,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,plutarch ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,plutarch ,a ,,pagan ,,creed ,,of ,,apostolic ,,times ,,an ,,essay ,,by ,,john ,,oakesmith1 ,d4,,litt41 ,m4,a4 4 ,,arist41 ,meta41 i4 #b4 ,,longmans1 ,,green1 ,,and ,,co4 #ci ,,paternoster ,,row1 ,,london ,,new ,,york ,,and ,,bombay #aijb ,all rights reserved ,,introductory ,,note ,the following pages are practically a reprint of a volume which was issued for private circulation some twelve months ago1 under the title 8,the ,religion of ,plutarch as expounded in his #8,ethics4'0 ,the main difference between the present volume and its predecessor consists in the translation or removal of various quotations from ,greek and ,latin sources which were given in full in the first edition of the book4 ,the references to these sources have1 of course1 been retained4 ,verbal corrections have been made here and there1 and a few pages of new matter have been introduced into the 8,preface40 ,in other respects the two impressions are substantially the same4 ,i cannot allow this opportunity to pass without expressing my gratitude to ,j4 ,e4 ,sandys1 ,esq41 ,litt4,d41 ,public ,orator in the ,university of ,cambridge1 and ,examiner in ,greek at the ,university of ,london1 who kindly placed at my disposal his own copy of the original essay1 in which he had made numerous suggestions on points of style1 and on questions of scholarship in general4 ,these suggestions have1 for the most part1 been adopted in the preparation of the present edition4 ,my thanks are also owing to my colleagues in the ,civil ,service1 especially to those in the ,general ,post ,office1 ,london1 to whose encouragement it is largely due that this essay1 in its present form1 is able to see the light4 ,as the ,athenum1 in reviewing the original edition 7,athenum1 #bnd of ,august1 #aijb71 suggested that 8the present essay is probably the forerunner of a larger and more elaborate book10 it may be desirable to explain that the following pages do not constitute 8the larger and more elaborate book0 which the ,athenum is right in forecasting4 ,,john ,,oakesmith4 ,,preface ,when the student of ,plutarch leaves the familiar ground of the 8,parallel ,lives10 and turns1 for the first time1 to the less thoroughly explored region of the 8,ethics10 he is struck with wonder at the many-sided excellence of the writer whose special gift he has been accustomed to regard as consisting in the composition of biographies more remarkable for the presentation of moral truths than for the accurate narration of historical facts4 ,he learns with surprise that ,plutarch has bequeathed to posterity a mine of information respecting the period in which he himself lived1 as valuable and as interesting as the view presented in his 8,lives0 of that higher antiquity in which his classic heroes moved and worked4 ,even the actual bulk of ,plutarch's contribution to what may be called 8general literature0 is noteworthy4 ,apart from the 8,lives10 the so-called 8,catalogue of ,lamprias0 contains the titles of nearly two hundred works attributed1 ostensibly by his son1 to ,plutarch1#a and some fourscore of these have been handed down to our time under the general1 but somewhat misleading1 title of 8,ethica0 or 8,moralia40 ,among these surviving essays are to be found contributions1 of a surprising vitality and freshness1 to the discussion of ,education1 ,politics1 ,art1 ,literature1 ,music1 ,hygiene2 serious and studied criticisms and appreciations of the great philosophic schools of ,greece and their founders2 short sermons on minor morals1 illustrated by vivid sketches of character both typical and individual2 conversations on ,love and ,marriage1 and on other topics perpetually interesting to civilized societies4 ,the longest work of all1 the 8,symposiacs10 or 8,table ,talk10 besides containing a wealth of material used by ,plutarch and his friends in the discussion of current problems of scientific1 literary1 and social interest1 gives a picture of ,grco-,roman ,society in the first ,christian century1 which1 both from its general character and from the multitude of details it contains on matters of fact1 is of the utmost importance for the accurate study of the period and its complicated problems4 ,all these various works are interpenetrated with the character of the writer to such a vivid degree of personality that their study1 from this point of view alone1 would probably cast more light upon ,plutarch's methods as a writer of history than innumerable minute and difficult inquiries into his 8sources10 and the manner in which he used them in writing his 8,lives40 ,fascinating1 however1 as is the study of the 8,ethics0 in these various aspects1 it soon becomes evident that the point of paramount importance for a proper appreciation of ,plutarch's attitude towards life and its problems in general1 is to be found in the position which he assumed in face of the religious questions which perplexed the thinking men of his time and country4 ,what was ,plutarch's view of that ancient and hereditary faith which was not only the official creed of the ,empire1 but which was still accepted as a sufficient spiritual satisfaction by many millions of the ,empire's subjects8 ,was it possible that a man so steeped in the best literature1 so keen a student of the greatest philosophies1 could be a believer1 to any serious extent1 in those traditions which appear so crude and impossible in the light of our higher modern ideals8 ,and if he could think them worthy of credit1 by what method of interpretation was this consummation facilitated8 ,how could he persuade himself and others to find in them at once the sanction and the inspiration of virtuous conduct8 ,these are some of the questions which are constantly before the mind of the reader as he turns the pages of the 8,ethics10 and they are constantly before the mind of the reader because the author is constantly supplying materials for answering them4 ,the most important of ,plutarch's general writings are devoted to the full discussion1 from a variety of standpoints1 of religious questions1 not only those handed down by the popular tradition1 or embodied in ceremonial observances and legalized worships1 but also those more purely theological conceptions presented in the various systems of ,greek ,philosophy4 ,around ,plutarch's ,religion revolves his conception of life2 his numerous contributions to the discussion of other subjects of human interest unfold their full significance only when regarded in the light supplied by a knowledge of his religious beliefs4 ,such1 at any rate1 is the experience of the present writer after a close study of the 8,ethics0 during several years2 and it is with the hope of contributing in some degree to the clearer appreciation of ,plutarch's manifold activities in other directions1 that an investigation into his religious views has been made the special object of the following pages4 ,the text which has been used for the purposes of this essay is that issued at intervals between the years #ahhh and #ahif by ,mr4 ,g4 ,n4 ,bernardakis1 the director of the ,gymnasium at ,mytilene4#b ,the editor has postponed1 for discussion in a subsequent work1 many questions bearing upon the authority of his ,,mss41 and the principles which he has applied to them in the choice of his readings2 his efforts in the editio minor having been almost wholly confined to presenting the results of his labours in the shape of a complete and coherent text4 ,although1 as ,dr4 ,holden has said1 8until the appearance of the promised editio major it is premature to pronounce an opinion on the editor's qualifications as a textual critic10#c yet ,mr4 ,bernardakis has exhibited so much combined accuracy and acumen in the preliminary discussion of various questions connected with his collation of ,,mss41 and has disposed so completely1 as ,dr4 ,holden admits1 of the charges of inaccuracy brought against him by ,professor von ,wilamowitz-,moellendorff of ,berlin1#d that the more general student of ,classical ,literature may1 perhaps1 feel some amount of confidence that in this edition he sees the actual work of ,plutarch himself1 and not the ingenious and daring conjectures of some too brilliant critic4 ,this feeling of confidence will not be diminished by the evident anxiety displayed by ,mr4 ,w4 ,r4 ,paton1 an ,english scholar working in the same field1 8to induce ,mr4 ,bernardakis to assist and correct0 him in editing a text of the 8,de ,cupiditate ,divitiarum10#e and it will be increased by the discovery that1 greatly different as the text of ,bernardakis is from that of any other previous edition1 the difference frequently consists in the substitution of plain sense for undiluted absurdity1 or total want of meaning4 ,indebtedness to other sources of criticism and information is1 the writer hopes1 fully acknowledged in the footnotes as occasion arises4 ,there has yet been published no work in ,english dealing with ,plutarch's 8,ethics0 at all similar in scope and character either to ,volkmann's 8,leben1 ,schriften und ,philosophie des ,plutarch von ,chronea10#f or to ,grard's 8,la ,morale de ,plutarque40#g ,archbishop ,trench1 who speaks slightingly of ,grard's interesting study1 has himself contributed one or two 8,lectures0 to some general observations on this sphere of ,plutarch's activity1#h while the ,rev4 ,j4 ,p4 ,mahaffy has given two chapters to the subject in his 8,greek ,world under ,roman ,sway40#i ,chap4 xiii41 which is headed 8,plutarch and ,his ,times--,public ,life10 is devoted partly to ,apuleius1 and partly to ,plutarch himself1 and exhibits1 in continuous form1 a number of that author's best-known and most frequently quoted statements and opinions on the subjects of ,politics and ,religion1 some ten pages being set apart for the presentation and criticism of his views on the latter topic4 ,chap4 xiv4 is entitled 8,plutarch and ,his ,times--,private ,life10 and intersperses with comments a number of extracts from the evidence furnished by ,plutarch on various matters appertaining to the social and domestic life of his epoch1 giving the gist of passages selected from the 8,table ,talk10 from various essays on ,education1 and from several tracts on ,minor ,morals and other themes of general interest4 ,although ,professor ,mahaffy's prolonged and extensive researches into every available sphere of ,greek life and thought occasionally enable him to help out his author's descriptions by aptly chosen illustrations from other sources1 yet1 in dealing with a writer at once so voluminous and so full of interest as ,plutarch1 the historian is hampered by the necessary limits of his appointed task1 no less than by his own diffusive and gossiping style4 ,mr4 ,mahaffy's ,clio has always appeared to us in the light of an amiable and cultured hostess presiding at ,afternoon ,tea1 gliding graciously hither and thither among her guests1 and introducing topics of conversation which have only a superficial interest1 or which she presents only in their superficial aspects2 while1 perhaps unconsciously1 conveying the impression that she reserves for discussion among a few chosen intimates the more profound and sacred issues of human life4 ,these two chapters on ,plutarch furnish an excellent example of ,professor ,mahaffy's method4 ,they are entertaining in the sense that all well-conducted gossip is entertaining4 ,a trait of character is chosen here2 a smart saying1 or a foolish one1 is selected there2 a piquant anecdote is retold elsewhere3 but the searchlight is never stationary1 and the earnest student who trusts solely to its assistance will vainly attempt to see ,plutarch steadily and see him whole4 ,it is1 of course1 the fact1 as already suggested1 that1 in these chapters1 ,professor ,mahaffy is dealing with ,plutarch only so far as he furnishes material illustrative of the conception which the historian has formed as to the character of the age in which his subject lived4 ,this fact is conspicuously evident in the brief account of ,plutarch's ,religion given in the ten pages from page #caa onwards1 where ,professor ,mahaffy accepts the belief of so many of his predecessors1 that the age was an age of religious decadence1 and not an age of religious revival2 and that1 moreover1 it was blameworthy in ,plutarch that 8he never took pains to understand0 ,christianity4#aj ,further1 it must be added1 that the historian's natural desire to illustrate ,plutarch's times1 rather than to display ,plutarch himself1 has led him to commit serious injustice by his uncritical acceptance of certain spurious tracts as the genuine workmanship of ,plutarch4 ,the conclusion at which ,professor ,mahaffy arrives1 that ,plutarch was 8a narrow and bigoted ,hellene10#aa is intelligible enough to those who accept the view which we have endeavoured to combat in ,chapter ,,iii4 of the following essay1 a view which is simply a belated survival of the ancient prejudice which consigns to eternal perdition the followers of other ,religions1 because they are wilfully blind to the light with which our own special ,belief has been blessed in such splendour4 ,but the man who1 after even the most casual study of ,plutarch's utterances on ,religion1 can seriously describe him as 8narrow and bigoted0 will maintain1 with equal serenity1 that it is the practice of the sun to shine at midnight4 ,professor ,mahaffy1 indeed1 in using such expressions1 is at variance with his own better judgment1 inasmuch as he elsewhere concedes that1 8had ,plutarch been at ,athens when ,st4 ,paul came there1 he would have been the first to give the ,apostle a respectful hearing40#ab ,the subject of ,plutarch's 8,moralia0 has also been touched in a few contributions to the current ,literature of the ,reviews4 ,the article on 8,plutarch0 appearing over ,paley's initials in the 8,encyclopdia ,britannica10 and giving a brief statement of the subjects dealt with in the different tracts in the 8,moralia10 almost entirely exhausts the short list of ,english literary contributions to the treatment of this portion of ,plutarch's work4 ,paley declared in the article in question that the 8,moralia0 were 8practically almost unknown to most persons in ,britain1 even to those who call themselves scholars40 ,this sweeping assertion is not by any means true to-day1 although it is still the case that1 so far as the literary presentment of results is concerned1 the 8,ethics0 of ,plutarch are a neglected field of research4 ,volkmann1 in the 8,leben und ,schriften0 part of his work1 carefully discusses the authenticity of each tract in the generally recognized list of ,plutarch's writings1 while in the volume dealing with the 8,philosophie0 he gives an exhaustive analysis of the greater portion of them4 ,recognizing that ,plutarch had no special philosophical system of his own1 ,volkmann endeavours to remedy this deficiency by the application of a systematic method of treatment with regular branches of 8synthetic0 and 8analytic0 investigation4 ,the 8synthetic0 branch of ,volkmann's method is devoted to a discussion of ,plutarch's philosophic standpoint2 to an examination of his polemic against the ,stoics and ,epicureans2 and to the consideration of his relation to ,plato1 which ,volkmann regards as the foundation of ,plutarch's ,philosophy4 ,the function of ,volkmann's 8analytic0 method is to discover how1 on the philosophic basis thus laid down by the 8synthetic0 method1 ,plutarch arranges his positive conclusions in a coherent relationship with his negative polemic4 ,it is1 according to ,volkmann1 a natural result of the successful operation of this twofold system1 that the circumstances of ,plutarch's life lose their external character1 and attain to an essential connexion with his philosophical conceptions4 ,this last assertion is made by way of criticism directed against ,grard's 8natural and simple0 method of arranging ,plutarch's philosophical utterances under headings descriptive of the various spheres of life to which they seem appropriate--8la vie domestique10 8la cit10 8le temple10 c4 ,volkmann thinks that under this arrangement the sense of internal unity is lost2 that ,plutarch's views are presented in it as goodnatured and benevolent1 but somewhat rambling1 reflections on the separate aspects of human life1 instead of being treated as the outcome of a consistent philosophy taking ethical phenomena into systematic consideration4#ac ,this criticism has considerable force1 though it does not detract from the truth and charm of ,m4 ,grard's book4 ,volkmann himself undoubtedly errs in the opposite direction4 ,grard was quite justified in retorting on his critic1 8,il arrive mme qu'en voulant tablir trop rationellement la philosophie de ,plutarque1 ,m4 ,volkmann se trouve conduit lui prter une sorte de systme1 bien qu'il sache comme personne que nul moins que le sage de ,chrone n'a port dans ses crits une pense systmatique40#ad ,volkmann1 in our opinion1 attaches far too much importance both to ,plutarch's discipular relation to ,plato1 and to his polemic against the ,stoics and ,epicureans4 ,plutarch's opposition to ,plato is frequently as strongly marked as his opposition to ,stoics and ,epicureans2 and his indebtedness to ,stoics and ,epicureans is frequently as strongly marked as his indebtedness to ,plato4 ,volkmann's work had been preceded in #ahed by an interesting and well-written ,thesis1 entitled 8,de ,apologetica ,plutarchi ,chronensis ,theologia40#ae ,the author1 ,c4 ,g4 ,seibert1 gives a brief review of ,greek ,philosophy1 with the object of showing the attitude assumed by each of the great schools to the gods of the national tradition4 ,he demonstrates conclusively1 and ,volkmann follows in his steps1 that ,plutarch owed something to all the ,schools1 to ,stoics1 to ,peripatetics1 and to ,epicureans4 ,yet he1 too1 insists that ,plutarch's attitude towards the popular religion was identical with that assumed by ,plato--eadem ratione 7qua ,plato7 ,platonis discipuli theologiam tractarunt1 e quibus pr cteris ,plutarchus magistri divini vestigia secutus est4 ,this1 indeed1 is the orthodox tendency in the appreciation of ,plutarch1 and it has been carried to the extent of claiming ,plutarch as the founder of that special kind of ,platonism distinguished by the epithet 8,new40 8,plutarch10 says ,archbishop ,trench1 8was a ,platonist with an oriental tinge1 and thus a forerunner of the ,new ,platonists40--8,he might be described with greater truth than ,ammonius as the ,founder of ,neo-,platonism10 wrote ,dr4 ,h4 ,w4 ,j4 ,thiersch1 who1 however1 had not freed himself from the idea 7the truth of which even so early a writer as ,dacier had doubted1 and the legendary character of which ,m4 ,grard has proved beyond a doubt7 that ,plutarch received consular honours at the hands of ,trajan4#af--8;,in this essay0 7the ,de ,oraculorum ,defectu71 thinks ,mr4 ,w4 ,j4 ,brodribb1 8,plutarch largely uses the ,neo-,platonic ,philosophy40#ag ,even those who do not insist that ,plutarch is a ,neo-,platonist1 or a 8forerunner0 of ,neo-,platonism1 are so anxious to label him with some designation1 that they will hardly allow him to speak for himself4 ,it may1 perhaps1 argue presumption on the part of an homo incognitus nulliusque auctoritatis to suggest that ,plutarch faces the teaching of his predecessors with an independent mind2 that he is nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri2 that he tries ,plato's teachings1 not from ,plato's point of view1 but from his own4#ah ,such1 however1 is the view maintained in the pages of the following essay4 ,it seems to us that1 in order to discover the principle which gives coherence and internal unity to ,plutarch's innumerable philosophic utterances1 it is not necessary to start with the assumption that he belongs to any particular school4 ,philosophy is to him one of the recognized sources of ,religion and ,morality4 ,tradition is another source1 and ,law or recognized custom another4 ,plutarch assumes that these three sources conjointly supply solid sanctions for belief and conduct4 ,they are the three great records of human experience1 and ,plutarch will examine all their contributions to the criticism of life with a view to selecting those parts from each which will best aid him and his fellow citizens to lead lives of virtue and happiness4 ,the great philosophical schools of ,greece are regarded from this point of view--from the point of view of a moralist and a philosopher1 not from the point of view of a ,platonist1 an anti-,stoic1 or an anti-,epicurean4 ,plutarch is indebted1 as even ,volkmann himself shows1 to all the ,schools alike4 ,then why call him a ,platonist1 or a ,neo-,pythagorizing ,platonist1 as ,zeller has done8 ,plutarch's teaching is too full of logical inconsistencies to be formalized into a system of ,philosophy4 ,but the dominating principle of his teaching1 the paramount necessity of finding a sanction and an inspiration for conduct in what the wisdom of the past had already discovered1 is so strikingly conspicuous in all his writings that his logical inconsistencies appear1 and are1 unimportant4 ,it is this desire of making the wisdom and traditions of the past available for ethical usefulness which actuates his attempt to reconcile the contradictions1 and remove the crudities and inconsistencies1 in the three sources of religious knowledge4 ,this is the principle which gives his teaching unity1 and not any external circumstances of his life1 or his attitude in favour of or in opposition to the tenets of any particular school4 ,there is no ,english translation of ,plutarch's 8,ethics0 which can claim anything approaching the character of an authorized version4 ,almost every editor of ,plutarch has felt it necessary to find fault with his predecessors' attempts to express ,plutarch's meaning through the medium of another language4 ,amyot's translation is1 in the opinion of the ,comte ,joseph de ,maistre1 repellent to 8ladies and foreigners40 ,wyttenbach1 who makes numerous alterations of ,xylander's ,latin version1 also says of ,ricard's ,french translation1 that 8it skips over the difficulties and corruptions in such a manner as to suggest that the translator was content merely to produce a version which should be intelligible to ,french readers40#ai ,wyttenbach himself is reprehended in the following terms by the editor of the ,didot text of the 8,moralia0--8,of the ,latin version1 in which we have made numerous corrections1 it must be admitted that ,xylander and ,wyttenbach1 in dealing with corrupt passages1 not infrequently translated conjectures of their own1 or suggested by other scholars1 which we have been unable to adopt into the ,greek ,text40 ,in the preface to his ,english translation of the 8,de ,iside et ,osiride10 the ,rev4 ,samuel ,squire1 ,archdeacon of ,bath in #agdd1 has some excellent critical remarks on the style of previous translators of ,plutarch1 and he somewhat pathetically describes the difficulties awaiting the author who endeavours to translate that writer--8,to enter into another man's ,soul as it were1 who lived several hundred years since1 to go along with his thoughts1 to trace1 pursue1 and connect his several ideas1 to express them with propriety in a language different from that they were conceived in1 and lastly to give the copy the air and spirit of an original1 is not so easy a task as it may be perhaps deemed by those who have never made the attempt4 ,the very few good translations of the learned authors into our own language1 will sufficiently justify the truth of the observation--but if any one still doubts it1 let him take the first section of the book before him1 and make the experiment himself40 ,m4 ,grard is briefer but equally emphatic--8,toute traduction est une uvre dlicate1 celle de ,plutarque plus que toute autre peut-tre40 ,whatever may be the cause of the perpetuation of this ungracious tradition of fault-finding1 whether the general difficulty specified by ,archdeacon ,squire1 or the more particular obstacle of a corrupt text described by other commentators1 we do not feel that we are called upon to make any departure from so long-established a custom4 ,the quaint charm of most of the translations forming the basis of ,dr4 ,goodwin's revision no one will be inclined to deny1 although the reviser's own remarks make it clear that little dependence is to be placed upon their accuracy in any instance of difficulty4#bj ,the two volumes contained in the well-known 8,bohn0 series of translations are utterly misleading1 not only as regards the colour which they infuse into ,plutarch's style1 but also as regards their conspicuous incorrectness in many particular instances4#ba ,to other translations of individual tracts reference has been occasionally made in the notes4 ,in view of the fact that no dependence was to be placed upon the accuracy of any translation yet furnished of that portion of our author's work with which we were dealing1 it was necessary1 before undertaking this essay1 to make full translations of considerable portions of the 8,ethics0 from the text of ,bernardakis2 and these translations1 or paraphrases based upon them1 are largely employed in the following pages4 ,mere references to the text in support of positions assumed1 or statements made1 would have been useless and misleading in the absence of clear indications as to the exact interpretation placed upon the words of the text4 ,the writer cannot hope to have succeeded where1 in the opinion of competent judges1 there have been so many failures4 ,but he has1 at any rate1 made a conscientious attempt to understand his author1 and to give expression to his view of his author's meaning1 without any prejudice born of the assumption that ,plutarch belonged to a particular school1 or devoted his great powers of criticism and research to the exposition and illustration of the doctrines of any single philosopher4 ,,john ,,oakesmith4 ,,battersea1 ,september1 #aijb4 ,,contents ,,page ,,chapter ,i4 ,general character of ,modern ,european ,religions3 their cardinal appeal to ,emotion--,roman ,religion3 its sanctions chiefly rational3 the causes of its failure3 its place as a factor in ,morality taken by ,greek ,philosophy--,early ,greek ,morality based partly on ,religion1 partly on ,reason1 which1 in the form of ,philosophy1 eventually supplies the main inspiration to ,goodness--,gradual limitation of ,philosophy to ,ethics #a ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,importance of the ethical tendency in pre-,socratic ,philosophy generally under-estimated--,development of this tendency from ,thales to the ,sophists1 and from the ,sophists to the ,stoics and ,epicureans--,special influence of these two ,schools1 aided by the failure of political interest1 in establishing a practicable ideal of ,,personal virtue--,this ideal1 conspicuous in ,plutarch's 8,ethics10 and inculcated by the philosophers of the early ,grco-,roman ,empire generally #bj ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,ethical aspect of ,grco-,roman ,society in the period of ,plutarch3 difficulty of obtaining an impartial view of it--,revival of moral earnestness concurrent with the establishment of the ,empire3 the reforms of ,augustus a formal expression of actual tendencies--,evidences of this in philosophical and general literature--,the differences between various ,schools modified by the importance of the ethical end to which all their efforts were directed--,endeavour made to base morality on sanctions already consecrated by the philosophies and religious traditions of the ,past--,plutarch's 8,ethics0 the result of such an endeavour #dc ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,plutarch's attitude towards ,pagan beliefs marked by a spirit of reverent rationalism--,the three recognized sources of ,religion3 ,poetry1 ,philosophy1 and ,law or ,custom--,the contribution of each to be examined by ,reason with the object of avoiding both ,superstition and ,atheism3 ,reason the 8,mystagogue0 of ,religion--,provisional examples of ,plutarch's method in the three spheres--,his reluctance to press rationalism too far--,his piety partly explained by his recognition of the divine mission of ,rome--,absence of dogmatism in his teaching #fb ,,chapter ,v4 ,plutarch's ,theology--,his conception of ,god not a pure metaphysical abstraction1 his presentment of it not dogmatic--,general acceptance of the attributes recognized by ,greek philosophy as essential to the idea of ,god--,god as ,,unity1 ,,absolute ,,being1 ,,eternity--,god as ,,intelligence3 ,,personality of ,plutarch's ,god intimately associated with his ,intelligence--,god's ,intelligence brings him into contact with humanity3 by it he knows the events of the ,future and the secrets of the human heart--,from his knowledge springs his ,providence--,god as ,father and ,judge--the ,,de ,,sera ,,numinis ,,vindicta--,immortality of the ,soul #hg ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,plutarch's ,dmonology--,dmonology as a means of reconciliation between the traditional ,polytheism and ,philosophic ,monotheism--,dmonlore in ,greek philosophers and in the popular faith--,growth of a natural tendency to identify the gods of the polytheistic tradition with the ,dmons--,emphasis thus given to the philosophic conception of the ,deity--,dmons responsible for all the crude and cruel superstitions attaching to the popular gods--,function of the ,dmons as mediators between ,god and man #abj ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,necessity for a ,mediator between ,god and ,man partly met by ,oracular ,inspiration--,general failure of ,oracles in the age of ,plutarch--,plutarch's 8,delphian ,essays0--,the ,,de ,,pythi ,,oraculis3 nature of ,inspiration3 oracles not verbally inspired--,the ,,de ,,defectu ,,oraculorum--,various explanations of ,inspiration--,plutarch inclines to accept that which assumes an original ,divine afflatus placed under the superintendence of ,dmons1 whose activities are subject to the operation of natural causes #ach ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,sincerity of ,plutarch's belief in ,dmons--,function of the ,dmons as ,mediators not confined to oracular inspiration--,dmons in their personal relationship with the human soul--,the ,,de ,d,,monio ,,socratis--,this tract not a formal treatise on ,dmonology--,various explanations of the ,socratic 8,dmon0--,ethical value of the conception of ,dmons as spiritual guardians of individual men--8,men may rise on stepping-stones of their dead selves to higher things0--,dangers of the conception--,superstition3 ,plutarch's general attitude towards that ,vice #afc ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,relation between ,superstition and ,atheism3 ,atheism an intellectual error3 ,superstition an error involving the passions3 the ,,de ,,superstitione--,moral fervour of ,plutarch's attack on ,superstition--,his comparative tolerance of ,atheism--,the greatest safeguard against both alike consists in an intellectual appreciation of the ,truth--,the ,,de ,,iside ,,et ,,osiride--,the ,unity underlying national differences of religious belief #agi ,,chapter ,x4 ,conclusions respecting the general character of ,plutarch's ,religion--,monotheism and ,dmonology both essential parts of his ,theodicy--,his strong belief in the personality of ,god--,metaphysical weakness but ,moral strength of his ,teaching--,close connexion between his ,religion and his ,ethics--,plutarch not an 8,eclectic10 nor a ,neo-,platonist--,contrast between ,plutarch's ,religion and ,philosophy and the ,religion and ,philosophy of the ,neo-,platonists--,christianity and ,neo-,platonism--,the struggle between them and its probable effect on later religious history--,conclusion #bja ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,plutarch ,,chapter ,i4 ,general character of ,modern ,european ,religions3 their cardinal appeal to ,emotion--,roman ,religion3 its sanctions chiefly rational3 the causes of its failure3 its place as a factor in ,morality taken by ,greek ,philosophy--,early ,greek ,morality based partly on ,religion1 partly on ,reason1 which1 in the form of ,philosophy1 eventually supplies the main inspiration to ,goodness--,gradual limitation of ,philosophy to ,ethics4 ,the various religious revivals which the ,european world has witnessed during the prolonged course of the ,christian era2 the great attempts which the modern conscience has made from time to time to bring itself into a more intimate and fruitful relation with the principles that make for goodness of character and righteousness of life3 have1 in general1 taken the form less of reasoned invocations to the cultivated intelligence than of emotional appeals to the natural passions and prepossessions of humanity4 ,the hope of reward1 the fear of punishment1 a spontaneous love of certain moral qualities1 and of certain personalities imagined as embodying these qualities2 a heartfelt hatred of certain moral defects1 and of certain personalities imagined as embodying these defects3--such are the feelings that have formed the strength of every movement which has in turn agitated the religious life of the ,western world from ,st4 ,paul to ,wesley1 from ,st4 ,augustine to ,cardinal ,newman4 ,what is felt to be goodness is loved with a personal adoration which is convinced that nothing in the world is of import compared with the hope of one day touching the mere hem of that garment of holiness1 the mystic effluence of which has already power to irradiate life with a strange beauty and meaning4 ,any sanction which imaginative piety or legendary authority can lend to ,virtue is credited1 not because it makes ,virtue natural1 intelligible1 and human1 but because it places her on a pedestal beyond the reach of unaided mortal effort1 and thus compels a still more determined recourse to emotional and supernatural sanctions in order to ensure her fruitful cultivation4 ,hence ,tertullian will glory in the ,crucifixion of ,christ1 because in the eyes of reason it is shameful2 and he will proclaim the ,resurrection as certain1 because reason condemns it as impossible4#bb ,hence ,augustine will believe first1 postponing the grave question whether belief is likely to be supported by proof4#bc ,hence that conception of saintliness which the world owes to ,catholic ,christianity1 a type of character which1 while maintaining a marvellous purity of life1 is devoid of that robust intelligence without which purity runs into asceticism2 which carries virtue to such an extravagant pitch that its results may be more disastrous than those of extravagant vice1 inasmuch as the latter may serve morality by demonstrating the repulsiveness of iniquity1 while the former tends to evil by exhibiting the impossibility of goodness4#bd ,this 8extravagance du christianisme0#be is1 of course1 utterly at variance with the general character of the efforts by which either a ,greek or a ,roman directed his steps in the ways of goodness4 ,neither ,aristotle nor ,horace1 neither ,plato nor ,seneca1 would have admitted many of the most lauded virtues of modern ethical systems to be virtues at all4 ,least of all would they have hailed as a virtue that passionate excess of enthusiasm which makes ,virtue independent of ,reason1 and greets intellectual impossibilities as the trials and tests of the 8virtue0 of ,belief4#bf ,speaking in a general sense1 and with a tacit recognition of certain exceptions to be noticed in their proper place1 it may be premised that ,pagan goodness of character found its inspiration1 not in any kind of emotional enthusiasm1 but in methods of thought and action selected and controlled by the operation of reason and intelligence4#bg ,horace's opinion respecting the viciousness of the man who indulges in a too excessive love of virtue is the opinion1 if not of a ,greek1 at any rate of a ,roman who is saturated with ,greek philosophy2#bh but the early character of the poet's countrymen1 as evinced not less in their ,religion than in their general outlook on life1 is as little disposed to extravagance as the strongest advocate of aurea mediocritas could well desire4 ,roman ,religion1 influenced to some extent as it was by the gloomy terrors of ,etruscan superstition1 found its value and its meaning1 from the gods of the ,indigitamenta downwards1 in the fact that it was an appeal to the intelligence of the citizen4 ,that this appeal operated in a narrow sphere of duties and was not unaffected by mean and sordid considerations does not militate against its general character as an address to the reason rather than an invocation to the passions4 ,ancient critics found for the word 8,religio0 a derivation which pointed to carefulness and regularity as qualities inherent in its essential meaning2#bi and that avoidance of disordered excess1 which tends to compromise1 was as conspicuous in early ,roman religious practice as it was in the sternest of ,greek philosophies when transplanted to ,roman soil1 and interpenetrated with the ,roman character4#cj ,this spirit of compromise was based upon a recognition that the actual demands of practical life were of greater importance than the maintenance of a rigid conformity to the letter of religious precepts4 ,virgil1 who was a participant in the work of religious reform inaugurated by ,augustus1 and who everywhere breathes a spirit of the most careful reverence towards the ancient traditions of the national faith1 gives emphatic expression to this view of the dominant claims of practical life1 and of the tolerant attitude which ,religion assumes with regard to them3-- 8,quippe etiam festis qudam exercere diebus ,fas et jura sinunt2 rivos deducere nulla ,relligio vetuit1 segeti prtendere spem1 ,insidias avibus moliri1 incendere vepres1 ,balantumque gregem fluvio mersare salubri40#ca ,this recognition of the principle that ,duty has claims which even ,religion must concede is prominently written on every page of ,roman ,history4 ,it indicates the operation1 in one direction1 of that influence of ,reason on ,religion which1 in another direction1 leads to the admission of a real divinity in the gods adored by foreign peoples4 ,the famous formula of ,roman ,religion1 which appealed to the protecting gods of ,carthage and its people to leave that city to its fate1 is an early anticipation of that hospitable tolerance1 so strange to modern sects1 which welcomed ,greek and barbarian deities to the ,roman ,pantheon1 and never persecuted from religious motives4#cb ,this spirit had its apotheosis in the endeavours of the reformers of the age of ,plutarch to establish the triumph of ,reason in a general recognition of the ,unity of ,god beneath the different names which expressed ,him to different peoples4#cc ,although we cannot accept as actual history the particulars given by ,dionysius ,halicarnassensis respecting the manner in which ,romulus established the principles of ,roman religious and political administration1 considerable value may be conceded to such an account1 because it is calculated to explain1 from the writer's point of view1 the existence of certain actual characteristics of ,roman civic and sacred polity4#cd ,romulus is recorded as subjecting ,religion to the selective power of reason and good taste4 ,reason decides what it is becoming for the ,divine ,nature to be1 and everything inconsistent with this salutary notion is rigidly excluded from the ,state ,religion4 ,romulus teaches the ,romans that the gods are good1 and that their goodness is the cause of man's happiness and progress2 he instructs them in ,temperance and ,justice1 as the bases of civic concord1 and of the advantages resulting therefrom2 he inculcates military ,fortitude as the best means of securing the undisturbed practice of the other virtues1 and the social blessings springing from such practice2 and he concludes that ,virtue is not a matter of chance1 or the result of supernatural inspirations1 but the product of reasonable laws when zealously and faithfully carried into practice by the citizens4 ,reason is here clearly represented as the lawgiver of ,religion1 and the cause and origin of the practical virtues4 ,dionysius may1 as we have suggested1 be endeavouring to explain1 by an ex post facto piece of history1 the existence of certain characteristics of the ,roman constitution as exhibited in its later developments1 but these features are not the less evident and essential parts of the system because we cannot accept any particular account of the time and manner in which they were incorporated with it4 ,further1 the ,roman administrative authority deliberately repressed the exhibition of religious enthusiasm as dangerous to the stability of the ,republic2 the ,state could brook no rival in her affections3 the devotion of ,regulus#ce and the suppression of the ,bacchanalia bear equal witness to a firm insistence on the control of personal emotion as a cardinal principle of ,roman administration4#cf ,the apparently paradoxical and casuistical position assigned in the 8,de ,natura ,deorum0 to ,cotta1 who believes in the national religion as a ,roman while denying it as a philosopher1 is sufficiently lucid and rational when regarded in the light of the religious administration of ,rome1 which had never claimed to enslave the intelligences of men1 so long as that elaborate ritual1 with which the safety of the ,state was involved1 received due and reverential attention4#cg ,the ancient ,roman ,religion1 revolving round the ,state in this way1 and moulding the life of every individual citizen into rigid external conformity with the official ideal1 showed its strength in the production of a type of moral character which was perfect within the iron limits fixed by the civic authority4#ch ,it was dignified1 austere1 self-controlled1 self-reverent4 ,in the absence of great temptations1 such as assail the secret strongholds of the human heart and lie beyond the influence of any external power1 the ancient ,virtus ,romana was equal to all the demands which a somewhat restricted code of ethics made upon it4 ,but1 when a wider knowledge of the world brought with it a weakening of the chain which bound the citizen to the central power2 when1 at the same time1 a wider possession of the world and a richer enjoyment of its pleasures increased to an enormous extent the temptations directed against the purity and completeness of the moral character3#ci then it became alarmingly clear to thoughtful men that1 unless the moral life was to run to seed in vicious weeds of self-indulgence1 it was necessary to invoke the aid of a subtler and stronger influence than that of the ,state1 an influence capable of varying its appeal in accordance with the infinitely varying moral needs of individual men4#dj ,it was with the hope of finding inspiration of this character that ,lucretius and ,cicero turned the attention of their countrymen to ,greek ,philosophy2 it was there that they wished to find an ampler and more direct sanction in reason for cultivating a life of virtue4 ,reason1 which had not been devoid of effect in the narrow sphere of ,roman ,religion1 was now to be made the basis of morality in general2 but it was reason directed to the purification and enlargement of the springs of personal conduct1 and calling into play qualities which had lain dormant1 or had been restricted1 during the long dominance of the ,state over the individual citizen4 ,to ,regulus1 his religion was the ,state2 to ,cicero1 the ,state and its demands form but a small fraction of the moral life4 ,a revival of ,religion was to ,cicero a revival of ,philosophy2 ,reason1 the parent of ,philosophy1 was also to be the parent of ,conduct2 the first of all virtues is the virtue of ,knowledge1 of intelligent discrimination between the things that make for morality and happiness and the things that make for immorality and misery4#da ,starting from this standpoint1 ,cicero1 though approaching ,greek ,philosophy more in the spirit of the student than in that of the religious reformer1 though participating1 as his ,letters show1 in that general carelessness on religious matters which marked ,roman ,society during the later years of the ,republic1 was1 nevertheless1 the means of giving a powerful stimulus to that movement in the direction of deliberate personal morality1 which became conspicuous in the ,grco-,roman world of the ,early ,empire1 and culminated under the fostering care of ,trajan and the ,antonines4 ,it then became clear that ,cicero had not looked in vain to ,greek ,philosophy to save his countrymen from that moral degradation and disorder which1 in his own words1 it demanded the most earnest endeavours of every individual citizen to check and restrain4#db ,in ,greece1 ,religion and ,philosophy had early enjoyed mutual relations of an intimate character4 ,the force of the weighty invocations which the poet of the 8,works and ,days0#dc addresses to his dishonourable brother ,perses lies less in the conventional theology which alludes to the wrath of 8broad-sighted ,zeus0 as tracking the footsteps of the wicked1 than in the reasoned choice which the sinner is invited to make between ,injustice as leading inevitably to ruin1 and ,virtue leading as inevitably to prosperity2#dd and the claims of individual judgment1 the right of every man to subject everything to the test of his own intelligence1 never found finer expression than in the verse which assigns the palm of moral perfection to him who has the courage to think for himself4#de ,pindar1 the most religious poet of antiquity1 applies the test of reason to the established myths of ,hellas when he refuses to credit such legends as depict the gods in unseemly situations1 or under the influence of degrading passions4#df ,xenophanes thought that the claims of ,religion and ,morality could be best advanced by cleansing the moral atmosphere of the gods whose recorded lives were so flagrantly in opposition to the dictates of purity1 reason1 and honour2 a strain of criticism which found its most striking and notorious expression in the famous ,second and ,third ,books of ,plato's 8,republic10 but which had not been without its exponents among more whole-hearted adherents of the national ,religion4 ,but1 meanwhile1 the national ,religion1 as embodied1 at least1 in the national liturgy1 had been coming to terms with the growing strength of ,philosophy1 and the vestibules of the ,temple at ,delphi were inscribed with those famous philosophical apophthegms1 whose presence there subsequently enabled ,plutarch to claim that ,apollo was not only a ,god and a ,seer1 but a ,philosopher4#dg ,the popular morality of the days of ,socrates1 which supplied his cross-examinees with ready-made answers to questions on the nature of ,vice and ,virtue1 and of the vices and the virtues1 was composed as much of ,philosophy as of ,religion in the narrower sense of the term4#dh ,the ,theogonies of ,homer and ,hesiod furnished the external machinery of the supernatural world1 but the moral utterances of these two poets1 and not of these only1 but of ,simonides and ,solon1 of ,theognis and the 8,seven ,sages10 contained many striking lessons1 and many emphatic warnings1 touching the necessity and advantages of a life of virtue4 ,it became1 in fact1 quite evident1 though not1 of course1 explicitly asserted1 or perhaps even consciously admitted1 that the gods1 as represented in the ,homeric poems and as existing in the popular imagination1 were quite impossible as a foundation for ,morality1 though surpassingly splendid as the material of ,art4 ,it is hardly too much to say that1 after the establishment of the great philosophic schools in the fourth century1 all the conscious inspiration to a life of ,virtue1 and all the consolations which it is the more usual function of ,religion to administer1 were supplied by ,philosophy4 ,sudden conversions from ,vice to ,philosophy mark the history of the philosophic movement in ,greece as religious movements have been marked among other peoples and in other periods4 ,an edifying discourse under a ,stoic ,portico1 or in an ,academic ,school1 has been as effective in its practical results as a religious oration by ,bossuet1 or a village preaching by ,whitfield4#di ,religion and ,philosophy are identified1 because both are identical with ,morality2 the lives of some ,greek ,philosophers furnish the nearest parallel attained in antiquity to the modern ideal of saintliness4 ,this application of ,philosophy to the spiritual requirements of the individual man1 this independence of supernatural sanctions for goodness1 was aided by the almost purely liturgical character of the ,greek ,religion4 ,greek ,religion made no special appeal to the individual conscience with a view to awakening that sense of personal responsibility for every part of one's life and conduct which is the very soul and centre of ,religion as understood in modern days4 ,to attend the traditional religious festivals2 to fulfil the rites prescribed for certain occasions by the sacerdotal laymen who represented the ,state on its religious side2 to hold a vague conventional notion respecting the existence of the gods and of their separate personalities2 to listen quietly1 and respond reverently1 while the purple-robed1 myrtle-crowned1 altar-ministrant intoned with solemn resonance the ancient formul embalming the sacred legends of some deity whose 8,mysteries0 were specially fostered and honoured by the ,state2 to aid in giving effect to the dreadful imprecations pronounced against those guilty of sacrilege or parricide2 to respond1 in a word1 to all the external demands of the national faith as a political institution3 represented the religious duty of a good and patriotic citizen4 ,a beautiful and impressive liturgy is1 indeed1 not without effect in surrounding with a quiet atmosphere of goodness a class of minds whose temptations are mercifully proportioned to their weakness2 but real moral worth must spring from internal sources1 and these internal sources were not to be found in the ,greek national ,religion4 ,hence a wider field for ,philosophy in the lives of a people whose eagerness in the pursuit of virtue was as marked1 if not so successful1 as their aspirations after perfection of art and profundity of knowledge4 ,we do not ignore1 in attributing this importance to ,philosophy as the inspiration of goodness1 either that fortunate class of people who1 in ,plato's beautiful expression1 are 8good by the divine inspiration of their own nature10#ej or that more numerous section of society who were directed into a certain common conventional goodness by the moral influence of the purer myths1 and who were taught1 like the youth in ,browning's poem1 8whose ,father was a scholar and knew ,greek10 that 8,their aim should be to loathe1 like ,peleus' son1 ,a lie as ,hell's ,gate1 love their wedded wife1 ,like ,hector1 and so on with all the rest40#ea ,but there was another side to the myths1 a side less favourable to the development of morals1 and one which had been brought forward so conspicuously in the adverse criticisms of the philosophers that no one could pretend to ignore its existence4#eb ,the prevailing tendency of ,greek myth was not moral1 and it was only after the most careful pruning1 such1 for example1 as that which ,plutarch applies to it in his educational essays1 that myth became safely available as a factor in ethical progress4 ,the mainsprings of ,conduct1 of personal and private ,morality1 are to be found in ,philosophy1 and so great an importance did ,philosophy acquire as the instrument of goodness1 that that particular branch of ,philosophy which exercised surveillance over the realm of ,conduct became eventually recognized as ,philosophy par excellence2 the overwhelming significance attached by ,greek philosophers1 from the ,sophists onwards1 to the practical element in their teaching1 led to a restriction of the terms 8,philosophy0 and 8,philosopher0 to an almost purely ethical connotation4 ,the argument in the 8,phdo0 that1 without ,philosophy1 ,virtue is nothing more than a mere rough sketch1 is so strongly emphasized in other quarters that there is formed a general conviction that the sole sphere of ,philosophy is the sphere of human conduct4#ec ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,importance of the ethical tendency in pre-,socratic ,philosophy generally under-estimated--,development of this tendency from ,thales to the ,sophists1 and from the ,sophists to the ,stoics and ,epicureans--,special influence of these two ,schools1 aided by the failure of political interest1 in establishing a practicable ideal of ,,personal virtue--,this ideal1 conspicuous in ,plutarch's 8,ethics10 and inculcated by the philosophers of the early ,grco-,roman ,empire generally4 ,it will be interesting and useful briefly to trace the growth of the ethical tendency in ,greek ,philosophy1 not only as a preparation for the study of ,plutarch's position as an ethical and religious teacher1 but also because the prominence of this tendency in the pre-,socratic systems appears to have been greatly underestimated4#ed ,it has been found so easy1 for purposes of historical narrative1 to describe a certain philosophical tendency as 8physical10 and a certain other as 8metaphysical10 that the purely general character of these descriptions has been overlooked4 ,thales was a natural philosopher1 an astronomer1 and1 if we may trust the 8general belief of the ,greeks0 to which ,herodotus alludes in his account of the crossing of the river ,halys by ,crsus1 a great mechanical engineer as well4#ee ,but he was something more than this4 ,he was distinguished for great political insight1 and was acknowledged to be the greatest of the group of practical philosophers who were known as the ,seven ,sages4#ef ,to this group are assigned those famous dicta which1 whether inscribed by priests on the walls of temples1 or embodied by philosophers in their ethical systems1 conveyed a profound moral significance to every member of a ,hellenic community4 ,although no special one of these sayings is ascribed to ,thales by name1 it would surely be absurd to suppose him deficient in those very qualities which brought fame to the men at whose head he was universally placed4 ,a man who was confessedly a trusted counsellor in ,politics would assuredly1 in those days1 have had something to say on that branch of ,politics which was destined eventually to be separated from its parent stem1 and to become a distinct branch of philosophical investigation4 ,anaximander cannot1 at this distance of time1 be directly associated with the practical problems of human life1 but must ever remain wrapped up in his 8infinity10 which is neither ,air nor ,water1 nor any other element1 but 8something that is different from all of them40#eg ,it is not1 however1 without significance in this connexion1 that the most striking fragment of his ,philosophy that has reached our times is couched in ethical phraseology3 8,that out of which existing things have their birth must also1 of right1 be their grave when they are destroyed4 ,for they must1 by the dispensation of time1 give a just compensation for their injustice40#eh ,we are in equal ignorance of any special ethical teaching of ,anaximenes4 ,heraclitus1 however1 has a distinctly ethical aspect1 in spite of the physical nature of most of his philosophical speculations4 ,self-knowledge1 which is alien to the multitude1 who are under the sway of the poets1#ei is already1 in ,heraclitus1 the basis of self-control1 as it is in ,socrates the basis of all moral excellence4#fj ,an ordered self-control is the highest of all virtues2 even the ,sun must not transgress the limits of his sphere1 or the ,erinnyes1 the ,ministers of ,justice1 will find him out4#fa ,anaxagoras1 whom ,sextus ,empiricus will one day describe as 8the most physical0 of all the philosophers1 began his book on ,nature with the words 8,all things were in confusion together2 then came ,intelligence1 and gave them order and arrangement20 thus laying the foundation of his ,natural ,philosophy in a principle which could not fail of early application to the sphere of ,conduct4#fb ,the denial of blind ,chance1 or of immutable ,fate1 in the realm of physical phenomena easily leads to its repudiation in the sphere of ,ethics1 and to a recognition of the personal responsibility of the individual mind for the consequences of its own decisions4#fc ,it was probably a conviction of the ethical fruitfulness of the principle thus laid down by ,anaxagoras in the sphere of ,physics which induced ,aristotle1 the greatest of all ethical philosophers1 to assert that its author1 as compared with his predecessors1 was a sober thinker by the side of random babblers4#fd ,the physical investigations of ,democritus were utilized by the ,epicureans to free man from superstitious fears of another world1 in order that he might direct all his powers to making the best of this world1 in a moral1 infinitely more than in a physical1 sense4 ,he specifically discussed ,virtue1 and concluded that happiness consisted in ,temperance and ,self-,control4#fe ,in a book which he wrote under the significant title of 8,tritogeneia10 or 8,minerva10 he appears to have applied the principle of ,intelligence to the domain of ,ethics1 as ,anaxagoras had applied it to the realm of ,physics1 pointing out that there wanted three things to the perfection of human society--8to reason well1 to speak well1 and to do one's duty20 and that these three powers all spring from the directing influence of ,intelligence4 ,the author of the 8,magna ,moralia0 says that ,pythagoras was the first to discuss ,virtue1 and indicates in what manner the ,pythagoreans attempted to apply their theory of ,number to the sphere of ,ethics4 ,their method was wrong1 according to the 8,magna ,moralia10 since there is a special and appropriate method for the analysis and discussion of the virtues1 and 8,justice is not a number evenly even40#ff ,such a definition1 thus crushed by way of a point-blank negative1 has1 of course1 nothing but a metaphorical significance as applied to ,ethics2 but the metaphorical conception of ,justice as a perfect number will not be totally devoid of inspiration to justice of conduct in the mind of one who loves perfection even when represented by an arithmetical abstraction2 and if by this definition 8it was designed to express the correspondence between action and suffering10#fg a fruitful1 though incomplete1 ethical principle is embodied in their mathematical phrasing4#fh ,in a more general sense1 ,epicharmus has sung how the ,pythagorean ,doctrine of ,number may be applied to the domain of practice3-- 8,man's life needs greatly ,number's ordered sway3 ,his path is safe who follows ,number's way40#fi ,but the ,pythagorean doctrine of ,transmigration probably had a greater ethical value than the metaphysical conceptions of ,number which constituted the ,pythagorean 2 although it is not impossible that the dogma1 when carelessly held or unphilosophically interpreted1 might have a vicious rather than a virtuous effect4#gj ,the 8,golden ,verses of ,pythagoras10 whether composed by any individual member of the school1 or officially embodying the teaching of the sect1 or representing the actual work of some philosopher not formally a ,pythagorean1 have been universally recognised to express a ,pythagorean ideal2#ga and thus exhibit in the doctrine of the ,italian ,school a far more vigorous and fruitful ethical tendency than any study of its official doctrines--so far as they are available for study--would lead us to suppose4 ,and1 indeed1 the followers of this ,philosophy were conspicuous1 even in ,plato's time1 for a special manner of life1 the preparation for which involved a strenuous devotion to a strict and lofty ethical ideal1 an ideal which subsequently formed no small part of the strength of that last school of ,greek ,philosophy which nominally sheltered under the gis of ,plato4#gb ,among the philosophers of the ,eleatic ,school we find an equally marked tendency in the direction of ,ethics4 ,the very basis of the anti-theistic propaganda of ,xenophanes is that the gods in their traditional character do not display those virtues which are incumbent on even ordinarily decent men4 ,to his strenuous sincerity the removal of the gods from the sphere of human conduct meant the introduction of a stricter and better reasoned sanction for morality4 ,even ,parmenides and ,melissus and ,zeno were not so absorbed in the creation of abstract metaphysical conceptions but that ,plutarch is able to mention them together1 not only as distinguished for their contributions to the practical wisdom of their time1 but as evincing by the manner of their death their constancy to a lofty ethical conception of the duties of life4#gc ,empedocles is included in the same category as having conferred great material and political benefits upon his fellow-citizens1 to whom he also addressed a poem inculcating a pure and noble manner of life based on the doctrine of ,transmigration4 ,this brief review of the pre-,socratic and pre-,sophistic ,philosophers appears to indicate that1 if their ethical doctrines were not formulated with the scientific detail and precision of later schools1 their speculations had a strongly ethical cast1 and tended to work out into practical morality in the sphere of daily conduct4 ,in spite of the numerous systems of ,ethics which have been propounded in ancient and modern days1 a scientific basis of ,morality has not yet been truly laid1 and it was1 perhaps1 a recognition of the difficulties menacing attempts in this direction1 aided by a feeling that 8moral progress has not to wait till an unimpeachable system of ,ethics has been elaborated10#gd which led the early ,greek ,schools to confine their utterances on ,morals to 8rugged maxims hewn from life10 which compensated for their lack of scientific precision by the inspiration they applied to the work of actual life4 ,it must1 however1 be admitted that with the ,sophists the concerns of practical life began to assume that predominant place in philosophical speculations which they afterwards wholly usurped2 and the claim of the ,sophists 7whether or not ,socrates is to be reckoned among them7 to be regarded as the founders of ,ethical ,philosophy is not weakened by the fact that1 when ,philosophy and ,ethics were identified1#ge the term ,sophist was assigned to men whose lives were in diametrical opposition to everything connoted by the designation philosopher4#gf ,the ,sophists of the ,socratic age1 whose varied teachings were lacking in any philosophical principle to give them unity and dignity1 brought the business of common life into so marked a prominence1 and recognized ,conduct as so much larger a fraction of life than it had hitherto been consciously recognized1 that the necessity of finding a scientific basis for ,conduct became apparent1 and a sphere was thus opened to the genius of ,socrates1 ,plato and ,aristotle4 ,it is not necessary to linger in demonstrating the important part played by ,ethics from this point onward in the development of ,greek ,philosophy4 8,i hold that ,socrates1 as all are agreed1 was the first whose voice charmed away philosophy from the mysterious phenomena over which ,nature herself has cast a veil1 and with which all philosophers before his time busied themselves1 and brought it face to face with social life1 so as to investigate virtue and vice1 and the general distinction between ,good and ,evil1 and led it to pronounce its sentence that the heavenly bodies were either far removed from the sphere of our knowledge1 or contributed nothing to right living1 however much the knowledge of them might be attained40#gg ,although this well-known passage from ,cicero's 8,academics0 has been criticized for the too great emphasis which it lays on the alienation of ,socrates from ,natural ,philosophy1 and1 moreover1 as an attempt has been made to show above1 it lays in like manner too much stress on the alienation of previous thinkers from ,moral ,philosophy1 or1 at any rate1 from empirical ,ethics1 it expresses with great clearness the surpassing importance which the common life of humanity1 as illumined by the light of virtuous ideals1 was henceforward to assume as the end and aim of philosophical investigations and discussions4 ,the overwhelming importance of ,ethics in the philosophical system of ,plato is directly or indirectly apparent in all his teaching2 and where he1 too1 indulges in physical speculations1 it is with the warning that probability is all that can be expected from such investigations1 and that they constitute a wise and moderate recreation in the course of severer and more legitimate studies4#gh ,but it must be conceded that1 while no writer has composed more beautiful panegyrics in praise of ,virtue2 while no teacher has depicted its surpassing importance to humanity with greater devotion of spirit or subtler charm of language2 yet the severity of the intellectual processes which alone lead to a comprehension of what1 in the ,platonic system1 ,virtue is1 has had the effect of making ,virtue herself appear almost 8too bright and good for human nature's daily food20 too lofty and afar for the common man to attain2 a mere abstraction to be preserved as a field appropriate to the gymnastics of metaphysicians1 and to be shielded from the harsh contact of the common world and common men by the chevaux de frise of dialectical subtlety4 ,excess of ,reason in ,plato has produced a similar result to that produced by excess of ,emotion in modern ,religion1 and it is not without ,justice that a great writer of the nineteenth century has described ,plato as 8putting men off with stars instead of sense10 and as teaching them to be anything but 8practical men1 honest men1 continent men1 unambitious men1 fearful to solicit a trust1 slow to accept1 and resolute never to betray one40#gi ,the accessibility of ,virtue to the common heart is conditioned in ,plato's system by its intelligibility to the common reason4 ,the dialectic processes by which the ,ideas of the ,good1 the ,true1 the ,beautiful are pursued are merely repellent to the average man1 who does not care for ,metaphysics1 but wishes to be good and pure and just in his dealings with his fellow-men4#hj 8,plato acknowledges that the morality of the multitude must be utilitarian1 since none other is attainable save by the highly trained metaphysician40#ha ,even when the multitude accept the teachings of the philosopher1 it is not because they are capable of the knowledge of ideal truth1 but because the philosopher has compelled them to recognize1 from utilitarian reasons1 that it is better to be virtuous than to be vicious4 ,but this acknowledgment of the inability of the multitude to be virtuous in the highest sense1 and the assertion that they must submit themselves as clay to be moulded by the philosopher1 who alone has a knowledge of ideal goodness1 do not help in a world where the philosophers are not autocrats1 but where every teacher must submit his claims to the intelligence of the multitude4 ,it may accordingly be questioned whether ,plato's ,ethics have furnished inspiration for goodness except to those who have already had a predilection for virtue as an appanage of the highest intellect1 or to those more general lovers of the ,beautiful whose taste is gratified by fascinating descriptions of a quality which1 in itself1 has no special charm for them1 but which1 when depicted by this 8master of the starry spheres0 in its atmosphere of cold but radiant splendour1 has transfigured their moral life with beams that do not 8fade into the common light of day40 ,plato's teaching1 indeed1 has something monastic1 exclusive1 aristocratic in its import1 and the 8esoteric0 doctrines which were taught in the grove of ,academus to students already prepared by a special course of instruction to receive them stand at the very opposite pole of ,philosophy to those homely conversations which ,socrates would hold with the first chance passer-by in the streets of a busy city4 8,let no one enter here who has not studied ,mathematics0 was a phrase which summed up in a dogmatic canon of the school the views of the master touching the exclusion of the multitude from direct participation in ,virtue and ,philosophy4#hb ,aristotle brings us into a world where there is less of poetry and beautiful imagery1 but in which the common man can see more clearly4 ,if the landscapes are not so lovely1 the roadways are better laid and the milestones are more legible4 ,the contrast has been often enough already elaborated4 ,its essence seems to lie in the recognition by ,aristotle that men are men1 and not ideal philosophers4 ,it hardly needed those famous passages in the 8,ethics10 in which ,aristotle subjects the ,theory of ,ideas to a most searching criticism1 to emphasize that predilection for the practical concerns of daily life1 as not only the proper sphere of ,ethics1 but their foundation and material1 which is conspicuous in the general character of his work4 ,over and over again he insists that happiness depends upon action1 not contemplation2#hc and so convinced is he that ,ethics1 like every other science1 must start from knowledge of actual facts1 that he denies the claim of those to be students of ,moral ,philosophy who are inexperienced in the actions of life4#hd ,and it is1 surely1 in allusion to the demand of the ,platonic ,philosophy that the multitude shall permit themselves to be moulded by the ,platonist potter even into that inferior form of virtue of which alone they are capable1 that ,aristotle reverts to the famous saying of ,hesiod that he is second best only who 8obeys one who speaks well10 while assigning the moral supremacy to the man who makes his own practical experience of life the basis of his ethical theories and the mainspring of his moral progress4 ,thus it seems that ,aristotle is the true successor of ,socrates1 inasmuch as ,philosophy1 which under the spells of ,platonism had withdrawn again to the empyrean1 is charmed down once more by the ,stageirite to the business and bosoms of mankind4 ,to use the expressive metaphor of ,aristotle himself1 though not1 of course1 in this connexion1 if the creator of the 8,republic0 shines as one of 8the most beautiful and the strongest0 present at the ,olympian ,games1 the author of the 8,ethics0 is one of the 8,combatants0 who have been crowned1 because they have descended into the arena1 and by right action have secured what is noble and good in life4#he ,after ,aristotle1 it was improbable that ,philosophy would ever again render itself obnoxious to the reproach levelled against ,plato by some of his contemporaries that 8they went to him expecting to hear about the chief good1 but he put them off with a quantity of remarks about numbers and things they could not understand40#hf ,contemporary with the work of ,aristotle and his insistence upon the necessity that each individual man should seek for the chief good in the sphere of his own actual experience1 occurred the relaxation of the dominant claims of the ,state to the best part of the energies and activities of the citizen4 ,the change in the political condition of ,greece consequent upon the ,macedonian conquest had turned the ,greek citizen back upon his own soul for inspiration to guide his steps aright4 ,the philosophical tendency was thus aided by external conditions1 and the joint operation of both these influences established in ,stoicism and ,epicureanism the satisfaction of the moral requirements of the individual man as the aim and end of ,philosophy4 ,whatever importance the leaders of the ,stoics attached to ,logic and ,physics--and different philosophers formed different estimates of their value#hg--;all were agreed that these parts of ,philosophy were only useful in so far as they enabled mankind to lead a virtuous life2 a life in harmony with nature and its laws2 a life which placed them above the domination of 8,fear and hope and phantasy and awe1 ,and wistful yearning and unsated loves1 ,that strain beyond the limits of this life40#hh ,the ,epicureans repudiated ,dialectic1#hi and1 as already stated1 studied ,physics with a view only to freeing the mind of man from those supernatural fears which hampered him in his attainment of terrestrial virtue and happiness3-- 8,nam veluti pueri trepidant atque omnia ccis ,in tenebris metuunt1 sic nos in luce timemus ,interdum nilo qu sunt metuenda magis quam ,qu pueri in tenebris pavitant finguntque futura4 ,hunc igitur terrorem animi tenebrasque necesse est ,non radii solis neque lucida tela diei ,discutiant1 sed natur species ratioque40 ,lucretius1 whose great poem is devoted to an exposition of the physical side of ,epicureanism1 i4e4 of the ,atomic ,philosophy of ,democritus1#ij is only on the same ground with ,epicurus himself when he makes it clear1 not merely by the general complexion of his argument1 but by a large number of particular passages1 and those1 too1 the most strikingly beautiful in the poem1 that the investigation of natural phenomena is to serve only as a means of freeing the life of humanity from those cares and vices which are hostile to its peace3-- 8,denique avarities et honorum cca cupido ,qu miseros homines cogunt transcendere fines ,juris et interdum socios scelerum atque ministros ,noctes atque dies niti prstante labore ,ad summas emergere opes1 hc vulnera vit ,non minimam partem mortis formidine aluntur40 ,the investigation of nature with a view to eliminating the fear of death as a factor in human conduct1 clearly enounced as it is in the poem of the ,roman ,epicurean1 is still more emphatically expressed in a 8fundamental maxim0 of ,epicurus himself3 8,if we did not allow ourselves to be disturbed by suspicious fears of celestial phenomena2 if the terrors of death were never in our minds2 and if we would but courageously discuss the limits of our nature as regards pain and desire3 we should then have no need to study ,natural ,philosophy40#ia ,the exclusion of ,dialectics1#ib and the subordination of ,physics to ,ethics1 restricted--if1 indeed1 it were a restriction--the scope of character and intelligence to the sphere of conduct1 and it is in the light of this limitation that the full significance of the ,epicurean definition of ,philosophy lies--8,philosophy is an active principle which aims at securing ,happiness by ,reason and ,discussion40 ,here we have in practical completion that identification of ,philosophy with ,ethics towards which the whole tendency of ,greek speculation had been consciously or unconsciously working1 and which was fully consummated in the later development of the ,stoic and ,epicurean systems4 ,the combined effect of this principle of ,epicureanism1 and of the contemporaneous failure of political interest1 was to direct attention to those less ostentatious1 but1 for happiness1 more effective virtues1 which flourish in private society and in the daily intercourse of mankind4 ,because it excluded ,dialectics1 and because it was excluded from ,politics1 the gospel of the ,garden established an ideal of homely virtue which lay within the reach of the average man1 who1 like ,epicurus himself1 was repelled by ,plato's distance from life1 and did not feel called upon to cherish impracticable schemes of ameliorating society under the dominion of a ,demetrius the ,liberator1 but was willing to content himself with a humbler range of duty1 with being temperate and chaste in his habits1 simple and healthy in his tastes1 cheerful and serene in his personal bearing1 amiable and sympathetic with his friends1 and cultivating courteous relations in those slightly more extended social circles where comity and tact take the place of the more intimate and familiar virtues of household life4#ic ,by the method of placing in continuous order certain common and well-known indications1 we have endeavoured to illustrate the view that the natural development of ,greek ,philosophy led in the direction of ,ethics1 and that the natural development of ,ethics led in the direction of a popular scheme of conduct1 which1 fragmentary and incomplete as it might be in a scientific sense1 had yet the advantage that it was founded upon the common daily life of the ordinary man1 and placed before the ordinary man in his common daily life an ideal of virtue which1 by efforts not beyond his strength1 he might realize and maintain4 ,this type of character1 partly the growth of the circumstances of the time1 but strengthened and expanded by the manner in which ,epicureanism adapted itself to those circumstances1 reacted upon the sterner conception of the ,stoic ideal of private virtue1 and when we reach the revival of ,religion and ,philosophy in the ,grco-,roman world of the ,empire1 it is this ideal which is the aim and end of every philosopher from ,seneca to ,marcus ,aurelius1 from ,plutarch to ,apuleius1 no matter what the particular label they may attach to their doctrines to indicate their formal adhesion to one of the great classical schools4#id ,to take an extreme example of a truth which will subsequently be illustrated from ,plutarch1 ,seneca1 who is a ,stoic of the ,stoics1 is full of praise for the noble and humane simplicity of the ,epicurean ideal of life1 and in those inspiring letters through which he directs the conscience of his friend ,lucilius into the pure and pleasant ways of truth and virtue1 it is an exceptional occurrence for him to conclude one of his moral lessons without quoting in its support the authority of the ,master of the ,garden4 ,the absorbing interest of ,plutarch as a moral philosopher lies mainly in the fact that though1 as a polemical writer1 he is an opponent1 and not always a fair or judicious opponent1 both of the ,porch and the ,garden1#ie he collects from any quarter any kind of teaching which he hopes to find useful in inculcating that ideal of conduct which he believes most likely to work out into virtue and happiness2 and though his most revered teacher is ,plato1 the ideal of conduct which he inculcates is one which ,epicurus would have wished his friend ,metrodorus to appropriate and exemplify4#if ,this ideal ,plutarch thought worth preservation2 it is the last intelligible and practicable ideal presented to us by ,paganism2 and the attempts which ,plutarch made to preserve it are interesting as those of a man who stood at a crisis in the world's history1 and endeavoured to find1 in the wisdom and strength and splendour of the ,past1 a sanction for purity and goodness1 when a sanction for purity and goodness was being mysteriously formed1 in comparison with which the wisdom and strength and splendour of the ,past were to be regarded but as weakness and darkness and folly4 ,the experiment was not without success for a considerable time2 and had ,paganism been defended by ,julian in the pliant form which ,plutarch gave it1 and in the spirit of tolerance which he infused into his defence of it1 it is probable that the harmonious co-operation1 and perhaps the complete union1 of the classical tradition and the ,christian faith would have been the early and beneficial result4#ig ,with a view to observing some of the factors which contributed to the success of ,plutarch's work1 we propose to give a brief glance at the ethical condition of the epoch in which it was carried on4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,ethical aspect of ,grco-,roman ,society in the period of ,plutarch3 difficulty of obtaining an impartial view of it--,revival of moral earnestness concurrent with the establishment of the ,empire3 the reforms of ,augustus a formal expression of actual tendencies--,evidences of this in philosophical and general literature--,the differences between various ,schools modified by the importance of the ethical end to which all their efforts were directed--,endeavour made to base morality on sanctions already consecrated by the philosophies and religious traditions of the ,past--,plutarch's 8,ethics0 the result of such an endeavour4 ,few ages have left to posterity a character less easy to define1 or more subjected to the ravages of mutually destructive schools of criticism1 than that which gave the ,religion of ,christ to the ,western world1 and witnessed the moulding of ,pagan ,religion and ,philosophy--or rather of ,pagan religions and philosophies--into that systematized shape which they afterwards presented against the progress of ,christianity4 ,many ancient and some modern apologists of ,christianity have appeared to think it essential to the honour and glory of their ,creed that the world1 before its rise1 should be regarded as sunk in iniquity to such a depth that nothing but a ,divine ,revelation could serve to elevate and purify it4#ih ,it has been maintained1 on the other hand1 and that too by ,christian writers1 that no epoch of ,western civilization has been so marked1 not only by the material well-being of the mass of mankind1 but 8by virtue in the highest places and by moderation and sobriety in the ranks beneath10 as that during which the new ,creed was generally regarded as a base and superstitious sort of ,atheism4#ii ,it may be conceded that the original authors of this period who have been most read in modern times have easily been construed into vigorous and effective testimony in support of the former position4 ,the poets and rhetoricians of the ,empire have had their most exaggerated phrases turned into evidence against the morals of their own days1 and their less emphatic expressions have been regarded as hinting at the perpetration of vices too monstrous to be more clearly indicated4 ,if1 by chance an author has left writings marked by a lofty conception of morality1 and breathing the purest and most disinterested love of virtue1 this very fact has been sufficient to justify a denial of their ,pagan origin1 and the assertion that the true source of their inspiration must have been ,juda4 ,hence the curious struggles of many intelligent men to establish a personal connexion between ,paul and ,seneca1 and to demonstrate that the ,ethics of ,plutarch are coloured by ,christian modes of thought4#ajj ,other authors of the period who furnish material for correcting this one-sided impression have been less known to the multitude and less consulted by the learned4 ,even were the worst true that ,juvenal1 and ,tacitus1 and ,martial1 and ,suetonius1 and ,petronius have said about ,roman courts and ,roman society2 even were it not possible to supply a corrective colouring to the picture from the pages of ,seneca1 and ,lucan1 and ,pliny1 and ,persius1 and even ,juvenal himself3 yet it should be easy to remember that1 just as the ,palace of the ,csars was not the ,city1 so the ,city was not the ,empire4 ,exeat aula qui volet esse pius is a maxim that could with advantage be applied to the sphere of historical criticism as well as to that of practical ,ethics2 and if we leave the factions and scandals of the ,court and the ,city under the worst of the ,emperors1 and follow ,dion into the huts of lonely herdsmen on the deserted hills of ,euba1 or linger with ,plutarch at some modest gathering of family friends in ,athens or the villages of ,botia1 we shall find innumerable examples of that virtue which the ,republican poet sarcastically denies to the highest rulers4 ,even after the long reign of ,christianity1 vice has been centralized in the great capitals of civilization2 and ,rome and ,alexandria and ,antioch are not without their parallels among the cities of ,modern ,europe4 ,in ,alexandria itself1 the populace who could listen to discourses like those of ,dion must have been endowed with a considerable capacity for virtue2 the tone of the orator1 indeed1 frequently reminds us of those modern preachers who provoke an agreeable sensation of excitement in the minds of their highly respectable audiences1 by depicting them as involved in such wickedness as only the most daring of mankind would find courage to perpetrate4#aja ,we propose to deal elsewhere with the testimony of ,plutarch as to the moral character of the age in which he lived1 and at present confine our observations to the assertion that his 8,ethical0 writings are crowded with examples of the purest and most genuine virtue2 not such virtue as shows itself on striking and public occasions only1 but such also as irradiates the daily life of the common people in their homes and occupations4 ,and although he is1 perhaps1 in some of his precepts1 a little in advance of the general trend of his times1 inculcating1 in these instances1 virtues which1 though not unpractised and unknown1 are still so far limited in their application that he wishes to draw them from their shy seclusion in some few better homes1 and to establish them in the broad and popular light of recognized customs2#ajb yet it is clear to every one of the few students of his pages that the virtues he depicts are the common aim of the people he meets in the streets and houses of ,chronea1 and that the failings he corrects are the failings of the good people who are not too good to have to struggle against the temptations incident to humanity4 ,the indications conveyed by ,plutarch and ,dion respecting the moral progress of obscure families and unknown villagers point to the widespread existence through the ,empire of that same strenuous longing after goodness1 which had already received emphatic expression in the writings of philosophers and poets whose activities had been confined to ,rome4 ,for there can be no doubt that the establishment of the ,empire had been accompanied by a strenuous moral earnestness which is in marked contrast to the flippant carelessness of the last days of the ,republican ,era4 ,the note of despair--despair none the less because its external aspect was gay and debonnaire--so frequently raised by ,ovid and ,propertius and ,tibullus2 the reckless cry1 ,interea1 dum fata sinunt1 jungamus amores2 ,iam veniet tenebris ,mors adoperta caput1 is the last word of a dying epoch4#ajc ,these three great poets utter the swan song of the moribund ,republic4 ,their beliefs are sceptical1 or frankly materialistic2 they shut their eyes at the prospect of death to open them on the nearer charms of the sensual life3 devoting their days and their genius to the pleasures of a passionately voluptuous love of women4 ,in their higher moods they turn to the ,past1 but with an antiquarian interest only1 like ,ovid and ,propertius1 or1 like ,tibullus1 to delight in the religious customs that still linger in the rural parts of ,italy1 the relics of a simpler and devouter time4 ,if they turn their thoughts to the ,afterworld at all1 it is to depict in glowing verses the conventional charms of the classic ,elysium1 or to find occasion for striking description in the fabled woes of ,ixion and ,tantalus4#ajd ,even these descriptions change by a natural gradation into an appeal for more passionate devotion on the part of ,corinna1 or ,delia1 or ,cynthia4#aje ,if ,propertius thinks of death1 it is but to hope that ,cynthia will show her regard for his memory by visiting his tomb in her old age2 to regret1 with infinite pathos1 the thousands of 8dear dead women0 who have become the prey of the ,infernal ,deities--sunt apud infernos tot milia formosarum2 to lament that his deserted mistress will call in vain upon his scattered dust2 or to postpone all consideration of such matters until age shall have exhausted his capacity for more passionate enjoyment4 ,if he mentions the mighty political events of his time1 it is with the air of one who watches a triumphal procession while resting his head on his mistress's shoulder4#ajf ,but these poets1 wrapped in all the physical pleasures which their age had to supply1 are not ignorant of the malady from which it suffers2 they know that their despair and their materialism are born of the misery of long years of sanguinary strife2 and ,tibullus1 in one of the sweetest of his ,elegies1 utters a wish which is the ,ave of the storm-tossed ,republic to the approaching peace of the ,empire3--,at nobis1 ,pax alma1 veni4#ajg ,cum domino ,pax ista venit4#ajh ,virgil and ,horace are poets of the ,empire1 and strike the dominant note of the new epoch4 ,it was not the mere courtly complaisance of genius for its patrons that led ,virgil and ,horace to identify their muse with the religious and moral reforms of ,augustus4 ,it was rather a conscious recognition of the spiritual needs of the new age which led poets and statesmen alike to further this joint work4 ,it is the custom to regard the labours of ,augustus as resulting in the superimposition on the social fabric of mere forms and rituals which would have been appropriate were society only a fabric1 but which were utterly inadequate to serve as anything better than a superficial ornament to an expanding and developing organism4#aji ,but1 taken in conjunction with the poems of ,virgil and ,horace1 they show their real character as outward and visible signs of an inward and spiritual grace4 ,it is true that ,horace at times attributes the disasters from which his countrymen have suffered to their disregard of the ancient religious ceremonies2 to their neglect of the templa desque labentes deorum et fda nigro simulacra fumo2#aaj but in the six famous ,odes which stand at the head of ,book ,,iii he emphasizes the national necessity of chastity1 fidelity1 mercy1 loyalty to duty2 and he utters not less emphatic warnings against the general danger from avarice1 ambition1 luxury4 ,the essentially religious character of the neid is evident to every reader4 ,that is no mere formalism which inspires with moral vigour the splendid melodies of the ,sixth ,book4#aaa ,although the ,poet uses the conventional machinery of ,elysium and ,tartarus to emphasize the contrast between ,virtue and ,vice by contrasting the fates that await them hereafter2 yet justice1 piety1 patriotism1 chastity1 self-devotion2 fidelity to friend and wife and client2 filial and fraternal love3 never received advocacy more strenuous and sincere1 never were sanctioned by praise more eloquent1 or reprehension more terrible1 than in those immortal verses which it is an impertinence to praise4 ,the question which presented itself to ,augustus1 to his ministers and to his poets1 was how to re-invigorate and preserve those qualities by her practice of which ,rome had become pulcherrima rerum4 ,and we cannot wonder that an important part of their answer to this question lay in the direction of restoring those ancient religious ceremonies and moral practices which had been most conspicuously displayed when ,rome was making her noblest efforts to accomplish her great destiny4 ,the sanction of antiquity is the most permanent of all appeals that are ever made to humanity2 and1 even in times of revolution1 its authority has been invoked by those most eager to sweep away existing institutions4 ,pro magno teste vetustas creditur4#aab ,but if ,augustus and his friends appealed to antiquity1 it was not merely to recall the shadows of the ancient forms and customs1 but to revivify them with the new life of virtue that was welling up in their time1 and which1 in its turn1 received external grace and strength by its embodiment in the ancestral forms4 ,the strong chord of moral earnestness struck by ,horace and ,virgil grows more resonant as the new era advances1 until1 in literature at least1 it attains the persistence of a dominant4 ,juvenal is so passionately moral that he frequently renders himself liable to ,horace's censure of those who worship virtue too much2 but1 in his best moods1 as in the famous lines which close the ,tenth ,satire1 he depicts the virtuous man in a style which is not the less earnest and sincere because it is also dignified and calm4 ,persius1 whose disposition was marked by maidenly modesty and gentleness1 and who is also described as frugi et pudicus1 shows1 even when hampered by a disjointed style which only allows him to utter his thought in fragments1 that devotion to the highest moral aims which we should expect from a writer brought up under the influences which he enjoyed2#aac and though he1 too1 exhibits some of the savage ferocity of ,juvenal in his strictures of vice1 he yet pays1 in his ,fifth ,satire1 that tribute to virtue in the person of ,cornutus which 8proves the goodness of the writer and the gracefulness with which he could write40#aad ,lucan1 too1 whose youth1 like that of ,persius1 had the inestimable advantage of receiving a share of the wisdom which ,cornutus had gained by nights devoted to philosophic studies1 exhibits a spirit of the loftiest morality under the rhetorical phrasing of his great ,republican ,epic4#aae ,looking back1 with something of regret1 to the days of a dominant oligarchy1 he does not conceal the licentiousness which society harboured beneath the sway of the later ,optimates1 and he turns mostly to ,cato as the type which he would fain accept as representative of the true ,roman patrician3-- 8,nam cui crediderim ,superos arcana daturos ,dicturosque magis quam sancto vera ,catoni80#aaf ,the noble lines in which ,cato refuses to consult the ,libyan oracle--,non exploratum populis ,ammona relinquens--are well known1 and express a highly ethical view of the divine administration of the world3-- 8,hremus cuncti superis1 temploque tacente ,nil facimus non sponte ,dei3 nec vocibus ullis ,numen agit3 dixitque semel nascentibus auctor ,quicquid scire licet3 steriles nec legit arenas ,ut caneret paucis1 mersitque hoc pulvere verum4 ,estne ,dei sedes nisi terra et pontus et aer ,et clum et virtus8 ,superos quid qurimus ultra8 ,juppiter est quodcunque vides quocunque moveris40#aag ,his biting sarcasms on those who exercise the art of ,magic are conceived in the same spirit of lofty reverence for the ,divine ,nature1#aah and he would fain believe in the immortality of the soul as a stimulus to virtue and self-abnegation in the present life4#aai ,the philosophers are marked by the same strenuous seriousness as the poets4 ,the letters of ,seneca to ,lucilius are still an ,enchiridion for those that love virtue1 and though there were1 doubtless1 in the ranks of the philosophers some who deserved the ferocity of ,juvenal2 some who laid themselves open to the sarcasms of ,seneca's friend1 ,marcellinus2#abj some like ,euxenus1 an early teacher of ,apollonius of ,tyana1 8who did not care much to conform the actions of his life0 to the tenets of the philosophy he professed2#aba some who resembled the ,cynics who haunted the streets and temple gates of ,alexandria1 and did nothing1 as ,dion said1 8but teach fools to laugh at ,philosophy20#abb yet it is beyond controversy that philosophers at this time were generally recognized as the moral teachers of society1 and contributed largely1 both as domestic chaplains like ,fronto1 and evangelistic preachers like ,apollonius of ,tyana1 to the spread of that virtue whose praise and admiration are so conspicuous and sincere in the ,greek and ,roman writers of the period4 ,the contrast presented by the ,sophists1 with their artificial graces and their luxurious lives1 only served to emphasize the worth of the true philosopher1 and when a ,sophist turned round upon his career1 and determined to lead a virtuous life1 he joined the ranks of those who professed philosophy4#abc ,one of the most frequently recurrent signs of the essential love of virtue exhibited by this age is the constant and strenuous insistence that practice must conform to profession2 and that hypocrisy is almost in the condition of a cardinal vice4 ,it may1 of course1 be asserted that the passionate eagerness displayed touching the importance of being true in act to the explicit utterances of ,philosophy is but a sign of conscious weakness in well-doing2 and that a truer virtue would have given effect to itself without all this noisy preaching4 ,but a recognition of one's own feebleness has subsequently become one of the most lauded elements of the saintly character1 and it is given to very few to blossom gently and naturally into that goodness which does neither strive nor cry4 ,juvenal's diatribes against the ,egnatii of ,rome are not very different in language1 and hardly different at all in spirit1 from the attacks of ,new ,testament writers on hypocritical members of the ,churches4 ,so far as ,greece was concerned1 this love of sincerity was but a return--from a somewhat distant lapse--to the ideal of personal openness presented in the famous words of ,achilles3-- 8,for like hell mouth ,i loath ,who holds not in his words and thoughts one indistinguished troth40#abd ,and not only is practice regarded as the culmination of theory1 the habit formed upon the active principle1 ,philosophy1 but the question of personal honour is involved in the harmony between creed and deed2 and one mark of distinction between sophist and philosopher is that the external apparatus of the former--8his contracted brows and studied gravity of aspect0--do not indicate the possession of the virtues which are the pride of the latter4#abe ,plutarch frequently lays strenuous weight on this point2#abf ,seneca1 ,dion1 ,aurelius1 ,epictetus1 ,apuleius1 are crowded with sermons on its importance4#abg ,and if pure professions are to be carried out into pure actions1 there is a growing sense that neither may impure words be indulged in1 even by those whose lives are pure4 ,even so far as the composition of light verse was concerned1 a new sensitiveness was making itself evident4 ,catullus had said in the old days that a chaste and pious man might legitimately write verses of a licentious character1 and the catchword had been repeated by all the society poets down to ,martial4#abh ,but1 even when addressing ,domitian1 ,martial1 who asserts that his life is pure1 begs the ,emperor to regard his lightest epigrams with the toleration due to the licence of a court jester4 ,pliny1 the excellent and respectable ,pliny1 could not read his naughty hendecasyllables 8merely to a few friends in my private chamber0 without subjecting his compositions to serious criticisms in the homes of these friends1 criticisms which he strives to meet by a long display of great names who have sinned in the same direction2 but beneath this display his uneasiness peeps forth at every word4#abi ,the moral reformation officially inaugurated by ,augustus appears1 in the light of these indications1 as corresponding to an increased tendency to virtue actually leavening ,grco-,roman society4 ,the formal acts of the ,csar1 the policy of his ministers1 the religious sentiment of ,horace and ,virgil1 the ,stoic fervour of ,seneca and ,lucan1 the martyr spirit of the ,thraseas and the ,arrias1 the tyrannizing morality of ,juvenal1 the kindly humanity of ,pliny the ,younger1 the missionary enthusiasm of ,dion1 the gentle persuasiveness of ,plutarch1 are all common indications of the good that still interfused the ,roman world2 all point1 as indeed1 many other signs also point1 to the existence of a widespread belief that virtuous ideals and virtuous actions were an inheritance of which mankind ought not to allow itself to be easily deprived4 ,philosophers and politicians1 as they were at one in recognizing the value of this heritage1 so they were also at one touching the general means by which its precious elements were to be invigorated and maintained4 ,as we have already suggested1 it is a remarkable characteristic of the philosophic writers of this period--of ,seneca and ,dion1 of ,plutarch1 and even of ,epictetus--that there is in them no pedantic adhesion to the fixed tenets of a particular school4 ,the half-playful boast of ,horace at one end of the period--nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri#acj--;is reiterated with something of sarcastic emphasis in ,epictetus at the other3 8,virtue does not consist in having understood ,chrysippus40#aca ,seneca gives expression to this prevalent spirit of compromise with great courage and clearness4 ,after quoting suo more a certain nobilis sententia of ,epicurus1 he says3 8,you must not regard these expressions as peculiar to ,epicurus2 they are common property4 ,the practice which obtains in the ,senate should1 ,i think1 be adopted in ,philosophy4 ,when a speaker says something with which ,i partly agree1 ,i ask him to compromise1 and then ,i go with him40#acb ,anything in the whole gathered wealth of the ,past which promised support to a man in his efforts to regulate his life in accordance with the dictates of reason and virtue was welcomed and made available for the uses of morality by the selective power of ,philosophy4 ,hence ,plutarch levies contributions on philosophers1 poets1 legislators2 on ,hellenic and ,barbarian ,religions2 on ,mysteries1 ,oracles1 private utterances2 on the whole complex civilization of the ,grco-,roman world1 and the civilizations which it had absorbed or dominated2 on everything1 in fact1 which1 from its antiquity1 or its possession of national or individual authority1 could be made available for establishing the practice of virtue on the sanction of an ancient and inalienable foundation4 ,the object of the following pages is to scrutinize the results of this appeal to the ,past1 as they are presented in the 8,ethics0 of ,plutarch1 and to arrange in some kind of order the various elements of which they are composed4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,plutarch's attitude towards ,pagan beliefs marked by a spirit of reverent rationalism--,the three recognized sources of ,religion3 ,poetry1 ,philosophy1 and ,law or ,custom--,the contribution of each to be examined by ,reason with the object of avoiding both ,superstition and ,atheism3 ,reason the 8,mystagogue0 of ,religion--,provisional examples of ,plutarch's method in the three spheres--,his reluctance to press rationalism too far--,his piety partly explained by his recognition of the divine mission of ,rome--,absence of dogmatism in his teaching4 ,the question which meets us on the very threshold of an inquiry into the religious views and moral teachings of ,plutarch is that involved in a definition of his attitude towards the popular faith4 ,his desire to form a consistent body of doctrine out of its heterogeneous and chaotic elements is not so intense as to blind him to the difficulties of the task4 ,poets1 legislators1 and philosophers have jointly contributed to the formation of the 8ancient and hereditary ,faith10 and ,philosophy1 ,law1 and ,poetry1 avoid reconciliation to as great a degree as1 in the days of ,solon1 the famous ,attic factions of the ,paraloi1 the ,epakrioi1 and the ,pedieis1 to the pacification of whose internecine animosities the policy of that statesman was directed4 ,the gods of the philosophers are like the ,immortals of ,pindar3-- 8,not death they know1 nor age1 nor toil and pain1 ,and hear not ,acheron's deep and solemn strain40#acc ,philosophy1 too1 rejects the ,strifes1 the ,prayers1 the ,terrors1 and the ,fears1 which ,homeric poesy elevates to the divine rank4#acd ,its teachings1 moreover1 are often at variance with religious practices established or recognized by ,law and ,prescription1 as when ,xenophanes chid the ,egyptians for lamenting ,osiris as a mortal1 while yet worshipping him as a god4 ,poets and legislators1 in their turn1 refuse to recognize the metaphysical conceptions--8,ideas1 ,numbers1 ,unities1 ,spirits0--which philosophers--,platonists1 ,pythagoreans1 and ,stoics--have put in the place of ,deity4#ace ,this clashing of discordant elements in the mass of the popular tradition is audible in ,plutarch's exposition of his own views2 a fact which is less to be wondered at when we accept the hint furnished in the allusion to ,osiris just quoted1 and note that ,plutarch will not confine his efforts1 as 8arbitrator between the three ,factions which dispute about the nature of the ,gods10 to the sphere of ,grco-,roman ,mythology4#acf ,but although he will sit in turn at the feet of poets1 philosophers1 and legislators1 borrowing1 from ,science1 ,custom1 ,tradition alike1 any teaching which promises ethical usefulness1 he frequently insists1 both in general terms and in particular discussions on points of practical morals1 that ,reason must be the final judge of what is worthy of selection as the basis of moral action4 ,philosophy1 in his beautiful metaphor1 so full of solemn meaning to a ,greek ear1 must be our ,mystagogue to ,theology3 we must borrow ,reason from ,philosophy1 and take her as our guide to the mysteries of ,religion1 reverently submitting every detail of creed or practice to her authority4#acg ,we shall then avoid the charge that we take with our left hand what our teachers--our legislative1 mythological1 philosophic instructors--have offered with their right4 ,the selecting and controlling power of ,reason1 applied to philosophical discussions1 will enable us to attain to a becoming conception of the nature of the ,deity2 applied to the matter of ,mythology1 it will enable us to reject the narratives1 at once discreditable and impossible1 which have become current respecting the traditional gods2 and1 in the sphere of ,law and ,custom1 it will enable us correctly to interpret the legal ordinances and established rules connected with sacrifices and other religious celebrations4 ,the assumption which inspires all ,plutarch's arguments on matters of ,religion is that these three sources supply a rational basis for belief and conduct3 but that superstition on the one hand1 and atheistic misrepresentation on the other1 have done so much to obscure the true principles of belief that ,philosophy must analyse the whole material over again1 and dissociate the rational and the pure from crude exaggerations and unintelligent accretions4#ach ,it must be admitted that he applies no definite rules of criticism1 constructs no scientifically exact system of analysis1 propounds no infallible dogmas4 ,his canon is the general taste and good sense of the educated man2 a canon which1 vague as it may seem1 is based upon an intelligent knowledge of the practical needs of life1 and produces results which are applicable in a remarkable degree to the satisfaction of such needs4 ,as provisional illustrations of ,plutarch's method in the three spheres of ,philosophy1 ,mythology1 and ,national ,custom1 we may note the discussion on the nature of ,god in the 8,de apud ,delphos10 the criticism of the great national poets of ,greece in the 8,quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat10 and the remarks in the 8,de ,iside et ,osiride0 concerning certain religious practices in the worship of these two ,egyptian deities4 ,in the first-named tract the ostensible subjects of discussion are the nature and attributes of ,apollo2 but it soon becomes quite clear that the argument is concerned with the nature of ,deity itself rather than with the functions of the traditional god4 8,we constantly hear theologians asserting and repeating in verse and in prose that the nature of ,god is eternal and incorruptible1 but that this nature1 by the operation of an intelligent and inevitable law1 effects certain changes in its own form4 ,at one time ,god reduces all nature to uniformity by changing ,his substance to fire2 and1 again1 in a great variety of ways1 under many forms1 enters into the phenomenal world4#aci 444 ,philosophers1 in their desire to conceal these high matters from the common herd1 call ,god's transmutation into fire by two names--,apollo1 to express ,his unity2 ,phbus1 to describe ,his clear-shining purity4 ,to denote ,god's suffering the change of ,his nature into air and water and earth and stars1 and the various species of plants and animals1 they figuratively tell of #8tearings asunder' and #8dismemberings1' and in these aspects ,he is variously called ,dionysus1 ,zagrus1 ,nyktelius1 and ,isodaites1 and ,his #8destructions' and #8disappearances1' ,his #8death' and ,his #8resurrection1' are inventions1 enigmas1 and myths1 fittingly expressing1 for the general ear1 the true nature of the changes in ,god's essence in the formation of the world40#adj ,plutarch here represents himself as the speaker2 and while ,ammonius1 who was ,plutarch's master1#ada and is always spoken of by him with the greatest reverence1 is subsequently introduced as taking a different view of the processes by which ,god produced the world of phenomena1 yet neither does he depart from the rational standpoint in his view of the terms under discussion4#adb ,in allusion to these terms1 as explained by ,plutarch from the ,stoical view of the ,divine ,nature1#adc he says1 8,surely ,god would be a less dignified figure than the child in the poem1#add since the pastime which the child plays with mere sand1 building castles to throw them down again1 ,god would thus be ever playing with the universe4 ,on the contrary1 ,god has mysteriously cemented the universe together1 overcoming that natural weakness in it which tends perpetually to annihilation4 ,it is the function of some other god1 or1 rather1 of some dmon1 appointed to direct nature in the processes of generation and destruction1 to do and suffer these changes40 ,in both these views the literal acceptation of the mythological names is repudiated1 and the two differ only in that the ,stoics quoted in ,plutarch's speech make the ,supreme ,ruler modify ,his essence to the production of phenomena1 while ,ammonius relegates that function to a subordinate power2 keeping his ,platonic ,demiurgus pure from these undignified metamorphoses4 ,it will subsequently appear1 when we come to deal with the ,dmonology of ,plutarch1 that the latter view is the one he also actually accepted4 ,the discussion1 at any rate1 furnishes a capital instance of what ,plutarch means by his assertion that ,reason must be ,mystagogue to ,theology4 ,mythological terms must be examined by ,reason before their meaning can be accepted as an element in religious teaching4 ,the particular view taken of the expressions is left to the taste or philosophic bent of the individual critic3 to ,academic or ,stoic reasonings2 the only essential is that the crude literal meaning of the terms shall be repudiated as discordant with a rational estimate of the ,divine ,nature4#ade ,in the critical essay1 8,quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat10 the same method is applied to the whole religious and moral teaching of the national poets4 ,however great ,plutarch's admiration for ,plato as man and philosopher may be1 his sound sense of what is practicable in common life prevents him from subjecting the ancient poetry of ,greece1 as an element in ethical culture1 to the impossible standard of the 8,republic10 and he therefore1 on this question1 opposes ,stoic and ,peripatetic wisdom to the teaching of a ,master with whose sublime views he often finds himself in agreement4#adf ,throughout the whole work he applies the touchstone of common sense to all the beauties and all the barbarities of the traditional legends as embodied in ,epic and ,tragic poetry4 ,reason and common sense admit the high value of imaginative literature in ethical education1 and reason and common sense decide what practical advice shall be given to youthful students of fiction1 in order that moral lessons may be driven home1 immoral incidents1 descriptions1 and characters made harmless1 or even beneficial1 while1 at the same time1 even purely sthetic considerations are not neglected4 ,at the commencement of the 8,de ,iside et ,osiride0 ,plutarch deals fully with numerous examples of religious practices coming under his third description of the sources of religious belief1 that1 namely1 of ,law or established ,custom4 ,he discusses their meaning in the light of a principle which he states as follows3--8,in the religious institutions 7connected with the worship of ,isis and ,osiris7 nothing has become established which1 however it may appear irrational1 mythical1 superstitious1 has not some moral or salutary reason1 or some ingenious historical or physical explanation40#adg ,he is not always successful in his search after a moral meaning1 or even an ingenious historical or physical explanation1 in the customs which he subjects to analysis4 ,the rational attitude1 however1 is unmistakable1 and these introductory remarks1 personal as they may be to the priestess ,clea1 and detached from the main body of the work1 yet stand in a true harmony with what we shall hereafter see to be its essential purpose1 to show1 namely1 that while ,philosophy can grasp the ,highest without the intervention of myth or institution1 it can also aid a pure conception of the ,highest by studying the myths and institutions which foreign peoples have discovered and created as intermediaries betwixt themselves and the ,highest4 ,but in spite of the important part thus assigned to ,reason in settling disputed matters of faith1 and arbitrating on points of national and individual ethics1 ,plutarch makes it clear that ,piety and ,patriotism have claims in this matter which are actually enforced by ,reason in her selecting and purifying rle4 ,if he had seen1 as his age could not see1 and as we can see1 that ,reason can only be the ,mystagogue to ,religion in a very limited degree1 he would probably have been patriot first and philosopher afterwards1 or would1 perhaps1 have accepted the compromise of ,cotta1 and played each part in turn as public or private necessities dictated4 ,but the crux does not arise1 and ,plutarch's position never really has the inconsistency which1 carelessly considered1 it appears to have1 because he is honestly convinced that what ,reason rejects in the national faith1 it is good for the national faith that it should be deprived of4 ,hence it is possible to give examples of ,plutarch's views in this direction without assuming that he forgot what prospect lay in exactly the opposite direction4 ,hence he can quote ,ammonius as beautifully tender in his expressions towards those who are bound up in the literal realisms of the ,hellenic faith4 8,yet must we extend gratitude and love to those who believe that ,apollo and the ,sun are the same1 because they attach their idea of ,god to that which they most honour and desire of anything they know4 ,they now see the ,god as in a most beautiful dream3 let us awaken them and summon them to take an upward flight1 so that they may behold his real vision and his essence1 though still they may revere his type1 the ,sun1 and worship the life-giving principle in that type2 which1 so far as can be done by a perceptible object on behalf of an invisible essence1 by a transient image on behalf of an eternal original1 scatters with mysterious splendour through the universe some radiance of the grace and glory that abide in ,his presence40#adh ,not only through the dramatic medium of another personality1 but also when speaking his own thought directly1 ,plutarch alludes with a sincere and touching sympathy to the duties and practices of the ancient faith4 ,the first hint of consolation conveyed to his friend ,apollonius on the death of his son is given in words which feelingly depict the youth as embodying the ancient ,hellenic ideals in his attitude towards the gods1 and his conduct towards his parents and friends4#adi ,the converse of this attitude is indicated in many passages where he deprecates a too inquisitive bearing in the face of questions naturally involved in the doubt clouding many ancient traditions of a religious character4 ,the great discussion on 8,the ,cessation of the ,oracles0 commences with a reproof directed at those who 8would test an ancient religious tradition like a painting1 by the touch0 and in the 8,amatorius0 full play is allowed to the exposition of a similar view1 a view1 indeed1 which dominates the whole of this fascinating dialogue4 ,pemptides1 one of the speakers1 who rails lightly at love as a disease1 is willing to learn what was in the minds of those who first proclaimed that passion as a god4 ,he is answered by the most important speaker in the conversation1 a speaker whose name is not given in the report1 which is represented as furnished by one of this speaker's sons from their father's account4 8,our father1 addressing ,pemptides by name1 said1 #8,you are1 in my opinion1 commencing with great rashness to discuss matters which ought not to be discussed at all1 when you ask a reason for every detail of our belief in the gods4 ,our ancient hereditary faith is sufficient1 and a better argument than this could not be discovered or described4 ,but if this foundation and support of all piety be shaken1 and its stability and the honoured beliefs that cling to it be disturbed1 it will be undermined and no one will regard it as secure4 ,and if you demand proofs about every one of the gods1 laying a profane hand on every temple1 and bringing sophistical smartness to bear on every shrine1 nothing will be safe from your peering eyes and prying fingers4 ,what an abyss of ,atheism opens beneath us1 if we resolve every deity into a passion1 a power1 or a virtuous activity6'0#aej ,this is1 of course1 an extreme conventional view1 but the fact1 that it is put so fully1 at least argues ,plutarch's sympathy with it1 though he would not1 in his own person1 have pinned himself down to so unqualified an expression of it4 ,it will be noted that in this part of the dialogue the gods only are under discussion1 whereas in regard to tradition on other elements in the ancient faith the same speaker subsequently represents himself as neither altogether a believer nor a disbeliever1 and he proceeds to search1 in ,plutarch's own special way1 for 8faint and dim emanations of truth dispersed about among the mythologies of the ,egyptians40#aea ,plutarch's lofty idea of the passion of ,love may have induced him in this1 as his strenuous moral aim did in so many other instances1 to emphasize for the moment any particular aspect of the ancient faith which appeared likely to furnish inspiration to the realization of noble ethical ideals4 ,he is anxious1 at all events1 that his purely rational arguments shall not carry him too far1 as1 on one occasion1 after a long disquisition1 the undoubted purport of which is to refer oracular inspiration to subterraneous fumes and exhalations1 or1 as one of the speakers says1 8to accident and natural means10 ,plutarch 78,lamprias0 here is clearly a thin disguise of ,plutarch himself7 is disturbed and confused that he should be thought desirous of refuting any 8true and religious0 opinions recognized with respect to the ,deity2 and he forthwith proceeds to prove that it is quite possible to investigate natural phenomena for secondary causes1 while recognizing a final cause in the creative ,deity4#aeb ,not only does ,plutarch sympathize with those who accept with pious simplicity the tenets of the 8ancient and hereditary ,faith20 not only does he deprecate too severe a handling of religious questions2 but he is also eager to support his view of a subject by showing that it is not out of harmony with the traditions or prescriptions of the national belief4 ,concluding that consolatory letter to his wife upon the death of their little daughter1 which is the most humane and natural expression of sympathy left us by antiquity1 he tries to show that those who die young will earlier feel at home in the other world than those whose long life on earth has habituated their souls to a condition so different from that which exists 8beyond the gates of ,hades10 and he says that this is a truth which becomes clearer in the light of the ancient and hereditary customs4#aec ,no libations are poured for the young that are dead4 ,they have no share in earth1 nor in the things of earth4 ,the laws do not allow mourning for children of such tender years1 8because they have gone to dwell in a better land1 and to share a diviner lot40 ,and he adds1 8,i know that these questions are involved in great uncertainty2 but since to disbelieve is more difficult than to believe1 in external matters let us act as the laws enjoin1 while within we become more chaste1 and holy1 and undefiled40#aed ,it must not be overlooked that ,plutarch was long a priest of the ,delphian ,apollo1 and that the duties of this position responded to some internal need of his soul1 and were not regarded by him as a merely official dignity1 is proved by the manner in which he alludes to the subject4 ,he is speaking on one occasion of the many indications which the shrine gives of resuming its former 8wealth1 and splendour1 and honour10 and he congratulates himself on the zealous and useful part he has taken in aiding the work of this revival4#aee ,he mentions two friends as co-workers in the sacred task1 and appears also to felicitate a certain ,roman ,governor of ,achaia on similar grounds4 ,but he reverently proceeds to make it quite clear that it is the god himself who is the ultimate cause of these returning blessings4 8,but it is not possible that so great a transformation should have taken place in so short a time through human activity1 unless the god were present and continuing to inspire his oracle10 and he concludes by censuring those who1 in their inability to discern the motive actuating the divine methods with mankind1 8depart condemning the god1 instead of blaming us or themselves1 that they cannot1 by reason1 discover the intention of the god40#aef ,plutarch's attitude of more than tolerance to the 8ancient and hereditary ,faith10 an attitude which is1 of course1 not inconsistent with his desire to place that ,faith on a rational basis1 is partly explicable in the light of his emphatic gratitude to the existing political constitution of the ,grco-,roman world4 ,he would have been an admirable co-worker with ,mcenas-- #aeg--;in carrying out the religious reforms of ,augustus4 ,he regarded the welfare of ,society and the ,state1 of the family and the individual citizen1 as bound up with a belief in the gods whose agency was so clearly visible in bringing the world to that state of perfection which it now enjoyed1 and which promised to be eternal4 ,no one now even dreamed of doubting the identity of the gods of ,rome with those of ,greece1 and ,plutarch carries the identification to the extent of including the gods of almost every people constituting the ,roman ,empire4#aeh ,these universal powers had the world in their providential care1 and ,rome was the divinely chosen instrument of their beneficent purposes4 ,the ,emperor is the depository of the sacred governing power of the world4#aei ,when ,tiberius shut himself up in ,capre1 this divine potency never left him4 ,and though expressions of this kind may be interpreted as a merely formal recognition of the official dignity of the ,head of the ,world1 ,plutarch's many eloquent descriptions of the blessings of the ,pax ,romana leave us in no doubt respecting the character of his views on this subject4 8,i welcome and approve10 says ,theon1 8the present position of affairs1 and the subjects about which we now consult the oracle4 ,for there now reigns among us a great peace and calm4 ,war has ceased4 ,expulsions1 seditions1 tyrannies1 are no more1 and many other diseases and disasters which tormented ,greece1 and demanded powerful remedies1 are now healed4 ,hence the oracle is no longer consulted on matters difficult1 secret1 and mysterious1 but on common questions of everyday life4 ,even the most important oracles addressed to cities are concerned with crops and herds1 and matters affecting the public health40#afj ,in the 8,prcepta ,gerend ,reipublic0 he is still more outspoken in his praise of the ,roman administration1 and in his recognition of the opportunities which it gives for the culture of the individual character within the limits of a greatly generous sway4 ,plutarch1 as is well known1 was gifted with a patriotic regard for the old achievements of the ,hellenic name1 but he recognizes with so keen an insight the great work being accomplished by ,rome in the fostering of municipal institutions1 and the establishment of a peace which meant the undisturbed happiness of millions of obscure families1#afa that1 in the sphere of practical politics1 he deliberately turns away from the group of inspiring ideas connected with ancient ,hellenic patriotism4 ,he alludes coldly1 perhaps even sneeringly1 to such of his contemporaries as fancied they could apply the ancient traditions of glory to those late and unseasonable times1 like little children who would try to wear their father's sandals2#afb counsels a complete submission to the duly appointed ,roman authorities2 fully persuaded that within the limits of their supremacy there is as much freedom as a reasonable man could desire to enjoy2 and honestly claims to find scope1 in a little ,botian township1 for such political ambition as could be safely and wisely indulged4#afc ,it is not difficult to sneer at the prudential limitation of patriotism to such petty1 insignificant1 and meagre efforts as the superintendence of bricks and mortar and the carting of municipal rubbish2 but the wiser thing is to note that ,plutarch's opposition to vain fancies of the revival of the ancient ,hellenic splendour1 except perhaps in such a form as a ,hadrian might be inclined to revive it in an artificial ,panhellenium1 is based on the conviction that happiness depends upon the free development of individual character1 the unrestricted enjoyment of domestic peace1 the undisturbed intercourse of social life2 and he knew that the ,roman sway made it possible1 for ,greeks at any rate1 to enjoy these blessings to a degree never previously known in their chequered history4#afd ,with a clear recognition of the historical causes of the political decadence of ,hellenism1 he regards civic discord as the evil which most demands the attention of those who still seek opportunities for public action1 and he is particularly grateful to the strong hand of ,rome for controlling the internecine animosities of ,greek cities4 8,consider10 says he1 8our position with regard to those blessings which are counted as the greatest that a city can enjoy3 ,peace1 ,freedom1 ,fertility of ,soil1 ,increase of ,population1 ,domestic ,concord4 ,as regards ,peace1 our peoples have no present need of politicians4 ,every ,greek war1 every ,barbarian war1 has vanished from among us4 ,for ,freedom1 our peoples enjoy as much as their rulers allow them1 and a greater share would perhaps not be any better for them4 ,for fine seasons and plentiful harvests1 for families of #8children like their sires1' and for gracious aid to the new-born child1 the good man in his prayers will invoke the gods on behalf of his fellow-citizens40#afe ,as for civic concord1 that1 he says1 is in our own power1 and those who desire a life of political activity could not do better than devote themselves to the task of spreading harmony and friendship among their fellow-citizens4 ,the peace which the ,romans have established in the world makes it possible to develop character on these social lines1 and he recognizes1 in a pregnant comparison1 that the freedom which the ,greeks enjoy is sufficient to allow the fullest play to the development of their own moral character4 ,the drama is composed and staged3 the prompter stands behind the scene ready with the cue3 but the player can give his own interpretation of the character he represents1 though remembering that a slip may meet with a worse fate than mere hissing in the audience4#aff ,plutarch is clearly of opinion that this state of things is best for his fellow-countrymen4 ,he is as firmly convinced of the divine mission of ,rome as ever was ,virgil or any other patriotic ,roman4#afg ,in his tract 8,de ,fortuna ,romanorum10 he discusses the question whether the greatness of ,rome was due to or 1 or1 as he expresses the antithesis in another place1 to or --to ,chance or to ,providence1 we may translate1 if we recognize that here ,chance is the divine element1 and ,providence the human4#afh ,in other words1 is the grandeur of ,rome the result of human virtue and forethought1 or is it a direct gift of the ,deity to mankind8 ,he decides in the latter sense1 though conceding much to the valour of individual ,romans2 and his incidental expressions of opinion bear as much evidence to the divinely inspired and divinely guided character of ,roman administration as is borne by his definite conclusion4 ,he says that1 whichever way the question is decided1 it can only redound to the glory of ,rome to be the subject of a discussion which has hitherto been confined to the great natural phenomena of the universe--the earth1 the sea1 the heavens1 and the stars4 ,his very words are curiously reminiscent of ,virgil's rerum pulcherrima1 ,roma 7 71#afi as he tells how ,time1 in concert with the ,deity1 laid the foundations of ,rome1 harmonizing to that end the influence of ,fortune and ,virtue alike1 thus establishing for all the nations of mankind a sacred hearth1 a harbour and a resting-place1 8an anchorage from the wandering seas0 of human stress and turmoil1 a principle of eternity amid the evanescence and mutability of other things4 ,he describes with great vigour of language the instability of the world under the domination of other ,empires1 until ,rome acquired her full strength and splendour1 and brought peace and security and permanence among these warring elements4#agj ,being so satisfied with the constitution of the world1 it is natural that ,plutarch should have nothing but reverent words for the eternal powers whose guidance had led to so happy a disposition of human affairs4 ,however much ,philosophy should endeavour to free the mind from the crude and vulgar elements in the 8ancient and hereditary ,faith10 she must never be tempted to profess other than the most pious belief in its fundamental truth and right2 and the ultimate aim of ,philosophy must be to strengthen and revive the ancient ,religion by freeing it from inconsistencies and crudities which1 so long as they appeared to be an essential part of the system1 only existed to shock the pious and to encourage atheism4 ,plutarch's attitude towards the ancient ,faith may thus be defined as one of patriotic acceptance modified by philosophic criticism2 not that criticism which tries everything from the fixed standpoint of a set of rules logically irrefutable3 but that which is really the spirit of rationalism pervading all philosophies alike4 ,if ,plutarch's attitude is that of a ,platonist1 it is that of a ,platonist whose experience of ordinary human affairs1 and whose recognition of their importance in ,philosophy1 have compelled him to modify the genuine teaching of the ,master into something like the spirit of compromise characterizing the later ,academics4 ,his teaching is not the philosophic despotism of ,plato2 it might easily be characterized as 8plebeian10#aga as ,epicureanism was by ,cicero1 or 8commonplace10 as ,aristotle has been described by ,platonists4 ,it breathes that free spirit of truth which bids every man1 whether he is a practised philosopher or not1 or even if he has not studied mathematics1 to give a reason for the faith that is in him3 to apply the touchstone of his own practical experience and native intelligence to the domain of ,ethics and ,religion as to the domain of every-day life1 because1 as a matter of fact1 the domain of every-day life is the domain of ,religion and ,ethics4 ,the dictum of ,hesiod1 enforced by ,aristotle and applied in practice by the ,epicureans1 and by the ,stoics1 is the keynote of the teaching of ,plutarch3--8,he is most excellent of all1 who judges of all things for himself40 ,,chapter ,v4 ,plutarch's ,theology--,his conception of ,god not a pure metaphysical abstraction1 his presentment of it not dogmatic--,general acceptance of the attributes recognized by ,greek philosophy as essential to the idea of ,god--,god as ,,unity1 ,,absolute ,,being1 ,,eternity--,god as ,,intelligence3 ,,personality of ,plutarch's ,god intimately associated with his ,intelligence--,god's ,intelligence brings him into contact with humanity3 by it he knows the events of the ,future and the secrets of the human heart--,from his knowledge springs his ,providence--,god as ,father and ,judge--the ,,de ,,sera ,,numinis ,,vindicta--,immortality of the ,soul4 ,it will readily be understood that on no question of ,religion is ,plutarch more willing to act as 8,arbitrator0 than on that concerned with the ,nature and ,attributes of the ,deity4 ,he knows and1 as we have seen1 recognizes to the full the discordant nature of the elements which1 by force of circumstances1 have been driven into some kind of cohesion in the formation of the popular belief1 and it must be admitted that his efforts to harmonize them into a rational consistency are not completely successful4 ,his own conception of the ,divine nature resembles the popular notion in being a compound of philosophy1 myth1 and legalized tradition4 ,from ,philosophy he accepts the ,unity of ,god2 from popular ,mythology he accepts certain names of deities1 and certain traditional expressions1 which he understands1 however1 in a sense quite different from any interpretation current in the popular views1 while1 at the same time1 he never uses these names and expressions without an air and attitude of the most pious regard4 ,the philosophical part of his teaching on the nature of ,god is largely ,greek1 but by no means entirely so1 and neither is it the teaching of any particular school of ,greek philosophy4 ,the ,demiurgus of the ,timus3 the ,one and ,absolute of the ,pythagoreans3 the 1 the 1 of ,aristotle2 the material immanent ,world-,soul--the --of the ,stoics3--one and all contribute qualities to the ,plutarchic ,deity1 and show how irresistible the necessity for unity had become in the spiritual1 as in the political1 world4 ,the metaphysical ,deity thus created from these diverse elements is made personal by the direct ethical relation into which ,he is brought with mankind 7as in the punishment of sin71 while the suggestion of personality is aided by the use of the ,greek popular names of the deities to describe the attributes of the ,one ,supreme ,god4 ,thus it has already been noted that while ,plutarch is ostensibly discussing the attributes of ,apollo he is actually defining his position with reference to abstract ,deity4 ,this ill-harmonizing combination of metaphysics and popular belief is further placed in contact with views originated by ,oriental creeds1 with ,zoroastrianism1 with ,manichism1 with 8certain slight and obscure hints of the truth1 which are to be found scattered here and there in ,egyptian ,mythology10#agb the whole presenting a strange conglomeration1 which appears to defy any attempt to make a consistent theology of it1 until we see ,plutarch's method conspicuously emerging with its twofold aim1 of proving that all these different views of ,god are merely different ways of striving after belief in the same ,supreme ,power1 and of inculcating a sympathetic and liberal attitude of mind1 which is far more conducive to unity than a detailed agreement on points of minor importance4#agc ,this endeavour after unity is supported by a strenuous and sincere belief in what at first sight appears to be a principle of diversity--the belief1 namely1 in ,dmons--but which ,plutarch uses to great effect in his attempts after unity1 by assigning1 with ,pythagoras1#agd every recognized tradition unworthy of the ,highest to these subordinate beings whose influence is everywhere felt in nature and in human life1 and whose presence1 at any rate1 interpenetrates and overruns the whole of ,plutarch's views on religion4#age ,it is no unfitting circumstance in a priest of ,apollo that his noblest utterances respecting the nature of ,god should be contained in discourses connected more or less with the temples and traditions of the god4 ,in the discussion1 for instance1 on the syllable 8,e0 written over the narrow entrance of the ,amphictyonic ,temple at ,delphi1 ,ammonius is represented as expressing views of the ,divine ,nature which are unsurpassed for sublimity in any other part of ,plutarch's writings1 or even in ,greek literature generally4 ,we quote them here as embodying ,plutarch's beliefs on the ,unity1 ,eternity1 and ,absoluteness of the ,divine ,nature4 8,not then a number1 nor an arrangement1 nor a conjunction or any other part of speech1 do ,i think the inscription signifies4 ,it is rather a complete and concise form of address1 an invocation of the ,god1 bringing the speaker with the very word1 into a conscious recognition of ,his power4 ,the ,god salutes each of us1 as we approach ,his shrine1 with the great text1 #8,know thyself1' which is ,his way of saying to us2 and we in our turn1 replying to the ,god1 say --#8,thou art1' thus expressing our belief in ,his true and pure and incommunicable virtue of absolute being4#agf444 ,now we must admit that ,god absolutely is2 not that he is with reference to any period of time1 but with reference to an immovable1 immutable1 timeless eternity1 before which there was nothing1 after which there is nothing1 in respect to which there is neither future nor past1 than which there is nothing older or younger4 ,but being ,unity1 the ,unity that he is now is the same ,unity with which he occupies eternity2 and nothing really exists but that which is endowed with the same absolute existence as he--neither anything that has come into existence1 nor shall come into existence1 nor anything which had a beginning1 or shall have an end4 ,in worshipping him1 therefore1 we ought assuredly to salute and address him in a manner corresponding to this view of him2 as1 e4g41 in the phrase already used by some ancient philosophers1 the phrase1 #8,thou art one4' ,for the ,divine principle is not many1 as we are1 each of us compacted of countless different passions1 a mingled and varying conglomerate of assembled atoms4 ,but ,being must necessarily be ,unity1 and ,unity must be ,being4 ,it is ,diversity--that is1 the principle of discrepancy from ,unity--which issues to the production of non-,being1 whence the three names of the ,god are one and all appropriate4 ,he is ,apollo 7 71 because he repudiates and excludes the many 7 72 ,ieius 7 7 because he is ,unity and ,solitude2 and ,phbus1 of course1 was the name given by the ancients to anything that was pure and unsullied4444 ,now ,unity is pure and unsullied2 defilement comes by being mixed with other elements1 as ,homer says that ivory dipped in purple dye #8is defiled1' and dyers say that colours mixed are colours #8corrupted1' the process being called #8corruption4' ,a pure and incorruptible substance must therefore be one and whole40#agg--8,the ,inscription seems to me to be1 as it were1 at once the antithesis and the completion of the inscription1 #8,know thyself4' ,the one is addressed in reverence and wonder to the ,god as eternally existent1 the other is a reminder to mortality of the frail nature that encompasseth it40#agh ,nowhere is the necessity which ,plutarch feels for believing in one supreme ruler of all the imaginable universe more apparent than in a passage in which he is seeking a regulating ,intelligence for an admitted plurality of worlds1 to account for whose administration a ,greek of almost any period would have been constrained to resort to the hypothesis of a plurality of gods1 supreme as each individual god might be in his own individual world4 ,the passage in question initiates a discussion on this subject somewhat episodical to the main argument of the 8,de ,defectu ,oraculorum40 ,plutarch himself is the speaker1 though he represents his interlocutors as addressing him by the name of ,lamprias4#agi ,he is inclined to agree that there may be more worlds than one1 though repudiating an infinity of worlds4 8,it is more consonant with reason to assert that ,god has made more than one world4 ,for ,he is perfectly good1 and deficient in no virtue whatsoever1 least of all in those virtues that are associated with ,justice and ,friendship1 which are the fairest of all virtues1 and those most appropriate to the divine nature4 ,and as ,god is not wanting in any respect1 so also ,he possesses no redundant or superfluous characteristics4 ,there must exist1 therefore1 other gods and other worlds than ours1 whose companionship furnishes a sphere for the exercise of these social virtues4 ,for it is not upon ,himself1 nor upon a part of ,himself1 but upon others1 that ,he discharges the claims of justice1 kindliness1 goodness4 ,hence it is not probable that ,he is unneighboured and unfriended1 or that this world of ours floats alone in the emptiness of infinite space40#ahj ,plutarch1 however1 is merely on tentative ground here2 the plurality of worlds was an abstract academic question no less in those days than in these4 ,admitting a plurality of worlds1 it does not necessarily follow that each should be under the dominion of a separate ,deity4 8,what objection10 he asks1 in answer to the ,stoics1 8what objection is there to our asserting that all the worlds are beneath the sway of the ,fate and ,providence of ,zeus1 and that ,he bestows ,his superintendence and direction among them all1 implanting in them the principles and seeds and ideas of all things that are brought about therein8 ,surely it is no more impossible that ten1 or fifty1 or a hundred worlds should be animated by the same rule of ,reason1 or should be administered in accordance with one and the same principle of action1 than that a public assembly1 an army1 or a chorus1 should obey the same co-ordinating power4 ,nay1 an arrangement of this kind is in special harmony with the ,divine ,character40#aha ,plutarch cannot get away from his fixed belief in the absolute ,unity of ,god1 and with ,god's ,unity1 as we have already seen1 his ,eternity and ,immutability are involved4 ,but ,plutarch re-asserts this truth in various places and forms4 ,in the tract 8,de ,stoicorum ,repugnantiis10 though chiefly dealing polemically with the inconsistencies and self-contradictions of ,chrysippus and other early ,stoics1 he clearly exhibits his own views in several passages4 ,in one place#ahb he asserts that even those who deny the benevolence of ,god1 as the ,jews and the ,syrians1 do not imagine him as other than eternally and immutably existent1 and quotes with approval a sentence from ,antipater of ,tarsus1 to the effect that ,god is universally regarded as uncreate and eternal4 ,a little later in the development of the argument#ahc he adopts the ,stoic position--which ,chrysippus is represented as contradicting--that the idea of ,god includes the ideas of happiness1 blessedness1 self-sufficiency1 which qualities are elsewhere shown to exist absolutely and independently of all conceivable causes of opposition4#ahd 8,they are wrong who assert that the ,divine ,nature is eternal because it avoids and repels anything that might tend to its destruction4 ,immutability and ,eternity must necessarily exist in the very nature of the ,blessed ,one1 requiring no exertion on his part to preserve and defend them40 ,the intermingling of the doctrines of various philosophic sects is interestingly conspicuous throughout these discussions on the nature of ,god2 and not less than elsewhere in the noble observations of the ,platonist ,ammonius1 which have been quoted from the 8,de apud ,delphos40 ,it is equally interesting to note that all the speakers in that dialogue1 while looking with their mind's eye far beyond any individual member of the ,olympian ,pantheon to that divine power whose functions correspond with the essential requirements of the loftiest monotheism1 yet use the name of ,apollo as the professed nucleus of their religious beliefs1 and thus bring themselves into formal harmony with the demands of the 8ancient and hereditary ,faith40 ,the same tendency1 at once orthodox and unifying1 is visible in the philosophic import attached1 in accordance with the ,stoic practice1 to the popular names for the god in his various functions4 ,in other tracts and essays the same aim is conspicuous1 the same method of treatment is applied4 ,in his fascinating account of the ,egyptian myth of ,isis and ,osiris--which will be dealt with later from the material which it furnishes for investigating ,plutarch's attempts to identify foreign gods with the gods of ,greece--he uses both these divine names as a means of approach to the ,divine ,nature1 that ,one ,eternal1 ,absolute ,being1 which is the real object of the philosopher's clarified insight-- 4#ahe ,the true object of the service of ,isis1 for example1 is 8the knowledge of that ,first and ,supreme ,power which is compact of ,intelligence2 that ,power whom the goddess 7,isis7 bids her servants seek1 since ,he abides by her side and is united with her4 ,the very name of her temple expressly promises the knowledge and the understanding of ,being1 inasmuch as it is called the ,ision 7--71 indicating that we shall know ,being if we enter with piety and intelligence into the sacred rites of the goddess40#ahf ,the passage just quoted shows the intimate connexion between ,being and ,intelligence--the 8,supreme ,power is compact of ,intelligence20 and we are left in little doubt respecting ,plutarch's views on this second aspect of the ,divine ,nature4 ,the conception of the ,deity as 1 an ancient abstraction in ,greek philosophy1 is at once strengthened and brought nearer to the intelligence of humanity by ,plutarch's simple treatment of it1 and by his connecting it1 wherever possible1 with the traditions of the popular creed4 ,god is not only ,intelligence1 but intelligent4 8,the ,divine ,nature10 says he1 8is not blessed in the possession of silver and gold1 nor mighty through the wielding of thunders and thunderbolts1 but in the enjoyment of knowledge and understanding2 and of all the things that ,homer has said concerning the gods1 this is his finest pronouncement3-- #8,yet both one goddess formed ,and one soil bred1 but ,jupiter precedence took in birth ,and had more knowledge'#ahg --a pronouncement in which he gives the palm for dignity and honour to the sovereignty of ,jove1 inasmuch as he is older in knowledge and wisdom4 ,and ,i am of opinion that the blessedness of that eternal life which belongs to ,god consists in the knowledge which gives ,him cognizance of all events2 for take away knowledge of things1 and the understanding of them1 and immortality is no longer life1 but mere duration40#ahh ,the free1 unfettered exercise of intelligence is therefore a function of the ,divine ,nature2 but although ,plutarch is clearly thinking of the of ,anaxagoras as embodied by ,plato in his conception of the ,chief ,good1 yet he succeeds in bringing the ,divine ,nature1 by the exercise of intelligence1 into an intimate relation with humanity which the ,platonic ,demiurgus never attains4 ,the true successors of ,plato in the realm of ,idealism were the neo-,platonists1 who maintained that 8the sum total of the ,ideas exists in the ,divine nous1 not outside of it1 #8like golden statues1' which ,god must search and look up to before ,he can think4 ,it is not to be supposed that ,he must needs run about in search of notions1 perhaps not finding them at all1 perhaps not recognizing them when found4 ,this is the lot of man1 whose life is spent often in the search1 sometimes in the vain search1 after truth4 ,but to the ,deity all knowledge is always equally present40#ahi ,the vicious weakness of ,platonism1 whether ,old or ,new1 lies in the fact that no real reason exists why ,god should ever leave the contemplation of 8worlds not realized0 to create this world after an eternally existing pattern1 in the intellectual contemplation of which he was already happy4#aij ,the 8absence of envy0 is not a philosophic reason3 it is a ,platonic leap over an unbridged chasm4 ,the aloofness of the ,epicurean gods in their sedes quiet is the logical outcome of this aspect of ,platonism4 ,plutarch gives the ,divine ,intelligence an interest in the beings ,he has created4 ,apollo 7here again the popular name is used for the ,divine ,being7 knows all the difficulties that trouble the public and private lives of humanity1 and he knows their solutions also4 8,in private matters we inquire of ,apollo as a seer1 in public matters we pray to him as a god4 ,in the philosophic nature of the soul he is the author and inspirer of intellectual difficulties and problems1 thus creating therein that craving which has its satisfaction in the discovery of ,truth20#aia e4g41 8when the oracle was given out that the altar of ,delos should be doubled1 the god1 as ,plato says1 not only conveyed a particular command1 but also indicated his desire that the ,greeks should study geometry2 the task assigned involving an operation of the most advanced geometrical character40#aib ,in another place this paternal interest in the doings of mankind is attributed to the ,deity direct without the intrusion of any traditional name for a particular god4 8,it is not1 as ,hesiod supposes1#aic the work of human wisdom1 but of ,god's1 to discriminate and distinguish predilections and antipathies in character before they become conspicuous to the world by breaking out into gross evil-doing under the influence of the passions4 ,for ,god is assuredly cognizant of the natural disposition of every individual man1 being1 by ,his nature1 more fitted to perceive soul than body3 nor does ,he await the outbreak of actual sin before ,he punishes violence1 profanity1 obscenity40#aid ,thus1 although ,plutarch accepts the philosophic phrasing current respecting the nature of the ,deity1 his ardent1 sympathetic temperament brings down the philosophers' ,deity from its majestic isolation1 and makes it 8meet halfway0 the gods of the popular faith1 so that both may be of service to humanity1 the latter being purified and elevated1 the other actualized and humanized4 ,we discern with sympathy ,plutarch's attempt to satisfy the eternal craving of men for a mediator between themselves and the unapproachableness of the ,highest2 and we are prepared for his exposition of the doctrines of ,dmonology4 ,this tendency to give warmth and life to philosophic abstractions is occasionally visible in an unconscious attempt to assimilate the qualities possessed by the ,deity to those displayed in a less degree by mankind4 ,thus1 he implicitly accepts the ,platonic position that ,eternity is all present to ,god1#aie a position which is also accepted by modern ,european ,theology3 but he elsewhere regards the ,deity 7formally using the name of ,apollo7 as a scientific observer1 with infallibly acute reasoning powers directed upon phenomena retained in an unshakable memory4 ,his predictions of events are1 therefore1 really predictions1 not statements of present facts2 and the 8rigorous certainty and universality0 which they possess are the certainty and universality attaching to the human discoveries of the laws of geometry and the law of causation1 and not to a divine insight which is omniscience because it is always regarding events as present1 whether they are actually past1 present1 or to come4 8,apollo is a prophet1 and prophecy is the art of ascertaining the future from the present or the past4 ,now nothing exists without a cause1 and prediction1 therefore1 depends upon reason4 ,the present springs inevitably from the past1 the future from the present4 ,the one follows naturally upon the other by a succession which is unbroken from beginning to end1 and1 accordingly1 he who knows the natural causes of past1 present1 and future events1 and can connect their mutual relationships1 can predict the future1 knowing1 in the words of ,homer1 #8things that are now1 things that shall be1 and things that are over4' ,the whole art of ,dialectics consists in the knowledge of the ,consequent40#aif ,already in these passages1 which represent philosophers as discussing ,god in the terms familiar in ,greek philosophy1 we can discern a gradual breaking down of that metaphysical exclusiveness which had hitherto marked the philosophic conception of the ,deity4 ,we see ,god again becoming personal1 and reverting to that interest in the affairs of mankind from which the philosophers1 starting with ,xenophanes1 had1 in their revulsion from the anthropomorphic realisms of the ,epic traditions1 excluded him4 ,we can already note that ,plutarch believes in the 8goodness0 of ,god in a sense quite distinct from the 8absence of envy0 distinguishing the ,platonic ,creator1 or even from the sense involved in ,plato's admission that the gods love the just1 since one always loves that which is made in one's own image4#aig ,we can see him going further1 indeed1 than ,aristotle1 who compares the love of men for the gods to the love of children for their parents1 a love which is based upon a recognition of their goodness and superiority1 and of their having been the authors of the greatest benefits to humanity4#aih ,but we are not left without many explicit texts asserting the goodness of ,god to mankind in emphatic phrases4 ,plutarch agrees with those statesmen and philosophers who assert that the majesty of the ,divine ,nature is accompanied by goodness1 magnanimity1 graciousness and benignity in its attitude towards mankind4#aii ,we have already seen that ,justice and ,love are regarded by ,plutarch as the most beautiful of all virtues1 and those most in harmony with the ,divine ,nature1#bjj and many isolated sentences could be quoted to demonstrate how firmly the belief in ,god's goodness to man was fixed in ,plutarch's mind4 ,we are fortunate1 however1 in possessing a special tract in which the personal character of the ,divine ,goodness is so clearly exhibited that a modern translator of the tract1 writing from a 8,theological ,institution10 is able to say1 8,i am not aware1 indeed1 that even ,christian writers who have attempted to defend the same truth within the same limits of natural theology1 have been able to do anything better than to reaffirm his position1 and perhaps amplify and illustrate his argument40#bja ,the tract referred to is1 of course1 the famous production known as the 8,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta40 ,it is a bold and beautiful attempt to reconcile the existence of an actively benevolent ,deity with the long-continued1 often permanent1 impunity of wickedness in this world2 an endeavour to solve the question raised1 especially by ,epicureans1 but not unfraught with solicitude for philosophers of other schools1 respecting the patent fact that human virtue and human vice have no natural and necessary connexion with human happiness on the one hand and human misery on the other4 ,christian translators of the piece1 from ,amyot down to the writers just quoted1 have hailed it as an effective vindication of the ways of ,god to man1 and ,comte ,joseph de ,maistre1 whose paraphrase is designed1 as he says1 to please 8ladies and foreigners10 is quite convinced that such a justification could not possibly have been written by one who was not a ,christian4#bjb ,even ,wyttenbach1 whom de ,maistre attacks for repudiating this view1 is willing1 with all his scholarly caution1 to admit that ,plutarch1 in this tract1 touches the excellences of the ,christian faith4#bjc ,the position which ,plutarch sets himself to overthrow is that which is expressed most concisely in the famous verses of ,ennius3-- 8,ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam clitum1 ,sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus2 ,nam si curent1 bene bonis sit1 male malis1 quod nunc abest0 --a sentiment in exact harmony with the ,epicurean view of the matter4#bjd ,while1 however1 establishing the providence and goodness of ,god as against the practical ,atheism of the ,epicureans1 it will be seen that he is equally temperate1 and equally consistent with himself1 in avoiding the exaggerated zeal of those ,stoics who1 in their eager desire to do something for the honour of ,providence1 had subjected the minutest and commonest actions of life to the jealous watching of an arbitrary omniscience1 so that1 as ,wyttenbach puts it1 8that most gracious name of ,providence was exposed to ridicule and contempt1 being alternately regarded as a fortune-telling old crone1 and as a dreadful spectre to alarm and terrify mankind40 ,let us see in what way ,plutarch establishes the providential benevolence of ,god without detracting from his majesty4 ,a company of philosophic students1 ,plutarch himself2 ,patrocleas1 his son-in-law2#bje ,timon1 his brother2 and ,olympichos1 a friend2#bjf are found1 at the opening of the dialogue1 regarding each other in silence beneath a ,portico of the ,delphic ,temple1 in wonder at the discourtesy of an ,epicurean who has suddenly disappeared from the party1 after expounding the doctrines of his school in the manner1 doubtless1 of ,velleius in the 8,de ,natura ,deorum10 though with a more limited scope as expressed by the famous line of ,ennius already quoted4 ,according to ,plutarch1 he had 8gathered together1 from various sources1 an undigested mass of confused observations1 and had then scattered them in one contemptuous stream of spleen and anger upon ,providence40 ,the company1 deprived of their legitimate opportunity for reply1 determined to discuss the question of ,providence as if the departed opponent were still present1 although it cannot be doubted that his absence1 and the consequent want of direct necessity to 8score off0 him1 lead to a more thorough and impartial discussion of the topic4 ,patrocleas1 at any rate1 states the difficulty with almost ,epicurean boldness4 8,the delay of the ,deity in punishing the wicked seems to me to be a strange and mysterious thing4 ,the wicked are so eager and active in their wickedness1 that they1 least of all1 ought to be the object of inactivity on the part of ,god4 ,thucydides rightly said that the advantage of delay was on the side of evil-doers4#bjg ,present immunity from the punishment due to crime encourages the criminal1 and depresses the innocent sufferer4 ,bias knew that a certain reprobate of his days would be punished1 but feared that he would not live to see it4 ,those whom ,aristocrates betrayed at the ,battle of ,taphrus were all dead when his treachery was punished twenty years after4 ,so with ,lyciscus and the ,orchomenians4#bjh ,this delay encourages the wicked4 ,the fruit of injustice ripens early and is easily plucked1 but punishment matures long after the fruit of evil has been enjoyed40 ,this demand of the natural man to see their deserts meted out to the wicked is reinforced in a more philosophical manner by ,olympichos1 who maintains that delay in the punishment of sin deprives it of that salutary effect which its immediate infliction would have upon the sinner1 who regards it as accidental1 and not necessarily connected with his crimes4 ,the fault of a horse is corrected if bit and lash be applied at once2 but all the beating and backing and shouting in the world at a later time will only injure his physique without improving his character4 8,so that ,i am quite unable to see what good is done by those ,mills of ,god#bji which are said to grind so late1 since their delay brings justice to naught1 and thus deprives vice of its restraining fear40#baj ,plutarch1 before replying to these weighty arguments1 preaches a short and eloquent sermon on the text1 8,god moves in a mysterious way40 ,his thoughts are not as our thoughts1 nor ,his ways our ways4 ,we must imitate the philosophic caution of the ,academy4 ,men who never saw a battle may talk of military affairs1 or discuss music who never played a note2 8but it is a different thing for mere men like ourselves to peer too closely into matters that concern ,divine ,natures2 just as if unskilled laymen were to try to penetrate the intention of an artist1 the meaning of a physician's treatment1 the inner significance of a legal enactment1 by fanciful guesses and surmises4444 ,it is easier#baa for a mortal to make no definite assertion about the gods1 but just this--that ,he#bab knows best the proper time to apply ,his treatment to wickedness4 ,he can truly discriminate in the character of the punishment required by each offence40 ,these preliminary observations are in the proper ,academic style2 they are designed to indicate that the end of a discourse on such intricate matters can only be the modification of doubt by probability1 not its settlement by absolute logical certainty4#bac ,the assumption of the ,platonic attitude is appropriately followed by a ,plutarchic reading of the teaching of ,plato1 who is understood as asserting that ,god1 when he made ,himself the universal pattern for all beautiful and noble things1 granted human virtue to those who are able to follow ,him1 in order that they might thus in somewise grow like unto ,him4#bad ,further1 as ,plato says1#bae the universal nature took on order and arrangement by assimilation to and participation in the ,idea and in the ,virtue of the ,divine ,nature4 ,again1 according to ,plato1 ,nature gave us eyes that our soul might behold the order and harmony of the heavenly bodies1 and become harmonious and ordered herself1 free from flighty passions and roving propensities4#baf ,becoming like ,god in this way1 we shall emulate the mildness and forbearance with which ,he treats the wicked2 shall eradicate from our minds the brutish passion for revenge2 and shall wait to inflict our punishments until long consideration has excluded every possibility that we may repent after the deed is done4 ,the purport of this argument1 and of the examples which ,plutarch1 always rich in illustration1 furnishes in support of it1 is clearer than the need of attaching it to the ,platonic scheme of creation4 ,plutarch believes that 8,god is slow to anger02 because gentleness and patience are part of ,his nature1 and because by speedy punishment1 ,he would save a few1 but by delaying ,his justice ,he gives help and admonition to many4 ,god1 moreover1 knows how much virtue ,he originally implanted in the heart of every man4 ,he knows the character and inclination of every guilty soul2 and ,his punishments are1 therefore1 different from human penalties1 in that the latter regard the law of retaliation only1 while the former are based on a knowledge of character which does not quench the smoking flax1 but gives time and opportunity for a repentant return to the path of virtue4#bag ,the world1 too1 would have been deprived of many a virtuous character1 lost the advantage of many a noble deed1 had prompt punishment for early sins been inflicted4 ,there is1 moreover1 a soul of good in things evil2 the careers of great tyrants have been prolonged1 and the world has been the better for the movements which their tyranny compelled4 ,evil is a 8dispensation of ,providence0 in ,plutarch's eyes1 as in those of many modern ,christians4 8,as the gall of the hyna1 and the rennet of the seal1 both disgusting animals in other respects1 possess qualities useful for medicinal purposes1 so upon certain peoples who need severe correction ,god inflicts the implacable harshness of a tyrant or the intolerable severity of a magistrate1 and does not take away their trouble and distress until they are purified of their sins40 ,sometimes1 too1 the ,deity delays ,his vengeance in order that it may take effect in a more strikingly appropriate manner4#bah ,but these external punishments are not the most terrible that can be inflicted on the sinner4 ,it would be difficult1 even in ,christian literature1 to find so striking a tribute to the power of conscience in inflicting its immaterial tortures on the criminal who has escaped material recompense4 ,plutarch bases his observations on this head on a repudiation of ,plato's statement#bai 8that punishment is a state that follows upon injustice10 asserting1 as he finds in ,hesiod1 that the two are contemporaneous and spring up from the same soil and root2 a view which he supports by many conspicuous and terrible examples from history1 the force of which may be summarized in the fine and truthful phrase--the antithetical effect of which would be destroyed by translation-- ' 4#bbj ,the conclusion which ,plutarch arrives at by considering this aspect of the case is that 8there is no necessity for any god1 or any man1 to inflict punishment on evildoers1 but it is sufficient that their whole life is tormented and destroyed by their sense of their impiety20 and that the time cannot but come when the glamour and the tinselled glory of successful crime will be torn away1 and nothing shall remain but the base and dreadful memory to torture awakening conscience with the pangs of an unquenchable remorse4#bba ,a fresh perplexity as to the goodness and justice of ,god is here raised by ,timon1 who cannot see that it is in harmony with these divine qualities that the sins of the fathers should1 as ,euripides complained1 be visited upon the children4#bbb ,the punishment of the innocent is no compensation for the escape of the guilty4 ,god1 in this case1 would be like ,agathocles1 the tyrant of ,syracuse1 who ravaged ,corcyra because the ,homeric ,corcyreans had given a welcome to ,odysseus1 and retorted the blinding of the mythical ,cyclops upon the ,ithacensians when they complained that his soldiers had looted their sheepfolds4 8,where1 indeed10 asks ,timon1 8is the reason and justice of this80#bbc ,plutarch can only reply that1 if the descendants of ,hercules and ,pindar are held in honour on account of the deeds of their progenitors1 there is nothing illogical in the descendants of a wicked stock being punished4 ,but he knows that he is on difficult ground1 and repeats the ,academic caution against too much dogmatism in these intricate matters4 ,he falls back upon natural causes here1 as if seeking to exonerate the ,deity from direct responsibility for a striking injustice4 ,an hereditary tendency to physical disease is possible1 and may be transmitted from ancestors who lived far back in antiquity4 ,why should we marvel more at a cause operating through a long interval of time1 than through a long interval of space8 ,if ,pericles died1 and ,thucydides fell sick1 of a plague that originated in ,arabia1 why is it strange that the ,delphians and ,sybarites should be punished for the offences of their ancestors8#bbd ,moreover1 a city is a continuous entity with an abiding personality2 just as child1 and boy1 and man are not different persons1 but are unified by the consciousness of identity2--nay1 less marked changes take place in a city than in an individual4 ,a man would know ,athens again after thirty years of absence1 but a far shorter period serves to obliterate the likenesses of our personal acquaintance4 ,a city rejoices in the glory and splendour of its ancient days2 it must also bear the burden of its ancient ignominies4 ,and if a city has this enduring personality which makes it a responsible agent throughout its existence1 the members of the same family are much more intimately connected4 ,there would1 therefore1 have been less injustice inflicted had the posterity of ,dionysius been punished by the ,syracusans than was perpetrated by their ejection of his dead body from their territories4 ,for the soul of ,dionysius had left his body1 but the sons of wicked fathers are often dominated by a good deal of their parents' spirit4#bbe ,we are conscious of some artificial straining of the argument in this place1 and shortly perceive that the mention of the soul of ,dionysius is intended to prepare the way for a discussion on the immortality of the soul4 ,plutarch cannot believe that the gods would show so much protective care for man--would give so many oracles1 enjoin so many sacrifices and honours for the dead--if they knew that the souls of the dead perished straightway1 leaving the body like a wreath of mist or smoke1 as the ,epicureans believed4#bbf ,he shrinks from the thought that the ,deity would take so much account of us1 if our souls were as brief in their bloom as the forced and delicate plants that women grow in their fragile flower-pots1 their short-lived ,gardens of ,adonis4 ,he is convinced that the belief in the after-existence of the soul stands or falls with the belief in the ,providence of ,god4#bbg ,if there is a ,providence1 there is existence after death2 and if there is existence after death1 then there is stronger reason for supposing that every soul receives its due reward or punishment for its life on ,earth4 ,but here ,plutarch1 after just touching one of the cardinal principles of ,christian teaching1 the dogma of ,heaven and ,hell1 starts away from the consequence which almost seems inevitable1 and which ,christianity accepted to the full--the belief that our life here should be modelled in relation to the joys and penalties that await us in the other world4 ,he clearly believed that their ethical effect upon life is small4#bbh ,the rewards and punishments of the soul hereafter are nothing to us here4 ,perhaps we do not believe them1 and in any case we cannot be certain that they will come4 ,this is the position at which ,plutarch arrives in the course of rational argument1 and he at once returns to the sphere of our present life to find surer sanctions for goodness4 ,such punishments as are inflicted in this world on the descendants of an evil race are conspicuous to all that come hereafter1 and deter many from wickedness4 ,besides1 ,god does not punish indiscriminately4 ,he has a watchful care even over the children of those who have been notorious for evildoing1 and instead of delaying the punishment in their case1 early checks their hereditary disposition to vice by appropriate restraints born of ,his intimate knowledge of the character and inclination of the human heart4 ,but if1 in spite of this1 a man persists in the sinful courses of his ancestors1 it is right that he should inherit their punishment as he has inherited their crimes4 ,the dialogue concludes with a myth of the type of ,er the ,armenian1 in which1 after the manner of ,plato1 ,plutarch embodies views on the state of the soul after death1 for which no place could be found in the rational argumentation of mere prose4 ,thespesius of ,soli1 an abandoned profligate1 has an accident which plunges him into unconsciousness for three days4 ,in this period his soul visits the interstellar spaces1 where the souls of the dead are borne along in various motion2 some wailing and terror-struck2 others joyous and delighted2 some like the full moon for brightness2 others with faint blemishes or black spots like snakes4 ,here1 in the highest place1 was ,adrastea1 the daughter of ,zeus and ,ananke1 from whom no criminal could hope ever to escape4 ,three kinds of justice are her instruments4 ,poena is swift to punish1 chastising those whose sin can be expiated while they are still on earth4 ,those whose wickedness demands severer penalties are reserved for ,justice in the afterworld4 ,the third class of sinners1 the irretrievably bad1 are cast by ,justice into the hands of ,erinnys1 8the third and most terrible of the servants of ,adrastea10 who pursues them as they wander hither and thither in reckless flight1 and finally thrusts them all with pitiless severity into a place of unspeakable darkness4#bbi ,in these acts of immortal justice the soul is bared utterly1 and her sins and crimes are relentlessly exposed4 ,all this is explained to ,thespesius by a kinsman who recognizes him4 ,he is then shown various wonders of the afterworld3 the place of ,oblivion1 a deep chasm by which ,dionysus and ,semele had ascended into heaven1 above which the souls hovered in rapture and mirth1 caused by the fragrance of the odours which were breathed by a soft and gentle air that issued from the 8pleasing verdure of various herbs and plants0 which adorned the sides of this wonderful chasm4 ,he sees the light of the ,tripod of the ,delphic oracle1 or would have seen it had he not been dazzled with the excess of its brightness2 and hears the voice of the ,pythia uttering various oracles4 ,then follow ,dantesque scenes of the punishments allotted to various kinds of wickedness1 among which it is interesting to note that hypocrisy is tortured with greater severity than open vice4 ,a lake of boiling gold1 a lake of frozen lead1 a lake of iron1 with attendant ,dmons to perform the usual functions1 are allotted to the punishment of avarice4#bcj ,but the most terrible fate is that of those whose punishment never ends1 who are constantly retaken into the hands of ,justice2 and these1 it is important to note1 in the light of the argument which preceded the story1 are those whose posterity have been punished for their transgressions4 ,we can see how little ,plutarch is satisfied with his own reasonings on this point2 they are1 as ,wyttenbach says1 acutius quam verius dicta3 the punishment of the children for the sins of the fathers clearly leaves the advantage1 so far as concerns this world1 on the side of the transgressors4 ,plutarch1 with his firmly pious belief in the justice and goodness of ,god1 feels driven to assert that the balance must be redressed somewhere1 and he invokes the aid of ,myth to carry him1 in this case1 whither ,reason refuses to go2 and taking the myth as a whole1 and in relation to the tract in which it is embodied1 we cannot doubt that its object is to enforce that doctrine of rewards and punishments in the ,hereafter1 from which ,plutarch1 as we have seen1 shrinks when an occasion arises for pressing it from the standpoint of ,reason4 ,the punishments which ,thespesius has witnessed in his visit to the ,afterworld have the effect of turning him into a righteous man in this world1 and ,plutarch clearly hopes that the story will likewise convince those who are not convinced by his reasons4 ,we may gather1 however1 that inclined as he was to believe that the providence of ,god extended into the ,afterworld1 his attitude1 as fixed by reason and probability1 is summed up in the words already referred to--8,such rewards or punishments as the soul receives for the actions of its previous career are nothing to us who are yet alive1 being disregarded or disbelieved40#bca ,but whatever may be the condition of the soul after death1 and its relation to the ,deity in that condition1 ,plutarch has made it quite certain that he believes in the goodness of ,god as safeguarding the interests of humanity in this world4 ,it is clear in every part of this interesting dialogue that the ,god whom ,plutarch believes in is a personal deity1 a deity full of tender care for mankind1 supreme1 indeed1 by virtue of his omnipotence and justice1 but supreme also by virtue of his infinite patience and mercy4#bcb ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,plutarch's ,dmonology--,dmonology as a means of reconciliation between the traditional ,polytheism and philosophic ,monotheism--,dmonlore in ,greek philosophers and in the popular faith--,growth of a natural tendency to identify the gods of the polytheistic tradition with the ,dmons--,emphasis thus given to the philosophic conception of the ,deity--,dmons responsible for all the crude and cruel superstitions attaching to the popular gods--,function of the ,dmons as mediators between ,god and man4 ,how1 then1 does ,plutarch reconcile this lofty conception of a ,deity who is ,unity1 ,eternity1 and ,supreme ,intelligence1 with the multitude of individual deities which form so essential a part of the 8hereditary ,faith0 of ,grco-,roman civilization1 and which are universally admitted as displaying qualities discrepant from even a far lower notion of ,god than that which ,plutarch actually maintained8 ,further1 since the ,empire includes other nationalities than the ,greeks1 and the ,roman ,pantheon is not the exclusive habitation of native-born deities1 how shall he find a place in his theological scheme for the gods of other peoples1 so that there may be that ,catholic ,unity in faith which shall correspond to the one political dominion under which the world dwells in so great a peace and concord8 ,the difficulty of reconciling ,polytheism with philosophic ,monotheism was1 of course1 not new4 ,in earlier days it had been necessary for philosophers to secure their monotheistic speculations from the charge of ,atheism by finding in their systems a dignified position for the popular gods4 ,and even those philosophers who sincerely believed in the existence of beings corresponding to the popular conceptions felt the need of accounting1 in some more or less specious way1 for the ill deeds that were traditionally attributed to so many of them4 ,the ancient doctrine of ,dmons1 emanating from some obscure source in ,antiquity1#bcc had been adopted by the ,pythagoreans in the latter sense1#bcd while ,plato1 who believed in none of these things1 had1 on one or two occasions1 by the use of philosophic 8myth0 replete with more than ,socratic irony1 described these beings as playing a part between ,god and man which might be tolerantly regarded as not greatly dissimilar from that popularly assigned to the lesser deities of the ,hellenic ,olympus4#bce ,in the 8,statesman10 the creation-myth1 to which the ,stranger invites the younger ,socrates to give his entire attention1 8like a child to a story10 describes how the ,deity himself tended men and was their protector1 while ,dmons had a share1 after the manner of shepherds1 in the superintendence of animals according to genera and herds4#bcf ,another story which ,socrates1 in the 8,banquet10 says that he heard from ,diotima1 that wonderful person who postponed the ,athenian plague for ten years1 tells how ,eros is a great ,dmon2 how ,dmons are intermediate between gods and mortals2 how the race of ,dmons interpret and transmit to the gods the prayers and sacrifices of men1 and interpret and transmit to men the answers and commands of the gods4#bcg ,for ,god1 we are told1 is not directly associated with man2 but it is through the mediation of the ,dmons1 who are many and various1 that all communion and converse take place between the human and the ,divine4 ,but apart altogether from the philosophic use of ,dmonology1 there are evidences that the belief in ,dmons was held in some sort of loose combination with the popular polytheistic faith4 ,the ,hesiodic poems were a compendium of early ,hellenic theology1#bch and ,hesiod1 according to ,plutarch himself1 was the first to indicate with clearness and distinctness the existence of four species of rational beings--gods1 dmons1 heroes1 and men4#bci ,in the passage of ,hesiod referred to 7,works and ,days1 #aji sqq47 two kinds of ,dmons are described4 ,the dwellers in the ,golden ,age are transformed1 after their sleep-like death on earth1 into ,terrestrial ,dmons3-- 8,when earth's dark breast had closed this race around1 ,great ,jove as demons raised them from the ground2 ,earth-hovering spirits1 they their charge began1 ,the ministers of good1 and guards of man4 ,mantled with mist of darkling air they glide1 ,and compass earth and pass on every side2 ,and mark1 with earnest vigilance of eyes1 ,where just deeds live1 or crookd wrongs arise40#bdj ,they are virtuous1 holy beings1 endowed with immortality--8,jove's immortal guardians over mortal men40#bda ,the races of the ,silver ,age become ,subterranean powers1 blessed beings1 but inferior in honour to the former class1 and distinctly described as mortal4#bdb ,hesiod says nothing about ,evil ,dmons1 although the disappearance of the ,brazen ,race furnished an opportunity for their introduction into his scheme of supernatural beings4 ,but once the existence of beings inferior to the gods in the celestial hierarchy obtained a recognition in popular tradition1 however vague the recognition might be1 the conception would tend to gather strength and definiteness from the necessity1 first expressed by the philosophers1 but doubtless widely spread among the people1 of safeguarding the sanctity of the gods1 while at the same time recognizing the substantial validity of tradition4 ,this tendency would be also probably aided by the fact that in ,homer1 as ,plutarch points out1 and in the dramatists and prose writers generally1 as is well known1 the designations of 8gods0 and 8dmons0 were mutually interchanged4#bdc ,plutarch1 at all events1 who boldly uses the ,dmons to perform such functions1 and to bear the blame for such actions1 as were inappropriate to the divine character1 is enabled to make one of his dramatis person--,cleombrotus1 the traveller1 who was specially devoted to the study of such matters--assert that 8it can be demonstrated by unexceptionable testimony from antiquity that there do exist beings of a nature intermediate between that of ,god and man1 beings subject to mortal passions and liable to inevitable changes1 but whom we must1 in accordance with the established custom of our fathers1 regard and invoke as ,dmons1 giving them all due reverence40#bdd ,it is natural1 therefore1 in the light of these indications1 to believe that1 side by side with the popular gods1 there existed1 in the popular imagination1 subordinate beings of two kinds1 both described as ,dmons3 the first class comprising the good and benevolent ,dmons of ,hesiod1 the second including ,dmons of an evil character and disposition1 the belief in which had developed naturally out of the ,hesiodic conception1 from the necessity of fixing the responsibility of evil deeds on supernatural beings different in nature from the purity and goodness of ,deity4#bde ,such a classification of supernatural beings--gods1 ,dmons1 and evil ,dmons--could not1 of course1 be rigidly maintained2 the more the good ,dmons were discriminated from their evil brethren1 the more they would tend to become identified with the gods of the popular tradition1 and the line of demarcation between the divine and the dmonic nature would be broken down1#bdf ,dmons and gods would be identified1 and the splendour and purity of the ,supreme ,god of all would shine out more fully when contrasted with those other gods1 who1 after all1 were only ,dmons4 ,such1 at least1 is the process which appears to be taking place in the numerous contributions which ,plutarch makes to the subject of ,dmonology4 ,he is evidently a sincere believer in the existence of ,dmons1 not a believer in the ,platonic sense1 and not a believer merely because he wishes to come to terms with popular ideas4 ,but the final result1 so it appears to us1 is that the popular gods become identified with ,dmons1 and are prepared1 even in ,pagan times1 to take that position which was assigned to them with such whole-hearted sincerity by the early ,christian ,fathers2#bdg to become the fiends and devils and sprites of another dispensation2 to aid ,saladin in excluding the ,crusaders from the ,holy ,land2 to 8drink beer instead of nectar0 as day labourers in ,german forests2 or to shine with a sinister splendour on the lives of monks and peasants in the rural districts of ,france4#bdh ,plutarch gives emphatic indications of his own attitude on the subject by drawing attention to such expressions of the earlier philosophers as pointed to the recognition of two opposite descriptions of ,dmons--the virtuous and the vicious4 ,in one place1 as we have seen1 he admits that ,homer does not distinguish between the terms 8,gods0 and 8,dmons10 and in his historical rsum of ,dmonology in the 8,isis and ,osiris10#bdi he is compelled to make a parallel admission that the ,homeric epithet derived from ,dmons is indiscriminately applied to good and bad actions4 ,he makes this admission1 however1 the basis of a subtle conclusion to the effect that ,homer wished to imply that the ,dmons had a confused and ill-defined character1 involving the existence of both good and bad specimens of the race4 ,nothing definitely distinguishing between the two sorts of ,dmons is to be obtained from ,plato1#bej and ,plutarch accordingly dwells with special emphasis upon the views of ,empedocles and ,xenocrates1 who maintained1 the one1 that ,dmons who had been guilty of sins of commission or omission were driven about between earth and sky and sea and sun1 until this purifying chastisement restored them to their natural position in the dmonic hierarchy2#bea the other1 that certain disgraceful and ill-omened sacrificial observances 8are not properly connected with the worship of the gods or of good ,dmons1#beb but that there are surrounding us certain beings1 great and potent1 but malignant too1 and hateful1 who rejoice in such repulsive ceremonies1 and are thereby restrained from the perpetration of greater evils40 ,democritus and ,chrysippus are elsewhere quoted as supporters of the same view4#bec ,plutarch1 accordingly1 faithful to his principle of making ,philosophy ,mystagogue to ,religion1 has obtained from the philosophers a conviction that there are two kinds of dmonic beings1 two sets of supernatural characters with attributes inferior to those of the ,divine ,nature1 and yet superior to those displayed by the human family4 ,it has already been shown how naturally the good ,dmons would tend to become identified with the gods3 a passage has just been quoted in which we can see this process of identification taking place4 ,but ,plutarch furnishes still more emphatic testimony to the necessity of such a consummation4 ,the group of philosophers gathered together at ,delphi to discuss the cessation of the oracles have fallen into an argument on the nature of ,dmons1 and certain considerations have been introduced which indicate a liability to vice and death as inherent in their nature4 ,this conclusion shocks one of the speakers1 but the pious ,cleombrotus wants to know in what respect ,dmons will differ from gods if they are endowed with immortality and immunity from sin4#bed ,it is most significant1 however1 that the famous and beautiful story which ,cleombrotus tells in support of his belief in the mortality of ,dmons1 the story of the death of 8the great ,pan10 is actually concerned with an announcement of the death of one whom the popular faith accepted as a deity4#bee ,demetrius1 who had just come from ,britain1 near which were many scattered desert islands1 some of them named after ,dmons and heroes1 gives an authentic account of the death of a ,dmon in the island of ,anglesea4#bef ,cleombrotus then shows how a belief in the nativity and mortality of the ,dmons is not unknown in ,greek philosophy1 8for the ,stoics10 says he1 8maintain this view1 not only with regard to the ,dmons but also with regard to the gods--holding one for the ,eternal and ,immutable1 while regarding the remainder to have been born1 and to be subject to death40#beg ,the whole course of the argument1 even though the speakers are represented as unconscious of the fact1 leads to the identification of the popular deities with the ,dmons4 ,this strain of thought elsewhere loses the unconscious quality1 and becomes as definitely dogmatic as ,plutarch's ,academic bent of mind would allow4 ,in the 8,isis and ,osiris10 for example1 he argues for the probability of the view which assigns the legends of these two deities not to gods or men1 but to ,dmons2#beh and proceeds still further to breach the partition wall between the two natures by introducing into his ,dmonology such legends as have raised ,osiris and ,isis1 on account of their virtue1 from the rank of good ,dmons to that of the gods1#bei and describes them as receiving everywhere the combined honours of gods and ,dmons2 and he appropriates the argument to ,greek religion by comparing this promotion to those of ,herakles and ,dionysus2 by identifying ,isis with ,proserpine1 and subsequently ,osiris with ,dionysus4#bfj ,but whatever may have been the views explicitly maintained by ,plutarch in this connexion1 it is his constant practice to shift on to the shoulders of the ,dmons the responsibility for all those legends1 ceremonies1 and practices1 which1 however appropriate and necessary parts of the national faith they may be1 are yet inconsistent with the qualities rightly attributable to ,deity4#bfa ,we have already noticed his unwillingness to impugn the immutability of the ,creator by regarding ,his essence as capable of metamorphosis into the phenomena of the created world4#bfb 8,it is10 says ,ammonius1 8the function of some other god to do and suffer these changes--or1 rather1 of some ,dmon appointed to direct ,nature in the processes of generation and destruction40 ,this relationship of the ,dmons to the supreme power as conceived by philosophy is more completely stated in the short tract1 8,de ,fato10#bfc where we are told that 7#a7 there is a first and supreme ,providence which is the intelligence of the ,first ,deity1 or1 as one may regard it1 ,his benevolent will towards all creatures1 in accordance with which all divine things universally received the most admirable and perfect order2 7#b7 the second ,providence is that of the second gods1 who move through the sky1 by which human affairs are duly ordered1 including those relating to the permanence and preservation of the various species2 7#c7 the third ,providence may properly be regarded as the superintendence of the ,dmons who are situated near the earth1 observing and directing the actions of men4 ,but1 as we have already noted1 this formal distinction between 7#b7 and 7#c7 is not maintained in practice4 ,cleombrotus1 who knows more about these things than most people1 insists that it is not possible that the gods could have been pleased with festivals and sacrifices1 8at which there are banquets of raw flesh and victims torn in pieces1 as well as fastings and loud lamentations1 and often #8foul language1 mad shrieks1 and tossing of dishevelled hair1'0 but that all such dread observances must have had the object of pacifying the anger of the mischievous ,dmons4#bfd ,it was not to the gods that human sacrifices were welcome2 it was not ,artemis who demanded the slaughter of ,iphigenia2#bfe these were the deeds of 8fierce and violent ,dmons10 who also perpetrated those many rapes1 and inflicted those pestilences and famines which are anciently attributed to the gods4 8,all the rapes here1 and the wanderings there1 that are celebrated in legends and sacred hymns1 all the hidings and flights and servitudes1 do not belong to the gods1 but represent the chances and changes incident to the careers of ,dmons40 ,it was not 8holy ,apollo0 who was banished from ,heaven to serve ,admetus2--but here the speech comes to an end with a rapid change of subject1 as if ,cleombrotus shrinks from the assertion that a ,dmon was the real hero of an episode with which so many beautiful and famous legends of the 8hereditary ,faith0 were connected4 ,when some of the most celebrated national myths concerning the gods are assigned to ,dmons1 we are not far away from the identification of the former with the latter1 and the consequent degradation of the gods to the lower rank4 ,it is true that the various speakers on the subject do not1 in so many words1 identify the ,dmons with the gods of the ,mythology4#bff ,they deprive the gods of many of their attributes1 and give them to the ,dmons2 they deprive them of others1 and give them to the ,one ,eternal ,deity4 ,it is difficult to see how the ,gods could maintain their existence under this twofold tendency of deprivation1 supported as they might be by formal classifications which assigned them a superior place4 ,even the ,father of ,gods and ,men--the ,zeus of ,homer--turns his eyes 8no very great way ahead from ,troy to ,thrace and the nomads of the ,danube1 but the true ,zeus gazes upon beauteous and becoming transformations in many worlds40#bfg ,to contrast the ,zeus 8of ,homer0 with the 8true0 ,zeus is to do little else than to place the former in that subordinate rank proper not to the ,divine1 but to the ,dmonic character4 ,plutarch is perfectly consistent in applying this method of interpretation to the gods of other nations no less than to the gods of ,greece4 ,in the 8,isis and ,osiris10 he inclines to the belief that these great ,egyptian ,deities are themselves only ,dmons1 although he refuses to dogmatize on the point1 and gives a series of more or less recognized explanations of the ,egyptian myth4 ,he cannot refrain1 however1 from using so appropriate an occasion of denouncing the absurdity of the ,greeks in imputing so many terrible actions and qualities to their gods--8,for the legends of ,giants and ,titans1 handed down among the ,greeks1 the monstrous deeds of ,cronus1 the battle between ,pytho and ,apollo1 the flight of ,dionysus1 the wanderings of ,demeter1 fall not behind the stories told of ,osiris and ,typhon1 and other legends that one may hear recounted by mythologists without restraint40#bfh ,such1 then1 is the relation in which the ,dmons stand to the ,divine nature3 they are made the scapegoat for everything obscene1 cruel1 selfish1 traditionally imputed to the gods2 and the ,supreme ,deity rises more conspicuously lofty for its freedom from everything that can tend to drag it down to the baseness of human passions4 ,for ,plutarch makes it very clear that it is the human element in these mixed natures that originates their disorderly appetites4 ,although the ,dmons 8exceed mankind in strength and capacity1 yet the divine element in their composition is not pure and unalloyed1 inasmuch as it participates in the faculties of the soul and the sensations of the body1 is liable to pleasure and pain1 and to such other conditions as are involved in these vicissitudes of feeling1 and bring disturbance upon all in a greater or less degree40#bfi ,it is by virtue of this participation in the 8disturbing0 elements of human nature that they are fitted to play that part between ,god and man which ,plutarch1 after ,plato1 calls the 8interpretative0 and the 8communicative40#bgj ,this enables the ,dmons to play a loftier part than that hitherto assigned them2 to respond1 in fact1 to that universal craving of humanity for some mediator between their weakness and the eternal splendour and perfection of the ,highest4 ,the whole question of inspiration and revelation1 both oracular and personal1 is bound up with the ,dmonic function1 and to both these spheres of its operation1 the public and the private1 ,plutarch gives the fullest and most earnest consideration4 ,previous1 therefore1 to discussing this aspect of the ,dmonic character and influence1 it will be necessary to ascertain what were ,plutarch's views on the subject of inspiration and prophecy1 and what was his attitude to that question of ,divination which exercised so great a fascination on the mind of antiquity4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,necessity for a ,mediator between ,god and ,man partly met by ,oracular ,inspiration--,general failure of ,oracles in the age of ,plutarch--,plutarch's 8,delphian ,essays0--,the ,,de ,,pythi ,,oraculis3 nature of ,inspiration3 oracles not verbally inspired--,the ,,de ,,defectu ,,oraculorum--,various explanations of ,inspiration--,plutarch inclines to accept that which assumes an original ,divine afflatus placed under the superintendence of ,dmons1 whose activities are subject to the operation of natural causes4 ,an age which attempts to reinvigorate its own ethical life by draughts of inspiration from springs hallowed by their duration from an immemorial antiquity1 will naturally regret that currents1 which once ran full1 now flow no longer in their early strength1 but have dwindled to insignificant rills1 or are dried up altogether in their courses4 ,and there is no source of religious inspiration so greatly held in honour as that which comes from the communication of mankind with the ,divine ,being4#bga ,visions1 dreams1 incantations1 inspired writings1 omens1 and prophecies have been valued as means of bringing man into communication with ,god1 and as furnishing an unerring way of indicating the ,divine will to humanity4 ,but it would be difficult to mention any institution or practice having this ostensible aim which has had such absolute sway over the minds of those who came within reach of its influence1 as the group of oracles which were celebrated in the ancient ,hellenic world4 ,it is no wonder1 therefore1 that in the age of ,plutarch the present silence of the oracles was a common topic of speculation1 of anxious alarm to the pious1 of ribald sarcasm to the profane4 ,juvenal#bgb satirically describes the meaner methods which the cessation of the ,oracle at ,delphi has imposed upon those who yet wish to peer through the gloom that hides the future4 ,lucan laments the loss which his degenerate time suffers from this cause3 8non ullo secula dono ,nostra carent majore ,deum1 quam ,delphica sedes ,quod siluit20#bgc and speculates as to the probable reason for the failure of the ancient inspiration4#bgd ,that ,plutarch should have shown solicitude on this aspect of the ancient faith is natural1 and one cannot but be grateful that the chances of time have preserved the exhaustive tracts in which he and his friends are represented as discussing various questions connected with the inspiration of the ,delphic ,oracle1 and the manner in which this inspiration was conveyed to humanity4 ,no extant work gives us so intelligible and natural an explanation of the significance which oracular institutions possessed for the ancient world1 nor so close an insight into the workings of the minds of educated men at one of the most important periods of human history1 in face of one of the most interesting and1 perhaps1 most appalling of human problems4 ,we have already made copious quotations from the two tracts in question2 we now propose to use them mainly for the light which they cast on the question of oracular inspiration4 ,we refer to the tracts known as the 8,de ,pythi ,oraculis0 and the 8,de ,defectu ,oraculorum40 ,these two tracts 7together with the one entitled the 8,de apud ,delphos07#bge purport to be reports of conversations held by philosophical friends and acquaintances of ,plutarch at the shrine of ,apollo at ,delphi4 ,the dialogue1 briefly called 8,on the ,pythian ,responses10 deals1 as the ,greek title indicates1 with the fact that the ,pythia at ,delphi no longer uses verse as the instrument of her inspired utterances4 ,it takes the form of a conversation in the ,delphic temple1 between ,philinus1 ,diogenianus1 ,theon1 ,serapion1 and ,boethus--the first of whom reports the conversation to his friend ,basilocles1 who has grown quite weary of waiting while the rest of the party conduct ,diogenianus1 a visitor1 on a tour of inspection among the sacred offerings in the ,temple4#bgf ,philinus#bgg tells how 8after the ,ciceroni 7 7 had gone through their wonted programme1 disregarding our requests that they would cut short their formal narratives and their explanations of most of the inscriptions10 the conversation had turned by a series of natural gradations from the interesting objects1 that so strongly attracted the attention of visitors1 to the medium through which the oracles of the ,god had been conveyed to humanity4#bgh ,diogenianus had noted that 8the majority of the oracular utterances were crowded with faults of inelegance and incorrectness1 both of composition and metre40 ,serapion1 to whom previous reference has been made1 and who is here described as 8the poet from ,athens10 will not admit the correctness of this impious indictment4#bgi 8,you are of opinion1 then10 said he1 8that1 believing these verses to be the work of the god1 we may assert that they are inferior to those of ,homer and ,hesiod8 ,shall we not rather regard them as being the best and most beautiful of all compositions1 and reconstitute1 by the standard which they supply1 our own taste and judgment1 so long corrupted by an evil tradition80 ,boethus1 8the geometrician10 who has lately joined the ,epicureans1 uses a neat form of the argumentum ad hominem in refutation of ,serapion1 paying him a polished compliment at the same time4#bhj 8,your own poems10 says he1 8grave1 indeed1 and philosophic in matter1 are1 in power and grace and finish1 much more after the model of ,homer and ,hesiod than of the ,pythia20 and he gives concise expression to the two opposing mental attitudes in which questions of this kind are universally approached4 8,some will maintain that the oracles are fine poems because they are the god's1 others that they cannot be the god's because they are not fine poems40 ,serapion emphatically re-asserts the former of these two views1 maintaining that 8our eyes and our ears are diseased4 ,we have become accustomed1 by long indulgence in luxury and effeminacy1 to regard sweetness as identical with beauty40#bha ,theon#bhb is the exponent of a compromise not unknown in modern discussions on the 8,inspiration of the ,scriptures0--8,since these verses are inferior to those of ,homer1 it cannot be maintained that the god is their author4 ,he supplies the primary inspiration to the prophetess1 who gives expression thereto in accordance with her natural aptitude and capacity4 ,he only suggests the images1 and makes the light of the future shine in her soul40 ,the conversation then turns upon certain events which had accompanied1 or been preceded by1 portents and wonders happening to statues and other gifts consecrated in the ,temple4 ,on this subject ,philinus asserts his firm belief that 8all the sacred offerings at ,delphi are specially moved by divine forethought to the indication of futurity1 and that no fragment of them is dead and irresponsive1 but all are filled with divine power40 ,boethus1 as a newly converted ,epicurean1 makes a mock of this view1 this 8identification of ,apollo with brass and stone1 as if chance were not quite competent to account for such coincidences10 and he subsequently enlarges his view as follows3--8,what possible condition of temporal affairs1 my friend1 cannot be assigned to natural causes8 ,what strange and unexpected event1 occurring by sea or by land1 to cities or to individual men1 could one predict without some chance of hitting the mark8#bhc ,yet you would hardly call this prediction2 it would be merely assertion1 or1 rather1 the dissemination at random1 into the abyss of infinity1 of bare words without any guiding principle leading them to a particular end1 words which1 as they wander about1 are sometimes met by chance events which correspond with them40 ,and ,boethus continues to insist that1 though some predictions may have by accident come true1 the original assertions were not the less false on that account4 ,serapion admits that this may be true about vague predictions1 but maintains that such detailed prophecies as those he proceeds to quote from history do not owe their accomplishment to chance4#bhd ,the attention of the disputants--if these calm and dignified colloquies can be called disputes--is here again attracted to the objects of artistic and historical interest surrounding them1 among which the guide takes occasion to point out the place where formerly had reposed the iron spits dedicated by the courtezan ,rhodopis under the circumstances detailed by ,herodotus4#bhe ,diogenianus warmly protests against such offerings having ever been admitted into the ,temple1 but ,serapion draws his attention to the golden statue of the more notorious ,phryne1 8that trophy of ,greek incontinence10--as ,crates had called it--and condemns the inconsistency of these objections in people who see1 without a protest1 the temple crowded with offerings made by the ,greek cities for victories in their internecine warfare4 8,it were fitting10 exclaims he1 8that kings and magistrates should consecrate to the god offerings of justice1 temperance1 and magnanimity1 and not tributes of a golden and luxurious wealth1 which the most evil livers often abound in40#bhf ,the concluding portion of this somewhat discursive tract is devoted to a speech by ,theon on the question with which the title only has so far dealt1 the cessation of the oracle to use verse4 ,theon1 as we have seen1 believes that the god inspires the thought1 and not the expression1 of the ,pythia1 and his explanation of the change of medium is purely natural1 being based upon the general tendency towards prose which early became evident in ,greek ,literature and ,philosophy4 ,besides1 the matters on which the oracle is now consulted are not such as to require the mystery and magnificence of verse4#bhg 8,in these cases it would be absurd to employ the diction1 metre1 and imagery of poetry1 when what is required is a simple and concise reply4 ,it would be like a vain ,sophist to turn an oracle finely for the sake of show4 ,the ,pythian priestess1 moreover1 is noble and virtuous in her own character1 and when she mounts the tripod and approaches the god1 she is more intent on truth than appearance1 more regardful of the god's message than of the praise or blame of men40#bhh 8,in old days10 continues ,theon1 8were not wanting those who accused the oracles of uncertainty and ambiguity1 and there are now those who accuse them of excessive simplicity4 ,but the ways of such persons are childish and silly3 for just as children take more delight in looking at rainbows and aureoles and comets than at the sun and moon1 so do these desire enigmas and allegories and metaphors to fill the heart of man with wonder and mystery4 ,in their ignorance of the true reason of the change 7in the oracle's mode of expression71 they depart1 blaming the god instead of charging the defect to the weakness of our human intellect1 which cannot comprehend the purposes of the ,deity40#bhi ,in this defence of the ,deity ,theon has apparently committed himself to a view of the manner in which the process of inspiration takes place4 8,the body employs many organs1 while the soul employs the body and its parts4 ,the soul1 in like manner1 is ,god's instrument4 ,now the virtue of an instrument consists in imitating1 subject to its natural limitations1 the power that makes use of it1 and in exhibiting the thought of that power in operation4 ,this it cannot do to the extent of reproducing the purity and perfection of the ,divine ,creator1 but its work is mixed with alien matter4 ,the ,moon reproduces the splendour of the ,sun1 but in a dim and weak form4 ,these images are representations of the way in which the ,pythia reproduces for the service of mankind the thoughts of ,god40#bij ,we may be tempted1 while reading this explanation1 to assert that ,plutarch wishes to maintain that the inspiration of the ,pythia by the ,deity is direct4 ,but these illustrations are intended only to explain why the ,pythian verses are not divinely perfect4 ,they come through a human soul1 which has the weakness of an instrument1 and is prevented by its limitations from expressing the purity and beauty of the divine thought4 ,the manner of this inspiration is more fully discussed in the following dialogue1 the 8,de ,defectu ,oraculorum40 ,this tract is in the form of a letter addressed to ,terentius ,priscus1 and although the person speaking as 8,i0 in the dialogue is alluded to as 8,lamprias0#bia by the other speakers1 it is clearly ,plutarch himself who is modestly represented under this guise4 ,after a warning1 characteristic of ,plutarch both as regards its purport and the manner in which it is conveyed 7by means of a historical reminiscence71 that these questions are not to be tested 8like a painting by the touch10 the writer brings a party of philosophers together at ,delphi 8shortly before the ,pythian games held under ,callistratus40 ,two of these philosophers are already known to us4 ,like the eagles or swans of the ancient legend they had met at ,delphi coming from opposite quarters of the globe2#bib ,demetrius1 of ,tarsus1 returning home from ,britain1 and ,cleombrotus1 of ,lacedmon1 from prolonged journeyings by land and sea1 in ,egypt and the ,east4 ,cleombrotus1 being possessed of a competence1 employed his means and his leisure in travel1 for the purpose of accumulating evidence to form the basis of that branch of philosophy whose end and aim1 as he expressed it1 was ,theology4#bic ,a preliminary discussion takes place respecting the 8everlasting lamp0 which ,cleombrotus had been shown in the ,temple of ,ammon1 a discussion involving abstract consideration of ,mathematics and ,astronomy4 ,in this conversation1 ,plutarch's three favourite characters1 doubtlessly representing three common types of the day1 are again depicted in the pious belief of ,cleombrotus1 the scepticism of ,demetrius1 and the judicial pose of the ,academic ,ammonius4 ,the mention of the ,temple of ,ammon naturally leads ,plutarch to raise the question of the present silence of that famous oracle4#bid ,demetrius diverts this particular topic into a general inquiry respecting the comparative failure of oracles all the world over4#bie ,botia1 for example1 once so renowned in this respect1 suffers from an almost total drought of oracular inspiration4 ,while ,demetrius is speaking1 the party--,demetrius1 ,cleombrotus1 ,ammonius1 and ,plutarch--had walked from the shrine towards the 8doors of the ,hall of the ,cnidians1#bif and10 proceeds ,plutarch1 8entering therein we came upon our friends sitting down and waiting for us40 ,demetrius playfully suggests that their listless attitude and idle expression do not indicate attention to any important subject of discussion2 but ,heracleon of ,megara retorts sharply upon the grammarian that people who try to solve trifling questions of grammar and philology naturally contract their brows and contort their features2#big but there are subjects of importance which people discuss with their eyebrows composed in their natural way4 8,such10 amiably replies ,cleombrotus1 8such is the subject we now propose to discuss20 and1 the two groups having joined company1 he proceeds to explain the topic to his hearers4 ,his observations excite the cynic ,didymus1 surnamed ,planetiades1 in a remarkable manner4#bih ,striking his cynic's staff upon the ground1 he inveighs against the wickedness of the times1 and wonders that the ,divine ,providence has not gathered up its oracles on every side and taken its departure long ago1 like the ,aidos and ,nemesis of ,hesiod4 8,i would suggest for your discussion the question why some god has not repeated the feat of ,hercules and shattered the tripod1 filled to overflowing1 as it has been1 with disgraceful and atheistical requests4 ,some of us have questioned the god as if he were a sophist1 anxious to show off his rhetorical skill4 ,some of us have appealed to him about riches and treasures2 some about legacies2 some about unlawful marriages4 ,surely ,pythagoras was utterly wrong when he said that men were at their best when approaching the gods4 ,do we not expose1 naked and unashamed1 to the eyes of the god such vices and diseases of the soul as we should shun mentioning even in the presence of an old and experienced man80#bii ,he was going to add more1 when ,heracleon twitched his cloak1 8but ,i10 writes ,plutarch1 8being on more familiar terms with him than were the others1 said to him1 #8,my dear ,planetiades1 cease your efforts to provoke a god who is really amiable and gentle1 and who has been1 as ,pindar says1 8,adjudged exceeding mild to mortal men40 ,and whether he is the sun1 or lord and father of the sun and of the whole perceptible world1 it is not right to believe that he would deprive the men of to-day of the help of his utterances1 for he is the author and supporter of our life1 and the master of our intelligence4 ,nor is it reasonable to suppose that ,providence1 which1 like a kind and tender mother1 has given us all that we possess1 should wish to punish us in one single point alone--by taking away from us that prophetic aid which was once given to us4 ,just as if the wicked were not as numerous when the oracles were firmly established in many parts of the earth6 ,sit down again1 and1 in honour of the ,pythian games1 make a truce for once with vice1 which you are always eager to chastise1 and help us to find out the cause of the failure of the oracles4' ,the only result of my remarks was that ,planetiades went out-of-doors in silence4#cjj ,after a brief silence1 ,ammonius turned to me and said1 #8,come1 ,lamprias1 we must be careful not to deprive the god of all agency in this matter4 ,for if we maintain that the cessation of the oracles is due to any other cause than the will of ,god1 we can hardly escape the conclusion that their foundation also was not ,his work4 ,if the prophetic power of the oracles is1 indeed1 the work of ,god1 we can imagine no greater or stronger power than that required to destroy it4 ,planetiades' remarks were displeasing to me1 particularly on account of the inconstancy which he attributes to ,god in ,his attitude towards men's wickedness1 now punishing and now protecting it1 as if ,god were some king or tyrant excluding vicious men at one door while welcoming and rewarding them at another4 ,we ought to start with the principle that ,god's action is always marked by an adaptation of means to ends1 that ,he does not furnish an excess of what is not required1 and should then observe that ,greece has shared in a particular degree that general depopulation which wars and revolutions have effected in all parts of the world1 to such an extent1 indeed1 that the whole of ,greece could now barely furnish the #cjjj hoplites which were ,megara's contingent to ,plata4#cja ,if we were to do this we should accurately display our own judgment2 for how could the god leave his oracles with us for the mere purpose of marking the desolation of our land8 ,for who would be the better if its ancient oracle were still left to ,tegyra1 or at ,ptoum1 where after searching whole days you can hardly find a single herdsman tending his cattle8 ,even this most ancient and famous oracle at ,delphi is related to have been for a long period reduced to a state of desolation and inaccessibility by a terrible monster in the shape of a serpent4 ,but this desolation is not rightly explained4 ,the solitude brought the serpent1 not the serpent the solitude4 ,but when1 in the great purpose of ,god1 ,greece again grew strong in its cities1 and the land was replenished with mankind1 the temple was served by two priestesses1 who took alternate duties on the tripod1 and a third was appointed to be available in case of emergency4 ,but now there is but one ,pythia2 and her we find enough for all our needs4 ,for the prophetic inspiration that yet remains is sufficient to send all comers away with their requirements satisfied4 ,agamemnon employed nine heralds2 and even so he was hard put to it to control the assembly of the ,greeks1 so numerous it was4 ,but within a few days you will have an opportunity of observing that one voice will easily reach the ears of everybody in the ,theatre here4 ,in a similar manner the prophetic influence of the god issued by a greater number of voices when the population was greater4 ,but as things at present are1 the real cause for astonishment would be that the god should allow the prophetic agency to waste like water1 or his voice to sound in vain like the cries of shepherds and sheep re-echoing among the rocky solitudes4'#cjb ,ammonius ceased1 and ,i remained silent4 ,but ,cleombrotus1 turning to me1 said3 #8,was it not you who1 just now1 maintained that it is the god himself who not only gives1 but also takes away the oracles8' #8,no1 indeed1' replied ,i1 #8on the contrary1 ,i assert that the god has taken away neither oracle nor sacred shrine4 ,but just as the god bestows upon us many other things which are subject to decay and destruction by natural processes--or1 rather1 the original substance1 containing a principle of change and movement in its own nature1 often dissolves itself and reshapes itself without the intervention of the original creator--so in like manner1 ,i think1 the oracles undergo darkenings and declines1 being included in the truth of the statement that the god bestows many fair gifts on men1 but not one of them to last for ever2 or1 as ,sophocles has it1 8the gods immortal are1 but not their works0'0--8,the foundation of oracles is rightly assigned to ,god10 continues ,plutarch1 8but the law of their existence and its operation we must seek for in nature and in matter4 ,for it is nothing but the most childish folly to look upon ,god as a sort of ventriloquist3 like the fellows once called ,eurycleis and nowadays ,pythons1 inserting ,himself into the bodies of the prophets1 using their mouths and vocal chords as instruments of ,his messages4 ,for he who puts ,god into this personal contact with human weaknesses and necessities1 sins against ,his glory1 and deprives ,him of the excellence and grandeur of ,his ,virtue40 ,this strong insistence upon the splendour of the ,divine ,nature is1 as we know1 one of the most characteristic elements of ,plutarch's philosophy1 and1 so long as he can preserve this intact1 he is not careful of consistency in his arguments on less important points of doctrine4 ,we have seen him shrinking in conversation from too close an identification with ,rationalism2 and we are also prepared to find him giving importance to a view which introduces a supernatural element even into the operation of secondary causes4 ,hence ,cleombrotus is represented as saying how difficult it is to draw the line exactly at the direct interposition of ,providence in human affairs2 since those who exclude ,god from second causes1 and those who see ,him everywhere1 are equally in error4 ,hence the pious student of ,theology is permitted to give a full exposition of the doctrines of ,dmonology as applied to the question of ,oracles and ,inspiration4 8,plato delivered ,philosophy from many difficulties when he discovered ,matter as the substratum of phenomenal qualities2 but those who invented the science of ,dmonology have solved greater difficulties still40 ,we are already familiar with the nature and activities of the ,dmons2 it remains to see how their existence is applied to the question under discussion4 8,let us not listen10 says ,cleombrotus1 8to those who say that oracles are not divinely inspired1 or that religious rites and ceremonies are disregarded by the gods3 nor1 on the other hand1 let us approve of the view that ,god is actively1 personally1 and directly concerned in these matters2 but let us believe that the ,dmons are superintendents of1 and participators in1 the sacred sacrifices and mysteries1 justly assigning these functions to ,lieutenants of the gods1 as it were to ,servants and ,secretaries1 while others go about and punish great and notorious acts of injustice40#cjc ,this belief1 in the opinion of ,cleombrotus1 furnishes an explanation of the silent periods of the oracles4 8,i am not afraid to say1 as many others have said before me1 that when the ,dmons who have been appointed to administer prophetic shrines and oracles leave them finally1 then the shrines and oracles finally decline4 ,if these guardians flee and go elsewhither1 and then return after a long interval1 the oracles1 silent during their absence1 become again1 as of old1 the means of conveying responses to those who come to consult them40 8,but10 says ,demetrius1 8it is impossible to assert that the oracles are silent owing to their desertion by the ,dmons1 unless we are first reassured respecting the method by which the ,dmons1 when in actual superintendence of the oracles1 make them actively inspired40#cjd ,plutarch here introduces a rationalistic argument imputing prophetic inspiration to subterrestrial exhalations1 and draws down upon himself the reproof from ,ammonius that he has followed up the abstraction of ,divination from the gods by now depriving the ,dmons of that power and referring it to 8exhalations1 winds1 and vapours40 ,plutarch1 however1 though adhering to ,rationalism to the extent of insisting on the operation of secondary causes1 saves his piety by explicitly placing them under the superintendence of the ,dmons4 8,there are two causes of generation3 the ,zeus of the ancient poets and theologians1 and the physical causes of the natural philosophers4 ,the study of either of these sets of causes1 to the exclusion of the other1 leads to defective philosophy4 ,but he who first made use of both these principles1 combining creative ,reason with created ,matter1 freed us from fear of criticism either on the ground of impiety or unreason4 ,for we deprive prophetic inspiration neither of ,god nor of ,reason when we allow as its material the human soul1 and assign as its instrument the inspiring exhalation4#cje ,the ,earth1 indeed1 breeds these exhalations1 but he that implants in the earth its tempering and transforming power--,i mean the ,sun--is regarded as a god in our ancestral religion4 ,then1 if we leave the ,dmons as presidents and attendants and guardians1 to secure the due harmonizing of the various elements of the inspiring exhalation1 now slackening and now tightening it1 now restraining its excessive power of phrensy and confusion1 and gently tempering its stimulating force so that it becomes harmless and painless to those under its influence--if we adopt these views1 we shall be in perfect harmony with reason and possibility40#cjf ,the one thing that is conspicuously evident throughout these discussions on important questions of ,religion is the earnest sincerity with which they are universally approached4 ,we notice everywhere that combination of piety with philosophy1 which is characteristic of ,plutarch's own genius1 and which appears to be no less characteristic of the society in which he constantly moves4 ,even the ,epicurean ,boethus1 an excellent man with his witty stories and courtly compliments1 finds it somehow in his power to defend the dignity of the prophetic ,god against those who would 8mix ,him up with every piece of stone or brass10 while those who are most solicitously inclined to a pious reverence of the ancient faith--,serapion for a prominent example--never for long forget that spirit of critical detachment proper to the inquiring philosopher4#cjg 8,there is no one here present10 says ,heracleon18who is profane and uninitiated1 and holds views of the gods inconsistent with our own2 but we must take care that we ourselves do not unconsciously admit absurd and far-reaching hypotheses in support of our arguments40#cjh ,but it is ,plutarch himself who1 shunning the 8falsehood of extremes10 most conspicuously represents this spirit of compromise4 ,it is ,theon-,plutarch who finds a middle way between the views of ,boethus and those of ,serapion on the subject of prophecy1 and it is ,lamprias-,plutarch who1 knowing that these things involve many contentions and are open to numerous contradictions1 combines the belief in an original divine inspiration1 with a recognition of the scientific importance of subsidiary causes1 moving unchecked in the sphere of ,nature4 8,the power of the exhalation which inspires the ,pythia is in truth divine and dmonic1 but it is not exempt from the operation of causes that bring silence1 age1 decay and destruction on all that lives between the earth and moon40#cji ,plutarch here strikes with clear emphasis a note not out of harmony with the spirit of modern ,theology2 and had he pushed this view to its logical conclusion1 as the ,epicurean ,boethus#caj did1 the ,dmons would have disappeared1 and their places would have been wholly occupied by natural causes operating under the ,divine impetus inspired by the great ,first ,cause4 ,but the necessity for a personality1 human on one aspect1 ,divine on the other1 to stand between ,god and man1 was too strongly felt by ,plutarch to enable him to accept without qualification the conclusions of pure rationalism4 ,the blank between the ,creator and ,his creatures is occupied1 therefore1 partly by natural causes1 partly by the ,dmons1 whose existence and mode of operation are now involved in the working of natural causes regarded as under their superintendence1 and now appear as supernatural agencies vaguely dependent upon the will of the ,supreme ,power4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,sincerity of ,plutarch's belief in ,dmons--,function of the ,dmons as ,mediators not confined to oracular inspiration--,dmons in their personal relationship with the human soul--,the ,,de ,d,,monio ,,socratis--,this tract not a formal treatise on ,demonology--,various explanations of the ,socratic 8,dmon0--,ethical value of the conception of ,dmons as spiritual guardians of individual men--8,men may rise on stepping-stones of their dead selves to higher things0--,dangers of the conception--,superstition3 ,plutarch's general attitude towards that ,vice4 ,the evident sincerity of ,plutarch's piety--his attitude of more than toleration towards everything consecrated by the religious tradition of his age and country--render it impossible for us to regard his system of ,dmonology as a mere concession made by ,rationalism to ,superstition4#caa ,but it is not the less clear that ,plutarch thinks he has found in the existence of ,dmons not only a means of communication between ,god and man1 but a means of reconciliation between ,philosophy and ,piety1 between ,boethus and ,serapion4 ,it is a very happy circumstance for a man's moral progress when he finds ,religion and ,reason in an agreement so plausible2 and when ,reason has in some way furnished the very means of agreement--for was it not ,plato himself to whom most people had gone for their ,dmonology8--the resulting tendency will have the strength of two harmonizing influences1 instead of the halting weakness of a compromise between two mutually conflicting elements4#cab ,plato's ,dmonology is a trick of fence3 an ironical pose of sympathetic agreement with popular ideas3 but ,plutarch does not see this1 and can honestly think himself a ,platonist1 a philosopher1 even on a question whose settlement demands philosophical concessions all along the line4 ,it is true that there was one gain for ,philosophy which1 in ,plutarch's mind1 would compensate for even greater sacrifices than it was actually called upon to make3 the gain1 namely1 that each concession to the belief in ,dmons would bring into greater prominence the pure splendour and naked simplicity of the idea of ,god4 ,as ,god was withdrawn not only from participation in the ignoble adventures of the ,homeric legends1 but also from the direct inspiration of oracular and prophetic phrensy1 ,his character would become more worthy of the adoration of the ,best1 while ,his omnipotence would be maintained by virtue of the controlling power exercised by ,him over all subordinate powers4 ,the gain for a philosophic conception of the ,deity was so great in this direction1 that we are without surprise in seeing ,plutarch proceed still further on the same path4 ,the ,dmons by their divine alloy come into close contact with the nature of ,god3 they perform many functions as interpreters of the ,divine ,will to humanity4 ,but by virtue of the human element in their character1 they are fitted for assuming a personal relationship with individual men1 and for becoming the instruments by means of which ,god enters into those ethical relations with humanity which we have seen described in the 8,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta40 ,the hint for this aspect of their work and influence ,plutarch has found in the ,hesiodic people of the golden age1 whose death promoted them to the duty of keeping watch over the actions of men4 ,we have seen him already develop this hint in an assertion that the ,dmons1 in addition to attending on shrines and religious ceremonies1 are endowed with punitive authority over great sinners2 and the ethical value of the doctrine is enforced in a passage in which the love of justice1 the fear of dishonour1 the adoration of virtue1 the amenities and graces of civilized life1 are intimately associated with the belief that good deities and ,dmons keep a watch upon our career4#cac ,this belief in an intimate personal relation between men and ,dmons received its most notorious expression in the famous philosophic tradition of the ,dmon of ,socrates1 and it is naturally in a tract with this title that we have the fullest information respecting ,plutarch's view of the personal connexion between ,dmons and men4 ,the essay1 8,on the ,dmon of ,socrates10 does not1 however1 contain an exhaustive and scientific discussion of this interesting aspect of ,theology similar to that given by ,apuleius in his tract with the same designation4 ,at first we find ourselves plunged into the midst of a most dramatically told piece of history--the famous ,return of the ,theban ,exiles under ,pelopidas after the treacherous seizure of the ,cadmea by the ,spartans4 ,in the pauses of the plot the ,thebans--averse from such studies as their character is supposed to have been--discourse on these high questions of religious philosophy1 and one would almost guess that ,plutarch's subsidiary intention was to indicate1 by the broken character of the discussion1 the difficulty of attaining to a complete and final view of the subject4 ,various rational and supernatural explanations of the well-known ,socratic expression are suggested1 explanations which vary in harmony with the different types of character1 or mental attitude1 already familiar in ,plutarch4 ,galaxidorus takes the extreme rationalistic view4 ,he rebukes ,philosophy for promising to pursue scientific methods in the investigation of 8the ,good and the ,expedient10 and then1 in contempt of ,reason1 falling back upon the gods as principles of action1 thus relying on dreams instead of demonstrations4#cad ,he thinks the ,dmon of ,socrates was nothing but the 8last straw0 which inclines1 in one direction or the other1 a man whose close and experienced study of every aspect of the case has not enabled him to come to a practical decision4 ,a sneeze might be the grain which turned the balance4 ,phidolaus will not allow so 8great a phenomenon of prophetic inspiration0 to be explained by a sneeze1 a method of divination which 8is only jestingly used by common people in small matters40#cae ,a statement of ,simmias to the effect that he had heard ,socrates often inveighing against those who asserted they had seen a divine vision1 while he always listened sympathetically to those who said they had heard a voice1 leads to a general surmise that the ,dmon may have been 8not an apparition1 but the perception of a voice or the interpretation of a word1 which had occurred to him under extraordinary circumstances1 just as in a dream there is no actual voice1 but we have fancies and notions of words1 and imagine that we can hear people speaking40#caf ,archidamas1 who is narrating the dialogue and its events to ,caphisias1 here expounds his own views on the subject in the light of the foregoing explanation4 ,he thinks that the voice1 or the perception of a voice1 which influenced ,socrates1 was the speech of a ,dmon1 who1 without the intermediation of audible sound1 made this direct appeal to the mind of the pure and passionless sage2#cag it was the influence of a superior intelligence and of a diviner soul1 operating upon the soul of ,socrates1 whose calm and holy temper fitted him 8to hear this spiritual speech which1 though filling all the air around1 is only heard by those whose souls are freed from passion1 and its perturbing influence40#cah ,here we have the extreme religious view placed1 as usual1 in contrast with the sceptical rationalism of ,galaxidorus1 which has also been indirectly opposed by a narrative of the events1 involving the hearing of a ,dmonic voice1 connected with the death and burial of a ,pythagorean philosopher1 ,lysis1 from which it appears that the ,pythagoreans believed that a few men only were under the guardian care of the ,dmons4#cai ,these two opposing views having been fully expounded by their respective defenders1 we should now expect the dialogue to be concluded1 in the usual manner of ,plutarch1 with a compromise between the rationalistic and the religious attitudes4 ,but on this occasion we are disappointed4 ,plutarch abandons the rle of rationalist and gives himself up entirely to the view of ,dmonic influence expounded by ,archidamas1 taking ,myth for his guide again whither ,philosophy refuses to go4 ,he is careful1 however1 as in the parallel case in the 8,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta10 at once to still the suspicion of the philosopher and to put the pious reader on his guard1 by suggesting a contrast between ,myth and ,reason before entering on the narrative1 a warning which is strongly emphasized by the fact that even ,theocritus1 8the ,soothsayer10 can only claim for ,myth1 that it is not to be depended upon for scientific accuracy1 but only sometimes comes in contact with ,truth4#cbj ,the ,myth in this case describes the experiences in the ,cave of ,trophonius of the young philosopher ,timarchus1 a friend of ,socrates1 who desired to ascertain the true nature of the 8,dmon0 of that great man4 ,the story is told with considerable beauty of imagery1 an example of ,plutarch's skill in which we have already seen in the similar story of ,thespesius of ,soli4 ,the soul of the philosopher leaves his body through the sutures of the cranium4 ,in the subterranean regions he stays two nights and a day1 receiving from an invisible spirit much information concerning the afterworld and the beings who inhabit it4 ,the main object of the story seems to be to establish and elucidate the ethical value of the doctrine of ,dmonology1 while at the same time we note that a mystical significance now begins to be attached to certain principles long the topic of discussion in the schools4 ,timarchus is informed by the invisible spirit that there are four principles which operate throughout the universe3 the first of ,life1 the second of ,motion1 the third of ,generation1 the fourth of ,corruption4 ,the sphere of ,life is united to the sphere of ,motion by the ,monad in the world of invisibility2 the sphere of ,motion is united to the sphere of ,generation by ,nous in the ,sun2 the sphere of ,generation is united to the sphere of ,corruption by ,nature in the ,moon4 ,over each of these unions a ,fate presides4 ,the other 8islands0 are peopled by gods3 but the ,moon is inhabited by ,epichthonian ,dmons1 being raised only a little above ,styx1 which is 8the way to ,hell40#cba ,styx periodically seizes upon many of these souls in the ,moon1 and they are swallowed up in ,hell4 ,other souls1 at the end of their participation in the life of generation1 are received into the ,moon from below1 except such as are 8polluted and unpurified10 these being driven away from her by thunder and lightning to undergo another period of generation4 ,as in the myth of ,thespesius1 there is a chasm through which the souls pass and repass to and from the life of earth4 8,what10 asks ,timarchus1 8are these stars that dart about the chasm1 some descending into its depths1 others arising from it80 8,these are ,dmons10 he is told2 and we can only conclude that they are identical with the souls already described as inhabiting the ,moon4 ,these ,dmons are incarnated in mankind4 ,some are altogether dominated by the passions and appetites of the body1 others enter into it only partly1 retaining the purest portion of their substance unmingled with the human frame4 8,it is not dragged down1 but floats above the top of the head of a man1 who is1 as it were1 sinking in the depths1 but whose soul is supported by the connexion so long as it is submissive to this influence1 and is not controlled by its bodily passions4 ,the part beneath the waves in the body is called the soul2 but the eternal1 uncorrupted part is called the mind1 by those who think it is within the body4--,those who rightly judge1 know it to be outside1 and describe it as a ,dmon40 ,the point of this narrative is emphasized by ,theanor1 who expresses his belief that 8there are very few men whom ,god honours by addressing his commands directly to them4 ,the souls of such men1 freed from the domination of passion and earthly desires1 become ,dmons1 who act as guardian angels to certain men1 whose long-continued struggles after the good excite their attention1 and at last obtain their assistance40 ,each of these ,dmons loves to help the soul confided to its care1 and to save it by its inspirations4 ,the soul who adheres to the ,dmon1 and listens to its warnings1 attains a happy ending2 those who refuse to obey are abandoned by it1 and may expect no happiness4#cbb 8,the connexion which attaches the ,dmon to the soul is1 as it were1 a restraint upon the irrational part thereof4 ,when ,reason pulls the chain it gives rise to repentance for the sins which the soul has committed under the influence of passion1 shame for illicit and immoderate indulgences1 and finally produces a tendency to submit in quiet patience to the better influence of the ,dmon4 ,the condition of absolute submission does not come all at once1 but those who have been obedient to their ,dmon from the very beginning constitute the class of prophets and god-inspired men40 ,the ,dmons have here assigned to them a protective care of humanity2 they assist the souls who struggle after goodness1 and desert those who refuse to obey their injunctions4 ,a few good men1 specially honoured by the deity1 may themselves become ,dmons1 and act as guardian angels to others4 ,plutarch repeats this view more systematically elsewhere1 giving it a more general application4 8,it is maintained by some that 444 just as water is perceived to be produced from earth1 from water1 air1 and from air1 fire1 in a constantly ascending process1 so also the better souls undergo a transformation from men to heroes1 from heroes to dmons1 and from dmons1 some few souls1 being purified through prolonged practice of virtue1 are brought to a participation in the divine nature itself40#cbc ,this examination of the story of ,timarchus lends a strong support to the statement already made respecting ,plutarch's use of myth4 ,in the 8,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta0 we saw that he could not accept as a subject of rational demonstration the theory of rewards and punishments in a future life2 but so convinced is he of the ethical value of that belief that he has recourse to a most solemn myth1 which he clearly hopes will operate for goodness through the imagination if not through the intellect4 ,the myth embodied in the 8,de ,dmonio ,socratis0 has a similar origin and an identical aim4 ,how important to a man in his efforts after ,goodness to know that he is under the observation of a ,being whose half-human1 half-divine nature1 fits him equally to feel sympathy and administer aid6 ,that is an aspect of ,plutarch's teaching which requires no emphasis to-day4444 ,with the ,plutarchean doctrine of ,dmons is also involved the sublimely moral notion of eternal endeavour after a higher and more perfect goodness4 ,the human being who earnestly strives to be good within the limits of his present opportunities will have a larger sphere of activity thrown open to him as a ,dmon in the ,afterworld4 ,the human soul transfigured into the strength and splendour of this higher nature has work to perform which may develop such qualities as will bring their owner into closer proximity with the ,highest ,divine4 ,the doctrine of ,dmons1 as expounded by ,plutarch1 involves the profound moral truth that there is no limit to the perfectibility of human nature2 and we can surely forgive much that is irrational and fantastic in a scheme which embodies so effective an inspiration to goodness4#cbd ,but the value and moral dignity of any principle depend upon the method of its interpretation and application4 ,that sense of personal dependence upon a benevolent supernatural power which ,plutarch associates with the teachings of ,dmonology may be identical with the purest and loftiest religion1 or may degenerate into the meanest and most degrading superstition1 according to its development in the mind of the individual believer4 ,if this intercourse is regarded as spiritual only1 the communion of soul with soul in the 8sessions of sweet1 silent thought10 high religious possibilities issue which no form of faith can dispense with4 ,any attempt to degrade this intercourse to material ends1 or to appeal to it through material channels1 involves recourse to magical rites1 and superstitious practices of the grossest description4 ,it is necessary1 too1 that even where there is no recourse to materialistic avenues of access to the spiritual world1 the mind should cultivate a belief in the benevolence of the ,higher ,powers so that it may maintain a rational dignity and fearlessness in its communion with them4 ,plutarch is aware of these clangers4 ,he knows that ,dmonology1 and even ,theology1 may involve ,superstition1 and he takes pains to close those avenues to its approach1 which a misunderstanding of the subject1 a mistaken mental attitude towards it1 may easily throw widely open4 ,he seldom misses an opportunity of inculcating the proper attitude of mind to assume in face of questions of ,religion1 or of placing such questions in an atmosphere of clear and rational daylight1 which is equally unlike the dim gloom of ,superstition1 and the blinding glare of ,atheism4 ,in a word1 he continues to make ,reason his ,mystagogue to ,religion4 ,polemically1 as against the ,epicureans1 he is inclined to argue that ,atheism is an unmixed evil1 since it deprives mankind of ,hope1 ,courage1 and ,pleasure1 and leaves us no refuge in ,god from the sorrows and troubles of life4#cbe ,he adds that ,superstition should be removed as a dimming rheum from before our eyes2 but1 if that is impossible1 we must not knock the eye out for the sake of removing the rheum1 or turn the sight of ,faith to the blindness of ,atheism in order to destroy false ideas of the ,deity4 ,although he admits that there are some men for whom it is best to be in fear of ,god2 although he knows that a much greater number combine with their honour and worship of the ,deity a certain superstitious fear and dread of ,him2 yet he insists most strongly that these feelings are totally eclipsed by the hope and joy that attend their communion with ,god4#cbf ,he draws a beautiful picture of the happiness accompanying participation in divine services1 asserting1 in a lofty strain of religious feeling1 that it is from a recognition of the presence of ,god in these services that the sense of happiness proceeds4 8,he that denies the ,providence of ,god has no share in this exceeding joy4 ,for it is not abundance of wine and well-cooked meats that gladden our hearts in a religious festival2 it is our good hope and belief that ,god ,himself is graciously present and approving our acts40 ,without this conviction1 he insists1 the religious value of the ceremony is utterly lost4#cbg ,to approach the gods with cheerfulness and courage and openness is the soul of ,plutarch's religion1 and he is faithful to this principle on the most diverse occasions4 ,fond of ,literature as he is1 there are many famous passages of classical verse which he will not permit youthful students to carry away into their lives as factors in ethical progress until they have been harmonized with the claims of a rational criticism4 ,thus he quotes a verse of ,sophocles--8,god is a cause of fear to prudent men0--and insists that 8fear0 should be changed to 8hope10 lest those should be justified who regard 8with suspicion and dread as the cause of injury the power that is the principle and origin of all good40#cbh ,and when dealing with the sanctities of domestic life he insists that one important element of conjugal happiness lies in the avoidance of separate worship on the part of the wife1 and in a closing of the door on superfluous ministrations and the practices of foreign superstition4 8,for10 says he1 8there is no god who takes delight in stolen and secret sacrifices on the part of a wife40#cbi ,these passages1 selected from various portions of ,plutarch's ethical teachings1 show how strongly it is his practice to emphasize a note of cheerful and open courage in worship as an essential part of religious belief4 ,but it is in the well-known essay 8on ,superstition0 that he most thoroughly expounds this aspect of his philosophy1 and no endeavour to understand ,plutarch's mental attitude in face of a problem which always affects humanity would be successful without a careful analysis of that treatise4 ,the 8,de ,iside et ,osiride0 attempts to safeguard the mind from the attacks of ,superstition on the side of the ,intellect1 as the 8,de ,superstitione0 does on the side of the ,imagination1 and the two tracts have therefore an organic connexion which renders it necessary to treat them together as expounding different aspects of the same question4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,relation between ,superstition and ,atheism3 ,atheism an intellectual error3 ,superstition an error involving the passions3 the ,,de ,,superstitione--,moral fervour of ,plutarch's attack on ,superstition--,his comparative tolerance of ,atheism--,the greatest safeguard against both alike consists in an intellectual appreciation of the ,truth--,the ,,de ,,iside ,,et ,,osiride--,the ,unity underlying national differences of religious belief4 8,the profoundest1 the most essential and paramount theme of human interest10 says ,goethe1 8is the eternal conflict between ,atheism and ,superstition40#ccj ,plutarch's tract1 8,de ,superstitione10 is a classical sermon on this text1 although in his presentment of the subject the mutual antagonism of the two principles receives less emphasis than the hostility which both alike direct against the interests of true ,religion4 ,he has no sympathy with any notion similar to that current since his days1 in many religious minds1 that ,superstition is but a mistaken form of ,piety1 deserving tenderness rather than reprehension1 and he maintains that absolute disbelief in ,god is less mischievous in its effects upon human conduct and character than its opposite extreme of superstitious devotion4 ,with this hint of ,plutarch's point of view we proceed to a brief analysis of the tract in which his view is mainly expounded4 ,at the very commencement he describes the two evils as springing from an identical source4 ,ignorance of the ,divine ,nature has a twofold aspect3 in people of stern dispositions it appears as ,atheism2 in minds of more yielding and submissive mould it shows itself as ,superstition4 ,merely intellectual errors1 such as the ,epicurean ,theory of ,atoms and the ,void1 or the ,stoic notion that virtue and vice are corporeal substances1 are unaccompanied by any passionate mental disturbance3 they are silly blunders1 but not worth tears4 ,but is a man convinced that wealth is the highest good8 or does he regard virtue as a mere empty name8--these are errors that cannot be distinguished from moral disorders4 ,atheism is an intellectual error3 ,superstition a moral disorder--an intellectual error 8touched with emotion40#cca ,the moral disorder of ,superstition is depicted in a few paragraphs of striking power1 opulent with historical and literary allusion4 ,the effect of the description is to leave a conviction of the utter inability of the superstitious man to free any portion of his life from the influence of his awful fear of the gods4 8,he does not dread the sea who never sails2 nor he a war who never goes to camp2 nor he a robber who keeps his home2 nor he an informer who has no wealth2 nor he envy who lives retired2 nor he an earthquake who dwells in ,gaul2 nor he a thunderbolt who inhabits thiopia4 ,but they who fear the gods fear all things--land1 sea1 air1 sky1 darkness1 light1 sound1 silence1 dream4#ccb ,by day as well as night they live in prey to dreadful dreams1 and fall a ready victim to the first fortune-telling cheat they come upon4 ,they dip themselves in the sea3 they pass all day in a sitting posture3 they roll themselves on dunghills3 cover themselves with mud3 keep ,sabbaths3#ccc cast themselves on their faces3 stand in strange attitudes1 and adopt strange methods of adoration4--,those who thought it important to maintain the recognized laws of ,music1 used to instruct their pupils to #8sing with a just mouth'2 and we maintain that those who approach the gods should address them with a just mouth and a righteous1 lest1 in our anxiety to have the tongue of the victim pure and free from fault1 we twist and defile our own with strange barbarian names and expressions1 and thus disgrace the dignified piety of our national ,faith40#ccd ,not only is this life full of torture to the ,superstitious1 but their terrified imagination leaps the limits of the ,afterworld1 and adds to death the conception of deathless woes4 ,hell-gate yawns for them2 streams of flame and ,stygian cataracts threaten them2 the gloom is horrid with spectral shapes1 and piteous sights and sounds1 with judges and executioners1 and chasms crowded with a myriad woes4 ,the condition of the ,atheist is far to be preferred4 ,it was better for ,tiresias to be blind than it was for ,athamas and ,agave to see their children in the shape of lions and stags4 ,the ,atheist does not see ,god at all3 the superstitious man sees ,him terrible instead of benign1 a tyrant instead of a father1 harsh instead of tender4 ,the troubles of actual life are assigned by the ,atheist to natural causes1 to defects in himself or his circumstances2 and he endeavours to mitigate or remove them by greater care4 ,but to the victim of ,superstition his bodily ailments1 his pecuniary misfortunes1 his children's deaths1 his public failures1 are the strokes of a god or the attacks of a dmon1 and cannot therefore be remedied by natural means1 which would have the appearance of opposition to the will of ,god4#cce ,hence light misfortunes are often allowed to become fatal disasters4#ccf ,thus1 ,midas was frightened to death by his dreams2 ,aristodemus of ,messene committed suicide because the soothsayers had alarmed him about a trifling omen2#ccg ,nicias lost his life and his great army because he was afraid when a shadow crept over the moon4 ,let us pray to the gods1 but let us not neglect reasonable human endeavour4 8,while the ,greeks were praying for ,ajax1 ,ajax was putting on his armour2 for ,god is the hope of bravery1 not the pretext for cowardice40#cch ,participation in religious ceremonies1 which should be the most cheerful and happy act of life1 is an additional cause of dread to the ,superstitious1 whose case is worse than that of the ,atheist who smiles sarcastically at the whole business4 ,the ,atheist1 true1 is guilty of impiety3 but is not ,superstition more open to this charge8 8,i1 for my part1 would greatly prefer that men should say about me that there was not1 and never had been1 such a man as ,plutarch1 than that they should say that ,plutarch is a fickle1 irascible1 vindictive fellow1 who will pay you out for not inviting him to supper1 or for omitting to call upon him1 or for passing him in the street without speaking to him1 by committing a violent assault upon you1 giving one of your children a thorough caning1 or turning a beast into your cornfield40#cci ,the fact of the matter is1 that the ,atheist believes there are no gods1 while the superstitious man wishes there were none2#cdj the former is an ,atheist pure and simple1 while the latter is an ,atheist who professes to believe because he has not the moral courage to utter his secret desires4 ,and1 as in the individual mind ,superstition involves ,atheism1 so historically the latter has developed out of the former4 ,the ,epicureans were ,atheists1 not because they did not perceive the splendour and perfection of the universe1 but because they desired to deliver humanity from the thraldom which ,superstition had cast about it--from its ridiculous passions and actions1 its spells of speech and motion1 its magic and witchcraft1 its charmed circles and drum-beating1 its impure purifications and its filthy cleansings1 its barbaric and unlawful penances and its self-torturings at holy shrines4 ,if these practices are pleasant to the gods1 mankind is no better off than if the administration of the world were in the hands of the ,typhons or the ,giants4 ,but no disease is so difficult to cope with as ,superstition4 ,we must fly from it1 but we must so fly from it that we do not run into the other extreme4 8,aussi y en a il qui fuyans la ,superstition1 se vont ruer et precipiter en la rude et pierreuse impiet de l'atheisme1 en sautant par dessus la vraye ,religion1 qui est assise au milieu entre les deux40 ,such is a brief account of the contents of this famous tract4 ,one thing becomes clear from its perusal1 the fact that the advantage is altogether regarded as on the side of ,atheism4 ,amyot1 from whose translation we have taken its concluding sentence1 sounds a note of serious alarm in a prefatory note to his version3 8,ce traict est dangereux lire1 et contient une doctrine fausse3 ,car il est certain que la ,superstition est moins mauvaise1 et approche plus pres du milieu de la vraye ,religion1 que ne fait l',impiet et ,atheisme40 ,others have followed ,amyot in his view of this 8dangerous0 treatise2 while ,plutarch has not been without his champions against those who have thus accused him of irreligion4#cda ,so far as concerns the views expounded in the treatise1 it appears to us that the alarm of ,amyot is justified4 ,but ,amyot1 who knew his ,plutarch well1 should have observed that there is a note of rhetoric in this work which is totally different from the teacher's usually quiet and unimpassioned method of argument4 ,there is an emphasis1 an exaggeration1 of everything that tells against the victim of ,superstition1 a restraint1 a gentleness in minimizing the faults which could have been made into a serious indictment against ,atheism4 ,this1 as we know1 is not ,plutarch's favourite method of discussion4 ,in ordinary circumstances an ,epicurean would have attacked ,superstition1 a ,stoic would have inveighed against ,atheism1 and an ,academic friend of ,plutarch's would have taken the judicial mean4 ,as a matter of fact1 however1 ,plutarch--and he connects his own name with the argument in the most emphatic manner--assumes a position in this tract scarcely discrepant from the peculiarly ,epicurean attitude4 ,from this point of view1 ,wyttenbach's epithet of vere ,plutarcheus applied to the tract is incorrect1 and even ,wyttenbach admits the possibility that ,plutarch may have written another tract1 8in which the cause of ,superstition was defended against ,epicurus40#cdb ,how ,plutarch could have accomplished a successful defence without going back on all the arguments in the treatise 8on ,superstition0 will not be clear to a modern reader4 ,it appears to us that ,plutarch1 having an acute perception of the gross evils inherent in the many superstitious practices of the day1 has been disturbed from his usual philosophic pose1 and has been carried1 by a feeling of almost personal resentment1 to draw a picture which was intended to be one-sided1 because it was intended to be alarming4 ,plutarch's ,philosophy1 his ,religion1 here touch the vital interests of life1 and come to close combat with a gigantic moral evil4 ,what is lost in philosophic detachment is gained in moral fervour1 a change of balance which gives quite other than a theoretical interest to those many short sermons in which ,plutarch is aux prises with the sins and vices and follies of his day4 ,the main importance of the 8,de ,superstitione0 is its contact with practical affairs1 and its translation of philosophic and religious conceptions into terms of everyday life4 ,philosophy and ,religion have displayed to ,plutarch the ,purity1 the ,unity1 the ,benevolence of ,god2 it is a question of ,ethics to expose and destroy practices which are repellent to this conception of the ,divine ,nature4 ,plutarch's way of solving that question in one direction is expounded in the tract 8,de ,superstitione40#cdc ,while ,plutarch1 in his anxiety to safeguard the emotional aspects of ,religion from the incursions of ,superstition1 departs in this tract from his ordinary attitude of intellectual moderation1 he reverts very markedly to his usual manner in his treatise on the two ,egyptian divinities1 ,isis and ,osiris4 ,knowledge of the ,truth is here depicted as the very heart of devotion1 and the pursuit of this is regarded as the only means of holding a middle path between the bog of ,superstition and the precipice of ,atheism4 ,the main object of this treatise is to show how principles of rational inquiry may be applied to religious myths1 so that ,reason and ,piety may both be satisfied with the result4 ,wyttenbach explains this purpose in a few words of terse ,latinity which might safely be quoted as descriptive of ,plutarch's attitude towards ,religion in general4 8,consilium scriptoris videtur fuisse1 ut amicam de horum gyptiorum numinum ortu et cultu saniora1 quam qu vulgo ferrentur1 doceret1 religionemque fabularum deliriis crimoniarumque ineptiis mirifice deformatam et apud prudentiores homines in contemtum adductam1 istis quoad ejus fieri posset sordibus purgaret1 omnique literarum et philosophi instrumento ad histori fidem1 natur rationem dignamque divinitate speciem reformaret40 ,but while serving as an example of ,plutarch's general method of inquiry1 a particular motive for the choice of this special myth as subject would doubtless be furnished by the great prevalence and popularity of the worship of ,isis during the ,grco-,roman ,empire of this period4 ,its passionate excitements were hostile to the calm cultivated by the ,roman in matters of ,religion1 and ,isis had undergone a prolonged struggle before her temples were allowed to stand erect in ,rome4 ,the patrician indignation of ,lucan--nos in templa tuam ,romana accepimus ,isin6#cdd--;expressed1 however1 rather the sentiment of the ,republic than the conviction of the ,empire4 ,juvenal alludes to the ,isiac sacraria len--the fanum ,isidis--the temple of the goddess in the ,campus ,martius1 in terms which1 however severe from the moral standpoint1 leave no historical doubt as to the established character of the cult and its institutions4 ,in the later romance of ,apuleius1 the hero ,lucius owes his re-transformation into human shape to the power of ,isis1 and makes a pilgrimage of gratitude to the very temple to which ,juvenal makes so scathing an allusion4 ,the detailed description given by ,apuleius of the ceremonies connected with the worship of the goddess in so important a place as ,cenchre1 the port of ,corinth1 bears emphatic witness to the established popularity of her rites4#cde ,even in ,plutarch's tract the fact is everywhere indirectly evident4 ,clea1 to whom it is addressed1 was officially and intimately associated with the worship of ,dionysus at ,delphi1 but she had also been instructed from her childhood in the rites appertaining to the worship of ,isis and ,osiris4#cdf ,it is only in accordance with ,plutarch's well-known character that he should be anxious to explain anything in the ,isiac ceremonies and traditions1 the misunderstanding of which was likely to generate superstitious and licentious practices and lead indirectly to ,atheism4 ,and if1 by explaining absurdities1 excising crudities1 refuting false interpretations1 he could at the same time demonstrate the unity of ,god1 the identity of religious basis lying beneath these various beliefs of other peoples1 we can recognize in the task one eminently suited to the character and aims of ,plutarch4 ,in the 8,isis and ,osiris0 ,plutarch has1 therefore1 a twofold object4 ,he endeavours to explain1 from a rationalistic point of view1 the meaning of ,isiac and ,osirian ceremonies and legends2 and he develops his theories on these matters into an exposition of his attitude towards ,myth in general1 showing that the various beliefs of other nations are not1 when rightly understood1 mutually destructive and opposite1 but simply different ways of envisaging the same essential and eternal truth4 ,we proceed to explain these assertions by an examination of the treatise4 ,plutarch gives early indication of his point of view4 8,the philosophy of the ,egyptian priests was generally concealed in myths and narratives containing dim hints and suggestions of truth40 ,it was to indicate this 8enigmatic0 character of their theological wisdom that they erected ,sphinxes before their temples2 that1 too1 is the meaning of their inscription on the shrine of ,athene-,isis at ,sais1 8,i am all that was1 and all that is1 and all that shall be1 and my veil hath yet no mortal raised40#cdg ,it follows from this that we must on no account attach a literal significance to their narratives4#cdh ,thus they represent the sun as a newborn child sitting on a lotus flower1 but this is an enigma teaching the derivation of the solar heat from moisture4#cdi 8,it is in this way10 says he1 clearly indicating the twofold object he has in view throughout this work1 8it is in this way that you are to hear and accept traditions of the gods1 taking their meaning from such as interpret them in a spirit at once pious and philosophic4 ,this spirit of reverent inquiry must be accompanied by a constant observance of the recognized forms of worship1 and by a conviction that no religious or other action is more grateful to the gods than the acceptance of true opinions concerning them4 ,this harmonious co-operation of ,piety and ,philosophy saves equally from ,atheism and its cognate evil1 ,superstition40#cej ,it is in this spirit--the spirit in which every ,religion justly claims that it should be approached--that ,plutarch gives an account of the ,egyptian myth 8in the briefest possible terms1 denuded of such particulars as are quite useless and superfluous02 denuded also1 as we are told later1 8of its most blasphemous features10#cea 8such as the dismemberment of ,horus and the decapitation of ,isis40 ,piety absolutely rejects these tales concerning beings who participate 8in that blessed and eternal nature which marks our conception of the ,divine02 although ,philosophy will not be equally severe on these legends1 regarding them not solely as unsubstantial tales and empty fictions spun1 like spiders' webs1 by poets and romancers out of their own imagination1 but also as indirectly reflecting the pure light of some ancient narrative whose meaning has now been utterly broken up as are the sun's rays when reproduced in the multitudinous hues of the rainbow4#ceb ,plutarch clearly regards it as a pious duty to accept the ,osirian legend as containing a substratum of truth1 embodying the religious lore of the ,egyptian priesthood1 but he reserves to himself the right of interpreting the expression of this truth in the light of his own philosophy4 ,his attitude is identical with that assumed by the authors of the various explanations of the myth which he reports as current in antiquity4 8,these interpretations10 in the lively expression of ,mr4 ,andrew ,lang1 8are the interpretations of civilized men1 whose method is to ask themselves3 #8,now1 if ,i had told such a tale as this1 or invented such a mystery play of divine misadventures1 what meaning could ,i have intended to convey in what is apparently blasphemous nonsense8'0#cec ,it will be seen that ,plutarch does not himself finally adopt any special interpretation1 although he emphatically rejects those which are not pious as well as philosophic4 ,he is desirous rather of showing in what way the investigation of such questions should be approached1 than of imposing any definite conclusion on the understanding2 of cultivating an aptitude for rational and reverent inquiry1 than of establishing a final and inflexible dogma4 ,he deals first with the ,euhemerists1 or 8,exanthropizers40 ,euhemerus of ,tegea1 or1 as ,plutarch here calls him1 ,euhemerus#ced of ,messene1 first treated with scientific precision that tendency to regard the gods as kings and rulers whose surpassing greatness and merit had been rewarded by an imaginary apotheosis4 ,he had embodied the result of his researches1 which he claims to have made during an expedition sent by ,cassander to the ,red ,sea1 in a work called the 8,sacred ,record40 ,he asserted1 according to ,lactantius1 that he had seen in the ,island of ,panchaia 7,plutarch calls it ,panchon7 a column of gold with an inscription indicating its erection by ,zeus himself1 in qua columna gesta sua perscripsit ut monimentum esset posteris rerum suarum4 ,this 8humanizing0 of ,zeus was extended to other deities2 and ,plutarch1 who sarcastically denies that these inscriptions had ever been seen by anybody else1 whether ,greek or ,barbarian1 asserts that the principles of ,euhemerus had been applied to the explanation of the tombs and other monuments commemorating in ,egypt the events embodied in the ,osirian myth4 ,although it has been asserted that ,euhemerus admitted the existence of the elemental deities1 such as the sun and the heavens1 the atheistical tendency of his theory is evident1 and the author of the tract 8,de ,placitis ,philosophorum10 whose bias is distinctly ,epicurean and atheistic1 says that ,euhemerus absolutely denied the existence of the gods1 associating him in this connexion with ,diagoras the ,melian1 and ,theodorus of ,cyrene4#cee ,plutarch himself has no doubts as to the tendency of ,euhemerism4 ,those who have recourse to these theories18transferring great names from heaven to earth1 almost entirely uproot and destroy the reverence and faith implanted in all of us at our birth1 and open wide the temple doors to the profane and atheistical mob40#cef--8,they bring divinity to the level of humanity1 and fair occasion of unfettered speech to the impostures of ,euhemerus1 who scattered ,atheism the wide world over1 degrading all the recognized deities alike to the names of generals1 admirals1 kings of a pretended eld40 ,good and great kings are rewarded with the gratitude of posterity1 while disgrace and obloquy have been the portion of those whose insolence has led them to assume the titles and temples of gods4#ceg ,the hypothesis of ,dmonic natures1 next applied by ,plutarch to the explanation of the legend1 we have already examined4 ,naturally he expresses a preference for this theory over that of the ,euhemerists1 but will still proceed to discuss with philosophic detachment the hypotheses of other schools1 taking1 as he says1 the simplest first4#ceh ,these are the ,physical ,allegorists4 8,just as the ,greeks assert that ,cronus is an allegorical symbol for ,time1 ,hera for ,air1 the birth of ,hephaistos for the transformation of ,air into ,fire1 so also among the ,egyptians there are those who maintain that ,osiris symbolizes the ,nile1 ,isis the ,earth1 fecundated in his embrace1 ,typhon the ,sea1 into which the ,nile falls to disappear and be scattered1 except such part of him as has been abstracted by the ,earth to make her fruitful40#cei ,he shows how this identification of ,typhon with the sea explains certain sayings1 beliefs1 and practices of the ,egyptians1 but he regards it as rather crude and superficial1#cfj and passes on to an explanation given by the more learned priests1 who1 with a more philosophic application of the principles of allegorical interpretation1 identify ,osiris with the ,moist ,principle of the ,universe1 and ,typhon with the ,dry ,principle1 the former being the cause of ,generation1 the latter being hostile to it4#cfa ,the similarity of these views to early ,greek speculation is pointed out by a statement that the ,egyptians held that ,homer1 like ,thales1 had learnt from them that ,water is the generative principle of all things1 ,homer's ,ocean being ,osiris1 and his ,tethys1 ,isis4 ,this ancient theory is fully discussed by ,plutarch1 showing how the ,egyptians applied it to the myth1 but also indicating similarities of detail and identities of principle between the ,egyptian and ,greek mythologies4#cfb 8,those who combine with these physical explanations certain points borrowed from astronomical speculation10 are next dealt with4 ,these ,astronomical ,allegorists maintained that ,osiris is the ,lunar ,world and ,typhon the ,solar3 the ,moon's light being regarded as favourable to the reproductiveness of plants and animals1 from its greater moistening tendency1 while the light of the ,sun is parching1 and so hostile to life and vegetation that 8a considerable portion of the earth is rendered by his heat totally uninhabitable40#cfc ,after a brief description of another class of astronomical ,allegorists who regard the myth as an enigmatical description of ,eclipses1#cfd he puts the whole of these particular explanations of the ,physical and ,astronomical ,allegorists in their proper place as merely partial and distorted expressions of the ancient and universal belief in the existence of two opposing principles1 two mutually hostile influences which operate throughout the universe1 giving ,nature its mixed and uncertain and fluctuating character4#cfe ,one of the most conspicuous features in ,plutarch's ,theology1 as already examined in these pages1 is his anxiety to avoid any kind of ,dualism in his conception of ,deity2 and it is a necessary corollary of his religious and philosophical conviction on this point that there should be no place in the constitution of the world for a ,being regarded as a coequal rival to the ,one ,supreme ,omnipotence4 ,as ,plutarch1 however1 himself points out1 if nothing can be conceived as originating without a cause1 and ,good cannot be regarded as furnishing the cause of ,evil1 it follows that ,evil as well as ,good must have an originating principle of its own4#cff ,but neither on the religious nor on the purely philosophic side does he carry this admission to the extent of accepting an ,evil personality or principle equivalent in power to the ,deity4 ,on the one hand1 he accepts the doctrine of subordinate ,dmons1 whose evil propensities are ultimately under the control of the ,omnipotent ,author of ,good1 inasmuch as they are liable to pains and penances for their infraction of the laws ,he has imposed upon them2 and on the other1 he has learned from ,greek philosophy the conception of 1 that infinite1 formless 8,matter10 out of which the ,demiurgus1 making it the nurse and receptacle of the ideas1 had created the ,universe4 ,he insists1 indeed1 that the two conceptions are familiar to ,greek philosophers3 ,empedocles opposed to 2 the ,pythagoreans had two well-known lists of contrary expressions4#cfg ,anaxagoras expressed the antithesis by and 2 ,aristotle by and 4 ,in all these philosophical distinctions the inferiority of the second term is implied1 and ,plutarch asserts this inferiority in unmistakable terms4 8,the creation and formation of this world arose out of opposing1 but not equal1 ,principles1 the supreme sway being the portion of the ,better40#cfh ,it is clear from these considerations that ,plutarch's own mind is made up on the subject2 but he cannot refrain from giving sympathetic consideration to so ancient1 widespread1 and respectable a belief as that involved in the myth of ,osiris and ,typhon1 of ,ormuzd and ,ahriman2 and he devotes considerable space1 and displays considerable ingenuity1 in connecting the ,egyptian and ,zoroastrian beliefs with the legends of ,greek ,mythology and the principles of ,greek ,philosophy4#cfi ,but his object1 even when he makes indulgent concessions to an opposite view1 is never lost sight of1 and towards the conclusion of his search for parallelisms and similarities1 he expresses his aim in unmistakable and peculiarly ,plutarchean language4 ,after passing severe criticism on the impiety of those who give the names of gods to the productions of ,nature1 asserting that ,dionysus is ,wine1 and ,hephaistos ,flame 7which1 says he1 is like identifying sail and cable and anchor with the pilot1 the thread with the weaver1 or the draught with the physician71 he adds1 8,god is not lifeless1 unintelligent1 subject to man1 as these things are4 ,but it is from these blessings that we conclude that those who bestow them upon us for our use1 and give us a constant and never-failing supply thereof1 are gods1 not different gods among different peoples1 not ,barbarian gods1 nor ,greek gods1 not gods of the south nor gods of the north2 but just as the sun1 the moon1 the earth1 the sky1 and the sea are common to all1 but receive different names among different peoples1 so likewise are different honours assigned and different invocations addressed to the gods in different places according to the customs there established4 ,yet is it one ,reason which admonishes1 and one ,providence which directs1 while subordinate powers have been appointed over all things4 ,certain peoples make use of sacred symbols which1 with greater or less clearness1 direct the understanding to divine knowledge1 and yet not without danger1 since some in their desire to shun the swamp of ,superstition have unconsciously slipped over the precipice of ,atheism40#cgj ,here we have1 combined in one sentence1 ,plutarch's belief in the ,unity of ,god1 his acceptance of the theory of ,dmons1 his recognition of the truth of foreign creeds1 his desire1 so frequently expressed1 and so consistently acted upon1 to follow the guidance of a reverent yet inquiring philosophy on a path which is equally distant from the two great moral evils which loom so large in his mental vision4 ,hence this tract is organically connected with the treatise on ,superstition2 the former aims at securing by purely intellectual and rational processes what the latter attempts by appealing to the ,intellect through the medium of the ,imagination4#cga ,,chapter ,x4 ,conclusions respecting the general character of ,plutarch's ,religion--,monotheism and ,dmonology both essential parts of his ,theodicy--,his strong belief in the personality of ,god--,metaphysical weakness but ,moral strength of his ,teaching--,close connexion between his ,religion and his ,ethics--,plutarch not an 8,eclectic10 nor a ,neo-,platonist--,contrast between ,plutarch's ,religion and ,philosophy and the ,religion and ,philosophy of the ,neo-,platonists--,christianity and ,neo-,platonism--,the struggle between them and its probable effect on later religious history--,conclusion4 ,we have endeavoured in the preceding pages to ascertain1 from ,plutarch's own account of his views1 the principles1 the method and the character of his ,religion2 to learn in what manner he conceives the supernatural world and its relation to the human mind and to human interests2 to discover and illustrate the processes by which these results are attained2 to note their philosophic bearing and tendency2 and to exemplify their application in the sphere of practical ethics4 ,we have seen how clearly he recognizes the existence1 and demonstrates the attributes1 of a ,supreme ,being1 and have observed how he raises the humility of mankind nearer to the ,majesty of the ,highest by admitting the activities of an intermediate and mediatory race of supernatural beings1 whose mingled nature allies them equally to ,god and ,man1 and forms a channel of communication between human wants and divine benevolence4 ,these are the two fundamental truths of the religion of ,plutarch4 ,the whole of his exegesis1 in whatsoever direction operating1 whether examining the doctrines of ,philosophy1 the legends of popular ,myth1 or the traditions embodied in ceremonial observances1 is involved with a recognition of this twofold conception as the essential characteristic of a religious attitude of mind4 ,those1 indeed1 who have emphasized too exclusively that element in ,plutarch's ,religion which he owes to ,philosophy1 have concluded that his religious beliefs were purely ,monotheistic3 just as a misunderstanding of his ,dmonology has resulted in the assertion that he was trammelled in the meshes of a superstitious ,polytheism4#cgb ,it could1 if necessary1 be plausibly argued1 against those who have maintained this latter view1 that the elaboration of the belief in ,dmons1 and the multiplication of the functions of these lesser divine beings1 are factors which tend to emphasize the unity and purity of the ,supreme ,god2 and that ,plutarch's ,monotheism is no more destroyed by the recognition of a ,dmonic ,race than is the ,catholic ,trinity overthrown by the ,church's acceptance of the ,celestial ,hierarchy of ,dionysius 8the ,areopagite10 with its thrice-repeated triplets of ,thrones1 ,cherubim1 ,seraphim2 ,powers1 ,dominions1 ,mights2 ,angels1 ,archangels1 ,principalities4 ,but1 in the first place1 ,plutarch does not keep his ,religion and his ,philosophy in separate mental compartments3 they are fused into one operation in his thought2 and we should adopt a false method of interpretation were we to separate the result as expounded in his writings4 ,further1 we should obtain a totally misleading view of ,plutarch's teaching were we to insist that he was fully conscious of all the conclusions that by a strict use of logic could conceivably be deduced from his tenets4 ,an examination of the opinions and beliefs which he states that he actually maintained leads inevitably to the conviction that his ,dmonology was as sincere as his ,theology4 ,there can1 we think1 be no doubt that his reverence for the national tradition gave him as real a belief in the polytheistic activities of the ,dmons as his love of ,philosophy gave him in the ,unity1 ,perfection and ,eternity of the ,deity4 ,the strength of this belief was increased by his recognition of the important part it might play1 in one direction by solving perplexities and removing stumbling-blocks from the national tradition1 in another by responding to that eternal craving of humanity for a god-man1 a mediator1 which had already begun to receive a purer1 a simpler1 and a more perfect satisfaction4 ,the conscious expression1 therefore1 which ,plutarch gives in his writings to the belief in ,dmons1 we are bound to accept as corresponding with a conviction actually existing in his mind1 quite as much as we admit the sincerity of his reiterated belief in a ,supreme and ,universal ,deity4 ,but it is one of the most interesting suspects of ,plutarch's ,theology--not the less interesting1 perhaps1 because it has a certain inconsistency with other parts of his ,religion--that1 even were we to confine our investigations to the philosophic elements of his idea of the ,divine ,nature3 even if we could totally exclude from consideration all the functions which he ascribes to the ,dmonic character3 we should still find ourselves face to face with a ,god different1 in one of the qualities now regarded as essential to a complete conception of ,deity1 from any of the theological representations current in the schools of ,greek ,philosophy4 ,the essential basis of all these representations is the ,god of ,plato1 partly regarded as the creative ,demiurgus of the 8,timus20 partly as the ,world-,soul1 that 8blessed god0 produced by the operation of the ,creator's 8,intelligence02 and partly as that ultimate ideal ,unity1 the final abstraction reached by a supreme effort of dialectic subtlety4 ,the last of these three conceptions is essentially and truly that of ,plato2 it is the native and unalloyed product of ,dialectic1 owing naught of its existence to the illustrative or ironical use of ,myth1 out of which the other two conceptions spring4 ,the element of personality is totally absent from this conception1#cgc nor did the ,stoics introduce this element into their adoption of the ,soul of the ,universe as ,deity4#cgd ,but ,plutarch's ,god is a personal ,god4 ,the ,god of the 8,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta0 approaches nearer to the ,christian conception of ,god as a ,father than the ,deity as conceived by any ,faith which has not been permeated by ,christian feeling1 and the ,god of the 8,de ,superstitione0 presents the same characteristics as the ,god of the 8,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta40 ,plutarch's feeling of the intimate relation existing between the ,divine ,knowledge and the secret weaknesses and sins1 and the feeble strivings after virtue in the human heart1 does not require an elaborate and contentious process of ratiocination before we can discern its presence4 ,it is the basis of his finest arguments1 and the inspiration of his most earnest and fruitful teachings4 ,this weakness of ,plutarch on the side of ,metaphysics1 this revolt of his nature against the coldness and distance of the ,deity of the ,platonic ,dialectic1 constitutes his strength as a religious and moral teacher4 ,this inconsistency makes him the type of certain modern theologians who will expound to a formal ,congregation the ,eternity1 ,self-,existence1 ,necessity1 and ,unity of ,god the ,first ,cause1 while in their private devotions their hearts and their lips turn naturally to the simple and touching petitions of 8,our ,father1 which art in ,heaven20 or1 while composing a sermon in which the particular attributes of the ,persons of the ,trinity and their mutual relationships are defined and enumerated with more than scholastic precision1 will turn and teach their children to pray to ,god as the 8gentle ,jesus40 ,in a similar manner1 there is the ,plutarch of the 8,de apud ,delphos10 the ,plutarch of the 8,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta10 and the ,plutarch of the ,dmonology4 ,he contributes his share to the discussions of philosophic theologians2 he depicts ,god in direct spiritual relationship with his human children2 and he describes the ,dmons as aiding mankind in their internal struggles towards perfection of moral character4 ,he will allow neither ,reason nor ,emotion to run away with him2 he is as far removed from the dialectic severities of ,plato1 as he is from the superstitious beliefs and practices of the later ,platonists4 ,he has no special and peculiar message either to the theologian in the pulpit1 or to the child at its mother's knee4 ,he appeals to humanity at large2 to the people who have work to do1 and who want to get it done with honesty and dignity2 to students1 teachers1 politicians1 members of a busy society2 to people who are liable to all the temptations1 and capable of all the virtues1 which naturally arise in the ordinary life of highly civilized communities4 ,he analyses and illustrates such common vices as anger1 avarice1 envy1 hate1 flattery2#cge he penetrates and exposes such ordinary failings as garrulity1 gaucherie1 personal extravagance1 and interfering curiosity4#cgf ,his sympathetic pen1 as of one who knows the value of such things1 depicts with rare charm the loveliness of friendship1 and of affection for brother1 child1 and wife2 while he applies a more religious consolation to those who are suffering under the bitterness of exile1 the sadness of bereavement by death4#cgg ,to connect ,plutarch's ,religion with his ,ethics at all these points of contact would carry us beyond the natural limits of our present aim4#cgh ,as an illustration of his method as operating in this direction1 we may recall how intimately ,plutarch's conception of the ,divine ,nature is interwoven with his ethical aim in face of so serious a moral evil as ,superstition4 ,we may also add that he is consistent with himself in constructing no scientifically accurate system of ,ethics any more than he maintains a dialectically impeccable scheme of ,theology4 ,he criticizes the ethical results attained by various ,schools of ,philosophy1 and selects from this one and that one such elements as promise to give greater clearness and strength to his own convictions4#cgi ,he quotes ,plato and ,aristotle to show that ,reason and ,passion are both necessary elements in the production of practical virtue4 ,superior power as ,reason is in the constitution of man1 she cannot act by herself towards the accomplishment of her own virtuous aims4 ,although he refuses to agree with ,aristotle that all ,virtue is a mean between two extremes1 since the virtue of ,intelligence as employed1 for example1 in the contemplation of a mathematical problem1 being an activity of the pure and dispassionate part of the soul1 needs no admixture of the unreasoning element to make it effective2 he yet insists that the virtues of practical life demand for their realization the instrumental agency of the passions1 and are thus1 in effect1 a mean1 correcting excess or defect of either of the co-operating agencies4#chj ,referring to a favourite illustration1 he maintains that the passions are not to be uprooted and destroyed as ,lycurgus uprooted and destroyed the vineyards of ,thracia1 but are to be treated with the fostering gentleness of a god who would prune the wild1 trim the rank1 and carefully cultivate the healthy and productive portions of the plant4#cha ,if we wish to avoid drunkenness we need not throw our wine away2 we must temper it with water4 ,in like manner1 ,reason will not act 8by harsh and obstinate methods1 but by gentle means1 which convey persuasion and secure submission more effectively than any sort of compulsion40#chb ,it is quite in harmony with this essentially practical view of life that he holds that ,virtue can be taught1 and that it is through the persuasion1 and by the guidance1 of ,reason and ,philosophy that a happy life can be secured1 inasmuch as their efforts are directed at counterbalancing the exaggerated picture which passion draws of all the circumstances of life1 whether they are fortunate or the reverse4#chc ,it is this principle which he applies to the discussion of topics of practical morality1 as he applies it to the discussion of questions of ,religion4 ,the practice of the virtues based upon this principle is most vividly exhibited in his 8,symposiacs10 a work which is of considerable value for the light it throws upon the family and private habits of the ,grco-,roman empire of that age1 but which is chiefly interesting because it shows to what an extent the simple and humane moralities of ,epicureanism had permeated ,society1 and brought a calm and gentle happiness in their train4 ,it may be admitted that the positive additions made by ,plutarch to the intellectual and moral wealth of his age were small and unimportant4 ,he made no great discoveries in any of the great branches of philosophical activity which had so long been the special pride and prerogative of the ,hellenic ,race4 ,there was not a tendency of ,greek ,philosophy with whose history and results he was not familiarly acquainted2 there was not a ,school from which he did not borrow something for introduction into the texture of his own thought4 ,it is in this sense that he is1 as he has been called1 an ,eclectic2 but his teaching surrounds his appropriated thoughts with none of the weakness so often attaching to great and original utterances when torn out of the systems in which they were originally embodied4 ,nor was his ,eclecticism that spurious ,eclecticism of the later ,platonists1 which imagined it had harmonized discordant systems when it had tied them together with the withes of an artificial classification4 ,plutarch's ,eclecticism was unified by the ,ethical aim which constantly inspired his choice1 and gave to old sayings of philosophers1 old lines of verse1 old notions of the people1 a new and richer significance in his application of them to the uses of practical life4 ,thus1 if ,plutarch did not add to the gathered wealth of ,hellas1 he taught his countrymen new ways of passing their ancient acquisitions into the currency4 ,there are periods in the intellectual and moral progress of humanity when the world is exhausted with the accumulation of its riches2 when its appetite for acquisition is satiated2 when it needs to find what its possessions are1 and how best they can be put to their legitimate uses4 ,at these periods the cultivation of a mental attitude is of greater service to humanity than the accumulation of mental stores4 ,plutarch came at such a period in the history of the ,hellenic race2 and we1 who are once again beginning to recognize that the end of education should not be the mere accumulation of facts1 but rather the strengthening of the intellect and the formation of the character1 can properly estimate the value of the work accomplished by one who1 on the side of intellect1 inculcated the necessity of sympathetically watching for signs of a rational basis in beliefs however prim facie strange and abhorrent1 and on the side of character1 that a man could become virtuous by learning what his faults were1 and endeavouring to check them by practice and habit4 ,in him ,religion and ,philosophy went hand in hand1 operating on the same body of truth1 and directing their energies to the realization of the same end4 ,that rational influence which we saw working in the sphere of early ,roman ,religion3 which subsequently gave ,roman ,morality a source of inspiration in ,greek ,philosophy3 which associated ,greek ,religion and ,greek ,philosophy as factors in ,ethics1 until the latter became the predominating power3 this influence had its final classical expression in ,plutarch and in the other thinkers and workers of his epoch and that immediately succeeding1 in ,seneca1 in ,dion1 in ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,these men avoided extravagance in ,religion1 as they avoided it in their philosophical studies and in the practical affairs of life4 ,they are the last legitimate outcome of the ,greek spirit in ,pagan times4 ,plutarch collected the wisdom1 and fixed the emotions1 of ,antiquity1 in a manner which the best men of many ,christian ages have found efficacious for goodness4 ,in his own more immediate age his spirit predominated for a century1 and was then absorbed to form a thin vein of common sense in that mingled mass of ,oriental mystery and ,hellenic metaphysics which was known as ,neo-,platonism4#chd ,neo-,platonism1 which claimed to represent the perfect harmony of ,religion and ,philosophy1 substantiated its claim by annihilating the historic foundations of both1 and by thus compelling ,christianity to dispense with the accumulated wisdom of ages in its reorganization of human relationships with the eternal4 ,in ,plutarch's teaching1 each element of the combination was at once assisted and restrained by the other1 and the fusion was natural and effective4 ,in ,neo-,platonism1 ,reason1 the principle of ,philosophy1 and ,emotion1 the inspiration of ,religion1 were each carried to an impossible extent of extravagance2 and it was only the existence of the two elements in the minds of a few strenuous and original characters1 who were assisted in their attempts at unity by the refinements of an ultra-,platonic ,dialectic1 which secured even the appearance of harmony between the discrepant conceptions which they borrowed from various differing and even mutually hostile schools4 ,even in ,plato the conspicuousness of the ,ethical element compensates to some extent for the abstractness of his conception of the ,deity4 ,but ,neo-,platonism forced the idealism of ,plato to a more extravagant metaphysic2 and1 although upon ,dialectics the rational part of their doctrine was nominally based1 the abstractness of its processes lent itself to mysticism as effectively as the purely religious element which lost itself in the vagaries of ,oriental rapture1 and debased itself by its miraculous methods of intercourse with the spiritual world4 ,reason1 in the pursuit of the ,one1 was attenuated to ,mathematics4 ,mathematics1 having arrived at the conception of the ,one1 and finding it without any qualities1 gave way to the raptures of the 8perfect vision40 ,how far this twofold extravagance was due to the personality of the founders of the new ,system1 and how far to its express object of rivalling ,christianity1 is a doubtful problem4 ,maximus was a ,tyrian2 ,numenius came from ,apamea in ,syria2 ,ammonius ,saccas1 the first great ,neo-,platonist1 was of ,alexandria4 ,plotinus came from ,lycopolis in ,egypt1 and was perhaps a ,copt2 ,porphyry and ,iamblichus were ,syrians4 ,plutarch1 as ,bishop ,theodoret said1 was a ,hellene of the ,hellenes4#che ,but the necessity of competing with the rising ,faith doubtless operated very strongly in developing the mystical tendencies always tacitly inherent in ,platonism1 and proclaimed by the ,neo-,platonists at the very commencement4 ,this rivalry emphasized that out-,platonizing of ,plato which culminated in the ,alexandrian ,trinity1 and that competition with the ,christian miracles which issued in the triple folly of ,magic1 ,theurgy1 and ,theosophy4 ,plutarch1 knowing that the necessity of confuting an adversary is liable to cause exaggeration and distortion1 removed his ,epicurean from the scene when he wished to discuss the providential dispensation of human affairs4 ,the circumstances of his time1 and the bent of his own character1 which inclined him to seek points of agreement rather than to emphasize points of difference1 saved him from the prejudices of the odium theologicum4 ,but in the third century ,christianity could not be disposed of by contemptuous phrases1 or equally contemptuous silence4 ,the ,neo-,platonists came into direct contact with the new ,religion1 both in its literature and in its practice4 ,ammonius ,saccas1 the teacher who satisfied all the yearning aspirations of ,plotinus1 had been a ,christian in the days when he was young and carried a porter's knot on the quays4#chf ,porphyry informs us that he had met ,origen1 and ,socrates1 the ,church historian1 asserts that ,porphyry had himself been a ,christian4 ,the evidence of ,bishop ,theodoret1 which cannot be accepted as regards ,plutarch1 may easily be admitted as regards ,plotinus4#chg ,porphyry wrote fifteen books against the ,christians1 which were publicly burned by ,theodosius #bjj years later4 ,he demonstrated that the prophecies of ,daniel were composed after the event1 and in the ,third ,book of his ,collection of ,oracles1 he devotes a chapter to 8the foolishness of the ,christians10 and finds a place for ,christ in his lowest rank of supernatural beings4 ,plutarch's thoughts were not disturbed either by anti-,christian polemic1 or by the necessity of finding a place for ,christ in his spiritual world4 ,the modifications which these influences wrought in that body of ,hellenic wisdom which had been the material of ,plutarch's work were most conspicuous in the ,theology and ,dmonology of the ,neo-,platonists4 ,plutarch had been content to state the ,unity1 ,eternity1 ,absoluteness of ,god4 ,he needed such a conception to make the world intelligible2 but he defined his conception with a rare simplicity which satisfies the practical mind as well as meets the essential requirements of ,philosophy4 ,but the ,neo-,platonist theology refines and subdivides and abstracts to an extent which puzzles and bewilders its most earnest students1 and removes ,god infinitely further from mankind than even the ,ideas of ,plato are removed4 8,according to ,plotinus1 ,god is ,goodness without ,love4 ,man may love ,god1 but ,god cannot love man40 ,even the 8,divine ,soul10 the third ,hypostasis of the ,neo-,platonist ,trinity1 that which lies nearest the comprehension of the common intellect1 8is of little intellectual or religious significance in the mind of ,plotinus40 ,dogmatism would be unbecoming on a subject where ,kirchner and ,zeller are at variance1 and where the ,french lucidity of ,vacherot and ,saisset casts little more light than the close and careful analysis of ,dr4 ,bigg4#chh ,but it is necessary to a full understanding of ,plutarch's position to consider his relation to his successors as well as to his predecessors1 and we are therefore compelled to a brief analysis of the ,neo-,platonic ,theology and ,dmonology1 putting ourselves under more competent guidance than we can ourselves hope to supply4 8,the ,supreme ,cause10 says ,dr4 ,bigg1 8,god1 in the proper sense of the word1 444 embraces in ,himself a unity of ,three ,hypostases4444 ,hypostasis signifies the underlying cause of the phenomenal manifestation4 ,hence it can be applied to all three ,persons of the ,platonic ,trinity1 while ,being could only be used of the second and third4--,each ,hypostasis is a person1 but a purely intellectual person4 ,all three are one1 like three mutually enfolding thoughts1 and where one is there is the ,all in the fullness of its power4 ,all are eternal1 but the second is inferior to the first1 because #8begotten1' and the third to the second1 for the same reason40 8,god10 says ,m4 ,saisset1 8is threefold1 and yet a whole4 ,the divine nature1 conceived as absolutely simple1 admits of division2 at the pinnacle of the scale soars ,unity2 beneath it ,intelligence1 identical with ,being1 or the ,logos2 in the third rank1 the ,universal ,soul1 or the ,spirit4 ,we have not here three gods1 but three hypostases of the same ,god4 ,an ,hypostasis is not a substance1 it is not an attribute1 it is not a mode1 it is not a relation4 ,unity is above ,intelligence and ,being1 it is above ,reason2 it is incomprehensible and ineffable2 without ,intelligence itself1 it generates ,intelligence2 it gives birth to ,being1 and is not itself ,being4 ,intelligence1 in its turn1 without motion or activity as it is1 produces the ,soul1 which is the principle of activity and motion4 ,god conceived as a perfect type of which the human soul is a copy1 the infinite and universal ,soul1 is the third hypostasis4 ,god conceived as absolute1 eternal1 simple1 motionless ,thought1 superior to space and time1 is the second hypostasis40 ,but soul and thought and being are terms relative to the human mind4 8,god is above thought1 above ,being3 ,he is1 therefore1 indivisible and inconceivable4 ,he is the ,one1 the ,good1 grasped by ,ecstasy4 ,this is the third hypostasis40 ,m4 ,saisset continues3 8,such are the three terms which compose this obscure and profound ,trinity4 ,human reason1 reason still imperfectly free from the meshes of sense1 stops with the conception of the ,universal ,soul1 the active principle of motion2 the reason of the ,philosophers rises higher1 to the ,motionless ,intelligence1 the depository of the essences and types of all things2 it is love and ecstasy alone that can carry us to the conception of ,absolute ,unity40 ,almost the only thing that is easy to understand in the ,neo-,platonic theology is its adoption of the conceptions of various schools of ,greek ,philosophy4 ,this ,eclecticism has a superficial resemblance to that of ,plutarch3 but it is ,eclecticism formally enumerating and classifying its results1 not harmonizing and unifying them4 ,the third hypostasis is the of the ,stoics2 the second hypostasis is the ,intelligence1 the eternal1 absolute1 and motionless of ,aristotle1 while the first has striking affinities with the ,pythagorean ,one4 ,but1 by a forced process of interpretation1 all the three ,hypostases are found in ,plato4 ,in the 8,laws0 and the 8,phdrus0 ,plato stopped with the conception of the ,third ,hypostasis1 the ,world ,soul1 the origin and cause of movement in the created world1 which in the 8,timus0 is represented as a creation of the ,demiurgus4 ,in the ,god of the 8,banquet0 and the 8,republic10 who is the source of ,being and ,intelligence1 ,plato was anticipating the ,second ,hypostasis2 while in the 8,parmenides0 he describes the ,first ,hypostasis1 that absolute ,unity which has no relation with either ,being or ,reason1 or with anything else either actual or conceivable4 ,the placing of these three different conceptions of ,god in three different compartments of thought1 in three different ,scales of ,existence1 is not to unify them3 nor is that process made any the more feasible by the invention of the term ,emanation1 by which the ,second ,hypostasis proceeds from the ,first1 and the ,third from the ,second4#chi ,plutarch's ,eclecticism is based upon the needs of the moral life3 that of ,neo-,platonism was actuated by a desire for formal harmony1 and was steeped in a mysticism which operated in drawing the soul away from action to a divine contemplation4 ,the ,perfect ,vision1 the revelation of the ,first ,hypostasis1 is the culmination of the soul's progress4 ,the ,second and ,third ,hypostases1 being subject to relations and conditions1 are susceptible of approach through the ,reason2 but the ,first ,hypostasis1 being unconditioned1 cannot be grasped by ,reason1 which moves in the sphere of conditions and relations4 ,hence1 the ,perfect ,vision repudiates that ,reason of which it is the culmination3 8for thought is a kind of movement1 but in the ,vision is no movement40 ,in the ,revelation of the ,perfect ,vision1 as well as in the formal development of the ,trinity1 we see the influence of a desire to compete with ,christianity4 ,this ecstatic contemplation of the highest conception of their ,theology exhibited a mysticism which had a more degrading side1 one which is specially conspicuous in the ,neo-,platonist ,dmonology4 ,there also the ,mysticism is in combination with refinements of logical definition4 ,plotinus takes the floating conceptions of ,dmonology and makes them submit to a rigid classification in formal harmony with the tripartite character of the ,divine ,nature4 ,divine ,powers he divides into three classes4 ,the first ,power is that which dwells in the world of ,ideas1 apart from the perception of man and in close touch with the ,divine ,intelligence4 ,the next is the race of visible ,gods1 the ,stars1 ,nature1 ,earth3 the third is that of the ,dmons4 ,the ,dmons are again subdivided into three ranks3 ,gods1 ,loves1 and ,dmons4 ,porphyry insists on a similar classification4 ,in one of the oracles collected by him and preserved by ,eusebius1 the beings of the ,dmonic hierarchy are classified with equal strictness1 but with greater simplicity than that shown by ,plotinus4 ,his highest rank corresponds with that of his ,master4 ,the second rank corresponds with ,plotinus' third class1 but does not here undergo a tripartite subdivision4 ,his third class1 unlike the first1 which moves in the presence of ,god1 is far away from communion with ,him1 and corresponds with the created and visible gods in the second class of ,plotinus4 ,he is not always faithful to this simplicity4 ,in the third book of his 8,de ,philosophia ex ,oraculis0 he admits another class of ,dmons called ,heroes1 admitting ,christ to their number4 ,elsewhere he divides the ,dmons into archangels1 angels1 and dmons4 ,proclus will have six ranks3 and ,dionysius the ,areopagite1 who classified this ,dmonlore for the ,christian ,church1 will have nine4 ,we can equally discern here the operation of that spurious ,eclecticism which fits its thefts into the clamps of a preconceived system4 ,the simple notion of ,beings intermediate between ,god and ,man1 breaking the distance between the two by participating in the ,divine and ,human nature1 is rendered absurd and impossible by its compulsory harmonizing with the demand of the ,alexandrine ,trinity4 ,plotinus thought he had made ,aristotle agree with ,plato1 but the harmony was of the same character as that secured between ,christianity and ,neo-,platonism by making the ,christian ,god-man a ,neo-,platonist ,dmon4 ,the ,ideas of ,plato1 the of ,aristotle1 and the ,world ,soul of the ,stoics3 how easy to reconcile these different conceptions of the ,deity1 if they are placed in different spheres of thought1 and connected by the mysterious process of ,emanation6 ,the ,neo-,platonist school was damned by its fatal proclivity for trinities4 ,there were three kinds of gods1 three kinds of dmons1 and three methods of approach to the supernatural world4 ,these three methods were of course systematic1 almost scientific1 constructions4 ,before ,porphyry there were ,magic 77 and ,theosophy 774 ,that philosopher introduced a third and middle term ,theurgy 774 ,theosophy was the process by which the philosopher attained the ,perfect ,vision1 arrived at the consummation of 4 ,magic was the process by which the evil ,dmons1 whom ,porphyry puts under the dominion of ,serapis and ,hecate1 were approached4 ,the object of ,theurgy was communion with the good ,dmons4 ,aided by ,oriental fervour1 we know the absurdities which these systems developed in the world of practice4 ,but the development of these sciences on the theoretical side was enough to drag them down with their own weight4 ,in ,proclus the practical and the theoretic sides of ,neo-,platonism are both driven to a culmination which passes the intelligence of humanity4 8,from the ,incommunicable ,one spring--one knows not how--a host of ,henads4 ,each has the character of absolute being1 yet each has distinctive qualities4 ,the ,henads run down in long lines2 the ,intelligible are followed by the ,intellectual1 these by the ,overworldly1 these again by the ,inworldly4 ,from the ,intelligible springs the family of ,being1 from the ,intellectual that of ,intelligence1 from the ,overworldly that of ,soul1 from the ,inworldly that of ,nature4 ,these principal #8chains' are mainly like brooks falling into one river2 that which has a body may also have a soul and an intelligence2 but they subdivide as they go down1 there are different kinds of intelligences and different kinds of souls dependent on them1 so that the river is perpetually branching off into other rivers4 ,yet1 further1 the principal chains have to be multiplied by the number of ,henads1 for each chain is a family depending on a ,god1 and exhibiting throughout the characteristic of that ,god4 ,it includes not only ,angels1 ,heroes1 ,demons1 and human beings1 but stones1 plants1 animals1 which bear the signature of the deity1 and have sacramental virtues with respect to him40 ,if ,proclus believed all this1 we can understand his being a victim to the grossest superstition1 both in belief and in practice4 ,in the life of ,proclus1 second ,aristotle as he was1 we see the natural culmination of that excess of ,reason and that exaggeration of ,emotion which had marked the ,neo-,platonic attitude from the beginning4 ,when ,justinian closed the ,school of ,athens in the ,sixth ,century its professors1 the last representatives of ,neo-,platonism1 were being hunted down as practitioners of magic of the meanest description4 ,the 8,de ,superstitione0 of ,plutarch marked a stage in the history of the human mind which the ,neo-,platonists left behind1 and which the ,european world has only just attained again after centuries of horrible crimes born of a sincere belief in witchcraft4#cij ,it is a natural subject of speculation to those who are interested in the history of this period1 how far the character of modern civilization would have been modified1 had not the free and tolerant traditions of ,greece been clamped into the systematized absurdities of ,neo-,platonism4 ,the struggle for social and political ascendancy reacted also upon the liberal and gentle spirit of the ,man of ,nazareth1 whose teachings were thus embedded in a theological formalism which robbed them of half their meaning and all their inspiration4 ,christianity fought the enemy with its own weapons1 and the scientific terminology of the ,neo-,platonists gave definiteness to the ,christian conception of the ,trinity and the celestial hierarchy1 while the whole system of ,dmonology1 which has played so sinister a part in modern civilization1 was to be found entire in the works of ,porphyry and ,proclus4 ,it has even been asserted that the chief merit of the ,neo-,platonist school lay in the fact that it prepared the educated circles of ,pagan ,society for the acceptance of the ,gospel1 and laid the foundations for the construction of ,christian ,theology4#cia ,but it is conceivable that had ,christianity come face to face with the calm rationalism and gentle piety of ,pagan ,religion and ,philosophy as they appear in ,plutarch1 more of the spirit1 if less of the form1 of the old tradition might have passed into the teachings of the new ,faith4 ,we should1 perhaps1 then have been spared the martyrdom of ,christians at the hands of ,christians1 the ,inquisition1 and the whole terrible consequences of the ,odium ,theologicum4 ,plutarch suggested a frame of mind rather than inculcated a body of dogma1 and in that he resembled the founder of ,christianity a great deal more than the most honoured theologians of the ,church have done4 ,but ,paganism girt on its armour in direct hostility to the new ,creed1 and from these clenched antagonisms sprang that accentuation of points of difference which broke the continuity of civilization1 and separated the modern from the classical world by a chasm which the efforts of four centuries have not succeeded in bridging over4#cib ,is it not possible that ,paganism1 which out of the multitude of separate gods had evolved the idea of the ,one ,pure and ,perfect ,deity1 might also1 out of the many-sided activities of the half-human1 half-divine ,dmons1 have arrived at the belief in a single mediatory power1 and1 with a perception unblinded by polemic bitterness1 have been prepared to merge this conception in the ,divine ,man of the ,catholic ,church8#cic ,but though the spirit of ,plutarch was not destined in this way to pass directly on to the believer in ,christianity1 the time was to come when1 among the best and purest adherents of that faith1 his teachings would be regarded as efficacious for the sincerest goodness4 8,the works of ,jeremy ,taylor10 says ,archbishop ,trench1 8contain no less than two hundred and fifty-six allusions or direct references made by him to the writings of ,plutarch40 ,but direct indebtedness of this kind does not necessarily imply similarity of spirit1 and fortunately the mental attitude of ,plutarch is one which appears essential to human progress1 and does not depend upon the continuity of a tradition4 8,plutarch10 wrote ,emerson1 8will be perpetually rediscovered from time to time as long as books last40#cid ,he will be perpetually rediscovered because there will be a perpetually recurring necessity to look at life from his point of view4 ,but he will be perpetually rediscovered because he is perpetually allowed to disappear4 ,there will always be those among the disciples of ,religion and the followers of ,science who maintain that there can be no truce1 no toleration between the two1 and the history of the human race will be formulated into an indictment against the ,superstition of the one1 and the most terrible anathemas of the ,church will be fulminated against the ,atheism of the other4 ,meanwhile those who take a middle course and recognize the 8immortal vitality of ,philosophy and the eternal necessity of ,religion10#cie and would leave the individual mind to select its appropriate support from the dogmas of the one or the discoveries of the other1 without dressing ,philosophy in the fantastic garb of ,religion1 as the ,neo-,platonists did1 or turning ,religion into a matter of rules and regulations as the ,clerical ,rationalists of the ,eighteenth ,century did1 will be regarded by the extremists as traitors at once to the cause of progress and the cause of morality1 and will be placed among the-- 8,anime triste di coloro ,che visser senza infamia1 e senza lodo4 ,mischiate sono a quel cattivo coro ,degli ,angeli1 che non furon ribelli ,n fur fedeli a ,dio1 ma per s foro40#cif ,but so long as human nature is composite3 so long as it is compelled to feel an interest in the home joys of earth1 and is endowed with an imagination which soars beyond the actual realities of life to the possibilities that lie beyond its limits3 so long will the spirit which dominated ,plutarch operate in inducing men 8to borrow ,reason from ,philosophy1 making it their ,mystagogue to ,religion30 so long will it be recognized that the most subtle ,dialectic and the most spiritualized rapture are dangerous at once to ,reason and ,religion unless they are brought into contact with the necessities of daily life1 and made to subserve the ends of practical goodness in the sphere of man's natural and immediate interests4 ,this recognition of ,ethics as the dominating end of all ,thought and ,emotion will lead men on that firm path of reasonable happiness which1 in ,plutarch's own favourite expression1 lies midway between the headlong precipice of ,atheism and the engulfing quagmire of ,superstition4 ,,finis4 ,,printed ,,by ,,william ,,clowes ,,and ,,sons1 ,,limited1 ,,london ,,and ,,beccles4 ,,footnotes #a ,see the ,heading of the ,lamprian ,catalogue3 ,,bernardakis4 vol4 vii4 p4 #dgc4 #b ,,plutarchi ,,ch,,ronensis ,moralia recognovit ,,gregorius ,n4 ,,bernardakis 7,leipzig4 ,teubner4 #g vols4 and ,appendix74 #c ,classical ,review1 vol4 iv4 7#ahij71 p4 #cjf4 #d 7,then of ,goettingen47 ,see the ,prfatio to ,,bernardakis' ,second ,volume4 #e ,the ,treatise of ,,plutarch1 ,de ,cupiditate ,divitiarum1 edited by ,w4 ,r4 ,,paton4 7,david ,nutt4 #ahif47 ,we have also consulted ,mr4 ,paton's ,plutarchi ,pythici ,dialogi tres 7,berlin1 #ahic74 7,an emendation of ,mr4 ,paton's is noted infra1 p4 #ij47 #f ,leben1 ,schriften und ,philosophie des ,plutarch von ,chronea1 von ,r4 ,,volkmann 7,berlin1 #ahfi74 #g ,de la ,morale de ,plutarque1 par ,,octave ,,gr,,ard 7,paris1 #ahff74 #h ,plutarch1 his ,life1 his ,parallel ,lives1 and his ,morals4 ,five ,lectures by ,,richard ,,chenevix ,,trench1 ,d4,d41 c4 7,london1 #ahgc74 #i ,the ,greek ,world under ,roman ,sway1 from ,polybius to ,plutarch1 by ,j4 ,p4 ,,mahaffy1 ,d4,d41 c4 7,london1 #ahij74 #aj ,,mahaffy1 p4 #cba4 ,how ,plutarch could possibly have 8taken pains to understand0 ,christianity when1 in ,professor ,mahaffy's own words 7p4 #cdi71 he 8seems never to have heard of it10 we must leave it to ,professor ,mahaffy to explain4 #aa ,ibid4 p4 #cba4 #ab ,ibid4 p4 #cdi4 #ac ,,volkmann1 vol4 ii4 cap4 #a4 #ad ,,gr,,ard1 ,preface to ,third ,edition1 p4 iii4 #ae ,de ,apologetica ,plutarchi ,chronensis ,theologia 7,marburg1 #ahed74 ,seibert refers to two other authors who had dealt with some aspects of his own subject--,absolute demum opusculo ,schreiteri commentationem de doctrina ,plutarchi theologica et morali scriptam 444 necnon ,nitzchii ,kiliensis de ,plutarcho theologo et philosopho populari disquisitionem #ahdi editam conferre licuit4--,we have been unable to see a copy of either of these dissertations1 although ,trench also alludes to ,schreiter's work4 ,they did not1 in ,seibert's opinion1 render his work unnecessary2 but he enjoyed the inestimable advantage of the friendship of ,zeller1 who helped him 8libris consilioque40 #af ,politik und ,philosophie in ihrem ,verhltniss1 c41 by ,h4 ,w4 ,j4 ,,thiersch 7,marburg1 #ahec74--;,damals stand ,plutarch1 dem bereits ,trajan consularische ,ehren bewilligt hatte1 auf der hchsten ,stufe des ,ansehens4 7,for ,m4 ,grard's destruction of this ,legend see his first chapter4--,lgende de ,plutarque47 #ag ,the ,essays of ,plutarch1 by ,w4 ,j4 ,,brodribb4 ,fortnightly ,review1 vol4 #bj1 p4 #fbi4 #ah 8,he cared not for the name of any sect or leader1 but pleaded the cause of moral beauty in the interests of truth only40--,merivale's 8,romans under the ,empire10 cap4 #fj1 where there is an excellent1 but unfortunately too brief1 account of our author4 #ai uvres ,morales de ,plutarque1 traduites du grec par ,,dominic ,,ricard 7#aghc-agie74--8,rapproche un texte1 la version de ,ricard est1 dans sa teneur gnrale1 d'une lgance superficielle et d'une fidlit peu approfondie40--,,gr,,ard4 ,,trench also severely condemns some of the translations in the edition issued in ,dryden's name4 #bj ,plutarch's ,morals1 translated from the ,greek by several hands1 corrected and revised by ,w4 ,w4 ,,goodwin1 ,ph4,d4 7,london1 #ahgj74--8;,it may have been a fortunate thing for some of our translators that ,bentley was too much occupied with the wise heads of ,christ ,church to notice the blunders of men who could write notes saying that the ,parthenon is a #8,promontory shooting into the ,black ,sea1 where stood a chappel dedicated to some virgin godhead1 and famous for some ,victory thereabout obtain'd4'0--,editor's ,preface4 #ba ,plutarch's ,morals4 ,theosophical ,essays4 ,translated by the late ,c4 ,w4 ,,king1 ,m4,a4 7,london1 #ahhi74 ,ethical ,essays translated by ,a4 ,r4 ,,shilleto1 ,m4,a4 7,london1 #ahhh74 #bb ,,tertullian3 ,de ,carne ,christi1 #e4--8;,crucifixus est ,dei filius2 non pudet1 quia pudendum est4 ,et mortuus est ,dei filius2 prorsus credibile est1 quia ineptum est4 ,et sepultus resurrexit2 certum est1 quia impossibile est40 #bc ,,st4 ,,augustine3 ,confessiones1 vi4 #e4--8;,ex hoc tamen quoque jam prponens doctrinam ,catholicam1 modestius ibi minimeque fallaciter sentiebam juberi ut crederetur quod non demonstrabatur 7sive esset quid demonstrandum1 sed cui forte non esset1 sive nec quid esset71 quam illic temeraria pollicitatione scienti credulitatem irrideri2 et postea tam multa fabulosissima et absurdissima1 quia demonstrari non poterant1 credenda imperari40--,the principle inherent in the five italicized words is identical with that which the writer exposes as an example of the absurd credulity of the ,manichans4 ,the difference is merely one of degree4 #bd ,attempts have1 of course1 been made at various times to rationalize a ,religion whose cardinal principle is ,faith4 ,paley and ,butler are conspicuous examples in the history of ,anglican ,christianity but neither the one nor the other supplied any widespread inspiration to the religious life of the day4 ,butler1 8who had made it his business1 ever since he thought himself capable of such sort of reasoning1 to prove to himself the being and attributes of ,god10 who 8found it impossible to dissociate philosophy from religion in his own mind10 and 8would have agreed with ,south that what is nonsense upon a principle of ,reason will never be sense upon a principle of ,religion10 was yet compelled to admit that 8it was too late for him to try to support a falling ,church20 and it is a matter of national history that ,wesley1 with his direct appeal to the principle of 8justification by faith10 did more to reinvigorate the religious life of ,england than all the cultured rationalists who adorned the ,english ,church in those days4 ,and in these later days ,butler has not escaped the charge of 8having furnished1 with a design directly contrary1 one of the most terrible of the persuasives to ,atheism that has ever been produced40 7,butler1 by the ,rev4 ,w4 ,lucas ,collins1 ,m4,a47 ,paley likewise thought it a just opinion 8that whatever renders religion more rational renders it more credible10 and devoted his genius to the task of making religion more rational1 but has done little more than furnish a school text-book for theological students4 ,further1 what ,christian1 in his heart of hearts1 and at those moments which he would regard as his best1 does not respond more readily to the sublime sentiment of ,tertullian than to the ratiocinations of the ,analogy or the ,evidences8 #be ,m4 ,,constant ,,martha',s tudes morales sur l',antiquit1 from which we have taken this just and striking phrase of ,bossuet1 gives an interesting account of the passionate and anguished manner in which the calm precepts of the famous 8,golden ,verses of ,pythagoras0 were applied by ,christianity3--8,le philosophe1 si svre qu'il ft1 se traitait toujours en ami2 444 le chrtien au contraire1 444 passe souvent par des inquitudes inconnues la sereine antiquit40 7,l',examen de ,conscience chez les ,anciens47 #bf 8,belief is a virtue1 ,doubt is a sin40--,quoted by ,j4 ,a4 ,froude1 ,short ,studies1 vol4 i4 p4 #bdc4 #bg ,certain emotional aspects of ,greek ,religion are dealt with in the subsequent analysis of ,plutarch's teaching4 #bh ,,horace3 ,epist4 i4 #f1 #ae1 #af4 #bi ,,gaston ,,boissier3 ,de la ,religion ,romaine1 vol4 i4 p4 #ba4 ,cf4 ,,cicero3 ,de ,natura ,deorum1 ii4 #bh4 #cj ,cf4 the remark of ,,seneca3 ,epistol ad ,lucilium1 i4 #ba4--8,quod fieri in senatu solet1 faciendum ego in philosophia quoque existimo4 ,quum censuit aliquis1 quod ex parte mihi placeat1 jubeo illum dividere sententiam1 et sequor40--,for a summary of interesting examples of the manner in which this spirit of compromise worked out in practical religious questions1 see ,boissier1 pp4 #bb1 sqq4 #ca ,,virgil3 ,georgics1 #a4 #bfh-bgb4--;,cf4 the note of ,servius on this passage3 8,scimus necessitati religionem cedere40 ,on the general character of ,roman ,religion1 cf4 ,,constant ,,de ,,rebecque3 ,du ,polythisme ,romain4--8,on dirait que les dieux ont abjur les erreurs d'une jeunesse fougueuse pour se livrer aux occupations de l'ge mr4 ,la religion de ,rome est l'ge mr des dieux1 comme l'histoire de ,rome est la maturit de l'espce humaine40 #cb ,,macrobius3 ,saturnalia1 iii4 #i4--8,si deus1 si dea est1 cui populus civitasque ,carthaginiensis est in tutela1 teque maxime ille10 etc4 #cc ,,plutarch3 ,de ,iside et ,osiride4 7,passages subsequently quoted47 ,cf4 ,,dion ,,chrysostom3 ,de ,cognitione ,dei4 7,vol4 i4 p4 #bbe1 ,dindorf's ,text47 #cd ,,dionysius ,,of ,,halicarnassus3 ,de ,antiquitatibus ,romanorum1 ii4 #ah4--,though ,livy's account of the administrative measures of ,numa is written in a totally different spirit from that of ,dionysius1 it may be noted that ,numa is depicted as introducing religion as an aid to political stability4--8,ne luxuriarentur otio animi1 quos metus hostium disciplinaque militaris continuerat1 omnium primum1 rem ad multitudinem imperitam et illis sculis rudem efficacissimam ,deorum metum injiciendum ratus est40 7,,livy1 i4 #ai47 ,cicero confesses that the auspices had been retained for the same reason4 7,de ,div41 ii4 #cc47 #ce ,the indignant phrases with which ,horace scathes the degeneracy of his own times in this respect clearly indicate the religious aspect of the patriotic self-immolation of ,regulus3-- 8,milesne ,crassi conjuge barbara ,turpis maritus vixit et hostium 7,proh curia inversique mores67 ,consenuit socerorum in armis ,sub rege ,medo ,marsus et ,apulus ,anciliorum et nominis et tog ,oblitus ternque ,vest ,incolumi ,jove et urbe ,roma80 7,od41 iii4 #e47 #cf ,cf4 ,,boissier3 ,de la ,religion ,romaine1 vol4 i4 p4 #ag4--8,nonseulement la religion romaine n'encourage pas la dvotion1 mais on peut dire qu'elle s'en mfie4 ,c'est un peuple fait pour agir2 la rverie1 la contemplation mystique lui sont trangres et suspectes4 ,il est avant tout ami du calme1 de l'ordre1 de la regularit2 tout ce qui excite et trouble les mes lui dplat40 ,boissier quotes as the remark of ,servius on ,georgics1 #c4 #def1 the words1 8,majores religionem totam in experientia collocabant20 but what ,servius really wrote was1 8,majores enim expugnantes religionem1 totum in experientia collocabant10 and he gives an apt reference to ,cato's speech on the ,catilinarian conspiracy as reported by ,sallust3--8,non votis neque suppliciis muliebribus auxilia deorum parantur3 vigilando1 agendo1 bene consulendo1 prospere omnia cedunt40 ,propertius 7iii4 #bb7 boasts that ,rome is free from the more extravagantly emotional legends of ,greek mythology4 #cg ,,cicero3 ,de ,nat4 ,deor4 lib4 iii4--,cf4 the 8theory of ,twofold ,truth10 which was 8accepted without hesitation by all the foremost teachers in ,italy during the sixteenth century10 who 8were careful to point out1 they were philosophers1 and not theologians40--,the ,skeptics of the ,italian ,renaissance1 by ,john ,owen 7p4 #ahf1 second edition74 #ch ,,cicero3 ,tusc4 ,disp4 i4 #a4--8;,iam illa qu natura1 non literis1 adsecuti sunt1 neque cum ,grcia neque ulla cum gente sunt conferenda2 qu enim tanta gravitas1 qu tanta constantia1 magnitudo animi1 probitas1 fides1 qu tam excellens in omni genere virtus in ullis fuit1 ut sit cum majoribus nostris comparanda80 #ci ,a situation forecast in the well-known passage of ,plato's ,republic1 #fai ,c1 in reference to the soul who has chosen for his lot in life 8the most absolute despotism he could find40--8,he was one of those who had lived during his former life under a well-ordered constitution1 and hence a measure of virtue had fallen to his share1 through the influence of habit1 unaided by philosophy40 7,davis and ,vaughan's translation47 ,what could more accurately describe the character of early ,roman morality than these words8 #dj ,it was inability to grasp this truth that explained the 8patriotic0 opposition of the ,elder ,cato to the lectures of ,carneades1 ,critolaus1 and ,diogenes4 ,he was 8unwilling that the public policy of ,rome1 which for the ,roman youth was the supreme norm of judgment and action1 and was possessed of unconditional authority1 should1 through the influence of foreign philosophers1 become subordinated1 in the consciousness of these youths1 to a more universal ethical norm40 ,,ueberweg3 ,grundriss der ,geschichte der ,philosophie 7,morris and ,porter's translation1 p4 #ahi1 vol4 i474 7,cf4 ,m4 ,,martha3 ,le ,philosophe ,carnade ,rome47 #da ,,cicero3 ,de ,officiis1 i4 #dc4--8,princepsque omnium virtutum illa sapientia quam ,grci vocant--prudentiam enim1 quam ,grci 1 aliam quandam intellegimus1 qu est rerum expetendarum fugiendarumque scientia2 illa autem sapientia quam principem dixi rerum est divinarum et humanarum scientia1 in qua continetur deorum et hominum communitas et societas inter ipsos--ea si maxima est1 ut est certe1 necesse est quod a communitate ducatur officium id esse maximum40--,he is here emphasizing the social duties of the individual man4 #db ,de ,divinatione1 ii4 #b4--8,quod enim munus reipublic afferre majus meliusve possumus1 quam si docemus atque erudims juventutem8 his prsertim moribus atque temporibus1 quibus ita prolapsa est1 ut omnium opibus refrnenda ac corcenda sit40--,we shall venture to believe that personally ,cicero was not a religious man1 in spite of the religious usefulness of his philosophic work1 and also notwithstanding ,trollope's contention that 8had ,cicero lived a hundred years later ,i should have suspected him of some hidden knowledge of ,christian teaching40 7,,trollope',s ,life of ,cicero1 chapter on 8,cicero's ,religion407 ,cicero's ,letters have as much religion in them as ,lord ,chesterfield's--and no more4 #dc ,,herod4 ii4 #ec4 #dd ,,hesiod3 ,works and ,days1 #bhj sqq4 7cf4 #bic-cbf74 ,here also is to be found that famous description of the hard and easy roads of ,virtue and of ,vice4 ,the reward held out to progress in ,virtue is that this road1 too1 becomes pleasant and easy at last4 #de 4 7,,hesiod3 ,works and ,days1 #bic47--;,it is not surprising that ,aristotle quotes this verse with approval1 or that it commended itself to the genius of ,roman writers4 7,cf4 ,,livy1 xxii4 #bi2 ,,cicero3 ,pro ,cluentio1 c4 #ca47 #df ,pindar3 ,olymp41 #a1 v4 #bh1 sqq4 7,christ's ,teubner ,edition74 #dg ,,plutarch3 ,de apud ,delphos1 #che ,b4,d4 #dh ,see ,the ,ethics of ,aristotle1 by ,sir ,,alexander ,,grant1 ,essay ,,ii4 #di ,horace's 8,mutatus ,polemon0 is well known4 ,the details of the story are given in practically the same form by ,diogenes ,laertius1 ,valerius ,maximus 7vi4 #f4 #ae71 and by ,lucian in his dramatic version in the ,bis ,accusatus 7#af1 #ag74 ,philostratus--,lives of the ,sophists1 i4 #bj--;gives an intensely modern account of the conversion of the sophist ,isus4 7,see also ,note on p4 #bh47 #ej ,,plato3 ,laws1 #fdb ,c4 7,jowett's translation47 #ea ,,browning',s ,asolando1 8,development40 7,p4 #abi1 first edition47 #eb ,for the influence of the ,greek ,myths in this direction1 cf4 ,,propertius1 ,book iii4 #cb4 8,ipsa ,venus1 quamvis corrupta libidine ,martis1 ,nec minus in clo semper honesta fuit1 ,quamvis ,ida palam pastorem dicat amasse ,atque inter pecudes accubuisse deam4 444 ,dic mihi1 quis potuit lectum servare pudicum1 ,qu dea cum solo vivere sola deo80 ,st4 ,augustine's criticism of the famous passage in the ,eunuchus of ,terence 7,act iii4 sc4 #e71 where ,chrea is encouraged in his clandestine amour by a picture of ,jupiter and ,dana1 is1 of course1 painfully justified by the facts as reported by the dramatist4 7,confessiones1 lib4 i47 #ec ,,plato3 ,phdo1 #fi ,b4 #ed 8,before the fifth century1 philosophy had been entirely physical or metaphysical40--,sir ,a4 ,,grant3 ,aristotle4 7,essay already quoted47 ,the word italicized is surely too sweeping4 7,the thought is repeated with some qualification on page #fg47 ,cf4 ,,diogenes ,,laertius3 i4 #ah1 and i4 #ac4 ,,cicero3 ,tusc4 ,qust41 v4 #d2 ,acad41 i4 #d1 #ae4 ,,aristotle speaks with greater truth and moderation4--,metaph41 i4 #f4 ,the distinction between ,socrates and previous philosophers lies not so much in the fact that they were not ethical philosophers as that he was not a physical philosopher4 #ee ,,herod4 i4 #ge4 ,cf4 the amusing story told by ,plutarch 7,de ,sollertia ,animalium1 #iga ,b1 ,c71 in which a mule laden with salt lightens its load in crossing a river by soaking its packages well under the water4 ,thales enters the ranks against the clever mule1 and comes off easy winner by giving him a load of sponges and wool4 #ef ,,herod4 i4 #agj4 ,cf4 ,,plutarch3 ,cum ,principibus ,viris ,philosopho esse disserendum1 #ggi ,a4 #eg ,,ritter and ,,preller1 p4 #aj4 7,quoting ,,simplicius3 ,physica1 #f1 a47 #eh ,,simplicius3 ,physica4 7,quoted by ,,ritter and ,,preller1 p4 #aj47 #ei 8,heraclitus used to say that ,homer1 and ,archilochus as well1 ought to be expelled from the ,contests and cudgelled40--,d4 ,l41 ix4 #a4 #fj ,see ,,plutarch3 ,adversus ,coloten1 #aah ,c2 and ,,stob,,us3 ,anthologion1 v4 #aai1 and iii4 #hd4 7,vol4 i4 pp4 #id and #ajd4--,tauchnitz ,edition47 #fa ,,plutarch3 ,de ,exilio1 #fjd ,a4 #fb ,,diogenes ,,laertius1 ii4 #f4 #fc ,,alex4 ,,aphrod3 ,de ,fato1 ii41 quoted by ,,ritter and ,,preller1 p4 #bh4 ,cf4 ,,pseudo-,,plutarch3 ,de ,placitis ,philosophorum1 #hhe ,c1 ,d4 #fd ,,aristotle3 ,metaphysics1 i4 #c4 #fe ,,ritter and ,,preller1 p4 #eb4--;,cf4 ,,ueberweg on ,leucippus and ,democritus1 8,the ethical end of man is happiness1 which is attained through justice and culture40 #ff ,magna ,moralia1 i4 #a1 and i4 #cd4 ,cf4 ,,aristotle3 ,eth4 ,nich41 v4 #e4--8,the ,pythagoreans defined the just to be simply retaliation--and ,rhadamanthus 7in schylus7 appears to assert that justice is this3 #8that the punishment will be equitable when a man suffers the same thing as he has done4'0 7,thomas ,taylor's translation of ,the ,works of ,aristotle47 #fg ,,ueberweg1 p4 #dg4 ,see also citations in last note4 #fh ,how fruitful1 the whole ,attic ,tragedy demonstrates4 #fi ,,ritter and ,,preller1 p4 #gi 7from ,,clemens ,,alexandrinus74 #gj ,cf4 ,,marlowe',s ,dr4 ,faustus3-- 8,why wert thou not a creature wanting soul8 ,or why is this immortal that thou hast8 ,ah1 ,pythagoras' metempsychosis1 were that true ,this soul should fly from me1 and ,i be changed ,unto some brutish beast6 ,all beasts are happy1 ,for when they die1 ,their souls are soon dissolved in elements2 ,but mine must live still to be plagued in hell40 #ga ,,martha3 ,l',examen de ,conscience chez les ,anciens 78tudes morales sur l',antiquit074--8,ce pome1 attribu par les uns ,pythagore lui-mme1 par d'autres ,lysis1 son disciple1 par d'autres encore ou ,philolas ou ,empdocle1 ne remonte pas sans doute une si haute antiquit1 mais il est certainement antrieur au christianisme1 puisque des crivains qui ont vcu avant notre re1 entre autres le ,stocien ,chrysippe1 y ont fait quelquefois allusion 444 ,hierocls dit formellement que les ,vers d'or ne sont pas l'uvre d'un homme1 mais celle de tout le sacr collge pythagoricien40--,the author of the verses is1 doubtless1 unknown1 but their general attribution in antiquity to a ,pythagorean source is in harmony with the universal recognition that they cohere with the ethical doctrine of the school4 ,m4 ,martha subjects ancient philosophers and critics to a severe reprehension on the ground that they saw in these verses a mere inculcation of the practice of the memory--8,un certain nombre d'anciens sont tombs dans la plus trange mprise4 ,ils ont cru qu'il s'agissait ici d'un exercice de mmoire40 ,but1 giving all the force which ,m4 ,martha assigns to the passages he quotes in support of this view1 we must not leave out of consideration the important part which a good memory was believed to subserve in practical ethics4 ,see the pseudo-,plutarchic tract ,de ,educatione ,liberorum1 #i ,f4 ,cf4 ,,epictetus1 lib4 iii4 cap x4 ,,seneca 7,de ,ira1 #c1 cap4 #cf7 learned the practice inculcated by the golden verses from ,sextus1 who was claimed as a ,pythagorean 7,,ritter and ,,preller1 #dcg74 #gb ,,plato3 ,republic1 #fjj ,b4 #gc ,,plutarch3 ,adversus ,coloten1 #aabf2 cf4 ,d4 ,l41 ix4 #bc4 ,see also ,,plato',s ,parmenides1 and cf4 ,,ueberweg on ,parmenides4 #gd ,,leslie ,,stephen3 ,the ,science of ,ethics 7concluding sentence74 #ge ,for a brief expression of this identity1 see ,,dion4 ,,ch4 ,de ,exilio1 xiii4 p4 #bdi4--8,to seek and strive earnestly after ,virtue--that is ,philosophy40 ,cf4 ,,seneca3 ,epist41 i4 #cg2 et passim4 #gf ,see ,,martha3 ,la prdication morale populaire 78,les moralistes sous l'empire romain10 pp4 #bdj1 #bda74--8;,a cette poque la philosophie tait une espce de religion qui imposait ses adeptes au moins l'extrieur de la vertu4 ,les sophistes se reconnaissent leur murs licencieuses et leurs manires arrogantes1 les philosophes la dignit de leur conduite et de leur maintien4 ,on entrait dans la philosophie par une sorte de conversion difiante3 on ne pouvait en sortir que par une apostasie scandaleuse40 ,see the passages referred to by ,m4 ,,martha1 and1 in addition1 ,,dion',s account of his 8conversion0 in ,oratio xiii4 7,de ,exilio71 and his comparisons between the sophist and the peacock1 and the philosopher and the owl1 in ,oratio xii4 7,de ,dei ,cognitione74 #gg ,,cicero3 ,acad4 ,poster41 i4 #d4 7,reid's translation47 ,cf4 ,,ritter and ,,preller3 sec4 #bjd1 note 8a0 on ,,xenophon3 ,memorabilia1 iv4 #c4 #a1 and i4 #d4 #d4--8,socratem quodam modo natur studuisse vel ex nostro loco luculenter cernitur1 ubi deprehendis eum teleologicam qu dicitur viam ingressum1 qu ratio transiit ad ,socraticos4 ,inde corrigendus ,cicero ,acad4 ,poster41 i4 #d40 ,cf4 ,,benwell',s ,preface to his edition of the ,memorabilia3 8,quam graviter de ,dei providentia et de admirabili corporis humani structura ,socratem disserentem inducit60--,it must be conceded1 however1 that in ,xenophon's account ,socrates is described as discussing natural phenomena still with a view to ethical edification4 7,memorab41 iv4 #c47 #gh ,,plato3 ,timus1 #ei ,c4 #gi ,w4 ,s4 ,,landor3 ,diogenes and ,plato 7,imaginary ,conversations74--8,draw thy robe around thee2 let the folds fall gracefully1 and look majestic4 ,that sentence is an admirable one1 but not for me4 ,i want sense1 not stars40 ,cf4 ,dr4 ,,martineau3 ,plato 7,types of ,ethical ,theory74--8,the perfection which consists in contemplation of the absolute1 or the attempt to copy it1 may be the consummation of ,reason1 but not of character40 #hj ,cf4 ,,landor3 loc4 cit4--8,the bird of wisdom flies low1 and seeks her food under hedges2 the eagle himself would be starved if he always soared aloft and against the sun4 ,the sweetest fruit grows near the ground1 and the plants that bear it require ventilation and lopping40 #ha ,,archer-,,hind3 ,the ,phdo of ,plato1 ,appendix ,i4 #hb ,cf4 ,,martineau3 8,types of ,ethical ,theory03 ,plato1 p4 #ig1 vol4 i4--8,for the soul in its own essence1 and for great and good souls among mankind1 ,plato certainly had the deepest reverence2 but he had no share in the religious sentiment of democracy which dignifies man as man1 and regards with indifference the highest personal qualities in comparison with the essential attributes of common humanity4--,he rated so high the difficulty of attaining genuine insight and goodness that he thought it much if they could be realized even in a few2 and had no hope that the mass of men1 overborne by the pressure of material necessity and unchastened desires1 could be brought1 under the actual conditions of this world1 to more than the mere beginnings of wisdom40 #hc ,,aristotle3 ,ethics1 i4 cap4 #c4 ,cf4 i4 #f and i4 #h4 #hd ,ethics1 i4 #c1 #d1 where also the verse from the ,works and ,days is quoted2 cf4 sec4 #f4 #he ,ethics1 i4 #h4 #hf ,,grant',s ,aristotle1 vol4 i4 p4 #aee4 #hg ,see ,,ritter and ,,preller1 sec4 #cib1 for the authorities on this head4 #hh ,a ,voice from the ,nile1 by ,,james ,,thomson4 ,an ,epicurean would have heartily responded to the verse following those quoted in the text from this fine poem--8,and therefore ,gods and ,demons1 ,heaven and ,hell40 #hi ,,diogenes ,,laertius 7,,ritter and ,,preller1 #chj4 ,cf4 ,,cic43 ,de ,finibus1 i4 #g74 #ij ,cf4 ,,pseudo-,,plutarch3 ,de ,placitis ,philosophorum4 #hgg ,d4 #ia ,,diogenes ,,laertius1 x4 #adb4 ,cf4 ,,cic43 ,de ,finibus1 i4 #ai4--8;,denique etiam morati melius erimus quum didicerimus quid natura desideret40 7,,ritter and ,,preller1 p4 #cdc74 #ib ,cf4 the statement of ,,seneca 7,epist41 #hi1 #i74--8;,epicurei duas partes philosophi putaverunt esse1 naturalem atque moralem3 rationalem removerunt40 #ic 8,through the great weight which1 both in theory and in their actual life with each other1 was laid by the ,epicureans on ,friendship 7a social development which only became possible after the dissolution of the bond which had so closely united each individual citizen to the ,civil ,community71 ,epicureanism aided in softening down the asperity and exclusiveness of ancient manners1 and in cultivating the social virtues of companionableness1 compatibility1 friendliness1 gentleness1 beneficence1 and gratitude1 and so performed a work whose merit we should be careful not to under-estimate40--,,ueberweg3 ,grundriss4 ,cf4 ,,horace3 ,sat41 ,i4 iv4 #ace--8;dulcis amicis40 ,the other elements of the ,epicurean ideal are also realized in ,horace's character1 as his writings have left it to us4 #id ,this breaking away of the barriers between the teaching of various schools was1 doubtless1 largely due to the increasing importance which they universally attached to ,ethics4 ,the fact1 at any rate1 is indisputable4 ,every history of ,greek philosophy1 from the ,third ,century onward1 is freely scattered with such phrases as these from ,ueberweg3--8,the new ,academy returned to ,dogmatism4 ,it commenced with ,philo of ,larissa1 founder of the ,fourth ,school4444 ,his pupil1 ,antiochus of ,ascalon1 founded a ,fifth ,school1 by combining the doctrines of ,plato with certain ,aristotelian1 and more particularly with certain ,stoic theses1 thus preparing the way for the transition to ,neo-,platonism40--8,in many of the ,peripatetics of this late period we find an approximation to ,stoicism40 #ie ,as regards ,epicureanism1 see the ,adversus ,coloten1 the ,de latenter vivendo1 and the ,non posse suaviter viri secundum ,epicurum4 ,plutarch's polemic against ,stoicism is specially developed in the three tracts1 ,stoicos absurdiora ,poetis dicere1 ,de ,stoicorum ,repugnantiis1 and ,de communibus ,notitiis4 ,plutarch's attitude is purely critical3 he is by no means constructive4 ,his criticism has been severely dealt with by ,h4 ,bazin in his dissertation1 ,de ,plutarcho ,stoicorum ,adversario4 ,it is worthy of note that ,plutarch deals entirely with the founders of the two schools1 not with the later developments of their teachings4 #if ,thiersch1 who regards ,plutarch as the inaugurator of that moral reformation which1 as we attempt to show in the next chapter1 was operating before he was born1 asserts that at the time when ,plutarch began his work1 the prevailing manner of life was based upon an ,epicurean ideal4 7,der ,epikureismus war die ,popularphilosophie des ,tages1 denn in ihr fand die herrschende ,lebensweise ihren begrifflichen ,ausdruck4--,,thiersch3 ,politik und ,philosophie in ihrem ,verhltniss1 etc41 ,marburg1 #ahec47 ,if this be so1 and we willingly make the admission1 there was little need for reform here1 although1 as ,seneca found 7,ad ,lucilium1 xxi4 #i71 it may have been necessary to explain to a misunderstanding world what ,epicureanism really was4 ,whatever ,plutarch1 as nominal ,platonist1 may polemically advance against ,epicureanism1 the ideal of ,epicurus and ,metrodorus is realized in the conduct of the group of people whose manner of life is represented in the ,symposiacs4 #ig ,for some considerations on this subject see the concluding chapter4 #ih ,e4g41 ,dr4 ,august ,tholuck4--,at the termination of an article1 8,ueber den ,einfluss des ,heidenthums aufs ,leben10 in which he ransacks classical authors and ,christian fathers for anything which may serve to exhibit the degradation of ,pagan society1 he quotes the words of ,athanasius to give expression to the conclusion referred to in the text4 ,the whole of ,champagny's brilliant and fascinating work on the ,csars is dominated by the same spirit1 a spirit utterly inconsistent with that attitude of philosophical detachment in which history should be written1 7tudes sur l',empire ,romain1 tome iii41 8,les ,csars407 ,archbishop ,trench1 too1 says of our period that it 8was the hour and power of darkness2 of a darkness which then1 immediately before the dawn of a new day1 was the thickest40 7,miracles1 p4 #afb47 ,prof4 ,mahaffy1 in the same uncritical spirit1 refers to the 8singular0 and 8melancholy0 spectacle presented by ,plutarch in his religious work1 8clinging to the sinking ship1 or rather1 trying to stop the leak and declare her seaworthy40 7,greeks under ,roman ,sway1 p4 #cba47 #ii ,see ,dean ,merivale1 ,romans under the ,empire1 vol4 vii4 #ajj ,see 8,st4 ,paul and ,seneca0 7,dissertation ii4 in ,lightfoot on 8,philippians07 for a full account of the question from the historical and critical standpoints4 ,the learned and impartial ,bishop has no difficulty in proving that the resemblances between ,stoicism and ,christianity were due to ,st4 ,paul's acquaintance with ,stoic teaching1 and not to ,seneca's knowledge of the ,christian faith4 ,theodoret1 bishop of ,cyrus1 in ,syria 7consecrated ,a4,d4 #dbj71 appears to have been the first to assert the operation of ,christian influences on ,plutarch3--8,plotinus1 ,plutarch1 and ,numenius1 and the rest of their tribe1 who lived after the ,manifestation of our ,saviour to the ,gentiles1 inserted into their own writings many points of ,christian ,theology40 7,theodoretus1 ,grcarum affectionum curatio--,oratio ii41 ,de ,principio47 ,in another place he makes a still more definite assertion3 8,plutarch and ,plotinus undoubtedly heard the ,divine ,gospel40 7,oratio x41 ,de ,oraculis47 ,rualdus1 in the ninth chapter of his ,vita ,plutarchi1 given towards the end of the first volume of the ,paris edition of #afbd1 dare not be so emphatic as ,theodoret3--8,there are1 in the writings of ,plutarch1 numerous thoughts1 drawn from ,i cannot say what hidden source1 which1 from their truth and importance1 could be taken for the utterances of a ,christian oracle4 ,i do not hesitate1 therefore1 to say of him1 as ,tertullian said of ,seneca1 that he is #8often our own man4'0 ,and he even goes so far as to admit that1 though ,plutarch never attacked the ,christian faith1 and might have read the ,new ,testament as well as the ,old1 it is quite impossible to claim him as a believer4--,brucker1 in a slight account of ,plutarch in his ,historia ,critica ,philosophi1 takes a more critical view4--8,the fact that ,plutarch1 in his numerous writings1 nowhere alludes to the ,christians1 ,i do not know whether to attribute to his sense of fairness1 or even to actual favour1 or whether to regard it as an indication of mere neglect and contempt40 ,that ,brucker is inclined to the alternative of contempt is shown by a comment in a footnote on ,tillemont's assertion 7,histoire des ,empereurs71 that ,plutarch ignored the ,christians1 8not daring to speak well1 not wishing to speak ill40 8,it appears to me10 says ,brucker1 8that the real reason was contempt for the ,christians1 who were looked upon as illiterate40 ,of modern examples of this tendency one may be sufficient4 ,in the introduction to an ,american translation of the ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta1 the editor1 after enumerating the arguments against any connexion between ,plutarch and ,christianity1 concludes3--8,yet ,i cannot doubt that an infusion of ,christianity had somehow infiltrated itself into ,plutarch's ethical opinions and sentiment1 as into those of ,seneca40 78,plutarch on the ,delay of the ,divine ,justice10 translated1 with an introduction and notes1 by ,,andrew ,p4 ,,peabody1 ,boston1 #ahhe47 #aja ,see ,,dion3 ,ad ,alexandrinos1 p4 #daj 7,dindorf74 ,see also p4 #djb4 ,cf4 ,,philostratus3 ,vit ,sophistarum1 i4 #f4 #ajb ,e4g41 ,conjugalia ,prcepta1 #adj ,a4--8,those who do not associate cheerfully with their wives1 nor share their recreations with them1 teach them to seek their own pleasures apart from those of their husbands40 #ajc ,,tibullus3 ,eleg41 i4 #a4 ,cf4 ,,propertius3 ,eleg41 iii4 #ae4 8,dum nos fata sinunt1 oculos satiemus amore3 ,nox tibi longa venit1 nec reditura dies40 #ajd ,,tibullus3 ,eleg41 i4 #c4 8,quod si fatales iam nunc explevimus annos10 to the end of the ,elegy4 #aje ,,tib4 i4 #c 7sub finem74 #ajf ,,propertius3 ,eleg41 ii4 #ac1 #bh2 iv4 #e1 #bc sqq42 iv4 #d4 #ajg ,,tib41 i4 #aj4 #ajh ,,lucan3 ,pharsalia1 i4 #fgj4 #aji ,the basis of the work of ,augustus1 and of the religious reforms inaugurated or developed by him1 is laid in the recognition of a fact noted by ,balbus in ,,cic41 ,de ,nat4 ,deorum1 lib4 ii4 #c4 8,eorum imperiis rempublicam amplificatam qui religionibus paruissent4 ,et si conferre volumus nostra cum externis1 ceteris rebus aut pares aut etiam inferiores reperiemur2 religione1 id est1 cultu deorum1 multo superiores40 ,cf4 ,,horace3 ,od41 iii4 #f1 vv4 #a-d2 ,,livy1 xlv4 #ci4 #aaj ,,hor43 ,od41 iii4 #f4 #aaa ,see ,,boissier3 ,religion ,romaine1 vol4 i4 cap4 #e4--,le ,sixime ,livre de l',enide4 ,st4 ,augustine must surely have felt the religious influence of the neid when he experienced the emotion which he describes in the well-known passage in the ,first ,book of the ,confessions--plorare ,didonem mortuam 7cogebar71 quia se occidit ob amorem3 cum interea meipsum morientem1 ,deus ,vita mea1 siccis occulis ferrem miserrimus4 7,lib4 i4 cap4 xiii47 #aab ,,ovid3 ,fasti1 #d1 #bjc2 cf4 ,meta41 i4 sec4 #h4 #aac ,see the ,life of ,persius1 included1 with the ,lives of ,terence1 ,horace1 ,juvenal1 ,lucan1 and ,pliny the ,elder1 in the writings of ,suetonius4 #aad ,,macleane',s ,persius4--,introduction4 #aae ,,persius3 ,sat41 v4 #fb-fd4--;,at te nocturnis juvat impallescere chartis1 ,cultor enim juvenum purgatas inseris aures ,fruge ,cleanthea4 #aaf ,pharsalia1 ix4 #eed-eee4 #aag ,pharsalia1 ix4 #egj4 ,we have not been able to refrain from quoting these--as other--well-known verses in the text4 ,they are the highest expression of the ,stoic ,pantheism4 8,virtus0 has the appearance of a rhetorical climax2 but has it been noticed that the great modern poet of ,pantheism--for what else was ,wordsworth8--also makes humanity the highest embodiment of that 8presence 444 ,whose dwelling is the light of setting suns1 ,and the round ocean and the living air1 ,and the blue sky1 and in the mind of man80 #aah ,quis labor hic superis1 c41 vi4 #dij1 et passim4 #aai ,felices errore suo1 c41 i4 #dei4 #abj ,scrutabitur scholas nostras1 et obiiciet philosophis congiaria1 amicas1 gulam3 ostendet mihi alium in adulterio1 alium in popina1 alium in aula4--,,seneca3 ,epist41 i4 #bi4 #aba ,,philostratus1 i4 #g4 ,the quaint turn of the version in the text is from ,,blount',s #afha translation of the ,life of ,apollonius4 #abb ,,dion3 ,oratio #cb1 pp4 #djb-c 7,dindorf74 #abc ,see ,,dion3 ,de ,cognitione ,dei 7pp4 #bac-d7 for an interesting comparison between the owl and the philosopher on the one hand1 and the sophist and the peacock on the other4 7,cf4 ,ad ,alexandrinos1 p4 #djf1 where the sufferings of the faithful philosopher are in implied contrast to the rewards that await the brilliant sophist47 #abd ,iliad1 ix4 #cab-c 7,chapman's translation74 ,this actual text is quoted in ,,philostratus' ,lives of the ,sophists 7i4 #be7 as a criticism on some of the false and fantastic exercises of the ,sophists4 ,the 8distant lapse0 referred to in the text is constantly evident in the dramas of the best ,athenian period4 ,and history shows that there was a strong tendency in the ,hellenic character agreeing with that indicated by the evidence of the dramatists1 notwithstanding the outcry raised when ,euripides summed up the whole matter in his famous line in the ,hippolytus 7,hipp4 #fab74 #abe ,,philostratus3 ,vit ,sophistarum1 lib4 i4 sec4 #bd4 #abf ,e4g41 ,de ,stoic4 ,repug41 #ajcc ,a1 ,b2 ,de ,audiendo1 #dc ,f4 #abg ,see frequent passages in ,seneca's letters to ,lucilius1 e4g4 ,ep4 i4 #af1 #bj4 ,cf4 ,de ,vita ,beata1 cap4 #ah1 where ,seneca defends himself and other philosophers against the charge 8aliter loqueris3 aliter vivis40 ,he will not be deterred from the pursuit of virtue by any truth human weakness may have to admit in the charge4 ,this note is well marked in both ,aurelius and ,epictetus 7ii4 #ai4 ,cf4 ,,aulus ,,gellius1 xvii4 #ai74 ,the praise of ,ulysses at the end of the ,de ,deo ,socratis of ,apuleius is couched in the same strain4 #abh ,,catullus1 xvi4 #d1 #e2 ,,ovid3 ,tristia1 ii4 #cec-d2 ,,martial1 i4 #e4 #abi ,,pliny3 ,ep4 v4 #c4 ,plutarch1 also1 is legitimately offended at the loose language of the founders of ,stoicism 7see ,de ,stoic4 ,repug41 #ajdd ,b71 and his expressions1 as are those of ,pliny's friends1 are quite in harmony with the modern attitude on the question4 ,apuleius defends himself against a similar charge to that brought against ,pliny by a similar display of great names4--8,fecere tamen et alii talia0 7,de ,deo ,socratis74 #acj ,,horace3 ,ep4 i4 #a1 #ad4 #aca ,,epictetus3 ,encheir41 #di2 ,discourses1 iii4 #b2 i4 #ag4 #acb ,,seneca3 ,epist4 ad ,lucilium1 i4 #ba4 ,here are a few of the egregia dicta which ,seneca takes from the teachings of ,epicurus1 or ,metrodorus1 or alicujus ex illa officina4--8,honesta res est lta paupertas10 8,satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus10 8,philosophi servias oportet ut tibi contingat vera libertas10 8,si cui sua non videntur amplissima1 licet totius mundi dominus sit1 tamen miser est10 8,quid est turpius1 quam senex vivere incipiens80 8,is maxime divitiis fruitur1 qui minime divitiis indiget10 8,immodica ira gignit insaniam10 8,sic fac omnia1 tanquam spectet ,epicurus10 8,initium est salutis1 notitia peccati10 c4 ,yet ,seneca was the acerrimus ,stoicus of ,lactantius 7,div4 ,inst41 i4 #e74 #acc ,fragment #abj in ,bergk's third edition1 #add in his fourth edition1 and #ajg in ,bckh's edition4 ,w4 ,christ includes it in his selections-- 7,no4 #d74 #acd ,iliad1 ix4 #dih2 xi4 #c1 #gc2 iv4 #ddj4 #ace ,amatorius1 #gfc ,c1 sqq42 cf4 ,de ,placitis ,philosoph41 lib4 i4 #hgi-hhj ,a4 ,this tract cannot be quoted as authority for ,plutarch's views2 it is in several places distinctly1 even grossly1 anti-,platonic1 and in other places even more distinctly ,epicurean4 ,as an example of the reverence with which ,plutarch constantly alludes to ,plato1 the first conversation in the ,eighth ,book of the ,symposiacs may be quoted4 ,the conversation arises out of a celebration of ,plato's birthday1 and ,plutarch gives a sympathetic report of the remarks of ,mestrius ,florus1 who is of opinion that those who impute the philosopher's paternity to ,apollo do not dishonour the ,god4 ,cf4 this and hundreds of other similar examples with the bitterly contemptuous expressions in the ,de ,placitis1 #hha ,a1 a section which concludes with an emphatic exposition of that ,epicurean view which ,plutarch exerts himself so strenuously to confute in the ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta4 ,bernardakis 8stars0 the ,de ,placitis1 though ,zimmerman quotes it as evidence against the sincerity of ,plutarch's piety 7,epistola ad ,nicolaum ,nonnen1 cap4 #g3 8aperte negat providentiam074 ,wyttenbach says the ,de ,placitis was 8e perditis quibusdam germanis libris compilatum40 ,christopher ,meiners 7,historia ,doctrin de ,vero ,deo1 p4 #bdf7 attacks the boldness of the writer1 8qu deorum numen et providentiam impugnavit1 quque a ,plutarchi pietate et moribus longe abhorret40 ,corsini seems to think that the incredible labour involved in the compilation makes it worthy of ,plutarch4 ,his edition1 with notes1 translation1 and dissertations1 makes a very handsome quarto1 which is a monument of combined industry and simplicity4 ,he makes no comment on the anti-,platonic expressions alluded to above 7,,corsinus3 ,plutarchi ,de ,placitis ,philosophorum1 libri v41 ,florence1 #agei71 nor does ,mahaffy either1 who regards the ,de ,placitis as genuine1 though he calls it jejune4 ,i have been unable to see a copy of ,beck's #aghg edition1 which ,volkmann highly praises4 ,it may be observed with regard to the passage referred to at the head of this note that ,plutarch would never have limited the contribution of philosophy to the knowledge of ,god to 4 ,dion ,chrysostom 7,de ,dei ,cognitione1 #cic1 sqq47 mentions the same three sources of the knowledge of the ,divine nature as ,plutarch1 but also postulates a primeval and innate cognition of ,god4 #acf ,cf4 the ,pseudo-,plutarchic ,de ,placit4 ,phil41 #hhj ,a4 #acg 4 ,de ,iside et ,osiride1 #cgh ,a1 ,b4 8,un lien pieux se formait entre le myste et son mystagogue1 lien qui ne pouvait plus se rompre sans crime40--,maury1 vol4 ii4 cap4 xi4 ,for the saying of ,theodorus about 8taking with the left hand what is offered with the right10 see ,de ,tranquillitate ,animi1 #dfg ,b4 #ach ,de ,iside et ,osiride1 and ,de ,superstitione1 passim4 #aci ,cf4 ,,diog4 ,,laert4 vii4 #acd 7,,ritter and ,,preller1 sect4 #djd74--8;,god1 by transformation of ,his own essence1 makes the world40--,grant's ,aristotle1 ,essay vi41 8,the ,ancient ,stoics40 ,cf4 ,,plut3 ,de ,stoic4 ,repugn4 #ajec4 #adj ,de apud ,delphos1 #chh ,f4 #ada ,quomodo ,adulator1 #gh ,e4 ,cf4 ,,eunapius on ,historians of ,philosophy4 8,no one has written any careful account of the lives of philosophers1 among whom we count not only ,ammonius1 teacher of divinest ,plutarch1 but also ,plutarch himself1 the darling and delight of all ,philosophy40 ,eunapius thinks that the ,parallel ,lives were ,plutarch's finest work1 but adds that 8all his writings are thickly sown with original thoughts of his own1 as well as with the teachings of his ,master40 #adb #cic ,e4 #adc ,plutarch elsewhere comments upon the of the ,stoics in finding explanations of the various names of the popular ,deities 7,quomodo ,adolescens1 #ca ,e74 ,,cicero 7,de ,natura ,deorum1 iii4 #bd7 represents ,cotta as charging the ,stoics with supporting the crudest superstitions of the popular faith by the skill which they displayed in finding a mysterious significance in the current names and legends3-8,atque hc quidem et ejusmodi ex vetere ,grcia fama collecta sunt2 quibus intelligis resistendum esse1 ne perturbentur religiones4 ,vestri autem non modo hc non repellunt1 verum etiam confirmant1 interpretando quorsum quidque pertineat40 #add ,iliad1 xv4 #cfb-d4 #ade ,in another place ,plutarch expresses the view that the original ,creator of the world bestowed upon the stuff of the phenomenal world a principle of change and movement by which that stuff often dissolves and reshapes itself under the operation of natural causes without the intervention of the original ,creator 7,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dce-f74 #adf ,plutarch1 in this ,essay1 distinctly places himself in opposition to ,plato1 whose views1 for the purposes of contrast1 may be summarized from two well-known passages of the ,republic4 ,in #ccg ,b1 ,c1 the greater part of the myths current in the popular poets are repudiated4 ,then1 after that famous series of criticisms applied to particular passages taken from ,homer and ,hesiod and other poets1 after his analysis of the various kinds of 8narration10 and his implicit inclusion of the great poets of ,greece among the masters of that kind of imitative narration which a man will the more indulge in1 the more contemptible he is1 ,plato concludes with that ironical description of the reception which a ,homer or a ,hesiod would have to meet in a state founded on the ,platonic ideal4 8,we shall pay him reverence as a sacred1 admirable1 and charming personage2 we shall pour perfumed oil upon his head and crown him with woollen fillets2 but we shall tell him that our laws exclude such characters as he1 and shall send him away to some other city than ours40--#cih ,a1 ,b 7,davies and ,vaughan's translation74 ,plutarch1 however1 takes the world as it is4 ,he admits that poetry is a siren1 but refuses to stop the ears of the young people who listen to her fascinating strains4 ,lycurgus was mad in thinking he could cure drunkenness by cutting down the vineyards2 he should rather have brought the water-springs nearer to the vines4 ,it is better to utilize the vine of poetry by checking and pruning its 8fanciful and theatrical exuberance0 than to uproot it altogether4 ,we must mingle the wine with the pure water of philosophy1 or1 to use another image1 poetry and philosophy must be planted in the same soil1 just as the mandragora1 which moderates the native strength of the wine1 is planted in vineyards 7,quomodo ,adolescens1 #ae ,e74 ,august ,schlemm1 in his ,de fontibus ,plutarchi ,commentationum ,de ,aud4 ,poetis et de ,fortuna 7,gttingen1 #ahic71 subjects the structure of the ,de ,audiendis to a very close and careful analysis1 and comes to the conclusion that the main sources of ,plutarch's material are to be found in the writings of ,stoic and ,peripatetic philosophers4 ,he notes that ,plutarch's examples are taken from the same ,homeric1 verses as ,plato's1 and adds1 8,qu cum ita sint1 quomodo h ,plutarchum inter et ,platonem similitudines ort sint dubium jam esse non potest4 ,plutarchus1 ut in eis qu antecedunt1 ita etiam hic1 usus est libro ,peripatetici cujusdam1 qui1 ut criminationes a ,platone poetis factas repelleret1 hujus modi fictiones in natura artis poetic positas esse demonstravit et commentationi su inseruit poetarum versus a ,platone vituperatos40 ,chrysippus had composed a work on ,how to study ,poetry1 ,zeno one entitled ,on ,poetical ,study1 and ,cleanthes another1 called ,on the ,poet4 ,the opinion of so conscientious a scholar on ,plutarch's 8appropriations0 is worth quoting3--8tenendum est 444 ,plutarchum non eum fuisse qui more compilatorum libros aliorum ad verbum exscriberet sed id egisse ut ea qu legisset atque collegisset referret1 sed ita ut modo sua intermisceret1 modo nonnulla omitteret vel mutaret40 #adg ,de ,iside et ,osiride1 #cec ,e4 #adh ,de apud ,delphos1 #cic ,d4 ,cf4 ,de ,defectu1 #dcc ,e4 ,ammonius is here evidently referring to a remark made 7#chf ,b7 by 8one of those present0 to the effect that 8practically all the ,greeks identify ,apollo with the ,sun40 ,the words of ,ammonius quoted in the text are strikingly similar in spirit to the famous verses in the 8,in ,memoriam30-- 8,o thou that after toil and storm ,may'st seem to have reached a purer air1 ,whose faith has centre everywhere1 ,nor cares to fix itself to form1 8,leave thou thy sister when she prays1 ,her early ,heaven1 her happy views2 ,nor thou with shadowed hint confuse ,a life that leads melodious days4 8,her faith through form is pure as thine1 ,her hands are quicker unto good3 ,oh1 sacred be the flesh and blood ,to which she links a truth divine60 #adi ,consolatio ad ,apollonium1 #ajb ,a4--8,he was a very sage and virtuous youth1 conspicuous for the reverence which he paid to the gods1 to his parents1 and to his friends40 ,this is nearly the old ,hellenic ideal as expressed1 e4g41 in the lines from the 8,antiope0 of ,euripides1 preserved by ,stobus1 8,on ,virtue0-- 8,there be three virtues for thy practice1 child3 ,honour the gods1 revere thy loving parents1 ,respect the laws of ,greece40 #aej ,amatorius1 #gef ,b4 #aea ,amatorius1 #gfb ,a4 #aeb ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dce ,e4 #aec ,consolatio ad ,uxorem1 #fab4 ,cf4 ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dcg ,a4 #aed ,supplying1 as ,bernardakis does after ,wyttenbach1 4 #aee ,de ,pythi ,orac41 #dji ,c4 ,cf4 ,de ,rep4 ,ger41 #gib ,f4 #aef ,plutarch puts these words into the mouth of ,theon1 a literary man1 and a most intimate friend of his own4 ,but ,theon is here a mere modest disguise of ,plutarch1 just as 8,lamprias0 is in the ,de ,defectu ,oraculorum4 ,the argument is1 in any case1 not affected--the statement is clearly ,plutarch's own4 7,see the note on that dialogue in a subsequent chapter47 #aeg ,de ,pythi ,orac41 #dji ,b4 #aeh ,the antiquarian regret of ,propertius for the old simple worships of ,rome--8,nulli cura fuit externos qurere divos ,cum tremeret patrio pendula turba sacro0 7,eleg41 v4 #a7--touched a chord which very few ,romans would have responded to in ,plutarch's time4 #aei ,de ,exilio1 #fjb ,e4 ,this recognition of the sacred character of the ,emperor does not preclude criticisms of individual rulers1 e4g41 ,nero3 ,de ,sera ,num4 ,vindicta1 #efg ,f2 and ,vespasian3 ,amatorius1 #gga ,c4 #afj ,de ,pythi ,orac41 #djh ,b4 #afa ,cf4 the fate of ,chroneia under ,antony1 as told by ,plutarch's grandfather 7see ,life of ,antony1 #idh ,a1 ,b74 #afb #had ,a4 #afc ,prcepta ,reip4 ,ger41 #hac1 et passim3--,he insists1 however 7#had ,e1 ,f71 that subservience must not go too far1 and he is also careful to point out such brilliant openings for political ambition as are left by the peculiar conditions of the time 7#hje ,a1 ,b74 #afd ,plutarch states that the aim of his political advice is to enable a man not only to become 8a useful citizen10 but also 8to order his domestic affairs with safety1 honour1 and justice0 7,de ,unius in ,repub41 c41 #hbf ,c74 #afe ,prcepta ,reip41 #hbd ,c4 #aff ,prcepta ,reip41 #hac ,f4 #afg ,,propertius1 iv4 #aa4 8,hc ,di condiderant1 hc ,di quoque mnia servant40 ,plutarch's essay reads like an exposition of this text of the ,roman poet4 #afh 8,et hoc verbo monere satis est1 nomine contineri omnem rerum actionumque efficientiam1 qu a ,virtute disjuncta1 nec in hominis potestate posita est2 sive illa ut casus et temeritas1 sive ut divina providentia informetur40--,,wyttenbach4 ,schlemm says that this tract and the ,de ,alexandri sive virtute sive fortuna are 8mer exercitationes rhetoric in quibus certam quandam philosophiam persequi in animo non habebat40 ,yet the rhetoric of the ,de ,fortuna ,romanorum is in wonderful harmony with ,plutarch's mature opinion as deliberately expressed in the ,de ,republica ,gerenda4 #afi ,,virgil3 ,georgics1 ii4 #ecd2 ,,plut3 ,de ,fortuna ,romanorum1 #caf ,e4 ,this may be a conscious reminiscence of ,virgil's line4 ,if ,plutarch had not read ,virgil1 he may have heard so famous a verse quoted by his friends at ,rome4 ,he himself translates a passage from 8the poet ,flaccus0 in his ,life of ,lucullus 7#eah ,c--,,horace3 ,ep41 i4 #f1 #de74 ,the question of ,plutarch's acquaintance with ,latin is very important for investigations into the historical sources of his 8,lives20 but it lies beyond our present limits4 ,it is fully dealt with by ,,weissenberger in his ,die ,sprache ,plutarchs 7#ahie74 ,he exculpates ,plutarch from some of the grosser mistakes in ,latinity imputed to him by ,volkmann4 #agj #cag ,b1 ,c4 #aga ,,cicero3 ,qust4 ,tusc41 i4 #bc4 #agb ,amatorius1 #gfb ,a4 #agc ,one need scarcely go so far as ,professor ,lewis ,campbell1 who says that the main result of the 8,ethics0 of ,plutarch is to show 8how difficult it was for a common-sense man of the world to form distinct and reasonable opinions on matters of religion in that strangely complicated time0 7,religion in ,greek ,literature1 #ahih74 ,but ,professor ,campbell is also of opinion that 8the convenient distinction between gods and demons1 which he 7i4e4 ,plutarch7 and others probably owed to their reading of ,plato1 is worth dwelling on because it was taken up for apologetic purposes by the early ,christian fathers40 ,surely its religious value to an age which did not anticipate the coming of 8the early ,christian fathers0 makes the distinction worth study from a point of view quite different from that represented in ,christian apologetics4 #agd ,see ,,maury1 vol4 i4 p4 #ceb4--8,pythagore admet l'existence de dmons bons et mauvais comme les hommes1 et tout ce qui lui paraissait indigne de l'ide qu'on devait se faire des dieux1 il en faisait l'uvre des dmons et des hros40 7,for a fuller discussion of this question see the chapters on ,dmonology47 #age ,plutarch devotes so much of his work to an exposition of his views of the ,divine character1 that one feels inclined to regard him less as a philosopher in the general sense than as a theologian4 ,a kindly piece of description of his own 7see ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #daj ,a71 in which he mentions ,cleombrotos of ,lacedemon as 8a man who made many journeys1 not for the sake of traffic1 but because he wished to see and to learn10 and says that as a result of his travels and researches he was compiling a practically complete corpus of philosophical material1 the end and aim of philosophy being1 as he used to put it1 8,theology0--may be spoken with equal truth of ,plutarch himself4 ,we cannot1 perhaps1 do better than apply the term to him1 and support the appellation with an interesting passage from ,m4 ,maury1 in which he deals with the distinction between theosophs and philosophers in the early stages of ,greek philosophy and religion3--8,les uns soumettant tous les faits l'apprciation rationelle1 et partant de l'observation individuelle1 pour expliquer la formation de l'univers substituaient aux croyances populaires un systme cr par eux1 et plus ou moins en contradiction avec les opinions du vulgaire3 c'taient les philosophes proprement dits4 ,les autres acceptaient la religion de leurs contemporains1 444 ils entreprenaient au nom de la sagesse divine1 dont ils se donnaient pour les interprtes1 non de renverser mais de rformer les notions thologiques et les formes religieuses1 de faon les mettre d'accord avec leurs principes philosophiques0 7,,maury1 vol4 i4 p4 #cci74 ,cf4 ,c4 ,g4 ,,seibert1 ,de ,apologetica ,plutarchi ,theologia 7#ahed73-8;,finis autem ad quem tendebat ipsa erat religio a majoribus accepta1 qua philosophi ope purgata qualium animos denuo implere studebat40 ,he thinks ,plutarch was a theologian first and a philosopher after4 7,in the passage quoted above from the ,de ,defectu it is difficult not to regard ,mr4 ,paton's emendation of as more in accordance with the character of ,cleombrotos than the of ,bernardakis' text1 although1 of course1 he was a great traveller and an ardent student47 #agf ,de ,e1 #cib ,a4 ,cf4 ,,plato3 ,laches1 #bdj ,c4 #agg #cic ,a-,d4 #agh #cid ,c4 #agi ,de ,defectu1 #dac ,d4 #ahj #dcc ,d1 ,e4 #aha #dbf ,b4 #ahb #ajea ,e4 #ahc #ajeb ,e4 #ahd ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dbj ,e4 #ahe ,,schylus3 ,prometheus ,vinctus1 #baj4 #ahf ,de ,iside et ,osiride1 #ceb ,a4 ,we need not here trouble with ,plutarch's fanciful philology1 almost as fanciful as that of some modern ,aryanists4 ,his meaning is clear--,absolute ,being is the object of the worship of ,isis--cf4 ,,max ,m,,ller3 ,selected ,essays1 vol4 i4 p4 #dfg3 8,comparative philologists have not yet succeeded in finding the true etymology of ,apollo40 7,plato's derivations are given in the ,cratylus1 #bff ,c47 #ahg ,iliad1 xiii4 #ced4 7,chapman's translation47 #ahh ,de ,iside et ,osiride1 #cea ,e4 #ahi ,neoplatonism1 by ,c4 ,,bigg1 ,d4,d4 78,chief ,ancient ,philosophies071 p4 #baf4 #aij ,cf4 the ,de ,placitis ,philosophorum1 #hha ,b4 #aia ,de apud ,delphos1 #chd ,f4 #aib #chf ,e4 #aic ,alluding to ,,hesiod--,works and ,days1 #gce sq4 #aid ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta1 #efb ,b4 #aie ,de 1 #cic ,a4 #aif ,de 1 #chg ,b1 ,c4 #aig ,,plato3 ,philebus1 #ci ,e4 #aih ,,aristotle3 ,ethics1 viii4 #ab4 #aii ,de ,superstitione1 #afg ,e4 #bjj ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dbc ,e4 #bja ,,plutarch on ,the ,delay of the ,deity in ,punishing the ,wicked3 revised edition1 with notes1 by ,professors ,h4 ,b4 ,hackett and ,w4 ,s4 ,tyler4 7,new ,york1 #ahfg47 #bjb ,sur les ,dlais de la ,justice ,divine dans la punition des coupables1 par le ,comte ,,joseph ,,de ,,maistre4 7,lyons et ,paris1 #ahef47--8;,j'ai pris10 says de ,maistre1 8j'ai pris quelques liberts dont j'espre que ,plutarque n'aura point se plaindre20 and1 speaking of the jeunesse suranne of ,amyot's style1 he adds3 8,son orthographe gare l'il1 l'oreille ne supporte pas ses vers3 les dames surtout et les trangers le gotent peu40 ,another ,french critic justly remarks on these 8liberties0 of de ,maistre3 8,c'est trop de licence4 ,plutarque n'est pas un de ces crivains qui laissent leurs penses en bouton0 7,grard1 p4 #bgd74 ,yet it is upon de ,maistre's 8paraphrase0 that ,grard bases his own analysis6 #bjc ,,wyttenbach3 ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta 7,prfatio74 ,it is pleasant to repeat the praise which ,christian writers have poured on this tract4 8,diese ,schrift0 says ,volkmann1 8gehrt meines ,erachtungs unbedingt mit zu dem schnsten1 was aus der gesammten nachclassischen ,litteratur der ,griechen berhaupt auf uns gekommen ist40 7,,volkmann1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bfe47 ,one may wonder a little1 perhaps1 at the limitation conveyed in the nach of nachclassischen4--,trench says that some of ,plutarch's arguments 8would have gone far to satisfy ,st4 ,augustine1 and to meet the demands of his theology40 #bjd ,the ,epicurean author of the ,de ,placitis1 still inveighing against 8that tall talker1 ,plato10 is bitterly emphatic on this point4--8,if there is a ,god1 and human affairs are administered by ,his ,providence1 how comes it that bareness prospers1 while the refined and good fall into adversity80 ,and he instances the murder of ,agamemnon 8at the hands of an adulterer and an adultress10 and the death of ,hercules1 that benefactor of humanity1 8done to death by ,dejaniras drugs40 7#hha ,d47 #bje ,symposiacs1 #fdb ,c1 #gjj ,e4 #bjf ,symposiacs1 #fed ,c4 #bjg ,,thucyd41 iii4 #ch4 ,cleon's famous speech on the ,mytilenean question4 #bjh 8,hujus rei aut omnino ,lycisci ne vestigium quidem uspiam reperi40--,,wyttenbach4 #bji ,in allusion1 of course1 to the famous verse of an unknown poet3-- 1 4 #baj #edj ,e4 #baa ,deleting after with ,,bernardakis4 #edi ,f4 #bab ,note the change of number3 --4 #bac ,cf4 the well-known passage in the ,timus 7,timus1 #bi ,c1 ,d74 #bad #eej ,d4 8,etsi hc sententia disertis verbis in ,platone1 quod sciam1 non exstet1 ejus tamen ubique sparsa sunt vestigia40 ,,wyttenbach adds3 8,summam autem hominum virtutem et beatitudinem in eo consistere1 ut imitatione ,deorum eis similes evadant1 communis fere omnium ,philosophorum fuit sententia40 #bae ,plutarch has another well-known passage of the ,timus in his memory here4--,timus1 #bi ,d4 #baf 8,neque hoc disertis verbis in ,platone legere me memini2 sed cum variis locis 444 confer40--,,wytt4 #bag #eea ,d4 #bah #eec ,a1 #eec ,f4 #bai ,laws1 #gbh ,c4 ,the reference is to ,,hesiod3 ,works and ,days1 #bfe1 #bff1 though ,plutarch quotes verse #bfe in a form different from the vulgate4 ,,goettling 7,ap4 ,paley7 thinks ,plutarch's version 8savours more of antiquity40 ,,aristotle3 ,rhetoric1 iii4 #i1 quotes the vulgate4 #bbj #eed ,d4 ,literally1 8they were not punished when they grew old1 but grew old in punishment40 #bba #eee ,e1 ,f4 #bbb ,,stob,,us3 ,anthologion1 ,tit4 #gi1 #ae4 #bbc #eeg ,d4 ,cf4 the sarcasm of the ,academic ,,cotta in the ,de ,natura ,deorum1 iii4 #ch3 8,dicitis eam vim ,deorum esse ut1 etiam si quis morte pnas sceleris effugerit1 expetantur e pn a liberis1 a nepotibus1 a posteris4 ,o miram quitatem ,deorum60 #bbd #eeh ,f4 #bbe #eei ,e4 #bbf #efj ,c4 ,,wyttenbach quotes ,,lucretius1 iii4 #dcg and #def3 8,ergo dissolvi quoque convenit omnem animai ,naturam ceu fumus in altas aeris auras40 ,he might have added1 iii4 #egi1 sqq43 8,denique1 cum corpus nequeat perferre animai ,discidium1 quin id tetro tabescat odore1 ,quid dubitas quin ex imo penitusque corta1 ,emanarit uti fumus diffusa anim vis80 ,plutarch is probably thinking of ,plato's 8intelligent gardener0 7,,ph,,drus1 #bgf ,b71 although1 as ,wyttenbach says1 8,horti ,adonidis proverbii vim habent40 ,the ,english reader will think of ,shakespeare's beautiful lines-- 8,thy promises are like ,adonis' gardens1 ,that one day bloom'd1 and fruitful were the next40 ,henry ,,vi41 ,pt4 #a1 act i4 sc4 #f4 #bbg #efj ,f4 #bbh #efa ,a4 #bbi #efd ,c4 #bcj ,cf4 ,timon of ,athens1 act iii4 sc4 #a3 8,let molten coin be thy damnation40 #bca #efa ,a4--,in the long extract1 preserved by ,stobus1 from ,plutarch's ,de ,anima 7,anthologion3 ,tit4 #abj1 #bh4--,the ,tauchnitz edition of #ahch1 however1 ascribes this passage to ,themistius1 perhaps by confusion with extract ,no4 #be71 ,plutarch allows his imagination to play freely with the fortunes of the soul in the afterworld4 ,in a beautiful passage1 ,timon compares death to initiation into the ,great ,mysteries--an initiation in which gloom and weariness and perplexity and terror are followed by the shining of a wondrous light1 which beams on lovely meadows1 whose atmosphere resounds with sacred voices that tell us all the secret of the mystery1 and whose paths are trod by pure and holy men4 ,timon concludes with ,heraclitus that1 if the soul became assuredly convinced of the fate awaiting it hereafter1 no power would be able to retain it on earth4 ,but ,plutarch himself is not convinced3 he is charmed and seduced1 but ,reason holds him back from accepting as certainties the 8airy subtleties and wingy mysteries0 of ,imagination4 ,under the stress of a desire to console his wife for the loss of her little daughter1 he reminds her that the 8hereditary account0 and the ,mysteries of ,dionysus--in which1 he says1 both of them were initiated--equally repudiate the notion that the soul is without sensation after death 7,consolatio ad ,uxorem1 #faa ,d74 ,in his polemic against the ,epicureans he chiefly emphasizes the emotional aspect of the desire for immortality2--the ,epicurean denial of immortality destroys 8the sweetest and greatest hopes of the majority of mankind0--one of these 8sweetest and greatest hopes0 being that of seeing retribution meted out to those whose wealth and power have enabled them to flout and insult better men than themselves2 it robs of its satisfaction that yearning of the thoughtful mind for unstinted communion with the great masters of contemplation2 and deprives the bereaved heart of the pleasant dream of meeting its loved and lost ones in another world 7,non posse suav41 #aaje ,e74 ,there is no doubt that ,plutarch wished to believe in the immortality of the soul1 but the evidence is not conclusive that he did2 at the most it is with him a 8counsel of perfection10 not an 8article of faith40 #bcb 8,it it not clear from the writings of ,plutarch to what extent he was a monotheist40 ,this is the opinion of ,charles ,w4 ,super1 ,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,d41 and it is supported by the irrefragable proof that ,plutarch 8uses both with and without the article40 ,this judgment is given1 of all places in the world1 at the conclusion of a translation 7a very indifferent one1 by the way7 of the ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta4 78,between ,heathenism and ,christianity3--,being a ,translation of ,seneca's ,de ,providentia and ,plutarch's ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta40 by ,charles ,w4 ,super1 ,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,d41 ,chicago1 #ahii47 #bcc ,plutarch himself is ignorant of its origin1 and does not know whether it was ,magian1 ,orphic1 ,egyptian1 or ,phrygian4 7,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dae ,a4 ,cf4 ,isis and ,osiris1 #cfj ,e1 8following the ,theologians of old407 ,those who believed1 like ,rualdus1 that ,plato had read the ,old ,testament 7see note1 page #de71 had no difficulty in assigning the doctrine of ,dmons to a ,jewish source4 ,wolff1 speaking of the systematic dmonology constructed by the neo-,platonists1 alludes to this passage in ,plutarch1 and says3--8,hc omnia artificiosa interpretatione ex ,platonis fluxerunt fabulis2 ex oriente fere nihil assumebatur4 ,namque ,judi aliis principiis1 ac reliqui1 profecti decem dmonum genera constituerant2 ,chaldi vetustiores non dmonum genera1 sed septem archangelos planetis prfectos colebant2 nec credendum ,plut41 ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dae ,a4 ,studebat enim ,plutarchus1 prsertim in ,comm3 de ,iside et de ,socratis dmonio1 ,grcorum placita ad gypti ,asique revocare sapientiam1 et quum ab ,orpheo et ,atti sancta qudam mysteria dicerentur profecta esse1 arcanis his ritibus summam de diis doctrinam significari suspicabatur0 7,wolff1 op4 cit474--,volkmann1 who had carefully studied ,plutarch's relationship both to his philosophical predecessors and to foreign forms of religious faith1 had previously arrived at a different conclusion from that embodied in the words italicized above4--8,er war darum kein ,eklektiker oder ,synkretist1 und was man nun gar von seiner ,vorliebe fr ,orientalische ,philosophie und ,theologie gesagt hat gehrt ledeglich in das ,gebiet der ,fabel4 ,plutarchs philosophisch-allegorische ,auslegung aber der gyptischen ,mythen von ,isis und ,osiris geht von der ausdrcklichen ,voraussetzung aus dass diese ,gottheiten wesentlich ,hellenische sind0 7,volkmann1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bc74 ,but these varying views are simply two different ways of regarding the real fact1 which is that ,plutarch regards foreign myths and ,greek alike as different expressions of the conception of ,divine ,unity--such ,unity not being either ,hellenic or ,egyptian1 but simply absolute 7see subsequent analysis of the ,de ,iside et ,osiride74 #bcd ,,diogenes ,,laertius1 viii4 #cb4 ,,ritter and ,,preller also refer to ,,apuleius' ,de ,deo ,socratis3 8,atenim ,pythagoricos mirari oppido solitos1 si quis se negaret unquam vidisse ,dmonem1 satis1 ut reor1 idoneus auctor est ,aristoteles40 7,below this passage in my edition of ,apuleius 7the ,delphin1 of #afhh7 appears the note 8,idem scribit ,plutarch1 in libello 40 ,this libellus ,i cannot identify with any enumerated in the catalogue of ,lamprias47 #bce 8,plato1 ne ,anaxagor aut ,socratis modo impietatis reus succumberet1 prterea ne sanctam animis hebetioribus religionem turbaret1 intactos reliquit ritus publicos et communem de diis dmonibusque opinionem2 qu ipse sentiat1 significat quidem1 sed1 ut solet in rebus minus certis et a mera dialectica alienis1 obvoluta fabulis0 7,,wolff1 ,de ,dmonibus1 loc4 cit474 ,is it permissible to suppose that the third consideration--that expressed in the italicized words--operated more strongly on ,plato than either or both of the first two8 ,aristotle1 at any rate1 takes up a much firmer attitude in face of the popular mythology1 which he regards as fabulously introduced for the purpose of persuading the multitude1 enforcing the laws1 and benefiting human life 7,metaphysics1 xi4 7xii47 #h1 ,t4 ,taylor's translation74 ,this famous passage is as outspoken as ,epicureanism4 #bcf ,,plato3 ,politicus1 #bga ,d4 ,a similar 8dispensation0 is provided in the ,laws1 #gag ,a4 #bcg ,,plato3 ,symposium1 #bjb ,e4 #bch ,,herodotus3 ii4 #ec4 #bci ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dae ,b4 #bdj ,,hesiod3 ,works and ,days1 #abb-abe 7,elton's translation74 #bda ,works and ,days1 #bec4 ,cf4 the beautiful fragment from ,menander preserved by ,plutarch1 ,de ,tranquillitate ,animi1 #dgd ,b3-- 8,by every man1 the moment he is born1 ,there stands a guardian ,dmon1 who shall be ,his mystagogue through life40 #bdb ,works and ,days1 #ada-b4 #bdc ,de ,defectu ,oraculorum1 #dde ,b4--,pluto1 too1 though perhaps not quite with the innocent purpose of ,homer1 gives 8dmons0 as an alternative to 8gods0--,timus1 ,sec4 #af4 7,a passage charged with the most mordant irony against the national religious tradition47 #bdd ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #daf ,c4 #bde ,cf4 ,,wolff3 8,neque discrepat hac in re communis religio3 multi enim dmones mali ,grcorum animos terrebant1 velut ,acco1 ,alphito1 ,empusa1 ,lamia1 ,mormo1 sive ,mormolyce10 c4--,considering the numerous references made to the subject of ,dmonology by ,greek poets and philosophers from ,hesiod and ,empedocles downwards1 with all of which1 as is clear from the citations made in our text1 ,plutarch is perfectly familiar1 ,prof4 ,mahaffy's note on this point is a little mysterious4--8,mr4 ,purser points out to me that ,plutarch rather popularized than originated this doctrine1 and himself refers it to various older philosophers40 7,mahaffy1 p4 #cac47--;,it needs no very close study of ,plutarch to see for one's self that he does not claim to have originated the doctrine1 and that he knows himself to be dealing with a long-standing and widespread tradition4 #bdf ,for a similar process1 cf4 the quotation from ,dr4 ,,jackson's ,treatise on ,unbelief1 given by ,sir ,,walter ,,scott in ,demonology and ,witchcraft1 p4 #age1 note3 8,thus are the ,fayries1 from difference of events ascribed to them1 divided into good and bad1 when it is but one and the same malignant fiend that meddles in both40 #bdg ,cf4 ,g,,tte3 ,das ,delphische ,orakel3 8,in ,zeiten1 wo dasselbe keine ,bedeutung mehr hatte1 wo es nur dazu dienen konnte1 den finstersten ,aberglauben fortzupflanzen und zu erhalten1 und die ,menschen ber die wahre ,leitung der ,dinge in der ,welt1 ber die wahren ,mittel1 durch welche sich ,jeder sein ,glck bereitet1 zu tuschen1 wurde das ,orakelwesen von den frommen ,vtern unserer ,kirche fr die ,ausgeburt des ,teufels angesehen10 c4--,cf4 also1 #a ,corinthians x4 #bj-bb4 #bdh ,see1 for these illustrations1 ,,scott's ,demonology and ,witchcraft1 ,,pater's ,apollo in ,picardy1 and ,,heine's ,gods in ,exile4 78,unter solchen ,umstnden musste ,mancher1 dessen heilige ,haine konfisciert waren1 bei uns in ,deutschland als ,holzhcker taglhnern und ,bier trinken statt ,nektar407 #bdi #cfa ,a4 sqq4 #bej ,the author of the ,de ,placitis 7#hhb ,b47 gives a very vague and slight account of the history of ,dmonology1 probably from motives of ,epicurean contempt1 if one may judge from the curt sentence which concludes his brief note3--8,epicurus admits none of these things40--,he merely says that ,thales1 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and the ,stoics asserted the existence of spirits called 8,dmons10 and adds that the same philosophers also maintained the existence of ,heroes some good1 some bad4 ,the distinction between good and bad does not apply to the ,dmons4 ,the identical words of this passage in the ,de ,placitis are used by ,athenagoras 7,legat3 pro ,christ41 cap4 #ba7 to express a definite statement about ,thales1 who is asserted to have been the first who made the division into ,god1 dmons1 heroes4 #bea ,plutarch has here preserved some very beautiful verses of ,empedocles1 in which this punishment is described4 ,another fragment of verse from ,empedocles 7,de ,exilio1 #fjg ,c7 depicts with equal force and beauty the punishment by the ,dmons of one who has been handed over to them to atone for his crimes4 #beb ,here should be noted the tendency to assimilate the good ,dmons to the gods--a tendency to which reference has already been made4 #bec ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dai ,a4 #bed ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dai ,a4 #bee #dai4--,mrs4 ,browning could hardly have read the ,de ,defectu when she stated that her fine poem 8,the ,dead ,pan0 was 8partly founded on a well-known tradition mentioned in a treatise of ,plutarch 7#8,de ,oraculorum ,defectu'71 according to which1 at the hour of the ,saviour's agony1 a cry of #8,great ,pan is dead6' swept across the waves in the hearing of certain mariners1--and the oracles ceased40 7,it was one of the mariners who uttered the cry1 8,the great ,pan is dead60 having been thrice requested by a supernatural voice to do so4 ,but such errors of detail are unimportant in view of the fact that the whole spirit of the story is misunderstood by the poetess47 #bef ,so one may conjecture from the description given by ,demetrius1 who 8sailed to the least distant of these lonely islands1 which had few inhabitants1 and these all held sacred and inviolable by the ,britons40 ,plutarch's ,demetrius has been identified with 8,demetrius the ,clerk0 who dedicated1 8to the gods of the imperial ,palace10 a bronze tablet now in the ,museum at ,york4--,see ,king's translation of the ,theosophical ,essays in the 8,bohn0 series1 p4 #bb4 #beg #dbj ,b4 #beh #cfj ,d4 #bei #cfa ,e4 ,we shall see elsewhere that1 just as a good ,dmon may be promoted to the rank of a god1 so a good man may be lifted to the status of a ,dmon1 like ,hesiod's people of the ,golden ,age4 7,de ,dmonio ,socratis1 #eic ,d4 ,cf4 ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dae ,b47 #bfj #cfa ,f4 #cfd ,e4 #bfa ,cf4 ,,apuleius1 ,de ,deo ,socratis4--8,neque enim pro majestate ,dem clestium fuerit1 ut eorum quisquam vel ,annibali somnium pingat1 vel ,flaminio hostiam conroget1 vel ,accio ,nvio avem velificet1 vel sibyll fatiloquia versificet1 etc4 ,non est oper ,diis superis ad hc descendere4 ,quad cuncta0 7he says elsewhere7 8clestium voluntate et numine et auctoritate1 sed ,dmonum obsequio et opera et ministerio fieri arbitrandum est40 #bfb ,de apud ,delphos1 #cid ,a4 #bfc ,de ,fato1 #egb ,f1 sqq4--,bernardakis 8stars0 this tract as doubtfully ,plutarch's4 ,but the passage quoted1 at any rate1 is not discrepant from ,plutarch's views elsewhere1 though expressing them more concisely1 and with more appearance of system than usual with him4 ,the similarity to ,plato's tripartite division of the heavenly powers in the ,timus is1 of course1 evident1 but the text has a note of sincerity which is lacking in the ,platonic passage4 #bfd ,de ,defectu1 #dag ,c4 7,for the verse quoted in the original1 cf4 ,w4 ,,christ's ,pindar1 p4 #bcb47 #bfe #dag ,d4 #bff ,the nearest approach to this identification is made by the mysterious stranger whom ,cleombrotus finds near the ,red ,sea1 who appeared once every year among the people living in that neighbourhood1 and who gave the pious traveller much information concerning ,dmons and their ways2 which he was well fitted to do1 as he spent most of his time in their company and that of the pastoral nymphs4 ,he said that ,python 7whom ,apollo slew7 was a dmon2 that the ,titans were dmons2 that ,saturn may have been a dmon4 ,he then adds the significant words1 8,there is nothing to wonder at if we apply to certain ,dmons the traditional titles of the gods1 since a ,dmon who is assigned to a particular god1 deriving from him his authority and prerogatives1 is usually called by the name of that same god0 7#dba ,e74 ,but this somewhat daring testimony is1 we are not surprised to find1 preceded by a hint that in these matters we are to drink from a goblet of mingled fact and fancy4--7#dba ,a47 #bfg ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dbf ,d4 #bfh ,isis and ,osiris1 #cfj ,e4 #bfi ,isis and ,osiris1 #cfj ,f4 #bgj ,isis and ,osiris1 #cfa ,c4 ,the passage in the 8,banquet0 referred to has been already quoted 7see p4 #abc74 #bga ,it would be otiose to illustrate by examples the universal and splendid fame of the ,delphic oracle4 ,one may perhaps be given which is not commonly quoted4 ,pliny the elder1 who in one passage sneeringly includes the oraculorum prscita among the fulgurum monitus1 auruspicum prdicta1 atque etiam parva dictu1 in auguriis sternutamenta et offensiones pedum1 by means of which men have endeavoured to discover hints of divine guidance1 nevertheless1 in another passage1 quotes two wise oracles as having been 8velut ad castigandam hominum vanitatem a ,deo emissa40 7,lib4 ii4 cap4 #e1 and vii4 cap4 #dg47--,the political1 religious1 and moral influence of the ,delphic oracle has been exhaustively dealt with by ,wilhelm ,gtte in the work already cited 7see p4 #abg1 note71 and by ,bouch-,leclerq in the third volume of his 8,histoire de la ,divination dans l',antiquit40 ,on the general question of divination it would1 perhaps1 be superfluous to consult anything beyond this monumental work1 with its exhaustive references and its philosophic style of criticism4 #bgb ,,juvenal3 ,sat4 vi4 #eee4 #bgc ,,lucan1 v4 #aaa1 sq4 #bgd --8,muto ,parnassus hiatu ,conticuit1 pressitque ,deum3 seu spiritus istas ,destituit fauces1 mundique in devia versum ,duxit iter3 seu barbarica cum lampade ,pytho ,arsit1 in immensas cineres abiere cavernas1 ,et ,phbi tenuere viam3 seu sponte ,deorum ,cirrha silet fatique sat est arcana futuri ,carmine longv vobis commissa ,sibyll3 ,seu ,pan solitus templis arcere nocentes1 ,ora quibus solvat nostro non invenit vo40 #bge ,the main argument of the third and shortest of the ,delphic tracts has been already given4 ,a brief description of its contents is added by way of note1 to show its connexion with the two larger tracts4 ,the tract takes the form of a letter from ,plutarch to ,serapion1 who acts as a means of communication between ,plutarch and other common friends4 ,its object is to ascertain why the letter was held in such reverence at the ,delphic shrine4 ,a series of explanations is propounded1 probably representing views current on the subject1 varying1 as they do1 from those proper to the common people to those which could only have been the views of logicians or mathematicians4 ,theon1 a close friend of ,plutarch's1 maintains that the syllable is the symbol of the logical attributes of the ,god1 ,logic1 whose basis is 78if071 being the process by which philosophical truth is arrived at4 8,if1 then1 ,philosophy is concerned with ,truth1 and the light of ,truth is ,demonstration1 and the principle of ,demonstration is ,connexion1 it is with good reason that the faculty which includes and gives effect to this process has been consecrated by philosophers to the god whose special charge is ,truth40444 8,whence1 ,i will not be dissuaded from the assertion that this is the ,tripod of ,truth1 namely1 ,reason1 which recognizing that the consequent follows from the antecedent1 and then taking into consideration the original basis of fact1 thus arrives at the conclusion of the demonstration4 ,how can we be surprised if the ,pythian ,god1 in his predilection for ,logic1 is specially attentive to this aspect of ,reason1 to which he sees philosophers are devoted in the highest degree80 ,this connexion of ,reason with ,religion1 a familiar process in ,plutarch1 is followed by a 8list of the arithmetical and mathematical praises of the letter 0 involving ,pythagorean speculations1 and the culmination of the whole piece lies in the splendid vindication by ,ammonius of the ,unity and ,self-,existence and ,eternity of the ,deity4 ,perhaps the most interesting aspect of his argument is the assignation to ,apollo of the functions of the ,supreme ,deity3 an easy method of bringing ,philosophy and ,mythology to terms2 a mode of operation perhaps not unaffected by that ,mithraic worship which1 on its classical side1 was to culminate in ,julian's famous prayer to ,helios4 ,the tract also furnishes1 as already stated1 a clear example of the method by which the literal terms known in the worship of ,dionysus and ,apollo are refined from their grosser elements and idealized by the subtleties of the philosophic intellect1 which then accepts them as appropriate designations for the various functions of the ,god4 ,the pleasant seriousness1 too1 of all the interlocutors is worthy of note1 as presenting a type of religious discussion of whose calmness and dignity the modern world knows little4 ,it would be interesting1 for example1 to hear a group of classical philosophers discuss the excommunication of ,professor ,mivart by ,cardinal ,vaughan1 or of ,tolstoi by ,pobedonostzeff4 #bgf ,this ,diogenianus does not appear to be identical with the ,diogenianus of ,pergamos1 twice mentioned in the ,symposiacs1 although ,bernardakis does not distinguish them in his ,index4 #bgg ,philinus was an intimate friend of ,plutarch's 7,symposiacs1 #gbg ,b2 ,de ,sollertia ,animalium1 #igf ,b72 and1 except in this ,dialogue and in the ,de ,soll4 ,anim41 appears only as taking his part in the social intercourse of the ,symposiacs1 and as contributing his share to the discussion of the various quaint and curious problems forming so large a portion of the 8,table ,talk0 of ,plutarch and his friends4 ,he has ,pythagorean tendencies2 eats no flesh 7#gbg ,b72 objects to a rich and varied diet1 being of opinion that simple food is more easily digestible 7#ffj ,f72 explains somewhat crudely why ,homer calls salt 7#fhe ,d72 proves that ,alexander the ,great was a hard drinker 7#fbc ,e72 explains why ,pythagoras advised his followers to throw their bedclothes into confusion on getting up 7#gbh ,b1 ,c72 and tells a story of a wonderful tame crocodile which lay in bed like a human being 7,de ,soll4 ,anim41 #igf ,b74 ,a very charming account of ,plutarch's friends has been given by ,m4 ,a4 ,chenevire1 in his 8,de ,plutarchi familiaribus10 written as a ,litt4,d4 thesis for a ,french ,university in #ahhf4 #bgh #cie ,a4 #bgi #cif ,d4 ,cf4 ,symposiacs1 #fbh ,a4 #bhj #cif ,e4 ,boethus1 a genial and witty man1 with whom1 notwithstanding his ,epicureanism1 ,plutarch lives on terms of intimate social intercourse4 ,in ,symposiacs1 #fgc ,c1 ,boethus1 now described as an ,epicurean sans phrase1 entertains1 in ,athens1 ,plutarch1 ,sossius ,senecio1 and a number of men of his own sect4 ,after dinner the company discuss the interesting question why we take pleasure in a dramatic representation of passions whose exhibition in real life would shock and distress us4 ,at another time he appears1 together with ,plutarch and a few other friends1 at a dinner given by ,ammonius1 then ,strategos at ,athens for the third time1 and explains1 upon principles of ,epicurean ,science 7,symposiacs1 #gbj ,f71 why sounds are more audible at night than by day4 #bha #cif ,f4 #bhb ,see note1 p4 #adi4 #bhc ,cf4 ,,cicero3 ,de ,divinatione1 ii4 #ej4--8,quis est enim1 qui totum diem jaculans1 non aliquando collineet8 ,totas noctes dormimus2 neque ulla fere est1 qua non somniemus3 et miramur1 aliquando id1 quod somniarimus1 evadere8 ,quid est tam incertum quam talorum jactus8 tamen nemo est quin1 spe jactans1 venereum jaciat aliquando1 nonnumquam etiam iterum1 ac tertium10 c4 ,also ii4 #iga4--8;,casus autem innumerabilibus pne seculis in omnibus plura mirabilia quam in somniorum visis effecerit40 #bhd #cii4 #bhe ,cf4 ,,herodotus3 ii4 #ace4 #bhf #dja ,e4 #bhg 8,pyrrhi temporibus iam ,apollo versus facere desierat40--,,cicero3 ,de ,div41 ii4 #ef4 ,plutarch1 however1 is able to say1 8,even nowadays some oracles are published in verse10 and to cite a very interesting instance 7,de ,pyth4 ,orac41 #djd ,a74 #bhh #djh ,c1 ,d4 #bhi #dji ,d4 #bij #djd ,c4 #bia ,lamprias4 ,the writer of this letter to 8,terentius ,priscus0 is addressed by the name of 8,lamprias0 in the course of the dialogue 7#dac ,e74 ,this ,terentius is not mentioned elsewhere by ,plutarch1 but one may venture the guess that he was one of the friends whom1 as in the case of ,lucius the ,etrurian1 and ,sylla the ,carthaginian1 ,plutarch had met at ,rome 7,symposiacs1 #gbg ,b74 ,sylla and ,lucius1 whom we know to have been on intimate terms with ,plutarch1 are interlocutors in the dialogue ,de ,facie in ,orbe ,lun1 and one of them uses the same form of address to the writer of that dialogue as is employed by ,ammonius in this passage 7#idj ,f74 ,there is not the faintest doubt as to the genuineness of either of these two dialogues1 and it is1 therefore1 reasonable to suppose that ,plutarch1 desiring perhaps to pay a compliment to a relative1 veils his own personality in this way3 8,omnium familiarium et propinquorum ante ceteros omnes ,lampriam fratrem1 et ejusdem nominis avum ,lampriam1 eos imprimis fuisse qui ,plutarchi amicitiam memoriamque obtinuerint1 nobis apparet0 7,de ,plutarchi ,familiaribus--,,chenevi,,re74 ,he pays a similar compliment to his friend ,theon1 who sums up and concludes the argument of the ,de ,pythi ,oraculis4 7,for the closeness of ,theon's intimacy with ,plutarch1 see especially ,consolatio ad ,uxorem1 #faj ,b1 and ,symposiacs1 #gbe ,f47 ,cf4 ,,gr,,ard',s ,la ,morale de ,plutarque1 p4 #cjc3 8,plutarque a ses procds1 qu'on arrive connatre4 ,d'ordinaire ils consistent accorder successivement la parole aux dfenseurs des systmes extrmes et rserver la conclusion au principal personnage du dialogue4 ,or ce personnage est presque toujours celui qui a pos la thse2 et le plus souvent il se trouve avoir avec ,plutarque lui-mme un lien de parent40--,plutarch delights to such an extent to bring his friends into his works1 that it has even been suggested that no work is authentic without this distinguishing mark4 ,readers of ,plutarch know that one characteristic of his style is the avoidance of hiatus1 and that he puts himself to all kinds of trouble to secure this object4 ,in this connexion1 ,chenevire remarks3 8,mirum nobis visum est quod1 ne in uno quidem librorum quos hiatus causa ,g4 ,benseler ,plutarcho abjudicavit1 nullius amici nomen offenditur4 ,scripta autem qu nullo hiatu fdata demonstrat1 vel amico cuidam dicata1 vel nominibus amicorum sunt distincta40 7,the work by ,benseler referred to is1 of course1 his ,de ,hiatu in ,oratoribus ,atticis et ,historicis ,grcis47 #bib ,plutarch does not1 of course1 wish to convey the suggestion that ,apollo's shrine is still the centre of the earth1 and that ,britain is as far away in one direction as the ,red ,sea is in another4 ,the oracle's repulse of ,epimenides1 who wished to be certain on the point1 indicates that the question is one surrounded with difficulty1 and that the wise man will do best to leave it alone4 ,bouch-,leclerq has a startling comment3 8,plutarque ajoute que1 de son temps1 la mesure avait t verifie par deux voyageurs partis l'un de la ,grande ,bretagne et l'autre du fond de la mer ,rouge0 7,la ,divination1 iii4 p4 #hj74 #bic #daj ,a1 ,b4 ,cf4 note1 p4 #ij4 #bid #daa ,e4 #bie ,the cessation of the oracles was only comparative4 ,,wolff1 in his ,de ,novissima ,oraculorum tate1 examines the history of each oracle separately1 and comes to a conclusion that the oracles were not silent even in the age of ,porphyry 7born ,a4,d4 #bcb73 8,nondum obmutuisse numina fatidica ,porphyrii tempore4 ,vera enim ille deorum responsa censuit2 qu ,christianis opposuit1 ne soli doctrinam divinitus accepisse viderentur40 ,strabo alludes to the failure of the oracle at ,dodona1 and adds that the rest were silent too 7,,strabo3 vii4 #f1 #i74 ,cicero alludes with great contempt to the silence of the ,delphic oracles in his own times3 8,sed1 quod caput est1 cur isto modo jam oracula ,delphis non eduntur1 non modo nostr tate1 sed jamdiu2 ut modo nihil possit esse contemtius8 ,hoc loco quum urgentur evanuisse aiunt vetustate vim loci ejus1 unde anhelitus ille terr fieret1 quo ,pythia1 mente incitata1 oracula ederet4444 ,quando autem ista vis evanuit8 ,an postquam homines minus creduli esse cperunt0 7,de ,div41 ii4 #eg74 ,when ,cicero wrote this passage he had probably forgotten the excellent advice which the oracle had once given him when he went to ,delphi to consult it 7,,plut43 ,cicero1 cap4 #e74 #bif #dab ,d4 #big ,some of these points of grammar which attracted the scorn of ,heracleon were whether loses a in the future2 and what were the positives from which the comparatives and 1 and the superlatives and were formed 7#dab ,e74--8,quelques annes aprs les guerres mdiques1 le pinceau de ,polygnote couvrit la ,lesch des ,cnidiens ,delphes de scnes empruntes au monde infernal40 7,bouch-,leclerq3 iii4 #aec47--;,it would have been more interesting to a modern student if ,heracleon had replied that the pictures of ,polygnotus were quite sufficient to keep one mentally alert1 and had seized the opportunity to give us an exact description of the scenes depicted and the meaning they conveyed to the men of his time4 8#8,not all the treasures1' as ,homer has it1 #8which the stone threshold of the ,far-darter holds safe within1 would now1' as ,mr4 ,myers says1 #8be so precious to us as the power of looking for one hour on the greatest work by the greatest painter of antiquity1 the picture by ,polygnotus in the ,hall of the ,cnidians at ,delphi1 of the descent of ,odysseus among the dead4'0 #bih ,didymus1 8surnamed ,planetiades10 is a picturesque figure1 evidently drawn from life4 ,it is interesting to compare his attitude with that imposed upon the ideal cynic of ,epictetus3 8,it is his duty then to be able with a loud voice1 if the occasion should arise1 and appearing on the tragic stage to say1 like ,socrates1 #8,men1 whither are you hurrying8 what are you doing1 wretches8 ,like blind people you are wandering up and down3 you are going by another road1 and have left the true road3 you seek for prosperity and happiness where they are not1 and if another shows you where they are you do not believe him'0 7,,long's ,epictetus1 p4 #bea74 ,planetiades certainly endeavours to play this rle on the occasion in question1 though he is doubtless as far below the stoic ideal as he is above the soi-disant cynics whom ,dion met at ,,alexandria4 #bii ,cf4 ,,blount3 ,apollonius of ,tyana1 p4 #cg4 ,blount collects a number of ancient and modern parallels to the thought of ,plutarch here4 ,,horace1 ,epist4 i4 #af4 #ei1 readily occurs to the memory4 7,for the ,pindaric fragment1 see ,w4 ,christ1 p4 #bbe47 #cjj #dac ,d4 #cja 8,plutarch does not mean to say that ,greece was not able at all to furnish #cjjj men capable of arms1 but that if burgess armies of the old sort were to be formed they would not be in a position to set on foot #cjjj #8hoplites4'0--,,mommsen4 #cjb #dad ,c4 #cjc #dag ,a1 ,b4 ,cf4 ,de ,facie in ,orbe ,lun1 #idd ,c1 ,d4 #cjd #dca ,b4 #cje #dcf ,f4 #cjf #dcg ,f4 #cjg ,de ,pythi ,orac41 #cih ,b4 #cjh ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dah ,e4 #cji ,de ,defectu ,orac41 #dch ,d4 #caj ,plutarch1 in reply to ,boethus the ,epicurean1 uses an interesting example to illustrate the two opposite views maintained on this point4 8,even you yourself here are beneficially influenced1 it would seem1 by what ,epicurus wrote and spoke three centuries ago2 and yet you are of opinion that ,god could not supply a ,principle of ,motion or a ,cause of ,feeling1 unless ,he took and shut ,himself up in each individual thing and became an intermingled portion of its essence0 7#cih ,b1 ,c74 #caa 8,as to ,plutarch's theology1 he was certainly a monotheist4 ,he probably had some vague belief in inferior deities 7demons he would have called them7 as holding a place like that filled by angels and evil spirits in the creed of most ,christians2 yet it is entirely conceivable that his occasional references to these deities are due merely to the conventional rhetoric of his age0 7,,andrew ,p4 ,,peabody3 ,introduction to a translation--already referred to--of the ,de ,sera ,numinis ,vindicta74 ,it is a little difficult to be patient with the ignorance displayed in the italicized part of this citation4 ,that ,plutarch's 8references to these deities0 are not 8occasional0 is a matter of fact2 that they are not 8due merely to conventional rhetoric0 it is hoped that the analysis in the text--incomplete as it may be in other respects--has at least made sufficiently clear4 ,it is1 however1 gratifying to find that this ,american translator1 unlike ,dr4 ,super1 of ,chicago1 recognizes that ,plutarch 8was certainly a monotheist40 #cab ,plutarch found the existence of the ,dmons recognized in each of the three spheres which contributed to the formation of religious beliefs--in philosophy1 in popular tradition1 and in law4 ,,stob,,us3 ,tit4 #dd1 #bj 78,on ,laws and ,customs0--,tauchnitz edition of #ahch1 vol4 ii4 p4 #afd7 has an interesting quotation1 headed 8,preamble of the ,laws of ,zaleucus10 in which the following passage occurs3--8,if an ,evil ,dmon come to any man1 tempting him to ,vice1 let him spend his time near temples1 and altars1 and sacred shrines1 fleeing from ,vice as from an impious and cruel mistress1 and let him pray the gods to deliver him from her power40 ,zaleucus may1 of course1 have been embodying the teaching of his ,pythagorean colleagues1 but the fact remains that the belief in the influence of ,dmons on human life received the authority of a celebrated system of law1 unless we are to be more incredulous than ,cicero himself--,quis ,zaleucum leges scripsisse non dixit8 7,ad ,atticum1 vi4 #a74--78;,his code is stated to have been the first collection of written laws that the ,greeks possessed40--,smaller ,classical ,dictionary1 ,smith and ,marindin1 #ahih47 #cac ,adversus ,coloten1 #aabd ,d4 ,the religious value of the belief in ,dmonology is indicated in an interesting passage in the 8,de ,iside et ,osiride0 in which ,isis1 by her sufferings1 is described as 8having given a sacred lesson of consolation to men and women involved in similar sorrows40 #cfa ,e4 7,in the next sentence she and ,osiris are raised from the dmonic rank to the divine47 #cad ,accepting ,bernardakis' first emendation-- 4 #ehj ,a4 #cae #eha ,f4--,phidolaus would not have been at home among ,xenophon's troops 7,anabasis1 iii4 #b1 #i74 #caf #ehh ,c1 ,d4 #cag #ehh ,e4 #cah #ehi ,d4 #cai #ehf ,a4 #cbj #ehi ,f4 #cba #eia ,a4 #cbb #eid4 #cbc ,de ,defectu1 #dae ,b1 ,c4 ,in the ,de ,facie qu apparet the connexion between mankind and the dmons in described in similar terms to those employed in the ,de ,dmonio ,socratis4 ,the ,dmons do not spend all their time on the moon2 they take charge of oracles1 assist at initiatory rites1 punish evildoers1 help men in battle and at sea1 and for any want of fairness or competence in the discharge of these duties they are punished by being driven again to earth to enter human bodies once more 7#idd ,d2 cf4 #idd ,c74 #cbd ,that this truth is one which appeals to the ,imagination more cogently than to the ,reason1 resembling in that respect the belief in the soul's immortality1 is evident to ,plutarch4 ,it is on this account that he illustrates it by ,myth instead of arguing it by ,reason1 and takes every precaution to prevent his readers from regarding it as a complete and final presentation of a logically irrefutable belief4 #cbe ,non posse suaviter1 c41 #aaja ,b1 ,c4 #cbf #aaja ,d4 #cbg #aajb ,b4 #cbh ,de ,audiendis ,poetis #cd ,b4 #cbi ,conjugalia ,prcepta1 #adj ,d4 ,champagny sees a reference here to ,christianity4 ,but why not also in ,,plato's ,laws1 #fgd ,f1 and #ffa ,c8--,it is quite in harmony with ,plutarch's love of openness in ,religion that to the general reticence displayed by the ,greeks on the subject of their religious ,mysteries1 he seems to add a personal reticence peculiarly his own4 ,considering how anxiously he hovers about the question of the soul's immortality 7see above1 p4 #aah1 and cf4 ,consolatio ad ,apollonium1 #abj ,b1 ,c3 8,if1 as is probable1 there is any truth in the sayings of ancient poets and philosophers 444 then must you cherish fair hopes of your dear departed son0--a passage curiously similar in form and thought to ,,tacitus1 ,agric4 #df3 8,si quis piorum manibus locus1 si1 ut sapientibus placet10 c471 it is remarkable that only once--and then under the stress of a bitter domestic bereavement--does he specifically quote the ,mysteries 7those of ,dionysus7 as inculcating that doctrine 7,ad ,uxorem1 #faa ,d74 ,his adoption of an unknown writer's beautiful comparison of ,sleep to the ,lesser ,mysteries of ,death 7,consol4 ad ,apoll41 #ajg ,e71 and his repetition of the same idea elsewhere 7see above1 p4 #aah71 may also be indications how naturally the teaching of the ,mysteries suggested the idea of immortality4 ,but he most frequently alludes to the ,mysteries as secret sources of information for the identification of nominally different deities 7,de ,iside et ,osiride1 #cfd ,e71 or for the assignation of their proper functions to the ,dmons 7,de ,defectu1 #dag ,c71 who are regarded as responsible for what ,mr4 ,andrew ,lang 78,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion10 passim7 calls 8the barbaric and licentious part of the performances0 7,de ,iside et ,osiride1 #cfj ,e1 ,f74 ,we should perhaps conclude1 from the few indications which ,plutarch gives of his views on this subject1 that he regarded the ,mysteries in a twofold light2 they were a source of religious instruction1 or consolation1 respecting the future state of the soul1 and they were also a means of explaining and justifying the crude legends which so largely intermingled with the purer elements of ,greek religion4 ,though1 as ,plutarch hints1 many of these barbaric legends were not suited to discussion by the profane1 yet the mind1 when purified by sacred rites1 and educated to the apprehension of sacred meanings1 could grasp the high and pure significance of things which were a stumbling-block to the uninitiated1 and could make them an aid to a loftier moral life4 #ccj 8,das eigentlich einzige und tiefste ,thema der ,welt- und ,menschengeschichte1 dem alle brigen untergeordnet sind1 bleibt der ,conflict des ,unglaubens und des ,aberglaubens40--,,goethe1 ,weststlicher ,divan 7quoted by ,,tholuck74 #cca #afe ,c4 #ccb #afe ,d4 #ccc ,,bernardakis adopts ,bentley's emendation 1 which might be an allusion to ,christianity1 but would more probably refer to such a process as that already described in the words 4 ,we have previously discussed the general question involved 7see p4 #de71 but may here add the opinion of so unprejudiced a ,christian writer as ,archbishop ,trench1 8strange to say4 ,christianity is to him 7,plutarch7 utterly unknown40--7,see also note1 p4 #bjb74 #ccd #aff ,b4 #cce #aff ,b4 #ccf #afh ,f4 #ccg ,bello primo1 ,aristodemum ,messeniorum regem per superstitionem animum ac spes omnes despondisse1 seque ipsum interfecisse1 narrat etiam ,pausanias1 iv4 #c4--,,wyttenbach4 #cch #afi ,c4 ,iliad1 vii4 #aic1 #aid4 #cci #agj ,a4 ,trench quotes ,seneca ,epist41 #abc--8,quid enim interest utrum deos neges1 an infames80 #cdj #agj ,f4 #cda ,to the numerous citations made by ,grard 7p4 #bji71 we may add an expression of opinion by ,dr4 ,tholuck1 given with special reference to ,plutarch's views on ,superstition3--8,wir haben in ,alterthum einen hohen ,geist1 ,plutarch1 welcher dem1 was das ,alterthum ,aberglaube nannte1 viele ,betrachtungen gewidmet hat1 dem ,gegenstande zwar nicht auf den ,grund gekommen1 aber in der ,betrachtuug desselben doch so tiefe religise ,wahrheiten ausgesprochen1 dass wir nicht umhin knnen1 ihn hier ausfhrlicher dem ,leser vorzufhren0 7,ueber ,aberglauben und ,unglauben74 #cdb ,,wyttenbach bases this possibility on the #aejth entry in the ,lamprian catalogue1 8,on ,superstition1 against ,epicurus40 7,entry ,no4 #aee in the catalogue as given in ,,bernardakis1 vol4 vii4 pp4 #dgc-g47 ,but the discussion on this point in the ,non posse suaviter forms so important a part of that tract that the title 8,on ,superstition1 against ,epicurus0 would be no inapt title for the whole treatise4 #cdc ,the view taken in the text as to the character of this strenuous and noble sermon on ,superstition is1 of course1 quite at variance with the opinion of ,prof4 ,mahaffy1 who regards it as 8one of those sophistical exercises practised by every one in that age--,i mean1 the defence of a paradox with subtlety and ingenuity1 taking little account of sober truth in comparison with dialectical plausibility40--,greeks under ,roman ,sway1 p4 #cah4 #cdd ,pharsalia1 viii4 #hca4 #cde ,,apuleius1 ,meta3 ,lib4 xi4 ,lucius 7a descendant of ,plutarch1 by the way71 in his pious gratitude1 enters the service of the goddess who had uncharmed him4--,rursus donique1 quam raso capillo1 collegi vetustissimi et sub illis ,sull temporibus conditi munia1 non obumbrato vel obtecto calvitio1 sed quoquoversus obvio1 gaudens obibam4 #cdf #cfd ,e4 #cdg #ced ,c4 #cdh #cee ,b4 #cdi ,cf4 ,de ,pyth4 ,orac41 #djj ,a4 #cej #cee ,d4 #cea #ceh ,e4 ,mr4 ,andrew ,lang justly remarks1 8,why these myths should be considered #8more blasphemous' than the rest does not appear0 7,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #aaf1 #aag74 #ceb #ceh ,f4 ,this is a difficult passage4 ,it seems necessary to read for 7cf4 1 ,amatorius1 #gfe ,e71 but even then the meaning is difficult to elicit1 and it is not confidently claimed that the rendering in the text has elicited it4 ,three translations are appended3 8,for as mathematicians assure us that the rainbow is nothing else but a variegated image of the sun1 thrown upon the sight by the reflexion of his beams from the clouds1 so ought we to look upon the present story as the representation1 or reflexion rather1 of something real as its true cause0 7,plutarchi ,de ,iside et ,osiride ,liber3 ,grce et ,anglice1 by ,,samuel ,,squire1 ,a4,m41 ,cambridge1 #agdd74--8,und so wie die ,naturforscher den ,regenbogen fr ein ,gegenbild der ,sonne erklren1 das durch das ,zurcktreten der ,erscheinung an die ,wolke bunt wird1 so ist hier die ,sage das ,gegenbild einer ,wahrheit1 welche ihre ,bedeutung auf etwas anderes hin abspiegelt0 7,plutarch ber ,isis und ,osiris herausgegeben von ,g4 ,,parthey1 ,berlin1 #ahej74--,legendum vel 1 ut ,reisk4 8,et quemadmodum mathematici arcum clestem ,solis tradunt esse imaginem variatam visus ad nubem reflexu3 ,sic fabula hoc loco indicium est orationis alio reflectentis intellectum40--,,wyttenbach4 #cec ,myth1 ,ritual1 and ,religion1 vol4 ii4 p4 #abj4 #ced ,in our spelling of this name we use the freedom of choice so graciously accorded by ,xylander--,si ,euhemerus mavis1 non repugno4 #cee ,de ,placitis ,philosophorum1 #hhj ,d4 ,cf4 ,,cicero1 ,de ,natura ,deorum4 i4 #db4 8,ab ,euhemero autem et mortes et sepultur demonstrantur deorum4 ,utrum igitur hic confirmasse videtur religionem1 an penitus totam sustulisse80 ,see ,,mayor's note on this passage4 ,the references to ,lactantius and ,eusebius and many others bearing on the question are collected by ,corsini in his first dissertation on the ,de ,placitis4 ,zimmerman is very indignant with ,plutarch on account of the charge here brought against ,euhemerus and ,diagoras1 and has defended them against our author with great energy and spirit4 7,epistola ad ,nicolaum ,nonnen qua ,euemerus ,messenius et ,diagoras ,melius ab ,atheismo contra ,plutarchum aliosque defenduntur47 #cef #cfj ,a4 #ceg ,the language here seems curiously outspoken in view of the now established apotheosis of the ,emperors4 #ceh #cfj ,d4 #cei #cef1 #ceg4 ,cf4 ,de ,ddalis ,platensibus4 #cfj #cfd ,a4 #cfa #cff ,c4 #cfb #cfd ,d4 #cfc #cfg ,d4 #cfd #cfh ,d4 #cfe #cfi ,c4 ,it is clear from a careful examination of the text that ,plutarch gives only a critical examination of this theory3 he does not adopt it as his own1 as has frequently been asserted4 #cff #cfi ,d4 8,it is impossible10 argued these ancient thinkers1 8that moral life and death1 that good and evil1 can flow from a single source4 ,it is impossible that a ,holy ,god can have been the author of evil4 ,evil1 then1 must be referred to some other origin3 it must have had an author of its own40--8,some ,elements of ,religion10 by ,canon ,,liddon 7,lecture iv4 sect4 i474 #cfg #cgj ,e4 #cfh #cga ,a4 #cfi ,see especially the quotations from ,plato in #cgj ,f1 and the application of ,platonic terms in the interpretation of the ,isiac and ,osirian myth in #cgb ,e1 ,f1 #cgc and #cgd4 ,hesiod1 too1 is made to agree with this ,platonic explanation of the ,egyptian legend 7#cgd ,c71 and the ,platonic notion of matter is strained to allow of its being identified with ,isis 7#cgb ,e1 #cgd ,f74 ,in #cfg ,c1 a parallelism is pointed out between ,stoic theology and an interpretation of the myth2 and in #cfg ,e the death of ,osiris on the #agth of the month is used to illustrate1 if not to explain1 the ,pythagorean of that number4 ,as regards the identification of particular deities in this tract1 reference may be made to #cfd ,e1 ,f and #cfe ,a1 ,b1 where ,dionysus is identified with ,osiris2 and to #cfe ,f1 where ,mnaseas of ,patara is mentioned with approval as associating with ,epaphus1 not only ,dionysus1 but ,serapis and ,osiris also4 ,anticleides is also referred to as asserting that ,isis was the daughter of ,prometheus and the wife of ,dionysus4 ,in #cgb ,d1 ,osiris is identified with the ,sun under the name of ,sirius1 and ,isis with the ,moon1 in #cge1 a fanciful philology is called in to aid a further identification of ,greek and ,egyptian deities2 but not much importance is attached to similarities derived in this way4 ,in the next sentence ,isis is stated to have been identified with ,athene by the ,egyptians2 and the general principle of identity is boldly stated in #cgg ,c3--8,it is quite legitimate to regard these gods as common possessions and not the exclusive property of the ,egyptians--,isis and the deities that go in her train are universally known and worshipped4 ,the names1 indeed1 of certain of them have been borrowed from the ,egyptians1 not so long ago2 but their divinity has been known and recognized for ages40 #cgj #cgh ,a4 #cga ,there is a strain of mysticism in the ,de ,osiride which is alien from the cheerful common sense which usually marks ,plutarch2 a remark which also applies to the ,de ,facie qu apparet in ,orbe ,lun4 ,but the same strain appears in others of his authentic tracts1 though mostly operating through the medium of ,platonic dreams and myths1 e4g4 the story of ,thespesius in the ,sera ,num4 ,vindic41 and that of ,timarchus in the ,de ,dmonio ,socratis4 ,besides1 one would not ceteris paribus deny the authenticity of ,browning's 8,childe ,roland0 because he had written 8,the ,guardian ,angel10 or that of 8,the ,antiquary0 because ,scott was also the author of 8,the ,monastery40 ,the tract was probably composed after that return from ,alexandria to which ,plutarch so charmingly alludes in ,sympos41 #fgh ,c4 ,moreover1 the very nature of the subject1 and the priestly character of the lady to whom it was addressed1 as well as the mysterious nature of the goddess whose ministrant she was1 are all parts of a natural inducement to mysticism4 ,we must admit that ,plutarch here participates in that spirit of mysticism which1 always inherent in ,platonism1 was kept in check by his acutely practical bent1 to be revived and exaggerated to the destruction of practical ethics in the dreams and abstractions of the ,neo-,platonists4 #cgb ,a very slight acquaintance with ,plutarch's writings will serve to dispose of the charge of ,atheism brought against him by ,zimmerman1 the professor of ,theology in the ,gymnasium of ,zurich3--,credo equidem ,plutarchum inter eos fuisse qui cum ,cicerone crediderint eos qui dant philosophi operam non arbitrari ,deos esse4--,it is true that ,zimmerman supports his case by quoting the pseudo-,plutarchean ,de ,placitis 7,idem de providentia non minus male loquitur quam ipsi ,epicurei71 and seems himself afraid to accept the conclusion of his own demonstrations3--,atheum eum fuisse non credo1 sed quomodo asserere potuerit ,superstitione ,atheismum tolerabiliorem esse1 simul tamen eos1 quos atheos fuisse minime probare potuit1 ,superstitioni autem inimicissimos1 omnem malorum mundum intulisse1 consociare nequeo4--,but the learned author is too intent on exculpating ,noster ,euhemerus from ,plutarch's 8injustice0 to have justice to spare for ,plutarch himself4--7,j4 ,j4 ,,zimmerman1 ,epistola ad ,nonnen74 ,grard quotes other authors of this charge against ,plutarch 7p4 #bfi74--,we cannot allow this opportunity to pass of protesting against the attitude of those who assumed1 even in the ,nineteenth ,century1 that it was a sign either of moral depravity1 or mental incapacity1 in ,plutarch not to have been a believer in the ,christian faith4 ,even ,archbishop ,trench1 who admits1 concerning such writers as our author1 that 8many were by them enabled to live their lives after a far higher and nobler fashion than else they would have attained0 cannot rid himself of the notion that had ,plutarch actively opposed ,christianity he would have committed an offence which our generosity might have pardoned1 though our justice must recognize that it needed pardon4 8,plutarch himself may be entirely acquitted of any conscious attempt to fight against that truth which was higher than any which he had0 7p4 #ac74--8;,i have already mentioned that1 through no fault of his own1 he stood removed from all the immediate influences of the ,christian ,church0 7p4 #hi74 ,but suppose the facts to have been just the opposite of those indicated in the words we have italicized1 it would involve the loss of all sense of historical perspective to draw the conclusion which would clearly have been drawn by ,trench himself4 ,the use of similar language by ,prof4 ,mahaffy has already been noted4 7,pref4 p4 xii47 ,the position assumed by writers who maintain this view1 is one quite inappropriate for historical discussion1 and its natural expression1 if it must be expressed at all1 is through the medium of such poetical aspirations as that breathed in the epigram of ,john1 the ,metropolitan of ,euchaita3-- 8,if any ,pagans1 ,lord1 ,thy grace shall save ,from wrath divine1 this boon ,i humbly crave1 ,plato and ,plutarch save3 ,thine was the cause ,their speech supported3 ,thine1 too1 were the laws ,their hearts obeyed2 and if their eyes were blind ,to recognize ,thee ,lord of human kind1 ,needs only that ,thy gift of grace be shown ,to bring them1 and bring all men1 to the ,throne40 #cgc ,dr4 ,martineau 7,types of ,ethical ,theory1 vol4 i4 p4 #ia7 thinks that 8we must go a little further than ,zeller1 who decides that ,plato usually conceived of ,god as if personal1 yet was restrained by a doctrine inconsistent with such conception from approaching it closely or setting it deliberately on any scientific ground10 and devotes several closely-reasoned pages to show that1 although there was no room for a personal god in ,plato's philosophy1 ,plato himself was in distinct opposition to his own views as systematically expounded in his writings4 8,we may regard him as fully aware of the conditions of the problem1 and1 though unable to solve it without lesion of his dialectic1 yet deliberately pronouncing judgment on the side of his religious feeling40 ,but pace tantorum virorum it will be admitted that the personality of ,god is not very evident in ,plato when those who understand him best can only maintain that it is not essentially interwoven with his philosophy1 having only an indirect and accidental existence which is not possible 8without lesion of his dialectic40 #cgd 8,abstractedly1 the theology of the ,stoics appears as a materialistic pantheism2 ,god is represented as a fire1 and the world as a mode of ,god40 7,,grant1 ,the ,ethics of ,aristotle1 vol4 i4 p4 #bfe47 ,in the famous 8hymn of ,cleanthes10 preserved1 like so many other of the great wonders of classical literature1 by ,stobus1 ,grant sees an emphatic recognition of the personality of ,god1 but it is equally natural to regard the hymn as a more detailed expression of that necessity of submitting to ,destiny--of living in accordance with nature--which ,cleanthes enounces in that other famous fragment which ,epictetus would have us hold ready to hand in all the circumstances of life3-- 8,lead me1 ,o ,zeus1 and thou ,o ,destiny1 ,the way that ,i am bid by you to go3 ,to follow ,i am ready4 ,if ,i choose not1 ,i make myself a wretch1 and still must follow40 --,,epictetus1 ,encheir4 lii4 7,long's translation47 ,epictetus1 indeed1 and ,seneca1 late comers in the history of ,stoicism1 have undoubtedly attained to a clear recognition of the personality of ,god4 #cge ,see the 8,de cohibenda ira10 8de cupiditate divitiarum10 8de invidia et odio10 8de adulatore et amico40 #cgf 8,de garrulitate10 8de vitioso pudore10 8de vitando aere alieno10 8de curiositate40 #cgg 8,de amicorum multitudine10 and 8de adulatore et amico02 8de fraterno amore10 8de amore prolis02 8conjugalia prcepta10 8de exilio10 8consolatio ad uxorem10 8consolatio ad ,apollonium40 78,i can easily believe10 says ,emerson1 8that an anxious soul may find in ,plutarch's #8,letter to his ,wife ,timoxena1' a more sweet and reassuring argument on the immortality than in the ,phdo of ,plato407 #cgh ,zeller says that 8the most characteristic mark of the ,plutarchian ,ethics is their connexion with religion40--7,greek ,philosophy1 translated by ,alleyne and ,abbott47 #cgi ,de ,virtute ,morali1 #ddj ,e4 #chj #ddd ,c1 ,d4 7,cf4 #dea47 #cha #ddd ,d4 ,cf4 ,quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat1 #ae ,e4 #chb #dde ,c4 #chc 8,an virtus doceri possit10 8de virtute et vitio10 #aja1 ,c1 ,d4 #chd ,trench follows ,zeller in regarding ,plutarch as a forerunner of the ,neo-,platonists3--8,plutarch was a ,platonist1 with an oriental tinge1 and thus a forerunner of the new ,platonists1 who ever regarded him with the highest honour4 ,their proper founder1 indeed1 he1 more than any other man1 deserves to be called1 though clear of many of the unhealthy excesses into which1 at a later date1 many of them ran0 7,trench1 p4 #ij74 ,we hope our pages have done something towards putting ,plutarch in a different light from that which surrounds him here4 ,as a matter of fact1 did the 8new ,platonists regard him ever with the highest honour80 ,the testimony of ,eunapius we have already quoted 7p4 #fg1 note74 ,himerius is equally laudatory4 8,plutarch1 who is the source of all the instruction you convey40--,eclog1 vii4 #d4 8,i weep for one who1 ,i fondly hoped1 would be gifted with speech excelling ,minucianus in force1 ,nicagoras in stateliness1 ,plutarch in sweetness0 7,orat4 xliii4 #ba--,monody on his son's death74 ,but this is rather late in the history of ,neo-,platonism4 ,what about ,plotinus1 and ,porphyry1 and ,proclus8 ,trench gives no references in proof of his statement1 and we have been unable to find any4 #che ,theodoretus3 ,de ,oraculis1 #iea4--8,plutarch of ,chronea1 a man who was not ,hebrew1 but ,greek--,greek by birth and in language1 and enslaved to ,greek ideas40 ,cf4 ,,mommsen3 ,the ,provinces1 from ,csar to ,diocletian1 ,lib4 viii4 cap4 vii4--8,in this ,chronean the contrast between the ,hellenes and the ,hellenized found expression2 such a type of ,greek life was not possible in ,smyrna or in ,antioch2 it belonged to the soil like the honey of ,hymettus4 ,there were men enough of more powerful talents and of deeper natures1 but hardly any second author has known how1 in so happy a measure1 to reconcile himself serenely to necessity1 and how to impress upon his writings the stamp of his tranquillity of spirit1 and of his blessedness of life40 #chf ,dr4 ,bigg calls him a renegade1 as the ,church has called ,julian an apostate4 ,a comment of ,m4 ,martha's on this uncharitable practice is worthy of frequent repetition3--8,ainsi donc1 que l'on donne ,julien tous les noms qu'il plaira1 qu'on l'appelle insens1 fanatique1 mais qu'on cesse de lui infliger durement ce nom d'apostat1 de peur qu'un historien1 trop touch de ses malheurs1 ne s'avise un jour de prouver que l'apostasie tait excusable40 78,un chrtien devenu paen40--tudes ,morales47 #chg ,see note1 p4 #de4 #chh ,though having also carefully studied both ,zeller and ,vacherot 7,,zeller3 ,die ,philosophie der ,griechen1 vol4 iii42 ,,vacherot3 ,histoire critique de l',ecole d',alexandrie71 we have specially used for the purposes of the text the close analysis of the various aspects of ,neo-,platonism presented by ,dr4 ,bigg in his 8,neo-,platonism10 and the interesting account given by ,m4 ,saisset in his article 8,de l',ecole d',alexandrie10 written for the 8,revue des ,deux ,mondes10 of ,september1 #ahdd1 as a review of ,jules ,simon's work on the ,alexandrian ,school4--,for the ,neo-,platonist ,dmonology we have largely consulted ,wolff4 #chi 8,in so far as the ,deity is the original force1 it must create everything4 ,but as it is raised above everything in its nature1 and needs nothing external1 it cannot communicate itself substantially to another1 nor make the creation of another its object4 ,creation cannot1 as with the ,stoics1 be regarded as the communication of the ,divine ,nature1 as a partial transference of it into the derivative creature2 nor can it be conceived as an act of will4 ,but ,plotinus cannot succeed in uniting these determinations in a clear and consistent conception4 ,he has recourse1 therefore1 to metaphors40--,,zeller4 #cij 8,in the year #agbb1 a ,sheriff-depute of ,sutherland1 ,captain ,david ,ross1 of ,littledean1 took it upon him to pronounce the last sentence of death for witchcraft which was ever passed in ,scotland4 ,the victim was an insane old woman who had so little idea of her situation as to rejoice at the sight of the fire which was destined to consume her40--,sir ,w4 ,,scott3 8,demonology and ,witchcraft10 cap4 #i4 #cia ,see ,volkmann1 vol4 i4 cap4 i4 #cib ,cf4 ,m4 ,,martha1 8,un chrtien devenu paen10 in his tudes ,morales3 8,la philosophie prit tout coup des allures mystiques et inspires1 elle entoura de savantes tnbres la claire mythologie compromise par sa clart2 ses explications symboliques elle mla les pratiques mystrieuses des cultes orientaux1 sa thologie subtile et confuse les redoutables secrets de la magie3 elle eut ses initiations clandestines et terribles1 ses enthousiasmes extatiques1 ses vertus nouvelles souvent empruntes au christianisme1 ses bonnes uvres1 ses miracles mme4 ,en un mot1 elle devint la thurgie1 cet art sublime et suspect qui prtend pouvoir voquer ,dieu sur la terre et dans les mes4 ,le christianisme rencontrait donc non plus un culte surann1 facile renverser1 mais une religion vivante1 puisant son nergie dans sa dfaite1 dfendu par des fanatiques savants dont le sombre ferveur et l'loquence illumine taient capables d'entraner aussi une arme de proslytes40 #cic ,as it was1 the later ,neo-,platonists had to content themselves with ,apollonius of ,tyana1 instead of ,jesus ,christ4--8,apollonius of ,tyana1 who was no longer a mere philosopher1 but a being half-human1 half-divine0 7,,eunapius1 op4 cit474 #cid ,see ,emerson's 8,introduction0 to ,goodwin's translation of the 8,morals40 #cie ,saisset1 op4 cit4 #cif ,,dante3 ,inferno1 ,canto iii4