,the texts for purgatory alleged by ,bellarmine out of the canonical ,scripture of the ,old ,testament1 are1 first1 the fasting of ,david for ,saul and ,jonathan1 mentioned #b ,sam4 i4 #ab1 and again1 #b ,sam4 iii4 #ce1 for the death of ,abner4 ,this fasting of ,david1 he saith1 was for the obtaining of something for them at ,god's hands1 after their death3 because after he had fasted to procure the recovery of his own child1 as soon as he knew it was dead1 he called for meat4 ,seeing then the soul hath an existence separate from the body1 and nothing can be obtained by men's fasting for the souls that are already either in heaven1 or hell1 it followeth that there be some souls of dead men1 that are neither in heaven1 nor in hell2 and therefore they must be in some third place1 which must be purgatory4 ,and thus with hard straining1 he has wrested those places to the proof of a purgatory3 whereas it is manifest1 that the ceremonies of mourning1 and fasting1 when they are used for the death of men1 whose life was not profitable to the mourners1 they are used for honour's sake to their persons2 and when it is done for the death of them by whose life the mourners had benefit1 it proceeds from their particular damage4 ,and so ,david honoured ,saul and ,abner1 with his fasting2 and in the death of his own child1 recomforted himself1 by receiving his ordinary food4 ,in the other places1 which he allegeth out of the ,old ,testament1 there is not so much as any show1 or colour of proof4 ,he brings in every text wherein there is the word anger1 or fire1 or burning1 or purging1 or cleansing1 in case any of the fathers have but in a sermon rhetorically applied it to the doctrine of purgatory1 already believed4 ,the first verse of ,psalm xxxvii2 ,o ,lord1 rebuke me not in thy wrath1 nor chasten me in thy hot displeasure3 what were this to purgatory1 if ,augustine had not applied the wrath to the fire of hell1 and the displeasure to that of purgatory8 ,and what is it to purgatory1 that of ,psalm lxvi4 #ab1 ,we went through fire and water1 and thou broughtest us to a moist place2 and other the like texts1 with which the doctors of those times intended to adorn1 or extend their sermons1 or commentaries1 haled to their purposes by force of wit8 ,sidenote3 ,places of the ,new ,testament for purgatory answered4 ,but he allegeth other places of the ,new ,testament1 that are not so easy to be answered4 ,and first that of ,matth4 xii4 #cb3 ,whosoever speaketh a word against the ,son of man1 it shall be forgiven him2 but whosoever speaketh against the ,holy ,ghost1 it shall not be forgiven him neither in this world1 nor in the world to come3 where he will have purgatory to be the world to come1 wherein some sins may be forgiven1 which in this world were not forgiven3 notwithstanding that it is manifest1 there are but three worlds2 one from the creation to the flood1 which was destroyed by water1 and is called in ,scripture the old world2 another from the flood1 to the day of judgment1 which is the present world1 and shall be destroyed by fire2 and the third1 which shall be from the day of judgment forward1 everlasting1 which is called the world to come2 and in which it is agreed by all1 there shall be no purgatory3 and therefore the world to come1 and purgatory1 are inconsistent4 ,but what then can be the meaning of those our ,saviour's words8 ,i confess they are very hardly to be reconciled with all the doctrines now unanimously received3 nor is it any shame1 to confess the profoundness of the ,scripture to be too great to be sounded by the shortness of human understanding4 ,nevertheless1 ,i may propound such things to the consideration of more learned divines1 as the text itself suggesteth4 ,and first1 seeing to speak against the ,holy ,ghost1 as being the third person of the ,trinity1 is to speak against the ,church1 in which the ,holy ,ghost resideth2 it seemeth the comparison is made1 between the easiness of our ,saviour1 in bearing with offences done to him while he himself taught the world1 that is1 when he was on earth1 and the severity of the pastors after him1 against those which should deny their authority1 which was from the ,holy ,ghost4 ,as if he should say1 you that deny my power2 nay you that shall crucify me1 shall be pardoned by me1 as often as you turn unto me by repentance3 but if you deny the power of them that teach you hereafter1 by virtue of the ,holy ,ghost1 they shall be inexorable1 and shall not forgive you1 but persecute you in this world1 and leave you without absolution1 7though you turn to me1 unless you turn also to them71 to the punishments1 as much as lies in them1 of the world to come4 ,and so the words may be taken as a prophecy1 or prediction concerning the times1 as they have along been in the ,christian ,church4 ,or if this be not the meaning1 7for ,i am not peremptory in such difficult places71 perhaps there may be places left after the resurrection1 for the repentance of some sinners4 ,and there is also another place1 that seemeth to agree therewith4 ,for considering the words of ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #bi71 ,what shall they do which are baptized for the dead1 if the dead rise not at all8 why also are they baptized for the dead8 a man may probably infer1 as some have done1 that in ,st4 ,paul's time1 there was a custom1 by receiving baptism for the dead1 7as men that now believe1 are sureties and undertakers for the faith of infants1 that are not capable of believing71 to undertake for the persons of their deceased friends1 that they should be ready to obey1 and receive our ,saviour for their king1 at his coming again2 and then the forgiveness of sins in the world to come1 has no need of a purgatory4 ,but in both these interpretations1 there is so much of paradox1 that ,i trust not to them2 but propound them to those that are thoroughly versed in the ,scripture1 to inquire if there be no clearer place that contradicts them4 ,only of thus much1 ,i see evident ,scripture1 to persuade me1 that there is neither the word1 nor the thing of purgatory1 neither in this1 nor any other text2 nor any thing that can prove a necessity of a place for the soul without the body2 neither for the soul of ,lazarus during the four days he was dead2 nor for the souls of them which the ,roman ,church pretend to be tormented now in purgatory4 ,for ,god1 that could give a life to a piece of clay1 hath the same power to give life again to a dead man1 and renew his inanimate1 and rotten carcase1 into a glorious1 spiritual1 and immortal body4 ,another place is that of #a ,cor4 iii41 where it is said1 that they which build stubble1 hay1 c4 on the true foundation1 their work shall perish2 but they themselves shall be saved1 but as through fire3 this fire1 he will have to be the fire of purgatory4 ,the words1 as ,i have said before1 are an allusion to those of ,zech4 xiii4 #i1 where he saith1 ,i will bring the third part through the fire1 and refine them as silver is refined1 and will try them as gold is tried3 which is spoken of the coming of the ,messiah in power and glory2 that is1 at the day of judgment1 and conflagration of the present world2 wherein the elect shall not be consumed1 but be refined2 that is1 depose their erroneous doctrines and traditions1 and have them as it were singed off2 and shall afterwards call upon the name of the true ,god4 ,in like manner1 the apostle saith of them1 that holding this foundation1 ,jesus is the ,christ1 shall build thereon some other doctrines that be erroneous1 that they shall not be consumed in that fire which reneweth the world1 but shall pass through it to salvation2 but so as to see1 and relinquish their former errors4 ,the builders1 are the pastors2 the foundation1 that ,jesus is the ,christ2 the stubble and hay1 false consequences drawn from it through ignorance1 or frailty2 the gold1 silver1 and precious stones1 are their true doctrines2 and their refining or purging1 the relinquishing of their errors4 ,in all which there is no colour at all for the burning of incorporeal1 that is to say1 impatible souls4 ,sidenote3 ,baptism for the dead1 how understood4 ,a third place is that of #a ,cor4 xv4 #bi1 before mentioned1 concerning baptism for the dead3 out of which he concludeth1 first1 that prayers for the dead are not unprofitable2 and out of that1 that there is a fire of purgatory3 but neither of them rightly4 ,for of many interpretations of the word baptism1 he approveth this in the first place1 that by baptism is meant1 metaphorically1 a baptism of penance2 and that men are in this sense baptized1 when they fast1 and pray1 and give alms3 and so1 baptism for the dead1 and prayer for the dead1 is the same thing4 ,but this is a metaphor1 of which there is no example1 neither in the ,scripture1 nor in any other use of language2 and which is also discordant to the harmony1 and scope of the ,scripture4 ,the word baptism is used 7,mark x4 #ch1 and ,luke xii4 #ej71 for being dipped in one's own blood1 as ,christ was upon the cross1 and as most of the apostles were1 for giving testimony of him4 ,but it is hard to say1 that prayer1 fasting1 and alms1 have any similitude with dipping4 ,the same is used also ,matth4 iii4 #aa 7which seemeth to make somewhat for purgatory7 for a purging with fire4 ,but it is evident the fire and purging here mentioned1 is the same whereof the prophet ,zechariah speaketh 7chapter xiii4 #i7 ,i will bring the third part through the fire1 and will refine them1 c4 ,and ,st4 ,peter after him 7#a ,epistle i4 #g71 ,that the trial of your faith1 which is much more precious than of gold that perisheth1 though it be tried with fire1 might be found unto praise1 and honour1 and glory at the appearing of ,jesus ,christ2 and ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 iii4 #ac71 ,the fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is4 ,but ,st4 ,peter and ,st4 ,paul speak of the fire that shall be at the second appearing of ,christ2 and the prophet ,zechariah of the day of judgment4 ,and therefore this place of ,st4 ,matthew may be interpreted of the same2 and then there will be no necessity of the fire of purgatory4 ,another interpretation of baptism for the dead1 is that which ,i have before mentioned1 which he preferreth to the second place of probability3 and thence also he inferreth the utility of prayer for the dead4 ,for if after the resurrection1 such as have not heard of ,christ1 or not believed in him1 may be received into ,christ's kingdom2 it is not in vain1 after their death1 that their friends should pray for them1 till they should be risen4 ,but granting that ,god1 at the prayers of the faithful1 may convert unto him some of those that have not heard ,christ preached1 and consequently cannot have rejected ,christ1 and that the charity of men in that point cannot be blamed2 yet this concludeth nothing for purgatory2 because to rise from death to life1 is one thing2 to rise from purgatory to life is another2 as being a rising from life to life1 from a life in torments to a life in joy4 ,a fourth place is that of ,matth4 v4 #be1 #bf3 ,agree with thine adversary quickly1 whilst thou art in the way with him1 lest at any time the adversary deliver thee to the judge1 and the judge deliver thee to the officer1 and thou be cast into prison3 verily ,i say unto thee1 thou shalt by no means come out thence1 till thou hast paid the uttermost farthing4 ,in which allegory1 the offender is the sinner2 both the adversary and the judge is ,god2 the way is this life2 the prison is the grave2 the officer1 death2 from which1 the sinner shall not rise again to life eternal1 but to a second death1 till he have paid the utmost farthing1 or ,christ pay it for him by his passion1 which is a full ransom for all manner of sins1 as well lesser sins1 as greater crimes2 both being made by the passion of ,christ equally venial4 ,the fifth place1 is that of ,matth4 v4 #bb3 ,whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause1 shall be guilty in judgment3 and whosoever shall say to his brother1 ,raca1 shall be guilty in the council3 but whosoever shall say1 thou fool1 shall be guilty to hell fire4 ,from which words he inferreth three sorts of sins1 and three sorts of punishments2 and that none of those sins1 but the last1 shall be punished with hell fire2 and consequently1 that after this life1 there is punishment of lesser sins in purgatory4 ,of which inference1 there is no colour in any interpretation that hath yet been given of them4 ,shall there be a distinction after this life of courts of justice1 as there was amongst the ,jews in our ,saviour's time1 to hear1 and determine divers sorts of crimes1 as the judges1 and the council8 ,shall not all judicature appertain to ,christ and his apostles8 ,to understand therefore this text1 we are not to consider it solitarily1 but jointly with the words precedent1 and subsequent4 ,our ,saviour in this chapter interpreteth the law of ,moses2 which the ,jews thought was then fulfilled1 when they had not transgressed the grammatical sense thereof1 howsoever they had transgressed against the sentence1 or meaning of the legislator4 ,therefore whereas they thought the sixth commandment was not broken1 but by killing a man3 nor the seventh1 but when a man lay with a woman1 not his wife2 our ,saviour tells them the inward anger of a man against his brother1 if it be without just cause1 is homicide4 ,you have heard1 saith he1 the ,law of ,moses1 ,thou shalt not kill1 and that ,whosoever shall kill1 shall be condemned before the judges1 or before the session of the ,seventy3 but ,i say unto you1 to be angry with one's brother without cause1 or to say unto him ,raca1 or ,fool1 is homicide1 and shall be punished at the day of judgment1 and session of ,christ1 and his apostles1 with hell fire4 ,so that those words were not used to distinguish between divers crimes1 and divers courts of justice1 and divers punishments2 but to tax the distinction between sin and sin1 which the ,jews drew not from the difference of the will in obeying ,god1 but from the difference of their temporal courts of justice2 and to show them that he that had the will to hurt his brother1 though the effect appear but in reviling1 or not at all1 shall be cast into hell fire1 by the judges1 and by the session1 which shall be the same1 not different1 courts at the day of judgment4 ,this considered1 what can be drawn from this text1 to maintain purgatory1 ,i cannot imagine4 ,the sixth place is ,luke xvi4 #i3 ,make ye friends of the unrighteous ,mammon2 that when ye fail1 they may receive you into everlasting tabernacles4 ,this he alleges to prove invocation of saints departed4 ,but the sense is plain1 that we should make friends with our riches1 of the poor2 and thereby obtain their prayers whilst they live4 ,he that giveth to the poor1 lendeth to the ,lord4 ,the seventh is ,luke xxiii4 #db3 ,lord1 remember me1 when thou comest into thy kingdom4 ,therefore1 saith he1 there is remission of sins after this life4 ,but the consequence is not good4 ,our ,saviour then forgave him2 and at his coming again in glory1 will remember to raise him again to life eternal4 ,the eighth is ,acts ii4 #bd1 where ,st4 ,peter saith of ,christ1 that ,god had raised him up1 and loosed the pains of death1 because it was not possible he should be holden of it3 which he interprets to be a descent of ,christ into purgatory1 to loose some souls there from their torments3 whereas it is manifest1 that it was ,christ that was loosed2 it was he that could not be holden of death1 or the grave2 and not the souls in purgatory4 ,but if that which ,beza says1 in his notes on this place1 be well observed1 there is none that will not see1 that instead of pains1 it should be bands2 and then there is no further cause to seek for purgatory in this text4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xlv4 ,,of ,,demonology1 ,,and ,,other ,,relics ,,of ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,gentiles4 ,sidenote3 ,the original of demonology4 ,the impression made on the organs of sight by lucid bodies1 either in one direct line1 or in many lines1 reflected from opaque1 or refracted in the passage through diaphanous bodies1 produceth in living creatures1 in whom ,god hath placed such organs1 an imagination of the object1 from whence the impression proceedeth2 which imagination is called sight2 and seemeth not to be a mere imagination1 but the body itself without us2 in the same manner1 as when a man violently presseth his eye1 there appears to him a light without1 and before him1 which no man perceiveth but himself2 because there is indeed no such thing without him1 but only a motion in the interior organs1 pressing by resistance outward1 that makes him think so4 ,and the motion made by this pressure1 continuing after the object which caused it is removed1 is that we call imagination and memory2 and1 in sleep1 and sometimes in great distemper of the organs by sickness or violence1 a dream2 of which things ,i have already spoken briefly1 in the second and third chapters4 ,this nature of sight having never been discovered by the ancient pretenders to natural knowledge2 much less by those that consider not things so remote1 as that knowledge is1 from their present use2 it was hard for men to conceive of those images in the fancy and in the sense1 otherwise1 than of things really without us3 which some1 because they vanish away1 they know not whither nor how1 will have to be absolutely incorporeal1 that is to say immaterial1 or forms without matter2 colour and figure1 without any coloured or figured body2 and that they can put on airy bodies1 as a garment1 to make them visible when they will to our bodily eyes2 and others say1 are bodies and living creatures1 but made of air1 or other more subtle and ethereal matter1 which is1 then1 when they will be seen1 condensed4 ,but both of them agree on one general appellation of them1 ,,demons4 ,as if the dead of whom they dreamed1 were not inhabitants of their own brain1 but of the air1 or of heaven1 or hell2 not phantasms1 but ghosts2 with just as much reason as if one should say1 he saw his own ghost in a looking-glass1 or the ghosts of the stars in a river2 or call the ordinary apparition of the sun1 of the quantity of about a foot1 the demon1 or ghost of that great sun that enlighteneth the whole visible world3 and by that means have feared them1 as things of an unknown1 that is1 of an unlimited power to do them good or harm2 and consequently1 given occasion to the governors of the heathen commonwealths to regulate this their fear1 by establishing that ,,demonology1 7in which the poets1 as principal priests of the heathen religion1 were specially employed or reverenced17 to the public peace1 and to the obedience of subjects necessary thereunto2 and to make some of them good demons1 and others evil2 the one as a spur to the observance1 the other as reins to withhold them from violation of the laws4 ,sidenote3 ,what were the demons of the ancients4 ,what kind of things they were1 to whom they attributed the name of demons1 appeareth partly in the genealogy of their gods1 written by ,hesiod1 one of the most ancient poets of the ,grecians2 and partly in other histories2 of which ,i have observed some few before1 in the twelfth chapter of this discourse4 ,sidenote3 ,how that doctrine was spread4 ,the ,grecians1 by their colonies and conquests1 communicated their language and writings into ,asia1 ,egypt1 and ,italy2 and therein1 by necessary consequence their demonology1 or1 as ,st4 ,paul calls it1 7#a ,tim4 iv4 #a7 their doctrines of devils4 ,and by that means the contagion was derived also to the ,jews1 both of ,judea and ,alexandria1 and other parts1 whereinto they were dispersed4 ,but the name of demon they did not1 as the ,grecians1 attribute to spirits both good and evil2 but to the evil only3 and to the good demons they gave the name of the spirit of ,god2 and esteemed those into whose bodies they entered to be prophets4 ,sidenote3 ,how far received by the ,jews4 ,in sum1 all singularity1 if good1 they attributed to the spirit of ,god2 and if evil1 to some demon1 but a 1 an evil demon1 that is a devil4 ,and therefore1 they called demoniacs1 that is possessed by the devil1 such as we call madmen or lunatics2 or such as had the falling sickness1 or that spoke any thing which they1 for want of understanding1 thought absurd4 ,as also of an unclean person in a notorious degree1 they used to say he had an unclean spirit2 of a dumb man1 that he had a dumb devil2 and of ,john the ,baptist 7,matt4 xi4 #ah71 for the singularity of his fasting1 that he had a devil2 and of our ,saviour1 because he said1 he that keepeth his sayings should not see death in ternum1 7,john viii4 #eb71 ,now we know thou hast a devil2 ,abraham is dead1 and the prophets are dead3 and again1 because he said 7,john vii4 #bj71 ,they went about to kill him1 the people answered1 ,thou hast a devil2 who goeth about to kill thee8 ,whereby it is manifest1 that the ,jews had the same opinions concerning phantasms1 namely1 that they were not phantasms1 that is1 idols of the brain1 but things real1 and independant on the fancy4 ,sidenote3 ,why our ,saviour controlled it not4 ,which doctrine1 if it be not true1 why1 may some say1 did not our ,saviour contradict it1 and teach the contrary8 ,nay1 why does he use on divers occasions such forms of speech as seem to confirm it8 ,to this ,i answer1 that first1 where ,christ saith1 7,luke xxiv4 #ci7 ,a spirit hath not flesh and bone1 though he show that there be spirits1 yet he denies not that they are bodies4 ,and where ,st4 ,paul says1 7#a ,cor4 xv4 #dd7 we shall rise spiritual bodies1 he acknowledgeth the nature of spirits1 but that they are bodily spirits2 which is not difficult to understand4 ,for air and many other things are bodies1 though not flesh and bone1 or any other gross body to be discerned by the eye4 ,but when our ,saviour speaketh to the devil1 and commandeth him to go out of a man1 if by the devil1 he meant a disease1 as phrensy1 or lunacy1 or a corporeal spirit1 is not the speech improper8 ,can diseases hear8 ,or can there be a corporeal spirit in a body of flesh and bone1 full already of vital and animal spirits8 ,are there not1 therefore spirits1 that neither have bodies1 nor are mere imaginations8 ,to the first ,i answer1 that the addressing of our ,saviour's command to the madness1 or lunacy he cureth1 is no more improper than was his rebuking of the fever1 or of the wind and sea2 for neither do these hear2 or than was the command of ,god1 to the light1 to the firmament1 to the sun1 and stars1 when he commanded them to be2 for they could not hear before they had a being4 ,but those speeches are not improper1 because they signify the power of ,god's word2 no more therefore is it improper1 to command madness1 or lunacy1 under the appellation of devils by which they were then commonly understood1 to depart out of a man's body4 ,to the second1 concerning their being incorporeal1 ,i have not yet observed any place of ,scripture1 from whence it can be gathered1 that any man was ever possessed with any other corporeal spirit1 but that of his own1 by which his body is naturally moved4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,scriptures do not teach that spirits are incorporeal4 ,our ,saviour1 immediately after the ,holy ,ghost descended upon him in the form of a dove1 is said by ,st4 ,matthew 7chapter iv4 #a71 to have been led up by the ,spirit into the wilderness2 and the same is recited 7,luke iv4 #a7 in these words1 ,jesus being full of the ,holy ,ghost1 was led in the ,spirit into the wilderness2 whereby it is evident that by spirit there1 is meant the ,holy ,ghost4 ,this cannot be interpreted for a possession2 for ,christ1 and the ,holy ,ghost1 are but one and the same substance2 which is no possession of one substance1 or body1 by another4 ,and whereas in the verses following he is said to have been taken up by the devil into the holy city1 and set upon a pinnacle of the temple1 shall we conclude thence that he was possessed of the devil1 or carried thither by violence8 ,and again1 carried thence by the devil into an exceeding high mountain1 who showed him thence all the kingdoms of the world3 wherein we are not to believe he was either possessed1 or forced by the devil2 nor that any mountain is high enough1 according to the literal sense1 to show him one whole hemisphere4 ,what then can be the meaning of this place1 other than that he went of himself into the wilderness2 and that this carrying of him up and down from the wilderness to the city1 and from thence into a mountain1 was a vision8 ,conformable whereunto1 is also the phrase of ,st4 ,luke1 that he was led into the wilderness1 not by1 but in1 the ,spirit2 whereas1 concerning his being taken up into the mountain1 and unto the pinnacle of the temple1 he speaketh as ,st4 ,matthew doth3 which suiteth with the nature of a vision4 ,again1 where ,st4 ,luke 7chap4 xxii4 #c1 #d7 says of ,judas ,iscariot1 that ,satan entered into him1 and thereupon that he went and communed with the chief priests1 and captains1 how he might betray ,christ unto them2 it may be answered1 that by the entering of ,satan1 that is the enemy1 into him1 is meant1 the hostile and traitorous intention of selling his ,lord and ,master4 ,for as by the ,holy ,ghost1 is frequently in ,scripture understood1 the graces and good inclinations given by the ,holy ,ghost2 so by the entering of ,satan may be understood the wicked cogitations1 and designs of the adversaries of ,christ1 and his disciples4 ,for as it is hard to say1 that the devil was entered into ,judas1 before he had any such hostile design2 so it is impertinent to say1 he was first ,christ's enemy in his heart1 and that the devil entered into him afterwards4 ,therefore the entering of ,satan1 and his wicked purpose1 was one and the same thing4 ,sidenote3 ,the ,scriptures do not teach that spirits are incorporeal4 ,but if there be no immaterial spirit1 or any possession of men's bodies by any spirit corporeal1 it may again be asked1 why our ,saviour and his apostles did not teach the people so2 and in such clear words1 as they might no more doubt thereof4 ,but such questions as these1 are more curious1 than necessary for a ,christian man's salvation4 ,men may as well ask why ,christ1 that could have given to all men faith1 piety1 and all manner of moral virtues1 gave it to some only1 and not to all3 and why he left the search of natural causes1 and sciences1 to the natural reason and industry of men1 and did not reveal it to all1 or any man supernaturally2 and many other such questions4 ,of which nevertheless there may be alleged probable and pious reasons4 ,for as ,god1 when he brought the ,israelites into the land of ,promise1 did not secure them therein1 by subduing all the nations round about them2 but left many of them1 as thorns in their sides1 to awaken from time to time their piety and industry3 so our ,saviour1 in conducting us toward his heavenly kingdom1 did not destroy all the difficulties of natural questions2 but left them to exercise our industry1 and reason2 the scope of his preaching1 being only to show us this plain and direct way to salvation1 namely1 the belief of this article1 that he was the ,christ1 the ,son of the living ,god1 sent into the world to sacrifice himself for our sins1 and at his coming again1 gloriously to reign over his elect1 and to save them from their enemies eternally4 ,to which1 the opinion of possession by spirits1 or phantasms1 is no impediment in the way2 though it be to some an occasion of going out of the way1 and to follow their own inventions4 ,if we require of the ,scripture an account of all questions1 which may be raised to trouble us in the performance of ,god's commands1 we may as well complain of ,moses for not having set down the time of the creation of such spirits1 as well as of the creation of the earth and sea1 and of men and beasts4 ,to conclude2 ,i find in ,scripture that there be angels1 and spirits1 good and evil2 but not that they are incorporeal1 as are the apparitions men see in the dark1 or in a dream1 or vision2 which the ,latins call spectra1 and took for demons4 ,and ,i find that there are spirits corporeal1 though subtle and invisible2 but not that any man's body was possessed or inhabited by them2 and that the bodies of the saints shall be such1 namely1 spiritual bodies1 as ,st4 ,paul calls them4 ,sidenote3 ,the power of casting out devils1 not the same it was in the primitive church4 ,nevertheless1 the contrary doctrine1 namely1 that there be incorporeal spirits1 hath hitherto so prevailed in the ,church1 that the use of exorcism1 that is to say1 of ejection of devils by conjuration1 is thereupon built2 and1 though rarely and faintly practised1 is not yet totally given over4 ,that there were many demoniacs in the primitive ,church1 and few madmen1 and other such singular diseases2 whereas in these times we hear of1 and see many madmen1 and few demoniacs1 proceeds not from the change of nature1 but of names4 ,but how it comes to pass that whereas heretofore the apostles1 and after them for a time1 the pastors of the ,church1 did cure those singular diseases1 which now they are not seen to do2 as likewise1 why it is not in the power of every true believer now1 to do all that the faithful did then1 that is to say1 as we read 7,mark xvi4 #ag1 #ah71 in ,christ's name to cast out devils1 to speak with new tongues1 to take up serpents1 to drink deadly poison without harm-taking1 and to cure the sick by the laying on of their hands1 and all this without other words1 but in the name of ,jesus1 is another question4 ,and it is probable that those extraordinary gifts were given to the ,church1 for no longer a time1 than men trusted wholly to ,christ1 and looked for their felicity only in his kingdom to come2 and consequently1 that when they sought authority1 and riches1 and trusted to their own subtlety for a kingdom of this world1 these supernatural gifts of ,god were again taken from them4 ,sidenote3 ,another relic of ,gentilism1 worshipping of images1 left in the ,church1 not brought into it4 ,another relic of ,gentilism is1 the worship of images1 neither instituted by ,moses in the ,old1 nor by ,christ in the ,new ,testament2 nor yet brought in from the ,gentiles2 but left amongst them after they had given their names to ,christ4 ,before our ,saviour preached1 it was the general religion of the ,gentiles to worship for gods those apparences that remain in the brain from the impression of external bodies upon the organs of their senses1 which are commonly called ideas1 idols1 phantasms1 conceits1 as being representations of those external bodies which cause them1 and have nothing in them of reality1 no more than there is in the things that seem to stand before us in a dream4 ,and this is the reason why ,st4 ,paul says1 7#a ,cor4 viii4 #d7 we know that an idol is nothing2 not that he thought that an image of metal1 stone1 or wood1 was nothing2 but that the thing which they honoured1 or feared in the image1 and held for a god1 was a mere figment1 without place1 habitation1 motion1 or existence1 but in the motions of the brain4 ,and the worship of these with divine honour1 is that which is in the ,scripture called idolatry1 and rebellion against ,god4 ,for ,god being ,king of the ,jews1 and his lieutenant being first ,moses1 and afterward the high-priest2 if the people had been permitted to worship1 and pray to images1 which are representations of their own fancies1 they had had no further dependance on the true ,god1 of whom there can be no similitude2 nor on his prime-ministers1 ,moses and the high-priests2 but every man had governed himself according to his own appetite1 to the utter eversion of the commonwealth1 and their own destruction for want of union4 ,and therefore the first law of ,god was1 they should not take for gods1 ,,alienos ,,deos1 that is1 the gods of other nations1 but that only true ,god1 who vouchsafed to commune with ,moses1 and by him to give them laws and directions1 for their peace1 and for their salvation from their enemies4 ,and the second was1 that they should not make to themselves any image to worship1 of their own invention4 ,for it is the same deposing of a king1 to submit to another king1 whether he be set up by a neighbour nation1 or by ourselves4 ,sidenote3 ,answer to certain seeming texts for images4 ,the places of ,scripture pretended to countenance the setting up of images1 to worship them2 or to set them up at all in the places where ,god is worshipped1 are first1 two examples2 one of the cherubims over the ark of ,god2 the other of the brazen serpent4 ,secondly1 some texts whereby we are commanded to worship certain creatures for their relation to ,god2 as to worship his footstool4 ,and lastly1 some other texts1 by which is authorized a religious honouring of holy things4 ,but before ,i examine the force of those places1 to prove that which is pretended1 ,i must first explain what is to be understood by worshipping1 and what by images and idols4 ,sidenote3 ,what is worship4 ,i have already shown in the ,,xxth chapter of this discourse1 that to honour1 is to value highly the power of any person3 and that such value is measured1 by our comparing him with others4 ,but because there is nothing to be compared with ,god in power2 we honour him not1 but dishonour him by any value less than infinite4 ,and thus honour is properly of its own nature1 secret1 and internal in the heart4 ,but the inward thoughts of men1 which appear outwardly in their words and actions1 are the signs of our honouring1 and these go by the name of worship2 in ,latin1 cultus4 ,therefore1 to pray to1 to swear by1 to obey1 to be diligent and officious in serving3 in sum1 all words and actions that betoken fear to offend1 or desire to please1 is worship1 whether those words and actions be sincere1 or feigned3 and because they appear as signs of honouring1 are ordinarily also called honour4 ,sidenote3 ,distinction between divine and civil worship4 ,the worship we exhibit to those we esteem to be but men1 as to kings1 and men in authority1 is civil worship3 but the worship we exhibit to that which we think to be ,god1 whatsoever the words1 ceremonies1 gestures or other actions be1 is divine worship4 ,to fall prostrate before a king1 in him that thinks him but a man1 is but civil worship3 and he that putteth off his hat in the church1 for this cause1 that he thinketh it the house of ,god1 worshippeth with divine worship4 ,they that seek the distinction of divine and civil worship1 not in the intention of the worshipper1 but in the words and 1 deceive themselves4 ,for whereas there be two sorts of servants3 that sort1 which is of those that are absolutely in the power of their masters1 as slaves taken in war1 and their issue1 whose bodies are not in their own power1 7their lives depending on the will of their masters1 in such manner as to forfeit them upon the least disobedience71 and that are bought and sold as beasts1 were called 1 that is1 properly slaves1 and their service 3 the other1 which is of those that serve 7for hire1 or in hope of benefit from their masters7 voluntarily1 are called 2 that is1 domestic servants1 to whose service the masters have no further right1 than is contained in the covenants made betwixt them4 ,these two kinds of servants have thus much common to them both1 that their labour is appointed them by another3 and the word 1 is the general name of both1 signifying him that worketh for another1 whether as a slave1 or a voluntary servant4 ,so that signifieth generally all service2 but the service of bondmen only1 and the condition of slavery3 and both are used in ,scripture1 7to signify our service of ,god7 promiscuously2 1 because we are ,god's slaves2 1 because we serve him4 ,and in all kinds of service is contained1 not only obedience1 but also worship2 that is1 such actions1 gestures1 and words1 as signify honour4 ,sidenote3 ,an image1 what4 ,an image1 in the most strict signification of the word1 is the resemblance of something visible3 ,sidenote3 ,phantasms4 in which sense the phantastical forms1 apparitions1 or seemings of visible bodies to the sight1 are only images2 such as are the show of a man1 or other thing in the water1 by reflection1 or refraction2 or of the sun1 or stars by direct vision in the air2 which are nothing real in the things seen1 nor in the place where they seem to be2 nor are their magnitudes and figures the same with that of the object2 but changeable1 by the variation of the organs of sight1 or by glasses1 and are present oftentimes in our imagination1 and in our dreams1 when the object is absent2 or changed into other colours and shapes1 as things that depend only upon the fancy4 ,and these are the images1 which are originally and most properly called ideas1 and idols1 and derived from the language of the ,grecians1 with whom the word signifieth to see4 ,they also are called phantasms1 which is in the same language1 apparitions4 ,and from these images it is1 that one of the faculties of man's nature1 is called the imagination4 ,and from hence it is manifest1 that there neither is1 nor can be1 any image made of a thing invisible4 ,it is also evident1 that there can be1 no image of a thing infinite3 for all the images1 and phantasms that are made by the impression of things visible1 are figured2 but figure is a quantity every way determined4 ,and therefore there can be no image of ,god2 nor of the soul of man2 nor of spirits2 but only of bodies visible2 that is1 bodies that have light in themselves1 or are by such enlightened4 ,sidenote3 ,fictions4 ,and whereas a man can fancy shapes he never saw2 making up a figure out of the parts of divers creatures2 as the poets make their centaurs1 chimeras1 and other monsters never seen3 so can he also give matter to those shapes1 and make them in wood1 clay1 or metal4 ,sidenote3 ,material images4 ,and these are also called images1 not for the resemblance of any corporeal thing1 but for the resemblance of some phantastical inhabitants of the brain of the maker4 ,but in these idols1 as they are originally in the brain1 and as they are painted1 carved1 moulded1 or moulten in matter1 there is a similitude of the one to the other1 for which the material body made by art1 may be said to be the image of the fantastical idol made by nature4 ,but in a larger use of the word image1 is contained also1 any representation of one thing by another4 ,so an earthly sovereign may be called the image of ,god3 and an inferior magistrate1 the image of an earthly sovereign4 ,and many times in the idolatry of the ,gentiles there was little regard to the similitude of their material idol to the idol in their fancy1 and yet it was called the image of it4 ,for a stone unhewn has been set up for ,neptune1 and divers other shapes far different from the shapes they conceived of their gods4 ,and at this day we see many images of the ,virgin ,mary1 and other saints1 unlike one another1 and without correspondence to any one man's fancy2 and yet serve well enough for the purpose they were erected for2 which was no more but by the names only1 to represent the persons mentioned in the history2 to which every man applieth a mental image of his own making1 or none at all4 ,and thus an image in the largest sense1 is either the resemblance1 or the representation of some thing visible2 or both together1 as it happeneth for the most part4 ,but the name of idol is extended yet further in ,scripture1 to signify also the sun1 or a star1 or any other creature1 visible or invisible1 when they are worshipped for gods4 ,sidenote3 ,idolatry1 what4 ,having shown what is worship1 and what an image2 ,i will now put them together1 and examine what that ,,idolatry is1 which is forbidden in the second commandment1 and other places of the ,scripture4 ,to worship an image1 is voluntarily to do those external acts1 which are signs of honouring either the matter of the image1 which is wood1 stone1 metal1 or some other visible creature2 or the phantasm of the brain1 for the resemblance1 or representation whereof1 the matter was formed and figured2 or both together1 as one animate body1 composed of the matter and the phantasm1 as of a body and soul4 ,to be uncovered1 before a man of power and authority1 or before the throne of a prince1 or in such other places as he ordaineth to that purpose in his absence1 is to worship that man1 or prince with civil worship2 as being a sign1 not of honouring the stool or place1 but the person2 and is not idolatry4 ,but if he that doth it1 should suppose the soul of the prince to be in the stool1 or should present a petition to the stool1 it were divine worship1 and idolatry4 ,to pray to a king for such things1 as he is able to do for us1 though we prostrate ourselves before him1 is but civil worship2 because we acknowledge no other power in him1 but human3 but voluntarily to pray unto him for fair weather1 or for any thing which ,god only can do for us1 is divine worship1 and idolatry4 ,on the other side1 if a king compel a man to it by the terror of death1 or other great corporal punishment1 it is not idolatry3 for the worship which the sovereign commandeth to be done unto himself by the terror of his laws1 is not a sign that he that obeyeth him1 does inwardly honour him as a ,god1 but that he is desirous to save himself from death1 or from a miserable life2 and that which is not a sign of internal honour1 is no worship2 and therefore no idolatry4 ,neither can it be said1 that he that does it1 scandalizeth1 or layeth any stumbling block before his brother2 because how wise1 or learned soever he be that worshippeth in that manner1 another man cannot from thence argue1 that he approveth it2 but that he doth it for fear2 and that it is not his act1 but the act of his sovereign4 ,to worship ,god1 in some peculiar place1 or turning a man's face towards an image1 or determinate place1 is not to worship1 or honour the place1 or image2 but to acknowledge it holy1 that is to say1 to acknowledge the image1 or the place to be set apart from common use4 ,for that is the meaning of the word holy2 which implies no new quality in the place or image1 but only a new relation by appropriation to ,god2 and therefore is not idolatry2 no more than it was idolatry to worship ,god before the brazen serpent2 or for the ,jews1 when they were out of their own country1 to turn their faces1 when they prayed1 towards the temple of ,jerusalem2 or for ,moses to put off his shoes when he was before the flaming bush1 the ground appertaining to ,mount ,sinai1 which place ,god had chosen to appear in1 and to give his laws to the people of ,israel1 and was therefore holy ground1 not by inherent sanctity1 but by separation to ,god's use2 or for ,christians to worship in the churches1 which are once solemnly dedicated to ,god for that purpose1 by the authority of the king1 or other true representant of the ,church4 ,but to worship ,god1 as inanimating1 or inhabiting such image1 or place2 that is to say1 in infinite substance in a finite place1 is idolatry3 for such finite gods1 are but idols of the brain1 nothing real2 and are commonly called in the ,scripture by the names of vanity1 and lies1 and nothing4 ,also to worship ,god1 not as inanimating1 or present in the place1 or image2 but to the end to be put in mind of him1 or of some works of his1 in case the place1 or image be dedicated1 or set up by private authority1 and not by the authority of them that are our sovereign pastors1 is idolatry4 ,for the commandment is1 thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image4 ,god commanded ,moses to set up the brazen serpent2 he did not make it to himself2 it was not therefore against the commandment4 ,but the making of the golden calf by ,aaron1 and the people1 as being done without authority from ,god1 was idolatry2 not only because they held it for ,god1 but also because they made it for a religious use1 without warrant either from ,god their sovereign1 or from ,moses1 that was his lieutenant4 ,the ,gentiles worshipped for gods1 ,jupiter and others2 that living1 were men perhaps that had done great and glorious acts3 and for the children of ,god1 divers men and women1 supposing them gotten between an immortal deity1 and a mortal man4 ,this was idolatry1 because they made them so to themselves1 having no authority from ,god1 neither in his eternal law of reason1 nor in his positive and revealed will4 ,but though our ,saviour was a man1 whom we also believe to be ,god immortal1 and the ,son of ,god1 yet this is no idolatry2 because we build not that belief upon our own fancy1 or judgment1 but upon the ,word of ,god revealed in the ,scriptures4 ,and for the adoration of the ,eucharist1 if the words of ,christ1 this is my body1 signify1 that he himself1 and the seeming bread in his hand1 and not only so1 but that all the seeming morsels of bread that have ever since been1 and any time hereafter shall be consecrated by priests1 be so many ,christ's bodies1 and yet all of them but one body2 then is that no idolatry1 because it is authorized by our ,saviour3 but if that text do not signify that1 7for there is no other that can be alleged for it7 then1 because it is a worship of human institution1 it is idolatry4 ,for it is not enough to say1 ,god can transubstantiate the bread into ,christ's body3 for the ,gentiles also held ,god to be omnipotent1 and might upon that ground no less excuse their idolatry1 by pretending1 as well as others1 a transubstantiation of their wood1 and stone into ,god ,almighty4 ,whereas there be1 that pretend divine inspiration to be the supernatural entering of the ,holy ,ghost into a man1 and not an acquisition of ,god's graces1 by doctrine1 and study2 ,i think they are in a very dangerous dilemma4 ,for if they worship not the man whom they believe to be so inspired1 they fall into impiety2 as not adoring ,god's supernatural presence4 ,and again1 if they worship him1 they commit idolatry2 for the apostles would never permit themselves to be so worshipped4 ,therefore the safest way is to believe1 that by the descending of the dove upon the apostles2 and by ,christ's breathing on them1 when he gave them the ,holy ,ghost2 and by the giving of it by imposition of hands1 are understood the signs which ,god has been pleased to use1 or ordain to be used1 of his promise to assist those persons in their study to preach his kingdom1 and in their conversation1 that it might not be scandalous1 but edifying to others4 ,sidenote3 ,scandalous worship of images4 ,besides the idolatrous worship of images1 there is also a scandalous worship of them2 which is also a sin1 but not idolatry4 ,for idolatry is to worship by signs of an internal1 and real honour3 but scandalous worship1 is but seeming worship1 and may sometimes be joined with an inward1 and hearty detestation1 both of the image1 and of the phantastical demon1 or idol1 to which it is dedicated2 and proceed only from the fear of death1 or other grievous punishment2 and is nevertheless a sin in them that so worship1 in case they be men whose actions are looked at by others1 as lights to guide them by2 because following their ways1 they cannot but stumble1 and fall in the way of religion3 whereas the example of those we regard not1 works not on us at all1 but leaves us to our own diligence and caution2 and consequently are no causes of our falling4 ,if therefore a pastor lawfully called to teach and direct others1 or any other1 of whose knowledge there is a great opinion1 do external honour to an idol for fear2 unless he make his fear and unwillingness to it1 as evident as the worship2 he scandalizeth his brother1 by seeming to approve idolatry4 ,for his brother arguing from the action of his teacher1 or of him whose knowledge he esteemeth great1 concludes it to be lawful in itself4 ,and this scandal is sin1 and a scandal given4 ,but if one being no pastor1 nor of eminent reputation for knowledge in ,christian doctrine1 do the same1 and another follow him2 this is no scandal given2 for he had no cause to follow such example3 but is a pretence of scandal1 which he taketh of himself for an excuse before men4 ,for an unlearned man1 that is in the power of an idolatrous king1 or state1 if commanded on pain of death to worship before an idol1 he detesteth the idol in his heart1 he doth well2 though if he had the fortitude to suffer death1 rather than worship it1 he should do better4 ,but if a pastor1 who as ,christ's messenger1 has undertaken to teach ,christ's doctrine to all nations1 should do the same1 it were not only a sinful scandal1 in respect of other ,christian men's consciences1 but a perfidious forsaking of his charge4 ,the sum of that which ,i have said hitherto1 concerning the worship of images1 is this1 that he that worshippeth in an image1 or any creature1 either the matter thereof1 or any fancy of his own1 which he thinketh to dwell in it2 or both together2 or believeth that such things hear his prayers1 or see his devotions1 without ears or eyes1 committeth idolatry3 and he that counterfeiteth such worship for fear of punishment1 if he be a man whose example hath power amongst his brethren1 committeth a sin4 ,but he that worshippeth the ,creator of the world before such an image1 or in such a place as he hath not made1 or chosen of himself1 but taken from the commandment of ,god's word1 as the ,jews did in worshipping ,god before the cherubims1 and before the brazen serpent for a time1 and in1 or towards the ,temple of ,jerusalem1 which was also but for a time1 committeth not idolatry4 ,now for the worship of saints1 and images1 and relics1 and other things at this day practised in the ,church of ,rome1 ,i say they are not allowed by the ,word of ,god1 nor brought into the ,church of ,rome1 from the doctrine there taught2 but partly left in it at the first conversion of the ,gentiles2 and afterwards countenanced1 and confirmed1 and augmented by the bishops of ,rome4 ,sidenote3 ,answer to the argument from the cherubims1 and brazen serpent4 ,as for the proofs alleged out of ,scripture1 namely1 those examples of images appointed by ,god to be set up2 they were not set up for the people1 or any man to worship1 but that they should worship ,god himself before them2 as before the cherubims over the ark1 and the brazen serpent4 ,for we read not1 that the priest1 or any other did worship the cherubims2 but contrarily we read 7#b ,kings xviii4 #d7 that ,hezekiah brake in pieces the brazen serpent which ,moses had set up1 because the people burnt incense to it4 ,besides1 those examples are not put for our imitation1 that we also should set up images1 under pretence of worshipping ,god before them2 because the words of the second commandment1 thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image1 c4 distinguish between the images that ,god commanded to be set up1 and those which we set up to ourselves4 ,and therefore from the cherubims or brazen serpent1 to the images of man's devising2 and from the worship commanded by ,god1 to the will-worship of men1 the argument is not good4 ,this also is to be considered1 that as ,hezekiah brake in pieces the brazen serpent1 because the ,jews did worship it1 to the end they should do so no more2 so also ,christian sovereigns ought to break down the images which their subjects have been accustomed to worship1 that there be no more occasion of such idolatry4 ,for at this day1 the ignorant people1 where images are worshipped1 do really believe there is a divine power in the images2 and are told by their pastors1 that some of them have spoken2 and have bled2 and that miracles have been done by them2 which they apprehend as done by the saint1 which they think either is the image itself1 or in it4 ,the ,israelites1 when they worshipped the calf1 did think they worshipped the ,god that brought them out of ,egypt2 and yet it was idolatry1 because they thought the calf either was that ,god1 or had him in his belly4 ,and though some man may think it impossible for people to be so stupid1 as to think the image to be ,god1 or a saint2 or to worship it in that notion2 yet it is manifest in ,scripture to the contrary2 where when the golden calf was made1 the people said1 7,exod4 xxxii4 #d7 ,these are thy gods1 ,o ,israel2 and where the images of ,laban 7,gen4 xxxi4 #cj7 are called his gods4 ,and we see daily by experience in all sorts of people1 that such men as study nothing but their food and ease1 are content to believe any absurdity1 rather than to trouble themselves to examine it2 holding their faith as it were by entail unalienable1 except by an express and new law4 ,sidenote3 ,painting of fancies no idolatry2 but abusing them to religious worship is4 ,but they infer from some other places1 that it is lawful to paint angels1 and also ,god himself3 as from ,god's walking in the garden2 from ,jacob's seeing ,god at the top of the ladder2 and from other visions1 and dreams4 ,but visions1 and dreams1 whether natural1 or supernatural1 are but phantasms3 and he that painteth an image of any of them1 maketh not an image of ,god1 but of his own phantasm1 which is making of an idol4 ,i say not1 that to draw a picture after a fancy1 is a sin2 but when it is drawn1 to hold it for a representation of ,god1 is against the second commandment2 and can be of no use1 but to worship4 ,and the same may be said of the images of angels1 and of men dead2 unless as monuments of friends1 or of men worthy remembrance4 ,for such use of an image1 is not worship of the image2 but a civil honouring of the person1 not that is1 but that was4 ,but when it is done to the image which we make of a saint1 for no other reason1 but that we think he heareth our prayers1 and is pleased with the honour we do him1 when dead1 and without sense1 we attribute to him more than human power2 and therefore it is idolatry4 ,seeing therefore there is no authority1 neither in the law of ,moses1 nor in the ,gospel1 for the religious worship of images1 or other representations of ,god1 which men set up to themselves2 or for the worship of the image of any creature in heaven or earth1 or under the earth3 and whereas ,christian kings1 who are living representants of ,god1 are not to be worshipped by their subjects1 by any act that signifieth a greater esteem of his power1 than the nature of mortal man is capable of2 it cannot be imagined1 that the religious worship now in use1 was brought into the ,church by misunderstanding of the ,scripture4 ,it resteth therefore1 that it was left in it1 by not destroying the images themselves1 in the conversion of the ,gentiles that worshipped them4 ,sidenote3 ,how idolatry was left in the ,church4 ,the cause whereof1 was the immoderate esteem1 and prices set upon the workmanship of them1 which made the owners1 though converted from worshipping them as they had done religiously for demons1 to retain them still in their houses1 upon pretence of doing it in the honour of ,christ1 of the ,virgin ,mary1 and of the ,apostles1 and other the pastors of the primitive ,church2 as being easy1 by giving them new names1 to make that an image of the ,virgin ,mary1 and of her son our ,saviour1 which before perhaps was called the image of ,venus1 and ,cupid2 and so of a ,jupiter to make a ,barnabas1 and of ,mercury a ,paul1 and the like4 ,and as worldly ambition creeping by degrees into the pastors1 drew them to an endeavour of pleasing the new-made ,christians2 and also to a liking of this kind of honour1 which they also might hope for after their decease1 as well as those that had already gained it3 so the worshipping of the images of ,christ and his apostles1 grew more and more idolatrous2 save that somewhat after the time of ,constantine1 divers emperors1 and bishops1 and general councils1 observed and opposed the unlawfulness thereof2 but too late1 or too weakly4 ,sidenote3 ,canonizing of saints4 ,the canonizing of saints1 is another relic of ,gentilism3 it is neither a misunderstanding of ,scripture1 nor a new invention of the ,roman ,church1 but a custom as ancient as the commonwealth of ,rome itself4 ,the first that ever was canonized at ,rome1 was ,romulus1 and that upon the narration of ,julius ,proculus1 that swore before the senate1 he spake with him after his death1 and was assured by him1 he dwelt in heaven1 and was there called ,quirinus1 and would be propitious to the state of their new city3 and thereupon the senate gave public testimony of his sanctity4 ,julius ,csar1 and other emperors after him1 had the like testimony2 that is1 were canonized for saints2 for by such testimony is ,,canonization now defined2 and is the same with the of the heathen4 ,sidenote3 ,the name of ,pontifex4 ,it is also from the ,roman ,heathen1 that the ,popes have received the name1 and power of ,,pontifex ,,maximus4 ,this was the name of him that in the ancient commonwealth of ,rome1 had the supreme authority under the senate and people1 of regulating all ceremonies and doctrines concerning their religion3 and when ,augustus ,csar changed the state into a monarchy1 he took to himself no more but this office1 and that of tribune of the people1 that is to say1 the supreme power both in state1 and religion2 and the succeeding emperors enjoyed the same4 ,but when the emperor ,constantine lived1 who was the first that professed and authorized ,christian religion1 it was consonant to his profession1 to cause religion to be regulated1 under his authority1 by the ,bishop of ,rome3 though it do not appear they had so soon the name of ,pontifex2 but rather1 that the succeeding bishops took it of themselves1 to countenance the power they exercised over the bishops of the ,roman provinces4 ,for it is not any privilege of ,st4 ,peter1 but the privilege of the city of ,rome1 which the emperors were always willing to uphold1 that gave them such authority over other bishops2 as may be evidently seen by that1 that the bishop of ,constantinople1 when the emperor made that city the seat of the empire1 pretended to be equal to the bishop of ,rome2 though at last1 not without contention1 the ,pope carried it1 and became the ,pontifex ,maximus2 but in right only of the emperor2 and not without the bounds of the empire2 nor any where1 after the emperor had lost his power in ,rome2 though it were the ,pope himself that took his power from him4 ,from whence we may by the way observe1 that there is no place for the superiority of the ,pope over other bishops1 except in the territories whereof he is himself the civil sovereign1 and where the emperor having sovereign power civil1 hath expressly chosen the ,pope for the chief pastor under himself1 of his ,christian subjects4 ,sidenote3 ,procession of images4 ,the carrying about of images in procession1 is another relic of the religion of the ,greeks1 and ,romans4 ,for they also carried their idols from place to place1 in a kind of chariot1 which was peculiarly dedicated to that use1 which the ,latins called thensa1 and vehiculum ,deorum2 and the image was placed in a frame1 or shrine1 which they called ferculum3 and that which they called pompa1 is the same that now is named procession4 ,according whereunto1 amongst the divine honours which were given to ,julius ,csar by the senate1 this was one1 that in the pomp1 or procession1 at the ,circan games1 he should have thensam et ferculum1 a sacred chariot and a shrine2 which was as much1 as to be carried up and down as a god3 just as at this day the ,popes are carried by ,switzers under a canopy4 ,sidenote3 ,wax candles1 and torches lighted4 ,to these processions also belonged the bearing of burning torches1 and candles1 before the images of the gods1 both amongst the ,greeks1 and ,romans4 ,for afterwards the emperors of ,rome received the same honour2 as we read of ,caligula1 that at his reception to the empire1 he was carried from ,misenum to ,rome1 in the midst of a throng of people1 the ways beset with altars1 and beasts for sacrifice1 and burning torches3 and of ,caracalla1 that was received into ,alexandria with incense1 and with casting of flowers1 and 1 that is1 with torches2 for were they that amongst the ,greeks carried torches lighted in the processions of their gods4 ,and in process of time1 the devout1 but ignorant people1 did many times honour their bishops with the like pomp of wax candles1 and the images of our ,saviour1 and the saints1 constantly1 in the church itself4 ,and thus came in the use of wax candles2 and was also established by some of the ancient ,councils4 ,the heathens had also their aqua lustralis1 that is to say1 holy water4 ,the ,church of ,rome imitates them also in their holy days4 ,they had their bacchanalia2 and we have our wakes1 answering to them3 they their saturnalia1 and we our carnivals1 and ,shrove-,tuesday's liberty of servants3 they their procession of ,priapus2 we our fetching in1 erection1 and dancing about ,may-poles2 and dancing is one kind of worship3 they had their procession called ,ambarvalia2 and we our procession about the fields in the ,rogation-week4 ,nor do ,i think that these are all the ceremonies that have been left in the ,church1 from the first conversion of the ,gentiles2 but they are all that ,i can for the present call to mind2 and if a man would well observe that which is delivered in the histories1 concerning the religious rites of the ,greeks and ,romans1 ,i doubt not but he might find many more of these old empty bottles of ,gentilism1 which the doctors of the ,roman ,church1 either by negligence or ambition1 have filled up again with the new wine of ,christianity1 that will not fail in time to break them4 ------- ,,chap4 ,,xlvi4 ,,of ,,darkness ,,from ,,vain ,,philosophy1 ,,and ,,fabulous ,,traditions4 ,sidenote3 ,what philosophy is4 ,by ,,philosophy is understood the knowledge acquired by reasoning1 from the manner of the generation of any thing1 to the properties3 or from the properties1 to some possible way of generation of the same2 to the end to be able to produce1 as far as matter1 and human force permit1 such effects1 as human life requireth4 ,so the geometrician1 from the construction of figures1 findeth out many properties thereof2 and from the properties1 new ways of their construction1 by reasoning2 to the end to be able to measure land1 and water2 and for infinite other uses4 ,so the astronomer1 from the rising1 setting1 and moving of the sun1 and stars1 in divers parts of the heavens1 findeth out the causes of day1 and night1 and of the different seasons of the year2 whereby he keepeth an account of time2 and the like of other sciences4 ,sidenote3 ,prudence no part of philosophy4 ,by which definition it is evident1 that we are not to account as any part thereof1 that original knowledge called experience1 in which consisteth prudence2 because it is not attained by reasoning1 but found as well in brute beasts1 as in man2 and is but a memory of successions of events in times past1 wherein the omission of every little circumstance altering the effect1 frustrateth the expectation of the most prudent3 whereas nothing is produced by reasoning aright1 but general1 eternal1 and immutable truth4 ,sidenote3 ,no false doctrine is part of philosophy4 ,nor are we therefore to give that name to any false conclusions3 for he that reasoneth aright in words he understandeth1 can never conclude an error3 ,sidenote3 ,no more is revelation supernatural4 ,nor to that which any man knows by supernatural revelation2 because it is not acquired by reasoning3 ,sidenote3 ,nor learning taken upon credit of authors4 ,nor that which is gotten by reasoning from the authority of books2 because it is not by reasoning from the cause to the effect1 nor from the effect to the cause2 and is not knowledge but faith4 ,sidenote3 ,of the beginnings and progress of philosophy4 ,the faculty of reasoning being consequent to the use of speech1 it was not possible1 but that there should have been some general truths found out by reasoning1 as ancient almost as language itself4 ,the savages of ,america1 are not without some good moral sentences2 also they have a little arithmetic1 to add1 and divide in numbers not too great3 but they are not1 therefore1 philosophers4 ,for as there were plants of corn and wine in small quantity dispersed in the fields and woods1 before men knew their virtue1 or made use of them for their nourishment1 or planted them apart in fields and vineyards2 in which time they fed on acorns1 and drank water3 so also there have been divers true1 general1 and profitable speculations from the beginning2 as being the natural plants of human reason4 ,but they were at first but few in number2 men lived upon gross experience2 there was no method2 that is to say1 no sowing1 nor planting of knowledge by itself1 apart from the weeds1 and common plants of error and conjecture4 ,and the cause of it being the want of leisure from procuring the necessities of life1 and defending themselves against their neighbours1 it was impossible1 till the erecting of great commonwealths1 it should be otherwise4 ,leisure is the mother of philosophy2 and ,commonwealth1 the mother of peace and leisure4 ,where first were great and flourishing cities1 there was first the study of philosophy4 ,the ,gymnosophists of ,india1 the ,magi of ,persia1 and the ,priests of ,chaldea and ,egypt1 are counted the most ancient philosophers2 and those countries were the most ancient of kingdoms4 ,philosophy was not risen to the ,grecians1 and other people of the west1 whose commonwealths1 no greater perhaps than ,lucca or ,geneva1 had never peace1 but when their fears of one another were equal2 nor the leisure to observe anything but one another4 ,at length1 when war had united many of these ,grecian lesser cities1 into fewer1 and greater2 then began seven men1 of several parts of ,greece1 to get the reputation of being wise2 some of them for moral and politic sentences2 and others for the learning of the ,chaldeans and ,egyptians1 which was astronomy1 and geometry4 ,but we hear not yet of any schools of philosophy4 ,sidenote3 ,of the schools of philosophy amongst the ,athenians4 ,after the ,athenians1 by the overthrow of the ,persian armies1 had gotten the dominion of the sea2 and thereby1 of all the islands1 and maritime cities of the ,archipelago1 as well of ,asia as ,europe2 and were grown wealthy2 they that had no employment1 neither at home nor abroad1 had little else to employ themselves in1 but either 7as ,st4 ,luke says1 ,acts xvii4 #ba71 in telling and hearing news1 or in discoursing of philosophy publicly to the youth of the city4 ,every master took some place for that purpose4 ,plato1 in certain public walks called ,academia1 from one ,academus3 ,aristotle in the walk of the temple of ,pan1 called ,lyceum3 others in the ,stoa1 or covered walk1 wherein the merchants' goods were brought to land3 others in other places2 where they spent the time of their leisure1 in teaching or in disputing of their opinions3 and some in any place1 where they could get the youth of the city together to hear them talk4 ,and this was it which ,carneades also did at ,rome1 when he was ambassador3 which caused ,cato to advise the senate to dispatch him quickly1 for fear of corrupting the manners of the young men1 that delighted to hear him speak1 as they thought1 fine things4 ,from this it was1 that the place where any of them taught1 and disputed1 was called schola1 which in their tongue signifieth leisure2 and their disputations1 diatrib1 that is to say1 passing of the time4 ,also the philosophers themselves had the name of their sects1 some of them from these their ,schools3 for they that followed ,plato's doctrine1 were called ,academics2 the followers of ,aristotle ,peripatetics1 from the walk he taught in2 and those that ,zeno taught ,stoics1 from the ,stoa2 as if we should denominate men from ,moor-fields1 from ,paul's ,church1 and from the ,exchange1 because they meet there often1 to prate and loiter4 ,nevertheless1 men were so much taken with this custom1 that in time it spread itself over all ,europe1 and the best part of ,afric2 so as there were schools publicly erected and maintained1 for lectures and disputations1 almost in every commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,of the schools of the ,jews4 ,there were also schools1 anciently1 both before and after the time of our ,saviour1 amongst the ,jews2 but they were schools of their law4 ,for though they were called synagogues1 that is to say1 congregations of the people2 yet1 inasmuch as the law was every sabbath-day read1 expounded1 and disputed in them1 they differed not in nature1 but in name only1 from public schools2 and were not only in ,jerusalem1 but in every city of the ,gentiles1 where the ,jews inhabited4 ,there was such a school at ,damascus1 whereinto ,paul entered1 to persecute4 ,there were others at ,antioch1 ,iconium1 and ,thessalonica1 whereinto he entered to dispute3 and such was the synagogue of the ,libertines1 ,cyrenians1 ,alexandrians1 ,cilicians1 and those of ,asia2 that is to say1 the school of ,libertines1 and of ,jews that were strangers in ,jerusalem2 and of this school they were that disputed 7,acts vi4 #i7 with ,st4 ,stephen4 ,sidenote3 ,the schools of the ,grecians unprofitable4 ,but what has been the utility of those schools8 ,what science is there at this day acquired by their readings and disputings8 ,that we have of geometry1 which is the mother of all natural science1 we are not indebted for it to the schools4 ,plato1 that was the best philosopher of the ,greeks1 forbad entrance into his school to all that were not already in some measure geometricians4 ,there were many that studied that science to the great advantage of mankind3 but there is no mention of their schools2 nor was there any sect of geometricians2 nor did they then pass under the name of philosophers4 ,the natural philosophy of those schools was rather a dream than science1 and set forth in senseless and insignificant language2 which cannot be avoided by those that will teach philosophy1 without having first attained great knowledge in geometry4 ,for nature worketh by motion2 the ways and degrees whereof cannot be known1 without the knowledge of the proportions and properties of lines and figures4 ,their moral philosophy is but a description of their own passions4 ,for the rule of manners1 without civil government1 is the law of nature2 and in it1 the law civil1 that determineth what is honest and dishonest1 what is just and unjust1 and generally what is good and evil4 ,whereas they make the rules of good and bad1 by their own liking and disliking3 by which means1 in so great diversity of taste1 there is nothing generally agreed on2 but every one doth1 as far as he dares1 whatsoever seemeth good in his own eyes1 to the subversion of commonwealth4 ,their logic1 which should be the method of reasoning1 is nothing else but captions of words1 and inventions how to puzzle such as should go about to pose them4 ,to conclude1 there is nothing so absurd1 that the old philosophers1 as ,cicero saith1 7who was one of them17 have not some of them maintained4 ,and ,i believe that scarce anything can be more absurdly said in natural philosophy1 than that which now is called ,aristotle's ,metaphysics2 nor more repugnant to government1 than much of that he hath said in his ,politics2 nor more ignorantly1 than a great part of his ,ethics4 ,sidenote3 ,the schools of the ,jews unprofitable4 ,the school of the ,jews was originally a school of the law of ,moses2 who commanded 7,deut4 xxxi4 #aj7 that at the end of every seventh year1 at the ,feast of the ,tabernacles1 it should be read to all the people1 that they might hear and learn it4 ,therefore the reading of the law1 which was in use after the captivity1 every ,sabbath day1 ought to have had no other end1 but the acquainting of the people with the ,commandments which they were to obey1 and to expound unto them the writings of the prophets4 ,but it is manifest1 by the many reprehensions of them by our ,saviour1 that they corrupted the text of the law with their false commentaries1 and vain traditions2 and so little understood the prophets1 that they did neither acknowledge ,christ1 nor the works he did1 of which the prophets prophesied4 ,so that by their lectures and disputations in their synagogues1 they turned the doctrine of their law into a fantastical kind of philosophy1 concerning the incomprehensible nature of ,god1 and of spirits2 which they compounded of the vain philosophy and theology of the ,grecians1 mingled with their own fancies1 drawn from the obscurer places of the ,scripture1 and which might most easily be wrested to their purpose2 and from the fabulous traditions of their ancestors4 ,sidenote3 ,university1 what it is4 ,that which is now called an ,university1 is a joining together1 and an incorporation under one government1 of many public schools1 in one and the same town or city4 ,in which1 the principal schools were ordained for the three professions1 that is to say1 of the ,roman religion1 of the ,roman law1 and of the art of medicine4 ,and for the study of philosophy1 it hath no otherwise place1 than as a hand-maid to the ,roman religion3 and since the authority of ,aristotle is only current there1 that study is not properly philosophy1 7the nature whereof dependeth not on authors17 but ,aristotelity4 ,and for geometry1 till of very late times it had no place at all2 as being subservient to nothing but rigid truth4 ,and if any man by the ingenuity of his own nature1 had attained to any degree of perfection therein1 he was commonly thought a magician1 and his art diabolical4 ,sidenote3 ,errors brought into religion from ,aristotle's metaphysics4 ,now to descend to the particular tenets of vain philosophy1 derived to the ,universities1 and thence into the ,church1 partly from ,aristotle1 partly from blindness of understanding2 ,i shall first consider their principles4 ,there is a certain philosophia prima1 on which all other philosophy ought to depend2 and consisteth principally1 in right limiting of the significations of such appellations1 or names1 as are of all others the most universal2 which limitations serve to avoid ambiguity and equivocation in reasoning2 and are commonly called definitions2 such as are the definitions of body1 time1 place1 matter1 form1 essence1 subject1 substance1 accident1 power1 act1 finite1 infinite1 quantity1 quality1 motion1 action1 passion1 and divers others1 necessary to the explaining of a man's conceptions concerning the nature and generation of bodies4 ,the explication1 that is1 the settling of the meaning1 of which1 and the like terms1 is commonly in the ,schools called metaphysics2 as being a part of the philosophy of ,aristotle1 which hath that for title4 ,but it is in another sense2 for there it signifieth as much as books written or placed after his natural philosophy3 but the schools take them for books of supernatural philosophy3 for the word metaphysics will bear both these senses4 ,and indeed that which is there written1 is for the most part so far from the possibility of being understood1 and so repugnant to natural reason1 that whosoever thinketh there is any thing to be understood by it1 must needs think it supernatural4 ,sidenote3 ,errors concerning abstract essences4 ,from these metaphysics1 which are mingled with the ,scripture to make school divinity1 we are told1 there be in the world certain essences separated from bodies1 which they call abstract essences1 and substantial forms4 ,for the interpreting of which jargon1 there is need of somewhat more than ordinary attention in this place4 ,also ,i ask pardon of those that are not used to this kind of discourse1 for applying myself to those that are4 ,the world1 7,i mean not the earth only1 that denominates the lovers of it worldly men1 but the universe1 that is1 the whole mass of all things that are71 is corporeal1 that is to say1 body2 and hath the dimensions of magnitude1 namely1 length1 breadth1 and depth3 also every part of body1 is likewise body1 and hath the like dimensions2 and consequently every part of the universe1 is body1 and that which is not body1 is no part of the universe3 and because the universe is all1 that which is no part of it1 is nothing2 and consequently no where4 ,nor does it follow from hence1 that spirits are nothing3 for they have dimensions1 and are therefore really bodies2 though that name in common speech be given to such bodies only1 as are visible1 or palpable2 that is1 that have some degree of opacity4 ,but for spirits1 they call them incorporeal2 which is a name of more honour1 and may therefore with more piety be attributed to ,god himself2 in whom we consider not what attribute expresseth best his nature1 which is incomprehensible2 but what best expresseth our desire to honour ,him4 ,to know now upon what grounds they say there be essences abstract1 or substantial forms1 we are to consider what those words do properly signify4 ,the use of words1 is to register to ourselves1 and make manifest to others the thoughts and conceptions of our minds4 ,of which words1 some are the names of the things conceived2 as the names of all sorts of bodies1 that work upon the senses1 and leave an impression in the imagination4 ,others are the names of the imaginations themselves2 that is to say1 of those ideas1 or mental images we have of all things we see1 or remember4 ,and others again are names of names2 or of different sorts of speech3 as universal1 plural1 singular1 are the names of names2 and definition1 affirmation1 negation1 true1 false1 syllogism1 interrogation1 promise1 covenant1 are the names of certain forms of speech4 ,others serve to show the consequence1 or repugnance of one name to another2 as when one saith1 a man is a body1 he intendeth that the name of body is necessarily consequent to the name of man2 as being but several names of the same thing1 man2 which consequence is signified by coupling them together with the word is4 ,and as we use the verb is1 so the ,latins use their verb est1 and the ,greeks their through all its declinations4 ,whether all other nations of the world have in their several languages a word that answereth to it1 or not1 ,i cannot tell2 but ,i am sure they have not need of it4 ,for the placing of two names in order may serve to signify their consequence1 if it were the custom1 7for custom is it1 that gives words their force17 as well as the words is1 or be1 or are1 and the like4 ,and if it were so1 that there were a language without any verb answerable to est1 or is1 or be2 yet the men that used it would be not a jot the less capable of inferring1 concluding1 and of all kind of reasoning1 than were the ,greeks1 and ,latins4 ,but what then would become of these terms1 of entity1 essence1 essential1 essentiality1 that are derived from it1 and of many more than depend on these1 applied as most commonly they are8 ,they are therefore no names of things2 but signs1 by which we make known1 that we conceive the consequence of one name or attribute to another3 as when we say1 a man is a living body1 we mean not that the man is one thing1 the living body another1 and the is1 or being a third2 but that the man1 and the living body1 is the same thing2 because the consequence1 if he be a man1 he is a living body1 is a true consequence1 signified by that word is4 ,therefore1 to be a body1 to walk1 to be speaking1 to live1 to see1 and the like infinitives2 also corporeity1 walking1 speaking1 life1 sight1 and the like1 that signify just the same1 are the names of nothing2 as ,i have elsewhere more amply expressed4 ,but to what purpose1 may some man say1 is such subtlety in a work of this nature1 where ,i pretend to nothing but what is necessary to the doctrine of government and obedience8 ,it is to this purpose1 that men may no longer suffer themselves to be abused1 by them1 that by this doctrine of separated essences1 built on the vain philosophy of ,aristotle1 would fright them from obeying the laws of their country1 with empty names2 as men fright birds from the corn with an empty doublet1 a hat1 and a crooked stick4 ,for it is upon this ground1 that when a man is dead and buried1 they say his soul1 that is his life1 can walk separated from his body1 and is seen by night amongst the graves4 ,upon the same ground they say1 that the figure1 and colour1 and taste of a piece of bread1 has a being1 there1 where they say there is no bread4 ,and upon the same ground they say1 that faith1 and wisdom1 and other virtues1 are sometimes poured into a man1 sometimes blown into him from ,heaven1 as if the virtuous and their virtues could be asunder2 and a great many other things that serve to lessen the dependance of subjects on the sovereign power of their country4 ,for who will endeavour to obey the laws1 if he expect obedience to be poured or blown into him8 ,or who will not obey a priest1 that can make ,god1 rather than his sovereign1 nay than ,god himself8 ,or who1 that is in fear of ghosts1 will not bear great respect to those that can make the holy water1 that drives them from him8 ,and this shall suffice for an example of the errors1 which are brought into the ,church1 from the entities and essences of ,aristotle3 which it may be he knew to be false philosophy2 but writ it as a thing consonant to1 and corroborative of their religion2 and fearing the fate of ,socrates4 ,being once fallen into this error of separated essences1 they are thereby necessarily involved in many other absurdities that follow it4 ,for seeing they will have these forms to be real1 they are obliged to assign them some place4 ,but because they hold them incorporeal1 without all dimension of quantity1 and all men know that place is dimension1 and not to be filled1 but by that which is corporeal2 they are driven to uphold their credit with a distinction1 that they are not indeed anywhere circumscriptiv1 but definitiv2 which terms being mere words1 and in this occasion insignificant1 pass only in ,latin1 that the vanity of them may be concealed4 ,for the circumscription of a thing1 is nothing else but the determination1 or defining of its place2 and so both the terms of the distinction are the same4 ,and in particular1 of the essence of a man1 which1 they say1 is his soul1 they affirm it1 to be all of it in his little finger1 and all of it in every other part1 how small soever1 of his body2 and yet no more soul in the whole body1 than in any one of those parts4 ,can any man think that ,god is served with such absurdities8 ,and yet all this is necessary to believe1 to those that will believe the existence of an incorporeal soul1 separated from the body4 ,and when they come to give account how an incorporeal substance can be capable of pain1 and be tormented in the fire of hell or purgatory1 they have nothing at all to answer1 but that it cannot be known how fire can burn souls4 ,again1 whereas motion is change of place1 and incorporeal substances are not capable of place1 they are troubled to make it seem possible1 how a soul can go hence1 without the body1 to heaven1 hell1 or purgatory2 and how the ghosts of men1 and ,i may add of their clothes which they appear in1 can walk by night in churches1 churchyards1 and other places of sepulture4 ,to which ,i know not what they can answer1 unless they will say1 they walk definitiv1 not circumscriptiv1 or spiritually1 not temporally3 for such egregious distinctions are equally applicable to any difficulty whatsoever4 ,sidenote3 ,nunc-stans4 ,for the meaning of eternity1 they will not have it to be an endless succession of time2 for then they should not be able to render a reason how ,god's will1 and preordaining of things to come1 should not be before his prescience of the same1 as the efficient cause before the effect1 or agent before the action2 nor of many other their bold opinions concerning the incomprehensible nature of ,god4 ,but they will teach us1 that eternity is the standing still of the present time1 a nunc-stans1 as the ,schools call it2 which neither they1 nor any else understand1 no more than they would a hic-stans for an infinite greatness of place4 ,sidenote3 ,one body in many places1 and many bodies in one place at once4 ,and whereas men divide a body in their thought1 by numbering parts of it1 and1 in numbering those parts1 number also the parts of the place it filled2 it cannot be1 but in making many parts1 we make also many places of those parts2 whereby there cannot be conceived in the mind of any man1 more1 or fewer parts1 than there are places for3 yet they will have us believe1 that by the ,almighty power of ,god1 one body may be at one and the same time in many places2 and many bodies at one and the same time in one place3 as if it were an acknowledgment of the ,divine ,power to say1 that which is1 is not2 or that which has been1 has not been4 ,and these are but a small part of the incongruities they are forced to1 from their disputing philosophically1 instead of admiring1 and adoring of the divine and incomprehensible nature2 whose attributes cannot signify what he is1 but ought to signify our desire to honour him1 with the best appellations we can think on4 ,but they that venture to reason of his nature1 from these attributes of honour1 losing their understanding in the very first attempt1 fall from one inconvenience into another1 without end1 and without number2 in the same manner1 as when a man ignorant of the ceremonies of court1 coming into the presence of a greater person than he is used to speak to1 and stumbling at his entrance1 to save himself from falling1 lets slip his cloak2 to recover his cloak1 lets fall his hat2 and with one disorder after another1 discovers his astonishment and rusticity4 ,sidenote3 ,absurdities in natural philosophy1 as gravity the cause of heaviness4 ,then for physics1 that is1 the knowledge of the subordinate and secondary causes of natural events2 they render none at all1 but empty words4 ,if you desire to know why some kind of bodies sink naturally downwards toward the earth1 and others go naturally from it2 the ,schools will tell you out of ,aristotle1 that the bodies that sink downwards1 are heavy2 and that this heaviness is it that causes them to descend4 ,but if you ask what they mean by heaviness1 they will define it to be an endeavour to go to the centre of the earth4 ,so that the cause why things sink downward1 is an endeavour to be below3 which is as much as to say1 that bodies descend1 or ascend1 because they do4 ,or they will tell you the centre of the earth is the place of rest1 and conservation for heavy things2 and therefore they endeavour to be there3 as if stones and metals had a desire1 or could discern the place they would be at1 as man does2 or loved rest1 as man does not2 or that a piece of glass were less safe in the window1 than falling into the street4 ,sidenote3 ,quantity put into body already made4 ,if we would know why the same body seems greater1 without adding to it1 one time1 than another2 they say1 when it seems less1 it is condensed2 when greater1 rarified4 ,what is that condensed1 and rarified8 ,condensed1 is when there is in the very same matter1 less quantity than before2 and rarified1 when more4 ,as if there could be matter1 that had not some determined quantity2 when quantity is nothing else but the determination of matter2 that is to say1 of body1 by which we say1 one body is greater or lesser than another1 by thus1 or thus much4 ,or as if a body were made without any quantity at all1 and that afterwards more or less were put into it1 according as it is intended the body should be more or less dense4 ,sidenote3 ,pouring in of souls4 ,for the cause of the soul of man1 they say1 creatur infundendo1 and creando infunditur3 that is1 it is created by pouring it in1 and poured in by creation4 ,sidenote3 ,ubiquity of apparition4 ,for the cause of sense1 an ubiquity of species2 that is1 of the shows or apparitions of objects2 which when they be apparitions to the eye1 is sight2 when to the ear1 hearing2 to the palate1 taste2 to the nostril1 smelling2 and to the rest of the body1 feeling4 ,sidenote3 ,will1 the cause of willing4 ,for cause of the will1 to do any particular action1 which is called volitio1 they assign the faculty1 that is to say1 the capacity in general1 that men have1 to will sometimes one thing1 sometimes another1 which is called voluntas2 making the power the cause of the act4 ,as if one should assign for cause of the good or evil acts of men1 their ability to do them4 ,sidenote3 ,ignorance an occult cause4 ,and in many occasions they put for cause of natural events1 their own ignorance2 but disguised in other words3 as when they say1 fortune is the cause of things contingent2 that is1 of things whereof they know no cause3 and as when they attribute many effects to occult qualities2 that is1 qualities not known to them2 and therefore also1 as they think1 to no man else4 ,and to sympathy1 antipathy1 antiperistasis1 specifical qualities1 and other like terms1 which signify neither the agent that produceth them1 nor the operation by which they are produced4 ,if such metaphysics1 and physics as this1 be not vain philosophy1 there was never any2 nor needed ,st4 ,paul to give us warning to avoid it4 ,sidenote3 ,one makes the things incongruent1 another the incongruity4 ,and for their moral1 and civil philosophy1 it hath the same1 or greater absurdities4 ,if a man do an action of injustice1 that is to say1 an action contrary to the law1 ,god they say is the prime cause of the law1 and also the prime cause of that1 and all other actions2 but no cause at all of the injustice2 which is the inconformity of the action to the law4 ,this is vain philosophy4 ,a man might as well say1 that one man maketh both a straight line1 and a crooked1 and another maketh their incongruity4 ,and such is the philosophy of all men that resolve of their conclusions1 before they know their premises2 pretending to comprehend1 that which is incomprehensible2 and of attributes of honour to make attributes of nature2 as this dictinction was made to maintain the doctrine of free-will1 that is1 of a will of man1 not subject to the will of ,god4 ,sidenote3 ,private appetite the rule of public good4 ,aristotle1 and other heathen philosophers1 define good and evil1 by the appetite of men2 and well enough1 as long as we consider them governed every one by his own law2 for in the condition of men that have no other law but their own appetites1 there can be no general rule of good1 and evil actions4 ,but in a commonwealth this measure is false3 not the appetite of private men1 but the law1 which is the will and appetite of the state1 is the measure4 ,and yet is this doctrine still practised2 and men judge the goodness or wickedness of their own1 and of other men's actions1 and of the actions of the commonwealth itself1 by their own passions2 and no man calleth good or evil1 but that which is so in his own eyes1 without any regard at all to the public laws2 except only monks1 and friars1 that are bound by vow to that simple obedience to their superior1 to which every subject ought to think himself bound by the law of nature to the civil sovereign4 ,and this private measure of good1 is a doctrine1 not only vain1 but also pernicious to the public state4 ,sidenote3 ,and that lawful marriage is unchastity4 ,it is also vain and false philosophy1 to say the work of marriage is repugnant to chastity1 or continence1 and by consequence to make them moral vices2 as they do1 that pretend chastity1 and continence1 for the ground of denying marriage to the clergy4 ,for they confess it is no more1 but a constitution of the ,church1 that requireth in those holy orders that continually attend the altar and administration of the eucharist1 a continual abstinence from women1 under the name of continual chastity1 continence1 and purity4 ,therefore they call the lawful use of wives1 want of chastity and continence2 and so make marriage a sin1 or at least a thing so impure1 and unclean1 as to render a man unfit for the altar4 ,if the law were made because the use of wives is incontinence1 and contrary to chastity1 then all marriage is vice3 if because it is a thing too impure1 and unclean1 for a man consecrated to ,god2 much more should other natural1 necessary1 and daily works which all men do1 render men unworthy to be priests1 because they are more unclean4 ,but the secret foundation of this prohibition of marriage of priests1 is not likely to have been laid so slightly1 as upon such errors in moral philosophy2 nor yet upon the preference of single life1 to the estate of matrimony2 which proceeded from the wisdom of ,st4 ,paul1 who perceived how inconvenient a thing it was1 for those that in those times of persecution were preachers of the gospel1 and forced to fly from one country to another1 to be clogged with the care of wife and children2 but upon the design of the ,popes1 and priests of after times1 to make themselves the clergy1 that is to say1 sole heirs of the kingdom of ,god in this world2 to which it was necessary to take from them the use of marriage2 because our ,saviour saith1 that at the coming of his kingdom the children of ,god shall neither marry1 nor be given in marriage1 but shall be as the angels in heaven2 that is to say1 spiritual4 ,seeing then they had taken on them the name of spiritual1 to have allowed themselves1 when there was no need1 the propriety of wives1 had been an incongruity4 ,sidenote3 ,and that all government but popular is tyranny4 ,from ,aristotle's civil philosophy1 they have learned1 to call all manner of commonwealths but the popular1 7such as was at that time the state of ,athens71 tyranny4 ,all kings they called tyrants2 and the aristocracy of the thirty governors set up there by the ,lacedemonians that subdued them1 the thirty tyrants4 ,as also to call the condition of the people under the democracy1 liberty4 ,a tyrant originally signified no more simply1 but a monarch4 ,but when afterwards in most part of ,greece that kind of government was abolished1 the name began to signify1 not only the thing it did before1 but with it1 the hatred which the popular states bare towards it4 ,as also the name of king became odious after the deposing of the kings in ,rome1 as being a thing natural to all men1 to conceive some great fault to be signified in any attribute1 that is given in despite1 and to a great enemy4 ,and when the same men shall be displeased with those that have the administration of the democracy1 or aristocracy1 they are not to seek for disgraceful names to express their anger in2 but call readily the one anarchy1 and the other oligarchy1 or the tyranny of a few4 ,and that which offendeth the people1 is no other thing1 but that they are governed1 not as every one of them would himself1 but as the public representant1 be it one man1 or an assembly of men1 thinks fit2 that is1 by an arbitrary government3 for which they give evil names to their superiors2 never knowing1 till perhaps a little after a civil war1 that without such arbitrary government1 such war must be perpetual2 and that it is men1 and arms1 not words and promises1 that make the force and power of the laws4 ,sidenote3 ,that not men1 but law governs4 ,and therefore this is another error of ,aristotle's politics1 that in a well-ordered commonwealth1 not men should govern1 but the laws4 ,what man1 that has his natural senses1 though he can neither write nor read1 does not find himself governed by them he fears1 and believes can kill or hurt him when he obeyeth not8 ,or that believes the law can hurt him2 that is1 words and paper1 without the hands and swords of men8 ,and this is of the number of pernicious errors3 for they induce men1 as oft as they like not their governors1 to adhere to those that call them tyrants1 and to think it lawful to raise war against them3 and yet they are many times cherished from the pulpit1 by the clergy4 ,sidenote3 ,laws over the conscience4 ,there is another error in their civil philosophy1 which they never learned of ,aristotle1 nor ,cicero1 nor any other of the heathen1 to extend the power of the law1 which is the rule of actions only1 to the very thoughts and consciences of men1 by examination1 and inquisition of what they hold1 notwithstanding the conformity of their speech and actions4 ,by which1 men are either punished for answering the truth of their thoughts1 or constrained to answer an untruth for fear of punishment4 ,it is true1 that the civil magistrate1 intending to employ a minister in the charge of teaching1 may enquire of him1 if he be content to preach such and such doctrines2 and in case of refusal1 may deny him the employment4 ,but to force him to accuse himself of opinions1 when his actions are not by law forbidden1 is against the law of nature2 and especially in them1 who teach1 that a man shall be damned to eternal and extreme torments1 if he die in a false opinion concerning an article of the ,christian faith4 ,for who is there1 that knowing there is so great danger in an error1 whom the natural care of himself1 compelleth not to hazard his soul upon his own judgment1 rather than that of any other man that is unconcerned in his damnation8 ,sidenote3 ,private interpretation of law4 ,for a private man1 without the authority of the commonwealth1 that is to say1 without permission from the representant thereof1 to interpret the law by his own spirit1 is another error in the politics3 but not drawn from ,aristotle1 nor from any other of the heathen philosophers4 ,for none of them deny1 but that in the power of making laws1 is comprehended also the power of explaining them when there is need4 ,and are not the ,scriptures1 in all places where they are law1 made law by the authority of the commonwealth1 and consequently1 a part of the civil law8 ,of the same kind it is also1 when any but the sovereign restraineth in any man that power which the commonwealth hath not restrained2 as they do1 that impropriate the preaching of the gospel to one certain order of men1 where the laws have left it free4 ,if the state give me leave to preach1 or teach2 that is1 if it forbid me not1 no man can forbid me4 ,if ,i find myself amongst the idolaters of ,america1 shall ,i that am a ,christian1 though not in orders1 think it a sin to preach ,jesus ,christ1 till ,i have received orders from ,rome8 ,or when ,i have preached1 shall not ,i answer their doubts1 and expound the ,scriptures to them2 that is1 shall ,i not teach8 ,but for this may some say1 as also for administering to them the sacraments1 the necessity shall be esteemed for a sufficient mission2 which is true3 but this is true also1 that for whatsoever1 a dispensation is due for the necessity1 for the same there needs no dispensation1 when there is no law that forbids it4 ,therefore to deny these functions to those1 to whom the civil sovereign hath not denied them1 is a taking away of a lawful liberty1 which is contrary to the doctrine of civil government4 ,sidenote3 ,language of ,school divines4 ,more examples of vain philosophy1 brought into religion by the doctors of ,school-divinity1 might be produced2 but other men may if they please observe them of themselves4 ,i shall only add this1 that the writings of ,school-divines1 are nothing else for the most part1 but insignificant trains of strange and barbarous words1 or words otherwise used1 than in the common use of the ,latin tongue2 such as would pose ,cicero1 and ,varro1 and all the grammarians of ancient ,rome4 ,which if any man would see proved1 let him1 as ,i have said once before1 see whether he can translate any ,school-divine into any of the modern tongues1 as ,french1 ,english1 or any other copious language3 for that which cannot in most of these be made intelligible1 is not intelligible in the ,latin4 ,which insignificancy of language1 though ,i cannot note it for false philosophy2 yet it hath a quality1 not only to hide the truth1 but also to make men think they have it1 and desist from further search4 ,sidenote3 ,errors from tradition4 ,lastly1 for the errors brought in from false1 or uncertain history1 what is all the legend of fictitious miracles1 in the lives of the saints2 and all the histories of apparitions1 and ghosts1 alleged by the doctors of the ,roman ,church1 to make good their doctrines of hell1 and purgatory1 the power of exorcism1 and other doctrines which have no warrant1 neither in reason1 nor ,scripture2 as also all those traditions which they call the unwritten word of ,god3 but old wives' fables8 ,whereof1 though they find dispersed somewhat in the writings of the ancient fathers2 yet those fathers were men1 that might too easily believe false reports2 and the producing of their opinions for testimony of the truth of what they believed1 hath no other force with them that1 according to the counsel of ,st4 ,john 7#a ,epist4 iv4 #a71 examine spirits1 than in all things that concern the power of the ,roman ,church1 7the abuse whereof either they suspected not1 or had benefit by it71 to discredit their testimony1 in respect of too rash belief of reports2 which the most sincere men1 without great knowledge of natural causes1 such as the fathers were1 are commonly the most subject to4 ,for naturally1 the best men are the least suspicious of fraudulent purposes4 ,gregory the ,pope1 and ,st4 ,bernard have somewhat of apparitions of ghosts1 that said they were in purgatory2 and so has our ,bede3 but no where1 ,i believe1 but by report from others4 ,but if they1 or any other1 relate any such stories of their own knowledge1 they shall not thereby confirm the more such vain reports2 but discover their own infirmity1 or fraud4 ,sidenote3 ,suppression of reason4 ,with the introduction of false1 we may join also the suppression of true philosophy1 by such men1 as neither by lawful authority1 nor sufficient study1 are competent judges of the truth4 ,our own navigations make manifest1 and all men learned in human sciences1 now acknowledge there are antipodes3 and every day it appeareth more and more1 that years and days are determined by motions of the earth4 ,nevertheless1 men that have in their writings but supposed such doctrine1 as an occasion to lay open the reasons for1 and against it1 have been punished for it by authority ecclesiastical4 ,but what reason is there for it8 ,is it because such opinions are contrary to true religion8 ,that cannot be1 if they be true4 ,let therefore the truth be first examined by competent judges1 or confuted by them that pretend to know the contrary4 ,is it because they be contrary to the religion established8 ,let them be silenced by the laws of those1 to whom the teachers of them are subject2 that is1 by the laws civil4 ,for disobedience may lawfully be punished in them1 that against the laws teach even true philosophy4 ,is it because they tend to disorder in government1 as countenancing rebellion1 or sedition8 ,then let them be silenced1 and the teachers punished by virtue of his power to whom the care of the public quiet is committed2 which is the authority civil4 ,for whatsoever power ecclesiastics take upon themselves1 7in any place where they are subject to the state71 in their own right1 though they call it ,god's right1 is but usurpation4 ------- ,,chapter ,,xlvii4 ,,of ,,the ,,benefit ,,that ,,proceedeth ,,from ,,such ,,darkness1 ,,and ,,to ,,whom ,,it ,,accrueth4 ,sidenote3 ,he that receiveth benefit by a fact1 is presumed to be the author4 ,cicero maketh honourable mention of one of the ,cassii1 a severe judge amongst the ,romans1 for a custom he had1 in criminal causes1 when the testimony of the witnesses was not sufficient1 to ask the accusers1 cui bono2 that is to say1 what profit1 honour1 or other contentment1 the accused obtained1 or expected by the fact4 ,for amongst presumptions1 there is none that so evidently declareth the author1 as doth the benefit of the action4 ,by the same rule ,i intend in this place to examine1 who they may be that have possessed the people so long in this part of ,christendom1 with these doctrines1 contrary to the peaceable societies of mankind4 ,sidenote3 ,that the ,church militant is the kingdom of ,god1 was first taught by the ,church of ,rome3 ,and first1 to this error1 that the present ,church now militant on earth1 is the kingdom of ,god1 7that is1 the kingdom of glory1 or the land of promise2 not the kingdom of grace1 which is but a promise of the land71 are annexed these worldly benefits2 first1 that the pastors and teachers of the ,church1 are entitled thereby1 as ,god's public ministers1 to a right of governing the ,church2 and consequently1 because the ,church and commonwealth are the same persons1 to be rectors1 and governors of the commonwealth4 ,by this title it is1 that the ,pope prevailed with the subjects of all ,christian princes1 to believe1 that to disobey him1 was to disobey ,christ himself2 and in all differences between him and other princes1 7charmed with the word power spiritual71 to abandon their lawful sovereigns2 which is in effect an universal monarchy over all ,christendom4 ,for though they were first invested in the right of being supreme teachers of ,christian doctrine1 by and under ,christian emperors1 within the limits of the ,roman empire1 as is acknowledged by themselves1 by the title of ,pontifex ,maximus1 who was an officer subject to the civil state2 yet after the empire was divided1 and dissolved1 it was not hard to obtrude upon the people already subjected to them1 another title1 namely1 the right of ,st4 ,peter2 not only to save entire their pretended power2 but also to extend the same over the same ,christian provinces1 though no more united in the empire of ,rome4 ,this benefit of an universal monarchy1 7considering the desire of men to bear rule71 is a sufficient presumption1 that the ,popes that pretended to it1 and for a long time enjoyed it1 were the authors of the doctrine1 by which it was obtained2 namely1 that the ,church now on earth1 is the kingdom of ,christ4 ,for that granted1 it must be understood1 that ,christ hath some lieutenant amongst us1 by whom we are to be told what are his commandments4 ,after that certain ,churches had renounced this universal power of the ,pope1 one would expect in reason1 that the civil sovereigns in all those ,churches1 should have recovered so much of it1 as before they had unadvisedly let it go1 was their own right1 and in their own hands4 ,and in ,england it was so in effect2 saving that they1 by whom the kings administered the government of religion1 by maintaining their employment to be in ,god's right1 seemed to usurp1 if not a supremacy1 yet an independency on the civil power3 and they but seemed to usurp it1 inasmuch as they acknowledged a right in the king1 to deprive them of the exercise of their functions at his pleasure4 ,sidenote3 ,and maintained also by the ,presbytery4 ,but in those places where the presbytery took that office1 though many other doctrines of the ,church of ,rome were forbidden to be taught2 yet this doctrine1 that the kingdom of ,christ is already come1 and that it began at the resurrection of our ,saviour1 was still retained4 ,but cui bono8 ,what profit did they expect from it8 ,the same which the ,popes expected3 to have a sovereign power over the people4 ,for what is it for men to excommunicate their lawful king1 but to keep him from all places of ,god's public service in his own kingdom2 and with force to resist him1 when he with force endeavoureth to correct them8 ,or what is it1 without authority from the civil sovereign1 to excommunicate any person1 but to take from him his lawful liberty1 that is1 to usurp an unlawful power over their brethren8 ,the authors therefore of this darkness in religion1 are the ,roman1 and the presbyterian clergy4 ,sidenote3 ,infallibility4 ,to this head1 ,i refer also all those doctrines1 that serve them to keep the possession of this spiritual sovereignty after it is gotten1 ,as first1 that the ,pope in his public capacity cannot err4 ,for who is there1 that believing this to be true1 will not readily obey him in whatsoever he commands8 ,sidenote3 ,subjection of bishops4 ,secondly1 that all other bishops1 in what commonwealth soever1 have not their right1 neither immediately from ,god1 nor mediately from their civil sovereigns1 but from the ,pope1 is a doctrine1 by which there comes to be in every ,christian commonwealth many potent men1 7for so are bishops71 that have their dependance on the ,pope1 and owe obedience to him1 though he be a foreign prince2 by which means he is able1 as he hath done many times1 to raise a civil war against the state that submits not itself to be governed accordingly to his pleasure and interest4 ,sidenote3 ,exemptions of the clergy4 ,thirdly1 the exemption of these1 and of all other priests1 and of all monks1 and friars1 from the power of the civil laws4 ,for by this means1 there is a great part of every commonwealth1 that enjoy the benefit of the laws1 and are protected by the power of the civil state1 which nevertheless pay no part of the public expense2 nor are liable to the penalties1 as other subjects1 due to their crimes2 and consequently1 stand not in fear of any man1 but the ,pope2 and adhere to him only1 to uphold his universal monarchy4 ,sidenote3 ,the names of sacerdotes1 and sacrificers4 ,fourthly1 the giving to their priests1 which is no more in the ,new ,testament but presbyters1 that is1 elders1 the name of sacerdotes1 that is1 sacrificers1 which was the title of the civil sovereign1 and his public ministers1 amongst the ,jews1 whilst ,god was their king4 ,also1 the making the ,lord's ,supper a sacrifice1 serveth to make the people believe the ,pope hath the same power over all ,christians1 that ,moses and ,aaron had over the ,jews2 that is to say1 all power1 both civil and ecclesiastical1 as the high-priest then had4 ,sidenote3 ,the sacramentation of marriage4 ,fifthly1 the teaching that matrimony is a sacrament1 giveth to the clergy the judging of the lawfulness of marriages2 and thereby1 of what children are legitimate2 and consequently1 of the right of succession to hereditary kingdoms4 ,sidenote3 ,the single life of priests4 ,sixthly1 the denial of marriage to priests1 serveth to assure this power of the ,pope over kings4 ,for if a king be a priest1 he cannot marry1 and transmit his kingdom to his posterity2 if he be not a priest1 then the ,pope pretendeth this authority ecclesiastical over him1 and over his people4 ,sidenote3 ,auricular confession4 ,seventhly1 from auricular confession1 they obtain1 for the assurance of their power1 better intelligence of the designs of princes1 and great persons in the civil state1 than these can have of the designs of the state ecclesiastical4 ,sidenote3 ,canonization of saints1 and declaring of martyrs4 ,eighthly1 by the canonization of saints1 and declaring who are martyrs1 they assure their power1 in that they induce simple men into an obstinacy against the laws and commands of their civil sovereigns even to death1 if by the ,pope's excommunication1 they be declared heretics or enemies to the ,church2 that is1 as they interpret it1 to the ,pope4 ,sidenote3 ,transubstantiation1 penance1 absolution4 ,ninthly1 they assure the same1 by the power they ascribe to every priest1 of making ,christ2 and by the power of ordaining penance2 and of remitting1 and retaining of sins4 ,sidenote3 ,purgatory1 indulgences1 external works4 ,tenthly1 by the doctrine of purgatory1 of justification by external works1 and of indulgences1 the clergy is enriched4 ,sidenote3 ,demonology and exorcism4 ,eleventhly1 by their demonology1 and the use of exorcism1 and other things appertaining thereto1 they keep1 or think they keep1 the people more in awe of their power4 ,sidenote3 ,school divinity4 ,lastly1 the metaphysics1 ethics1 and politics of ,aristotle1 the frivolous distinctions1 barbarous terms1 and obscure language of the ,schoolmen1 taught in the universities1 which have been all erected and regulated by the ,pope's authority1 serve them to keep these errors from being detected1 and to make men mistake the ignis fatuus of vain philosophy1 for the light of the ,gospel4 ,sidenote3 ,the authors of spiritual darkness1 who they be4 ,to these1 if they sufficed not1 might be added other of their dark doctrines1 the profit whereof redoundeth manifestly1 to the setting up of an unlawful power over the lawful sovereigns of ,christian people2 or for the sustaining of the same1 when it is set up2 or to the worldly riches1 honour1 and authority of those that sustain it4 ,and therefore by the aforesaid rule1 of cui bono1 we may justly pronounce for the authors of all this spiritual darkness1 the ,pope1 and ,roman clergy1 and all those besides that endeavour to settle in the minds of men this erroneous doctrine1 that the ,church now on earth1 is that kingdom of ,god mentioned in the ,old and ,new ,testament4 ,but the emperors1 and other ,christian sovereigns1 under whose government these errors1 and the like encroachments of ecclesiastics upon their office1 at first crept in1 to the disturbance of their possessions1 and of the tranquillity of their subjects1 though they suffered the same for want of foresight of the sequel1 and of insight into the designs of their teachers1 may nevertheless be esteemed accessories to their own1 and the public damage4 ,for without their authority there could at first no seditious doctrine have been publicly preached4 ,i say they might have hindered the same in the beginning3 but when the people were once possessed by those spiritual men1 there was no human remedy to be applied1 that any man could invent4 ,and for the remedies that ,god should provide1 who never faileth in his good time to destroy all the machinations of men against the truth1 we are to attend his good pleasure1 that suffereth many times the prosperity of his enemies1 together with their ambition1 to grow to such a height1 as the violence thereof openeth the eyes1 which the wariness of their predecessors had before sealed up1 and makes men by too much grasping let go all1 as ,peter's net was broken1 by the struggling of too great a multitude of fishes2 whereas the impatience of those1 that strive to resist such encroachment1 before their subjects' eyes were opened1 did but increase the power they resisted4 ,i do not therefore blame the emperor ,frederick for holding the stirrup to our countryman ,pope ,adrian2 for such was the disposition of his subjects then1 as if he had not done it1 he was not likely to have succeeded in the empire4 ,but ,i blame those1 that in the beginning1 when their power was entire1 by suffering such doctrines to be forged in the universities of their own dominions1 have holden the stirrup to all the succeeding ,popes1 whilst they mounted into the thrones of all ,christian sovereigns1 to ride1 and tire1 both them1 and their people at their pleasure4 ,but as the inventions of men are woven1 so also are they ravelled out2 the way is the same1 but the order is inverted4 ,the web begins at the first elements of power1 which are wisdom1 humility1 sincerity1 and other virtues of the ,apostles1 whom the people1 converted1 obeyed out of reverence1 not by obligation4 ,their consciences were free1 and their words and actions subject to none but the civil power4 ,afterwards the presbyters1 as the flocks of ,christ increased1 assembling to consider what they should teach1 and thereby obliging themselves to teach nothing against the decrees of their assemblies1 made it to be thought the people were thereby obliged to follow their doctrine1 and when they refused1 refused to keep them company1 7that was then called excommunication71 not as being infidels1 but as being disobedient3 and this was the first knot upon their liberty4 ,and the number of presbyters increasing1 the presbyters of the chief city or province1 got themselves an authority over the parochial presbyters1 and appropriated to themselves the names of bishops3 and this was a second knot on ,christian liberty4 ,lastly1 the bishop of ,rome1 in regard of the imperial city1 took upon him an authority1 7partly by the wills of the emperors themselves1 and by the title of ,pontifex ,maximus1 and at last when the emperors were grown weak1 by the privileges of ,st4 ,peter71 over all other bishops of the empire3 which was the third and last knot1 and the whole synthesis and construction1 of the pontificial power4 ,and therefore the analysis1 or resolution1 is by the same way2 but beginneth with the knot that was last tied2 as we may see in the dissolution of the prterpolitical ,church government in ,england4 ,first1 the power of the ,popes was dissolved totally by ,queen ,elizabeth2 and the bishops1 who before exercised their functions in right of the ,pope1 did afterwards exercise the same in right of the ,queen and her successors2 though by retaining the phrase of jure divino1 they were thought to demand it by immediate right from ,god3 and so was untied the third knot4 ,after this1 the presbyterians lately in ,england obtained the putting down of episcopacy3 and so was the second knot dissolved4 ,and almost at the same time1 the power was taken also from the presbyterians3 and so we are reduced to the independancy of the primitive ,christians1 to follow ,paul1 or ,cephas1 or ,apollos1 every man as he liketh best3 which1 if it be without contention1 and without measuring the doctrine of ,christ1 by our affection to the person of his minister1 7the fault which the apostle reprehended in the ,corinthians71 is perhaps the best4 ,first1 because there ought to be no power over the consciences of men1 but of the ,word itself1 working faith in every one1 not always according to the purpose of them that plant and water1 but of ,god himself1 that giveth the increase4 ,and secondly1 because it is unreasonable in them1 who teach there is such danger in every little error1 to require of a man endued with reason of his own1 to follow the reason of any other man1 or of the most voices of any other men1 which is little better than to venture his salvation at cross and pile4 ,nor ought those teachers to be displeased with this loss of their ancient authority4 ,for there is none should know better than they1 that power is preserved by the same virtues by which it is acquired2 that is to say1 by wisdom1 humility1 clearness of doctrine1 and sincerity of conversation2 and not by suppression of the natural sciences1 and of the morality of natural reason2 nor by obscure language2 nor by arrogating to themselves more knowledge than they make appear2 nor by pious frauds2 nor by such other faults1 as in the pastors of ,god's ,church are not only faults1 but also scandals1 apt to make men stumble one time or other upon the suppression of their authority4 ,sidenote3 ,comparison of the papacy with the kingdom of fairies4 ,but after this doctrine1 that the ,church now militant1 is the kingdom of ,god spoken of in the ,old and ,new ,testament1 was received in the world2 the ambition1 and canvassing for the offices that belong thereunto1 and especially for that great office of being ,christ's lieutenant1 and the pomp of them that obtained therein the principal public charges1 became by degrees so evident1 that they lost the inward reverence due to the pastoral function3 insomuch as the wisest men1 of them that had any power in the civil state1 needed nothing but the authority of their princes1 to deny them any further obedience4 ,for1 from the time that the ,bishop of ,rome had gotten to be acknowledged for bishop universal1 by pretence of succession to ,st4 ,peter1 their whole hierarchy1 or kingdom of darkness1 may be compared not unfitly to the kingdom of fairies2 that is1 to the old wives' fables in ,england1 concerning ghosts and spirits1 and the feats they play in the night4 ,and if a man consider the original of this great ecclesiastical dominion1 he will easily perceive1 that the ,papacy is no other than the ghost of the deceased ,roman empire1 sitting crowned upon the grave thereof4 ,for so did the ,papacy start up on a sudden out of the ruins of that heathen power4 ,the language also1 which they use1 both in the churches1 and in their public acts1 being ,latin1 which is not commonly used by any nation now in the world1 what is it but the ghost of the old ,roman language8 ,the fairies in what nation soever they converse1 have but one universal king1 which some poets of ours call ,king ,oberon2 but the ,scripture calls ,beelzebub1 prince of demons4 ,the ecclesiastics likewise1 in whose dominions soever they be found1 acknowledge but one universal king1 the ,pope4 ,the ecclesiastics are spiritual men1 and ghostly fathers4 ,the fairies are spirits1 and ghosts4 ,fairies and ghosts inhabit darkness1 solitudes1 and graves4 ,the ecclesiastics walk in obscurity of doctrine1 in monasteries1 churches1 and church-yards4 ,the ecclesiastics have their cathedral churches1 which1 in what town soever they be erected1 by virtue of holy water1 and certain charms called exorcisms1 have the power to make those towns1 cities1 that is to say1 seats of empire4 ,the fairies also have their enchanted castles1 and certain gigantic ghosts1 that domineer over the regions round about them4 ,the fairies are not to be seized on2 and brought to answer for the hurt they do4 ,so also the ecclesiastics vanish away from the tribunals of civil justice4 ,the ecclesiastics take from young men the use of reason1 by certain charms compounded of metaphysics1 and miracles1 and traditions1 and abused ,scripture1 whereby they are good for nothing else1 but to execute what they command them4 ,the fairies likewise are said to take young children out of their cradles1 and to change them into natural fools1 which common people do therefore call elves1 and are apt to mischief4 ,in what shop1 or operatory the fairies make their enchantment1 the old wives have not determined4 ,but the operatories of the clergy are well enough known to be the universities1 that received their discipline from authority pontificial4 ,when the fairies are displeased with any body1 they are said to send their elves1 to pinch them4 ,the ecclesiastics1 when they are displeased with any civil state1 make also their elves1 that is1 superstitious1 enchanted subjects1 to pinch their princes1 by preaching sedition2 or one prince enchanted with promises1 to pinch another4 ,the fairies marry not2 but there be amongst them incubi1 that have copulation with flesh and blood4 ,the priests also marry not4 ,the ecclesiastics take the cream of the land1 by donations of ignorant men1 that stand in awe of them1 and by tithes4 ,so also it is in the fable of fairies1 that they enter into the dairies1 and feast upon the cream1 which they skim from the milk4 ,what kind of money is current in the kingdom of fairies1 is not recorded in the story4 ,but the ecclesiastics in their receipts accept of the same money that we do2 though when they are to make any payment1 it is in canonizations1 indulgencies1 and masses4 ,to this1 and such like resemblances between the papacy1 and the kingdom of fairies1 may be added this1 that as the fairies have no existence1 but in the fancies of ignorant people1 rising from the traditions of old wives1 or old poets3 so the spiritual power of the ,pope1 without the bounds of his own civil dominion1 consisteth only in the fear that seduced people stand in1 of their excommunications2 upon hearing of false miracles1 false traditions1 and false interpretations of the ,scripture4 ,it was not therefore a very difficult matter1 for ,henry ,,viii by his exorcism2 nor for queen ,elizabeth by hers1 to cast them out4 ,but who knows that this spirit of ,rome1 now gone out1 and walking by missions through the dry places of ,china1 ,japan1 and the ,indies1 that yield him little fruit1 may not return1 or rather an assembly of spirits worse than he1 enter1 and inhabit this clean swept house1 and make the end thereof worse than the beginning8 ,for it is not the ,roman clergy only1 that pretends the kingdom of ,god to be of this world1 and thereby to have a power therein1 distinct from that of the civil state4 ,and this is all ,i had a design to say1 concerning the doctrine of the ,,politics4 ,which when ,i have reviewed1 ,i shall willingly expose it to the censure of my country4 ,a ,,review1 ,,and ,,conclusion4 ,sidenote3 ,review1 and conclusion4 ,from the contrariety of some of the natural faculties of the mind1 one to another1 as also of one passion to another1 and from their reference to conversation1 there has been an argument taken1 to infer an impossibility that any one man should be sufficiently disposed to all sorts of civil duty4 ,the severity of judgment1 they say1 makes men censorious1 and unapt to pardon the errors and infirmities of other men3 and on the other side1 celerity of fancy1 makes the thoughts less steady than is necessary1 to discern exactly between right and wrong4 ,again1 in all deliberations1 and in all pleadings1 the faculty of solid reasoning is necessary3 for without it1 the resolutions of men are rash1 and their sentences unjust3 and yet if there be not powerful eloquence1 which procureth attention and consent1 the effect of reason will be little4 ,but these are contrary faculties2 the former being grounded upon principles of truth2 the other upon opinions already received1 true or false2 and upon the passions and interests of men1 which are different1 and mutable4 ,and amongst the passions1 courage1 7by which ,i mean the contempt of wounds1 and violent death7 inclineth men to private revenges1 and sometimes to endeavour the unsettling of the public peace3 and timorousness1 many times disposeth to the desertion of the public defence4 ,both these1 they say1 cannot stand together in the same person4 ,and to consider the contrariety of men's opinions1 and manners1 in general1 it is1 they say1 impossible to entertain a constant civil amity with all those1 with whom the business of the world constrains us to converse3 which business consisteth almost in nothing else but a perpetual contention for honour1 riches1 and authority4 ,to which ,i answer1 that these are indeed great difficulties1 but not impossibilities3 for by education1 and discipline1 they may be1 and are sometimes reconciled4 ,judgment and fancy may have place in the same man2 but by turns2 as the end which he aimeth at requireth4 ,as the ,israelites in ,egypt1 were sometimes fastened to their labour of making bricks1 and other times were ranging abroad to gather straw3 so also may the judgment sometimes be fixed upon one certain consideration1 and the fancy at another time wandering about the world4 ,so also reason1 and eloquence1 though not perhaps in the natural sciences1 yet1 in the moral1 may stand very well together4 ,for wheresoever there is place for adorning and preferring of error1 there is much more place for adorning and preferring of truth1 if they have it to adorn4 ,nor is there any repugnancy between fearing the laws1 and not fearing a public enemy2 nor between abstaining from injury1 and pardoning it in others4 ,there is therefore no such inconsistence of human nature1 with civil duties1 as some think4 ,i have known clearness of judgment1 and largeness of fancy2 strength of reason1 and graceful elocution2 a courage for the war1 and a fear for the laws1 and all eminently in one man2 and that was my most noble and honoured friend1 ,mr4 ,sidney ,godolphin2 who hating no man1 nor hated of any1 was unfortunately slain in the beginning of the late civil war1 in the public quarrel1 by an undiscerned and an undiscerning hand4 ,to the ,laws of ,nature1 declared in ,chapter ,,xv41 ,i would have this added1 that every man is bound by nature1 as much as in him lieth1 to protect in war the authority1 by which he is himself protected in time of peace4 ,for he that pretendeth a right of nature to preserve his own body1 cannot pretend a right of nature to destroy him1 by whose strength he is preserved3 it is a manifest contradiction of himself4 ,and though this law may be drawn by consequence1 from some of those that are there already mentioned2 yet the times require to have it inculcated1 and remembered4 ,and because ,i find by divers ,english books lately printed1 that the civil wars have not yet sufficiently taught men in what point of time it is1 that a subject becomes obliged to the conqueror2 nor what is conquest2 nor how it comes about1 that it obliges men to obey his laws3 therefore for further satisfaction of men therein1 ,i say1 the point of time1 wherein a man becomes subject to a conqueror1 is that point1 wherein having liberty to submit to him1 he consenteth1 either by express words1 or by other sufficient sign1 to be his subject4 ,when it is that a man hath the liberty to submit1 ,i have showed before in the end of ,chapter ,,xxi42 namely1 that for him that hath no obligation to his former sovereign but that of an ordinary subject1 it is then1 when the means of his life are within the guards and garrisons of the enemy2 for it is then1 that he hath no longer protection from him1 but is protected by the adverse party for his contribution4 ,seeing therefore such contribution is every where1 as a thing inevitable1 notwithstanding it be an assistance to the enemy1 esteemed lawful2 a total submission1 which is but an assistance to the enemy1 cannot be esteemed unlawful4 ,besides1 if a man consider that they who submit1 assist the enemy but with part of their estates1 whereas they that refuse1 assist him with the whole1 there is no reason to call their submission1 or composition1 an assistance2 but rather a detriment to the enemy4 ,but if a man1 besides the obligation of a subject1 hath taken upon him a new obligation of a soldier1 then he hath not the liberty to submit to a new power1 as long as the old one keeps the field1 and giveth him means of subsistence1 either in his armies1 or garrisons3 for in this case1 he cannot complain of want of protection1 and means to live as a soldier4 ,but when that also fails1 a soldier also may seek his protection wheresoever he has most hope to have it2 and may lawfully submit himself to his new master4 ,and so much for the time when he may do it lawfully1 if he will4 ,if therefore he do it1 he is undoubtedly bound to be a true subject3 for a contract lawfully made1 cannot lawfully be broken4 ,by this also a man may understand1 when it is1 that men may be said to be conquered2 and in what the nature of conquest1 and the right of a conqueror consisteth3 for this submission in itself implieth them all4 ,conquest1 is not the victory itself2 but the acquisition1 by victory1 of a right over the persons of men4 ,he therefore that is slain1 is overcome1 but not conquered3 he that is taken1 and put into prison1 or chains1 is not conquered1 though overcome2 for he is still an enemy1 and may save himself if he can3 but he that upon promise of obedience1 hath his life and liberty allowed him1 is then conquered1 and a subject2 and not before4 ,the ,romans used to say1 that their general had pacified such a province1 that is to say1 in ,english1 conquered it2 and that the country was pacified by victory1 when the people of it had promised imperata facere1 that is1 to do what the ,roman people commanded them3 this was to be conquered4 ,but this promise may be either express1 or tacit3 express1 by promise3 tacit1 by other signs4 ,as for example1 a man that hath not been called to make such an express promise1 because he is one whose power perhaps is not considerable2 yet if he live under their protection openly1 he is understood to submit himself to the government3 but if he live there secretly1 he is liable to anything that may be done to a spy1 and enemy of the state4 ,i say not1 he does any injustice2 for acts of open hostility bear not that name2 but that he may be justly put to death4 ,likewise1 if a man1 when his country is conquered1 be out of it1 he is not conquered1 nor subject3 but if at his return1 he submit to the government1 he is bound to obey it4 ,so that conquest1 to define it1 is the acquiring of the right of sovereignty by victory4 ,which right1 is acquired in the people's submission1 by which they contract with the victor1 promising obedience1 for life and liberty4 ,in ,chapter ,,xxix41 ,i have set down for one of the causes of the dissolutions of commonwealths1 their imperfect generation1 consisting in the want of an absolute and arbitrary legislative power2 for want whereof1 the civil sovereign is fain to handle the sword of justice unconstantly1 and as if it were too hot for him to hold4 ,one reason whereof1 which ,i have not there mentioned1 is this1 that they will all of them justify the war1 by which their power was at first gotten1 and whereon1 as they think1 their right dependeth1 and not on the possession4 ,as if1 for example1 the right of the kings of ,england did depend on the goodness of the cause of ,william the ,conqueror1 and upon their lineal1 and directest descent from him2 by which means1 there would perhaps be no tie of the subjects' obedience to their sovereign at this day in all the world3 wherein whilst they needlessly think to justify themselves1 they justify all the successful rebellions that ambition shall at any time raise against them1 and their successors4 ,therefore ,i put down for one of the most effectual seeds of the death of any state1 that the conquerors require not only a submission of men's actions to them for the future1 but also an approbation of all their actions past2 when there is scarce a commonwealth in the world1 whose beginnings can in conscience be justified4 ,and because the name of tyranny1 signifieth nothing more1 nor less1 than the name of sovereignty1 be it in one1 or many men1 saving that they that use the former word1 are understood to be angry with them they call tyrants2 ,i think the toleration of a professed hatred of tyranny1 is a toleration of hatred to commonwealth in general1 and another evil seed1 not differing much from the former4 ,for to the justification of the cause of a conqueror1 the reproach of the cause of the conquered1 is for the most part necessary3 but neither of them necessary for the obligation of the conquered4 ,and thus much ,i have thought fit to say upon the review of the first and second part of this discourse4 ,in ,chapter ,,xxxv41 ,i have sufficiently declared out of the ,scripture1 that in the commonwealth of the ,jews1 ,god himself was made the sovereign1 by pact with the people2 who were therefore called his peculiar people1 to distinguish them from the rest of the world1 over whom ,god reigned not by their consent1 but by his own power3 and that in this kingdom ,moses was ,god's lieutenant on earth2 and that it was he that told them what laws ,god appointed them to be ruled by4 ,but ,i have omitted to set down who were the officers appointed to do execution2 especially in capital punishments2 not then thinking it a matter of so necessary consideration1 as ,i find it since4 ,we know that generally in all commonwealths1 the execution of corporal punishments1 was either put upon the guards1 or other soldiers of the sovereign power2 or given to those1 in whom want of means1 contempt of honour1 and hardness of heart1 concurred1 to make them sue for such an office4 ,but amongst the ,israelites it was a positive law of ,god their sovereign1 that he that was convicted of a capital crime1 should be stoned to death by the people2 and that the witnesses should cast the first stone1 and after the witnesses1 then the rest of the people4 ,this was a law that designed who were to be the executioners2 but not that any one should throw a stone at him before conviction and sentence1 where the congregation was judge4 ,the witnesses were nevertheless to be heard before they proceeded to execution1 unless the fact were committed in the presence of the congregation itself1 or in sight of the lawful judges2 for then there needed no other witnesses but the judges themselves4 ,nevertheless1 this manner of proceeding being not thoroughly understood1 hath given occasion to a dangerous opinion1 that any man may kill another1 in some cases1 by a right of zeal2 as if the executions done upon offenders in the kingdom of ,god in old time1 proceeded not from the sovereign command1 but from the authority of private zeal3 which1 if we consider the texts that seem to favour it1 is quite contrary4 ,first1 where the ,levites fell upon the people1 that had made and worshipped the ,golden ,calf1 and slew three thousand of them2 it was by the commandment of ,moses1 from the mouth of ,god2 as is manifest1 ,exod4 xxxii4 #bg4 ,and when the son of a woman of ,israel had blasphemed ,god1 they that heard it1 did not kill him1 but brought him before ,moses1 who put him under custody1 till ,god should give sentence against him2 as appears1 ,levit4 xxiv4 #aa1 #ab4 ,again1 7,numb4 xxv4 #f1 #g71 when ,phinehas killed ,zimri and ,cosbi1 it was not by right of private zeal3 their crime was committed in the sight of the assembly2 there needed no witness2 the law was known1 and he the heir-apparent to the sovereignty2 and1 which is the principal point1 the lawfulness of his act depended wholly upon a subsequent ratification by ,moses1 whereof he had no cause to doubt4 ,and this presumption of a future ratification1 is sometimes necessary to the safety of a commonwealth2 as in a sudden rebellion1 any man that can suppress it by his own power in the country where it begins1 without express law or commission1 may lawfully do it1 and provide to have it ratified1 or pardoned1 whilst it is in doing1 or after it is done4 ,also ,numb4 xxxv4 #cj1 it is expressly said1 ,whosoever shall kill the murderer1 shall kill him upon the word of witnesses3 but witnesses suppose a formal judicature1 and consequently condemn that pretence of jus zelotarum4 ,the law of ,moses concerning him that enticeth to idolatry1 that is to say1 in the kingdom of ,god to a renouncing of his allegiance1 7,deut4 xiii4 #h1 #i71 forbids to conceal him1 and commands the accuser to cause him to be put to death1 and to cast the first stone at him2 but not to kill him before he be condemned4 ,and 7,deut4 xvii4 #d1 #e1 #f1 #g71 the process against idolatry is exactly set down3 for ,god there speaketh to the people1 as judge1 and commandeth them1 when a man is accused of idolatry1 to enquire diligently of the fact1 and finding it true1 then to stone him2 but still the hand of the witness throweth the first stone4 ,this is not private zeal1 but public condemnation4 ,in like manner when a father hath a rebellious son1 the law is1 7,deut4 xxi4 #ah-ba71 that he shall bring him before the judges of the town1 and all the people of the town shall stone him4 ,lastly1 by pretence of these laws it was1 that ,st4 ,stephen was stoned1 and not by pretence of private zeal3 for before he was carried away to execution1 he had pleaded his cause before the high-priest4 ,there is nothing in all this1 nor in any other part of the ,bible1 to countenance executions by private zeal2 which being oftentimes but a conjunction of ignorance and passion1 is against both the justice and peace of a commonwealth4 ,sidenote3 ,review1 and conclusion4 ,in chapter ,,xxxvi41 ,i have said1 that it is not declared in what manner ,god spake supernaturally to ,moses3 nor that he spake not to him sometimes by dreams and visions1 and by a supernatural voice1 as to other prophets3 for the manner how he spake unto him from the mercy-seat1 is expressly set down1 ,numbers vii4 #hi1 in these words1 ,from that time forward1 when ,moses entered into the ,tabernacle of the congregation to speak with ,god1 he heard a voice which spake unto him from over the mercy-seat1 which is over the ,ark of the testimony2 from between the cherubims he spake unto him4 ,but it is not declared in what consisteth the preeminence of the manner of ,god's speaking to ,moses1 above that of his speaking to other prophets1 as to ,samuel1 and to ,abraham1 to whom he also spake by a voice1 7that is1 by vision71 unless the difference consist in the clearness of the vision4 ,for face to face1 and mouth to mouth1 cannot be literally understood of the infiniteness1 and incomprehensibility of the ,divine nature4 ,and as to the whole doctrine1 ,i see not yet1 but the principles of it are true and proper2 and the ratiocination solid4 ,for ,i ground the civil right of sovereigns1 and both the duty and liberty of subjects1 upon the known natural inclinations of mankind1 and upon the articles of the law of nature2 of which no man1 that pretends but reason enough to govern his private family1 ought to be ignorant4 ,and for the power ecclesiastical of the same sovereigns1 ,i ground it on such texts1 as are both evident in themselves1 and consonant to the scope of the whole ,scripture4 ,and therefore am persuaded1 that he that shall read it with a purpose only to be informed1 shall be informed by it4 ,but for those that by writing1 or public discourse1 or by their eminent actions1 have already engaged themselves to the maintaining of contrary opinions1 they will not be so easily satisfied4 ,for in such cases1 it is natural for men1 at one and the same time1 both to proceed in reading1 and to lose their attention1 in the search of objections to that they had read before4 ,of which in a time wherein the interests of men are changed1 7seeing much of that doctrine1 which serveth to the establishing of a new government1 must needs be contrary to that which conduced to the dissolution of the old71 there cannot choose but be very many4 ,in that part which treateth of a ,christian commonwealth1 there are some new doctrines1 which1 it may be1 in a state where the contrary were already fully determined1 were a fault for a subject without leave to divulge1 as being an usurpation of the place of a teacher4 ,but in this time1 that men call not only for peace1 but also for truth1 to offer such doctrines as ,i think true1 and that manifestly tend to peace and loyalty1 to the consideration of those that are yet in deliberation1 is no more1 but to offer new wine1 to be put into new casks1 that both may be preserved together4 ,and ,i suppose1 that then1 when novelty can breed no trouble nor disorder in a state1 men are not generally so much inclined to the reverence of antiquity1 as to prefer ancient errors1 before new and well-proved truth4 ,there is nothing ,i distrust more than my elocution1 which nevertheless ,i am confident1 excepting the mischances of the press1 is not obscure4 ,that ,i have neglected the ornament of quoting ancient poets1 orators1 and philosophers1 contrary to the custom of late time1 whether ,i have done well or ill in it1 proceedeth from my judgment1 grounded on many reasons4 ,for first1 all truth of doctrine dependeth either upon reason1 or upon ,scripture2 both which give credit to many1 but never receive it from any writer4 ,secondly1 the matters in question are not of fact1 but of right1 wherein there is no place for witnesses4 ,there is scarce any of those old writers1 that contradicteth not sometimes both himself and others2 which makes their testimonies insufficient4 ,fourthly1 such opinions as are taken only upon credit of antiquity1 are not intrinsically the judgment of those that cite them1 but words that pass1 like gaping1 from mouth to mouth4 ,fifthly1 it is many times with a fraudulent design that men stick their corrupt doctrine with the cloves of other men's wit4 ,sixthly1 ,i find not that the ancients they cite1 took it for an ornament1 to do the like with those that wrote before them4 ,seventhly1 it is an argument of indigestion1 when ,greek and ,latin sentences unchewed come up again1 as they use to do1 unchanged4 ,lastly1 though ,i reverence those men of ancient time1 that either have written truth perspicuously1 or set us in a better way to find it out ourselves2 yet to the antiquity itself ,i think nothing due4 ,for if we will reverence the age1 the present is the oldest4 ,if the antiquity of the writer1 ,i am not sure1 that generally they to whom such honour is given1 were more ancient when they wrote1 than ,i am that am writing4 ,but if it be well considered1 the praise of ancient authors1 proceeds not from the reverence of the dead1 but from the competition1 and mutual envy of the living4 ,sidenote3 ,review1 and conclusion4 ,to conclude1 there is nothing in this whole discourse1 nor in that ,i writ before of the same subject in ,latin1 as far as ,i can perceive1 contrary either to the ,word of ,god1 or to good manners2 or to the disturbance of the public tranquillity4 ,therefore ,i think it may be profitably printed1 and more profitably taught in the ,universities1 in case they also think so1 to whom the judgment of the same belongeth4 ,for seeing the ,universities are the fountains of civil and moral doctrine1 from whence the preachers1 and the gentry1 drawing such water as they find1 use to sprinkle the same 7both from the pulpit and in their conversation71 upon the people1 there ought certainly to be great care taken1 to have it pure1 both from the venom of heathen politicians1 and from the incantation of deceiving spirits4 ,and by that means the most men1 knowing their duties1 will be the less subject to serve the ambition of a few discontented persons1 in their purposes against the state2 and be the less grieved with the contributions necessary for their peace1 and defence2 and the governors themselves have the less cause1 to maintain at the common charge any greater army1 than is necessary to make good the public liberty1 against the invasions and encroachments of foreign enemies4 ,and thus ,i have brought to an end my ,discourse of ,civil and ,ecclesiastical ,government1 occasioned by the disorders of the present time1 without partiality1 without application1 and without other design than to set before men's eyes the mutual relation between protection and obedience2 of which the condition of human nature1 and the laws divine1 both natural and positive1 require an inviolable observation4 ,and though in the revolution of states1 there can be no very good constellation for truths of this nature to be born under1 7as having an angry aspect from the dissolvers of an old government1 and seeing but the backs of them that erect a new71 yet ,i cannot think it will be condemned at this time1 either by the public judge of doctrine1 or by any that desires the continuance of public peace4 ,and in this hope ,i return to my interrupted speculation of bodies natural2 wherein1 if ,god give me health to finish it1 ,i hope the novelty will as much please1 as in the doctrine of this artificial body it useth to offend4 ,for such truth1 as opposeth no man's profit1 nor pleasure1 is to all men welcome4 ,,finis4 ,c4 ,,richards1 ,,printer1 ,,st4 ,,martin',s ,,lane4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,books ,,published ,,by ,,john ,,bohn4 --- ,,the ,,english ,,works ,,of ,,thomas ,,hobbes1 ,,of ,,malmesbury1 ,,now ,,first ,,collected ,,and ,,edited ,,by ,,sir ,,william ,,molesworth1 ,,bart4 ,m4 ,p4 ,,vol ,i4 ,,containing ,,logic3 ,,the ,,first ,,grounds ,,of ,,philosophy3 ,,the ,,proportions ,,of ,,motions ,,and ,,magnitudes3 ,,and ,,physics1 ,,or ,,the ,,phenomena ,,of ,,nature3 --- ,,also1 ,,thom ,,hobbes1 ,,malmesburiensis ,,opera ,,philosophica1 ,,qu ,,latine ,,scripsit1 ,,omnia4 ,,vol4 ,i4 ,,quo ,,continentur ,,auctoris ,,vita3 ,,et ,,elementorum ,,philosophi4 ,,sectio ,,prima1 ,,de ,,corpore4 8,the philosophical ,public are much indebted to ,,sir ,,william ,,molesworth for this new edition40--,,spectator4 ------- ,,in ,,the ,,press4 ,,field',s ,,book ,,of ,,the ,,church2 ,a ,,new ,,edition1 ,,with ,,notes1 ,,by ,,the ,,rev4 ,,john ,s4 ,,brewer4 --- ,,the ,,death ,,of ,,demosthenes2 ,a ,,dramatic ,,poem2 ,,by ,,george ,,croker ,,fox1 ,,esq4 --- ,,an ,,apology ,,for ,,cathedral ,,service4 --- ,,arrian ,,on ,,coursing4 ,translated from the ,greek1 with ,classical and ,practical ,annotations1 and a brief ,sketch of the ,life of the ,author4 ,to which is added an ,appendix1 containing some ,account of the ,canes ,venatici of ,classical ,antiquity1 royal #hvo4 with #bd embellishments from the ,antique1 on ,india paper1 extra boards1 #al4 #aas4 #f;d4 ,,brydges' 7,,the ,,right ,,hon4 ,,sir ,,harford ,,jones7 ,,works ,,on ,,persia4 ,the ,dynasty of the ,kajars1 translated from the original ,persian ,manuscript presented by ,his ,majesty ,faty ,aly ,shah to ,sir ,harford ,jones ,brydges1 ,bart4 ,k4,c4 ,,lld4 late ,envoy ,extraordinary and ,minister ,plenipotentiary from his ,britannic ,majesty to the ,court of ,teheran4 ,to which is prefixed1 a succinct ,account of the ,history of ,persia previous to that ,period1 #hvo4 with frontispiece and #c maps1 boards1 #al4 #ds4 ,an ,account of the ,transactions of ,his ,majesty's ,mission to the ,court of ,persia in the ,years #ahjg-aa1 by ,sir ,harford ,jones ,brydges1 ,bart4 ,to which is added a brief ,history of the ,wahauby1 #b vols4 #hvo4 plates1 bds4 #al4 #as4 ,,dansey',s 7,,rev4 ,,wm47 ,,work ,,on ,,rural ,,deans4 ,hor ,decanic ,rurales1 being an ,attempt to illustrate1 by a ,series of ,notes and ,extracts1 the ,name and ,title1 the ,origin1 ,appointment1 and ,functions of ,rural ,deans1 c4 #b vols4 #dto4 half-bound morocco1 uncut1 top edges gilt1 #al4 #aas4 #f;d4 ,archdeacon ,goddard1 in his recent charge1 strongly recommends this work to the attentive perusal of every clergyman4 ,,higgins' 7,,godfrey7 ,,celtic ,,druids2 ,or an ,attempt to show that the ,druids were the ,priests of ,oriental ,colonies1 who emigrated from ,india1 and were the ,introducers of the first or ,cadmean ,system of ,letters1 and the ,builders of ,,stonehenge1 of ,carnac1 and of other ,cyclopean ,works in ,asia and ,europe1 #dto4 map and numerous plates1 bds4 #cl4 ,also1 by the same ,author1 ,anacalypsis1 an ,attempt to draw aside the ,veil of the ,saitic ,isis2 or an ,inquiry into the ,origin of ,languages1 ,nations and ,religions1 #b vols4 #dto4 plates1 bds4 #el4 ,,sewell',s 7,,rev4 ,,professor7 ,,works3 ,essay on the ,cultivation of the ,intellect1 by the ,study of ,dead ,languages1 crown #hvo4 canvas boards1 #is4 ,hora ,philologica1 or ,conjectures of the ,structure of the ,greek ,language1 royal #hvo4 boards1 #gs4 ,sermons on the ,application of ,christianity to the ,human ,heart1 royal #hvo4 canvas boards1 #abs4 ,parochial ,sermons1 #abmo4 boards1 #es4 ,,taylor',s 7,,bp4 ,,jeremy7 ,,works1 ,with ,life by ,bp4 ,heber1 #ae vols4 #hvo4 bds4 #gl4 #ags4 #f;d4 ,,theatre ,,of ,,the ,,greeks4 ,a ,series of ,papers relating to the ,history and ,criticism of the ,greek ,drama1 #dth edition1 with a new ,introduction and other ,alterations by ,j4 ,w4 ,donaldson1 #hvo4 boards1 #aes4 ,,woodville',s 7,,dr4 ,,william7 ,,medical ,,botany2 ,,third ,,edition1 ,,materially ,,enlarged ,,and ,,improved by ,professor ,,sir ,,william ,,jackson ,,hooker1 ,,lld4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,l4,s4 c4 and ,g4 ,,spratt1 ,,esq4 #e vols4 #dto4 #caj plates1 engraved by ,sowerby and ,spratt1 boards1 #el4 #aes4 #f;d4 or with the plates ,,finely ,,coloured1 #hl44 ,the impression is limited to #bej copies4 ,a few of the additional volume have been taken off separately1 to accommodate ,subscribers to former editions1 price #bl4 #bs4 plain1 or #bl4 #abs4 #f;d4 coloured4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,transcriber's ,note ,other errors deemed most likely to be the printer's have been corrected1 and are noted here4 ,the references are to the page and line in the original4 #cd4g ,i asscribe to the giving of names ,removed4 #cg4bg he that per_/retendeth the science ,transposed4 #ff4bj to to take from the spirit ,removed4 #ajh4f to choose them a king ,inserted4 #agh4bb or aristrocracy of another commonwealth ,removed4 #bag4cd ,for roo f_/proof whereof ,replaced4 #bdj4aa witht h_/ their metropolis ,move space4 #cbc4c rights of sovereignty ,inserted4 #cbc4d ,against the the duty of a sovereign ,removed4 #che4bc the breath of life inspired by ,god ,inserted4 #djh4a 7,acts1 xiii4 #df7 ,removed4 #dcj4bb 7as it is in verse #e7 is #8said' in8 #ddg4ae _/ ,replaced4 #dic4ac holdi n_/ing firmly in his heart ,replaced4 #dig4a ,we have first 7,matth4 x4 #f1 #g17_/71 that ,transposed8 #ebf4h any other ruler ,added4 #ebg4aa ,st4 ,matthew and ,st4 ,john apos _/tles ,restored4 #fja4be 7verses #aa1 #ab17_/71 the judgment ,tranposed4 #gjd4cd ,he therefore that is slain ,added4