,,greece and ,,babylon ,a ,,comparative ,,sketch ,,of ,,mesopotamian1 ,,anatolian ,,and ,,hellenic ,,religions ,,by ,,lewis ,r4 ,,farnell1 ,d4,litt41 ,m4,a4 ,,fellow ,,of ,,exeter ,,college1 ,,oxford ,,author ,,of 8,,cults ,,of ,,the ,,greek ,,states10 8,,evolution ,,of ,,religion10 8,,higher ,,aspects ,,of ,,greek ,,religion0 7,,hibbert ,,lectures7 ,edinburgh3 ,t4 ,t4 ,,clark1 #ch ,george ,street #aiaa ,,imprint4 ,printed by ,morrison ,gibb ,limited1 ,,for ,t4 ,t4 ,,clark1 ,,edinburgh4 ,,london3 ,,simpkin1 ,,marshall1 ,,hamilton1 ,,kent1 ,,and ,,co4 ,,limited4 ,,new ,,york3 ,,charles ,,scribner',s ,,sons4 ,,dedication4 ,,to ,dr4 ,,henry ,,wilde ,,the ,,founder ,,of ,,the ,,wilde ,,lectureship ,,in ,,natural ,,and ,,comparative ,,religion ,,in ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,oxford ,,these ,,first-,,fruits ,,of ,,his ,,endowment ,,are ,,dedicated ,,by ,,the ,,first ,,wilde ,,lecturer ,exeter ,college1 ,oxford1 ,november #aiaa4 ,,contents4 vii ,,chapter ,i4 ,inaugural ,lecture ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,statement of the ,problem and the ,evidence4 ,indebtedness of primitive ,greek religion to ,mesopotamian influences--,various kinds of evidence to be considered3 ,texts and ,monuments of ,mesopotamia1 ,syria1 ,canaan1 ,hittite ,kingdom1 ,asia-,minor coast1 ,minoan-,mycenaean area--,necessity of determining when the ,north-,aryan tribes entered ,greece1 and what they brought with them--,influences from ,mesopotamia on ,greece of the second millennium at least not direct--,precariousness of theory of religious borrowing--,special lines that the inquiry will pursue ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,morphology of the ,compared ,religions4 ,distinction between nature religions and ethical religions unsound--,the degree of personality in the cult-objects a better criterion--,the earliest system known in ,mesopotamia a polytheism with personal deities1 but containing certain products of animism and polydaimonism--,other ,semitic and non-,semitic peoples of ,asia ,minor1 the ,minoan-,mycenaean races1 the earliest ,greek tribes1 already on the plane of personal theism in the second millennium ,b4,c4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,anthropomorphism and ,theriomorphism in ,anatolia and the ,mediterranean4 ,mesopotamian religious conception generally anthropomorphic1 but the anthropomorphism 8unstable0--,theriomorphic viii features1 especially of daimoniac powers--,mystic imagination often theriomorphic--,individuality of deities sometimes indistinct--,female and male sometimes fused--,the person becomes the ,word--,similar phenomena in other ,semitic peoples--,theriolatry more prominent in ,hittite religion1 though anthropomorphism the prevalent idea--,the ,minoan-,mycenaean religion also mainly anthropomorphic--,the evidence of theriolatry often misinterpreted--,the proto-,hellenic religion partly theriomorphic--,some traces of theriolatry even in later period1 in spite of strong bias towards anthropomorphism ,,chapter ,v4 ,predominance of the ,goddess4 ,importance of the phenomenon in the history of religions--,in ,mesopotamia and other ,semitic regions the chief deity male1 except ,astarte at ,sidon--,evidence from ,hittite kingdoms doubtful1 but at points on the ,asia-,minor coast1 such as ,ephesos1 and notably in ,phrygia1 the supremacy of the goddess well attested--,the same true on the whole of ,cretan religion--,the earliest ,hellenes1 like other ,aryan communities1 probably inclined to exalt the male deity1 and did not develop the cult of ,virgin goddesses--,therefore ,athena and ,artemis probably pre-,hellenic ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,the ,deities as ,nature-,powers4 ,shamash the sun-god derives his personal character from the nature-phenomenon2 but the ,babylonian deities develop their personality independently of their nature-origin1 which is often doubtful--,importance of ,sin1 the moon-god--,star-worship in ,babylonian cult--,no clear recognition of an earth-goddess--,tammuz a vegetation-power--,western ,canaanites worship nature-deities in the second millennium1 probably with moral attributes--,the ,hittites a thunder-god and corn-god--,the ,phrygians a mother-goddess of the earth and lower world--,on the whole1 pre-,homeric ,hellas worships ethical personalities rather than nature-powers--,distinguished from ,mesopotamia by comparative insignificance of solar1 lunar1 astral cults--,also by the great prominence of the earth-goddess and the association of certain eschatological ideas with her ix ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,the ,deities as ,social-,powers4 ,the religious origin of the city--,slight evidence from ,mesopotamia1 more from early ,greece--,early ,mesopotamian kingship of divine type--,the king inspired and occasionally worshipped--,the ,hittite monuments show the divine associations of the king--,proto-,hellenic kingship probably of similar character--,social usages protected by religion in the whole of this area--,no family cult of the hearth at ,babylon--,the code of ,hammurabi--,comparatively secular in its enactments concerning homicide--,religious feeling perceptible in the laws concerning incest--,the legal system attached to religion at certain points1 but on the whole1 independent of it--,in early ,hellas the religion an equally strong social force1 but many of its social manifestations different--,religion tribal and 8phratric0 in ,greece2 not so in ,babylon--,purification from bloodshed could not have been borrowed from ,mesopotamia ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,religion and ,morality4 ,the deity conceived on the whole as beneficent and righteous1 but the divine destructive power more emphasised in ,babylonia--,every ,babylonian deity moralised1 not every ,hellenic--,in both societies perjury a sin1 untruthfulness only in ,babylonian religious theory--,international morality--,the ethics of the family very vital in both societies1 but more complex in ,babylonia--,ritualistic tabus a heavier burden on the ,babylonian conscience--,morality more daimonistic than in ,greece--,in the ,babylonian confessional stress laid on unknown involuntary sin1 hence tendency to pessimism--,in ,greece less timidity of conscience1 less prominence of magic--,mercifulness a prominent divine attribute in both religions--,more pantheistic thought and a clearer sense of the divinity of all life in ,babylonian theology1 as in the ,tammuz-myth ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,purity a ,divine ,attribute4 ,ritual purity generally demanded--,babylonian mythology far purer than the ,greek--,character of ,ishtar--,virginity a divine attribute--,mystic conception of a virgin-mother1 the evidence examined in ,east and ,west x ,,chapter ,x4 ,concept of ,divine ,power and ,ancient ,cosmogonies4 ,neither in ,babylon nor ,greece any clear and consistently maintained dogma of divine omnipotence--,yet the divinities collectively the strongest power in the universe--,no developed theory of dualism--,the divine power combined with magic in ,babylonia1 but not in ,greece--,no early ,hellenic consciousness of the ,word as a creative force--,the magic power of the divine name felt by the ,hellenes1 but not realised as a creative force--,babylonian cosmogonies not traceable in the earliest ,greek mythology1 nor in ,hesiod1 but the myth of ,typhoeus probably from ,babylonian sources--,babylonian myths concerning creation of man not known in early ,greece--,organisation of the polytheism into divine groups--,evidence of ,trinitarian idea and of monotheistic tendency--,no proof here of ,greek indebtedness to ,mesopotamia ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,the ,religious ,temperament of the ,eastern and ,western ,peoples4 ,the relation of the individual to the deity more intimate in ,mesopotamia than in ,greece--,the religious temper more ecstatic1 more prone to self-abasement1 sentimentality1 rapture--,humility and the fear of ,god ethical virtues in ,babylonia--,the child named after the god in both societies--,in some ,semitic communities the deity takes a title from the worshipper--,fanaticism in ,mesopotamian religion1 entire absence of it in the ,hellenic ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,eschatologic ,ideas of ,east and ,west4 ,general resemblances between ,mesopotamian and early ,hellenic rites of tendance of dead--,mesopotamian theory of the lower world gloomier--,the terror of the spectre stronger in the ,east than in the ,west2 yet both fear the miasma of the dead--,in both1 the literary evidence clashes somewhat with the evidence from the graves--,certain important differences in tendance of dead--,water essential in later ,babylonian1 wine and the triple libation in early ,hellenic--,hero-cult strong in early ,hellas1 at least very rare in ,mesopotamia--,hellenic idea of re-incarnation not xi yet found in ,babylonian records--,the evocation of ghosts1 and the periodic meals with or in memory of the dead1 common to both peoples--,general ,all ,souls' festival--,but in ,babylonia no popular belief in posthumous punishments and rewards--,the powers of the lower world more gloomy and repellent than in ,hellas--,no mysteries to develop the germs of a brighter eschatologic faith ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,comparison of the ,ritual4 ,in the second millennium all ,semitic communities had evolved the temple1 and ,babylonia the idol--,in ,greece1 temple-building was coming into vogue1 but the cults still aniconic--,the pillar and the phallic emblem common in early ,greece1 very rare in ,mesopotamia--,sacrifice both in ,east and ,west of two types1 the blood-sacrifice and the bloodless1 but in ,hellas in early vogue1 not yet found in the ,east--,incense unknown to the pre-,homeric ,greeks--,the distinction between ,chthonian and ,olympian ritual not found at ,babylon--,communion-sacrifice and sacrament in early ,greece1 not found as yet in ,mesopotamia--,vicarious piacular sacrifice common to both regions1 but human sacrifice rife in early ,greece1 not found in ,mesopotamia--,mystic use of blood in ,greek ritual1 immolation or expulsion of the scape-goat not yet discovered in ,mesopotamia--,the death of the divinity in ,babylonian ritual--,mourning for ,tammuz--,in other ,semitic communities--,in ,hittite worship1 ,sandon of ,tarsos--,attis of ,phrygia--,emasculation in ,phrygian ritual1 alien to ,babylonian as to ,hellenic religious sentiment--,death of divinity in ,cretan ritual1 and in ,cyprus--,in genuine ,hellenic religion1 found only in agrarian hero-cults1 such as ,linos1 ,eunostos2 these having no connection with ,tammuz--,babylonian liturgy mainly a service of sorrow1 ,greek mainly cheerful--,a holy marriage at ,babylon1 on ,hittite relief at ,boghaz-,keui1 in ,minoan and ,hellenic ritual--,a mortal the consort of divinity1 an idea found in many races widely removed--,greek evidence--,consecrated women in ,mesopotamia1 two types--,their functions to be distinguished from the consecration of virginity before marriage mentioned by ,herodotus--,other examples of one or the other of these customs in ,asia ,minor--,various explanations of these customs offered by anthropology--,criticism of different views--,their religious significance--,ritual of purification--,cathartic use of water and fire--,preservation of peace during public purification--,points of agreement between ,hellas and xii ,babylonia--,points of difference1 ,babylonian confessional--,value of ,homer's evidence concerning early ,hellenic purification--,babylonian magic in general contrast with ,greek--,astrologic magic--,magic value of numbers1 of the word--,babylonian exorcism--,magic use of images--,no severance in ,mesopotamia between magic and religion--,babylonian and ,hellenic divination ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,summary of ,results4 ,,index ,,of ,,names ,,and ,,subjects4 ,,endnotes4 ,,greece ,,and ,,babylon4 #a ,,chapter ,i4 ,inaugural ,lecture4 ,the newly-elected holder of a ,university professorship or lectureship1 before embarking on the course of special discussion that he has selected1 may be allowed or expected to present some outlined account of the whole subject that he represents1 and to state beforehand1 if possible1 the line that he proposes to pursue in regard to it4 ,this is all the more incumbent on me1 as ,i have the honour to be the first ,wilde ,lecturer in ,natural and ,comparative ,religion--the first1 that is1 who has been officially charged by the ,university to give public teaching in the most modern and one of the most difficult fields of study1 one that has already borne copious fruit1 and will bear more in the future4 ,i appreciate highly the honour of such a charge1 and ,i take this opportunity of expressing my deep sense of the indebtedness of our ,university and of all students of this subject to ,dr4 ,wilde for his generous endowment of this branch of research1 which as yet has only found encouragement in a few ,universities of ,europe1 ,america1 and ,japan4 ,i feel also the responsibility of my charge4 ,years of study have shown me the magnitude of the subject1 the pitfalls that here--more1 perhaps1 #b than in other fields--beset the unwary1 and the multiplicity of aspects from which it may be studied4 ,having no predecessor1 ,i cannot follow1 but may be called upon rather to set1 a precedent4 ,one guidance1 at least1 ,i have--namely1 the expressed wishes of the founder of this post4 ,he has formulated them in regard to ,comparative ,religion in such a way that ,i feel precluded1 in handling this part of the whole field1 from what may be called the primitive anthropology of religion4 ,i shall not1 therefore1 deal directly with the embryology of the subject1 with merely savage religious psychology1 ritual1 or institutions4 ,it is not that ,i do not feel myself the fascination of these subjects of inquiry1 and their inevitableness for one who wishes wholly to understand the whole of any one of the higher world-religions4 ,but we have in the ,university one accomplished exponent of these themes in ,mr4 ,marett1 and until recently we have been privileged to possess ,professor ,tylor2 and ,dr4 ,wilde has made his wishes clear that the exposition of ,comparative ,religion should be mainly an elucidation and comparison of the higher forms and ideas in the more advanced religions4 ,and ,i can cheerfully accept this limitation1 as for years ,i have been occupied with the minute study of the religion of ,greece1 in which one finds much1 indeed1 that is primitive1 even savage1 but much also of religious thought and religious ethic1 unsuspected by former generations of scholars1 that has become a rich inheritance of our higher culture4 ,he who wishes to succeed in this new field of arduous inquiry should have studied at least one of the higher religions of the old civilisation au fond1 and he must have studied it by the comparative method4 ,he may then make this religion the point of departure for wide #c excursions into outlying tracts of the more or less adjacent religious systems1 and he will be the less likely to lose himself in the maze and tangle of facts if he can focus the varying light or doubtful glimmer they afford upon the complex set of phenomena with which he is already familiar4 ,and the ,greek religion serves better than any other that ,i know for such a point of departure1 the influences being so numerous that radiated upon it4 ,it had its own special inheritance1 which it fruitfully developed1 from the ,north1 from its proto-,aryan past1 and which we shall be able to define with greater clearness when comparative religion has done its work upon the religious records of the early ,aryan peoples4 ,also1 the ,hellene had many intimate points of contact with earlier and alien peoples of the ancient ,mediterranean culture whom he conquered and partly absorbed1 or with whom he entered into intellectual or commercial relations4 ,therefore the religions of the ,minoan ,age1 of the ,anatolian peoples1 of ,egypt1 and finally of ,babylon and ,persia1 come inevitably to attract the student of the ,hellenic4 ,as far1 then1 as ,i can see at present1 ,i may have to limit my attention in the lecture-courses of these three years during which ,i fill this post1 to the phenomena of the ,mediterranean area1 and these are more than one man can thoroughly elucidate in a lifetime1 as the manifold activity in various departments of this field1 attested by the ,transactions of our recent ,congress of the ,history of ,religions1 will prove to those who read them4 ,and ,i shall endeavour in the future to follow out one main inquiry through a short series of lectures1 as this is the best method for a reasoned statement of consecutive thought4 ,but ,i propose in this lecture to sketch merely in outlines the salient features of some #d of the religions of the ,mediterranean area1 and hope thereby to indicate the main problems which the student of comparative religion must try to solve1 or the leading questions he must ask1 and thus1 perhaps1 to be able to suggest to others as well as to myself special lines of future research and discussion4 ,what1 then1 are the questions which naturally arise when we approach the study of any religion that has advanced beyond the primitive stage8 ,we wish to discover with definiteness what is the idea of divinity that it has evolved1 in what forms and with what concepts this idea is expressed--whether1 for instance1 the godhead is conceived as a vague 8numen10 or as a definite personality with complex character and functions1 and whether it is imagined or presented to sense in anthropomorphic forms4 ,the question whether the religion is monotheistic or polytheistic is usually answered at a glance1 unless the record is unusually defective2 but in the case of polytheism careful inquiry is often needed to answer the other morphological questions that press themselves upon us1 whether the polytheism is an organised system of co-ordinated and subordinated powers or a mere medley of uncorrelated deities4 ,if the former1 whether the unifying tendency has developed in the direction of monotheism or pantheism4 ,again1 the study of the attributes and functions ascribed and the titles attached to the deity will enable us to answer the questions concerning his relation to the world of ,nature1 to the social sphere of law1 politics1 and morality2 and in this quest we may hope to gain fruitful suggestions concerning the interaction of religion1 social organisation1 and ethics4 ,we shall also wish to know whether the religion is dogmatic or not--that is #e to say1 whether it lays stress on precise theological definitions2 whether it claims to possess sacred books or a revelation2 whether it contains the idea of faith as a cardinal virtue4 ,further1 it is always interesting to consider whether it has engendered a cosmogony1 a theory of the cosmos1 its origin1 maintenance1 and possible dissolution2 and whether it is instinctively favourable or antagonistic to the growth of the scientific spirit1 to the free activity of the intellect2 and1 finally1 whether it gives prominence to the belief in the immortality of the soul and to the doctrine of posthumous rewards and punishments4 ,there are also certain special questions concerning the nature and powers of the divinity that are found to be of importance4 ,the distinction of sex in the anthropomorphic religions1 the paramountcy of the god or the goddess1 is observed to produce a singular effect in religious psychology1 and may be associated with fundamental differences in social institutions1 with the distinction1 for instance1 between a patrilinear and a matrilinear society4 ,as regards the powers attributed to the divinity1 we may endeavour to discern certain laws of progress or evolution in progressive societies--an evolution1 perhaps1 from a more material to a more spiritual conception1 or1 again1 from a belief in divinities finite and mortal to a dogma that infinity1 omniscience1 and immortality are their necessary attributes4 ,on this line of inquiry we are often confronted with the phenomenon of the death of the god or goddess1 and no single fact in the history of religions is of more interest and of more weight4 ,also1 we frequently find an antagonism between malevolent and benevolent powers1 whence may arise a philosophic conception of dualism in ,nature and the moral world4 #f ,there are1 further1 the questions concerning ritual1 often very minute1 but of none the less significance4 ,what are the forms of worship1 sacrifice1 prayer1 adoration8 ,as regards sacrifice1 is it deprecatory merely1 a bribe to avert wrath1 or is it a gift to secure favour1 or is it a token of friendly trust and affection1 or a mystic act of communion which effects between the deity and the worshipper a temporary union of body and soul8 ,in the study of ritual we may consider the position of the priesthood1 its power over the religion1 and through the religion over the ,state1 and the sources of that power4 ,this enumeration of the problems is long1 but ,i fear by no means exhaustive4 ,i have not yet mentioned the question that may legitimately arise1 and is the most perplexing of all--that which is asked concerning the vital power and influence of a certain religion1 its strength of appeal1 its real control of the people's thoughts and acts4 ,the question1 as we know1 is difficult enough when we apply it to modern societies2 it may be quite hopeless when applied to an ancient ,state4 ,it is only worth raising when the record is unusually ample and varied1 and of long continuity2 when we can believe that it enshrines the thoughts of the people1 not merely of the priest or of the philosopher4 ,we are more likely to believe this when the record is rich not only in literature1 but in monuments4 ,it may also be demanded that the history of religions should include a history of their decay1 and1 in his brilliant address at the recent ,congress1 ,professor ,petrie has formulated this demand as one that ,egyptology might fulfil4 ,certainly it belongs to the scientific treatment of our subject to note the circumstances and operative causes that induced a certain people to abandon their ancestral beliefs and cults2 but whether from the #g careful study of each special case certain general laws will emerge by process of induction may be doubted4 ,it will depend partly on the completeness of our records and our skill in their interpretation4 ,i will conclude this sketch of an ideal programme1 which ,i1 as least1 can never hope to make actual1 with one last query--,is it the main object of this comparative study to answer the inquiry as to the reciprocal influences of adjacent religions1 to distinguish between the alien and the native elements in any particular system--to estimate1 for instance1 what ,greece owed to ,babylon1 to ,egypt1 to ,india8 ,certainly the problem is proper to our province1 is attractive1 and even hopeful1 and ,i have ventured to approach it myself4 ,but ,i should hesitate to allow that it is the main one1 and that the value of our study is to be measured by our success in solving it2 for1 whatever answer we finally give to such questions1 or if we abandon in despair the attempt to answer them precisely1 it is none the less fruitful to compare the ,babylonian1 ,indo-,iranian1 ,egyptian1 and ,hellenic systems of belief--for instance1 to consider the ,orphic eschatology in relation to the ,buddhistic1 even if we reject the theory that ,buddhistic influences could have penetrated into early ,orphism4 ,i will now sketch what ,i have perceived to be the higher elements or more developed features in ,hellenic religion1 and will consider in regard to each of these how it contrasts with or resembles the cults of the other leading peoples of this area4 ,the ,hellenic high divinity is1 in the first place1 no mere shadowy 8numen10 no vague spirit-power or semi-personal divine force1 such as the old ,roman belief often seems to present us with1 nor is he usually conceived as a divine element immanent in certain things2 but he appears as a concrete personal #h individual of definite physical traits and complex moral nature4 ,vaguer and cruder ideas no doubt survived right through the historic period1 and the primitive ancestor of the ,hellene may once have lived in the religious phase of thought in which the personal god has not yet emerged or not yet been detached from the phenomenon or the world of living matter4 ,but ,i believe that the ,greek of the historic1 and even of the ,homeric1 period had left this phase far more remotely behind him than certain modern theorists have lightly supposed1 and ,i am convinced that the proto-,hellenic tribes had already before the conquest of ,greece developed the cult of certain personal deities1 and that some1 at least1 of these were the common heritage of several tribes4 ,it is quite possible that before they crossed the northern frontier of ,greece they found such divinities among their ,aryan kinsfolk of ,thrace1 and it is certain that this was the type of religion that they would mainly find among the peoples of the ,minoan-,mycenaean culture4 ,we discern it also1 where the record allows us to discern anything1 among the nearer and remoter stocks of the ,asiatic side of the ,mediterranean area4 ,in the ,zend-,avesta1 the sacred books of the ,persian religion1 ,ahura-,mazda is presented as a noble ethical figure1 a concrete personal god1 like ,jahw of ,israel1 whatever his original physical significance may have been4 ,marduk of ,babylon1 whom ,hammurabi1 the consolidator of the ,babylonian power1 raised to the rank of the high god1 may once have been a sun-god1 but he transcended his elemental nature1 and appears in the records of the third millennium as a political deity1 the war-god1 and leader of the people1 as real a personality as ,hammurabi himself4 ,the same is true of ,asshur1 once the local #i deity of the aboriginal land of the ,assyrians1 but later raised by the imperial expansion of this people almost to the position of a universal god1 the guardian of the land1 the teacher and the father of the kings2 nor can we discern that he was ever an elemental god4 ,speaking generally1 in spite of many important differences1 we may regard the religious structure to which the cults of ,anatolia and ,egypt belonged as morphologically the same as that which ,i am defining as ,hellenic4 ,also1 among all these peoples1 by the side of the few higher deities who have developed moral personalities1 we find special elemental divinities1 as1 in ,hellas1 we find ,helios and the deities of the wind1 ,hephaistos the fire-god4 ,the distinction between the religions of the ,hellenes and 8the barbarians10 which ,aristophanes defines as the difference between the worship of ideal divine personages1 such as ,zeus1 ,apollo1 and ,demeter1 and the direct worship of elementary powers1 such as sun and moon1 is not borne out by modern research4 ,where we find sun-worship or moon-worship in the ,east1 it does not appear to have been directed immediately to the thing itself regarded as a living or animate body1 but to a personal god of the sun or the moon--,bel1 ,shamash1 or ,sin4 ,we can only distinguish the ,greek from the ,oriental in respect of ,nature-religion by the lesser degree of devotion that the ,hellene showed to it4 ,only those of his divinities whose names connoted nothing in the material or natural world1 could develop into free moral personalities1 and dominate the religious imagination of the people4 ,nowhere1 for instance1 had ,helios any high position in the ,greek world except at ,rhodes1 where we must reckon with pre-,hellenic1 ,minoan1 and later with ,semitic influences4 ,therefore1 when1 shortly #aj before and after the beginning of the ,graeco-,roman period1 a wave of sun-worship welled from the ,east over the ,west1 it may have brought with it religious ideas of high spirituality and ethical purity1 yet by the race-consciousness of the ,hellenes it must have been judged to be a regress towards a barbaric past4 ,the instinct of the ,greek in his creation of divine forms shows always a bias towards the personal and the individual1 an aversion to the amorphous and vague1 and herein we may contrast him with the ,persian and ,egyptian4 ,a certain minor phenomenon in these religions will illustrate and attest this4 ,all of them admitted by the side of the high personal deities certain subordinate personages less sharply conceived1 divine emanations1 as we may sometimes call them1 or personifications of moral or abstract ideas4 ,plutarch specially mentions the ,persian worship of ,truth1 ,goodwill1 ,law-abidingness1 ,wisdom1 emanations of ,ahura-,mazda1 which in the light of the sacred books we may1 perhaps1 interpret as the ,fravashis or ,soul-powers of the ,high ,god2 and in certain ,egyptian myths and religious records we hear of a personification of ,truth1 whose statue is described by the same writer4 ,but at least in the ,persian system we may suspect that such divine beings had little concrete personality1 but1 rather1 were conceived vaguely as daimoniac forces1 special activities of divine force in the invisible world4 ,now the ,greek of the period when we really know him seems to have been mentally unable to allow his consciousness of these things or these forces to remain just at that point4 ,once1 no doubt1 it was after this fashion that his ancestors dimly imagined ,eros1 or the half-personal ,curse-power 2 but he himself could only cherish ,eros under the finished and concrete form of a #aa beautiful personal god1 and the curse was only vitalised for him when it took on the form of the personal ,erinys4 ,this topic is a fruitful one1 and ,i hope to develop it on a later occasion4 ,it suggests what is now the next matter ,i wish to touch on--the comparison of the ,mediterranean religions in respect of their anthropomorphism4 ,philosophically1 the term might be censured as failing to distinguish any special type of religion2 for we should all admit that man can only envisage the unseen world in forms intelligible to his own mind and reflecting his own mental structure4 ,but1 apart from this truism1 we find that religions differ essentially and vitally according as this anthropomorphism is vague and indefinite or sharply defined and dominating2 according as they picture the divinity as the exact though idealised counterpart of man1 and construct the divine society purely on the lines of the human1 or refrain from doing this either through weakness and obscurity of imagination or in deference to a different and perhaps more elevated law of the religious intellect4 ,now1 of the ,hellenic religion no feature is salient as its anthropomorphism1 and throughout its whole development and career the anthropomorphic principle has been more dominating and imperious than it has ever been found to be in other religions4#aa4a ,at what remote period in the evolution of the ,hellenic mind this principle began in force1 what were the influences that fostered and strengthened it1 in what various ways it shaped the religious history of the ,hellenic people1 are questions that ,i may be able to treat more in detail in the future4 #ab ,but there are two important phenomena that ,i will indicate now1 which we must associate with it1 and which afford us an illuminating point of view from which we may contrast the ,greek world and the ,oriental4 ,in the first place1 the anthropomorphic principle1 combining with an artistic faculty the highest that the world has known1 produced in ,greece a unique form of idolatry2 and1 in the second place1 in consequence chiefly of this idolatry1 the purely ,hellenic religion remained almost incapable of that which we call mysticism4 ,now1 much remains still to be thought out1 especially for those interested in ,mediterranean culture1 concerning the influence of idolatry on religion2 and not only the history1 but the psychology of religion1 must note and estimate the influence of religious art4 ,it may well be that the primitive ,greeks1 like the primitive ,roman1 the early ,teuton1 and ,indo-,iranian stocks1 were non-idolatrous1 and this appears to have been true to some extent of the ,minoan culture4 ,nevertheless1 the ,mediterranean area has from time immemorial been the centre of the fabric and the worship of the eikon and the idol4 ,the impulse may have come from the ,east or from ,egypt to the ,hellene2 he in his turn imparted it to the ,indian ,aryans1 as we now know1 and in great measure at least to the ,roman1 just as the ,assyrian-,babylonian temple-worship imparted it to the ,persian4 ,nowhere1 we may well believe1 has the influence of idolatry been so strong upon the religious temperament as it was upon that of the ,hellenes2 for to it they owed works of the type that may be called the human-divine1 which surpass any other art-achievement of man4 ,i can here only indicate briefly its main effects4 ,it #ac intensified the perception of the real personal god as a material fact4 ,it increased polytheism by multiplying the separate figures of worship1 often1 perhaps1 without intention4 ,it assisted the imagination to discard what was uncouth and terrifying in the ,hellenic religion1 and was at once the effect and the cause of the attachment of the ,hellenic mind towards mild and gracious types of godhead4 ,the aniconic emblem and uncouth fetich-formed figures were here and there retained1 because of vague ideas about luck or for superstitious fetichistic reasons2 but the beautiful idol was cherished because it could arouse the enthusiastic affection of a sensitive people1 and could bring them to the very presence of a friendly divine person4 ,the saying that the ,olympian deities died of their own loveliness means a wrong interpretation of the facts and the people4 ,but for a beautiful idolatry1 ,hellenic polytheism would have passed away some centuries before it did1 the deities fading into alien types or becoming fused one with the other4 ,nor was its force and influence exhausted by the introduction of ,christianity1 for it shaped the destinies of the ,greek ,church1 and threw down a victorious challenge to the iconoclastic ,emperors4 ,if now we were to look across the ,mediterranean1 and could survey the religious monuments of ,persia1 ,assyria and ,babylonia1 ,phoenicia1 and the ,hittite people1 we should find a general acceptance of the anthropomorphic idea4 ,the high personal deities are represented mainly in human form1 but the art is not able to interpret the polytheistic beliefs with skilfully differentiated types4 ,in ,chaldaic and ,assyrian art one type of countenance is used for various divinities1 and this such as might inspire awe rather than affection4 ,and the anthropomorphism is unstable4 ,often animal traits #ad appear in parts of the divine figure4 ,nergal has a lion's head2 even the warrior ,marduk is invoked in the mystic incantations as 8,black ,bull of the ,deep1 ,lion of the dark house40#ad4a ,in fact1 over a large part of anterior ,asia1 anthropomorphism and theriomorphism exist side by side in religious concept and religious art4 ,we may say the same of ,egypt1 but here theriomorphism is the dominating factor4 ,as regards the explanation of this phenomenon1 many questions are involved which are outside my present province4 ,i would only express my growing conviction that these two distinct modes of representing the divine personage to the worshipper are not necessarily prior and posterior1 the one to the other1 in the evolution of religion4 ,they can easily1 and frequently do1 coexist4 ,the vaguely conceived deity shifts his shape1 and the same people may imagine him mainly as a glorified man of human volition and action1 and yet think of him as temporarily incarnate in an animal1 and embody his type for purposes of worship or religious art in animal forms4 ,i would further indicate here what ,i cannot prove in detail--that theriomorphism lends itself to mysticism1 while the anthropomorphic idolatry of ,greece was strongly in opposition to it4 ,the mystic theosophy that pervaded later paganism1 and from which early ,christianity could not escape1 originated1 as ,reitzenstein has well shown1 mainly in ,egypt1 and it arose partly1 ,i think1 in connection with the hieratic and allegorical interpretation of the theriomorphic idol4 ,there was nothing mystic about the ,zeus of ,pheidias1 so far as the form of the god was concerned4 ,the forms were #ae entirely adequate to the expression of the physical1 moral1 and spiritual nature of the god4 ,the god was just that1 and there was nothing behind1 and1 as the ancient enthusiast avers1 8having once seen him thus1 you could not imagine him otherwise40 ,but when a divinity to whom high religious conceptions have already come to attach is presented1 as it might be in ,egyptian religious art1 with the head of a jackal or an ape1 the feeling is certain to arise sooner or later in the mind of the worshipper that the sense-form is inadequate to the idea4 ,then his troubled questioning will receive a mystic answer1 and the animal type of godhead will be given an esoteric interpretation4 ,plutarch1 in the ,de ,iside et ,osiride1#ae4a is one of our witnesses4 ,he finds a profounder significance for theosophy in the beetle1 the asp1 and the weasel than in the most beautiful anthropomorphic work of bronze or marble4 ,he here turns his back on his ancestors1 and goes over to the sect of the ,egyptian mystic4 ,but the most curious testimony to my thesis is borne by an inscription on an ,egyptian lamp--an invocation of the ,god ,thoth3 8,o ,father of ,light1 ,o ,word 77 that orderest day and night1 come show thyself to me4 ,o ,god of ,gods1 in thy ape-form enter40#ae4b ,here the association of so mystic a concept as the 8,logos10 the divine ,reason1 an emanation of ,god with the form of an ape1 is striking enough1 and suggests to us many reflections on the contrast between the ,egyptian theriomorphism and the human idolatry of the ,greek4 ,the ,hermes of ,praxiteles was too stubborn a fact before the people's eyes to fade or to soar into #af the high vagueness of the 8,logos10 too stable in his beautiful humanity to sink into the ape4 ,but before leaving this subject ,i would point out a phenomenon in the ,hellenic world that shows the working of the same principle4 ,the ,orphic god ,dionysos-,sabazios-,zagreus was 1 a shape-shifter1 conceived now as bull1 now as serpent1 now as man1 and the ,orphic sects were penetrated with a mystic theosophy2 and1 again1 they were a foreign element embedded in ,greek society and religion4 ,while we were dealing with the subject of anthropomorphism1 we should consider also the question of sex1 for a religion that gives predominance to the god is certain to differ in some essential respects from one in which a goddess is supreme4 ,now1 although the conception of an ,all-,father was a recognised belief in every ,greek community1 and theoretically ,zeus was admitted to be the highest god1 yet we may believe ,athena counted more than he for the ,athenians1 and ,hera more for the ,argives4 ,and we have evidence of the passionate devotion of many urban and village communities to the mother ,demeter and her daughter ,kore1 to whom the greatest mysteries of ,greece1 full of the promise of posthumous salvation1 were consecrated4 ,also1 in the adjacent lands of earlier culture we mark the same phenomenon4 ,in ,egyptian religion we have the commanding figure of ,isis1 who1 though by no means supreme in the earlier period1 seems to dominate the latter age of this polytheism4 ,in the ,assyrian-,babylonian ,pantheon1 though the male deity is at the head1 ,ishtar appears as his compeer1 or as inferior only to ,asshur4 ,coming westward towards ,asia ,minor1 we seem to see the goddess overshadowing the god4 ,on the great ,hittite monument at ,boghaz-,keui1 #ag in ,cappadocia1 skilfully interpreted by ,dr4 ,frazer1 we observe a great goddess with her son coequal with the ,father-,god4 ,in the lands adjacent to the coast a ,mother-,goddess1 sometimes also imagined as virgin1 ,kybele of ,phrygia1 ,ma of ,cappadocia1 ,hipta of ,lydia1 ,astarte of ,askalon1 ,artemis of ,ephesos who was probably a blend of ,hellenic and ,oriental cult-ideas1 appears to have been dominant from an immemorial antiquity2 and ,sir ,arthur ,evans has discovered the same mysterious feminine power pre-eminent in the ,minoan religion4 ,we may even affirm that she has ruled a great part of the ,mediterranean down to the present day4 ,the various questions suggested by this predominance of goddess-worship are fascinating and subtle4 ,the sociological one--how far it is to be connected with a system of counting descent through the female1 with a matrilinear society--,i have partly discussed elsewhere4#ag4a ,i may later be able to enter on the question that is of more interest for the psychology of religion--the effect of such worships on the religious sentiment4 ,here ,i can merely point to the phenomenon as a natural and logical product of the principle of anthropomorphism1 but would call attention to the fact that in the ,east it sometimes developed into a form that1 from the anthropomorphic point of view1 must be called morbid and subversive of this principle2 for the rivalry of divine sex was here and there solved by the fusion of the two natures in the divinity1 and we find a bisexual type--a male ,astarte1 a bearded ,ishtar4#ag4b ,the healthy-minded anthropomorphism of the ,hellene rejects this ,oriental extravagance4 #ah ,if we now could consider in detail the various moral conceptions attached to the high ,state divinities of ,greece and the ,east1 we should be struck with a general similarity in the point of view of the various culture-stocks4 ,the higher deities1 on the whole1 are ethical beings who favour the righteous and punish transgressors2 and the worship of ,greece falls here into line with the ,hebraic conceptions of a god of righteousness4 ,but in one important particular ,hellenic thought markedly differs from ,oriental1 especially the ,persian4 ,in the people's religion throughout ,hellas the deities are1 on the whole1 worshipped as beneficent1 as doing good to their worshippers1 so long as these do not offend or sin against them4 ,the apparent exceptions are no real exceptions4 ,ares may have been regarded as an evil god by the poet or the philosopher1 but we cannot discover that this was ever the view of the people who cared to establish his cult4 ,the ,erinyes are vindictive2 nevertheless1 they are moral1 and the struggle between them and ,apollo in the ,aeschylean drama is only the contest between a more barbaric and a more civilised morality4 ,in the list of ,greek divine titles and appellatives1 only one or two at most can be given a significance of evil4 ,doubtless1 beneath the bright anthropomorphic religion lurked a fear of ghosts and evil spirits1 and the later days of ,hellenic paganism were somewhat clouded with demonology4 ,but the average ,greek protected himself sufficiently by purification and easy conventional magic4 ,he did not brood on the principle of evil or personify it as a great cosmic power1 and therefore he would not naturally evolve a system of religious dualism1 though the germs from which this might grow may be found in ,orphic tradition and doctrine4 ,contrast this with the evidence from ,egypt1 ,assyria1 and #ai ,persia4 ,the ,egyptian and ,assyrian records bear strong impress of the prominence and power of the belief in evil spirits4 ,the high gods of ,assyria were continually being invoked and implored by the worshipper to save him from the demons1 and one of these1 ,ira1 a demon of pestilence1 seems to have received actual worship2 and much of ,egyptian private ritual was protective magic against them4 ,but nowhere did the power of evil assume such grand proportions as in the old ,mazdean creed of ,persia1 and the dualism between the good and evil principle became here the foundation of a great religion that spread its influence wide through the ,west4 ,the religion had its prophet1 ,zarathustra1 in whose historic reality we ought not to doubt4 ,in his system the faithful ,mazdean is called upon to play his part in the struggle between ,ahura-,mazda and ,angra-,mainyu1 and this struggle continues through the ages till in the final cataclysm the ,daevas1 or evil demons1 will be overthrown4 ,we note here that this faith includes the idea of a final ,judgment1 so familiar to ,judaic and ,christian thought1 but scarcely to be found in the native ,hellenic religion4 ,further1 it should be observed that the ,mazdean dualism between good and evil has nothing in common with the ,platonic antithesis between mind and sense1 or ,st4 ,paul's between spirit and flesh1 or with the hatred of the body that is expressed in ,buddhism4 ,the good ,mazdean might regard his body as good and pure1 and therefore he escaped1 as by a different way did the ,greek1 from the tyranny of a morbid asceticism4 ,only he developed the doctrine of purity into a code more burdensome than can be found1 ,i think1 elsewhere4 ,the ideas of ritual-purity on which he framed this code are found broadcast through the ,east and in ,egypt1 and appear #bj in the ,hellenic religion also4 ,the ,greek1 however1 did not allow himself to be oppressed by his own cathartic system1 but turned it to excellent service in the domain of law1 as ,i have tried to show elsewhere4#bj4a ,generally1 as regards the association of religion and morality1 we find this to be always intimate in the more developed races1 but our statistics are insufficient for us to determine with certainty the comparative strength of the religious sanction of morals in the ancient societies of the ,mediterranean4 ,the ethical-religious force of the ,zarathustrian faith seems to approach that of the ,hebraic4 ,we should judge it to be stronger1 at least1 than any that was exercised in ,hellas1 for ,hellas1 outside the ,orphic sects1 had neither sacred books of universal recognition nor a prophet4 ,yet all ,hellenic morality was protected by religion1 and the ,delphic oracle1 which occasionally was able to play the part of the father-confessor1 encouraged a high standard of conduct--as high as the average found elsewhere in the ancient world4 ,we may note1 however1 one lacuna in the ,hellenic code3 neither ,greek ethics1 on the whole1 nor ,greek religion1 emphasised or exalted or deified the virtue of truth2 but we hear of a goddess of ,truth in ,egypt1 and it becomes a cardinal tenet and a divine force in the ,zarathustrian ideal4 ,again1 in all ancient societies religion is closely interwoven with political1 legal1 and social institutions1 and its influence on these concerns the history of the evolution of society and law4 ,it is only in modern society1 or in a few most ideal creeds at periods of great exaltation1 that a severance is made between ,csar and ,god4 ,save ,buddhism1 the religions of the ancient societies of the ,east and of ,egypt were all in a sense political4 ,darius #ba regards himself as specially protected by ,ahura-,mazda1 and we are told by ,herodotus#ba4a that in the private ,persian's prayers no separate personal benefits were besought1 but only the welfare of the ,king and the ,persian community4 ,the gods of ,assyria inspire counsel and order the campaign2 ,shamash1 the sun-god1 is 8,just ,ruler0 and the 8,lord of ,law02 and ,ninib is styled the god 8who lays for ever the foundation-stone of the ,state10 and who1 like ,zeus 1 and the ,latin ,terminus1 8protects the boundaries of the cornfield40 ,the ,syrian goddess of ,bambyke1 ,kybele of ,phrygia1 ,astarte of ,askalon1 all wear the mural crown1 the badge of the city goddess4 ,but ,i doubt if our materials are as yet rich enough to inform us in what precise way religion played a constructive part in the oldest civilisations1--namely1 those of ,assyria and ,egypt4 ,we may observe that the code of ,hammurabi1 our oldest legal document1 is curiously secular and in many respects modern4 ,the question can be most fruitfully pursued in the study of the ,greek societies2 for no other religion of which we have any record was so political as the ,hellenic1 not even1 as ,i should judge1 the ,roman1 to which it bears the closest resemblance in this respect4 ,the very origin of the 1 the city-state1 was often religious2 for the name or title of the deity often gave a name to the city1 and the temple was in this case probably the centre of the earliest residence4 ,in the organised and complex ,greek societies1 every institution of the ,state--the assembly1 the council1 the law-courts1 the agrarian economy1 all the regulations of the family and clan--were consecrated and safeguarded by the supervision of some deity4 ,often he or she was worshipped as in a literal sense the #bb ,state ancestor1 and in one of the temples might be found burning the perpetual fire which symbolised the permanence of the city's life4 ,and in ,greece we find a unique phenomenon1 which1 though small1 is of great significance--the deity might here and there be made to take the office and title of a civic magistrate4 ,for instance1 ,apollo was in ,asia ,minor cities1 and in the later days of ,sparta1 as the recent excavations have shown1 the ghost of ,lykourgos was elected as the chief inspector of the education of the young4 ,to the superficial observer1 then1 the ,greek civic society might appear a theocracy4 ,but such a view would imply ignorance of the average character of the ancient ,greek world4 ,there can be no theocracy where there is no theocrat4 ,in ,asia ,minor the priest might be a great political power1 but in ,greece this was never so4 ,here the political1 secular1 utilitarian interest dominates the religion4 ,the high divinities become politicians1 and immersed in secular affairs1 and even take sides in the party strife1 as some of the religious titles attest4 ,thus ,greek religion escaped morbidity and insanity1 becoming genial and human1 and compensating by its adaptability to the common needs of social life for what it lacked of mystery and aloofness4 ,therefore1 also1 in ,greek invocations and hymns we do not often hear the echo of that sublimity that resounds in the ,iranian1 ,assyrian1 and still more in the ,hebrew liturgies4 ,another interesting point of comparison is the relation of religion to the arts and sciences4 ,their association may be said to have been more intimate in ,hellenism than it has been found to be in any other creed4 ,we can estimate what music and the drama owed to ,apollo and ,dionysos1 and how the life of the #bc philosopher1 artist1 and poet was considered consecrated to certain divinities4 ,we hear of the ,delphic oracle encouraging philosophic pursuits4 ,the name 8,museum0 is a landmark in the religious history of education1 and we know that the temple of ,asklepios in ,kos was the cradle of the school of modern medicine4 ,the records of the other religions of this area show glimpses of the same association1 and more extended research may throw further light on it4 ,the ,babylonian gods ,nebo and ,ea were divinities of wisdom and the arts1 and to the former1 who was the inventor of writing1 the library of ,ashurbanapal was consecrated4 ,chaldean astronomy was evolved from their astrology1 which was itself a religious system4 ,but demonology was stronger in ,assyria1 ,persia1 and ,egypt than in ,hellas1 and demonology is the foe of science4 ,in the ,zend-,avesta the priestly medicine-man1 who heals by spell and exorcism1 is ranked higher than the scientific practitioner4 ,a chapter might be written on the negative advantages of ,greek religion1 and none was of greater moment than this--that it had no sacred books or authoritative religious cosmogony to oppose to the dawn and the development of scientific inquiry4 ,asklepios had been a practitioner in the method of thaumaturgic cures1 but he accepted ,hippokrates genially when the time came4 ,as regards the relation between ,greek philosophy and ,greek religion1 something may remain to be discovered by any scholar who is equally familiar with both4 ,it would be absurd to attempt to summarise the facts in a few phrases here4 ,i wish merely to indicate the absence in pure ,hellenic speculation of any elaborated system of theosophy1 such as the late ,egyptian 8gnosis10 till we come to ,neo-,platonism1 when the ,greek intellect is no longer pure4 ,we discover #bd also a vacuum in the religious mind and nomenclature of the earlier ,greek3 he had neither the concept nor any name to express the concept of what we call 8faith10 the intellectual acceptance and confessional affirmation of certain dogmas concerning the divinity2 and in this respect he differed essentially not only from the ,christian1 but also from the ,iranian and ,buddhistic votary4 ,a great part of the study of ancient religion is a study of ritual1 and it is interesting to survey the ,mediterranean area1 so as to discern similarities or divergencies in the forms of religious service4 ,everywhere we observe the blood-sacrifice of animals1 and very frequently the harmless offering of fruits and cereals1 and now one1 now the other1 in ,greece as elsewhere1 was regarded as the more pious4 ,the former is of the higher interest1 for certain ideas which have been constructive of higher religions--our own1 for example--have grown out of it4 ,at first sight the animal oblation seems everywhere much the same in character and significance4 ,the sacrificial ritual of ,leviticus does not differ in any essential trait from that which commended itself to the ,greeks and the other peoples of these lands4 ,certain animals are everywhere offered1 at times as a free and cheerful gift1 at other times as an atonement to expiate sin and to deprecate wrath4 ,certain other animals are tabooed1 for reasons that may repay searching out4 ,in most regions we have evidence of the practice of human sacrifice1 either as an established system or as an occasional expedient4 ,the motives that prompted it present an important and intricate question to the modern inquirer4 ,the two nations that grew to abhor it and to protest against it were the ,hebrew and the ,greek1 though the latter did not wholly escape the taint #be of it2 for he had inherited the practice from his ancestral past1 and he found it indigenous in the lands he conquered4 ,repellent as the rite may be1 it much concerns the study of the religions of the cultured races4 ,now1 an interesting theory concerning sacrifice was expounded and brought into prominent discussion by ,professor ,robertson ,smith in his ,religion of the ,semites1 and in an earlier article in the ,encyclopdia ,britannica--namely1 that a certain type of ancient sacrifice was a mystic sacramental communion1 the worshipper partaking of some sacred food or drink in which the spirit of the deity was temporarily lodged4 ,this mystic act1 of which there is no clear trace in the ,old ,testament1 is reported from ,egypt1#be4a and it appears to have been part of the ,attis ritual of ,phrygia4 ,we find doubtful traces of it in the ,eleusinian and ,samothracian mysteries2 also a glimpse of it here and there in the public religion of ,hellas4 ,but it is best attested as a potent force in the ,dionysiac worship1 especially in a certain savage ritual that we may call ,thracian1 but also in the refined and ,hellenised service as well4 ,i cannot dwell here on the various aspects of this problem4 ,the ,hellenic statistics and their significance ,i have partly collected and estimated in a paper published some years ago4#be4b ,the application of the sacramental idea to the explanation of the ,eleusinian mysteries1 ingeniously attempted by ,dr4 ,jevons1 ,i have discussed in the third volume of my ,cults of the ,greek ,states2 and the ,dionysiac communion-service is considered at length in the fifth4 ,the attractiveness of the mystic appeal of the #bf ,sacrament appears to have increased in the later days of paganism1 especially in its period of struggle with ,christianity4 ,that strangest rite of the expiring polytheism1 the 1 or the baptism in bull's blood1 in the worship of ,kybele1 has been successfully traced back by ,m4 ,cumont to the worship of the ,babylonian ,anaitis4 ,the sacramental concept was the stronghold of ,mithraism1 but can hardly be regarded as part of its heritage from ,persia1 for it does not seem to have been familiar to the ,iranian religion nor to the ,vedic ,indian4 ,in fact1 the religious history of no other ,aryan race discloses it with clearness1 save that of the ,thraco-,phrygian and ,hellenic4 ,was it1 then1 a special product of ancient 8,mediterranean0 religious thought8 ,it would be important to know1 and ,crete may one day be able to tell us1 whether ,king ,minos took the sacrament4 ,meantime1 ,i would urge upon those who are studying this phenomenon in the various religions the necessity of precise definition1 so as to distinguish the different grades of the sacramental concept1 for loose statements are somewhat rife about it4 ,apart from the ritual of the altar1 there is another mode of attaining mystic union with the divinity--namely1 by means of a sacred marriage or simulated corporeal union4 ,this is suggested by the initiation formul of the mysteries of ,attis-,kybele4 ,the cult of ,kybele was connected with that of the ,minoan goddess1 and the strange legend of ,pasiphae and the bull-god lends itself naturally to this interpretation4 ,the ,hellenic religion also presents us with a few examples of the holy marriage of the human bride with the god1 the most notable being the annual ceremony of the union of the 8,queen10 the wife of the ,king ,archon1 at ,athens1 with ,dionysos4 ,and in the mysteries of #bg later paganism1 as well as in certain forms and symbolism of early ,christianity1 ,professor ,dieterich has traced the surviving influence of this rite4 ,among all the phenomena of ritual1 none are more interesting or in their effects more momentous than the rites that are associated with the dogma of the death of the divinity4 ,that the high gods are naturally mortal and liable to death is an idea that is certainly rare1 though it may be found in ,egyptian and old ,teutonic mythology2 but the dogma of the annual or periodic death and resurrection of the divinity has been1 and is1 enacted in much peasant ritual1 and worked for the purposes of agrarian magic in ,europe and elsewhere4 ,more rarely we find the belief attached to the mystic forms and faith of some advanced religion1 and it is specially in the ,mediterranean area where it appears in a high stage of development4 ,it is a salient feature of the ,egyptian worship of ,isis2 of the ,sumerian-,babylonian ritual1 in which the dead ,thammuz was bewailed1 and which penetrated ,syria and other parts of ,asia ,minor2 of the worship of ,attis and ,adonis in ,phrygia and the ,lebanon2 and of certain shrines of the ,oriental ,aphrodite4 ,it is associated often with orgiastic sorrow and ecstatic joy1 and with the belief in human immortality of which the resurrection of the deity is the symbol and the efficacious means4 ,this idea and this ritual appears to have been alien to the native ,hellenic religion4 ,the ,hellenic gods and goddesses do not die and rise again4 ,only in one ,aryan nation of antiquity1 so far as ,i am aware1 was the idea clear and operative--the ,thraco-,phrygian1 in the religion of ,dionysos-,sabazios4 ,this alien cult1 when transplanted into ,greece1 retained still some savagery in the rite that enacted the death of the #bh god2 but in the ,orphic sects the ritual idea was developed into a doctrine of posthumous salvation1 from which the later pre-,christian world drew spiritual comfort and some fertile moral conceptions4 ,this ,thracian-,dionysiac influence in ,hellas1 though chastened and sobered by the sanity of the national temperament1 initiated the ,hellene into a certain spiritual mood that was not naturally evoked by the native religion2 for it brought into his polytheism a higher measure of enthusiasm1 a more ecstatic spirit of self-abandonment1 than it possessed by its own traditional bent4 ,many civilised religions appear to have passed beyond the phase of orgiastic fervour4 ,it emerges in the old ,egyptian ritual1 and most powerfully in the religion of ,phrygia and of certain districts of ,syria2 but it seems to have been alien to the higher ,semitic and the ,iranian religions1 as it was to the native ,hellenic4 ,i have only been able here1 without argument or detailed exposition1 to present a short summary of the more striking phenomena in the religious systems of our spiritual ancestors4 ,many of the problems ,i have stated still invite further research1 which may considerably modify our theories4 ,i claim that the subject possesses a masterful interest both in its own right and for the light it sheds on ancient philosophy1 ancient art1 and ancient institutions4 ,and it ought in the future to attract more and more the devotion of some of our post-graduate students4 ,much remains to be done even for the ,hellenic and ,roman religions1 still more for those of ,egypt and ,assyria4 ,here1 in our ,university of ,oxford1 under whose auspices the ,sacred ,books of the ,east were translated1 and where the equipment for the study is at least equal to that of any other centre of learning1 this appeal ought not to be made in vain4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,statement of the ,problem and the ,evidence4 #bi ,the subject ,i have chosen for this course may appear over-ambitious2 and the attempt to pass critical judgment upon the facts that arise in this wide comparative survey may be thought premature4 ,for not only is the area vast1 but large tracts of it are still unexplored1 while certain regions have yielded materials that are ample and promising1 but of which the true interpretation has not yet been found4 ,we have1 for instance1 abundant evidence flowing in with ever-increasing volume of the ,sumerian-,babylonian religion1 but only a portion of the cuneiform texts has as yet been authoritatively translated and made available for the service of ,comparative ,religion4 ,the ,hittite monuments are witnesses of primary value concerning ,hittite religion3 but the ,hittite script may reveal much more that is vital to our view of it1 and without the help of that script we are not sure of the exact interpretation of those religious monuments2 but though we have recently heard certain encouraging expressions of hope1 the master-word has not yet been found that can open the door to this buried treasure of knowledge4 ,and again1 the attempt to gauge accurately the relation and the indebtedness of ,greek religion to that of the near ,east cannot be wholly successful1 until we know more of the ,minoan-,mycenaean religion2 #cj and our hope hangs here partly on the discovery of more monuments1 but mainly1 ,i am convinced1 on the decipherment of the mysterious ,minoan writing1 to which great achievement ,sir ,arthur ,evans' recent work on the ,scripta ,minoa is a valuable contribution4 ,therefore the time is certainly not yet ripe for a final and authoritative pronouncement on the great questions that ,i am venturing upon in this course4 ,but even the early premature attempts to solve a problem may contribute something to the ultimate satisfying solution4 ,and often in the middle of our investigations1 when new evidence continues to pour in1 there comes a moment when it is desirable to look around and take stock1 so to speak1 to consider whether we can draw some general conclusions with safety1 or in what direction the facts appear at this stage to be pointing4 ,in regard to the religions of anterior ,asia and ,south-,eastern ,europe1 and the question of their relationships1 this is now1 ,i feel1 a seasonable thing to do--all the more because the ,asiatic region has been mainly explored by specialists1 who have worked1 as was profitable and right1 each in his special province1 without having the time or perhaps the training to achieve a comparative survey of the whole4 ,we know also by long experience the peculiar dangers to which specialists are prone2 in their enthusiastic devotion to their own domain1 they are apt to believe that it supplies them with the master-key whereby to unlock many other secret places of human history4 ,this hope1 soon to prove an illusion1 was regnant when the interpretation of the ,sacred ,vedic ,books was first accomplished4 ,and now certain scholars1 who are distinguished specialists in ,assyriology1 are putting forward a similar claim for ,babylon1 and are championing the view that the #ca ,sumerian-,assyrian religion and culture played a dominating part in the evolution of the ,mediterranean civilisation1 and that therefore much of the religious beliefs and practices of the early ,greeks and other ,european stocks must be traced back to ,mesopotamia as their fountain-head4#ca4a ,this will be encouraging to that distinguished writer on ,greek religion1 ,dr4 ,o4 ,gruppe1 who almost a generation ago proclaimed in his ,griechische ,mythologie the dogma of the emanation of all religion from a single centre1 and the dependence of ,greece upon the near ,east4 ,now there ought to be no prejudice a priori against such a theory1 which stands on a different footing from what ,i may call the ,vedic fallacy3 and it is childish to allow to the ,aryan1 or any other racial bias1 any malignant influence in these difficult discussions4 ,those who have worked for years upon the marvellously rich records of ,mesopotamian culture1 whether at first hand or1 like myself1 at second hand1 cannot fail to receive the deepest impression of its imperial grandeur and its forceful vitality1 and of its intensity of thought and purpose in the sphere of religion4 ,naturally1 they may feel1 such spiritual power must have radiated influence far and wide over the adjacent lands2 and no one could maintain that ,south-,eastern ,europe was too remote to have been touched1 perhaps penetrated1 by it4 ,for we know that1 under certain conditions1 the race-barrier falls down before the march of a conquering and dominating religion4 ,and now1 in the new light of a wider historical survey1 instead of saying1 as once was said1 8,what is more its own than a people's gods80 we #cb may rather ask1 8,what is less its own than a people's gods80 always1 however1 remembering that race-tradition1 inherited instinctive feeling and thought1 is very strong in these matters1 and that a people will1 often unconsciously1 cling to its ancestral modes of religious consciousness and expression1 while it will freely borrow alien forms1 names1 and ritual4 ,the inquiry indicated by the title of these lectures is naturally twofold2 it may be applied either to the earlier or the later periods of the ,hellenic and ,hellenic-,roman history4 ,the question concerning the later period1 though much critical research is needed for its clear solution1 is far simpler and more hopeful3 for the evidence is immeasurably fuller and more precise1 and historical dates and landmarks are there to help4 ,the history of the invasion of the ,west by ,mithraism has been masterfully stated by ,cumont2 the general influence of the ,anatolian religions upon ,graeco-,roman society is presented and estimated by the same writer in his ,religious ,orientales2 by ,toutain1 in his ,les ,cultes ,paiens dans l',empire ,romain2 by our own scholar1 ,samuel ,dill1 in ,roman ,society in the last ,century of the ,western ,empire2 and more summarily by ,salomon ,reinach in his ,orpheus4 ,therefore ,i am not going to pursue the inquiry at this end1 although ,i may have to notice and use some of the later evidence4 ,i am going to raise the question concerning the very origins of the ,hellenic religious system1 so as to test the recently proclaimed dogma of certain ,assyriologists1 and to determine1 if possible1 whether the ,orient played any formative part in the organic development of ,greek religion4 ,for this is just the question which1 ,i venture to maintain1 has never yet been critically explored4 ,from what ,i have said at the beginning1 it is obvious that ,i cannot #cc promise final and proved results4 ,it will be gain enough if we can dimly discern something behind the veil that shrouds the origins of things1 can reach to something that has the air of a reasoned scientific hypothesis1 and still more if we can indicate the paths along which one day light may come4 ,we may then begin at once with stating more clearly what are the necessary conditions for a successful solution of the problem4 ,first1 we must accomplish a thorough exploration of the religions of the ,anatolian and ,mesopotamian lands2 secondly1 we must explore the ,minoan-,mycenaean religion1 and estimate the strength of its influence on the later period2 thirdly1 we must be able to decide what beliefs and practices the ,hellenes brought with them from the ,north2 lastly1 before we can hope for any precision in our results1 we must be able to answer with some degree of accuracy a burning chronological question3 ,what was the date of the arrival through the ,balkans from the ,north of those ,aryan-speaking tribes that by mingling with the ,southerners formed the ,hellenic people of history8 ,for only then shall we be able to test the whole question1 by considering the position of the ,eastern powers at this momentous epoch4 ,the third of these inquiries1 concerning the aboriginal religious ideas of the earliest ,aryan ,hellenes1 is perhaps the most troublesome of all4 ,i may venture upon it at a later occasion1 but it is far too difficult and extensive to combine it with the others in a short treatise4 ,nor can ,i do more than touch lightly on the ,minoan-,mycenaean period2 for ,i wish to devote the greater part of these lectures to the comparative survey of ,greece1 ,anatolia1 and ,mesopotamia1 as this task has never yet been critically performed4 ,something like an attempt was made by #cd ,tiele in his ,histoire des anciennes ,religions1 but when that book was written much of the most important evidence had not yet come in4 ,but before beginning the exploration of any large area1 whether for the purposes of ,comparative ,religion1 archaeology1 or anthropology1 we must possess or acquire certain data of ethnography and secular history4 ,we must1 for instance1 face the chronological question that ,i mentioned just above1 before we can estimate the formative influences at work in the earliest phases of ,hellenic development4 ,recent archaeological evidence1 which ,i cannot here discuss1 renders us valuable aid at this critical point of our inquiry4 ,we can no longer relegate the earliest ,hellenic invasion of ,greece to a very remote period of ,mediterranean history4 ,the arguments from the ,minoan culture1 combined with the still more striking evidence1 of which the value is not yet fully appreciated1 obtained by the recent excavations of the ,british ,school on the soil of ,thessaly1#cd4a point to the conviction that this1 the epoch-making event of the world's secular and spiritual life1 occurred not much earlier than #aejj ,b4,c4 ,on this hypothesis1 our quest becomes less vague4 ,we can consider what influences were likely to be radiating from the ,east upon the opposite shores of the ,aegean during those few centuries1 in which the ,hellenic tribes were passing from barbarism to culture1 and the religious beliefs and ritual were developing into that comparatively advanced and complex form of polytheism which is presented about #ajjj ,b4,c4 in the ,homeric poems4 ,by this date we may assert that the ,hellenic spirit had evolved certain definite traits and had acquired a certain autonomous power4 ,while continuing always to be quickly responsive to #ce alien influence1 it would not henceforth admit the alien product with the submissive and infantine docility of barbarians ,in fact1 when we compare the ,homeric religion with that of the fifth century1 we feel that in this particular sphere of the social and spiritual life the ,hellene in many essentials had already come to his own in the ,homeric period4 ,therefore1 in trying to track the earliest streams of influences that moulded his religious consciousness1 what was operative before the tenth century is of more primary importance than what was at work upon him afterwards4 ,now the most recent researches into ,mesopotamian history establish with certainty the conclusion that there was no direct political contact possible between the powers in the valley of the ,euphrates and the western shores of the ,aegean1 in the second millennium ,b4,c4 ,it is true that the first ,tiglath-,pileser1 near the end of the twelfth century1 extended the ,assyrian arms to the shores of ,south-,eastern ,asia1 to ,cilicia and ,phoenicia#ce4a2 but there does not seem to have been any permanent ,assyrian or ,babylonian settlement on this littoral4 ,the city of ,sinope in the north1 which1 as the legend attests and the name that must be derived from the ,assyrian god ,sin indicates1 was originally an ,assyrian colony1 was probably of later foundation1 and geographically too remote to count for the present inquiry4 ,in fact1 between the nascent ,hellas and the great world of ,mesopotamia1 there were powerful and possibly independent strata of cultures interposing4 ,we have to reckon first with the great ,hittite ,kingdom1 which included ,cappadocia and ,northern ,syria1 and was in close touch with ,phrygia and many of the communities #cf of the shore-line of ,asia ,minor2 and which at the period of the ,tel-el-,amarna correspondence was in diplomatic relations and on terms of equality with the ,assyrian and ,egyptian powers4 ,and the tendency of modern students1 such as ,messerschmidt in his ,die ,hettiter1 is to extend this ethnic name so as to include practically all the ,anatolian peoples who were other than the ,aryan and ,semitic stocks4 ,as far as ,i can discern1 at the present stage of our knowledge this is unscientific2 and it is at present safer to regard the pre-,aryan inhabitants of the ,troad1 ,phrygia1 ,lycia1 ,caria1 and ,lydia1 possibly ,cilicia1 as varieties of an ancient ,mediterranean stock to which the people of the ,minoan-,aegean culture themselves belonged4 ,at any rate1 for the purposes of our religious comparison1 they are to be counted as a third stratum1 through which as through the ,hittite the stream of influence from ,mesopotamia would be obliged to percolate before it could discharge itself upon the ,hellenic world4 ,and these interjacent peoples are races of great mental gifts and force2 they were not likely to transmit the ,mesopotamian influence pure and unmingled with currents of their own religious life4 ,therefore this great problem of old-world religion is no light one2 and fallacies here can only be avoided by the most critical intelligence trained on the best method of comparative religious study4 ,we must endeavour to seize and comprehend the most essential and characteristic features of the ,babylonian-,assyrian cults and theology2 we must discover all that is at present possible1 and trust to the future for discovering more1 concerning the ,hittite religion2 and then we must glean all we can of the earliest forms of cult in vogue among the other peoples of the ,asia-,minor coast1 #cg and in the early world of the ,minoan-,mycenaean culture4 ,and if the phenomena of this area present us with certain general resemblances to the ,hellenic1 we must not too hastily assume that the ,west has borrowed from the ,east4 ,for often in comparing the most remote regions of the world we are struck with strange similarities of myth and cult2 and1 where the possibility of borrowing is ruled out1 we must have recourse to the theory of spontaneous generation working in obedience to similar psychical forces4 ,the hypothesis of borrowing1 which is always legitimate where the peoples with whom we are concerned are adjacent1 is only raised to proof either when the linguistic evidence is clear1 for instance when the divine names or the names of cult-objects are the same in the various districts1 or when the points of resemblance in ritual or religious concept are numerous1 striking1 and fundamental1 or peculiar to the communities of a certain area4 ,this is all the more necessary to insist on1 because many superficial points of resemblance will be found in all religions that are at the same stage of development4 ,now1 in beginning this wide comparative survey1 one's first difficulty is to arrange the material in such a way as to enable one to present a comparison that shall be definite and crucial4 ,it would be useless to attempt a mere synoptical outline of the ,babylonian-,sumerian religion2 those whom that might content will find one in ,dr4 ,pinches' handbook1 ,the ,religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria1 or ,mr4 ,king's ,babylonian ,religion1 while those who desire a more thorough and detailed presentation of it will doubtless turn to the laborious and critical volumes of ,prof4 ,jastrow1 ,die ,religion ,babyloniens u4 ,assyriens4 ,but for me to #ch try to present this complex polytheism en bloc would be useless in view of my present object2 for two elaborate religious systems cannot effectively be compared en bloc4 ,a more hopeful method for those who have to pass cursorily over a great area1 is to select certain salient and essential features separately1 and to see how1 in regard to each one1 the adjacent religious systems agree or differ4 ,and the method ,i propose to pursue throughout this course is as follows3 ,ignoring the embryology of the subject1 that is to say1 all discussions about the genesis of religious forms and ideas that would contribute nothing to our purpose1 ,i will try to define the morphology of the ,mesopotamian and ,anatolian religions2 and will first compare them with the ,hellenic in respect of the element of personality in the divine perception1 the tendency to1 or away from1 anthropomorphism1 the relation of the deities to the natural world1 to the ,state1 and to morality1 and ,i will consider what we can deduce from the study of the famous law-code of ,hammurabi4 ,a special question will arise concerning the supremacy of the goddess1 a phenomenon which may be of some importance as a clue in our whole inquiry4 ,the comparison will then be applied to the religious psychology of the different peoples2 and here it will be useful to analyse and define that element of the religious temper which we call fanaticism1 and which sometimes affords one of the crucial distinctions between one religion and another4 ,we may also obtain evidence from a comparison of the cosmogonic ideas prevalent over this area1 so far as the records reveal any1 as well as of the eschatological beliefs concerning man's future destiny and his posthumous existence4 ,finally1 we must compare the various cult-objects and forms of ritual1 the significance of the #ci sacrifice2 the position and organisation of the priesthood2 and here it will be convenient to consider the ritual of magic as well as of the higher service and the part played by magic within the limits of the higher religion4 ,if under each of these heads we have been able to discover certain salient points of divergence or resemblance between the ,hellene and the ,mesopotamian1 we may be able to draw a general deduction of some probability concerning the whole question4 ,in any case we may be encouraged by the assurance that the comparison of two complex and highly developed religions is fruitful and interesting in itself1 whether it yields us definite historical conclusions or not4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,the ,morphology of the ,compared ,religions4 #dj ,as ,i said in a previous lecture1#dj4a 8we must regard the religious structure to which the cults of ,anatolia and ,mesopotamia belonged as morphologically the same as the ,hellenic40 ,the grounds of this judgment may be now briefly shown4 ,in his ,histoire des anciennes ,religions1 ,tiele classifies most of these together under the category of ,nature-,religions1 which he distinguishes from the ethical3 he is thinking of the distinction between that religious view in which the divinity is closely associated1 or even identified1 with some natural object1 and that in which the divinity is a moral being merely1 stript of all attributes that are derived from the world of nature4 ,serious objection may be taken to the terms in which this classification of religions is expressed4 ,the only religions which would fall under the ethical class would be the ,judaic1 the ,moslem1 and the ,christian3 and yet the ,hebrews in the most exalted period of their religion prayed to their god for rain and crops1 and the ,christian ,churches do the same to this day4 ,a deity whose interest is purely ethical has only existed in certain philosophic systems3 he has never had an established cult4 ,on the other hand1 a nature-religion1 at the stage when personal deities have been somewhat developed1 which is not also #da moral1 has yet to be discovered4 ,religion1 in its origin possibly non-moral1 must1 as society advances1 acquire the closest relations with the social moral code4 ,a ,sun-god or ,thunder-god--,shamash1 for instance1 of ,babylon1 ,mithras of ,persia1 ,sol ,invictus of the later ,roman ,empire--may become a great divinity of an ethical cult and yet retain his association with the element4 ,and it is fruitless to classify higher religions at least on such a basis of distinction as 8moral0 and 8non-moral40#da4a ,it is more to the purpose of our present comparison to employ as one of our test-standards the degree of personality in the cult-objects of the different races4 ,is the popular imagination still on the level of animism which engenders mere vaguely conceived daimones1 shadowy agents1 working perhaps in amorphous groups1 without fixed names or local habitations or special individuality8 ,or has it reached that stage of religious perception at which personal deities emerge1 concrete individualities clothed with special attributes1 physical1 moral1 spiritual8 ,the most superficial study of the cuneiform texts and the religious monuments of the ,sumerian-,babylonian society does not leave us in doubt how we should answer these questions in behalf of the peoples in the ,mesopotamian valley4 ,when the ,semitic tribes first pushed their way into these regions1 swarming probably1 as usual1 from ,arabia1 at some remotely early date1 they found there the non-,semitic ,sumerian people possessed of a highly complex religious pantheon4 ,bringing with them their own ,shamash the sun-god1 ,adad the storm-god1 and the #db great goddess ,ishtar1 and perhaps other divinities1 they nevertheless took over the whole ,sumerian pantheon1 with its elaborate liturgy of hymns and incantations2 and for the record of this great and fascinating hieratic literature the ,sumerian language--with interlinear ,babylonian-,assyrian paraphrase--was preserved down to the beginning of our era4 ,this religious system of dateless antiquity suffered little change 8from the drums and tramplings0 of all the conquerors from the time of ,sargon #ast and the kings before ,hammurabi to the day of the ,macedonian ,seleukos4 ,and in a sketch of this system as it prevailed in the second millennium ,b4,c4 it is quite useless for our purpose to try to distinguish between ,sumerian and ,semitic elements4 ,it is more valuable to formulate this obvious fact1 that a widespread belief in personal concrete divinities1 upon which an advanced polytheism was based1 was an immemorial phenomenon in this region4 ,tiele's hypothesis#db4a that the earliest ,sumerian system was not so much a polytheism as a polydaimonism1 out of which certain definite gods gradually emerged some time before the ,semitic period1 is merely a priori theorising4 ,the earliest texts and monuments reveal as vigorous a faith in real divine personalities as the latest3 witness#db4b that interesting relief recently found on a slab in the caravan route near ,zohab1 on which the goddess ,in-,hinni is bringing captives to the ,king ,annubanini3 the evidence of the text accompanying it points to a period earlier than that of ,king ,hammurabi4 ,we may compare with this the impressive relief which shows #dc us the stately form of ,hammurabi receiving his code of laws from the sun-god ,shamash seated on his throne#dc4a2 and of a later date1 the alabaster relief from ,khorsabad showing a sacrifice to ,marduk1 a speaking witness to the stern solemnity of the ,babylonian worship and to the strength of the faith in personal divinity4#dc4b ,that this faith was as real in the polytheistic ,babylonian as in the monotheistic ,israelite is evinced not merely by the monuments1 but still more clearly and impressively by the ,sumerian hymns and liturgies4 ,nevertheless the phenomena of animism coexist in all this region with those of developed theism4 ,by the side of these high personal deities we find vague companies of divine powers such as the ,igigi and the ,anunnaki1 who are conceived more or less as personal but without clearly imagined individuality1 the former being perhaps definable as the daimones of heaven1 the latter as the daimones of earth4 ,similarly1 in the ,hellenic system we note such nameless companies of divine agencies as the and 1 conceived independently of the concrete figures of the polytheism4 ,but1 further1 in the ,mesopotamian religion we must reckon seriously with lower products of polydaemonism than these1 the demons of evil and disease who so dominated the imagination and much of the religious life of the private person that the chief object of the elaborate ritual was1 as we shall see1 to combat these4 ,only1 as the curtain gradually rolls away from the remote past of this earliest home of human culture1 it is not given us to see the gradual emergence of the divine personalities1 or trace--as perhaps we may elsewhere--the #dd process from polydaimonism to theism4 ,the gods1 as far as we can discern1 were always there1 and at least it is not in the second millennium ,b4,c4 that me may hope to find the origins of theistic religion4 ,as regards the other ,semitic stocks1 the cumulative evidence of early inscriptions1 literary records1 and legends is sufficient proof that the belief in high personal divinities was predominant in this millennium4 ,it is not necessary to labour here at the details of the proof2 the other lines of inquiry that ,i am soon going to follow will give sufficient illustration of this2 and it is enough to allude to the wide prevalence of the designation of the high god as ,baal or ,bel1 which can be traced from ,assyria through ,syria1 in the ,aramaean communities1 in ,canaan and ,phoenicia1 and in the ,phoenician colonies3 the ,moabite ,stone tells us of ,chemosh2 the earliest ,carthaginian inscriptions of ,baal-,hammon and ,tanit2 from our earliest witness for ,arabian religion1 ,herodotus1#dd4a we learn that the ,arabs named their two chief divinities1 ,orotal and ,alilat1 a god and a goddess1 whom he identifies with ,dionysos and ,aphrodite ,ourania4 ,it is still more important for us to know the stage reached by the ,hittite religion in this early period2 for in the latter half of the second millennium the influence of the ,hittite culture had more chance of touching the earliest ,greek societies than had that of the remote ,mesopotamia or of the inaccessible ,canaanites4 ,in the last thirty years the explorers of ,asia ,minor1 notably ,sir ,william ,ramsay and ,dr4 ,hogarth1 have done inestimable service to the comparative study of the ,mediterranean area by the discovery and interpretation of the monuments of ,hittite art3 and the greatest of them all1 the rock-cut reliefs of ,boghaz-,keui in ,cappadocia1 #de has given material to ,dr4 ,frazer for constructing an elaborate theory of ,hittite sacrifice in his #8,attis1 ,adonis1 ,osiris4' ,but1 before dealing with the ,hittite monuments1 the student should note the literary evidence which is offered by the treaty inscribed on a silver tablet 7circ4 #abij ,b4,c47 found in ,egypt1 which was ratified between ,ramses ,,ii4 and the ,hittite ,king ,chattusar2#de4a the witnesses to the treaty are the thousand gods and goddesses of the ,hittite land and the thousand gods and goddesses of ,egypt4 ,we are certainly here not dealing with mere vague pluralities of spirits1 such as may be found in an animistic system of ,shamanism2 the thousand is only a vague numeral for the plurality of divinities in the ,hittite and ,egyptian polytheism2 the difference of sex would alone suffice to prove that the ,hittite had developed the cult of personal deities1 and the document expressly quotes the great heaven-god of the ,hittites1 called by the ,egyptian name ,sutekh1 and regarded as compeer of the ,egyptian ,ra4 ,other personal ,hittite deities are alluded to in the document1 and among them appears to be mentioned a certain 8,antheret of the land of ,kheta40#de4b ,possibly a witness of still earlier date speaks in the ,tel-,amarna letters1 the earliest diplomatic correspondence in the world2 one of these1 written in cuneiform to ,amenhotep ,,iii41 in the fifteenth century ,b4,c41 is from ,tushratta1 the ,king of the ,mitani people4#de4c ,tushratta sends his daughter in marriage to ,pharaoh1 and prays that 8,shamash and ,ishtar may go before her10 and that ,amon may 8make her correspond to my brother's wish40 ,he even dispatches a statue of ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 that 8she may #df exercise her beneficent power in the land of ,egypt02 for she had revealed her desire by an oracle--8to ,egypt to the land that ,i love will ,i go40 ,the ,mitani chieftains bear names that show a convincingly ,aryan formation1 and we know from the momentous inscriptions found in #aijg at ,boghaz-,keui recording treaties between the king of the ,hittites and the king of the ,mitani 7,b4,c4 #adjj71 that the dynasts of the latter people had ,aryan gods in their pantheon4#df4a ,but the ,mitani themselves were not ,aryans1 and are assumed by ,winckler and ,messerschmidt to be ,hittites4#df4b ,if this were proved1 the theory which it is the general aim of these lectures to consider1 that the ,babylonian religious system may have reached the ,mediterranean in the second millennium1 would receive a certain vraisemblance from the fact revealed by the letter of ,king ,tushratta1 namely1 that the ,mitani of this period had adopted some of the ,mesopotamian personal divinities1 and might therefore have transmitted them to the coast of ,asia ,minor4 ,yet the ,hittites had their own local divine names2 from the cuneiform inscriptions written in the ,hittite language found at ,van in ,armenia1 we gather the names of various ,hittite gods1 ,teshup1 for instance1 who appears on a column found at ,babylon holding the lightning1 and in his right hand a hammer1 which1 from the analogy of other religions1 we may interpret as the fetich-emblem of the thunder4#df4c ,in fact1 apart from the literary evidence1 the ,hittite #dg monuments would be proof sufficient of the high development of personal religion in these regions4 ,a relief with ,hittite inscriptions1 found near ,ibriz1 the old ,kybistra1 near the ,cilician gates north of ,tauros1 shows us a deity with corn and grapes1 and a priest adoring2#dg4a he is evidently conceived1 like ,baal by the ,semites of ,canaan1 as a local god of the earth and of vegetation4 ,but the most striking of all the ,hittite monuments1 and one that is all-sufficient in itself for our present purpose1 is the great series of reliefs on the rock at ,boghaz-,keui in ,cappadocia1 not far from the site of the ancient ,pteria4#dg4b ,here is revealed a great and probably mystic pageant of an advanced polytheism with an elaborate ritual and a clear faith in high gods and goddesses3 the whole procession seems to be passing along the narrowing gorge towards a ,holy of ,holies1 the inner cave-shrine of the ,mystery4 ,as we draw nearer to the ,mediterranean1 the facts are too well known to need reiteration here4 ,everywhere we find proofs of a personal theism reaching far back into prehistoric times3 whether it be the cult of a high god such as the ,cilician divinity1 called ,zeus or ,herakles by the later ,greeks1 or the ,lycian 8,apollo10 or a great goddess such as ,ma of ,comana1 ,cybele of ,phrygia and ,lydia4 ,and now to all this testimony we can add the recently discovered monuments of a developed ,minoan-,mycenaean religion with the elaborate ritual and worship of personal divinities1 anthropomorphically imagined on the whole4 ,such was the religious world lying before the feet of the ,aryan ,hellenes descending from the north2 #dh and when their expansion across the islands to the ,asiatic shores began1 they would find everywhere a religion more or less on the same plane of development4 ,therefore if1 as some students appear to imagine1 the aboriginal ,hellene had not developed personal gods before he arrived1#dh4a it would be irrational to conclude that ,babylon had taught him to worship such beings in place of the vague and flitting daimon4 ,his immediate teachers would be the ,minoan-,mycenaean peoples2 and that their theistic system was derived from ,babylon is a theory lacking both positive evidence and a priori probability1 as ,i may afterwards indicate4 ,but that the proto-,hellenic peoples were in that backward condition of religious thought1 is in the highest degree improbable4 ,we must suppose that early in the second millennium they were slowly pushing their way down through the ,balkans and through the country that is afterwards ,thrace4 ,so far as the earliest myths and records of this region throw some light on its prehistoric darkness1 it appears to have been dominated by a great god4 ,when the ,thraco-,phrygian race1 and possibly their kinsmen the ,bithynoi1 penetrated into the same region1 they brought with them a father-god1 who accompanied members of these stocks into ,asia ,minor1 and settled in ,phrygia1 ,pontus1 and ,bithynia by the side of an earlier goddess4 ,their cousins of the ,indo-,iranian stock had certainly reached the stage of personal polytheism before #adjj ,b4,c41 as the epoch-making discovery of the ,hittite-,mitani inscriptions at ,boghaz-,keui1 referred to above1 sufficiently indicates4#dh4b ,we cannot believe that the ,hellenes of the earliest #di migration were inferior in culture to those ,thracians1 ,bithynians1 or even ,indo-,iranians2 for various reasons we must believe the reverse4 ,and we now know from modern anthropology that peoples at a very low grade of culture1 far lower than that which the ,aryan stocks had reached at the time of the great migrations1 have yet attained to the idea of personal and relatively high gods4 ,in fact1 that scepticism of certain philological theorists who1 a few years ago1 were maintaining that the ,aryans before their separation may have had no real gods at all1 is beginning to appear audacious and uncritical4 ,at any rate1 in regard to the ,hellenes1 the trend of the evidence is to my mind weighty and clear1 making for the conviction that the different stocks not only possessed the cult of personal gods1 but had already the common worship of certain deities when first they entered ,greece4 ,otherwise1 when we consider the mutual hostility of the various tribes and the geographical difficulties in the way of intercourse in early ,greece1 it would be difficult to explain the religious facts of the ,homeric poems4 ,we might1 indeed1 if ,homer was our only witness1 suspect him of representing what was merely local ,achaean religion as common to all ,greece4 ,but we can check him by many other witnesses1 by ancient myths and cults of diverse localities4 ,zeus was worshipped by some1 at least1 of the main tribes1 when they were in the neighbourhood of ,olympus3 he is no more ,thessalian than he is ,dryopian4 ,one of the earliest ,hellenic immigrants were perhaps the ,minyai1 and their aboriginal god was ,poseidon4 ,the ritual of ,apollo preserves the clearest reminiscence of his entry from the north1 and he is the high god of one of the oldest ,hellenic tribes1 the ,dryopes1 and the wide diffusion of his cult suggests that aboriginally it was a #ej common inheritance of several stocks4 ,the force of the evidence that may be urged for this view is ignored by ,wilamowitz in his brilliant but fallacious theory of the ,lycian origin of the god4 ,we must reject the hypothesis of a proto-,hellenic godless period2 but1 on the other hand1 the mere fact that the early ,greek religion appears on the same plane as the ,mesopotamian1 in respect of the worship of personal beings1 gives no support at all to the theory of ,oriental influence4 ,if it is to be accepted1 it must be sustained by more special evidence4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,anthropomorphism and ,theriomorphism in ,asia ,minor and the ,mediterranean4 #ea ,a comparison made according to the test we have just applied is not so important as that which arises in the second stage of the inquiry4 ,assuming that the peoples on the east and west of the ,aegean were already on the same religious plane when the first glimmer of what may be called history begins1 can we discern certain striking resemblances or differences in their conception and imagination of divinity1 sufficient to prove or disprove the theory of borrowing or of a movement across large areas of certain waves of religious influence emanating from a fixed centre8 ,the comparison now becomes more complex1 and can only be summarily attempted4 ,the first leading question concerns the way in which the personal divine being is imagined4 ,in ,mesopotamia was the religious perception dominatingly anthropomorphic1 not merely in the sense that the higher divine attributes were suggested by the higher moral and spiritual life of humanity1 but in the more material sense that the deity was imagined and represented habitually in human form8 ,this question has been summarily treated in the first chapter4 ,the ,mesopotamian cults are mainly anthropomorphic2 in the earliest hymns and liturgies1 as well as in the art-monuments1 the divinities appear to have been #eb imagined as glorified human forms4 ,the figure of ,shamash on the relief1 where he sits enthroned inspiring ,hammurabi1#eb4a the form of ,ninni bringing the captives to ,annabanini1#eb4b prove a very early dominance of anthropomorphic art in ,mesopotamia4 ,and the rule holds true on the whole of nearly all the great divinities of the ,pantheon2 the statue of ,nebo the scribe-god in the ,british ,museum1#eb4c and the representation of him on the cylinders1 are wholly anthropomorphic4 ,the seven planetary deities on the relief from ,maltaija are human-shaped entirely2#eb4d we may say the same of the procession of deities on the relief from a palace of ,nineveh published by ,layard1#eb4e except that ,marduk has horns branching from the top of his head2 just as on the alabaster relief containing the scene of worship noted above1#eb4f and on the wall-relief in the ,british ,museum he is represented with wings2 but even the rigorous anthropomorphism of ,greece tolerated both these adjuncts to the pure human type4 ,the types of ,ramman the weather-god1#eb4g and the representations of a ,babylonian goddess1 who is occasionally found with a child on her knee1 and whom sometimes we may recognise as ,ishtar1 show nothing that is theriomorphic4 ,on the other hand1 we must note exceptions to this general rule4 ,in one of the cuneiform inscriptions that describe certain types of deities1 we read the following3 8,horn of a bull1 clusters of hair falling on his back2 human countenance1 and strength of a'''2 wings''' and lion's body40 ,and this description #ec agrees exactly1 as ,jeremias has pointed out1 with the winged colossal figures1 half-lion1 half-man1 that guarded the gate of the palace of ,nineveh4 ,and we must therefore interpret them as gods1 not as mere genii2 and he gives some reason for regarding them as a type of ,nergal1 the god of the underworld4#ec4a ,further1 we find in an inscription of ,asarhaddon the following prayer3 8,may the gracious bull-god and lion-god ever dwell in that palace1 protecting the path of my royalty40#ec4b ,there is some doubt in regard to the winged figures with eagles' heads on the reliefs from ,khorsabad1 in the ,british ,museum 7pl4 #ch-dj73 they are represented holding pine-cones and a 8cista mystica0 on each side of the sacred tree1 and might be genii engaged in worship2 but on one of the reliefs ,assur-nasir-,pal is standing before one of them in attitude of adoration4 ,but the most clear and definite evidence on this point is afforded by the legend and monuments of the god whom ,berosos calls ,oannes1#ec4c but whom modern ,assyriology interprets as the ocean-born god ,ea or ,ae of ,eridu1 the god of all wisdom and science4 ,according to ,berosos1 he had entirely a fish body1 but a human head had grown under the head of the fish1 human feet out of the fish's tail1 and he spoke with human voice3 a statue of this type was still existing at ,babylon according to this writer in the time of ,alexander4 ,now the exact type is presented in the form that appears on various ,babylonian cylinders2 there is one that presents the fish-man-god standing before the tree of ,life--receiving a ray perhaps from the sun above3#ec4d and half #ed his form from the girdle downwards is preserved on a bas-relief published by ,layard1#ed4a showing him holding the bread of life in one hand and in the other a vase containing the water of life4 ,here1 then1 is theriomorphism struggling with anthropomorphism as we see it strikingly in the religious monuments of ,egypt4 ,but we have no need of the theory1 dear to some anthropologists--that the earliest period of ,mesopotamian religion was purely theriomorphic1 when the deities were imagined and represented merely as animals1 and that the human-shaped deities whom we find standing on lions in the ,babylonian art had once been divine lions and nothing more1 and had at a later period emerged from the animal into divine manhood4 ,theriomorphism and anthropomorphism can and generally do confusedly co-exist3 neither in the lowest savagery or at the highest culture is there found a purely theriomorphic art or theriomorphic religion2 on the other hand1 severe anthropomorphism among the ancient religions is to be found only in the ,hellenic1 and we may add in the ,judaic1 though here with a quite different mode of expression and far more sternly controlled4 ,in ,mesopotamia we have nothing that points to a direct worship of animals1#ed4b but we discern that the anthropomorphism is unstable2 #ee the religious artist mainly clung to it1 except when he was embodying forms of terror1 the destructive demons1 and especially the powers of the lower world3 for this purpose he selected the most portentous types of bestiality1 such as we find on that bronze tablet1 which used to be regarded as revealing an interesting glimpse into ,babylonian eschatology3 at least we may be sure that the lion-headed female above the horse in the canoe1 at whose breasts two small lions are sucking1 is the goddess of ,hell4#ee4a ,it was probably through his association with the world of death that ,nergal acquired something of the lion's nature1 and even the very human goddess ,ishtar might assume a lion's head when she was unusually wroth1 though this rests on a doubtful text4 ,we may say1 then1 with fair degree of accuracy1 that the theriomorphic forms of ,babylonian religious art belong to demonology2 and in this domain the ,babylonian artist has shown the same powerful imagination as the ,mycenaean3 it is the former to whom we are indebted for the attractively alarming type of the scorpion-man4 ,the phrase 8unstable anthropomorphism0 applies also to the religious literature1 to the ,sumerian-,babylonian hymns4 ,the imagination of the poets in their highest exaltation was certainly anthropomorphic on the whole2 the high divinities are conceived and presented with the corporeal1 moral1 and spiritual traits of glorified humanity4 ,but often in the ecstasy of invocation the religious poets felt the human image too narrow and straightened for their struggling sense of the ,infinite4 ,then the expression becomes mystic1 and by virtue of a curious law that ,i indicated above1 it avails itself of theriomorphic imagery4#ee4b ,i quoted the hymn #ef to the warrior ,marduk that invokes him as 8,black ,bull of the deep1 ,lion of the ,dark ,house40 ,of still more interest is the invocation of ,enlil1 the earth-god of ,sumer3 8,overpowering ox1 exalted overpowering ox1 at thy word which created the world1 ,o lord of lands1 lord of the word of life1 ,o ,enlil1 ,father of ,sumer1 shepherd of the dark-haired people1 thou who hast vision of thyself40#ef4a ,seven times the words 8overpowering ox0 are added in this mystic incantation4 ,in another hymn ,enlil is 8the ,bull that overwhelms02 ,ea1 8the ,ram of ,eridu40 ,but this is mystic symbolism1 rather than a clear perception of divine personality2 and we may say the same of such vaguely picturesque phrases as 8,bel1 the great mountain10 8,asur1 the great rock10 an expression parallel to our 8,rock of ,ages40#ef4b ,it naturally happens in a religion of unstable anthropomorphism that the different personalities are unfixed and may melt away one into the other1 or may become conceived as metaphysical emanations1 thus losing concrete individuality4 ,as ,dr4 ,langdon remarks of ,babylonian religious phraseology1 8the god himself becomes mystified1 he retires into the hazy conception of an all-pervading spirit1 and his word becomes the active agent40#ef4c ,thus even the strongly personal goddess 8,nana0 is identified with the word of ,enlil2 she herself exclaims1 8,of the ,lord his word am ,i40 ,his statement accords with the general impression that the liturgies and monuments of this vast and complex religion make upon the student4 ,one discerns that the religious art1 and to some extent the religious poetry1 developed #eg and strengthened the anthropomorphic faith and perception of the people1 but not so powerfully as to preclude a mysticising tendency towards metaphysical speculation that transcended the limits of a polytheism of concrete personalities4 ,even ,allatu1 the goddess of ,hell1 she who was presented with the dog's head and the lions at the breast1 was half spiritualised by the epithet which is rendered 8spirit-wind of the consecrate40#eg4a ,in the other ancient ,semitic communities we find the same phenomenon1 a prevailing anthropomorphism with some slight admixture of theriomorphic idea4 ,at ,bambyke1 the later ,hierapolis1 we have the record and tradition of ,atargatis-,derketo1 of human and fish-form combined4 ,in the cult of ,esmun in ,phoenicia1 ,baudissin#eg4b suspects the incarnation of the god in a snake1 which brought about his later identification with ,asklepios1 and he suggests that the bronze serpent that healed the ,israelites in the desert was borrowed from a ,canaanite idol of a healing snake4 ,the ,astarte-images found in prehistoric ,palestine are mainly of human type1 but one gives her the curving horns of a ram1 and a rude bronze was found at ,tel ,zakariya of an amphibious goddess with human head and the tail of a fish4#eg4c ,something real underlies the statement of ,sanchuniathon1 quoted by ,eusebios1 #eh that ,astarte placed on her own head the head of a bull4#eh4a ,but these are exceptional phenomena2 and as the ,hellenes in the later period were usually able to identify the leading ,semitic deities with their own1 we may see in this another proof that the ,western and ,eastern religions were nearly on the same plane as regards their perception of divine personality4 ,only1 we discern signs in ,canaan as in ,mesopotamia1 that the anthropomorphism is1 as ,i have called it1 unstable2 for not only can the divinity be imagined as embodied in other forms than the human1 but the demarcations of individuality tend at certain points to fall away3 the most curious instance of this is that the female divinity seems at times to have been almost absorbed in the god4 ,we must1 however1 distinguish here between what is real belief and what is mere theologic phrasing4 ,in a hymn of praise to ,ishtar1 composed for the ,king ,ashurbanapal1 the equality of the goddess with the great ,assyrian god ,asshur is quaintly expressed by the phrase1 8like ,ashur1 she wears a beard02 but ,jastrow#eh4b protests against the inference that the goddess was therefore really regarded as male in the ,mesopotamian religion4 ,and indeed this is probably only a fantastic expression of the idea that ,ishtar is the compeer in power of the god1 and has much of the masculine temperament4 ,even in the full vogue of an anthropomorphic religion which insists on the distinctions of sex1 a mystical religious thinker could rise to the idea that the divinity might assume the powers #ei of both natures1 an idea of which we find a glimpse in the later ,greek and ,greek-,egyptian theosophy4 ,thus a ,sumerian hymn to ,enlil characterises him as 8,lord of winds1 father and mother who creates himself02#ei4a and a well-known hymn to ,sin speaks of him as 8,maternal ,body that brings everything to birth10 and in the next line as 8,compassionate1 gracious father40#ei4b ,the close approximation of the goddess to the god is more clearly discernible in the ,canaanite religion4 ,on the ,moabite ,mesha stone1 ,ashtar-,chemosh appears as a double divinity2 and one of the earlier ,carthaginian inscriptions refers to a temple of ,moloch-,astarte4#ei4c ,again ,astarte1 in the inscription on the sarcophagus of ,eshmounazar of ,sidon1 is called ,astart-,shem-,baal1 which signifies ,astarte the ,face of ,baal2 and in the ,carthaginian inscriptions the same designation occurs for ,tanit4 ,renan has interpreted the phrase as expressing the dogma that the goddess is an emanation of the god1 but ,dr4 ,langdon would explain it as arising from the close opposition of the two statues face to face1 ,astart-,shem-,baal merely meaning1 then1 8,she who fronts ,baal40 ,whichever interpretation be correct1 such close assimilation of the pair might evolve here and there the concept of a bisexual divinity4 ,unless the evidence of the classical writers is false1 it did so at a later period under ,phoenician influences in ,cyprus4 ,macrobius tells us that there was in that island a statue of a bearded deity in female dress1 regarded as bisexual1 and he quotes ,philochoros as witness to the fact1 and to the curious phenomenon in the ritual in which the #fj men wore female dress and the women male4 ,this explains ,catullus' phrase 8duplex ,amathusia0 of the bisexual goddess4 ,servius and the ,christian fathers repeat the statement1 and ,joannes ,lydus asserts that the ,pamphylians at one time worshipped a bearded ,aphrodite2#fj4a if we trust his authority1 we might explain the fact as due to late ,semitic influence1 which is somewhat attested by inscriptions on the coinage of ,pamphylia under the ,persian domination4#fj4b ,but1 at the most1 we can only regard this cult as a late phenomenon1 a local eccentricity1 and a morbid development of a certain vague idea that was working sporadically in the old ,semitic religion4 ,we have no right to assert1 as some have occasionally ventured1 that the ,semitic peoples generally accepted the dogma of a bisexual divinity4 ,turning now to the other great area of culture that lay between ,mesopotamia and the coast1 that of the ,hittite kingdoms1 we find that the ,hittite deity is usually presented in human form4 ,on the great relief of ,boghaz-,keui1 the distinctions of the human family appear in the divine forms1 in whom we may recognise the father god1 the mother goddess with her young son1 or it may be1 as ,dr4 ,frazer suggests1 with her young lover4 ,and the other ,hittite representations of divinity to which ,i have referred above are of purely human form1 and so also are the small ,hittite bronze idols in the ,ashmolean ,museum4 ,nevertheless here1 as in ,mesopotamia1 the theriomorphic fancy was active at the same time4 ,on the relief at ,boghaz-,keui1 nearest to the innermost shrine1 the ,holy of ,holies1 is an idol #fa of human visage with a body composed of a bizarre arrangement of lion-forms2 and in the procession near to the main deities we note a strange representation of two bulls in mitred caps of ,hittite fashion1 and to these mystic beasts we may apply the name theanthropic1 which ,robertson ,smith suggested for the sacrificial animal that was half-divine1 half-human4 ,and clearer evidence still is afforded by another relief found not far from this site at the palace of ,euiuk1 where a bull is represented on a pedestal with worshippers approaching4#fa4a ,he is not here the sacrificial animal1 for he and the altar before him are on a higher plane1 while the priest and priestess below are raising their hands to him as if in adoration1 and are leading rams evidently as victims to the bull-god4 ,we may be sure1 then1 that there was some close association of the ,hittite divinity with the bull1 as there was with the lions upon which both god and goddess are standing2 and this is further illustrated by the horns that adorn the conical cap of the god at ,ibriz1#fa4b to whom the grapes and corn were consecrated4 ,again1 the relief on the gate at ,sinjerli#fa4c affords us another clear example of a divinity only partly anthropomorphic3 a god with the body of a man and the head of a lion2 as he bears a hunting weapon in one hand and a hare in the other1 and on each shoulder a bird is sitting1 we may regard him as a deity of the chase4 ,finally1 from certain cuneiform texts found at ,boghaz-,keui1 and recently published and interpreted by ,professor ,sayce1#fa4d we gather that the eagle1 probably the double-headed #fb eagle which appears as an ensign on ,hittite monuments1 was deified2 for we appear to have a reference to 8the house0 or temple 8of the eagle0 7,bit ,id ,khu71 and this fact may help to explain the figure of a man's body with a bird's head on a relief of ,sinjerli4#fb4a ,as regards the test1 then1 that we are at present applying1 it seems that the ,hittite and the ,mesopotamian religions were more or less on the same plane1 though we may suspect that theriolatry was stronger in the former4 ,it is also important for our purpose to register in passing the clear proof of certain religious approximations1 probably in the second millennium ,b4,c41 between the ,hittites and the ,assyrian-,babylonian kingdom4 ,the ,hittite god ,teshup1 with the double-headed hammer or axe and the forked lightning in his hand1 is of close kin and similar in type to the ,canaanite1 ,syrian1 and ,babylonian ,ramman-,adad1 the god of storms4#fb4b ,but the evidence does not yet seem to me to make it clear which people or group of peoples was in this case the borrower1 which the lender4 ,and the same doubt arises in respect of the striking art-type of the divinity standing on the lion2 we find it in the early ,hittite monuments1 such as the ,boghaz-,keui sculptured slabs2 and again on the relief of ,gargamich1 on which is a winged male deity standing on a lion and a priest behind him1 also on a lion2#fb4c and later among the ,tarsos representations of the ,hittite ,sandon3 it was in vogue at the ,syrian ,bambyke and at ,babylon4 ,the assumption of ,perrot#fb4d is that it was #fc of ,babylonian origin1 but the art-chronology does not seem to speak decisively in this matter4 ,it is not necessary here to prejudge this difficult problem3 it does not directly affect our present question1 as the type of the goddess with lions comes into ,hellas only at a later period4 ,as regards the other ,anatolian peoples who came into close contact with the ,hellenes1 we may find abiding influences of certain ,hittite religious ideas and motives of religious art4 ,we may admit that the lion-borne goddess of ,boghaz-,keui is the prototype of ,kybele1 even the crenelated headdress that she wears suggesting the turreted diadem of the later goddess3 it is likely that the ancient type of ,teshup1 the weather-god with hammer or axe and the lightning1 survived in ,commagene in the cult-figure that was afterwards interpreted as ,jupiter ,dolichenus3 and it may have influenced the ideas about the thunder-god in ,pontus1 as a primitive relief of a god brandishing a thunderbolt and holding a shield has been found near ,amasia4#fc4a ,speaking generally1 we must pronounce the native pre-,hellenic religious art of the ,asia ,minor littoral1 of ,phrygia1 ,lydia1 ,caria1 anthropomorphic1 so far as it tried at all to embody the imagined form of the divinity4 ,the record is generally blurred by the later ,hellenic influences4 ,but we have at least in ,phrygia rude images of the pre-,hellenic ,cybele2 the intention of these is anthropomorphic1 and in the rough outline of the goddess's form as hewn out of the rock of ,sipylos above ,smyrna1 the ,hellenes could discern their sorrowing ,niobe4 ,where the anthropomorphism fails1 as in the ,phrygian monument1 which shows ,cybele seated with a phiale and human-shaped in other respects1 but with a head fashioned like 8the round capital of a #fd pillar10#fd4a the influence of the aniconic fetich may be the cause4 ,at any rate1 we have no clear trace of theriomorphism either in the legend nor in the monuments of the great mother1 the ,kybele of ,phrygia1 or the ,m of ,cappadocia4 ,the power of the mountain-goddess was incarnate in the lions1 but we have no ground for saying that she herself was ever worshipped as a lion4 ,we turn at last to the ,minoan-,mycenaean and proto-,hellenic periods2 for our present purpose the two cannot well be kept apart1 as much of the evidence concerning the former is derived from records of myths and religious customs that were in vogue in the later period4 ,our first glimpse of the ,minoan religion1 which ,sir ,arthur ,evans more than any one else has revealed to us1#fd4b gave us the impression of an aniconic worship that had for its sacred 8agalmata0 such fetich objects as the sacred pillar or double-headed axe1 but which did not express its actual imagination of its divinities in any art-type4 ,if this were so1 we should not be able to answer the question how far the ,minoan religion was purely anthropomorphic until we have found the interpretation of ,minoan writing4 ,but our store of monuments has been much enriched by later discoveries in the ,palace of ,knossos1 and in one of its private chapels in which the ,cross was the central sacred emblem1 ,sir ,arthur ,evans found the interesting figure of the snake-goddess--purely human1 but holding snakes in her hands and girdled with snakes1 while before her stands a votary #fe brandishing a snake3#fe4a again1 a ,minoan signet-ring published by him#fe4b revealed the great mountain-goddess herself on the summit of a peak flanked by lions and holding a spear4 ,these may be actual reproductions of cult-images2 and many other gems and other works have now been published by him and others proving that the people who belonged to this great ,aegean culture of the second millennium habitually conceived of their gods in human form1 even if they did not as a rule erect their idols in their temples4 ,thus on a gem which shows us an act of worship performed by a female votary before a sacred pillar1 a human-shaped god with rays round his head and holding a spear is hovering in the air above it2#fe4c and on the great sarcophagus of ,praisos we have on the one side a complex scene of ritual1 conspicuous for the absence of any idol or eikon of the divinity1 and at the other end a human form of god1 or it may be hero1 standing as if he had just come forth from his shrine or heron4#fe4d ,in fact1 the ,minoan-,mycenaean religious monuments have revealed to us at least three personages1 anthropomorphically conceived1 of the popular religion of the period that we may call pre-,hellenic3 a great goddess1 often represented as throned1 with fruits and emblems of vegetation around her1 or as standing on a mountain and associated with lions2 a god who is sometimes conversing with her or is descending from the sky armed with spear and shield1#fe4e and sometimes rayed2 thirdly1 the goddess with the snake as her familiar4 #ff ,to this extent1 then1 the ,minoan-,mycenaean peoples were on the same plane of religion as those of ,mesopotamia3 and the record of the anthropomorphic divinity can be traced in the ,aegean area back to the fourth millennium ,b4,c4 by the nude figures in stone of a goddess of fecundity with arms pressed across her breasts1 a type belonging to the ,neolithic period4 ,in passing1 let us observe that neither the earliest prehistoric art of the ,mediterranean nor the great religious types of the ,minoan divinities recall the art style of ,mesopotamia4 ,but this developed anthropomorphism of the early ,aegean civilisation is not the whole story4 ,modern research has accumulated evidence that seems to point to a theriomorphic religion in ,crete and in ,mycenaean ,greece which has been supposed by some to have preceded the former in order of time and in the logical process of evolution1 and which at any rate survived by the side of it4 ,traces of the same phenomenon have been noted in the ,hittite area1 and more faintly in the valley of the ,euphrates4 ,the first modern writer who proclaimed with emphasis the theriomorphic elements in the prehistoric religions of ,greece was ,mr4 ,a4 ,lang in his ,custom and ,myth1 connecting it with a theory of totemism that does not concern us here4 ,afterwards1 a systematic treatment of the problem in the light of the monuments of the ,cretan and ,mycenaean periods was presented by ,mr4 ,cook in a paper published in the ,hellenic ,journal of #ahid on 8,animal ,worship in the ,mycenaean ,age02 and again in #ahie by an essay on 8,the ,bee in ,greek ,mythology03 a very full collection of the materials1 with some exposition of important religious theory1 will be found in ,de ,visser's treatise1 ,de ,graecorum ,diis non referentibus speciem humanam #fg 7#aijj74 ,miss ,j4 ,harrison has worked further along the same lines1 and has published some special results in her paper read before the ,congress of the ,history of ,religions1 #aijh1 and published in its ,transactions1 on 8,bird and ,pillar ,worship in relation to ,ouranian ,divinities40 ,now the material that forms the fabric of these researches is so intricate1 the relevant facts so manifold and minute1 that it is impossible to consider them in detail within the limits of this present inquiry1 of which the leading object is an important question of history concerning the religious influence of the ,east on the ,west2 and1 again1 the writers above mentioned are deeply concerned with theories about the origins1 or at least the earlier stages in the evolution of religion4 ,and as ,i am only comparing ,east and ,west in a limited and somewhat advanced period of their history1 ,i am not necessarily bound to deal with problems of origin4 ,nevertheless1 a summary survey of this group of facts may provide us with important clues towards the solution of our main question4 ,but a few general criticisms of the assumptions which1 whether latent or explicit1 are commonly made in the writings just quoted1 may be useful at the outset4 ,first1 one finds that the word 8worship0 is used very loosely by the ancients as well as by contemporary writers3 and by its vague and indiscriminate employment an effort is made to convince us that the pre-,hellenic and proto-,hellenic world worshipped the lion1 the ox1 the horse1 the ass1 the stag1 the wolf1 the pig1 the bird1 especially the dove1 the eagle1 and lastly even the cock4 ,we should have to deal with a savage religion rioting in theriolatry1 and we should not need to trouble any longer about the theory of its ,mesopotamian origin1 for as we have seen theriomorphism played a very small part in the ,sumerian-,babylonian cult4 ,but one #fh must ask more precisely1 ,what is worship1 and what does lion-worship1 for instance1 imply8 ,are we to believe that every one of these animals was worshipped1 the whole species being divine8 ,and does their 8worship0 mean that the superstitious people prayed to them1 built altars or sacred columns1 or even shrines to them1 and offered them sacrifice8 ,it has become urgent to reserve some such strict sense for the word as this1 in order to preserve a sense of the distinction between our ritual-service of a real personal divinity and the various1 often trifling1 acts that may be prompted by the uneasy feeling or reverential awe evoked by the presence of a curious or dangerous animal4 ,thus1 to abstain from eating or injuring mice or weasels is not to worship mice or weasels3 to lament over a dead sea-urchin is not to worship sea-urchins3 to give a wolf a decorous funeral is not to worship wolves3 to throw a piece of sacrificial meat to flies before a great sacrifice to some high divinity is not to worship flies4 ,all these things the civilised ,greeks could do1 but they ought not for that to be charged with worshipping whole species of animals directly as gods4 ,next let us bear well in mind that secular animals1 like secular things1 can become temporarily sacred through contact with the altar3 thus the ox who voluntarily approached the altar and ate of the grain or cakes upon it1 might be believed by the ,hellenes to become instantly divine1 full of the life of the divinity1 and most ceremonious respect resembling worship might be meted out to him2 but we should not hastily believe that the ,greeks who might feel like this towards that particular ox worshipped all oxen2 or that the society of ,king ,minos worshipped all axes wherever found1 because in peculiar circumstances and ritual an axe might become charged with #fi divinity4 ,finally1 ,i may again protest against the fallacy of supposing that theriomorphism always precedes anthropomorphism3 for an ever-increasing mass of evidence forces one to the conviction that they are often co-existent and always compatible one with the other2 if this is so1 it is rash and unscientific to say1 as is so easy to say and is so often said1 when one meets in the ,mediterranean or elsewhere a human god or goddess accompanied by a lion or a cock1 that the anthropomorphic divinity has been evolved from the animal4 ,looking now directly to the ,minoan-,mycenaean monuments1 before we consider the early ,hellenic records1 we must distinguish between those that are obviously cult-scenes and those that are not obviously but only hypothetically so1 and this second class are those with which ,mr4 ,cook's papers mainly deal4 ,the former have been treated masterfully by ,sir ,arthur ,evans in his paper on 8,tree and ,pillar ,cult02 from these we gather that the worshipper did not usually pray before an idol1 but before a pillar or a sacred tree combined often with horns of consecration or an axe2 also that he imagined his deity generally in human form1 the pillar serving as a spiritual conductor to draw down the divinity from heaven4 ,therefore ,i may remark that the phrase 8pillar-cult0 here1 and in ,miss ,harrison's paper quoted above1 does not express the inwardness of the facts4 ,but the latter writer endeavours to prove the prevalence of a direct cult of birds in this period2 and further maintains the dogma that 8in the days of pillar and bird anthropomorphism was not yet40 ,the ,minoan monuments on which she relies are the great ,phaistos sarcophagus1 the trinity of terra-cotta pillars surmounted by doves found in an early shrine of the ,palace of ,knossos1#fi4a with #gj which are to be compared the dove-shrine of ,mycenae and the gold-leafed goddesses of ,mycenae with a dove perched on their heads2 and finally1 the semi-aniconic idol of a dove goddess1 with the dove on her head and her arms outspread like wings1 found in another shrine of the palace of ,knossos1 and descending from a pre-,mycenaean traditional type4#gj4a ,whatever we may think of these monuments1 they cannot be quoted as the memorials of a time 8when anthropomorphism was not yet02 for the earliest of them1 probably that mentioned last1 is of later date than the type of the naked human-formed goddess of the ,neolithic ,aegean period4 ,the question depends wholly on the true interpretation of the monuments2 as regards the ,phaistos sarcophagus1 the exact significance of the ritual is still a matter of controversy1 to which ,i may return later1 when ,i compare the ritual of east and west2 this much is clear1 that a holy service of blood-oblation is being performed before two sacred trees1 into the top of which two axes are inserted and on the axes are two birds painted black4 ,is it immediately clear that 8the birds are objects of a definite cult10 as ,miss ,harrison maintains8#gj4b ,this may be strongly disputed2 otherwise we must say that the axe and the tree are equally direct objects of cult4 ,but the illuminative scene on the signet-ring described above#gj4c suggests that the function of the pillar was to serve as a powerful magnet to attract a personal divinity4 ,and ,sir ,arthur ,evans has well shown that the tree and the pillar were of equal value as sacred objects in ,minoan-,mycenaean religion4 ,a sacrifice doubtless of mystic and magical power is #ga being performed before them here3 the worshippers may well believe that the combined influence of blood-offering1 sacred tree1 and sacred axe will draw down the divinity of the skies4 ,in what form visible to the eye would he descend8 ,the carver of that signet-ring dared to show him above the pillar in human form1 as the mind's eye though not the sense-organ of the worshipper discerned him4 ,but the artist of the ,phaistos sarcophagus is more reserved4 ,as the ,holy ,ghost descended in the form of a dove1 so the unseen celestial divinity of ,crete might use any bird of the air as his messenger1 perhaps by preference the woodpecker or dove4 ,and this natural idea would be supported by the fact that occasionally birds did alight on the top of sacred columns1 and they would then instantly be charged with the sanctity of that object and would be regarded as a sign of the deity's presence and as an auspicious answer to prayer and sacrifice4 ,thus many birds in ,greece became sacred by haunting temples2 and ,dr4 ,frazer has suggested that the swallows and sparrows that nested on the temple or on the altar at ,jerusalem acquired sanctity by the same simple religious logic4#ga4a ,but it is futile to argue that therefore the ,hellenes and ,hebrews once worshipped either the whole species of swallows and sparrows or any single one4 ,and ,sir ,arthur ,evans' own interpretation of the doves on the triple group of columns1 as being merely 8the image of the divine descent1 and of the consequent possession of the bactylic column by a spiritual being10 is sane and convincing4#ga4b ,this does not prove or necessarily lead to 8bird-worship40 ,further1 he suggests#ga4c that as the dove was originally posed on the top of the column #gb as a gracious sign of the divine presence1 so when the human form was beginning to take the place of the column the dove would then be seen on the human head1 as in the case of the statuettes of goddesses mentioned above1 and as it appeared on the head of the golden image at ,bambyke1 which some called ,semiramis4#gb4a ,the close association of the ,mediterranean goddess and of the goddess of ,askalon1 ,phoenicia1 and ,bambyke with doves may have been caused by several independent reasons2 one may well have been the habitual frequenting of her temple by the birds4 ,this would easily grow into a belief that the goddess when she wished to reveal something of her presence and power to the external eye would manifest herself in the bird4 ,this we may call theriomorphic imagination that goes pari passu easily with the anthropomorphic4 ,but none of these monuments come near to proving that this ,mediterranean race directly worshipped birds1 nor do they suggest any such theory as that the human divinity emerged from the bird4 ,we shall1 in fact1 find that evidence of this kind that ,i have been examining1 used recklessly in similar cases1 leads to absurd results4#gb4b ,here it is well to remark in passing that the cult of #gc the ,dove-goddess is a test case for trying the question of ,oriental influence on the west4 ,it cannot be traced back to ,babylon1 and no one would now maintain the old theory that the dove-shrines of ,mycenae were an import from the ,phoenician ,astarte cult4 ,sir ,arthur ,evans' discoveries enable us to carry back this particular worship in the ,aegean to pre-,mycenaean times4 ,we could with better right maintain that the ,syrians borrowed it from the ,aegean or possibly from ,askalon1 where1 as ,dr4 ,evans has pointed out1 ,minoan influences were strong4 ,but the most reasonable view is that which he expresses that 8the divine associations of the dove were a primitive heritage of primitive ,greece and ,anatolia40#gc4a ,as regards ,mr4 ,cook's theory of ,mycenaean animal-worship1 it is not now necessary to examine it at any length4 ,it was based mainly on a comparison of a fairly large number of 8,mycenaean0 seals and gems from ,crete and elsewhere showing monsters bearing animals on their shoulders or standing by them4 ,he interpreted the 8monsters0 as men engaged in a religious mummery1 wearing the skins of lions1 asses1 horses1 bulls1 stags1 swine1 that is1 as ministers of a divine lion1 ass1 etc41 bringing sacrificial animals to these animal-deities1 and he raised the large questions of totemism and totemistic cult-practices4 ,his theory presents a picture of zoolatric ritual that cannot be paralleled elsewhere in the world either among primitive or advanced societies4 ,and we begin to distrust it when it asks us to interpret the figures in a gem-representation as an ass-man bearing two lions to sacrifice2 for neither in ,greece1 ,egypt1 or #gd ,asia is there any record of a lion-sacrifice1 a ceremony which would be difficult to carry out with due solemnity4 ,the more recent discovery of a set of clay-sealings at ,zakro in ,crete by ,dr4 ,hogarth1 who published them in the ,hellenic ,journal of #aijb1 has rendered ,mr4 ,cook's view of the cult-value of these 8monsters0 now untenable4 ,they are found in combinations too widely fantastic to be of any value for totemistic or a zoolatric theory1 and the opinion of archaeologists like ,sir ,arthur ,evans and ,winter#gd4a that these bizarre forms arose from modifications of foreign types1 such as the ,egyptian hippopotamus goddess1 crossed at times with the hippokamp and the lion1 has received interesting confirmation from the discovery of a shell relief at ,phaistos showing a series of monsters with hippopotamus heads1 and in a pose derived undoubtedly from a ,nilotic type4#gd4b ,we may venture to say that the exuberant fancy of the ,minoan-,mycenaean artist ran riot and amused itself with wild combinations of monsters1 men and animals1 to which no serious meaning was attached4 ,only rarely1 when the monsters are ritualistically engaged in watering a sacred palm tree or column1#gd4c does the religious question arise4 ,and here we may find a parallelism in ,assyrian religious art1 in the representation of 8winged genii fertilising the adult palms with the male cones02 but according to ,sir ,arthur ,evans this motive is later in the ,eastern art than in the ,mycenaean4 ,perhaps only one type of monster found on these gems and seals is derived from a real theriomorphic figure of the contemporary religion1 namely1 the ,minotaur #ge type4 ,a few of the ,zakro sealings show the sealed figure of a human body with bovine head1 ears1 and tail#ge4a2 and a clay seal-impression found at ,knossos presents a bovine human figure with possibly a bovine head sealed in a hieratic attitude before a warrior in armour4#ge4b ,such archaeological evidence is precarious1 but when we compare it with the indigenous ,cretan legends of the bull-,zeus and the union of ,pasiphae with the bull1 we are tempted to believe that a bull-headed god or a wholly bovine deity had once a place in ,minoan cult4 ,to conclude1 this brief survey of the ,minoan-,mycenaean monuments points to a contemporary religion that preferred the aniconic agalma to the human idol1 but imagined the divinity mainly as anthropomorphic1 though this imagination was probably not so fixed as to discard the theriomorphic type entirely4 ,therefore this religion is on the same plane with that of ,mesopotamia rather than with that of ,egypt4 ,turning now to the proto-,hellenic period1 which1 without prejudging any ethnic question1 ,i have kept distinct from the ,mycenaean1 we have here the advantage of literary records to assist the archaeological evidence4 ,i have stated my conviction that the earliest ,hellenes had already reached the stage of personal polytheism before conquering the southern ,peninsula2 and the combined evidence of the facts of myths and cults justifies the belief that their imagination of the deity was mainly anthropomorphic4 ,by the period of the ,homeric poems1 composed perhaps some five centuries after the earliest entrance of the ,hellenes1 we must conclude that the anthropomorphism as a religious #gf principle was predominant in the more progressive minds that shaped the culture of the race3 a minute but speaking example of this is the change that ensued in accordance with ,homeric taste in the meaning of the old hieratic epithet 2 in all probability it originally designated a cow-faced goddess1 but it is clear that he intends it for ox-eyed1 an epithet signifying the beauty of the large and lustrous human eye4 ,the bias that is felt in the religious poetry of ,homer comes to determine the course of the later religious art1 so that the religion1 art1 and literature of historic ,greece may be called the most anthropomorphic or anthropocentric in the world4 ,yet we have sufficient proof that in the pre-,homeric age the popular mind was by no means bound by any such law1 and that the religious imagination was unfixed and wavering in its perception of divinity3 and the belief must have been general that the god1 usually imagined as a man1 might manifest himself at times in the form of some animal4 ,apollo ,lykeios1 the wild god of the woods1 was evidently in the habit of incarnating himself in the wolf1 so that wolves might be sacramentally offered to him or sacrifice offered to certain wolves4#gf4a ,in the ,artemis legend of ,brauron and ,aulis we detect the same close communion of the goddess with the bear4 ,now1 upon the fairly numerous indications in cult-legend and ritual that the deity was occasionally incarnate in the animal1 much fallacious anthropological theory has been built4 ,it is not now my cue to pursue this matter au fond4 ,but it is necessary for my purpose to emphasise the fact that there is fair evidence for some direct zoolatry in the proto-,hellenic period1 though there is less than is often supposed1 and it needs always careful criticism4 #gg ,as ,i have already said1 the ancients of the later learned period were often vague and unprecise when they spoke of 8the worship0 of animals4 ,thus ,clemens informs us#gg4a that the ,thessalians 8worshipped0 ants1 and on the authority of ,euphorion that the ,samians 8worshipped0 a sheep3 the word used in each case being 4 ,but accurate statements concerning religious psychology demand the nicest discrimination3 8a little more1 and how much it is40 ,we may suspect that the word was as vaguely used in antiquity as the term 8worship0 in loose modern writing3 and it is to be remarked that when one authority uses this word1 another may employ the verb 1 which does not imply so much4 ,for instance1 ,clemens states that the ,thebans 8honoured0 the weasel2 ,aelian1 that they 8worshipped0 it4#gg4b ,we are nearly always left in doubt how much is meant3 whether the animal was merely treated reverentially and its life spared1 or whether sacrifice and prayers were offered to it3 the former practice may be found in almost any society modern or ancient1 the latter is savage zoolatry1 and is a fact of importance for the religious estimate of a people4 ,i cannot consider all the cases which are given with sufficient fullness in the work that ,i have cited by ,de ,visser4#gg4c ,but the instance cited above--the ,samian worship of the sheep --shows us how little we have to build our theories on4 ,it is quite possible that such a story arose from some ritual in which the sheep was offered reverentially1 treated as a theanthropic #gh animal1 half-human1 half-divine1 like the bull-calf of ,tenedos in the cult of ,dionysos1#gh4a an interesting form of sacrifice to which ,i shall have occasion to refer again4 ,clear records of actual sacrifice to animals in ,greece are exceedingly rare4 ,we have the quaint example of the so-called 8,sacrifice0 to the flies before the feast of ,apollo on the promontory of ,leukas2 this ,i have discussed elsewhere1#gh4b pointing out that it seems only a ritual trick to persuade the flies to leave the worshippers alone1 and certainly does not suggest the 8worship0 of flies4#gh4b ,there is also a dim ritual-legend attaching to the temple of ,apollo the wolf-god in ,sikyon1 which appears to point to some sacrifice to wolves in or near the temple at some early period4#gh4c ,the third case is more important3 the 8sacrifice to the pig10 which ,athenaeus1 quoting from ,agathokles of ,kyzikos1 attests was an important service at ,praisos in ,crete1 performed as a 1 that is1 as a preliminary act in the liturgies of the higher religion4#gh4d ,the ritual-legend explained the act as prompted by the service that a sow had rendered to the infant ,zeus2 but it remains mysterious1 and we would like to have had more clear information as to the actual rite4 ,finally1 we have the most important type of zoolatric ritual in ,greece1 the worship of certain sacred snakes3 various records attest this in the cult of ,trophonios at ,lebadeia and in the temple of ,athena ,polias at ,athens2 in the cult of ,zeus-,meilichios in the ,piraeus1 in the sacred grove of ,apollo in ,epeiros1 probably in the shrines of ,asklepios at ,epidauros and ,kos1 and elsewhere4 #gi ,now it is important to note that these ritual records nowhere suggest that whole species of animals were worshipped1 but that only certain individuals of that species1 haunting certain places to which a sense of religious mystery attached1 such as a cave or a lonely grove1 or else found in or near some holy shrine1 were thus marked out as divine4 ,also1 we observe that in all the examples just quoted1 the cult of the animal is linked to the cult of some personal god or goddess or hero3 the snake1 for instance1 is the natural incarnation of the underworld divinity or hero4 ,the only exception to this latter rule that may be reasonably urged is the prehistoric worship of ,python at ,delphi1 which1 as ,dr4 ,frazer has pointed out1 is curiously like the ritual and cult of a fetich-snake in ,dahomey4#gi4a ,yet1 for all we know1 ,python1 who in the earliest version of the story is of female sex1 may at a very early time have been regarded not as a mere snake1 but as an incarnation of the earth-goddess ,gaia1 who ruled at ,delphi before ,apollo came4 ,the question whether the ancestors of the ,hellenes or the pre-,hellenic peoples with whom they mixed were ever on the lowest plane of theriolatry does not concern us here4 ,what is important is1 that the records1 both ,mycenaean and ,hellenic1 justify us in believing that the dominant religion in ,greece of the second millennium ,b4,c4 was the worship of personal divinities humanly conceived who could occasionally incarnate themselves in animal form1 and that where animal worship survived it was always linked in this way to the cults of personal polytheism4 ,from the ,homeric period onward1 the higher ,hellenic spirit shows itself averse to the theriomorphic fashion of religion2 yet this never disappeared wholly from #hj the lower circles4 ,arcadia1 the most backward and conservative of the ,greek communities1 never accepted the rigid anthropomorphic canon4 ,this is shown by the record of the ,phigaleian ,demeter with the horse's head2 the mysterious goddess ,eurynome of ,phigaleia1 half-woman1 half-fish2 the ,arcadian ,pan1 the daimon of the herds1 imagined as with goat legs and sometimes with goat's head2 and1 finally1 by the ,arcadian idols of the ,roman period found at ,lykosoura in #ahih1 representing the female form with the head of a cow4#hj4a ,this rsum of the facts1 so far as it has gone1 appears to justify the theorem with which it started1 that the 8,mycenaean0 peoples and proto-,hellenes in the second millennium were on the whole1 in respect of the morphology of their religion1 on the same plane as those of the ,euphrates valley2 only it appears that theriomorphism played slightly more part in the cults and legends of the ,west than in those of the ,sumerian-,babylonian culture4 ,it is obvious to any student of comparative religion that such general similarity which we have here observed1 and which we might observe if we compared early ,greece with ,vedic ,india1 neither proves nor disproves a theory of borrowing4 ,and so far there seems no occasion for resorting to such a theory1 unless the type of the fish-goddess at ,phigaleia be considered a reason for supposing ,semitic influences here at work and for tracing her ancestry to ,derketo of ,bambyke4 ,for such transference of cult we might have to invoke the help of ,phoenicians1 who arrive on the scene too late to help us in the present quest1 and who are not likely to have been attracted into the interior of ,arcadia4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,the ,predominance of the ,goddess4 #ha ,the next clue that ,i propose to follow in our general comparison is the relative prominence of the goddess-cult in the areas that we are surveying4 ,the subject is of importance and interest1 partly because it may throw some light on the question of the interdependence of the adjacent religions1 partly because it brings into view certain striking facts of religious psychology4 ,a religion without a goddess is liable to differ markedly in tone and colour1 and probably in ritual1 from those that possess one4 ,wherever anthropomorphism is allowed free play1 the same instinct which evolves the father-god will evolve the mother-goddess2 and when the religion is one of the type which ,tiele calls 8,nature-religions10 one1 that is1 where ideas reflecting the forces of the natural world lie on the surface of the conception of the divine personality1 some of these forces are so naturally regarded as feminine that the evolution of a goddess appears inevitable2 and the only world-religions that have rejected this idea are the ,judaic1 the ,islamic1 and ,protestant ,christianity4 ,now goddess-cult is often found to exercise a powerful influence on the religious emotion2 and the religious psychology of a people devoted to it will probably differ from those who eschew it2 often it will be likely to engender a peculiar sentiment of tenderness1 of sentimentality in #hb an otherwise austere and repellent religious system2 and the clinging entreaty of the child is heard in the prayers or reflected in the ritual2 and just as the mother frequently stands between the children and the father as the mild intercessor1 so the goddess often becomes the mediator of mercy to whom the sinners turn as their intercessor with the offended god4 ,such was ,isis for the ,graeco-,roman world2 such at times was ,athena for the ,athenians2 such is the ,virgin for ,mediterranean ,christendom4 ,or the goddess may be more merciless than any god1 more delighting in bloodshed1 more savage in resisting progress3 such often was ,artemis for the ,greeks1 such is ,kala at this moment in ,india1 a dangerous and living force that threatens our rule4 ,again1 the goddess may encourage purity in the sexual relations2 this was the potential value of the ideal of ,artemis in ,greece1 and perhaps the actual value of ,mariolatry in the ,middle ,ages4 ,or the goddess-cult may be the source of what to us appears gross licentiousness1 as was the case in ,babylon and some parts of ,asia ,minor4 ,this discordance in the character of goddess-cults may reflect the diversity of the masculine feeling towards women1 and also to some extent the position of women at different stages of culture in the family and in the ,state4 ,the whole subject has many fascinating aspects1 which relevance prevents me presenting in detail4 ,i have considered elsewhere the sociologic questions involved in goddess-cult2#hb4a and ,i must limit my attention here to its value as ethnic evidence4 ,in ,mesopotamia the phenomenon presents itself at the very earliest period of which we have record4 ,the #hc monument already described#hc4a on which the goddess ,nini is presenting captives to the ,king ,annabanini1 attests the prevalence of goddess-cult in the third millennium2 and ,tiele supposes--without1 ,i think1 sufficient evidence--that it was stronger in the ,sumerian than in the ,semitic period4 ,at all events1 the conquering ,semites may have found the cult of goddesses well developed in the land2 and in all probability they brought at least one of their own with them1 namely1 ,ishtar1 whose name has its phonetic equivalents in ,semitic ,anatolia4 ,also at least by the second millennium ,b4,c41 the ,babylonian pantheon was organised after the type of the human family to this extent1 that each male divinity has his female consort2 and it would not help us now to consider the theorem put out by ,jeremias and others that the various ,babylonian goddesses are all emanations and varieties of one original ,all-mother4 ,only the mighty ,ishtar remains for the most part aloof from the marriage system1 and her power transcends that of the other goddesses4 ,originally the chief goddess of the ,sumerian ,erech1 she was raised by the ,assyrians to the highest position next to their national god ,asshur2#hc4b and for them she is the great divinity of war1 who1 armed with bow1 quiver1 and sword1 orders the battle-ranks4 ,in a famous hymn1#hc4c perhaps the most fervent and moving of all the ,babylonian collection1 she seems exalted to a supreme place above all other divinities2 another#hc4d displays the same ecstasy in adoration of the goddess ,belit1 imputing omnipotence to her1 as one to whom the very gods offer prayers4 ,the same idea may be expressed in a difficult #hd phrase in a hymn to ,nebo#hd4a which contains his dialogue with ,assurbanipal3 8,nebo1 who has grasped the feet of the divine goddess1 ,queen of ,nineveh10 the goddess who came to be regarded as ,ishtar4 ,from such isolated indications we might conclude that the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion was more devoted to the goddess than to the god4 ,we should certainly be wrong1 as a more critical and wider survey of the facts1 so far as they are at present accessible1 would convince us4 ,these hymns imputing supreme omnipotence to the goddess1 whether ,ishtar or another1 may be merely examples of that tendency very marked in the ,babylonian liturgies1 to exalt the particular divinity to whom worship is at that moment being paid above all others4 ,the ecstatic poet is always contradicting himself4 ,to the omnipotent ,belit1 in the last-mentioned hymn1 a phrase is attached which ,zimmern interprets as 8she who carries out the commands of ,bel10 as if after all she were only a vicegerent4 ,in the beautiful prayer to ,ishtar proffered by the ,assyrian ,king ,asurnasirabal 7#ahth cent4 ,b4,c47 he implores her to intercede for him1 8the ,priest-,king1 thy favourite''' with ,thy beloved the ,father of the gods40#hd4b ,the beloved wife naturally plays the ,madonna part of the intercessor2 thus ,sanherib prays that ,ninlil 8the consort of ,ashur1 the mother of the great gods1 may daily speak a favourable word for ,sanherib1 the king of ,assyria1 before ,ashur40#hd4c ,but the intercessor is not supreme2 and in spite of the great power of ,ishtar and the fervent #he devotion she aroused1 the state-pantheon is predominantly masculine4 ,nor can we1 looking at the ancient records of the other ,semitic peoples1 which are often too scanty to dogmatise about1 safely speak of the supremacy of the goddess in any ,semitic community1 except in ,sidon4 ,all that we find everywhere1 except among the ,israelites1 is a goddess by the side of a god4 ,according to ,weber1 in his treatise1 8,arabien vor dem ,islam10#he4a the aboriginal god of all the ,semites when they were in the nomadic condition was the moon-god2 and the male divinity is nowhere found to be displaced4 ,he is prominent among the polytheistic ,arabs under the name ,athtar4#he4b ,some of the ,arab deities in ,north ,arabia are revealed to us in an inscription dating probably from the fifth century ,b4,c41 which mentions the gods ,salm1 ,sangala1 ,asira1 and of these ,salm was evidently a war-god1 as he is represented on a relief with a spear4#he4c ,the ,aramaic inscriptions only reveal the goddess ,ishtar by the side of many powerful gods such as ,ramman1 ,adad the god of storms1 ,shamash the sun-god1 ,reshef the god of lightning and war1 ,baal-charran the ,lord of ,harran4#he4d ,an eighth-century ,aramaic inscription found at ,sinjerli in ,north ,syria1 written in the reign of ,tiglath-,pileser ,,iii41 mentions no goddess1 but regards the kings as under the protection of ,hadad1 ,elreshef1 and ,shamash4#he4e ,even in ,canaan and ,phoenicia we have no reason to say that ,astarte rose above ,baal2 such an epithet as 8the ,face of ,baal0 appears to maintain the supremacy of the ,god4 ,in ,moab we have #hf the evidence of the ,mesha stone1 which mentions the divine pair ,ashtor-,chemosh1 and in ,numbers#hf4a the ,moabites are called the people of ,chemosh4 ,but we have ,phoenician inscriptions of the period of ,persian supremacy in which the king of ,byblos1 ,jachumelek1 speaks of himself as raised to the kingdom by the ,baalat1 the queen-goddess of that state2 and he prays to her that the queen may give him favour in the eyes of the gods and in the eyes of the people of his land4#hf4b ,astarte was par excellence the city-goddess of ,sidon1 and on the later ,imperial coinage we see her image drawn in a car4 ,two representations of her have been found1 in one of which she is seated in front of the king1#hf4c the other shows her embracing him4#hf4d ,king ,tabnit of ,sidon1 whose sarcophagus is in the ,museum of ,constantinople1 styles himself 8priest of ,astarte1 ,king of the ,sidonians40#hf4e ,but in the other ,phoenician settlements1 such as ,tyre1 ,cyprus1 and ,carthage1 the memorials of the male divinity1 whether ,baal1 ,baal ,samin1 ,baal ,ammon1 ,reshef ,mikal1 ,esmun-,melqart1 are at least as conspicuous4 ,it is likely that at certain places in the ,mediterranean the ,semites were touched by the influences of the aboriginal ,aegean goddess's cult2 this may well have been the case at ,sidon1 and still more probably at ,askalon1 and it may have penetrated as far as ,bambyke4 ,speaking generally1 however1 we may conclude that among the early ,semites the male divinity was dominant4 ,and if we could believe that this is a reflection in their theology of the patriarchal system in society1 let us observe that the earliest ,babylonian #hg evidence proves that the patriarchal type of family was dominant in ,babylonia in the third millennium4 ,passing over to the non-,semitic group of ,anatolian cults1 and considering first the ,hittite1 we have ample evidence in the great relief of ,boghaz-,keui of the importance of the goddess2 and it may well be1 as ,dr4 ,frazer has conjectured1 that that monument1 on which we see the great god borne on the shoulders of his worshippers to meet the goddess on the lion1 gives us the scene of a ,holy marriage4#hg4a ,we find the male and female divinity united in a common worship on a relief found near ,caesarea in the middle of ,cappadocia1 on the left side of which is depicted a warrior-god standing before a pillar-shaped altar1 while a man in the guise of a warrior is pouring a libation before him2 on the right is a similar scene1 making libation before a seated goddess1 on whose altar a bird is seated4#hg4b ,besides this1 we have another type of goddess shown us on a ,hittite votive-relief1 on which is carved a large seated female figure with a child on her knees2 we may surely interpret this as a 4#hg4c ,again1 on two of the reliefs at ,euzuk we find a seated goddess holding a goblet and approached with prayers1 libations1 and other offerings by priest and priestess1#hg4d and we may venture to add to this list of ,hittite types the mysterious veiled goddess found by ,von ,oppenheim at ,tel-,halaf in ,mesopotamia on the ,chabur1 a branch of ,euphrates1 with an inscription containing the name ,asshur1 a work which1 on the evidence of other cuneiform inscriptions found on the site1 he would date near to #hh #ijj ,b4,c4#hh4a ,but this evidence in no way amounts to any proof or affords any suggestion of the predominance of the goddess--and the ,tel-,el-,amarna correspondence of the ,hittite kings implies that the male and female divinity were linked in an equal union in the ,hittite religion4 ,the text of the treaty between ,rameses ,,ii4 and the ,kheta 7circ4 #abij ,b4,c47 includes various sun-gods1 ,sutekh1 the ,egyptian name for the ,hittite war-god1 and ,antheret 7possibly a form of the name ,astoret71 and other goddesses called 8the ,queen of ,heaven1 the ,mistress of the ,soil1 the ,mistress of ,mountains40#hh4b ,can we draw any conclusions from that extraordinary monument from ,fassirlir#hh4c on the borders of ,lycaonia and ,pisidia1 representing a young god in a high cap that suggests ,hittite fashion1 standing on the neck of a stooping goddess at whose side are two lions8 ,this might seem a nave indication of male supremacy2 but the sex of the supporting figure does not seem clear4#hh4d ,coming now to the ,asia-,minor shore1 where in the first millennium ,b4,c4 the ,hellenic colonisation and culture flourished1 we find the traces of a great goddess-cult discoverable on every important site2 though recorded only by later writers1 as a rule1 and interpreted to us by the later ,greek names1 such as ,artemis1 ,leto1 ,aphrodite1 more rarely ,athena1 we can still discern clearly that she belongs to a pre-,hellenic stock4 ,the evidence of this can be gathered from many sources1 and it is unnecessary #hi to detail it here4 ,what is more important1 and not so easy1 is to detect clear proof of the predominance of the goddess over the god1 a phenomenon that has not yet presented itself clearly in the ,semitic communities1 except at ,sidon and perhaps ,byblos4 ,we find goddess-cult in ,cilicia1 where 8,artemis ,sarpedonia0 is a name that trails with it ,minoan associations2#hi4a but1 as ,dr4 ,frazer has pointed out1#hi4b at least at ,tarsos and ,olba it appears that the male deity was the dominant power4 ,at the former city a long series of coins attests the supremacy of ,baal-,tars and ,sandon-,herakles4 ,at ,olba the ruling priesthood were called the 1 and claim descent from ,teukros and ,aias1 but ,greek inscriptions giving such names as 8,teukros0 the priest1 son of ,tarkuaris1 support the view that ,teukros is a ,hellenisation of the divine ,hittite name ,tarku4 ,it is in ,lycia where we ought1 in accordance with a popular theory1 to find the clearest proof of goddess-supremacy2 for we know that the ,lycians had the matrilinear family system1 and this was supposed by ,robertson ,smith to lead logically to that religious product4#hi4c ,and recently we have heard ,professor ,wilamowitz#hi4d brilliantly expound the theory that ,leto was the aboriginal mother-goddess of ,lycia1 called there in the ,lycian tongue 8,lada10 and worshipped as supreme with her son ,apollo1 both of whom the ,hellenes found there1 and while they transformed ,lada 8the ,lady-goddess0 into ,leto1 surnamed ,apollo 1 in obedience to the ,lycian rule of calling a son after his mother4 ,and where a son is worshipped merely as the son of his #ij mother1 we may regard the mother-goddess as supreme4 ,the theory about ,apollo's ,lycian origin1 which1 ,i think1 contradicts all the important facts1 does not concern us here4 ,it is his view that ,leto is the aboriginal and paramount divinity of ,lycia which we would wish to test4 ,so far as it rests on the equation between ,leto and ,lada1 its philology is bad2 for1 as ,dr4 ,cowley has pointed out on the evidence of ,lycian-,greek transcribed names1 the ,greeks would not have transcribed ,lada as ,leto4 ,furthermore1 the geography of the ,leto-cult gives no vraisemblance to the theory of its ,lycian origin2 neither have we any proof at all of the cult of any goddess in ,lycia at an early period1 though no doubt it existed2 the coin of ,myra1 showing a goddess emerging from the split trunk of a tree1#ij4a is of the ,imperial period1 but preserves an ancient legend and an archaic idol-type4 ,but the earliest fact of ,lycian religion recorded is the predominance of ,apollo1 and the ,lycians maintained him as their chief divinity throughout their history and long after the very early influences of ,hellenic colonisation had waned4 ,the inscriptions of ,lycia that mention ,leto are all of the later period2 her temple near ,xanthos and her two holy groves on the coast that ,strabo mentions#ij4b are just on the track along which the earliest ,hellenic influence travelled3 and the most tenable view is that the ,hellenes introduced her4 ,in ,caria1 at ,labranda1 and again in the vicinity of ,stratonikeia1 we have proof of the early supremacy of a great god whom the ,hellenes called ,zeus1 attaching to him in the latter centre of cult the ,carian name of ,panamaros1 and associating him with a native goddess called ,hera or #ia ,hekate1 who did not claim to be the predominant partner4#ia4a ,it is not till we come to the neighbourhood of ,ephesos that we can speak positively of goddess-supremacy4 ,artemis1 as the ,greeks called her here1 is admittedly 1 the first in power and in place4 ,her brother ,apollo himself served as the of the ,artemis of ,magnesia1 that is1 as her officiating magistrate1#ia4b and ,artemis of ,magnesia we may take to be the same aboriginal goddess as the ,ephesian4 ,certain features of her worship will be considered later in a comparative survey of ritual and cult-ideas4 ,i will only indicate here the absence of any proof of the ,semitic origins of the ,ephesian ,artemis1#ia4c and the associations that link her with the great mother-goddess of ,phrygia4 ,when we reach the area within which this latter cult and its cognate forms prevailed1 we can posit the predominance of the goddess as a salient fact of the popular religion imprinting indelible traits upon the religious physiognomy of the people4 ,the god ,attis was dear to the aboriginal ,phrygian as to the later generations1 but he was only the boy-lover1 the young son who died and rose again4 ,the great goddess was supreme and eternal2 and her power spread into ,lydia1 ,cappadocia1 ,pontus1 and ,galatia1 and far and wide in the later period across the sea4 #ib ,her counterpart in ,cappadocia was ,m1 the great goddess of ,comana1 in whose worship we hear nothing of the male divinity4 ,in this wide area1 governed by the religion of the ,great ,mother1 we can trace a similar ritual and something of the same religious psychology in the various peoples3 orgiastic liturgy and ecstatic passion1 a craving for complete identification with the goddess that led to acts of sexual madness such as emasculation2 also a marked tone of sorrow and tenderness in the legends and religious service4 ,in following back to its fountain-head the origins of this cult1 we are led inevitably to ,minoan ,crete4 ,there are many links revealed both by legend and cult that associate ,crete with the country adjacent to the ,troad1 with ,lydia and ,caria4 ,and we may tentatively hold to the dogma that ,kybele-,rhea1 ,hipta of ,lydia1 who appears now as a virgin1 now as a mother-goddess1 ,m who appears in ,caria1 but whose chief historic centre was ,comana of ,cappadocia1 were all descended from or specialised forms of an aboriginal ,aegean or ,anatolian goddess whose cult was also maintained by the ,hittites4 ,of her nature and ritual ,i may speak later4 ,i am only concerned here with the correctness of the view put forward by ,sir ,arthur ,evans4#ib4a 8,it is probable that in the ,mycenaean religion as in the later ,phrygian1 the female aspect of divinity predominated1 fitting on1 as it seems to have1 down to the matriarchal system4 ,the male divinity is not so much the consort as the son or the youthful favourite40 ,if we put aside the suggestion of a matriarchal theory here1 the main idea in this judgment accords generally with the evidence that the author of it has himself done most to accumulate and to present to us4 ,it is #ic not insignificant that the earliest type of ,aegean idol in existence is that of a goddess1 not a god2 and in the more developed ,minoan period the representations of the goddess are more frequent and more imposing than those of the god2 while in the few scenes of cult where the male deity appears in her company1 he appears in a subordinate position1 either in a corner of the field or standing before her throne4#ic4a ,and a strong current of early ,greek legend induces us to believe that when the earliest ,hellenes reached ,crete they found a powerful goddess-cult overshadowing the island1 associated with the figure of a young or infant god3 hence spread the ,cretan worship of ,rhea and the 1 and hence there came to a few places on the ,hellenic mainland1 where ,minoan influence was strong1 the cult and the cult-legend of the infant ,zeus4#ic4b ,yet we must not strain the evidence too far2 besides the youthful or infant ,cretan god1 there may have been the powerful cult of a father-god as well4 ,on three monuments we catch a glimpse of the armed deity of the sky4#ic4c ,what is more important is the prominence of the double-headed axe in the service of the ,minoan palace2 and this must be a fetichistic emblem mystically associated with the thunder-god1 though occasionally the goddess might borrow it4 ,the prominence and great vogue of this religious emblem detracts somewhat from the weight of the evidence as pointing to the supremacy of the female divine partner4 ,it is ,zeus1 not ,rhea1 that inspired ,minos1 as ,jahw inspired ,moses1 and ,shamash ,hammurabbi4 ,yet the view is probably right on the whole that the mother-goddess was a more frequent figure in #id the ,minoan service1 and was nearer and dearer to the people4 ,may we also regard her as the prototype of all the leading ,hellenic goddesses8 ,the consideration of this question will bring this particular line of inquiry to a close4 ,if we find goddess-supremacy among the early ,hellenes1 shall we interpret it as an ,aryan-,hellenic tradition1 or as an alien and borrowed trait in their composite religion8 ,if borrowed1 are they more likely to have derived it from the ,east or from their immediate predecessors in the regions of ,aegean culture8 ,the latter question1 if it arises1 we ought to be able to answer at last4 ,we might guard ourselves at the outset against the uncritical dogma which has been proclaimed at times that the goddesses in the various ,aryan polytheisms were all alien1 and borrowed from the pre-,aryan peoples in whose lands they settled4 ,any careful study of the ,vedic and old-,germanic1 ,phrygo-,thracian religions can refute this wild statement3 the wide prevalence in ,europe of the worship of 8,mother ,earth10 which ,professor ,dieterich's treatise establishes1#id4a is sufficient evidence in itself4 ,nor could we believe that the early ,aryans were unmoved by an anthropomorphic law of the religious imagination that is almost universally operative4 ,the ,hellenic ,aryans1 then1 must be supposed to have brought certain of their own goddesses into ,greece1 and perhaps philology will be able one day to tell us who exactly they were4 ,on linguistic and other grounds1 ,dione and ,demeter may be accepted as provedly old ,hellenic3 on the same grounds1 probably1 ,hera2 also the name and cult of ,hestia is certainly 8,aryan10#id4b only we #ie dare not call her in the earliest1 and scarcely at any period1 a true personal goddess4 ,now1 there is a further important induction that we may confidently make3 at the period when the ,aryan conquerors were pushing their way into ,aegean lands and the ,indo-,iranians into the ,punjaub and ,mesopotamia1 they had a religious bias making for the supremacy of the ,father-,god and against the supremacy of the goddess4 ,we can detect the same instinct also in the old ,germanic pantheon4#ie4a ,its operation is most visible when the ,thrako-,phrygian stock1 and their cousins the ,bithynian1 broke into the north of ,asia ,minor1 and the regions on the south of the ,black ,sea4 ,the god-cult they bring with them clashes with the aboriginal and--as it proved--invincible supremacy of the goddess linked to her divine boy3 we hear of such strange cult-products as ,attis-1 ,father ,attis1 and one of the old ,aryan titles of the ,high ,god appears in the ,phrygian ,zeus 1 ,bagha in old ,persian and ,bog in ,slavonic meaning deity4 ,the ,aryan hero-ancestor of the ,phrygian stock1 ,manes1 whom ,sir ,william ,ramsay believes to be identical with the god ,men1 becomes the father of ,atys2#ie4b also we have later proof of the powerful cult of ,zeus the ,thunderer1 ,zeus the ,leader of ,hosts1 in this region of the southern shore of the ,black ,sea4 ,another induction that ,i venture1 perhaps incautiously1 to make1 is that in no ,aryan polytheism is there to be found the worship of an isolated or virgin-goddess1 keeping apart from relations with the male #if deity3 the goddesses in ,india1 ,germany1 ,ireland1 ,gaul1#if4a ,thrace1 and ,phrygia are usually associated temporarily or permanently with the male divinity1 and are popularly regarded as maternal1 if not as wedded4 ,trusting to the guidance of these two inductions1 and always conscious of the lacunae in our records1 we may draw this important conclusion concerning the earliest religious history of ,hellas3 namely1 that where we find the powerful cult of an isolated goddess1 she belongs to the pre-,hellenic population4 ,the axiom applies at once and most forcibly to ,artemis and ,athena2 the one dominant in certain parts of ,arcadia and ,attica1 the other the exclusive deity of the ,attic ,acropolis4 ,their virginal character was probably a later idea arising from their isolation1 their aversion to cult-partnership with the male deity4#if4b ,the ,aryan ,hellenes were able to plant their ,zeus and ,poseidon on the high hill of ,athens1 but not to overthrow the supremacy of ,athena in the central shrine and in the aboriginal soul of the ,athenian people4 ,as regards ,hera1 the question is more difficult3 the excavations at the ,heraeum have been supposed by ,dr4 ,waldstein to prove the worship of a great goddess on that site1 going back in time to the third millennium ,b4,c41#if4c a period anterior to the advent of the god-worshipping ,aryan ,hellenes4 ,and this goddess remained #ig dominant through all history at ,argos and ,samos4 ,but we have no reason for supposing that her name was ,hera in that earliest period4 ,phonetically1 the word is best explained as 8,aryan03 if it was originally the name brought by the ,hellenes and designating the wife-goddess of the sky-god--and in spite of recent theories that contradict it ,i still incline to this view--the ,hellenes could apply it to the great goddess of the ,argolid1 unless her aversion to matrimony was a dogma1 or her religious isolation a privilege1 too strong to infringe4 ,this does not seem to have been the case4 ,the goddess of ,samian cult1 a twin-institution with the ,argive1 was no virgin1 but united with the sky-god in an old 4 ,nevertheless1 throughout all history the goddess in ,argos1 and probably in ,samos1 is a more powerful cult-figure than the god4 ,as regards ,aphrodite1 few students of ,greek religion would now assign her to the original ,aryan-,hellenic polytheism4 ,most still regard her as coming to the ,greek people from the ,semitic area of the ,astarte cult4 ,and this was the view that ,i formerly developed in the second volume of my ,cults4 ,but at that time we were all ignorant of the facts of ,minoan-,mycenaean religion1 and some of us were deceived concerning the antiquity of the ,phoenician settlements in ,cyprus and ,hellas4 ,the recently discovered evidence points1 ,i think1 inevitably to the theory that ,sir ,arthur ,evans supports2 that the goddess of ,cyprus1 the island where the old ,minoan culture lived longest1 is one form of the great goddess of that gifted ,aegean people1 who had developed her into various manifestations through long centuries of undisturbed religious life4 ,let us finally observe that it is just these names1 ,artemis1 ,athena1 ,aphrodite1 that have hitherto defied linguistic #ih explanation on either ,aryan or ,semitic phonetic principles4 ,we do not yet know the language of ,king ,minos4 ,a cursory and dogmatic answer may now be given to the two questions posed above4 ,the ,aryan ,hellenes did not bring with them the supremacy of the goddess1 for the idea was not natural to them3 they did not borrow it from any ,semitic people in the second millennium1 for at that time it was not natural to the ,semites3 they found it on the soil of the ,aegean lands1 as a native growth of an old ,mediterranean religion1 a strong plant that may be buried under the deposits of alien creeds1 but is always forcing its head up to the light again4 ,therefore in tracing goddess-cult from the ,euphrates valley to the western ,aegean shores1 as a test of the influence of the ,east on the ,west1 we are brought up sharply at this point4 ,the ,western world is divided from the ,eastern by this very phenomenon that the older scholars used to regard as proving a connection4 ,and it may well have been the ,western cult that influenced the western ,semites4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,the ,deities as ,nature-,powers4 #ii ,so far as we have gone our main question must be still regarded as an open one4 ,we may now compare the particular conceptions concerning divinity that prevailed at the period to which our search is limited1 in the valley of the ,euphrates1 and in the other communities that are in our route of comparison4 ,many striking points of general similarity will present themselves1 upon which we must not lay too much weight for our argument1 since all polytheisms possess a certain family likeness3 of more importance will be certain strikingly dissimilar features1 if we find any4 ,first1 in regard to the general concepts or characters of the divinities1 the same formula seems mainly applicable to the ,mesopotamian as to the ,hellenic facts3 the leading divinities have usually some distinct association with the world of nature2 but the natural phenomenon or elemental fact that may be there in the background of their personality1 becomes overlaid and obscured by the complex ethical and mental traits that are evolved4 ,therefore the mere nature-fact rarely explains the fully-developed god1 either of ,babylon or of ,hellas4 ,a few salient examples will make this clear4 ,it is only perhaps ,shamash the sun-god of ,sippar1 and ,sin the moon-god of ,ur1 that retain their nature-significance rarely obscured4 ,the hymn to ,sin in ,dr4 ,langdon's #ajj collection reveals an intelligible lunar imagery throughout2 but in another published by ,zimmern1#ajj4a his personality becomes more spiritual and mystical2 he is at once 8the mother-body who bears all life1 and the pitiful gracious father10 the divinity who has created the land and founded temples2 under the ,assyrian rgime he seems to have become a god of war4#ajj4b ,shamash even surpasses him in grandeur and religious value1 so far as we can judge from the documents2 but his whole ethical and spiritual character1 clearly articulated as it is1 can be logically evolved from his solar4 ,but in studying the characters of ,marduk and ,nergal1 for instance1 we feel that the physical theories of their origin help us but little1 and are at times self-contradictory2 and it might be well for ,assyriologists to take note of the confusion and darkness that similar theories have spread in this domain of ,hellenic study4 ,thus we are told that the ,sun in the old ,sumerian-,babylonian system gave birth to various special personalities1 representing various aspects of him3 ,marduk is the spring-sun1 rejoicing in his strength1 although his connection with ,shamash does not seem specially close2 yet ,jeremias1 who expresses this opinion1#ajj4c believes also that ,marduk is a storm-god1 because 8his word can shake the sea40 ,shall we say1 then1 that ,jahw is a storm-god 8because the voice of the ,lord shaketh the cedar-trees08 ,the phrase is quite innocent if we only mean by it that any and every personal ,god could send a storm2 it becomes of doubtful value if it signifies here that ,marduk is an impersonation of the storm4 ,the texts seem sometimes to contradict each other2 ,ninib1 for instance1 #aja is regarded by ,jeremias#aja4a as the rising sun1 on the ground of certain phrases in his hymn of praise2 but the concept of him as a storm-god is more salient in the oldest texts1 and thus he is pre-eminently a deity of destruction and death1 and becomes specially an ,assyrian war-god4 ,does it help us if we imagine him originally as the ,storm-,sun1 as ,jensen would have us8 or is it not allowable to suspect that solar terms of religious description became a later ,babylonian convention1 and that any deity might attract them8 ,nergal1 again1 the god of ,kutha1 has been supposed to have had a solar origin1 as the god of the midday and destructive sun2#aja4b yet his special realm is ,hades1 where he ruled by the side of the goddess ,allatu1 and his name is doubtfully interpreted as the ,lord of the ,great ,habitation1 and thus he is regarded as a god of disease and death4 ,this did not hinder him from becoming with ,ninib the great war-god of the ,assyrians and their god of the chase1 nor a pious ,babylonian poet from exalting him as 8,god of the little ones1 he of the benevolent visage40#aja4c ,in one of the ,tel-,el-,amarna texts he is designated by an ideogram1 that almost certainly means 8the god of iron40#aja4d ,this last fact1 if correct1 is an illustration of that which a general survey of the ,babylonian texts at last impresses upon us3 the physical origin of the deity1 if he had one1 does not often shape and control his whole career2 the high god grows into manifold forms1 dilates into a varied spiritual personality1 progresses with the life of his people1 reflects new aspects of life1 altogether independently of any physical idea of him that may have originally prevailed4 ,adad1 the #ajb god of storms1 becomes a god of prophecy1 and is addressed as a god of mercy in the fragment of a hymn4#ajb4a ,ea the god of waters becomes par excellence the god of wisdom1 not because waters are wise1 but probably because ,eridu1 the seat of his cult1 was an immemorial home of ancient wisdom1 that is to say1 magic4 ,as for the great ,nebo of ,borsippa1 ,jeremias1#ajb4b who is otherwise devoted to solar theories1 has some good remarks on the absence of any sign of his nature-origin3 his ideogram designates 8the prophet10 in his earliest character he is the writer1 his symbol is the 8stilus0 of the scribe4 ,yet he does not confine himself to writing3 he is interested in vegetation1 and eulogised in one hymn as 8he who openeth the springs and causeth the corn to sprout1 he without whom the dykes and canals would run dry40 ,surely this interest comes to him1 not from the planet ,mercury1#ajb4c but from his wisdom and his concern with ,babylonian civilisation1 which depended upon dykes and canals4 ,we are presented here with a progressive polytheism1 that is1 one of which the divinities show the power of self-development parallel with the self-development of the people4 ,the question we have just been considering1 the physical character of the ,babylonian deities in relation to their whole personality1 suggests two last reflections4 ,their gods have a certain relation to the planets1 which is preserved even in our modern astronomy4 ,that the early ,sumerians worshipped stars is probable1#ajb4d as the ,sumerian sign for divinity is a star2 but that the ,sumerian-,babylonian high gods were personal forms of the planets1 is denied by leading modern ,assyriologists1#ajc4a #ajc except in the case of the sun and the moon1 ,shamash and ,sin4 ,it was only the ,chaldaean astronomic theory that came to regard the various planets in their varying positions as special manifestations of the powers of the different personal gods2 and the same planet might be a manifestation1 according to its different positions1 of different gods3 the 8star ,jupiter at one point is ,marduk1 at another point ,nebo02 this dogma is found on a seventh-century tablet1 which declares at the same time that 8,mercury0 is ,nebo4#ajc4b ,this planetary association of the deities is well illustrated by the memorial relief of ,asarhaddon found at ,sinjerli1 and the relief of ,maltaija1 showing stars crowning their heads2#ajc4c but both these are later than the period with which we are here immediately concerned4 ,lastly1 we fail to observe in that domain of the old ,babylonian religion which may be called nature-worship1 any clear worship of the earth regarded as a personal and living being1 as the ,hellenes regarded ,gaia4 ,the great goddesses1 ,ishtar1 the goddess at once warlike and luxurious1 virgin and yet unchaste1 terrible and merciful1 the bright virgin of the sky1 ,bau1 the wife of ,ninib1 the 8amorous lady of heaven10 are certainly not of this character4 ,still less is ,allatu1 the monstrous and grim ,queen of ,hell1 at whose breast the lions are suckled4 ,it seems that if the early ,sumerians conceived the earth as a personal divinity at all1 they imagined it as a male divinity4 ,for in the inscriptions of ,nippur1 ,enlil or ,bel appears as a ,lord of the underworld1 #ajd meaning our earth as distinct from the heavens3 he is hymned as the 8lord of the harvest-lands1 lord of the grain-fields0#ajd4a--;he is the 8husbandman who tends the fields02 when ,enlil is angry1 8he sends hunger everywhere40 ,in another hymn he is thus described3 8,the great ,earth-,mountain is ,enlil1 the mountain-storm is he1 whose shoulders rival the heavens1 whose foundation is the bright abyss02#ajd4b and again1 8,lord1 who makest to abound pure oil and nourishing milk2''' in the earth ,lord of life art thou02 8to give life to the ground thou dost exist40#ajd4c ,it is evident that ,enlil is more than the personal earth regarded as a solid substance2 he is rather the god of all the forces and life that move on and in the earth1 hence he is 8the lord of winds40#ajd4d ,he is more1 then1 than the mere equivalent of ,gaia4 ,one might have expected to find a ,sumerian counterpart for this goddess in ,ninlil or ,belit1 the wife and female double of ,enlil or ,bel3 but in an inscription that is dated as early as #djjj ,b4,c4 she is styled 8,the ,queen of ,heaven and ,earth10#ajd4e and though in a hymn of lamentation addressed to her#ajd4f she is described as the goddess 8who causeth plants to come forth10 yet the ecstatic and mysticising ,babylonian imagination has veiled and clouded her nature-aspect4 ,this strange religious poetry which had been fermenting for thousands of years1 was likely enough to transform past recognition the simple aboriginal fact4 ,it is only the lesser deities1 the 8,sondergtter0 of the ,sumerian pantheon1 whose nature-functions might remain clear and unchanged3 for instance1 such a corn-deity as we see on a cylinder1 with corn-ears in #aje his hand and corn-stalks springing from his shoulders4#aje4a ,even the simple form of ,tammuz1 the darling of the ,sumerian people1 has been somewhat blurred by the poetry of passion that for long ages was woven about him4 ,as ,zimmern has shown in a recent treatise1#aje4b he was never the chief deity of any ,babylonian or ,assyrian state1 but nevertheless one of great antiquity and power with the ,sumerian people1 and his cult and story were doubtless spreading westward in the second millennium4 ,in spite of all accretions and the obscurity of his name1 which is interpreted to mean 8real son of the water-deep10#aje4c we can still recognise the form of the young god of vegetation who dies in the heat of the summer solstice and descends to the world below1 leaving the earth barren till he returns4 ,this idea is expressed by some of his names1 8the ,lord of the land's fruitfulness1 the ,lord of the shepherd's dwelling1 the ,lord of the cattle-stall1 the ,god of grain10#aje4d and by many an allusion to his legend in the hymns1 which are the most beautiful and pathetic in the old ,sumerian psalmody3 8in his manhood in the submerged grain he lay02 8how long still shall the verdure be imprisoned1 how long shall the green things be held in bondage80#aje4e ,an interesting title found in some of the incantation liturgies is that of 8the shepherd10 and like some other vegetation-powers he is at times regarded as the ,healer4 ,though he was not admitted #ajf as the compeer of the high gods into the ,babylonian or ,assyrian pantheon1 he may be said to have survived them all1 and his name and myth became the inspiration of a great popular religion4 ,no other of that vast fraternity of corn-spirits or vegetation-spirits into which ,dr4 ,frazer has initiated us1 has ever had such a career as ,tammuz4 ,in one of his hymns he is invoked as 8,lord of the world of ,death10 because for a time he descended into ,hell4#ajf4a ,if this idea had been allowed to germinate and to develop its full potentiality1 it might have changed the aspect of ,babylonian eschatology4 ,but1 as we shall see1 the ideas naturally attaching to vegetation1 to the kindly and fair life of seeds and plants1 were never in ,babylonia properly harmonised with those that dominated belief concerning the lower world of the dead4 ,the study of the ,tammuz-rites ,i shall reserve for a later occasion4 ,we have now to consider the other ,anatolian cults from the point of view of nature-worship4 ,the survey need not detain us long as our evidence is less copious4 ,as regards the western ,semites1 our trustworthy records are in no way so ancient as those that enlighten us concerning ,mesopotamia4 ,philo of ,byblos1 the interpreter of the ,phoenician ,sanchuniathon1 presents us only with a late picture of the ,canaanite religion1 that may be marred by their own symbolic interpretations4 ,because we are told#ajf4b that 8the ,phoenicians and ,egyptians were the first to worship the sun and the moon and the stars10#ajf4b or 8the first to deify the growths of the earth10#ajf4c we cannot conclude that in the second millennium the religion of the ,phoenicians was purely solar or astral1 or merely the cult of vegetation-gods4 #ajg 8,baalshamin0 means the lord of the heavens1 an ,aramaic and ,phoenician god1 and ,sanchuniathon explained him as the sun2#ajg4a but ,robertson ,smith gives good reason for the view that the earliest conception of the local ,baal was of a deity of the fertilising spring1 a local divine owner of a well-watered plot1 hence the giver of all life to fruits and cattle4#ajg4b ,nor are we sure what was the leading 8nature-aspect0 of the cult of ,astarte4 ,the title 8,meleket ,ashamaim10 8the ,queen of the ,heavens10 which ,ezekiel attaches to her1 does not inform us precisely concerning her earliest and original character4 ,from her close association with the ,minoan goddess of ,cyprus1 she was no doubt worshipped as the source of the life of plants and animals and men4 ,also1 it is of some value to bear in mind the later records concerning the worship of ,helios at ,tyre in the ,roman ,imperial period1 and of ,helios and the thunder-god at ,palmyra1 where ,adad-,rimmon1 the storm-god who was in power among the western ,semites in the earliest period1 may have survived till the beginning of ,christianity4 ,we may conclude from all this that in the oldest period of the western ,semite societies the cult of special nature-deities was a prominent feature of the religion4 ,but even these may already in the second millennium have acquired a complex of personal attributes ethical and spiritual4 ,in the later ,carthaginian religion1 the personal deities are clearly distinguished from the mere nature-powers1 such as the sun1 earth1 and moon2 and this important distinction may have arisen long before the date of the document that proves it4#ajg4c #ajh ,of the ,hittite gods we may say this much at least1 that the monuments enable us to recognise the thunder-god with the hammer or axe1 and in the striking relief at ,ibreez we discern the form of the god of vegetation and crops1 holding corn and grapes4 ,the winged disk1 carved with other doubtful fetich-emblems above the head of the god who is clasping the priest or king on the ,boghaz-,keui relief1 is a solar emblem1 borrowed probably from ,egyptian religious art4 ,and the ,hittite sun-god was invoked in the ,hittite treaty with ,rameses ,,ii4#ajh4a ,whether the mother-goddess was conceived as the personal form of ,gaia is doubtful2 her clear affinity with ,kybele would suggest this1 and in the ,hittite treaty with ,rameses ,,ii4 mentioned above1 the goddess ,tesker is called the ,mistress of the ,mountains1 the express title of the ,phrygian ,mother1 and another 8the ,mistress of the ,soil40#ajh4b ,yet evidently the ,hittite religion is too complex to be regarded as mere nature-worship3 the great relief of ,boghaz-,keui shows a solemn and elaborate ritual to which doubtless some spiritual concepts were attached4 ,as regards the original ideas underlying the cults of those other ,anatolian peoples who were nearer in geographical position and perhaps in race to the ,aegean peoples1 we have no explicit ancient records that help us to decide for the second millennium4 ,for some of these various communities the goddess was1 as we have seen1 the supreme power4 ,the great ,phrygian goddess ,kybele is the cult-figure of most importance for our purpose1 and it is possible to divine her original character with fair certainty4#ajh4c ,in her attributes1 functions1 and form1 we can discern nothing celestial1 #aji solar or lunar2 she was1 and remained to the end1 a mother-goddess of the earth1 a personal source of and life of fruits1 beasts1 and man3 her favourite haunt was the mountains1 and her earliest image that we know1 that which the ,greeks called ,niobe on ,mount ,sipylos1 seems like a human shape emerging from the mountain-side3 she loved also the mountain caverns1 which were called after her 2 and according to one legend she emerged from the rock ,agdos1 and hence took the name ,agdestis4 ,the myth of her beloved ,attis is clear ritual-legend associated with vegetation2 and ,greek poetry and ,greek cult definitely linked her with the ,greek ,gaia4 ,we gather also from the legend of ,attis and other facts that her power descended to the underworld1 and the spirits of the dead were gathered to her2#aji4a hence the snake appears as her symbol1 carved as an akroterion above her sepulchral shrine1 where she is sculptured with her two lions at ,arslan ,kaya--8the ,lion ,rock in ,phrygia02#aji4b and her counterpart1 the ,lydian ,mother ,hipta1 is addressed as 4#aji4c ,in all her aspect and functions she is the double of the great ,minoan mother-goddess described already1 whose familiar animals are the lion and the serpent1 who claims worship from the mountain-top1 and whose character is wholly that of a great earth goddess with power doubtless reaching down to the lower world of the dead4 ,only from ,crete we have evidence which is lacking in pre-,aryan ,phrygia of the presence of a thunder or sky-god by her side4#aji4d #aaj ,turning our attention now to the early ,hellenic world1 and to that part of its religion which we may call ,nature-worship1 we discern certain general traits that place it on the same plane in some respects with the ,mesopotamian4 ,certain of the higher deities show their power in certain elemental spheres1 ,poseidon mainly in the water1 ,demeter in the land1 ,zeus in the air4 ,but of none of these is the power wholly limited to that element3 and each has acquired1 like the high gods of ,assyria and ,babylon and ,jahw of ,israel1 a complex anthropomorphic character that cannot be derived1 though the old generation of scholars wearily attempted to derive it1 from the elemental nature-phenomenon4 ,again1 other leading divinities1 such as ,apollo1 ,artemis1 ,athena1 are already in the pre-,homeric period1 as far as we can discern1 pure real personalities like ,nebo and ,asshur1 having no discoverable nature-significance at all4 ,besides these higher cults1 we discern a vast number of popular local cults of winds1 springs1 rivers1 at first animistically and then anthropomorphically imagined4 ,so in ,mesopotamia we find direct worship of canals and the river4 ,finally1 we discern in early ,hellas a multitude of special 8functional0 divinities or heroes1 8,sondergtter10 like ,eunostos1 the hero of the harvest3 and it may be possible to find their counterparts in the valley of the ,euphrates4#aaj4a ,we have also the nameless groups of divine potencies in ,hellas1 such as the 1 1 these being more frequent in the ,hellenic than in the ,mesopotamian religion1 which presents such parallels as the ,annunaki and the ,igigi1 nameless daimones of the lower and upper world3 and #aaa these in both regions may be regarded as products of animism not yet developed into theism4 ,but such general traits of resemblance in two developed polytheisms deceive no trained inquirer2 and it would be childish to base a theory of borrowing on them4 ,what is far more important are the marked differences in the nature-side of the ,greek polytheism1 as compared with the ,sumerian-,babylonian4 ,in the latter1 the solar-element was very strong1 though perhaps not so omnipresent as some ,assyriologists assure us4 ,on the contrary1 in the proto-,hellenic system it was strikingly weak1 so far as we can interpret the evidence4 ,the earliest ,hellenes certainly regarded the ,sun as a personal animate being1 though the word ,helios did not necessarily connote for them an anthropomorphic god4 ,but the insignificance of his figure in the ,homeric poems agrees well with the facts of actual cult4 ,as ,i have pointed out in the last volume of my ,cults1#aaa4a it was only at ,rhodes that ,helios was a great personal god1 appealing to the faith and affections of the people1 revered as their ancestor and the author of their civilisation1 and descending1 we may believe1 from the period of the ,minoan culture#aaa4b with which ,rhodes was closely associated in legend4 ,and it appears from the evidence of legend and ,minoan art that sun-worship was of some power in the pre-,hellenic ,aegean civilisation4 ,in the ,mycenaean epoch he may have had power in ,corinth1 but his cult faded there in the historic age before that of ,athena and ,poseidon4 ,the developed ,hellene preferred the more personal #aab deity1 whose name did not so obviously suggest a special phenomenon of nature4 ,and if he inherited or adopted certain solar personages1 as some think he adopted a sun-god ,ares from ,thrace1 he seems to have transformed them by some mental process so as to obliterate the traces of the original nature-perception4 ,even more significant for our purpose is the comparison of the two regions from the point of view of lunar-cult4 ,we have sufficiently noted already the prominence of the moon-god ,sin in the ,babylonian pantheon1 an august figure of a great religion3 and among all the ,semitic peoples the moon was a male personality1 as it appears to have been for the ,vedic ,indians and other ,aryan peoples4 ,the ,hellenic imagination here presents to us this salient difference1 that the personal moon is feminine1 and she seems to have enjoyed the scantiest cult of all the great powers of ,nature4 ,not that anywhere in ,greece she was wholly without worship4#aab4a ,she is mentioned in a vague record as one of the divinities to whom 1 8wineless offerings10 were consecrated in ,athens3 she had an ancient place in the aboriginal religion of ,arcadia2 of her worship in other places the records are usually late and insignificant4 ,the great ,minoan goddess may have attracted to herself some lunar significance1 but this aspect of her was not pronounced4 ,here1 then1 is another point at which the theory of early ,babylonian influence in nascent ,hellenic religion seriously breaks down4 ,and in this comparison of ,nature-cults it breaks down markedly at two others4 ,the pantheon of ,mesopotamia had early taken on an astral-character4 ,the primitive ,hellenes doubtless had1 like other peoples1 their star-myths2 and their #aac superstitions were aroused and superstitious practices evoked by celestial 8teratology10 by striking phenomena1 such as eclipses1 comets1 falling stars4#aac4a ,but there is no record suggesting that they paid direct worship to the stars1 or that their deities were astral personations1 or were in the early period associated with the stars3 such association1 where it arose1 is merely a sign of that wave of ,oriental influence that moved westward in the later centuries4 ,the only clear evidences of star-cult in ,hellenic communities that ,i have been able to find do not disturb this induction3 ,lykophron and a late ,byzantine author indicate a cult of ,zeus in ,crete1 which cannot1 even if real1 be interpreted as direct star-worship3#aac4b at ,sinope1 a city of ,assyrian origin1 named after the ,babylonian moon-god1 a stone with a late inscription suggests a cult of ,seirios and the constellations2#aac4c and an ,attic inscription of the ,roman ,imperial epoch1 mentions a priest of the 1 whom we must interpret as stellar beings4#aac4d ,what1 then1 must we say about the ,dioskouroi1 whom we are generally taught to regard as the personal forms of the morning- and the evening-star8 ,certainly1 if the astral character of the great ,twin-,brethren of the ,hellenes were provedly their original one1 the general statement just put forth would have to be seriously modified4 ,but a careful study of their cult does not justify the conventional view2 and the theory that ,wide has insisted on#aac4e appears to me the only reasonable account #aad of them1 namely1 that originally they were heroic 8chthonian0 figures1 to whom a celestial character came later to be attached3 it is significant that the astral aspect of them is only presented in comparatively late documents and monuments1 not in ,homer or the ,homeric hymn1 and that their most ancient ritual includes a 8lectisternium10 which properly belonged to heroes and personages of the lower world4 ,lastly1 the nature-worship of the ,hellenes was pre-eminently concerned with ,mother-earth--with ,ge-meter1 and this divine power in its varied personal forms was perhaps of all others the nearest and dearest to the popular heart3 so much of their ritual was concerned directly with her4 ,and some scholars have supposed1 erroneously1 ,i think1 but not unnaturally1 that all the leading ,hellenic goddesses arose from this aboriginal animistic idea4 ,we may at least believe this of ,demeter and ,kore1 the most winning personalities of the higher ,hellenic religion4 ,and even ,athena and ,artemis1 whatever1 if any1 was their original nature-significance1 show in many of their aspects and much of their ritual a close affinity to the earth-goddess4 ,but1 as ,i have indicated above1 it is impossible to find in the early ,mesopotamian religion a parallel figure to ,ge3 though ,ishtar was naturally possessed of vegetative functions--so that1 when she disappears below the world1 all vegetation languishes--yet it would be hazardous to say that she was a personal form of earth3 we may rather suspect that by the time the ,semites brought her to ,mesopotamia from the ,west1 she had lost all direct nature-significance1 and was wholly a personal individual4 ,finally1 the cleavage between the two groups of peoples in their attitude towards the powers of nature is still further marked in the evolution of certain moral and #aae eschatologic ideas4 ,the concept of a ,ge-,themis1 of ,earth as the source of righteousness1 and of ,mother-earth as the kindly welcomer of the souls of the dead1 appears to have been alien to ,mesopotamian imagination1 for which1 ,allatu1 the ,queen of the lower world1 is a figure wholly terrible4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,the ,deities as ,social-,powers4 #aaf ,the next important section of our survey is the comparison of the social and ethical aspects of the religions in the eastern and western areas4 ,here again the former warning may be repeated1 not to draw rash conclusions from the observance of mere general points of similarity1 such as occur in the religious systems of all the more advanced societies of which we have any explicit record4 ,the idea that religion is merely a concern of the private individual conscience is one of the latest phenomena in all religious history4 ,both for the primitive and the more cultured communities of ancient history1 religion was by a law of its nature a social phenomenon1 a force penetrating all the institutions of the political life1 law and morality4 ,but its precise contribution to the evolution of certain social products in the various communities is still a question inviting and repaying much research4 ,it will be interesting to compare what may be gleaned from ,assyriology and the study of ,hellenism bearing on this inquiry1 although it may not help us much towards the solution of our main question4 ,we may assume of the ,mesopotamian as of other peoples1 that its 8social origins0 were partly religious2 only in the valley of the ,euphrates1 society had already #aag so far advanced in the fifth millennium ,b4,c4 that the study of its origins will be always problematic4 ,the deities are already national1 having developed far beyond the narrow tribal limits before we begin to discern them clearly2 we have not to deal with the divinities of clans1 phratries1 or septs1 but of complex aggregates1 such as cities and kingdoms4 ,and the great cities are already there before our knowledge begins4 ,in the ,sumerian myth of creation1 it is the high god himself who1 after settling the order of heaven and earth1 immediately constructs cities such as ,borsippa2 a passage in ,berosus speaks of ,oannes1 that is to say1 ,ea as the founder of cities and temples2#aag4a and the myths may enshrine the truth that the origin of the ,mesopotamian city was often religious1 that the temple was its nucleus4 ,i cannot discover that this is indicated by the names of any other of the great cities1 ,babylon1 ,borsippa1 ,sippar1 ,kutha2 but it is shown by the name of ,nineveh and its connection with the ,sumerian goddess ,nin or ,nina1 possibly a form of ,ishtar4#aag4b ,and in the inscription of ,sargon giving the names of the eight doors of his palace1 all named after deities1 ,ninib is described as the god 8who lays the ground-stone of the city for eternity02#aag4c also we find designations of particular cities1 as the city of such-and-such a deity4#aag4d ,finally1 it may be worth noting in this direction that ,nusku the fire-god1 who lights the sacrifices1 is called 8the ,city-,founder1 the ,restorer of ,temples40#aag4e ,the evidence of ,anatolia is late1 but it tells the same story3 ,sir ,william ,ramsay has emphasised the #aah importance for early political history of such names as ,hieroupolis1 the ,city of the ,temple1 developing into ,hierapolis1 the ,holy ,city4#aah4a ,in ,hellas the evidence is fuller and older of the religious origin of some1 at least1 of the 1 for some of the old names reveal the personal name or the appellative of the divinity4 ,such are ,athenai 7the settlements of ,athena72 ,potniai1 8the place of the revered ones02 ,alalkomenai1 8the places of ,athena ,alalkomene02 ,nemea1 8the sacred groves of ,zeus02 ,megara1 probably 8the shrines of the goddess of the lower world02 ,diades1 ,olympia and others4 ,the reason of such development is not hard to seek3 the temple would be the meeting-place of many consanguineous tribes1 and its sanctuary would safeguard intertribal markets1 and at the same time demand fortification and attract a settlement4 ,mecca1 the holy city of ,arabia in days long before and after ,islam1 had doubtless this origin4#aah4b ,we have traces of the same phenomenon in our ,english names3 ,preston1 for instance1 showing the growth of a city out of a monastery4 ,in the later history of ,hellenism the religious origin of the is still more frequently revealed by its name3 the god who leads the colonists to their new home gives his name to the settlement2 hence the very numerous 8,apolloniai40 ,but though it is not permissible to dogmatise about the origin of the great cities in the valley of the ,euphrates1 we have ample material supplied by ,babylonian-,assyrian monuments and texts of the close interdependence of ,church and ,state1 to illustrate what ,i remarked upon in my inaugural lecture1 the political character of the pantheon4 ,this emerges most clearly when we consider #aai the relations of the monarch to the deity4 ,of all ,oriental autocracies1 it may be said with truth that the instinctive bias of the people to an autocratic system is a religious instinct3 the kingship is of the divine type of which ,dr4 ,frazer has collected the amplest evidence4 ,and this was certainly the type of the most ancient kingship that we can discover in the ,mesopotamian region4 ,the ancient kings of the ,isin dynasty dared to speak of themselves as 8the beloved consort of ,nana40#aai4a ,but more usually the king was regarded as the son or fosterling of the divinity1 though this dogma need not have been given a literal interpretation1 nor did it clash with the well-established proof of a secular paternity4 ,an interesting example is the inscription of ,samsuilina1 the son of ,hammurabi1 who was reigning perhaps as early as the latter part of the third millennium3#aai4b the king proclaims1 8,i built the wall in ,nippur in honour of the goddess ,nin1 the walls of ,padda to ,adad my helper1 the wall of ,lagab to ,sin the god1 my begetter40 ,the tie of the foster-child was as close as that of actual sonship2 and ,assurbanipal is regarded as the foster-child of the goddess of ,nineveh4 ,nebo himself says to him in that remarkable conversation between the god and the king that an inscription has preserved1#aai4c 8weak wast thou1 ,o ,assurbanipal1 when thou sattest on the lap of the divine ,queen of ,nineveh1 and didst drink from her four breasts40 ,similarly1 the early ,king ,lugalzaggisi declares that he was nourished by the milk of the goddess ,ninharsag1 and ,king ,gudea mentions ,nina as his mother4#aai4d ,in an oracle of encouragement #abj given by the goddess ,belit to ,assurbanipal1 she speaks to him thus1 8,thou whom ,belit has borne1 do not fear40#abj4a ,now a few isolated texts might be quoted to suggest that this idea of divine parentage was not confined to the kings1 but that even the private ,babylonian might at times rise to the conception that he was in a sense the child of ,god4 ,at least in one incantation1 in which ,marduk is commissioned by ,ea to heal a sick man1 the man is called 8the child of his god02#abj4b and ,ishtar is often designated 8the ,mother of ,gods and men0 and the source of all life on the earth1 human1 animal1 and vegetative4#abj4c ,but the incantation points only to a vague spiritual belief that might be associated with a general idea that all life is originally divine4 ,we may be sure that the feeling of the divine life of the king was a much more real and living belief than was any sense that the individual might occasionally cherish of his own celestial origin4 ,the king and the god were together the joint source of law and order4 ,the greatest of the early ,babylonian dynasts1 ,lugalzaggisi1 whose reign is dated near to #djjj ,b4,c41 styles himself the vicegerent 7,patesi7 of ,enlil1 the earth-god of ,nippur2#abj4d and in early ,babylonian contracts1 oath was taken in the names both of the god and the king4#abj4e ,hammurabi converses with ,shamash and receives the great code from his hands1 even as ,moses received the law from ,jahw or ,minos from ,zeus4 ,did any monument ever express so profoundly the divine origin of the royal authority and the ,state institutions as the famous #aba ,shamash relief8#aba4a ,it is the gods who endow ,hammurabi with his various mental qualities3 he himself tells us so in his code1 8,marduk sent me to rule men and to proclaim ,righteousness to the world02#aba4b and he speaks similarly of the sun-god ,shamash3 8,at the command of ,shamash1 the great ,judge of ,heaven and ,earth1 shall ,righteousness arise up in the land40#aba4c ,he proclaims himself1 therefore1 the political prophet of the ,lord2 and curses with a portentous curse any one who shall venture to abolish his enactments4 ,the later ,assyrian kings have the same religious confidence3 ,sargon 7,b4,c4 #gbb-gje7 proclaims that he owes his penetrating genius to ,ea1 8the ,lord of ,wisdom10 and his understanding to the 8,queen of the crown of heaven40#aba4d ,we find them also1 the ,assyrian kings1 consulting the sun-god by presenting to him tablets inscribed with questions as to their chances of success in a war1 or the fitness and loyalty of a minister whom they proposed to appoint4#aba4e ,and this religion affords a unique illustration of the intimacy of the bond between the king as head of the ,state and the divine powers4 ,the gods are the rulers of destiny3 and in the ,hall of ,assembly at ,esagila each year the ,council of the ,gods under the presidency of ,nebo fixed the destiny of the king and the ,empire for the ensuing year4#aba4f ,this award must have signified the writing down of oracles concerning the immediate future1 and no doubt the questions were prepared by the king and the priests4 ,the good king #abb who was devoted to the service of the gods was glorified by the priesthood in much the same terms as are applied in the ,old ,testament to the king who was devoted to the service of ,jahw3 in the cult-inscription of ,sippar in the ,british ,museum1#abb4a ,nabupaladdin1 who reigned #hhd-hfj ,b4,c41 and who re-established the cult of ,shamash1 is praised by the priest as 8the called of ,marduk1 the darling of ,anu and ,ea1 the man wholly after the heart of ,zarpanit40 ,the king1 then1 is the head of the church1 himself a high-priest1 as ,gudea was high-priest of ,ningirsu1 and as the ,assyrian kings described themselves as the priests of ,asshur1 the professional priesthood serving as their expert advisers and ministers4 ,was he actually worshipped in his life8 ,this is maintained by some ,assyriologists1 and certain evidence points to the practice4 ,in the conversation between ,nebo and ,assurbanipal1 to which reference has been made1 the god promises to the king1 8,i will raise up thy head and erect thy form in the temple of ,bit-,mashmash02#abb4b the names of old ,babylonian kings are marked with the ideogram of divinity1 and ,professor ,jastrow#abb4c mentions an inscription of the fourth millennium ,b4,c4 in which ,gudea ordains sacrifices to his own statues4 ,a document is quoted by ,mr4 ,johns1#abb4d recording the dedication of a piece of land by a private citizen 8for his life10 that is to say1 to bring a blessing on himself1 to the ,king ,lugalla who is called a god1 and to his consort4 ,but ,zimmern#abb4e considers that the direct deification of kings was a practice of the earliest period only1 and was never pushed so far as it was in ,egypt4 #abc ,there is reason to suppose that the king or patesi who controlled ,nippur had alone the right to be deified1 ,nippur being the original centre of the ,sumerian religion4#abc4a ,the sacred character of the king implied that he could exercise miraculous functions or put forth divine 8mana0 on behalf of his people4 ,we find him in the earlier period reciting incantations in the dark of the moon to avert evil from the land4#abc4b ,one of the kings of the dynasty of ,ur assumed the title 8the exorciser of the holy tree of ,eridu10 which may point to certain magic functions performed by the king on the sacred tree4#abc4c ,this political aspect of religion appears pronounced also in other early communities of the ,semitic race2 the high god or goddess is the head of the ,state2 the people of ,moab are the sons and daughters of ,chemosh2 the goddess of ,askalon and ,sidon wears the mural crown4 ,and doubtless the early ,semitic kingship was of the same sacred character elsewhere as in ,mesopotamia4 ,the ,king of ,moab on the ,mesha ,stone calls himself the son of ,chemosh2 and ,ben-,hadad1 ,king of ,damascus1 is the son of ,hadad4#abc4d ,in the ,aramaic inscription found at ,sinjerli1#abc4e the gods ,hadad1 ,el-,reschef1 and ,shamash are regarded as special protectors of the kings4 ,one of the last kings of ,sidon1 ,tabnit1 in the inscription on his sarcophagus1 places his priestly office before his royal title1 8,i1 ,tabnit1 priest of ,astarte1 ,king of the ,sidonians40#abc4f ,king of ,byblos or ,gobal1 in #abd the fifth century ,b4,c41 regards himself as called to his high office by the ,baalat1 the goddess of the ,state1 and prays that she may bless him and give him length of days 8because he is a just king03#abd4a and mention has already been made of ,phoenician monuments showing the ,king of ,sidon seated with ,astarte and embraced by her4 ,the claim to actual godship may have really been made by the ,king of ,tyre1 as the prophet ,ezekiel twice reproaches him with the blasphemy3 8,thou hast said1 ,i am a ,god1 ,i sit in the ,seat of ,god1 in the midst of the ,seas40#abd4b ,the ,hittite monuments and the text of the ,hittite treaty with ,rameses ,,ii4 reveal a religion of the same political type4 ,the gods are not only witnesses to the political contract1 but the great ,hittite god of heaven puts his own seal to it2 and the last few lines of the text contain a careful description of that seal1 which reveals the sacrosanct character of the ,hittite kingship2 for the design chosen was a group of the god and the ,hittite king whom he is embracing4 ,the same significance belongs to certain scenes in the great relief of ,boghaz-,keui3 on one of the slabs we discern an armed god with his arm round the neck and his hand grasping the hand of a smaller figure1 whose emblem and dress suggest a sacerdotal rather than a royal personality4 ,but the happy coincidence of the description in the ,hittite-,egyptian treaty proves that this is no mere priest1 but a ,hittite ,king#abd4c of sacred function and semi-divine #abe character in affectionate union with his god2 it suggests also a date not far from the thirteenth century for the ,boghaz-,keui relief2 and it makes unnecessary and improbable the mystic explanation of this scene that ,dr4 ,frazer has ventured4#abe4a ,at this early period of the ,hittite empire1 the kingship may not yet have been detached from the priesthood2 even later at ,comana1 in the same country of ,cappadocia1 the priests and the kings were drawn from the same stock4#abe4b ,one more detail bearing perhaps on the present subject may be noted in this monument at ,boghaz-,keui3 the goddess wears a crenelated cap1 that reminds us somewhat of the later mural or turreted crown borne by ,cybele and ,astarte4 ,may we suppose that this was the origin of those1 and had the same political significance8 ,again1 it may be noted that in ,phrygia itself1 the land of the goddess1 we have vague evidence in the legend of ,midas that the early kings called by that name were regarded as the sons of ,kybele4#abe4c ,as regards the ,minoan-,mycenaean religion and its relation to the ,state1 the excavations on the site of ,knossos suggest that there at least the whole of the state-cult was in the hands of the kings2 for no public temples have been found1 but only shrines in the palaces4 ,this is the strongest proof of the sacral power of the ,minoan ruler1 and we can well believe that he was deified after his death2 nor need we wholly discredit that vague statement of ,tzetzes that the old kings of ,crete were given the divine name of ,zeus 4#abe4d #abf ,there is value1 then1 in ,homer's picture of ,minos as the friend of ,god who holds converse with him4 ,the political significance of ,greek religion impresses itself upon us at a thousand points and under endless aspects4 ,the deity belongs not to the individual but to the tribe2 and as in the earliest ,hellenic period the tribes were conscious of a certain community of blood1 their earliest religion appears at many points to have transcended the tribal limits1 and certain deities have developed a national character4 ,now evidence--vague and legendary1 it is true1 but valuable when compared with the facts of other communities--compels us to conceive of the early ,hellenic kings having the same character as those that we have observed in ,mesopotamia1 ,anatolia1 and ,crete2 ,homer regards them as the god-born1 who can exercise religious functions1 whose decrees have the force of 4 ,the fire that burnt on their hearth was sacred and embodied the life of the community2 and in the later period the perpetual fire that was maintained in the ,prytaneum of the represented the ancient sacred hearth-fire of the king4#abf4a ,also1 when the monarchy was generally abolished1 many of the cities felt compelled to retain the title of for the priest who carried on the religious functions as the shadow of the ancient priest-king4 ,but these similar phenomena are of little ethnographic value4 ,primitive ,hellenism was in these respects only maintaining its own inherited traditions1 and following the same lines of early social evolution as those of other communities4 ,on the other hand1 the distinctness of developed ,hellenism is the secular independence of its intellect2 and even in its earliest #abg mythic period we can believe that the divine character of the ,basileus was less impressively felt1 his association with the divinity less intimate1 than was the case in ,mesopotamia4 ,neither ,agamemnon nor his predecessors would speak1 we may be sure1 with the same astonishing self-consciousness of their divine inspiration as the earliest and later kings of ,babylon and ,assyria4 ,returning to the ,mesopotamian societies1 we find much other evidence of the dependence of ,state-institutions upon cult and religious ideas4 ,justice and the integrity of the ,law were virtues consecrated by old ,babylonian religion4 ,one of the most striking of the ,shamash hymns exhibits the sun-god as the guardian of right judgment--8the wicked judge thou makest to behold bondage--him who receives not a bribe1 who has regard to the weak1 shall be well-pleasing to ,shamash1 he shall prolong his life03 8,shamash hates those who falsify boundaries and weights40#abg4a ,the respect for the rights of property to which the latter phrase alludes1 was maintained by the force of religious sanctions4 ,the ,king ,asurbanipal declares that he has restored to the ,babylonians their fields that had been wrongfully taken away1 8for fear of ,bel and ,nebo40#abg4b ,a number of inscribed ,babylonian boundary-stones have been found with symbols of the various high gods carved upon them1 with invocations in their name to deter trespassers1 or those who would remove their neighbour's landmark4#abg4c ,one of these is marked with a curse as follows3#abg4d 8,may ,ninib1 the ,lord of ,boundaries1 deprive him of #abh his son the water-pourer0--meaning that the man who violates the boundaries shall leave no son behind him to perform the funeral rites4 ,probably other examples of this practice are to be found in non-,hellenic ,asia ,minor2 at present ,i can only quote one1 a late ,phrygian inscription1 which1 however1 may testify to an early ,phrygian religious function1 on a slab with the divine name 1 8,boundary-guardian10 inscribed beneath a carved relief-figure of the god ,men bearing a club4#abh4a ,in ,greece1 as is well known1 religion contributed the same aid to the evolution of the law of private property in land2 the boundary is put under the protection of ,zeus 1 a power similar to the ,latin ,jupiter ,terminus1 or of ,hermes 4#abh4b ,in this function they are regarded as nether-deities1 whose divinity is latent in the soil4 ,but though ,hellas may have borrowed from ,babylon its system of land-measurement1 it did not need to borrow this religious idea and practice4 ,for these are widespread over the world3 in the ,teutonic north the rights of the owner were sanctified by carrying holy fire from the hearth round the boundary2 and in savage modern societies by the use of the terrible weapon of the tabu and by the erection of fetiches on the boundary mark which serve as 4#abh4c ,we have here a salient example of religion as a constructive force in framing a great social institution1 while the motive desire is secular and purely human4 ,but we must not1 ,i think1 hope to be able to trace with any exactness the part played by religion in constructing the various departments of the social fabric #abi of ,babylonia2 for when we get our first glimpse of that society it is already so far advanced1 so complex in its civilisation1 in a sense so modern1 that its embryology is likely to escape us4 ,nevertheless1 it is interesting for our purpose to study the earliest material1 the code of ,hammurabi1 to watch what light it throws on the correlation of religious and secular life4 ,some parts of it are missing1 but we may be allowed to pass a temporary judgment on that which is preserved1 and which appears to be the greater part of the whole corpus4#abi4a ,the code1 as ,i have mentioned1 is inspired by the god1 safeguarded by the god1 and the legislation is in that sense theocratic2 but as compared1 for instance1 with the ,jewish books of the ,law1 it impresses us as the work of a cool-headed lawyer1 of secular utilitarian principles1 bringing legal acumen to bear on the problems of a complex society4 ,at certain points it is still on the barbaric plane3 the principle of 8an eye for an eye0 is enacted2 the sense of individual responsibility for wrong-doing is not yet so far developed but that vicarious punishment is still allowed2 a man's son or daughter might be put to death for his own offence4 ,but in many respects it reveals an advanced moral and intellectual view1 and the religious atmosphere is absent where we should most expect to find an infusion of it4 ,in the enactments dealing with the fees due to a physician1 we seem to discern that medicine has become a free and secular science4 ,still more important for our purpose are the clauses concerning homicide1 for it is particularly in regard to homicide that religious feeling has been most operative in the #acj early legislation of society1 and the evolution of our modern morality concerning this offence has been at times retarded by religion4 ,only one clause in the code happens to deal with deliberate murder1 and only murder in special circumstances1 those in which ,clytemnestra murdered ,agamemnon3 ,hammurabi would have impaled ,clytemnestra3 a few other clauses are concerned with culpable homicide and unintentional4 ,hammurabi being himself a master-builder1 is severe with bad architects who build houses so weakly that they fall in and kill the owners3 in such a case he kills the architect4 ,but he is singularly equitable and mild with a man who is drawn into a quarrel in which blows are passed1 and who unthinkingly wounds or kills his opponent2 if he can take an oath that he acted 8without knowledge or without will10 he has only to pay the physician if the man is wounded1 and half a mina of silver if the man is killed and was of free birth4 ,here there is no mention of the blood-feud1 and ,babylonian society seems wholly to have escaped from that dangerous principle of tribal barbarism4#acj4a ,neither is there any hint of the inherent impurity of all bloodshed1 whatever is the manner of the shedding2 and it seems that this society was no longer in bondage to that religious feeling1 to which our modern moral sense concerning murder is in many ways indebted1 but which is often obstructive of legal and ethical progress1 and which coloured so deeply the early ,judaic and ,hellenic law of homicide4 ,further1 we note that ,hammurabi's code has come to allow the consideration of motives #aca and extenuating circumstances2 and in this vital respect it ranks with modern civilised legislation4 ,between such a society and the proto-,hellenic community1 at least in regard to the view of homicide1 there was a great gulf fixed4 ,but for the present let us pursue the code further4 ,another crime that early society regards with religious horror1 and of which religion always takes cognisance1 is incest4 ,the enactments of the code deal only with three cases3 incest with daughter1 mother1 and stepmother2 in the first1 the sinner is driven from the land1 probably into perpetual exile2 in the second1 both parties are burned alive2 in the third1 he is merely driven from the paternal house4 ,the first two punishments reveal1 ,i think1 religious feeling1 stronger in the second case than in the first3 the sinner pollutes the land1 therefore the pollution must be purged by his flight1 or when most deadly must be purged away by fire2 for execution by burning had often the religious significance of a holocaust4 ,still it is only by surmise that we detect religious colour in the code at this point3 in fact1 it emerges clearly only in a few clauses4 ,we note that the code allows of expurgation by oath-taking2 so did the early ,greeks and our own forefathers1 and the practice is not distinctive of any particular people or group4 ,the code allows the ordeal in certain cases1 as did the ,greek1 and as probably every community has done at a certain stage of religious feeling2 also civilised ,babylon countenanced trials for witchcraft1 and enacted a similar water-ordeal to that which prevailed in ,england till fairly recent times4 ,one clause is of interest as showing that ,hammurabi was not afraid of any opposition from the priesthood if he wished to tax ,church property2 for he enacts that #acb the ransom of his captured feudal followers 7about whom he is particularly thoughtful7 8shall be paid out of the property of the temple nearest to the place where they were taken prisoners40#acb4a ,but the most interesting part of the code from the religious point of view1 are the enactments concerning a class of women who are devoted to the service of religion1 sisters or wives1 as they are here called1 of ,marduk3 but it will be more convenient to consider these later on when the question of ritual is dealt with4 ,apart from this great document1 ,i do not know if further evidence is forthcoming of the precise influence of religion on the social system of ,babylonia4 ,the two spheres may once have been closely interdependent2 but we can see from the earliest legal contracts that law had already freed itself from religion in the main2 the judge is a secular authority2#acb4b the scribe who draws up the contracts is a professional notary1 and it is not clear that he had any necessary connection with the temples2#acb4c we only hear of certain elders who assisted the judge1 many of whom were temple officials or members of the guild of ,shamash votaries2#acb4d also1 we find trials taking place in the temples1 especially the temple of ,shamash at ,sippara1 where the legal judgment was called 8the judgment of ,shamash in the house of ,shamash40#acb4e ,much light has yet to come1 no doubt1 from ,babylon1 and new light perhaps from ,anatolia1 to illuminate the part played by religion in the evolution of society4 ,we would wish to know more concerning the religious side of family institutions1 whether1 for instance1 there was any direct cult of the family hearth to which the ,hellenes owed so much4 ,robertson ,smith definitely denies that #acc any of the ,semitic races knew of such an institution2 and he is very probably right1 for it belongs more naturally to the colder climates1 where the fixed and carefully placed hearth is a necessary centre of the dwelling-room1 than to the hotter1 where the inhabitants could be content in winter with a movable brazier4 ,yet one text at least may be cited to prove1 if rightly interpreted1 that the hearth could be occasionally deified in a ,babylonian liturgy2 for in a hymn to ,nusku the fire-god1 which contains a litany of absolution from sins1 we find the phrase1 8,may the hearth of the house deliver you and absolve you10#acc4a but the same litany speaks also of the canals as deified4 ,and we may value these two examples of that polydaimonism to which we could find parallels in early ,hellas4 ,but this evidence does not point to any established and regulated hearth-worship which might serve as the religious bond of family morality4 ,more than one inscription1 however1 attests the worship of a family house-god 7ilu-biti71 to whom it seems a small domestic chapel was consecrated4#acc4b ,similarly1 we have in ,hellas ,zeus and 4 ,and the ,babylonian ilu-biti is mentioned1 in association with a divinity of the street1 ila-ski1--a name which reminds us of ,apollo 4 ,only1 these household and street-divinities in ,babylon may have been mere 8daimones0 rather than 2 nor is it clear whether these family cults were ancestral1 the heritage of a particular clan1 or whether they were merely consecrated to the personal protective deity of the householder1 or what part they played in the family organisation1 for instance1 in the #acd marriage-ceremonies1 births1 and adoptions4 ,so far as ,i have been able to study them1 the ,babylonian litanies and hymns seem rarely to reflect the religious side of the family life#acd4a2 they are prompted by the needs of the city and the empire1 or by the emotional crises of the individual soul4 ,the legal contracts preserved on the brick tablets throw some light on the forms of the marriage ceremony1 which appears to have been performed usually in a registration-office rather than a church4 ,there must surely have been also some religious side to it2 but the only evidence1 so far as ,i am aware1 is a very curious and doubtful document that has been published by ,dr4 ,pinches1 containing details of a religious ceremony which appears to be part of a bridal4#acd4b ,i will not quote the quaint and bizarre formulae1 as the renderings are said to be highly conjectural3 if they prove correct1 one may judge that the service belongs to a highly advanced religion2 but ,i cannot adduce any parallel to it from other peoples4 ,as for the ritual or religious feeling connected with adoption or birth1 ,i am not aware that the documents have so far disclosed anything3 it is stated vaguely by ,peiser1 in his sketch of ,babylonian society1 that adoption at ,babylon might be prompted by a religious motive1 namely1 by the desire of the childless parents to have an heir who might continue the ancestor-worship of the family4 ,but no document is quoted in proof of this2 and it is very doubtful if we ought to speak of ,babylonian ancestor-worship4#acd4c ,we may suspect that the writer has been misled by the #ace well-known facts of ,vedic1 ,hellenic1 and ,roman family cult4 ,in this1 as in other respects1 we may feel how advanced1 modern and secular1 was ,babylonian society4 ,no trace has appeared as yet of the tribal or phratric system2 the family is the unit of the ,state1 but individualism is much developed4 ,on the other hand1 the function of religion as a constructive force in early ,greek society1 in the evolution of tribal and intertribal law1 is more obvious and transparent1 for in this land we are fortunate enough to catch glimpses of civilised society in its making1 which are denied to us in ,mesopotamia4 ,hellenic religion penetrated every domain and department of ,hellenic life to an even greater degree than did ,babylonian religion the society of ,babylon4 ,and yet the ,greek mind as it develops becomes pronouncedly secular1 at least in comparison with the ,oriental4 ,the contradiction is only apparent4 ,the ,hellene used religion as an instrument for constructing his social order1 for utilitarian ends1 as a serviceable minister that could rarely1 and never for long1 establish a tyranny4 ,he even used it to assist and glorify his sports1 yet he varied and arranged these according to his pleasure4 ,the detrimental tendency of religion to petrify custom was less marked in his midst than elsewhere2 as usual1 it often lagged behind in the progress of the race1 yet it followed the progress on the whole1 and often assisted it4 ,i cannot here give a detailed account of the social functions of ,greek religion2 and some of its more interesting phenomena ,i have tried to analyse in detail in my ,hibbert ,lectures and in various chapters of my ,cults3 one of the most important of the special questions1 the social or political influence of the cults of ancestors1 #acf entered into the course that ,i delivered last year4 ,i will only attempt here a brief indication of the salient facts that will repay special study1 confining myself as far as possible to those that belong to the proto-,hellenic period4 ,our knowledge1 of course1 of the relation of religion to the social order of life1 law1 and morality in the second millennium in ,greece1 is only dim and hypothetical3 here and there ,homer affords us glimpses2 for the rest1 we have legends and cult evidence which must be carefully and tactfully used4 ,i have already touched on the religious character of the ancient kingship1 and the evidence of the religious origin of some of the ,hellenic 4 ,it is probable that some of the deities had already in the proto-,hellenic period a political character1 as deities of the assembly or the 8agora40 ,thus ,apollo 1 at first a divine leader of the invasion1 becomes1 when the conquerors settle on the land1 at once a divinity of the city2 and some scholars would derive his very name from the 1 the political assembly4 ,in order to ensure the settlement and development of law1 the debates and judgments in the market-place must be secured from armed disturbance such as frequently threatened the peace of the ,icelandic ,thing3 therefore1 in pre-,homeric days the market-place was consecrated as a holy place1 and the elders who give judgment 8hold in their hands the sceptres of clear-voiced heralds40#acf4a ,these words probably refer to the 1 the badge of ,hermes1 the god of the market-place1 which as a religious amulet confers inviolability on the bearer4 ,the same fetich-badge1 giving security to the herald and ambassador1 assisted the development of international law2 and the only spiritual sanction of treaties #acg and covenants with other communities was a religious one1 the force of the oath sworn and the ordeal-ritual which accompanied the conclusion of a treaty or contract4 ,the temple on the borderland of different tribes served as a secure place for intertribal intercourse1 commercial and festive1 and might become the centre of an ,amphictyony1 or federal union of tribes4 ,the constitution of the ,delphic ,amphictyony points back to the proto-,hellenic period4 ,the oracles were beginning in the second millennium to play a political part1 as they did with greater effect in the first4 ,for ,zeus was already at ,dodona1 and ,apollo1 the political god par excellence1 at ,pytho4 ,our indications are slight and dim2 but the poet of the ,odyssey seems to be aware that an or oracular deliverance might be used to dethrone a royal dynasty4#acg4a ,the dedication of a tithe of the captives taken in war to ,apollo was a custom connected with the earliest settlements and migration1 for ,apollo disposed of his captives by colonising them on some vacant land4 ,the practice appears to have been a very early one1 for this is the legend of the pre-,dorian settlement of the ,dryopes in the ,peloponnese2#acg4b also there is evidence for the institution in pre-historic ,greece of that religious system of colonisation which the ,latins called the ,ver ,sacrum4#acg4c ,in fact1 the religion of ,apollo1 especially the common worship of ,apollo 1 served more than any other cult as a bond of connection between the independent communities already--,i believe--in pre-,homeric days2 and to this earliest epoch may belong that interesting ritual of the ,hyperborean offerings brought by sacrosanct ,hellenic pilgrims down from the north along the primeval routes of the ,aryan immigration4#acg4d #ach ,the narrower systems of family and phratry tell the same story of the constructive power of religion4 ,the primitive grouping into septs and phratries and tribal subdivisions1 of which the traces are not yet discovered in the civilisation of ,babylon1 has left its deep imprint on historic ,greek society2 and religion is intimately interwoven with the domestic and phratric cults1 not only in that these are much concerned with worship of heroes and ancestors1 but that the high divinities also1 ,zeus 1 ,athena and 1 take these institutions under their charge4 ,hence all adoptions and admissions of new members into the phratry had to be performed at the altar4 ,the marriage ceremony was a religious ritual--in ,attica1 at least1 a religious communion like the ,roman ,confarreatio1#ach4a and the mutual duties of parents and children1 kinsmen and tribesmen1 were consecrated by the early ideas concerning the divine nature4#ach4b ,a festival such as the 1 instituted to cement a social organisation1 and to all appearances of great antiquity1 has nothing like it in the ,babylonian festival calendar1 so far as ,i am aware2 and again1 to the many political and social titles of the ,hellenic divinities such as 1 1 1 1 it would be hard to find parallels in the cult-terminology of ,babylon4 ,in considering a religion under its social or legal aspects1 the laws concerning homicide will often yield telling evidence4 ,there is a whole aeon of development dividing the code of ,hammurabi and the ,homeric and pre-,homeric theory in this matter4 ,the ,babylonian had arrived1 as we have seen1#ach4c in some indefinitely #aci early period at the conception of murder as a crime against the whole ,state1 at what we may call the advanced secular point of view4 ,in ,greece that conception is post-,homeric3 the ,homeric and pre-,homeric societies were still in the stage of law in which homicide is treated as a private affair of the kinsmen1 a matter to be settled by the blood-feud or weregild4 ,only in certain cases it was a sin1 namely1 when the slain person was a suppliant or a kinsman4 ,the religious feeling in respect of the first partly arises from the old ,aryan ,hearth-worship2#aci4a in respect of the second1 it is associated with a primitive tribal horror of shedding kindred blood3 and1 though the feeling of the religious sanctity of the guest1 the suppliant1 and the kinsman was strong in ,semitic communities1 ,i cannot find any special ,babylonian cult that is analogous to that of ,zeus 1 or 1 or 4 ,i have traced elsewhere the development in the ninth and eighth centuries of the more civilised legislation concerning homicide in ,greece1 and ,i have tried to indicate the precise part played by religion in aiding the evolution3#aci4b to get to the facts one must specially study the worship of ,athena and ,apollo4 ,i have connected it with a growing sense of the impurity of bloodshed1 which might express itself in a definite religious way1 as fear of the ghost or of the offended deity4 ,it is open to us to explain this increased sensitiveness concerning purity as a mark of ,oriental influence1 which was reaching ,greece in the first millennium ,b4,c4 ,but at least we ought not to derive it from ,mesopotamia until we find evidence of purifications from bloodshed as a common ritual in ,babylonian religion1 and the impurity of bloodshed an underlying #adj principle of the ,babylonian law of murder4 ,but1 as we have seen1 we discern here only the secular result3 the religious force that may have worked towards it is too far removed in the background of the past4 ,summarily1 we must conclude that the political application of ,hellenic religion seems wholly a native and independent product of the ,hellenic spirit1 and reflected the characteristically ,hellenic forms of civic life4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,religion and ,morality4 #ada ,the comparison must also consider the relation in these various societies between religion and morality1 both social and individual4 ,from this point of view1 as we are dealing with the second millennium only1 it must be a comparison mainly between the ,mesopotamian and the ,hellenic2 for except for a few ,hittite letters that reveal little1 there is no evidence concerning our races of the west of ,asia ,minor1 since monuments can scarcely be direct witnesses concerning ethics2 at least1 the ,asia ,minor monuments are not1 and we must await the further discovery and interpretation of ,hittite literature4 ,for the proto-,hellenic period also1 it may be said1 we have no explicit and direct evidence4 ,but we have ,homer1 whose poems belong to the end of that period and the beginning of the second2 and we cannot suppose that the average morality that they represent had all grown up in the century before them1 still less that ,homer had discovered it as an original teacher4 ,therefore1 cautiously and critically handled1 his poems throw some light on the moral facts of the centuries behind them4 ,there is also some evidence to be gleaned from the rich field of ,greek mythology and cult2 only we must realise that we rarely can determine the date of the rise of an old ,hellenic legend or the institution of an old ,hellenic cult4 ,the ,mesopotamian evidence1 #adb then1 is direct and explicit1 depending solely on the right interpretation of documents2 the ,hellenic evidence concerning the earliest period is indirect and often hypothetical4 ,a careful study of all the sources will allow this induction1 that the deities of this period in both societies are on the side of whatever morality is current1 inspiring it1 protecting it1 and avenging the breach of it2 we are dealing1 in fact1 with a religion of personal moral powers4 ,concerning the ,mesopotamian1 this is a trite observation to make2 the most superficial glance of a few hymns confirms it4 ,shamash is the great god of justice1 the protector of the weak2 ,enlil 8destroyeth the evil-minded02#adb4a ,ishtar judges the cause according to right--she maintains the right of the oppressed and the downcast2 ,righteousness and ,judgment are the sons of ,shamash4 ,ga-tum-duga1 8she who produces good10 is an appellative of ,bau4#adb4b ,and yet this is not the whole account4 ,the destructive and evil character of some of the deities in ,mesopotamia occasionally appears in the hymns1 and is expressed apparently in certain titles4 ,this might be the case at times when those deities are addressed that were powers of death and the lower world2 for instance1 ,nergal1 the lord of destruction2 ,isum1 a little-known deity to whom a phrase is attached that is said to mean 8the exalted murderer40#adb4c ,and this might be explained by the fact that these powers personified1 as it were1 the baneful forces of nature1 or1 as perhaps in the case of ,martu1 whom ,jeremias cites as one of the evil gods1 were aliens4#adb4d #adc ,we find also the name of an obscure deity1 8,ira10 who was a god of pestilence1 and at times identified with ,nergal2#adc4a but that a direct cult was attached to him in this baneful character is not shown4 ,and it is unlikely that any ,babylonian deity was worshipped definitely as an evil power3 moral speculation could always explain the evil that he appeared to work as a punishment for sin or as righteous vengeance on the enemy2 that is to say1 the evil element becomes moralised1 and the worshipper is always convinced that the god can become good to him4 ,thus in the same context ,nergal is called the 8,lord of ,destruction10 and yet he is 8the god of the little ones1 he of the beneficent visage40#adc4b ,the dark storm-god ,adad1 before whose wrath the high gods rise up in terror1 the pitiless one1 can yet be implored as 8the merciful among the great gods40#adc4c ,this transformation1 by which a destructive nature-power could become a benevolent being1 follows a law of religious psychology1 which expresses itself in the quasi-magical phraseology of prayer4 ,the worshipper wishes to get some good from his deity or some mercy3 therefore he calls him good and merciful1 feeling that such spell-words constrain the god to be so2 and belief will arise from the continual repetition of formulae4 ,therefore1 by the time our record begins1 all the deities that the ,babylonian and ,assyrian worshipped are beneficent on the whole3 the ,epic of ,creation supposes the existence of primeval bad powers1 but these had been conquered1 and some pardoned1 by ,marduk4 ,the evil personal agencies that remained active were demons1 and these #add were not worshipped1 but exorcised or averted by the good gods4#add4a ,and this may serve as a fairly accurate description of the moral character of ,greek religion at that stage of development where ,homer presents it to us4 ,the high deities are worshipped on the whole as moral beings and as beneficent3 that is1 as the guardians of the social morality of the period1 whatever that was4 ,the usual popular writer does not perceive this1 because he is always liable to the error of confusing mythology with worship1 and supposing that if the mythology is licentious or immoral1 the deity is worshipped in that character4 ,all students of mythology and religion are aware that this is false4 ,we might be able to show that the religious imagination and statement of ,homer at times fall below the level of contemporary cult1 at times rise above it4 ,at any rate1 he is evidently addressing a world of religious-minded people1 who impute their own moral ideals to their highest divinities1 especially to their high god ,zeus4 1 the social feeling of indignation which is at the psychic basis of social morality1 is the common emotion excited both in gods and men by the same acts2 and though much of ,greek religion was still not yet penetrated with morality1 the higher personal gods were generally regarded as on the side of righteousness4 ,one or two ,greek myths1 such as that of ,prometheus1 as ,hesiod narrates it1 might suggest that the deity was not necessarily conceived as the friend1 but sometimes even as the enemy1 of man4 ,but ,hesiod's narrative does not strike us as primitive or #ade popular2 and1 at any rate1 such a view is inconsistent with the earliest stage of worship that we can discover or surmise4 ,the poets and philosophers might dislike ,ares2 but the ,hellenes1 who worshipped him1 did not worship him as an evil god1 with apotropaeic rites3 nor is it proved or likely that any deity to whom actual service was paid1 was regarded as in his nature maleficent by his worshippers4 ,the dread powers of the lower world were also givers of vegetation4 ,the ,erinyes had scarcely a recorded cult1 and their wrath was moralised as righteous indignation2 nor was ghost-cult1 when it arose1 merely a service of terror and aversion4 ,it is a striking confirmation of the view here expressed1 that among the very long list of cult-appellatives attached to the ,greek divinities1 some of which have a moral value1 there are only two doubtful examples of an evil connotation attaching to the word4#ade4a ,we may affirm generally1 then1 that the ,mesopotamian and ,hellenic religions are more or less on the same level of thought in respect of the moral and beneficent character of the deities4 ,but careful study of the ,hellenic will give us the impression that the terrible and destructive power of divinity is far less emphasised by cult than it was in the ,eastern ,semitic world4 ,every deity might be dangerous if neglected1 and certainly would be if insulted4 ,the idea of the 8jealous god0 is non-moral1 and can easily become immoral3 that is1 it tends to divorce the conception of the divine character from the purely human moral ideal4 ,and this idea is palpable not only in the ,hellenic and ,mesopotamian1 but still more in the ,judaic religion1 and our own religion is not yet delivered from it4 ,but apart #adf from this1 the ,hellenic imagination1 so far as we can discern it1 even in its infancy1 did not construct manifold forms of fear out of the dangerous powers in the nature-world1 and worship them with the higher forms of cult4 ,we do not come upon aboriginal thunder gods and storm gods per se 7,i use the term 8god0 advisedly73 ,zeus the thunderer had been civilised and moralised before ,homer's time4 ,poseidon had always his wild side as god of storms and earthquakes2 and to the end he remains rather more a non-moral nature-power than the others2 but destructive force was certainly not the centre of his personality1 and in the pre-historic days he had become the father of the ,minyan and ,ionic people1 and the guardian of their family life4 ,the wind-powers might develop into beneficent gods or ancestors2 or might occasionally be regarded from the lower standpoint of polydaimonism1 and averted by magical means4 ,the higher ,hellenic religion did not admit such beings as 8,ira10 the god of pestilence1 or a special god of storms or earthquakes1 and it is far less than the ,babylonian a religion of fear4 ,this difference will emerge more clearly in the study of ritual4 ,one more difference strikes us in comparing the ethical character of the two religions4 ,the ,greek high divinity is a moral being1 but not every divinity was moralised to such an extent as were the higher powers of ,mesopotamia4 ,a few ,hellenic deities remain ethically undeveloped and crude1 ,ares1 for instance1 and in a certain sense ,hestia4 ,a salient example is the contrast between the fire-god ,hephaistos and the ,babylonian-,sumerian ,nusku or ,girru4#adf4a ,both are elemental powers of fire1 both are therefore concerned with the arts of metalwork2 but ,hephaistos remains a handicraftsman1 and #adg has little or nothing to do with moral life2 whereas the ,babylonian deity acquires an exalted moral and spiritual character4 ,dionysos becomes a most potent force in the later ,hellenic world2 yet an irrepressible vein of wildness and a spirit that refuses to conform to the ethical ideal of ,hellas remains in him4 ,a god so highly placed at ,babylon would have been clothed with moral attributes in many an ecstatic phrase of temple liturgy4 ,it would be interesting to go more into detail concerning the special moral virtues consecrated by the two religions1 or the various moral attributes specially attributed to the divinities4 ,such a study would demand two long treatises on ,greek and ,babylonian ethics4 ,i have only time and power to indicate here a few points4 ,the peoples of the old world show many general points of resemblance with each other in their moral ideas1 and as compared with ourselves many salient points of difference4 ,and moral statistics have rarely any value for proving the influence of one race upon another4 ,as the ,babylonian society was more complex in the second millennium than was the ,hellenic1 so must its morality have been2 but it will not be found futile from the point of view of our main purpose to compare the two in respect of some special virtues1 as we have already compared them incidentally in regard to the ideas about homicide4 ,the idea of the sin of perjury belongs to the earliest stage of religious ethic1 and is the starting-point of much moral evolution4 ,it is magical in its origin2 for the oath-taker enters into communion with the divinity1 by touching some sacred object or eating sacred food charged with divine power1 which1 being now within him1 will blast him if he forswears4 ,this dangerous power becomes interpreted as the anger #adh of the deity by whom the person swears falsely4 ,hence the belief arose in early ,mesopotamia and ,greece1 and generally in the cults of personal gods1 that they punish perjury as a dire offence3 such punishment will fall on the community or individual1 and often on both3 therefore a social moral instinct arises against perjury4 ,this might develop into a moral idea among a progressive people that truthfulness1 quite apart from the ritual of the oath1 was dear to ,god in any case1 and was therefore a religious virtue4 ,and of this religious virtue attaching to truthfulness1 however it came to attach1 we have evidence in a ,babylonian ritual of confession2 before the evil demon can be exorcised1 the priest asked certain questions of the penitent1 and twice he asks1 8,has he said1 yea for nay1 and nay for yea80#adh4a ,but in no ,hellenic record have ,i ever been able to find a religious parallel to this4 ,the ,hellenic religious spirit was most sensitive in respect to perjury1 and no religion ever reprobated it more4 ,in regard to ordinary truthfulness1 ,hellenic religion had nothing to say1 no message to give1 and ,hellenic ethics very little4 ,in the poetic story1 ,athena smiles on the audacious mendacities of ,odysseus1 and ,hermes loves the liar ,autolykos4 ,not that the religion consecrated mendacity1 only it failed to consecrate truth4 ,it is only the great ,achilles who hates with the hate of hell the man who says one thing with his tongue and hides another thing in his heart4#adh4b ,this is the voice of northern honour1 but it has no religious import4 ,the ideas connected with perjury have this further value for the history of ethics1 that they contributed much to the growth of international morality4 ,it is #adi often supposed that the earliest morality is merely tribal or clannish1 and that in respect of the alien it is nonexistent2 but this account of morality is false wherever perjury is found to be a sin4 ,for one great occasion for oath-taking is a treaty or a contract with an alien power4 ,and ,homer is our witness that it was considered an immoral act for either ,achaeans or ,trojans to break their mutual oath4 ,and this early idea of international morality inspires the ,tel-,el-,amarna correspondence and the ,hittite treaty with ,rameses4 ,international morality also includes the duty of hospitality1 and the pre-,homeric world had developed this moral sense strongly1 and no doubt through the aid of religion2 the stranger who puts himself into communion with ,hestia1 the holy hearth1 or with ,zeus ,xenios1 has a moral right to protection1 and the abduction of ,helen was regarded as a sin on the part of ,paris against ,zeus the god of the guest-right4 ,i have not yet been able to find a cult-concept in ,babylonian religion parallel to that of ,zeus ,xenios1 or any reference to hospitality as a sacred duty2 yet we know that this was and is as highly regarded by some ,semitic races as it ever was by the ,hellenic4 ,we may suspect1 however1 that as ,babylonian society was in many respects very modern and complex1 the religious sanction of hospitality had decayed4 ,looking now at the moral code as regulating the relations of members of the same tribe or community1 we cannot doubt that clan-morality was already highly developed in the proto-,hellenic period3 the rights and duties of kinsmen are the basis of this morality1 and these were consecrated by the worship around the altar of ,zeus 8in the courtyard10 which may have been a primitive religious gathering-place for the kinsfolk of the early ,aryan household4 ,homer is our first witness for the #aej cult of ,zeus 1#aej4a but it is evident that it had been long in existence before his time4 ,the earliest moral duty that the tie of kinship imposes is the maintenance of peace and goodwill1 and as the kindreds grow into a political community1 this becomes the basis of political morality and the corner-stone of the religion of the city4 ,the ,homeric age1 and probably their predecessors1 have attained this ethical religious idea2 and though ,homer is the first to give voice to it1 we will not suppose that he discovered it3 8outcast from clan1 from holy law1 and holy hearth is he who longs for bitter battle among the people of his own township40#aej4b ,and to this early age we must also impute the religious morality of the monogamic family3 the son fears the curse of the father and of the mother1 even of the elder brother3 8thou knowest that the powers of judgment defend the right of the elder-born0--,iris says warningly to ,poseidon4#aej4c ,the ,erinyes are specially charged with the preservation of the morality of the family and clan1 and with the punishment of the two chief offences against the sacred blood of the kin1 murder and incest4 ,of the first1 enough has been said2 the religious view of the earliest ,greeks concerning the second is first attested by ,homer1 who mentions 8the woes of ,oedipus that the ,furies of his mother bring to pass for him02#aej4d he is thinking more of the incestuous marriage than of the parricide4 ,as regards ordinary adultery1 it is only from the later period of ,greek literature that we hear protests against it as a sin1 though the sentiment of moral indignation against the adulterer is no doubt pre-,homeric4 ,one or two ,greek myths that may reflect very early thought express the severe reprobation on the part of the father of #aea unchastity in his unmarried daughter2 myths telling of cruel sentences of death imposed for the offence4 ,but these suggest no religious feeling2 the sentiment may well have arisen from the fact that under the patriarchal system the virgin-daughter was the more marriageable and commanded a higher bride-price4 ,looking at the code of family and social duties in the ethical religion of ,babylon1 of which the private penitential hymns and confessional ritual of exorcism are the chief witnesses1 we find no figures whose concept and function remind us at all of the ,erinyes1 the curse-powers on the side of righteousness2 but there is evidence in the literature of a family morality more advanced and more articulate than the primitive ,greek4 ,among the sins mentioned in the ritual of confession1 alluded to above1 those indicated by the following questions are of interest3 8,has he caused variance between father and son1 mother and daughter1 father-in-law and daughter-in-law1 brother and brother1 friend and friend1 partner and partner8 ,has he conceived hatred against his elder brother1 has he despised his father and mother1 insulted his elder sister80#aea4a ,all these acts of social misconduct are supposed to give a man into the possession of the evil demon1 which must be exorcised before ,god will admit him to his fellowship again4 ,though magical ideas are operative in the ceremony1 yet we discern here a high religious morality4 ,and among the other moral offences clearly considered as sins in the same formula are such as shedding one's neighbour's blood1 committing adultery with one's neighbour's wife1 stealing from one's neighbour4 ,we find also a certain morality in the matter of property and commerce given a religious sanction in this text3 8,thou shalt not #aeb remove thy neighbour's landmark0 was a religious law in ancient ,babylonian ethics as in our present liturgy2 it would appeal to the ,hellene who reverenced ,zeus 2 and there are reasons for believing this cult-idea to have been in vogue very early in ,greece4 ,the ,babylonian code also recognises the sin of using false measure or false coin4 ,and the confessional liturgy agrees in many points with the famous hymn to ,shamash1 where phrases occur such as 8,shamash hates him who falsifies boundaries and weights02 8,shamash hates the adulterer40#aeb4a ,it excites our envy also1 by stamping as sins certain unpatriotic acts1 such as 8the spreading a bad report concerning one's city10 or 8bringing one's city into evil repute40 ,we may say1 then1 that we find a high degree of morality in early ,greece1 a still higher at a still earlier period in ,babylon1 and both are obviously indigenous and natural products4 ,and both reveal the phenomenon that marks an early stage of social morality3 as the tribe or the family are one flesh1 one corporate unit of life1 so the members are collectively responsible1 and 8the sins of the fathers are visited on the children40 ,this was the familiar law of old ,hellas1 and we may say of the ancient ,mediterranean society2 the first to make the momentous protest against it1 and to proclaim the responsibility of the individual conscience1 was ,theognis for the ,hellenes and ,ezekiel for the ,hebrews4 ,the ,babylonian1 advanced in moral thought as he was1 had not escaped the bondage of the older clan-faith3 in an incantation-hymn to ,marduk1#aeb4b the man who is seeking deliverance prays 8may the sins of my father1 of my grandfather1 my mother1 my grandmother1 my family1 #aec my whole circle of kindred1 not come near me1 may they depart from my side40 ,one other characteristic of early moral thought and feeling is that the sense of sin is not wholly ethical according to our modern criteria1 but is partly regarded as something external to the will and purpose1 something inherent in certain acts or substances of which the performance or the contagion renders a man a sinner4 ,thus in the ,babylonian confessional liturgy and hymns of penitence1 while there is much that would appeal to the most delicate moral consciousness1 and is on the same level with the most spiritual passages in the ,hebrew psalms1 there is also a strong admixture of what is alien and non-moral4 ,the confessional formula#aec4a asks a man1 for instance1 8whether he has sat in the chair of a person under a ban10 that is1 8a man forbid10 a person impure and under a curse2 8whether he has met him1 has slept in his bed1 has drunk from his cup40 ,in one of the penitential hymns that might be addressed to any god1 8to the god that ,i know1 and to the god that ,i do not know10 as the formula expresses it1 we find such sorrowful confessions as 8without knowing it1 ,i have eaten of that which is abominable in the sight of my god3 without knowing it1 ,i have trodden on that which is filthy in the sight of my goddess02 8my sins are many1 great is my transgression40#aec4b ,this must be taken quite literally3 contact with unclean things or with unclean persons1 eating of forbidden food1 is put in the same category with serious offences against social morality1 and all these expose a man equally to the power of the evil demon and to the loss of his ,god's protection4 ,and this is a half-civilised development in ,babylonian psychology of the primeval savage #aed law of tabu3 nor1 as ,i think1 is there yet any proof that the people of the ,mesopotamian culture ever attained to the highest plane of ethical enlightenment2 the later ,zarathustrian religion of the ,persian domination is strongly fettered by this ritualistic morality1 in which the distinction between that which is morally wrong and that which is physically unclean1 is never clearly apprehended4 ,this mental attitude is supported in the older and later ,mesopotamian system by a vivid polydaimonism2 the evil demon is on the alert to destroy the family and the individual2 and where the demon is in possession the god departs4 ,as the demon takes advantage of every accidental act1 whether conscious or unconscious1 the idea arises in the over-anxious spirit that one cannot be sure when or how often one has sinned1 and all illness or other misfortune is attributed to some unknown offence4#aed4a ,the utterance of the ,hebrew psalmist1 8who can tell how oft he offendeth3 cleanse ,thou me from my secret faults10 may express the intense sensitiveness of a very spiritual morality1 or it may be merely ritualistic anxiety4 ,this latter is certainly the explanation of the strikingly similar phrases in a ,babylonian penitential hymn--8the sins that ,i have done ,i know not2 the trespass that ,i have committed ,i know not40#aed4b ,the feeling of sin is here deep and very moving--8take away from me my wickedness as a cloak''' my ,god1 though my sins be seven times seven1 yet undo my sins02 yet the context that illustrates this passionate outpouring of the heart1 shows that the sin might be such as the accidental stepping on filth4 ,such ideas1 allowed to obsess the mind1 easily engender despondency and #aee pessimism2 and this tone is heard and once or twice is very marked in some of the most striking products of ,babylonian religious poetry2 for instance1 in the penitential hymn just quoted from1 the poet sorrowfully exclaims3 8,men are dumb1 and of no understanding3 all men who live on the earth1 what do they understand8 ,whether they do right1 or wrong1 they understand nothing40 ,but the strangest example of this is a lyric of lamentation that reminds us vividly of the book of ,job1 found in the library of ,assurbanipal1 and of great antiquity and of wide vogue1 as ,zimmern shows4#aee4a ,it is a masterpiece of the poetry of pessimism3 the theme is the sorrow and tribulation of the righteous who has served ,god faithfully all his life1 and feels at the last that he has had no profit of it2 and his main thought is expressed in the lines1 8,if ,i only knew that such things were pleasing before ,god2 but that which seems good to a man's self1 is evil in the sight of ,god3 and that which according to each man's sense is to be despised1 is good in the sight of his ,god4 ,who can understand the counsel of the ,gods in heaven8 ,a god's plan is full of darkness1 who hath searched it out80 ,it is easy in all this to detect the intimate associations with ,biblical thought and feeling2 and we may trace back to ,babylon the daimonistic theory of morals that colours the ,new ,testament1 and has prevailed throughout the centuries of ,christendom1 and is only slowly losing its hold4 ,but at the same time all this sharply divides early ,babylonian thought from what we can discern of the early ,hellenic1 and more than any other evidence confirms the belief that the great ,eastern and ,western races were not in close spiritual contact at the time when ,hellenism was in the making4 ,certain #aef external resemblances in the thought and feeling about these matters are to be found in ,hellas and in ,mesopotamia2 that is to say1 the germs are identical1 for they are broadcast all over the world2 but the intensity of their cultivation1 and their importance in relation to other life-forces1 are immeasurably different4 ,in the earliest ,greek legend we discover the reflex of that external unpurposive morality that ,i have tried to define above3 the acts of ,oedipus were not according to our moral judgment ethically wrong1 for they were wholly unintentional3 yet in the oldest legend he is 1 as he calls himself in ,sophocles' play1 and a sinner in the eyes of the gods2 nor could all the virtue and valour of ,bellerophon save him from the wrath of heaven aroused by the accidental slaying of his brother4 ,certain acts were supposed to put upon a man a quasi-physical1 quasi-spiritual miasma1 without reference to will or purpose1 and render him hateful to ,god and man4 ,but the bondage of the ,greek mind to this idea was slighter and more temporary4 ,and after all1 the external sins in these legends were parricide1 incest1 and fratricide1 dreadful things enough in themselves4 ,we do not hear of any ,hellene's agony of remorse on account of treading accidentally on filth1 or eating malodorous food4 ,homer1 indeed1 is marvellously untroubled by any ritualistic pharisaic code2 we might even take him as a witness that there was none at all in earliest ,hellas4 ,we should be undoubtedly wrong4 ,the early ,greek must have had1 like all mankind1 his 8tabus0 in plenty2 for to suppose that all that we find in ,hesiod and in the later inscriptions were a sudden discovery1 would be childish4 ,i may be able to consider the evidence concerning early ,greek tabus when ,i compare the ritual4 ,i will only say here that we have #aeg reason to believe that at no period was the ,hellene morbidly perturbed about these1 or ever moralised them up to that point where they could exercise a spiritual tyranny over his moral sense4 ,he might object to touching a corpse or to approaching an altar with blood upon him2 but it does not seem to have occurred to him1 as it did to the ,persian1 and with almost equal force to the ,babylonian1 that accidental contact with an impure thing instantly started into existence an army of demons1 who would rush abroad to destroy the world of righteousness4#aeg4a ,in fact1 ,hellenic tabus and purification-laws1 except1 indeed1 the law concerning purification from bloodshed1 had only this contact with religion1 that the breach of them might offend an irritable divinity1 which it would be unwise to do2 they were not religious1 so far as we can discern1 in the sense that they were associated with a vivid belief in evil spirits1 as they were in the ,babylonian and ,persian creeds4 ,there were germs indeed which might have developed into a vigorous daimonistic theory in early ,hellas4 ,we hear even in ,homer of such unpleasant things as 8a black ,kr02 and a mythic hero of ,megara kills a monster called a 1 almost1 we may say1 a devil4 ,certain days1 according to ,hesiod1 might be unlucky1 because perhaps ,erinyes or ghosts were walking about1 though that popular poet is not clear about this4 ,but certainly not in early nor often in later ,greece were men habitually devil-ridden3 nor did they see devils in food or blood or mud4 ,therefore1 on the whole and comparatively1 early ,greek religion1 when we first catch a glimpse of it1 appears bright and sane1 a religion of the healthy-minded and of men in the open air4 ,and #aeh therefore1 when secular philosophy arose1 ,greek moral theory made no use of evil spirits except in certain ,pythagorean circles where we may detect ,oriental influence4 ,superstition and magic must have been more rife in ancient ,greece than the ,homeric picture would lead us to suppose3 yet the higher culture of the people1 in the earliest period which we are considering1 was comparatively free from these influences and refused to develop by religious speculation or anxious brooding the germs of daimonism always embedded in the lower stratum of the national mind4 ,the ,universe could not1 therefore1 be viewed by the ,hellene as it was by the ,zarathustrian1 and to some extent by the ,babylonian1 as the arena of a cosmic struggle between the powers of good and the powers of evil4 ,nor could the ,hellene personify the power of evil majestically1 in such a guise as ,ahriman or ,satan2 he only was aware of certain little daemon-figures of death and disease1 ghostly shadows rather than fully outlined personages2 or such vaguely conceived personal agencies as ,ate and ,eris1 which belonged not to religion1 but to the poetic-moral thought of the people4 ,when we compare the various rituals1 we shall discern that the ,hellenic was by no means wholly bright or shallow1 but that some of its most ancient forms were gloomy and inspired by a sense of sin or sorrow3 nevertheless1 it is just in respect of the comparative weakness of this sense that it differed most markedly from the ,babylonian4 ,there are other aspects of the divine character interesting to compare in the religious theory of ,east and ,west4 ,despite the apparent grimness of the ,babylonian-,assyrian theology1 no divine trait is more movingly insisted on in the liturgies than the mercifulness #aei of the deity3 ,nebo is 8the merciful1 the gracious02#aei4a ,ishtar is 8the mighty lady of the world1 queen of humanity1 merciful one1 whose favour is propitious1 who hath received my prayer02#aei4b ,sarpanitum is addressed as 8the intercessor1 the protectress of the captive02#aei4c ,shamash as 8the merciful god1 who liftest up those that are bowed down and protectest the weak02#aei4d ,sin as 8the compassionate1 gracious ,father02 and 8,gamlat the merciful0 is mentioned as a descriptive general epithet of an unknown ,assyrian deity4#aei4e ,these phrases may attest in the end a genuine and fervent faith2 but originally they were probably inspired by the word-magic of penitence1 the sinner believing that he can make the deity merciful by repeatedly calling him so4 ,at any rate1 ,babylonian religion catches thus the glow of a high ethical ideal2 and as the deities were invoked and regarded as by nature merciful1 so the private man was required at certain times to show mercy1 as the confessional formula proves4 ,the same idea1 though a less fervent and ecstatic expression is given to it1 is found in the oldest record of ,greek religion3 8,even the gods are moved to pity''' them men turn aside from wrath by sacrifice1 libation1 and gentle prayers1 when a man hath sinned and trespassed against them4 ,for prayers are the daughters of great ,god1''' and if a man do them honour when they come anigh him1 to him they bring great blessings1 and hear him when he prayeth40 ,this ,homeric utterance #afj in the great speech of ,phoenix#afj4a is the voice of a high and civilised religion2 and the idea inspires the ancient cults of ,zeus and 4 ,the ,babylonian conception of divine mercy gave rise to an interesting phrase which is attached as a quasi-liturgical formula to many of the leading gods and goddesses--8the awakener of the dead10 8thou who raisest up the dead03 a phrase which has erroneously been supposed to refer to an actual resurrection of the dead3#afj4b various contexts attest its real significance as an expression of the divine grace shown in restoring the sick to health1 in saving men from the hand of death4 ,hellenic religious vocabulary affords no parallel to this formula nor to that title of ,enlil--8,lord of the breath of life of ,sumer02#afj4c or that of ,bel1 8,lord of the life of the ,land40#afj4d ,in some passages of ,babylonian literature we mark the glimmering of the idea that life in its varied forms on the earth is a divine substance sustained by the personal deity4 ,ishtar is described as the protectress of all animate existence1 and all life languishes when she descends to the nether regions4#afj4e ,the goddess of ,erech1 identified with ,ishtar1 speaking of her own functions1 exclaims1 8,in the place of giving birth in the house of the begetting mother1 guardian of the home am ,i40#afj4f ,it is specially ,tammuz who1 by the side of ,ishtar1 impersonates the life of the soil1 as appears in the striking refrain recurring in his hymn of lament3 8,when he slumbers1 the sheep and the lambs slumber also2 #afa when he slumbers1 the she-goats and the kids slumber also02#afa4a and the same thought may have inspired a phrase that is doubtfully translated at the end of the hymn3 8,in the meadows1 verily1 verily1 the soul of life perishes40 ,still more explicit is another ,tammuz hymn1 in which1 while bewailing the departed god1 they wail for all the life of the earth1 8the wailing is for the herbs2''' they are not produced3 the wailing is for the grain1 ears are not produced3 the wailing is for the habitations1 for the flocks1 the flocks bring forth no more4 ,the wailing is for the perishing wedded ones1 for the perishing children2 the dark-headed people create no more40 ,in all this we see the reflection of a pantheistic feeling that links the living world and the personal divine power in a mystic sympathy4 ,now the idea of divinity immanent in living nature is inconsistent with a severely defined anthropomorphic religion2 hence we scarcely find it in the earlier religion of ,hellas4 ,zeus is called the father of men and gods1 but in a reverential rather than in any literal creative sense3 nor is there found any trace of the idea that divine power is immanent in the life or soul of man1 till we come to the later period of philosophic speculation and ,orphism4 ,only here and there behind the anthropomorphism we discern in ,hellenic myth or cult the vaguer thought of diffused and immanent divinity2 this reveals itself more than once in the myth and cult of ,demeter1 whose anger and sorrow at the loss of her daughter causes a sympathetic disappearance of the crops and the fruits of the earth2 and it is embodied in the ,attic cult on the ,akropolis of ,demeter 1#afa4b which title expresses the immanence in the verdure of #afb the life-giving potency of the goddess4 ,the ancient folklore of ,greece1 and a few cult-records of the primitive village-communities1 reveal figures that recall faintly the lineaments of ,tammuz1 ,eunostos of ,tanagra1 ,skephros of ,tegea1 who may belong1 as ,linos certainly did1 to that group of heroes of crop and harvest1 who die and are bewailed in the fall of the year1 and whose life is sympathetically linked with the life of the earth4 ,but we find this type of personage in other parts of ,europe1 and there is every reason for believing that the western shores of the ,mediterranean had not been touched by the ,tammuz-myth and service in the second millennium ,b4,c4 ,the evidence then suggests that the pregnant idea of the godhead as the source of life was more prominent and more articulate in ,babylonian than in ,hellenic religion4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,purity a ,divine ,attribute4 #afc ,we may next consider the attribute of purity as a divine characteristic1 to see whether in this respect the ,east differed markedly from the ,west4 ,as regards ritual-law1 all the religions of the old world agree in demanding ritual-purity3 the worshipper who approaches the deities must be free from physical taint and impurity3 this idea is so world-wide and so deeply embedded in primitive thought1 that the mere presence of it is of no service for proving the interdependence of any religions in the historic period4 ,from this ritual-law the concept naturally arises of 8pure gods10 deities who themselves are believed to be pure because they insist on purity in their worshippers4 ,marduk is called 8the purifier0 in one of the incantation-texts1 in allusion to his power of exorcising the evil demon of sickness by cleansing processes4#afc4a ,the cathartic rules that the law of ritual prescribes will differ according to the instincts and prejudices of different societies4 ,but the ,babylonian service demanded more than mere ritual-purity2 for instance1 in a fragment of a striking text published by ,delitsch1 we find this injunction3 8,in the sight of thy ,god thou shalt be pure of heart1 for that is the distinction of the ,godhead40#afc4b #afd ,as regards the moral and spiritual sense of purity1 the sense in which we speak of 8purity of heart10 we should naturally include purity in respect of sexual indulgence4 ,but in applying this test to the ,mesopotamian religion we are confronted with a singular difficulty4 ,in the first place1 the mythology is strikingly pure in our modern sense of the word1 so far as the materials have as yet been put before us4 ,it agrees in this respect with the ,hebraic1 and differs markedly from the ,hellenic2 the gods live in monogamic marriage with their respective goddesses1 and we have as yet found no licentious stories of their intrigues4 ,it may be that generally the ,babylonian imagination was restrained by an austerity and shy reverence that did not control the more reckless and lighter spirit of the ,hellene2 or it may be that the priestly and royal scribes1 to whom we owe the whole of the ,babylonian religious literature that has come down to us1 deliberately excluded any element of licentiousness that they may have found in the lower folklore4 ,but there is one curious exception4 ,in the ,epic of ,gilgamesh the hero repulses the proffered love of ,ishtar1 and taunts her with her cruel amours1 giving a long list of her lovers whom she had ruined3 one of these is ,tammuz1 8the spouse of thy youth10 upon whom 8thou didst lay affliction every year03 then he mentions her other lovers who suffered at her hands--a singular list3 a bird1 a lion1 a horse1 a shepherd of the flock1 some ,babylonian ,paris or ,anchises1 whom ,ishtar treated as ,artemis treated ,aktaion4 ,we must suppose these allusions are drawn from ,babylonian folklore1 of which nothing else has survived1 concerning the amorous adventures of the goddess4 ,hence modern accounts are apt to impute a licentious character to ,ishtar1 as a goddess of violent #afe and lawless passion1 and to connect with this aspect of her the institution in her temple at ,erech of the service of sacred prostitutes1 attested by certain cuneiform texts4 ,in comparing the ritual of ,east and ,west1 ,i shall give some consideration to this phenomenal practice4 ,but this view of ,ishtar is utterly contrary to that presented of her in the hymns and liturgies4 ,not only are certain hymns to ,ishtar transcendently noble and spiritual in tone1 surpassing most of the greatest works of ,babylonian religious poetry1 but certain phrases specially exalt her as the virgin-goddess4 ,in one of the lamentations we read1 8,virgin1 virgin1 in the temple of my riches1 am ,i40#afe4a 8,the spirit-maid1 glory of ,heaven3 the ,maiden ,ishtar1 glory of ,heaven40#afe4b ,in a psalm to ,nana1 one of the by-names of ,ishtar1 she is called 8,virgin-goddess of ,heaven02#afe4c in another she speaks of herself1 8she of the pure heart1 she without fear was ,i40#afe4d ,this virgin-character of hers must then be regarded as fixed by such epithets and phrases1 of which more examples might no doubt be found4 ,therefore the phrase attached to her in the ,epic of ,gilgamesh1#afe4e 8,kadisti ,ilani10 must not be translated as ,dhorme would translate it1#afe4f 8the courtesan of the ,gods10 merely on the ground that the same word is applied to her temple-harlots3 for the word properly means 8pure0 from stain1 hence 8holy10#afe4g and in this latter sense it could be applied to her consecrated votaries1 in spite of their service1 which seems to us #aff impure3 the same word 8,kedesh0 is used for the votaries of the same ritual in ,phoenicia and ,syria4 ,this apparent contradiction in the conception of ,ishtar's character is sometimes explained#aff4a by the suggestion that she was really a combination of two distinct goddesses1 a voluptuous and effeminate goddess of ,erech1 and a pure and warlike ,assyrian goddess of ,nineveh4 ,but there is no real contradiction2 for in ,babylonian religious and liturgical literature the lower view of ,ishtar is never presented at all4 ,she is always worshipped as pure and holy2 the licentiousness of folklore1 if there was any such in vogue1 was not allowed to intrude into the temple-service4 ,therefore ,ishtar is no real exception to the rule that purity1 even in our sense1 is a prevailing characteristic of ,babylonian divinity1 as it was of the ,hebraic4 ,but now another phenomenon claims our interest3 while being a virgin-goddess1 she is sometimes addressed as a mother4 ,in the inscription of ,sargon 7#gbb-gje ,b4,c47 she is described as 8the ,lady of the ,heavenly ,crown1 the ,mother of the ,gods02#aff4b and in some of the older hymns1 which have already been quoted1 she speaks of herself at one time as mother and at another as maid3 8,mother who knows lamentation10 and 8,i am the ,virgin-,goddess40#aff4c ,similarly1 in the hymn to ,nana she is called in one place 8the ,virgin-,goddess of ,heaven02 in another1 8,mother of the faithful breasts40#aff4d ,another goddess1 ,bau1 who is eminently the mother or the wife-goddess1 the spouse of ,ningirsu or ,ninib1 is characterised in a hymn to the latter god as 8thy spouse1 the maid1 the ,lady of ,nippur40#aff4e #afg ,from these phrases1 then1 seems to emerge the conception of a virgin-mother4 ,only we must not press it too far1 or suppose at all that it crystallised into a dogma4 ,it is characteristic of the ecstatic ,babylonian imagination that in the swoon of rapture the intellect does not sharply hold contradictions apart1 and the mystic enthusiasm reconciles contrary ideas as fused in one divine personality4 ,thus even a divinity naturally and properly male1 might be mystically addressed as ,father-,mother1 for the worshipper craves that the godhead should be all in all to him4 ,thus motherhood is the natural function and interest of the goddess2 therefore the ,babylonian supplicated his goddess as mother1 even as mother of the gods1 without thinking of any divine offspring or of any literal genealogy or theogony4 ,virginity is also beautiful1 and a source of divine power and virtue4 ,therefore the mother ,bau might rejoice to be addressed occasionally as maid4 ,as for ,ishtar1 she was aboriginally1 perhaps1 a maid1 in the sense that no god entered into her worship2 and this idea shaped the early spiritual conception of her4 ,but as a great goddess she must show her power in the propagation of life2 therefore she must be recognised in prayer and supplication as a mother2 the adorer wishing to give her the virtue of both states1 probably without dogmatising or feeling the contradiction4 ,this explanation appears more likely1 when we consider the psychologic temper of the ,babylonian poetry1 its often incoherent rapture1 than the other obvious one that ,ishtar the virgin happened in many places to appropriate to herself the cult of a mother-goddess1 though this might easily happen4 ,as regards the other polytheistic ,semitic races1 we can infer that the same religious ideas concerning ritual-purity #afh were in vogue2 but our scanty records do not enable us to determine whether and how far they were quickened by spiritual significance4#afh4a ,but we can trace through ,asia ,minor the double concept of mother and virgin in the personality of the goddesses2 though it is difficult to decide whether they ever coincided1 and with what degree of definiteness1 in the same personage4 ,astarte must have been imagined generally as a mother-goddess1 and she appears conspicuously as the female consort of ,baal2 thus her ,hellenic equivalent is often given as ,aphrodite2 yet in another aspect of her worship she must have appeared as virginal1 for she is also often identified with ,artemis1 just as a similar goddess ,anath in ,cyprus was identified with ,athena4#afh4b ,the goddess ,atargatis of ,hierapolis1 described by ,lucian1 was evidently a mother-goddess1 bearing1 according to him1 a marked resemblance to ,rhea1 and placed in the temple by the side of her husband1 ,bel or ,zeus4 ,among the ,sabaean inscriptions of ,south ,arabia1 we find a dedication by some parents in behalf of their children to the goddess ,umm-,attar1 a name that signifies 8,mother-,attar0 7or 8,mother ,astarte0#afh4c2 and a late record1 too late to serve as witness for the early period we are considering1 speaks of a virgin-mother among the ,arabs4#afh4d ,finally1 the earliest ,carthaginian inscriptions record the cult of the great goddess ,tanit1 addressed usually as the 8,lady ,tanit1 the ,face of ,baal10 and called in one dedication 8,the ,great ,mother40#afh4e ,if she is the same as the divinity whom ,augustine describes as the ,virgo ,caelestis1 the #afi ,heavenly ,virgin1#afi4a then either the dual concept was mystically combined in the same personage1 or the ,carthaginian goddess was worshipped at different times and at different seasons as the mother and then as the maid4 ,but the evidence is quite uncertain1 and we must not combine too rashly the records of different ages4 ,looking at the non-,semitic races of ,asia ,minor1 we have noted the monumental evidence among the ,hittites for the worship of a mother-goddess1 who with her son figures in the procession on the reliefs at ,boghaz-,keui4 ,it may be she who appears on a ,hittite votive relief as a large seated female with a child on her knees1#afi4b a type which the ,greeks would call 4 ,her name may have been ,umma2 for this divine word is now given us among the names of ,hittite divinities in cuneiform texts recently discovered1 which have been published and interpreted by ,professor ,sayce in the ,journal of the ,royal ,asiatic ,society4#afi4c ,he there connects the word with the ,assyrian ,umma ,mother1 and regards this ,hittite goddess as the ancestress both by name and nature of the ,cappadocian goddess ,m1 famous at ,comana in the later period4 ,now the name ,m designates 8the mother10 and yet the ,hellenes identified this goddess not only with the great mother ,kybele1 but freely with ,artemis4 ,i believe the external inducement to this latter assimilation was the isolation of ,m in her cult1 into which no god entered4 ,from this late evidence it is too hazardous to infer an early ,hittite virgin-mother1 especially as the processional relief at ,boghaz-,keui seems to present us with a 1 the solemn union of a god and a goddess4 ,as regards the great goddess of the ,asia-,minor coast1 it #agj has been somewhat hastily concluded that here and there her cult included the mystic idea of a virgin-mother4 ,we have only some evidence from a late period1 and in any case it would be a bold leap to argue back from it to the second millennium4 ,but the evidence is weak4 ,i have criticised it elsewhere1 and ,i found it and still find it very frail4#agj4a ,i have not been able to detect any clear consciousness of the idea in the cult and cult-legends of ,kybele3 we must not build much on the ,pessinuntian story that ,arnobius gives us concerning her resistance to the love of ,zeus1 for certainly the general legend of ,kybele and ,attis is inconsistent with any dogma of the goddess's virginity1 nor was she ever called in cult4 ,she was rather the mother-goddess1 with whom the worshipper himself in a mystic ritual might be united in corporeal union4#agj4b ,if we search the other parts of the ,asia-,minor littoral1 neither in the prehistoric nor in the later periods before ,christianity is the concept we are seeking clearly to be traced4 ,i cannot find the ,leto-,artemis1 the goddess who was at once essentially a virgin and a mother4 ,what we discern in ,crete is a great mother-goddess and a virgin1 or ,britomartis1 8the ,sweet ,maid40 ,that the prehistoric or later ,cretans mystically combined #aga the two concepts in one personality we do not know4 ,when we examine legends and ritual1 usually dateless1 of early ,hellas1 we are aware that a goddess who was worshipped as a ,maid in one locality might be worshipped as a ,mother in another2 or the same goddess at different times of the year might be worshipped now under one aspect1 now under another4 ,hera of ,argos yearly renews her divinity by bathing in a certain stream4 ,kore1 the young earth-goddess1 was probably an early emanation from ,demeter4 ,how powerful in pre-,hellenic days was the appeal of the virginal aspect of certain goddesses1 is shown by the antiquity and the tenacity of the dogma concerning the virginity of ,artemis and ,athena4 ,yet the latter was called at ,elis#aga4a4 ,but it would be very rash to declare that here at last the ,virgin-,mother is found in old ,greece4 ,athena has no offspring2 there is neither loss nor miraculous preservation of her virginity4 ,only the ,elean women1 wishing themselves to be mothers1 pray to the ,virgin-goddess for offspring1 and strengthen their prayer by applying a word to ,athena of such powerful spell-efficacy as 8,mother40 ,it would be a misinterpretation of the method of ancient hieratic speech to suppose that ,athena was mystically imagined as herself both ,virgin and ,mother4#aga4b ,the ritualistic value of purity was probably a postulate of the religious feeling of early ,hellas1 though ,homer gives us only faint glimpses of the idea4 was an old cult-title of ,apollo1 and its root-significance may well have been 8,pure40 ,we hear of ,hagn1 8the pure goddess10 probably a reverential #agb name for ,kore at the ,messenian ,andania3#agb4a and on the hilltop above the ,arcadian ,pallantion1 ,pausanias records the cult of a nameless group of divinities called 1#agb4b a cult which1 according to his account of it1 appears to have descended from very ancient times4 ,the question of purity in ,greek ritual may be reserved for a later stage in our comparative study4 ,i will only remark here on the fact that ,greek worship1 early and late1 was in marked antagonism in this respect to ,greek mythology1 the former being on the whole solemn and beautiful1 the latter often singularly impure4 ,in fact1 both in the ,phrygian and ,hellenic popular imagination we detect an extraordinary vein of grossness1 that seems to mark off these ,aryan peoples sharply from the ,mesopotamians1 and equally1 as far as we can see1 from the other ,semites4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,the ,concept of ,divine ,power and the ,ancient ,cosmogonies4 #agc ,we may profitably compare the ,eastern and ,western peoples according to their respective conceptions of the divine power4 ,looking carefully at the ,babylonian hymns and liturgies1 we cannot say that the idea of divine omnipotence was ever an assured dogma1 vividly present to the mind and clearly expressed4 ,any particular hymn may so exalt the potency of the particular deity to whom it is addressed that1 in the ecstasy of prayer and adoration1 the worshipper may speak as if he believed him or her to be powerful over all things in heaven and earth4 ,but this faith was temporary and illusive4 ,the power of the deity in the popular creed1 and indeed in the hieratic system1 was bound up with his temple and altar4 ,when ,sanherib laid waste ,babylon and the temples1 the 8gods must flee like birds up to heaven40 ,in the ,babylonian epic the deities themselves are greatly alarmed by the flood4 ,in one of the hymns of lamentation1 ,ishtar laments her own overthrow in her ruined city1 where she 8is as a helpless stranger in her streets40#agc4a ,it is probable that the popular belief of ,babylon agreed in this respect with that of all other nations of the same type of religion2 for the popular religious mind is incapable of fully #agd realising or logically applying the idea of divine omnipotence4 ,but this at least is clear in the ,babylonian system1 that the higher divinities acting as a group are stronger than any other alien principle in the ,universe1 from the period when ,marduk1 or originally1 perhaps ,ninib1 won his victory over ,tiamit4#agd4a ,the evil power embodied in the demons remains indeed active and strong1 and much of the divine agency is devoted to combating them4 ,and the demons are impressive beings1 impersonating often the immoral principle1 but they do not assume the grandeur of an ,ahriman1 or rise to his position as compeers of the high god4 ,thus the ,babylonian theology escapes the duality of the ,zarathustrian2 the god can always exorcise and overpower the demon if the demon-ridden man repents and returns to communion with his deity by penance and confession4 ,furthermore1 the ancient documents reveal the ,babylonian deities as the arbiters of destiny4 ,marduk is named by ,king ,neriglassar 8the ,leader of ,destiny02#agd4b and we have frequent allusions to the gods fixing the yearly fates at an annual meeting4 ,nebo the scribe is the writer and the keeper of the 8,doomsbook0 of ,heaven1 and this book is called 8the tablets that cannot be altered1 that determine the bounds 7or cycle7 of ,heaven and ,earth40#agd4c ,fate is neither personified nor magnified into a transcendent cosmic force overpowering and shaping the will of the gods4 ,how the other religions of polytheistic ,asia ,minor dealt with these matters is not revealed2 and the #age comparison here1 as in many other points1 must be immediate between ,mesopotamia and ,hellas4 ,much that has just been said of the former may be affirmed of the latter in this respect4 ,in ,homer the pre-eminence1 even the omnipotence1 of ,zeus is occasionally expressed as a dogma1 and we must believe that this deity had risen to this commanding position before the ,homeric period1 at least among the progressive tribes2#age4a and throughout the systematised theology of ,greece his sovereignty was maintained more consistently than1 owing to the shifting of the powers of the cities1 was that of ,marduk or ,bel or ,enlil in the ,sumerian-,babylonian system4 ,probably the high idea of divine omnipotence was as vaguely and feebly realised by the average primitive ,hellene as we have reason to suspect that it was by the average ,babylonian4 ,also1 as ,hellas was far less centralised than ,babylonia1 the efficacy of the local or village god or goddess or daimon might often transcend the influence of ,zeus4 ,but at least we have no ,hellenic evidence of so narrow a theory1 as that the deity's power depended upon his temple or his image1 or even upon his sacrifice4 ,it has often been popularly and lightly maintained that the ,hellenic deities were subordinate to a power called ,fate4 ,this is a shallow misjudgment1 based on a misinterpretation of a few phrases in ,homer2 we may be certain that the aboriginal ,hellene was incapable of so gloomy an abstraction1 which would sap the vitality of personal polytheism1 and which only appears in strength in the latter periods of religious decay4 ,were it1 indeed1 a root-principle of ,hellenic religion1 it would strongly differentiate it from the ,mesopotamian4 #agf ,in thus comparing the two religions according to their respective conceptions of divine power1 we note two striking phenomena in the ,eastern world4 ,the ,mesopotamian gods are magicians1 and part of their work is worked by magic4 ,marduk and ,ea1 the wise deity of ,eridu1 serve as exorcisers of demons in behalf of the other gods4#agf4a ,in a panegyric on the former1 the strange phrase occurs1 8the spittle of life is thine10#agf4b which probably alludes to the well-known magical qualities of the saliva4 ,eridu1 the home of ,ea1 was also the original home of ,chaldean magic4 ,when in the early cosmic struggle between the powers of light and darkness1 ,tiamat1 the mother and queen of the latter1 selects her champion ,qingou as leader1 she proclaims1 8,i have pronounced thy magic formula1 in the assembly of the gods ,i have made thee great40#agf4c ,in magic1 great is the power of the spoken word1 the 2 and the ,word1 of which the efficacious force arose in the domain of magic1 has been exalted1 as we are well aware1 by higher religion to a great cosmic divine agency1 sometimes personified4 ,it was so exalted in early ,babylonian religion4 ,the deity acts and controls the order of the world by the divine ,word4 ,many of the ,sumerian hymns lay stress on its quasi-personal virtue or 8mana02 and often on its terrible and destructive operation2 and in one1 as we have seen1 the goddess ,nana is identified with the ,word of ,enlil4#agf4d ,in a great hymn to ,sin1#agf4e the might of his ,word is glorified in verses that recall the ,psalmist's phrase3 8,the voice of the ,lord is mighty #agg in operation40 ,the ,word of ,bel-,marduk is said to be stronger than any exorciser or diviner1 and is the theme of a special hymn4#agg4a ,it is described in another as 8a net of majesty that encompasseth heaven and earth40 ,the ,word of ,marduk shakes the sea1#agg4b as the ,hebrew poet declares that 8the voice of the ,lord shaketh the cedar-trees40 8,the spirit of the ,word is ,enlil''' the ,word which stilleth the heavens above''' a prophet it hath not1 a magician it hath not10#agg4c--that is1 no prophet can fully interpret1 no magician can control1 the ,word4 ,a most potent word is the name of the divinity1 and the partial apotheosis of the name itself is a strange religious phenomenon1 which also originated in the domain of magic1 and has played a momentous part in the ,egyptian1 ,judaic1 ,christian1 and other high religions4#agg4d ,it appears also in ,mesopotamian religion4 ,in a hymn to ,enlil we find the phrase3 8at thy name1 which created the world1 the heavens were hushed of themselves40#agg4e ,in the ,babylonian poem of creation the primal state of ,chaos is thus described1 8no god had yet been created1 no name had yet been named1 no destiny fixed40#agg4f ,the gods name the fifty names of ,ninib1 and the name of fifty becomes sacred to him1 so that even in the time of ,gudea a temple was actually dedicated to ,number ,fifty4#agg4g ,now1 in the respects just considered1 the earliest aspect of ,greek religion that is revealed to us presents a striking contrast4 ,the relations between magic and #agh religion are markedly different4#agh4a ,magic had doubtless the same hold on early ,greece as it has on most societies at a certain stage of culture4 ,we can conclude this from the glimpses of it revealed by ,homer and some ancient myths1 such as the story of ,salmoneus1 as well as by the evidence of its practice in later ,greece1 and as such phenomena are not of sudden growth we can safely believe that they were part of an ancient tradition always alive among the people4 ,but while ,babylonian magic proclaims itself loudly in the great religious literature and highest temple ritual1 ,greek magic is barely mentioned in the older literature of ,greece1 plays no part at all in the hymns1 and can only with difficulty be discovered as latent in the higher ritual4 ,again1 ,babylonian magic is essentially demoniac2 but we have no evidence suggesting that the pre-,homeric ,greek was demon-ridden1 or that demonology and exorcism were leading factors of his consciousness and practice3 the earliest mythology does not suggest that he habitually imputed his physical or moral disorders to demons1 nor does it convey any hint of the existence in the early society of that terrible functionary1 the witch-finder1 or of the institution of witch-trials4 ,had ,greek religion and mythology been deeply impregnated with ,babylonian influences we should find it difficult to account for this momentous difference4 ,the same reflection is forced upon us when we observe that the or ,divine ,word conceived as a cosmic power plays no part in the earliest ,hellenic theology of which we have any cognisance 7we are not here concerned with the later history of the concept73 nor can we find in the earliest ,greek period the name of ,god exalted into the position of a divine creative force2 #agi although1 as ,i have shown elsewhere1 the earliest ,hellene1 as the later1 was fully sensitive to the magico-divine efficacy of names4#agi4a ,we may also gather something for our present purpose from a comparison between the cosmogony or cosmic myths of ,east and ,west4 ,of these it is only the ,babylonian and ,hebraic that can claim a great antiquity of record4 ,what is reported of ,phoenician belief concerning these matters is of late authority1 ,eusebios quoting from ,sanchuniathon or ,philo ,byblios1 and this is too much permeated with later elements to be useful here4 ,as regards the ,hellenic theory of the origin of the world and of man1 putting aside a few scattered hints in the ,homeric poems1 we have ,hesiod for our first and insufficient witness4 ,if we can detect ,babylonian influence in the ,hesiodic system1 we must not hastily conclude that this was already rife in the second millennium3 on the other hand1 if ,hesiod seems to have escaped it1 it is far less likely that it was strong upon the proto-,hellenes4 ,for early ,babylonian cosmogony our main evidence is the epic poem of creation1 preserved on tablets found in the library of ,king ,assurbanipal1 which elucidates1 and in the main corroborates1 the fragments of the story given by ,berosos in the third century ,b4,c4 ,our earliest record1 then1 is actually of the seventh century1 but ,assyriologists have given reasons for the view that the epic copied for ,assurbanipal descends from a period as early as ,b4,c4 #bjjj2 for part of it accords with an old ,babylonian hymn that has been discovered4#agi4b ,the document is therefore ancient enough for the purposes of our comparison4 ,it is well known through various #ahj publications1 and can be read conveniently in the detailed exposition of ,king in his handbook on ,babylonian religion4#ahj4a ,when we consider carefully the more significant features in this cosmogony1 we are struck with its almost total unlikeness to anything that we can discover or surmise in early ,hellenic thought4 ,it is true that the ,babylonian theory starts with the dogma that the earliest cosmic fact was the element of water4 ,apsu and ,timat are the first powers in an unordered universe1 and these seem to be the personal forms of the upper and lower waters1 the fresh and the salt4 ,we find the parallel thought in ,homer1 who speaks of ,okeanos as 8the source of all things10#ahj4b including even the gods4 ,but the value of such a parallelism is of the slightest1 for the vague theory of a watery origin of created things appears widely diffused in the myths of remote peoples1 for instance1 ,north-,american ,indians1 ,aztecs1 the ,vedic ,aryans1 and there is a glimmer of it in the old ,norse4#ahj4c ,no conclusion1 then1 can be drawn from so slight a coincidence4 ,if we know anything of the cosmogony of the pre-,homeric society we know it from ,hesiod1 for ,homer himself shows no interest and makes no revelation on the subject4 ,with certain reservations and after careful criticism we may be able to regard some parts of the ,hesiodic statement as reflecting the thought of an age anterior to ,homer's4 ,therefore it is of some present value to observe how little of characteristically ,babylonian speculation appears in the ,hesiodic ,theogony or #aha ,works and ,days4 ,both systems agree with each other1 and--it may be said--with all theogonies and religious cosmogonies1 in regarding the primeval creative forces as personal powers who work either by the method of sexual generation or through mechanical processes of creation3 the first of these methods1 which though mythical in form has more affinity with organic science1 is predominant over the other in the ,hesiodic narrative4 ,but the personal powers are different in the two systems4 ,in the ,babylonian the greatest of the primeval dynasts is ,timat1 the sea1 the mother of the gods and also of all monsters3 in the ,hesiodic it is ,gaia1 the ,earth-mother1 who does not appear at all in the ,eastern cosmogony1 but who claimed this position in the ,hellenic through her deep-seated influence in the ancient religion4 ,we note also that the ,babylonian ,sea is decidedly evil1 the aboriginal foe of the gods of light1 a conception alien to ordinary ,hellenic thought4 ,again1 the ,babylonian creation of an ordered cosmos is a result of the great struggle between ,marduk and ,timat1 the power of light and the sovereign of chaos3 it is preceded by hate and terror4 ,in the ,hellenic account the generation of the heavens1 the mountains1 the sea1 and the early dynasty of ,titan-powers is peaceful and is stimulated by the power of love1 ,eros1 who has his obvious double in the ,kma or principle of desire in a cosmogonic hymn of the ,rig-,veda1 but is not mentioned by the ,babylonian poet4 7,nor does it concern us for the moment that this ,eros is in respect of mere literary tradition post-,homeric3 we may surmise at least that he was a pre-,homeric power in ,boeotia47 ,again1 when we come to the theomachy in ,hesiod1 as an event it has no cosmogonic value at all3 it has the air merely of a dynastic struggle between elder and younger divinities1 #ahb and the myth may really have arisen in part from the religious history of a shifting of cults corresponding to a shifting of population3 nor are the ,titans more representative of evil or of a lower order of things than the ,olympian deities2 and cosmic creation1 so far as ,hesiod treats of it at all1 seems over before the struggle begins4 ,on the other hand1 after ,marduk has destroyed ,timat he constructs his cosmos out of her limbs1 and then proceeds to assign their various stations to the great gods1 his compeers4 ,thus the struggle of the god with the principle of disorder has a cosmic significance which is not expressed in the ,titanomachy4 ,the curious conception also that the universe was compacted out of the dismembered limbs of a divine personage1 which reminds us of the ,vedic story of the giant ,purusa#ahb4a and of the ,norse legend of ,ymir1 is not clearly discoverable in ,hellenic mythology3 for the ,hesiodic myth of the forms and growths that spring from the blood of the mutilated ,ouranos is no real parallel4 ,and there is another trait in the ,babylonian theory of a world-conflict that distinguishes it from the ,hellenic myths of a ,titanomachy or ,gigantomachy2 it was sometimes regarded not as a single event1 finished with once for all1 but as a struggle liable to be repeated at certain periods4#ahb4b ,on the other hand1 ,hesiod's narrative of the oppression of ,gaia's children by ,ouranos and the outrage inflicted on him by ,kronos has its parallels in ,maori and savage legend1#ahb4c but none in ,mesopotamian1 so far as our knowledge goes at present4 ,a different ,babylonian mythological text from the library of ,assurbanipal speaks of another battle waged #ahc by ,marduk against ,labbu1 a male monster imagined mainly as a huge snake2 and ,marduk is described as descending to the conflict in clouds and lightning3#ahc4a the legend has no obvious significance for cosmogony1 for it places the event after the creation of the world and of men and cities4 ,but it has this interest for us1 that it may be the prototype for the legend of ,zeus' struggle with ,typhoeus1 which is known to ,homer1 and which he places in the country of the ,arimoi1 regarded by many of the ancient interpreters1 including ,pindar1 as ,cilicia4#ahc4b ,now1 the story of this conflict in ,hesiod's theogony has no connections with the ,titanomachy or the ,gigantomachy1 nor is it there linked by any device to any known ,hellenic myth2 nor is it derived1 like the legend of ,apollo and ,python1 from genuine ,hellenic cult-history4 ,it has an alien air and character4 ,typhoeus is on the whole regarded as a monstrous dragon1 but one of his voices is that of a lion1 another that of a bull4 ,the resemblance of this narrative to the ,babylonian one just mentioned is striking1 and becomes all the more salient when we compare certain ,babylonian cylinders which picture ,marduk in combat with a monster1 sometimes of serpent form1 sometimes with the body of a lion or a bull4#ahc4c ,the ,typhoeus-legend belongs also essentially to the ,asia-,minor shores1 and if ,cilicia was really the country whence it came to the knowledge of the ,homeric ,greeks1 it is a significant fact that it was just this corner of the ,asia-,minor coast that felt the arms of the earliest ,assyrian conquerors in the fourteenth century ,b4,c42 and it is just such myths that travel fast and far4 #ahd ,if the hypothesis of ,assyrian origin is reasonable here1 many will regard it as still more reasonable in regard to the ,deukalion flood-story4 ,certain details in it remind us1 no doubt1 of the ,babylonian flood-myth2 and as this latter was far diffused through ,asia ,minor1 it was quite easy for it to wander across the ,aegean and touch ,hellas4 ,but if it did1 we have no indication that it reached the ,hellenes in the early period with which we are here concerned1 as ,hesiod is our earliest authority for it4 ,the last theme of high interest in the cosmogonic theory of ancient ,babylonia is the creation of man4 ,according to ,berosos1 this momentous act was attributed to ,bel1 who1 after the victory over ,chaos1 commanded one of the gods to cut off his head and to make men and animals out of earth mixed with his own blood1 and this story is partly corroborated by an old cuneiform text that is derived from the beginning of the second millennium4#ahd4a ,this interesting theory was not universally accepted1 for another and independent text ascribes the creation of man to ,marduk and a goddess called ,aruru1 simply as a mechanical act of power4#ahd4b ,the idea implicit in the former account1 of the blood-relationship of man to god1 is of the greater potentiality for religious metaphysic1 and a similar notion is found1 developed into a high spiritual doctrine1 in the later ,orphic ,zagreus-mystery4 ,but there is no trace of it in genuine ,hellenic thought or literature4 ,we have no provedly early ,greek version of the origin of man3 only1 in the ,works and ,days1 we are told that the ,immortals or ,zeus made the men of the five ages1 the third generation1 out of ash-trees3 it may be that the story of ,prometheus #ahe forming them out of clay was known to ,hesiod1 as ,lactantius ,placidus attests2#ahe4a in any case we may judge it to be of great antiquity on account of its wide vogue in the later period1 and its occurrence in other primitive folklore4 ,but nothing like it has as yet been found in the of ,mesopotamia4 ,generally we may say that the ,hesiodic cosmogony bears no significant resemblance to the ,babylonian1 and this negative fact makes against the theory of ,mesopotamian influence upon pre-,homeric ,hellas4 ,as a divine cosmogony implies some organic theory of the ,universe1 so the polytheisms that attempted such speculations would be confronted also with the problem of finding some principle of order by which they might regulate the relations of the various divinities1 one to the other4 ,we find such attempts in ,mesopotamian religion4 ,certain deities are affiliated to others1 ,marduk to ,ea1 ,nebo to ,marduk1 though such divine relationships are less clear and less insisted on than in ,hellenic theology2 and the grouping of divinities shifts according to the political vicissitudes of the peoples and cities4 ,we may discern a tendency at times to use the triad as a unifying principle1 giving us such trinities as ,anu1 ,bel1 ,ea1 or ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,adad2#ahe4b we have glimpses of a trinitarian cult in early ,carthage1#ahe4c and slight indications of it in the ,minoan-,mycenaean pillar-ritual4#ahe4d ,but ,i cannot find anything to suggest that among the cultured or uncultured ,semites it was ever in the ancient period a powerful and constructive idea1 able #ahf to beget a living dogma that might capture the popular mind and spread and germinate in adjacent lands4#ahf4a ,we have perhaps as much right to regard the number seven as a grouping principle of ,babylonian polytheism1 in the later period at least1 when we find a group of seven high deities corresponding to the seven planets4#ahf4b ,we might discover a ,hittite trinity of ,father1 ,mother1 and ,son if we concentrated our attention on the ,boghaz-,keui reliefs2 but the other ,hittite evidence1 both literary and monumental1 gives no hint of this as a working idea in the religion4 ,in fact1 in most polytheisms of the ,mediterranean type it is easy to discover trinities and easy to deceive oneself about them4 ,the human family reflected into the heavens naturally suggests the divine trio of ,father1 ,mother1 ,child4 ,and this may be found on the ,asia-,minor shore and in ,hellas4 ,it would be more important if we could discover the worship of this triad in an indissoluble union from which the mystic idea of a triune godhead might arise4 ,this is not discernible clearly in the older period on either side of the ,aegean4 ,the cult-complex of ,zeus1 ,semele1 and ,dionysos does not belong to ancient ,hellas and is rare at any period2 that of ,hades ,demeter ,kore is occasionally found in cults of doubtful antiquity1 but usually the mother and daughter were worshipped without the male deity4 ,the ,homeric triad so often invoked in adjurations of ,zeus1 ,athena1 and ,apollo1 which misled ,mr4 ,gladstone1 is due probably to the exigencies of hexameter verse1 and is not guaranteed by genuine cult4 ,no divine triad in ,hellas can be proved to have descended from the earliest period of #ahg ,greek religion1 except probably that of the ,charites at ,orchomenos4#ahg4a ,we have later evidence of a trinity of ,zeus1 ,poseidon1 and ,hades1 expressing the triad that ,nature presents to us of sky1 sea1 and earth4 ,but probably one of these figures is an emanation of ,zeus himself2 the sky-god having become 8chthonian0 in a very early period4#ahg4b ,we cannot say1 then1 that the earliest period of ,hellenic religion shows a trinitarian tendency2 and if it were so1 we could not impute it to early ,mesopotamian influence1 for the idea of a trinity does not appear in the ,eastern religion with such force and strength as to be likely to travel far4 ,as for the artificial group of the twelve ,olympians1 we should certainly have been tempted to connect this with ,babylonian lore1 the number twelve being of importance in astronomical numeration2 only that the divine group of twelve does not happen to occur in ,babylonian religious records at all4 ,nor does the complex cult of the appear to belong to the earliest period of ,greek religion4#ahg4c ,and so far ,i have been able to discern nothing that justifies the suggestion#ahg4d that the principle of unification or divine grouping in early ,mediterranean polytheism came from ,babylon4 ,a severely organised polytheism with one chief divinity1 to whom all the others were in definite degrees subordinated1 might evolve a monotheism4 ,and in ,babylonian literature we can mark certain tendencies making in this direction4 ,one tablet contains an inscription proclaiming all the high gods to be forms of ,marduk1 ,nergal the ,marduk of war1 ,nebo the ,marduk #ahh of land4#ahh4a ,that all the deities were mere forms or emanations of the ,eternal might have been an esoteric doctrine of certain gifted minds1 though it was difficult thus to explain away and to de-individualise the powerful self-asserting personality of ,ishtar1 for an attractive goddess-cult is always a strong obstacle to pure monotheism4 ,a particular king might wish at times to exalt the cult of a particular god into a monotheistic ideal2 the attempt was seriously made in ,egypt and failed4 ,it may have been seriously intended by ,king ,rammannirari ,,iii4 7,b4,c4 #haa-ghb71 who introduced the cult of ,nebo1 always one of the most spiritual figures of the ,pantheon1 into ,kelach2 hence comes a long inscription on two statues now in the ,british ,museum1 set up by a governor in honour of the king1 which is valuable for its ethical import1 and still more interesting for its monotheistic exhortation at the close3#ahh4b 8,oh man1 yet to be born1 believe in ,nebo1 and trust in no other gods but him40 ,here is the seed that might have been developed by a powerful prophet into pure monotheism4 ,but the ecstatic ,babylonian votary is always falling into contradiction1 for in the earlier part of this hymn he has called ,nebo1 8,the beloved of ,bel1 the ,lord of ,lords40 ,what1 then1 must the congregation think of ,bel8 ,in ,greek religion the germs of monotheistic thought were still weaker and still less likely to fructify4 ,the earliest ,hellenic tribes had already certain deities in common1 and the leading stocks at least must have regarded ,zeus as the supreme god4 ,they must have also adopted many indigenous deities that they found powerful in their new homes1 whose cult could not be #ahi uprooted even if they wished to do so4 ,we must therefore imagine the pre-,homeric societies as maintaining a complex polytheism1 with some principle of divine hierarchy struggling to assert itself4 ,homer1 if it is ever true to speak of him as preaching1 seems certainly the preacher of the supremacy of ,zeus4 ,how far this idea was accepted in the various localities of cult we have not sufficient material for deciding3 much would depend on the degree to which the individuals were penetrated by the higher literature1 which from ,homer onwards proclaimed the same religious tenet4#ahi4a ,we can at the same time be sure that in many localities the countryfolk would be more under the spell of some ancient deity of the place than of the sky-father of the ,aryan ,hellenes4 ,and though his cult was high placed by the progressive races1 and his personality powerfully pervading in the realm of nature and human society1 so that the higher thinkers entered on a track of speculation that leads to monotheism1 the masses did not and could not follow them1 having1 in fact1 the contrary bias4 ,the popular polytheism showed itself most tenacious of divine personalities2 and owing partly to the sacred power of divine names1 the various titles of a single divinity tend occasionally to engender distinct divine entities4 ,i have also already indicated that art contributed to the same effect through multiplying idols4 ,so far1 then1 from displaying monotheistic potentialities1 ,greek polytheism1 from the pre-,homeric period we may suspect1 and certainly after the ,homeric age1 tended to become more polytheistic4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,the ,religious ,temperament of the ,eastern and ,western ,peoples4 #aij ,a more interesting and fruitful ground of comparison is that which looks at the inward sentiment or psychic emotion of the different religions1 at the personal emotional relation of the individual towards the godhead4 ,as ,i observed before1 a clear judgment on this question is only possible when the religious memorials of a people are numerous1 varied1 and personal1 so that some of them at least may be regarded as the expression of the individual spirit4 ,even if the priest or the ritual dictates the expression1 the pious and frequent votary may come to feel genuinely what is dictated to him4 ,hence we can gather direct testimony concerning the ancient ,babylonian as we can of the ancient ,hebrew religious temper and emotion2 for though most of the ,mesopotamian documents are concerned with the royal ceremonial1 which does not usually reveal genuine personal feeling1 yet in this case the royal inscriptions1 whether religious narrative or liturgies or prayers1 are unusually convincing as revelations of self4 ,and besides these1 we have many private hymns of penance and formulae of exorcism4 ,on the other hand1 the ancient ,western world and even historic ,greece is singularly barren of this kind of religious testimony4 ,we know much about the #aia ,state religion1 but we have very few ritual formulae or public or private prayers4 ,our evidence is mainly the religious utterances of the higher poetry and literature and a few lyric hymns composed not for the solitary worshipper1 but for common and tribal ritual-service4 ,but we have also the mythology and the art and the general manifestations of the ,hellenic spirit in other directions that enable us to conclude something concerning the religious psychology of the average man in the historic periods1 and if we find this markedly different from that of the oriental1 we shall find it hard to believe that the ,babylonian spirit could have worked with any strong influence on the proto-,hellene4 ,a sympathetic study of the ,babylonian-,assyrian documents impresses us with certain salient traits of the ,mesopotamian religious spirit1 some of which are common to other members of the great ,semitic race4 ,in a certain sense the ,babylonian might be described as 8ein ,gott-betrunkener ,mensch03 as one possessed with the deepest consciousness of the ineffable greatness of ,god1 of his own utter dependence1 and at the same time of the close personal association between himself and the divinity4 ,the ecstatic adoration we have marked in the liturgies is the result of a purely mental contemplation1 will-power1 and conviction1 not of mystic initiation--for ,babylonia had no mysteries--nor of orgiastic rites that could afford a physico-psychic stimulus4 ,the individual seems to have regarded himself at times as the son1 more often as the bond-slave1 of his own tutelary divinity1 who is angry when he sins and becomes favourable and a mediator in his behalf with other gods when he repents4 ,in private letters of the time of ,hammurabi we find the greeting1 8,may thy protecting god keep thy head well40 ,a #aib common formula occurs in the incantations3 8,i1 whose god is so-and-so1 whose goddess is so-and-so40#aib4a ,in the penance-liturgy the priest speaks thus of the suppliant sinner1 8,thy slave who bears the weight of thy wrath is covered with dust1''' commend him to the god who created him40#aib4b ,with this we may compare certain phrases in a well-known penitential psalm1 8,oh mighty ,lady of the world1 ,queen of mankind4''' ,his god and goddess in sorrow with him1 cry out unto thee4''' ,as a dove that moans ,i abound in sighings40#aib4c ,abject remorse1 tears and sighing1 casting-down of the countenance1 are part of the ritual that turns away the anger of the deity3 hence fear of ,god and humility are recognised religious virtues4 ,merodach-,baladin of ,babylon1 in ,sargon's inscription1 is described as a fool 8who did not fear the name of the ,lord of ,lords10#aib4d and the idea is shaped in a general ethical maxim in another inscription1 8,he who does not fear his god is cut down like a reed40#aib4e 8,i love the fear of ,god10 says ,nebukadnezar in the record of his life4#aib4f ,such emotion and mental attitude is consonant with the ,hebraic and with much of the modern religious temper2 but entirely out of harmony with all that we know of the ,hellenic4 ,the religious habit of the ,hellene strikes us by comparison as sober1 well-tempered1 often genial1 never ecstatically abject1 but even--we may say--self-respecting4 ,tears for sin1 lamentations #aic and sighs1 the countenance bowed to the ground1 the body cleaving to the pavement1 these are not part of his ritual2 the wrath of ,god was felt as a communal more often than as an individual misfortune1 and in any case was averted1 not by emotional outpourings of the individual heart1 but by ritual acts1 solemn choruses1 soothing sacrifice and songs1 or by special piacular lustrations that wiped off the taint of sin4 ,tears are never mentioned1#aic4a except indirectly in the fictitious lamentations for some buried hero1 annually and ceremoniously lamented1 such as ,achilles4 ,nor can we find in earlier ,hellenic ethic the clear recognition of fear and humility among the religious virtues1#aic4b while both are paraded in the inscriptions of the later ,babylonian kings1 even in those that reveal a monstrous excess of pride4#aic4c ,the ,hellenic god might punish the haughty and high-minded1 he did not love the grovelling1 but rather the man of moderate life1 tone1 and act4 ,such is ,god for the civic religion of the free man2 while the ,babylonian liturgy reflects the despotic society4 ,the ,hellene1 for instance1 does not try to win for himself the favour of the divinity by calling himself his slave4 ,and the common phrase found on the ,greek ,christian tombs1 1 has passed into ,christianity from ,semitic sources4#aic4d ,this single fact illustrates1 perhaps better than any other1 #aid the different temper of the old ,oriental and old ,european religions2 and there is a curious example of it in the bilingual ,graeco-,phoenician inscription found in ,malta1#aid4a commemorating a dedication to ,melkarth or to ,herakles 3 the ,phoenicians recommend themselves to the god as 8thy slaves10 the ,greeks use neither this nor any other title of subservient flattery4 ,in this connection it is well to note the significance of marking the body of the worshipper by branding1 cutting1 or tattooing with some sign that consecrated him as slave or familiar follower to the divinity4 ,the practice1 which may have been of great antiquity1 though the evidence is not earlier than the sixth century ,b4,c41 was in vogue in ,syria1 ,phrygia1 and in early ,israel1 and was adopted by some ,christian enthusiasts1 but no proof of it has yet been adduced from ,mesopotamia4 ,it was essentially un-,hellenic1 but was apparently followed by some of the ,dionysiac thiasoi as a ,thracian tradition4#aid4b ,in fact1 it is only in the latest periods that we find in ,hellas an individual personal religion approaching the ,babylonian in intensity4 ,the older cult was communal and tribal rather than personal2 even the household gods1 such as ,zeus and 1 the gods of the closet and storehouse1 the hearth-goddess1 were shared by the householder in common with the nearest circle of kindred4 ,these cults were partly utilitarian1 and the moral emotion that they quickened was the emotion of kinship3 they do not appear to have inspired a high personal and emotional faith and trust4 ,nor usually had the average ,hellene of the #aie earlier period the conception of a personal tutelary divinity who brought him to life1 and watched over his course1 preserving1 rebuking1 and interceding for him4 ,the ,babylonian fancy of the great king sitting in infancy on the lap of the goddess and drinking milk from her breasts would not commend itself to the religious sense in ,greece4 ,in ,mesopotamia and in the other ,semitic communities the fashion of naming a child after the high god or goddess was very common--commoner ,i am inclined to think than in ,hellas1 though in the latter country such names as ,demetrios1 ,apollodoros1 ,zenon1 ,diogenes1 point to the same religious impulse2 but they appear to have arisen only in the later period4 ,the ,hellenic language did not admit1 and ,hellenic thought would not have approved of1 those mystic divine names1 which express as in a sacred text some quality or action of the divinity1 such as we find in the ,bible 78the ,lord will provide071 and in pre-,islamitic inscriptions of ,arabia1 ,ili-kariba1 8,my ,god hath blessed02 ,ili-azza1 8,my ,god is mighty02 ,ili-padaja1 8,my ,god hath redeemed40#aie4a ,such names served as spells for the protection of the child1 and are speaking illustrations of the close personal dependence of the individual upon the god4 ,this is also illustrated by another fashion1 possibly ancient1 of ,semitic religious nomenclature3 not only was the individual frequently named after the deity1 but the deity might sometimes receive as a cult-title the name of the individual4 ,of this practice among the polytheistic ,semites the only examples of which ,i am aware come from a late period and from the region of ,palmyra3 ,greek inscriptions of the late ,imperial era give such curious forms as 1 #aif 1 3#aif4a and these descriptive names in the genitive must designate the principal worshipper or founder of the cult2 they are mostly un-,greek1 as the religious custom certainly is1 which is illustrated by such ancient ,biblical expressions as 8the ,god of ,abraham10 8the ,god of ,jacob40 ,we may find an example of the same point of view in the ,phrygian title of in ,pontus1 if we take the most probable explanation1 namely1 that it is derived from the ,persian ,pharnakes1 the founder of the cult2#aif4b and again in a ,carian dedication to ,zeus ,panamaros 1 as is found in the same neighbourhood as the name of a living man4#aif4c ,the only parallel that ,hellenic religion offers is the doubtful one1 ,athena 1 whose temple is recorded at ,megara3#aif4d it may be that the goddess took her title from the hero because his grave was once associated with the temple4 ,in any case1 it is not so striking that the mythic hero should stand in this intimate relation with the deity as that the living individual should4 ,the ecstatic and self-prostrating adoration of divinity which is characteristic of the ,babylonian temper might manifest itself at times in that excess of sentiment that we call sentimentality3 we catch this tone now and again in the childlike entreaties with which the supplicator appeals to the deity as his father or mother2 in the poetic pathos of the hymns to ,tammuz1 which sometimes remind us of the sentimentality #aig of some of our modern hymns3 he is called 8,lord of the tender voice and shining eyes02 8he of the dove-like voice40#aig4a ,such language may be called 8hypokoristic10 to use a ,greek phrase2 it belongs to the feminine sentiment in religion1 and we are familiar with it in our own service4 ,no echo of it is heard in the older ,greek religious literature nor in any record of ,greek liturgy4 ,we can1 indeed1 scarcely pronounce on the question as to the tone to which primitive ,greek wailing-services were attuned4 ,we have only a few hints of some simple ancient ritual of sorrow3 the pre-,homeric ,greek may have bewailed ,linos and ,hyakinthos1 as we hear that the ,elean women in a later period bewailed ,achilles2 but if1 indeed1 the fragment of a ,linos-threnody that the ,scholiast on ,homer has preserved for us is really primitive1#aig4b it has some pathos1 but much brightness and nothing of the ,babylonian sentimentality4 ,the spirit of the ,greek religious lyric strikes us as always virile1 and as likely to be unsympathetic with the violent and romantic expression of sorrow or with endearing ecstasy of appeal4 ,the other trait that should be considered here in the religious spirit of the ,mesopotamian ,semites is fanaticism1 an emotional quality which often affords a useful basis of comparison between various religions4 ,this religious phenomenon is best known by its deadly results2 but in itself it is most difficult to define1 as are other special moral terms that imply blame and are highly controversial4 ,it is only found among those who feel their religion so deeply as to be relatively indifferent to other functions of life4 ,we impute fanaticism #aih when the tension of religious feeling destroys the moral equilibrium or stunts development of other parts of our nature1 or prompts to acts which1 but for this morbid influence1 would excite moral indignation4 ,it may display itself in the artistic and intellectual sphere1 as by iconoclasm or the suppression of arts and sciences2 or in the discipline of individual life1 as by over-ascetic self-mortification4 ,its coarsest and most usual manifestation is in war and the destruction of peoples of alien creed4 ,a war or a slaughter is called fanatical1 if its leading motive is the extermination of a rival religion1 not for the sake of morality or civilisation1 but as an act in itself acceptable to one's own jealous god4 ,the ascetic type of fanaticism is specially a product of the ,far ,east3 the murderous type is peculiar to the ,semitic spirit1 when unchastened by a high ethical sympathy or a sensitive humanism2 for the chief record of it is in the pages of the history of ,israel1 ,islam1 and ,christianity1 so far as this last religion has been in bondage to certain ,semitic influence4 ,it is a question of interest whether we find fanaticism of this type in the ,mesopotamian area and in the ancient polytheistic communities of the ,western ,semites4 ,we might expect to find it because of the intensity of the religious spirit that seems to have been a common inheritance of all these stocks4 ,the more fervent the worship1 the more is the likelihood that the dangerous idea of a 8jealous0 god will emerge1 especially when races are living under the illusion of the 8fallacy of names40 ,by a fatal logic of devotion1 the jealous god may be thought to favour or ordain the destruction of those who worship the deity under other names1 which meant1 for the old world1 other gods4 ,only this must be carefully distinguished from the other more innocent #aii idea1 proper to all tribal religions1 that the deity of the tribe1 like a good citizen1 will desire victory for his people's arms4 ,as regards ,mesopotamia1 in his ,history of ,ancient ,religions ,tiele finds in ,assyrian history the same traces of murderous fanaticism as in ,israelitish4#aii4a ,so far as ,i have been able as yet to collect the evidence1 this statement appears to contain some exaggeration4 ,for ,i have not found any record of a war that an ,assyrian or ,babylonian ruler undertakes at the command of a 8jealous god0 against a people whose only offence is an alien worship4 ,the motives for a war appear to be of the ordinary human and secular kind2 ,palestine1 for instance1 is attacked1 not because ,marduk or ,asshur personally hates ,jahw1 but because the country holds the key of the route to ,egypt4 ,such ,biblical narratives as the destruction of ,jericho1 ,ai1 and the ,amalekites find no real parallel in ,mesopotamian chronicles4 ,yet in these also the temper of homicidal religion is strong enough to be dangerous4 ,neither in the ,babylonian nor in the ,assyrian divinities is there any spirit of mercy to the conquered4 ,on that early relief of ,annabanini of the third millennium ,b4,c41 the goddess leads to the king the captives by a hook in their noses to work his will upon them4#aii4b ,and in the later records of the great ,assyrian ,empire1 the deities appear prominently as motive forces1 and the most cruel treatment of captives is regarded as acceptable to them4 ,the worst example that ,tiele quotes is the great inscription of ,assurbanipal1 who1 after speaking of himself as 8the ,compassionate1 the ,king who cherishes no grudge10#aii4c navely proceeds to narrate how he tore out the tongues #bjj of the rebels of ,babylon1 hewed their flesh into small pieces1 and flung it to the dogs1 swine1 and vultures2 and 8after ,i had performed these acts1 ,i softened the hearts of the ,great ,gods1 my ,lords40 ,but the lines that follow suggest that what 8softened their hearts0 was not so much the tortures and massacres1 which they might approve of without directly commanding1 but the religious measures that ,assurbanipal immediately undertook for the purification of ,babylon1 whose temples had been polluted with corpses4 ,again1 ,tiglath-,pileser ,,iii4 speaks of himself as the ,mighty ,one 8who in the service of ,asshur broke in pieces like a potter's vessel all those who were not submissive to the will of his god02#bjj4a and a little later1 ,sargon recounts how 8,merodach-,baladin1 ,king of the ,chaldaeans1''' who did not fear the name of the ,lord of ,lords''' broke the statues of the great gods and refused his present to me40#bjj4b ,yet it would be a misunderstanding to speak of these1 as ,tiele does1 as if they were wars of religion1 like the ,crusades or the war against the ,albigenses4 ,asshur sends the king to the war invariably1 but rather for the sake of the king's profit and glory than for the propagation of ,asshur's religion2 for his enemies are very frequently of the same religion as himself4 ,the above phrases must be understood probably in a political sense rather than a religious2 the god and the king are so intimately associated that whoever insults or injures one1 insults or injures the other4 ,we may suspect that ,merodach-,baladin's breach of the divine statutes consisted in his omitting to send his usual tribute to ,sargon4 ,when two men had spoken scornfully of the gods of ,assurbanipal1 both the king and the gods would wish to avenge the insult3#bjj4c it was natural1 therefore1 for ,assurbanipal #bja to torture and flay them4 ,in warring against an alien people1 the king is warring against alien gods2 therefore if he sacks the alien city he may capture and take away1 or--more rarely--destroy1 the city's gods4 ,thus ,asarhaddon had taken away the idols of ,hazailu1 ,king of ,arabia1 and of ,laili1 ,king of ,iadi2 but when these kings had made submission and won his favour he returned to them the holy images1 having first inscribed them with his own ideogram and a mark of the might of ,asshur3#bja4a thus the gods1 having the brandmark of the great king and the imperial deity1 become tributary divinities4 ,or if he wished to wipe a people out1 the ,assyrian conqueror might break their idols to dust4 ,thus ,assurbanipal broke in pieces the gods of the ,elamites--the most deadly foes of ,babylon--and thereby 8eased the heart of the ,lord of ,lords40#bja4b ,but many of the ,elamite deities he led away2 and of one of them he speaks in terms of reverence1 ,sainak1 the god of destiny1 8who dwells in hidden places1 whose working no one sees40#bja4c ,it is more difficult to understand why ,sanherib should boast to have destroyed the deities of ,babylon after his capture of the city2 for the leading ,babylonian divinities certainly belonged to the ,assyrian ,pantheon4 ,the evidence here quoted justifies us in attributing fanaticism to the religious temper of ,babylonia and ,assyria2 not because the wars were evangelising1 undertaken in the service of religion1 but because the savage cruelty that accompanied them is deemed1 as it is in the early ,hebraic view1 acceptable to the national gods4 ,the idea of divine mercy is potent in the liturgies2 but neither morality nor religion would appear to have inculcated any mercy towards the alien foe2 and this lack #bjb of moral sympathy may be termed a passive fanaticism4 ,the same fanatic temper might be traced in the savagery of the punishments for offences against the ,state-religion1 and was reflected also at times in the legal code4#bjb4a ,from other polytheistic ,semitic communities we have no record1 so far as ,i am aware1 that bears on the phenomenon that we are considering1 except the famous ,moabite ,stone1 of which the style is in this respect strikingly ,biblical4 ,mesha regards himself as sent by his god ,chmosh to take ,nebo from ,israel1 and he explains why he slaughtered all within the walls1 man1 woman1 and child1 8for ,i had devoted it to ,chmosh40 ,fanaticism does not so naturally belong to polytheism as to monotheism2 yet it seems that at times the polytheistic ,semites could be as prone to this vice of the religious temper as the monotheistic ,israelites4 ,speaking generally1 and in comparison with the ancient ,semitic and the mediaeval and even later spirit of ,europe1 we must pronounce the ,hellenic temperament of the earlier and classical period as wholly innocent of fanaticism4 ,the history of ,hellas is not stained by any 8war of religion02 and no religious hierarchy in ,hellas ever possessed the power or displayed the will to suppress art or persecute science and thought4 ,it might occasionally happen that individuals were in danger of punishment if they insulted or openly flouted the civic worship or introduced new deities2 but that the ,state should protect itself thus is not fanaticism4 ,the least tolerant of cities was the enlightened ,athens4 ,but her record in this matter is a spotless page compared #bjc with the history of any later ,european ,state4 ,hellas owed this happy immunity to her cooler religious temper1 to the equilibrium of the other life-forces within her1 and to her comparative freedom from dark and cruel superstitious fears4 ,it is specially in regard to such salient features of the religious temperament as we have been considering that the early ,hellene asserted his spiritual independence of the ,east4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,eschatologic ,ideas of ,east and ,west4 #bjd ,religions are often found to differ fundamentally in their conceptions of the fate of the departed spirit of man1 and in the prominence and importance they assign to the posthumous life4 ,there is1 in fact1 a group of religions which we might term 8other-worldly10 because certain dogmas concerning the world after death are made the basis on which their aspirations and ideals of conduct are constructed2 to this group belong ,christianity1 ,buddhism1 ,islam1 and the old ,egyptian creed4 ,there are other religions1 also of a highly developed type1 in which eschatologic doctrine plays no forcible or constructive part either in the theology or in the ethics4 ,such were the ,mesopotamian1 primitive ,judaism1 and the early ,hellenic4 ,our question concerning the evidences in the second millennium of ,mesopotamian influences on the ,western ,aegean demands1 then1 at least a brief comparison of the ,sumerian-,babylonian1 and ,hellenic eschatology4 ,our knowledge of the former is derived from certain epic poems1 the ,epic of ,gilgamesh1 8,the ,descent of ,ishtar10 and the poem dealing with the marriage of ,nergal and ,erishkigal1 the ,queen of the dead2 secondly1 from a few inscriptions of various periods1 alluding to burial or the status of the dead2 thirdly1 and this is the most important source1 from the recent excavations #bje of certain 8necropoleis40#bje4a ,the ,hellenic facts have been sufficiently set forth for the present purpose in a former series of lectures4 ,in the picture of the lower world presented by the two literatures1 a certain general agreement is discoverable1 but none closer than they reveal with the conceptions of other peoples4 ,both accept as an undoubted fact the continued existence of the soul after death1 and both imagine this existence as shadowy1 profitless1 and gloomy4 ,both also vaguely locate the abode of the soul under the earth1 with a downward entrance somewhere in the west4#bje4b ,in both we find the idea of a nether river to be crossed1 or 8the waters of death02#bje4c of a porter at the gates of 8hell10 and of a god and goddess as rulers of the lower world2 while the mountain of the ,babylonian underworld on which the gods were supposed to have been born was unknown to ,hellenic mythology4#bje4d ,such coincidences are no criterion of a common origin of belief2 for these traits recur in the death-lore of many and widely scattered races4 ,as against them1 we must take into account certain salient differences4 ,the lot of the departed in the ,babylonian epic account appears drearier even than #bjf in the ,homeric1 just as the ,babylonian religious poetry inclines to the more sombre tones and the more violent pathos4 ,the dead inhabit 8the house wherein he who enters is excluded from the light1 the place where dust is their bread1 and mud their food4 ,they behold not the light1 they dwell in darkness1 and are clothed1 like birds1 in a garment of feathers2 and over door and bolt the dust is scattered40#bjf4a ,this is more hopeless than the ,homeric meadow of ,asphodel1 where the souls still pursue the shadow of their former interests1 and some tidings of the earth may penetrate to give them joy4 ,also1 the demoniac terrors of the lower world are more vividly presented in ,babylonian than in ,hellenic literature and art4 ,the demons of disease that perform the bidding of ,allatu1 the ,queen of ,hell1 are closely connected with the ghost-world2 we learn from the formulae of exorcism that the haunting demon that destroyed a man's vital energies might be a wandering spectre4 8,o ,shamash1 a horrible spectre for many days hath fastened itself on my back1 and will not loose its hold upon me4''' he sendeth forth pollution1 he maketh the hair of my head to stand up1 he taketh the power from my body1 he maketh my eyes to start out1 he plagueth my back1 he poisoneth my flesh1 he plagueth my whole body''' whether it be the spectre of my own family and kindred1 or the spectre of one who was murdered1 or whether it be the spectre of any other man that haunteth me40#bjf4b ,now it is possible that the curse of the demon was powerful both in the earlier and later periods of ancient1 as it is powerful to-day in modern1 ,greece2 the demon might be a ghost or a revenant4 ,and it has #bjg been the ambition of a small group of scholars in this country to prove that the higher literature and art of ,greece1 that reveals so fair and sane an imagination of the unseen world1 is only a thin veil drawn over much that was grotesque and ghastly in the popular superstition4 ,even ,homer reveals forms of terror in ,hades2 and we have ugly tales of demons sucking blood1 and ravaging the land like the of ,megara4 ,it is not necessary to labour this point4 ,probably every ancient race has been sorely tried at one time or other by the burden of demonology2 even our hardy ancient kinsmen of ,iceland had their vampires and strangling ghosts1 that figure occasionally in their saga4 ,but the great peoples of our ,western civilisation are those who have struggled free from this obsession into the light of progressive secular life4 ,such also--we have the right to believe--was the early ,greek4 ,to draw the distinction too sharply between the cultured and the uncultured strata may be a source of fallacy1 especially when it is ancient ,hellas that we are dealing with1 where the artist was usually a man of the people and the people certainly delighted in the work of their poets1 and were strangely susceptible to the healing influences of music4 ,if ,greek poetry1 then1 and art strove to banish the ugliest forms of the demon-world1 and thereby worked with purifying and tranquillising influence on the temperament1 so much the better for the ,greek peasant4 ,it is probably wrong1 therefore1 to regard the average ,hellene as a nightmare-ridden man4 ,but we might dare to say this of the ,babylonian2 and his imaginary terrors were fostered by his religious liturgical poetry1 and to some extent by his art4 ,for most of his hymns are formulae of exorcisms1 incantations against demons and spectres4 ,but such liturgy played relatively a very small part in #bjh ,greek ritual2 and this is one of the strongest facts that can be brought to witness against the theory of early ,babylonian influence4 ,yet both the ,greek and the ,babylonian feared the miasma of the dead4 ,ishtar's threats at the portal of ,hell1 a tremendous outburst of infernal poetry1 is a strong witness to this feeling3 8,thou warder1 open thy door1 open thy door that ,i may enter in4 ,if thou openest not thy door that ,i may not enter1 ,i will crash thy door into splinters1 ,i will burst the bolt1 ,i will splinter the threshold and tear up the wings of the door3 ,i will lead forth the dead that they shall eat and drink3 the dead shall keep company with the living40 ,what lends part of its force to this great passage is the dreadful thought that the living should be haunted by the multitude of the ghosts that would pollute the living person and the light of day4 ,shamash the sun-god is the natural enemy of ghosts1 and is therefore appealed to in the incantation quoted just above to drive away the demon-spectres4 ,he seems to stand here in the same relation of antipathy to the ghost-world as the 8pure0 ,apollo stood for the ,greek4 ,the mode and the place of burial will often throw light on the feelings of the living in regard to the departed4 ,the peoples of the ,minoan-,mycenaean culture interred their dead1 ,homeric society cremated them1 while the recent excavations have revealed that both systems were in vogue side by side throughout an indefinite period in ,mesopotamia2#bjh4a and such being the facts1 we cannot safely deduce from them any marked difference in spiritual beliefs4 ,more illuminating is the fact that the pre-,homeric society in ,greek lands appears generally to have buried its dead in or near their habitations1 #bji as if they desired the companionship of the spirits1 agreeing in this respect with the people of ,gezer in ,palestine4#bji4a ,in ,mesopotamia1 though in very ancient times the dead were sometimes buried in temples1 the fashion generally prevailed of establishing a necropolis outside the city1 as was the rule also in post-,homeric ,greece4 ,this difference alone suggests that the fear of the ghost was less powerful in pre-,homeric ,greece than in ,mesopotamia4 ,it is clear1 however1 that the ,babylonian1 like the ,hellene1 desired at times to enter into communion with the departed family-ghost2 for in ,mesopotamia1 as in ,hellas1 we have clear trace of 8parentalia10 communion-meals to which the ancestral spirits were invited to feast with the family4 ,in the ,babylonian phrase this was called 8breaking bread with0 the dead3#bji4b the parallel facts in ,hellas are familiar to students4 ,moreover1 a certain general resemblance in the funeral ceremonies can be detected between the ,eastern and ,western peoples whom we are comparing4 ,when we examine these1 we discover that neither the ,homeric nor the ,babylonian epic-picture of the desolateness and futility of the life in ,hades corresponded altogether with the popular faith as expressed in tomb-ritual4 ,it is true to say of all races that burial customs and eschatological theory are never wholly harmonised by any coherent logic1 and generally reveal discord between the dogma and the ritual4 ,we can note this in ancient ,hellas and among ourselves2 and the discovery of ,babylonian graves reveals it in ,mesopotamia4 ,the things found in these1 toys for children1 cosmetics for girls1#bji4c #baj show that the ideas so powerfully expressed in 8,the ,descent of ,ishtar0 about the barrenness and nakedness of the land of the dead were either not universally admitted or not acted upon4 ,those who equip the dead with some of the things that were of use and delight to the living must believe that the departed soul preserves a certain energy and power of enjoyment1 though a gloomy poet among them may enlarge impressively on the emptiness of death4 ,the unknown ,assyrian king who describes in an inscription the sumptuous burial that he gave his father may not have been of the same mind as the poet of the ,ishtar-epic concerning the laws of the ,queen of ,hell3 8,within the grave ,the secret place ,in kingly oil ,i gently laid him4 ,the grave-stone ,marketh his resting-place4 ,with mighty bronze ,i sealed its entrance1 ,i protected it with an incantation4 ,vessels of gold and silver1 ,such as my father loved1 ,all the furniture that befitteth the grave1 ,the due right of his sovereignty1 ,i displayed before the ,sun-,god1 ,and beside the father who begat me1 ,i set them in the grave4 ,gifts unto the princes1 ,unto the spirits of the earth ,and unto the gods who inhabit the grave1 ,i then presented40#baj4a ,what is the meaning of the act of exposing the gold and silver vessels to the sun-god ,shamash before placing them on the grave8 ,was it done to purify them by the aspect of the pure god and thus to fit them for the use #baa of the glorified dead8 ,the evidence of the deification of kings has been collected above4 ,but the ceremony in question is unique1 as far as ,i am aware4 ,no doubt in ordinary ,semitic burials there was great variety in the grave-offerings3 in the graves of ,gezer in ,palestine1 weapons1 jewels1 ostrich-eggs1 seals1 scarabs1 amulets1 small figures in human or animal form have been found4#baa4a ,in these practices the primitive ,hellene and ,semite were on the same level1 nor is it likely that either was the pupil of the other4 ,one important difference1 important at least for our purpose1 we can mark1 which is connected with the difference between ,hellenic and ,oriental climate4 ,the ,hellenic ghost might take water among his offerings1 and the neglected soul might be pitied for being #baa4b2 he might also eat his porridge in the ,anthesteria2 but he preferred wine1 and the offerings of blood--the --and especially the sacrifice of animals4 ,and we may gather from the painting on the ,phaistos sarcophagus that the blood-oblation to the dead was part of the pre-,hellenic ritual in ,crete4 ,the triple-libation1 also1 that ,homer mentions1 of wine1 honey-mead1 and water1 and which the later ,greeks retained1 may be regarded as a ,minoan tradition1 for its great antiquity among the ,aegean people is attested by the libation-table found by ,sir ,arthur ,evans in the cave of ,zeus on ,mount ,dickte4 ,here there is no trace of the teaching of the ,babylonian priest3 nor in the blood-offerings to the dead4 ,for the ,babylonian ghost1 parched with thirst in the intolerable heat of ,mesopotamia1 craved not blood--which1 as far as ,i know1 is never mentioned in the description of his funeral-rites--but #bab beer in the earliest period1#bab4a and in the later specially water4 ,it is water that was supposed to make the deceased comparatively happy3 8,on a couch he lieth ,and drinketh pure water1 ,the man who was slain in battle4 ,his father and his mother support his head1 ,and his wife kneeleth at his side40#bab4b ,this is the lore that in the ,epic of ,gilgamesh is imparted to the hero by the ghost of his beloved ,eabani1 concerning the advantages of the man who gets due burial over him whose corpse is thrown out into the field1 and whose soul wanders restlessly eating 8the dregs of the vessel1 the leavings of the feast1 and that which is cast out upon the street40 ,the spirit's need of water has been an ancient tradition of ,semitic grave-tendance4 ,it is expressed on one of the cylinders of ,gudea2#bab4c and in the ,curse of ,hammurabi1 which is a postscript to his code of laws1 he swears that if a man breaks them 8his spirit in the world below shall lack water40#bab4d ,clay-cylinders in the museums of ,paris and ,berlin1 that doubtless come from ,mesopotamian graves1 contain inscriptions expressing a blessing on the man who respects the dead1 8may his departed spirit in the world below drink clear water40#bab4e ,the old idea survives in the belief of modern ,islam that the soul of the dead yearns for nothing so much as that the rains or dews of heaven should fall refreshingly on the grave4 ,these simple differences in the oblations incline #bac us to suppose that the primitive grave-ritual of ,greece was developed independently of ,babylon4 ,again1 in ,greece this tendance of the spirits1 in the case of the great ones of the community--the king1 the hero1 or the priest--was undoubtedly linked at an early period with apotheosis of the dead2 and actual hero-cults and actual cults of ancestors became1 as we have seen1 a salient phenomenon of ,greek religion4 ,but if this phenomenon is to be noted at all in the ,babylonian1 it certainly was not salient4 ,we know that under certain circumstances the king might be worshipped in his lifetime and after1 but we do not yet know that the departed head or ancestor of the family received actual cult2 where this is asserted by modern scholars1#bac4a it may be that they have not paid sufficient attention to the important difference that has been defined between the tendance and the worship of the dead4#bac4b ,this at all events1 on the evidence already placed before us1 may be said3 in respect of the frequency and force of hero-worship1 ,mesopotamia stands at the opposite pole to ,greece1 and in testing the question of primitive religious influences of ,east on ,west this fact must be weighed in the scale4 ,evidence has been adduced pointing to an early ,greek belief that the spirit of the departed ancestor might reincarnate itself in a descendant3 a belief fairly common among savage peoples4 ,i have not been able to find any indication of it in ,babylonian records1 nor am ,i aware of any trace of it among other ,semitic peoples except1 possibly1 a late #bad ,phoenician inscription from the tomb of ,eshmunazar1 ,king of ,sidon about ,b4,c4 #cjj3 in the curse which he invokes against the violator of his tomb he prays that such a man's posterity may be rooted out3 8,may they have no root in the world below1 nor fruit above1 nor any bloom in the life under the sun40#bad4a ,these strange words contain the idea of a family-tree2 the fruit and the bloom are the living members who are in the light of the sun3 the root are the ancestral spirits4 ,if the figure is to be interpreted literally1 we must regard these latter as the source of the life that is on the earth1 and the curse would mean 8may the departed ancestors no longer have the power to reappear in the living40 ,but we cannot feel sure how much sense we can press into the words4 ,so far1 it appears that there was little or no communion according to ,babylonian belief between the dead and the living1 except at the family sacramental meal held after the funeral4 ,only the vexed and neglected soul of the unburied or the unhallowed dead returned to disturb the living4 ,and perhaps at times the ,babylonians1 as the ,israelites1 resorted to 8necromancy10 the evocation of the dead by spells1 so as to question them concerning the future4 ,one evidence of this is the passage in the ,epic of ,gilgamesh1 where the hero is able to evoke the spectre of his friend ,eabani and question it4 ,this was probably suggested by an actual practice1 which is attested by such priestly titles as 8he who leads up the dead10 8he who questions the dead40#bad4b ,in ancient ,greece we have the further evidence1 which is lacking in the ,babylonian record1 of actual or shrines where the dead were #bae consulted1 and some of these may have descended from the pre-,homeric period2 for the evocation of ghosts seems to have been specially practised in ,arcadia1 where so much primitive lore survived4 ,as regards the higher eschatology1 it would seem that the ,babylonian of the earlier period had not advanced even as far as the ,homeric1 possibly the pre-,homeric1 ,greek4 ,for even in ,homer's picture of ,hades and the after-life#bae4a there already is found this important trait--certain notorious sinners are punished1 certain privileged persons like ,menelaos may be wafted to blessedness2 while in ,hesiod the idea is outspoken that many of the righteous and distinguished men of the past enjoy a blessed lot hereafter4#bae4b ,moreover1 this important dogma of posthumous punishments and rewards is not confined to the world of mythic fancy in the ,homeric epic1 to personages such as ,tantalos1 ,tityos1 ,menelaos3 the average man in the ,homeric period might not hope for happiness after death2 but if ,homer is his spokesman he could fear special punishment1 and the threat of it was already a moral force4 ,there are two striking passages in the ,iliad1 of which the importance for our present question is often ignored3 in iii4 #bgh there is reference to the two divinities whom1 with ,aristarchus1 we must interpret as ,hades and ,persephone1 who punish oath-breakers after death3 in xix4 #bei the same function of executing judgment in the nether world upon the souls of the perjured is ascribed to the ,erinyes3 the context in both passages #baf suggests that the poet is giving voice to a common popular belief4 ,and in regard to posthumous happiness1 early ,greece may have believed more than ,homer reports4 ,for who can determine how early this eschatologic hope came into the ,eleusinian mysteries8 ,the 8threats of hell and hopes of ,paradise0 were never wholly moralised even by later ,greek thought2 but here are the germs discernible in the earliest stage of the religion from which a higher moral teaching and a new moral force might emanate4 ,but those who have tried to discover similar ideas in the records of ,babylonian eschatology have hitherto entirely failed4 ,certain phrases and certain mythic data may be1 and have been1 pressed to support the theory that ,babylonian religion and ethics were not without some belief in judgment and resurrection2#baf4a but it is overpressure1 and the phrases may easily be misunderstood4 ,no clear evidence points to ,babylonian belief in posthumous judgment2 the title 8god of judgment0 attached to ,nergal might have merely a political significance4 ,again1 8awakener of the dead0 is a fairly frequent epithet of many divinities2 but no context where it occurs suggests for it an eschatologic intention4#baf4b ,in the story of ,adapa1 much of which is recovered from the ,tel-,el-,amarna tablets1 we find reference to the 8,food of ,life0 and the 8,water of ,life10#baf4c that the ,god of ,heaven might have given to ,adapa and thereby made him immortal2 and in the story of ,ishtar's descent1 it is said that ,allatu kept the waters of life in #bag hell wherewith ,ishtar was restored4 ,but nowhere as yet has any hint been found that these waters of life were available for any mortal man1 and even ,adapa1 the son of a god1 missed getting them4 ,in the mythology of ,babylon only one mortal1 ,utnapishtim1 the ,babylonian ,noah1 passes without death to some happy land and becomes immortal2 after the deluge ,bel spake thus3 8,hitherto hath ,utnapishtim been of mankind1 but now let ,utnapishtim be like unto the gods1 even us1 and let ,utnapishtim dwell afar off at the mouth of the river40#bag4a ,again1 as the kings might be considered divine in life1 there was no difficulty in supposing that they joined the company of the gods after death1 as was supposed in ,egypt4 ,the prayers offered to deities of the lower world by the ,assyrian king on behalf of his father1 in the tablet quoted above1 may be thus explained2 the nether powers are entreated to offer no obstacles to his apotheosis4 ,other ,semitic nations may have had the same belief concerning the future blessedness of the king2 at least an inscription of ,king ,panammu of ,north ,syria1 vassal of ,tiglath-,pileser ,,iii41 points to this1 for his successor is urged to pray that 8the soul of ,panammu shall eat and drink with the good ,adad40#bag4b ,but no evidence has as yet been gathered that the ordinary ,babylonian expected any such distinguished lot4 ,nor does it appear that prayers were ever offered for his soul1 as they might be for the king's1 and as they habitually were for the ordinary ,athenian's in the ,anthesteria4 ,for the ,babylonian1 on the whole1 the only distinction of lot between one person and another after death was between him whose ghost was well #bah cared for by surviving relatives and him who died an outcast and was neglected4 ,and this was no moral distinction1 nor one that was likely to engender the belief in a righteous judgment4 ,the duty to the dead was a family duty merely2 nor can ,i find in the ,mesopotamian records any indication of that tender regard of the alien dead which leads in ,greece to a certain higher morality1 and which informs ,homer's pregnant phrase--8it is not righteous to vaunt oneself over the slain40 ,we find ,assyrian kings revenging themselves by mutilation and exposure of their enemies' corpses2#bah4a and ,semitic ferocity and ,hellenic are nowhere more vividly contrasted than in this matter4 ,finally1 there appears a difference in character between the ,mesopotamian and the ,hellenic deities who were concerned with the surveillance of the world below4 ,in the religion of the ,western people1 the latter are as essentially concerned with life as with death2 and ,demeter1 ,kore-,persephone1 ,plouton1 ,zeus 1 are benign divinities whose sombre character is only the reverse of the picture2 there is a chance of development for a more hopeful creed when the dead are committed to the care of the gentle earth-goddess3 and it was through this double aspect of ,demeter-,kore that the eschatologic promise of the ,greek mysteries was confirmed4 ,but the ,babylonian ,queen of ,hell1 ,allatu1 is wholly repellent in character and aspect1 nor do we find that she was worshipped at all2 the only indication of a softer vein in her is the passage in 8,the ,descent of ,ishtar10 which describes the sorrow of ,allatu for the sufferings brought upon men through the departure of the goddess of life and love4 ,nergal1 who is probably an usurper of the older supremacy of ,allatu1 has indeed a celestial character #bai as the upper god of ,kutha1 but even in the upper world his nature was regarded as terrible and destructive4 ,only once or twice is the gentler ,greek conception concerning the rulers of the lower world found in ,babylonian literature4#bai4a ,enmesharra--a name that may be a synonym for ,nergal#bai4b--;is hailed as 8,lord of ,earth1 of the land from which none returns 7,aralu71 great ,lord1 without whom ,ningirsu allows nothing to sprout in field and canal1 no growth to bloom40#bai4c ,tammuz himself also is once at least styled 8the ,lord of the lower world40#bai4d ,and if ,ningirsu is another name of the underworld-god1 which is possible1 it is significant that in an old ,babylonian document the cultivator of the soil is called 8the servant of ,ningirsu40#bai4e ,these isolated utterances1 if they had penetrated the popular religious thought1 might have engendered a softer and brighter sentiment concerning the world of death4 ,but it is doubtful if they were potent enough to effect this4#bai4f ,if the gentle ,tammuz had displaced ,allatu and ,nergal as the ,lord of death1 ,babylonian eschatology might have had a different career4 ,but it does not appear that he ever did4 ,deeply beloved as he was1 he never reached the position of a high god either in heaven or the lower world4#bai4g ,nor did his resurrection from the #bbj dead evoke any faith1 as far as we see at present1 that might comfort the individual concerning his own lot4 ,the personality and the rites of ,attis1 8the ,phrygian shepherd10 are closely akin to those of ,tammuz1 and may be partly of ,babylonian origin3 and from these were evolved a higher eschatologic theory that became a powerful religious force in later ,paganism4 ,on the other hand1 in ,babylonia the germs of higher religion in the ,tammuz-ritual seem to have remained unquickened2 possibly because they were not fostered and developed by any mystic society4 ,for it is perhaps the most salient and significant difference between ,hellenic and ,mesopotamian religions that in the latter we have no trace of mysteries at all1 while in the former not only were they a most potent force in the popular religion1 but were the chief agents for developing the eschatologic faith4 ,this exposition of the ,eastern and ,western ideas concerning death and the ritual of the dead is merely a slight sketch of a great subject2 but may serve the present purpose1 the testing the question of early religious contact4 ,we have noted much general resemblance1 but only such as is found among various races of the world3 on the other hand1 certain striking differences1 both in detail and general conception1 that argue strongly against the theory of contact or borrowing in the second millennium4 ,nor can we discover in the earliest ,greek mythology a single ,mesopotamian name or myth associated with the lower world4#bbj4a ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,babylonian1 ,anatolian1 and ,aegean ,ritual4 #bba ,a comparison of the forms observed in these regions1 both in regard to the minute details and to the general underlying ideas1 ought to contribute independent evidence to the solution of our question4 ,the transmission of precise rules of ritual from one people to another1 implies an intercourse of some duration1 and more or less regulated2 for while the name of a god or a single myth is volatile1 and can be wafted down remote routes by an itinerant trader1 or nomad1 or hunter1 the introduction of any organised ritual implies1 as a rule1 the presence of the missionary or the foreign priest4 ,if1 then1 there is any evidence suggesting that ,greece in its earliest period learnt its ritual from ,babylon1 the importance of this for the ethnic history of religion will be great indeed4 ,therefore it may seem that a detailed comparison of the ,eastern and ,western ritual is forced upon us at this point3 but it would be premature to expect at present any finality in the result1 because the ,mesopotamian documents have only been very incompletely examined and published by the linguistic experts4 ,however1 the material that they have presented to us reveals certain salient facts of immediate value for our present purpose that cannot be wholly illusory1 however much we may have to modify our interpretation of them in the light of future discovery4 #bbb ,as regards the ,greek evidence1 we are not without fairly ample testimony concerning the earliest period4 ,the ,homeric poems present us with the contemporary religious practices of at least a portion of the population whom we may conveniently call the ,achaeans2 though we have no right to suppose that they give us a complete account even of those4 ,again1 as ritual does not spring up in a day1 and has a singular longevity1 we may be sure that much of ,homeric ritual is a tradition of the second millennium4 ,furthermore1 we can supplement ,homer by later testimony1 of which the lateness of date is no argument against the primitiveness of the fashions that it may attest4 ,the first superficial comparison of ,mesopotamian and ,aegean ceremonies exhibits a general similarity in the mechanism of religion2 an established priesthood1 temples1 images1 altars1 prayers1 sacrifice1 religious music1 holy days1 consultation of the gods by methods of divination1 a certain ceremonious tendance of the dead1 these are common features of ,east and ,west4 ,but if we were comparing ,hellenic with ,egyptian or ,vedic1 or even ,mexican and ,peruvian religion1 we should be able to point to the same general agreement in externals1 and many of these institutions are found broadcast over the modern world of savage society4 ,it will be more important for the present question1 if when we examine the ,babylonian1 ,anatolian1 and ,hellenic ritual more minutely we discern salient differences1 especially if these are found in certain organic centres of the religious life such as was the sacrifice4 ,and we must first try to determine whether the ,hellas of the pre-,homeric days already possessed all those religious institutions roughly enumerated above4 ,we can deal to some extent with both these problems together4 #bbc ,the erection of temples is an important stage in the higher development of anthropomorphic religion4 ,by the beginning of the second millennium ,b4,c4 this had become an immemorial tradition of ,mesopotamia4 ,but we are not sure at what period the other polytheistic ,semites first evolved the architectural shrine1 or how long they were content to use the natural cave as the house of a divinity1 or a high place or 8temenos0 with altar or sacred pillar4 ,the recent excavations at ,gezer have revealed a glimpse into the religion of the prehistoric ,semites of ,canaan2 and one shrine that seems nothing more than a row of sacred monoliths1 but also another that has more the appearance of an elaborate building of a sacred character4#bbc4a ,of still greater antiquity was the shrine that ,professor ,petrie has discovered at ,serabit in the ,sinaitic peninsula1 an original cave-temple complicated with the addition of porticoes and chambers1 which he believes to have been devoted to a double cult1 the ,egyptian and ,semitic4#bbc4b ,at all events1 we may conclude that before #ajjj ,b4,c4 most of the more cultured ,semitic communities in ,asia ,minor had come to house their divinities in more or less elaborated shrines4 ,as regards the other race that dominated the early period of ,anatolian history1 the ,hittite1 we have the priceless evidence of the ,boghaz-,keui monuments3 these reveal a complex temple hewn out of and into the rocky ravine with a 8,holy of ,holies0 and what appears to be a sleeping-chamber for the god4#bbc4c ,in ,phrygia1 the artificial shrine may have been late in supplanting the natural cavern or hole in the rock that was once the sufficient home of the cult of the great goddess4#bbc4d ,from #bbd the coast of ,asia ,minor we have no evidence concerning the site of any ancient temple that carries us back to the early period with which we are dealing4#bbd4a ,but the ,homeric poems alone are sufficient proof that the ,greeks1 for whom they were composed1 were beginning to be familiar with some architectural type of the deity's habitation4 ,apollo ,smintheus already has his shrine and professional priest4#bbd4b ,we hear of the temple and priestess of ,athena in ,troy1#bbd4c of her shrine at ,athens1 which she shared with ,erechtheus1#bbd4d and the stone-threshold of ,apollo at ,delphi1 that guarded already many treasures within it4#bbd4e ,and we also know from the excavations of the last few years that the ,aryan invaders from the ,north1 the proto-,hellenes1 would find temples on some at least of the sites of the ,minoan culture4 ,crete has preserved certain shrines of the second millennium2 but except the temple-cave on ,dikte all of them so far are found to be merely domestic chapels in the king's palace1 as though the king were personally responsible for the religion of the community3 and so at ,mycenae1 ,tiryns1 and ,athens1 the oldest temples have been found on the foundations of 8,mycenaean0 palaces4#bbd4f ,but the temples of ,hera on the public hill of ,argos and at ,olympia are now dated near to #hjj ,b4,c4#bbd4g ,we have1 then1 proof sufficient of temple-construction in ,greece and the ,aegean islands before the period of ,homer2 and if we must have recourse to the theory that the peoples of the ,minoan-,mycenaean culture took #bbe their cue in this important evolution from some foreign civilisation1 we should look to ,egypt rather than to ,assyria1 as nearer and more closely in touch with early ,crete4 ,we may mark here a difference between ,eastern and ,western thought in the religious conception of the temple4 ,it was naturally regarded everywhere as sacrosanct1 because permeated with the virtue of the divine presence2 but ,babylonia developed this idea with greater intensity of conviction than the ,hellene1 and actually deified the temple itself3 the ,king ,nabopolassar 7circ4 #fbe ,b4,c47 prays to it in such words as these1 8,oh1 temple1 be gracious to the king thy restorer1 and if ,marduk enters thee in triumph1 report my piety to him40#bbe4a ,such exaggeration is not found in ,greek religion4#bbe4b ,as regards the emblem of divinity1 the cult-object set up in the shrine to attract and to mark the presence of the deity1 the ,mesopotamian religion had1 as we have seen1 already evolved the eikon or image at some period considerably earlier than the second millennium1 and the statue of the god or goddess had become an important factor of early ritual3 only the emblem of ,asshur remained aniconic4#bbe4c ,of equally early vogue was the image1 whether human or theriomorphic1 in ,egyptian cult4 ,again1 the early ,hittite monuments reveal it clearly1 though aniconic fetiches appear also on the reliefs of ,boghaz-,keui4 ,but it is probable that the ,western ,semites1 and the tribes of ,arabia before #abjj ,b4,c41 #bbf and many of them for centuries after1 preferred the aniconic emblem1 the 8,ashera0 or post1 or heap of stones or pillar1 to the iconic statue2 in fact1 that temple idolatry in its developed forms as it presents itself in later ,mediterranean history was alien to the old and genuine tradition of ,semitic public worship4 ,iconic representations of divinities may indeed be found in ,western ,semitic regions1 and some of these may be of great antiquity2 such as the silver statue that ,thutmose ,,iii4 7of the fifteenth century ,b4,c47 carried off from ,megiddo and the ,lebanon1#bbf4a or the 8,astarte0-plaques found on the site of ,gezer4 ,but in ,semitic communities of the earlier period such objects belonged rather to the private religion1 and the public service centred round the sacred pillar or stone1 as was the case at ,mecca both before and after ,islam arose3 the evidence for this has been carefully given and estimated by ,robertson ,smith and ,sir ,arthur ,evans4#bbf4b ,the same statement holds of many of the non-,semitic peoples of ,western ,anatolia2 in ,phrygia1 for instance1 the earliest emblem of ,kybele was the rude pillar or cone-shaped stone1 and this survived down to late times in the worship of the ,anatolian goddess in some of the ,greek cities on the ,asiatic coast4 ,the recent discoveries in the regions of the ,minoan and ,mycenaean culture reveal the same phenomenon3 the cults in this area of the ,aegean in the second millennium were in the main aniconic1 the favourite emblem being #bbg the pillar or tree-trunk1 while in ancient ,crete the axe and even the cross has been found4#bbg4a ,where the divinity appears in full human shape1 as the snake-goddess in the chapel of the cross1 the lion-guarded goddess or the god descending in the air above the pillar on the ,minoan seals1 these figures cannot1 or need not1 be interpreted as actual temple-idols4 ,and students of the religion of classical ,greece are familiar with the ample evidence of the aniconic tradition in the 1 and the cone-shaped pillars and stocks that served as divine emblems in the later temples of ,greece4#bbg4b ,now the ethnic question concerning pillar-cult has been critically discussed by ,sir ,arthur ,evans in his treatise mentioned above2 and the conclusion at which he arrives1 that the striking parallelisms in ,semitic ,anatolian and ,aegean ritual monuments are not to be explained as the result of direct borrowing from one or the other group of peoples1 but as the abiding influence of a very early ,mediterranean tradition1 commends itself as the most reasonable4 ,it is legitimate to maintain that the earliest ,hellenes took over much of this aniconic cult from the earlier ,minoan and ,mycenaean civilisation2 but we must not overlook the fact that they also possessed their own1 as a tradition derived from ,central ,europe4#bbg4c ,the most futile hypothesis would be to assume that the early ,greeks derived it from ,babylon1 where it is less in evidence than in any other ,semitic community4#bbg4d #bbh ,the iconic impulse whereby the tree-trunk and pillar were gradually supplanted by the fully human statue was beginning to work by the time that the ,homeric poems received their present form2 for we have in the ,iliad#bbh4a an undoubted reference to a seated statue of ,athena in her temple on the ,akropolis of ,troy4 ,we see here the working of an instinct that was partly religious1 partly1 perhaps1 aesthetic in its origin4 ,if we are to connect it with foreign influences1 ,egypt is at least a more 8proximate cause0 than ,babylon4 ,this comparison of the cult-objects set up in shrines or holy places must take into account the phallic emblem also4 ,this was much in vogue in the worship of ,hermes and ,dionysos1 and was not unknown even in the ritual of ,artemis4#bbh4b ,herodotus maintains that it was adopted by the ,hellenes from 8the ,pelasgians10 but1 as ,i have tried to show elsewhere1#bbh4c we cannot attach real value to his induction4 ,it may have descended from an old tradition of ,european cult1 and it was indigenous among other ,aryan nations4 ,as regards the ,mediterranean races1 we find traces of its use in the ,samothracian mysteries and in the grave-cult of ,phrygia2 while some of the records of the ,sabazian mysteries suggest that a phallic character attached to them4 ,the ,minoan-,mycenaean culture has been regarded as innocent of this1 since the phallic emblem does not appear among the monuments yet found2 and this opinion is somewhat corroborated by its absence in the ritual of ,aphrodite1 who may be regarded as a direct descendant of the great ,cretan goddess2 for only a late and somewhat doubtful text attests the dedication of phalloi to the #bbi ,cyprian ,aphrodite4#bbi4a ,but the evidence from the ,phrygian religion1 that has many ethnic affinities with ,crete1 and from such ritual-stories as that of ,pasiphae1 ought to make us hesitate4 ,in ,semitic ritual the emblem was certainly not commonly in public use1 even if it occurred at all2 the evidence for it1 at present forthcoming1 is at least very doubtful2 two of the pillars found at ,gezer have been supposed to possess phallic attributes2#bbi4b but ,robertson ,smith has well protested against the foolish tendency to interpret sacred pillars generally as phalloi1#bbi4c and even regards ,lucian's assertion of the phallic significance of the two sacred pillars1 each three hundred feet in height1 that flanked the propylaea of the temple at ,hierapolis1#bbi4d as a mistake suggested to him by the later ,hellenic misinterpretation4 ,other statements of ,lucian in that treatise may cause us to believe that a phallic character attached to some part of the ritual of the ,syrian goddess2 but1 if it did1 we could not safely regard it as originally ,semitic1 since so many ethnic strains are mingled in that complex religion4 ,it is doubtful whether we can recognise the emblem anywhere in the religious monuments of the ,hittites1 though ,perrot would give this interpretation to one of the cult-objects carved on the relief of ,boghaz-,keui4#bbi4e ,finally1 its vogue in ,babylonia seems to have been confined to private superstition2 from the second millennium onwards it was employed as an amulet1 #bcj and one of the royal chronicles1 about #aaaj ,b4,c41 is inscribed on a tablet that represents a phallos2 but we cannot argue from this or any other evidence yet adduced1 so far as ,i am aware1 that the emblem was used in public ritual4 ,so far as we can discern at present1 then1 the ,babylonian and ,hellenic phenomena are divergent in respect of pillar-cult and phallic ritual4#bcj4a ,the most interesting part of our present inquiry is the comparison of the ceremonies and the concept of sacrifice in ,east and ,west4 ,at the first glance we note1 as usual1 a certain general similarity4 ,in the earliest period we find various animals1 both wild and domestic1 offered upon the altars1 but in ,babylonia no special rules concerning their sex1 such as were prescribed by ancient ,greek and ,judaic ritual4 ,in all these countries1 again1 bloodless offerings of cereals and fruits were in common vogue2 and in the earliest ,babylonian period1 these were of great variety1 an inscription of ,gudea mentioning butter1 honey1 wine1 corn with milk1 figs1 dates1 as the food of the gods1 8untouched by fire40#bcj4b ,we note here the distinction familiar in ,greek ritual1 between and 2 only in ,babylonia it does not seem to have been of religious importance1 nor to have been developed1 as it was in ,hellas1 into a ceremonial law that might engender an important variation in the moral ideas and religious concepts of the worshipper2 for instance1 the altar of #bca ,apollo at ,delos was called 1 8the pure altar10 because no blood could be shed upon it1 the sacrifices of ,athena ,lindia at ,rhodes1 and of ,zeus in certain mystic rites of ,crete1 were 1 or 8fireless10 which was the technical name for the oblations of fruits and cereals2 and this fact of ritual suggested to later ,greek philosophy the ethical-religious view that the 8pure10 that is to say1 bloodless1 offering was the more acceptable oblation1 and was a tradition of the age of man's innocence4 ,this pregnant idea has not yet been discovered in ,mesopotamian or in any other old ,semitic religion2 the ,babylonian deities received both kinds1 and perhaps simultaneously1 though in certain special ceremonies the sacred cake1 or the liquid offerings of milk1 honey1 wine1 and oil1 might suffice2#bca4a while1 according to the ancient ,hebraic view1 as the legend of ,cain and ,abel indicates1 the deity appears to prefer blood-sacrifice1 though each species is recognised in the pre-exilic sacral literature4#bca4b ,there is another distinction observed in ,greek ritual1 that becomes of some importance in the later history of ascetic purity1 that between wineless offerings 77 and those accompanied with wine3 the former being preferred by the powers of the lower world1#bca4c though not invariably1 and certainly not by the departed hero4 ,however this distinction arose--and no single hypothesis explains all the cases--it was not a ,semitic tradition1 taught in early days to ,hellas4 ,for the #bcb ,semitic divinities1 including ,jahw1 have a genial liking for wine 8which cheereth ,god and man02#bcb4a nor have we any ,semitic example of a taboo on it1 except possibly a late ,nabataean inscription from the neighbourhood of ,palmyra1 mentioning 8the god who drinks no wine40#bcb4b ,such a phrase would certainly not apply to the deities of ,babylon2 even the sun-god1 who in ,hellas appears to have been a total abstainer1 is offered wine in the ,babylonian service1#bcb4c and1 according to one verse in the ,epic of ,creation1 the deities actually get drunk1#bcb4d a grossness which1 in the mythic imagination of ,hellas1 is only imagined as possible for ,dionysos4 ,we have the right to say1 then1 that the avoidance of wine in certain religious services of ,hellas helps to confirm the impression of its early independence of ,semitic influences4 ,the ,hellenic rule may1 in certain cases1 have been derived from an older ,aegean tradition2 for two of the deities to whom it was applied1 ,helios and ,aphrodite1 may be believed to have been bequeathed to ,greece by the ,minoan-,mycenaean religion2 and wine appears to have been prohibited in certain ceremonies of the ,phrygian goddess1#bcb4e and of a goddess of ,caria4#bcb4f ,these are differences of some importance1 and doubtless of great antiquity between the ritual of ,east and ,west2 more insignificant1 yet of considerable value for #bcc our present question1 is the fact that incense was a regular accompaniment of the ,babylonian sacrifice1 but did not come into religious use in ,greece till some time after the period of ,homer4 ,the fact itself we may consider as proved1 both by ,homer's silence about it1 and by the ,homeric use of the word 1 which means 8victim10 and never 8incense10 as in later ,greek it came to mean4 ,had the influence of the ,mesopotamian culture been as strong on ,greece in the second millennium as it came to be from #hjj ,b4,c4 onwards1 we should certainly have expected that the religious use of incense1 which is very attractive and spreads easily from one race to another1 would have been adopted by ,greek ritual before the time of ,homer4 ,a more essential point is the sharp contrast preserved in the ,greek rites between the ,olympian and the ,chthonian ritual2 a contrast that demanded a difference of terminology and dictated different sacral laws concerning time1 manner1 place of sacrifice1 and choice of victim4 ,so far1 ,i have not been able to discover any hint of this important bifurcation of ritual in any ,mesopotamian record4 ,the only nether-world power who was worshipped at all was ,nergal1 whether under this or other names2 and it does not appear that his worship differed in any essential respect from that of any other high god4 ,in fact1 the dualism between powers of the upper and powers of the lower world1 which has been generally remarked1 and sometimes exaggerated in ,hellenic polytheism1 only appears slightly in the ,babylonian1 and seems to have left no impress on the divine service at all4 ,as regards the animals of sacrifice1 the only striking divergence that ,hellenic and ,semitic custom presents is in respect of the swine4 ,the sanctity or horror with #bcd which this animal was regarded by most ,semitic societies#bcd4a is not reflected in any record of early ,greek feeling4 ,being the ,hellene's common food1 he offered it freely to the deity1 though in local cults there might occasionally be a taboo on this as elsewhere on other victims1 such as sheep or goat4 ,but it is possible that some of the predecessors of the ,hellene in ,crete and ,asia ,minor1 if not in ,greece itself1 shared the ,semitic sentiment in regard to the pig2 and the reverence paid to it in ,crete1 and especially at ,praisos in later times1#bcd4b may have been a legacy of ,minoan religion2 also the ,carian worship of ,hemithea in which swine were tabooed may have had ancient links with ,crete4#bcd4c ,but the facts of swine-sacrifice or swine-reverence1 though they serve to distinguish the ,hellenic from the ordinary ,semitic community1 do not bear directly on our present problem1 the proofs of early ,mesopotamian influence on the proto-,hellenic race4 ,for the usual ,semitic taboo has not yet been found in ,mesopotamia4 ,the pig is mentioned in a religious text as one of the animals that might be offered to the gods as a vicarious piacular sacrifice1 nor is there any hint that the animal is being offered as an unclean animal4#bcd4d ,certainly1 other animals are mentioned much more frequently as victims2 and ,i am not aware of any other text that mentions swine-sacrifice4 ,it was associated in some way with the god ,ninib1 one of whose appellatives means 8swine02#bcd4e but no evidence is yet forthcoming that it was offered to him4 #bce ,a question now arises of greater moment both for our present purpose and for the wider interests of ,comparative ,religion4 ,was the purport and significance of the sacrificial act the same in the ,western society as that which is revealed in the sacred literature of ,babylonia8 ,no part of the ancient religious system has been the theme of so much study and speculation in recent years as the ancient sacrifice4 ,robertson ,smith in his epoch-making book1 ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 was the pioneer of a new theory2 which has since been developed or modified by certain ,english and a few ,continental scholars following on his track4 ,the result of these labours has been to formulate and define various forms of sacrifice that prevailed in the ,mediterranean area4 ,three main types appear to emerge3 7a7 the gift sacrifice1 where an oblation is given over entirely to the deity1 whether generally to win his favour1 or in special circumstances--for instance1 after sin has been committed--to appease his wrath1 or as a thank-offering for favour received2 7b7 the communion sacrifice1 where the community or the individual eat with the deity1 strengthening their feeling of fellowship by a common meal2 7c7 the sacramental type1 where the community or the individual may be said to 8eat the god10 that is1 to partake of food or drink made sacred by the infusion of the divine spirit or personality1 which is thus communicated to the partaker4 ,it is best for the present to regard these three as separate and independent1 without trying to determine which is prior and which posterior4#bce4a ,the first type1 which is almost ubiquitous in the human societies that have arrived at the belief in personal #bcf deities1 is sufficiently attested by ,homer of the early ,greeks1 who promise and perform the sacrifice partly as an offering to please or to appease the deity4 ,what is more important is the evidence1 which ,i have dealt with elsewhere1#bcf4a that ,homeric society was familiar also with the more genial conception of the sacrifice as a communion-meal where the worshipper and the deity meet around the altar2 this emerges clearly in the accounts that ,homer has given us of an ,achaean sacrificial feast4#bcf4b ,even the germs are already visible of the idea from which the third or more mystic type of sacrifice1 what ,i have called the sacramental type1 might be evolved2 for special significance attaches to the acts described in the phrases and 1 8they threw forward the barley-shreddings0 and 8they tasted the entrails03 the first phrase is not wholly clear1 but it may signify that stalks of barley are first placed on the altar1 and thereby consecrated or filled with the divine virtue that is inherent there1 and then the beast is touched with these on the forehead and thereby becomes himself filled with the spirit of godhead2#bcf4c the second is also a mystic act1 for the specially contain the life1 which is now infused with divinity1 and by tasting them the worshippers partake of the divine life4 ,all this arises solely from the extraordinary degree of supernatural force or 8,mana0 which the altar itself possesses1 a force which may have #bcg been an inheritance from long ages of pillar-worship1 if we believe the altar to have been evolved from the sacred pillar4#bcg4a ,it explains other details in the old ,hellenic sacrificial act2 such as the casting the hairs of the victim into the altar-flame1#bcg4b which established a communion between the animal and the deity1 the practice of solemnly consecrating the lustral water by ceremoniously carrying it round the altar1#bcg4c and charging it with a still more potent infusion of divinity by plunging into it a lighted brand from the altar-fire4#bcg4d ,the communion sacrifice must then have been in vogue in pre-,homeric times2 and the idea that gave it its meaning never wholly faded from the ,state-ritual2 for the rule1 expressed by such formulae as 1 1 bidding the worshipper conclude the feast round the altar and take none of the flesh home1 seems to arise partly from the feeling that the ceremony was meaningless unless he feasted wholly with the deity4#bcg4e ,but it was most vividly realised in the religious services of the 1 the later religious orders or fraternities devoted each to the cult of its special divinity2 for these a common religious meal formed the chief binding-tie4#bcg4f ,apart from the ,homeric evidence1 we have the record of the ,attic ,bouphonia as attestation of the great antiquity of this type of sacrifice in ,greece4 ,to #bch the actual statement of the details given us by ,theophrastos and ,pausanias1 much is added by the curious aetiological legends that grew up around it4#bch4a ,we see the ox marking himself for sacrifice by voluntarily going up to the altar and eating the corn upon it1 being thus called1 as it were1 by the god into communion with himself4 ,as he is thus full of the spirit of the god1 it is regarded a sacrilegious act to slay him2 but all the citizens partake of his flesh1 and even the stranger who eats becomes himself a citizen1 as through this feast he enters into kinship with ,zeus ,polieus4 ,all this can be explained by the belief that ,zeus ,polieus is in the altar2 and we need not resort to such theories as that the ox is a totem-animal or the spirit of vegetation4 ,we must1 however1 beware of concluding that because the victim was thus temporarily possessed with godhead and in this holy state devoured1 he was therefore literally regarded as the full incarnation of the god1 or that the worshipper consciously believed he was eating his own deity who died in the sacrifice4 ,for religious consciousness by no means always draws the full logical corollaries of a religious act4 ,the more mystic idea1 that has played a great part in the religion of ,europe1 can only be detected or suspected1 apart from written direct ancient testimony1 where the animal is treated with reverence apart from and before his association with the altar1 or is regarded as the habitual incarnation of the deity4 ,the immolation and devouring of such a victim would be of the true sacramental type1 which ,robertson ,smith believed was the aboriginal form of all sacrifice4 ,but we have no clear example of it from the earliest period of genuine ,hellenic religion1 unless we #bci force the evidence or exaggerate its meaning4#bci4a ,we have only certain myths that we may doubtfully venture to interpret by means of this hypothesis4 ,and these are no myths about animals1 but about human victims devoured in sacrifice3 the most significant is the story of the cannibalistic feast held by ,king ,lykaon1 who cooked his own son and offered the flesh to ,zeus1 a ritual of which some survival1 whether mimetic or half-real1 was witnessed by ,pausanias himself on ,mount ,lykaon4#bci4b ,this would point to sacramental cannibalism1 if we assume that ,king ,lykaon was the human incarnation of ,zeus ,lykaios and that his son was therefore a divine infant4 ,but it is possible that the story enshrines the remembrance of the more ordinary clan-sacrifice of the life of a clansman to procure them communion with the clan-god by the common partaking of his flesh3 the kinsman is offered rather than the animal1 not so much that the sacrificers may eat their god1 but that the god by consuming their most valued life may be more closely incorporate with them4 ,again1 in one of the darkest and most perplexing of ,greek legends1 the story of ,klumenos of ,argos and his incestuous love of his daughter ,harpalyke1 who revenges herself by slaying her own child and offering it to the father in a sacrificial meal1 we may discern the glimmer of a remembrance of a cannibal sacrament4 ,the associations of the story dimly indicate a ,thracian origin4#bci4c ,and it is in the range of the ,greek ,dionysiac #bdj cult1 which according to the most probable view was adopted from ,thrace1 that we find imprinted on legend and ritual the tradition of a savage type of sacrament1 in which the human or animal incarnation of the god was devoured4 ,such is the significance that we may fairly attach to the ,titan-story of the murder of the infant ,dionysos1 to the of the goat or bull or snake periodically practised by the ,bacchoi or ,bacchae1 and to the death of ,pentheus4#bdj4a ,and in later ,greek ritual the consciousness here and there survived that the victim offered to ,dionysos incarnated the very deity1 even before it acquired the temporary mystic afflatus from contact with the altar4 ,the record of the ritual of ,tenedos1 in which a sacred pregnant cow was tended reverently and the calf that she bore was dressed in the buskins and then sacrificed to ,dionysos1 8the render of men10 is the most piquant example4#bdj4b ,this ,dionysiac tradition reaches back undoubtedly to the second millennium in ,greece2 the evidence of a similar sacramental ritual in purely ,hellenic worship is shadowy and slight1 for the critical examination of the ,eleusinian mysteries does not clearly reveal it2 and the growth and diffusion of the idea in later ,paganism does not concern us now4 ,but the consideration of the early ,hellenic sacrifice1 of which the salient features have been slightly sketched above1 is of signal value for our present purpose4 ,for it reveals at once a marked contrast to ,babylonian ideas so far as these at present are revealed to us4 ,the ,babylonian-,assyrian liturgies1 epics1 and chronicles have failed to disclose any other theory of the sacrifice than that which is called the gift-theory4 ,a general #bda term for the ,babylonian sacrifice is 8kishtu0 or 8present40#bda4a ,the deities are supposed to eat what is given them2 in the ,epic of the ,deluge the nave phrase occurs1 8,the gods smell the savour1 the delightful savour1 the gods swarm like flies around the sacrificer40 ,no evidence is as yet forthcoming that the sacrificer was supposed or was allowed to eat with the deity1 as in the ,hellenic communion-sacrifice4 ,on the contrary1 certain texts can be quoted which seem expressly to forbid such a thing4#bda4b ,the document already cited that was found in ,assurbanipal's library1 containing the ,job-like lament of the good man who had found no profit in goodness1 contains a verse in which he compares himself with the sinner who neglects all religious ordinances1 and who has even 8eaten the food of ,god40 ,and so we find that among the various evil or impure or unlucky deeds that could bring a man under the ban of the gods1 the 8devouring of sacrificial flesh0 is expressly mentioned4#bda4c ,unless1 then1 documents yet to be revealed contradict this positive and negative evidence1 we have here a fact of great weight to set against the theory that we are discussing4 ,whencesoever the ,hellenes derived their genial conception of the sacrifice as a communion-meal1 they did not derive it from ,babylon4 ,and all ,robertson ,smith's speculations concerning the inner significance of the ,semitic sacrifice cannot yet be applied to ,mesopotamia1 whence he was not able to glean any evidence4 ,in ,babylonia the sacrificer got no share of the victim4 ,he might eat with the spirits of the dead in certain ritual1 but he was not1 it appears1 privileged #bdb to eat with the god or goddess4 ,the deity took the victim1 or the sacrifice of cereals and fruits1 as a present1 and the priest got his share4 ,but we are not told that the priest ate with the god1 or where he ate2 nor can we say that the priest represented the worshipper4 ,if a true sacrament is yet to be discovered in ,babylonian religion1 it will probably be found in some document of the ,tammuz ritual4 ,for it is probable that ,tammuz was identified with the corn as with other parts of vegetation1 and that the mourning for him was accompanied with abstinence from bread4 ,his resurrection ended the fast1 and if in their joy the worshippers ceremoniously broke bread1 they may have supposed they were eating the body of their risen lord4 ,but such a reconstruction of the old ,tammuz ritual rests at present only on the indirect evidence of the later records of ,attis-,adonis cult and of the ,tammuz-worship among the heathen ,syrians of ,harran in the tenth century of our era4#bdb4a ,it belongs to the ,babylonian conception of the sacrifice as a gift1 that the animal was often regarded as a ransom for the man's own life2 that is to say1 when sin had been committed1 the deity might be placated by the gift of an agreeable victim1 and be persuaded to accept it in place of the sinner whose life was properly forfeit4 ,for instance1 a sick man is always supposed to have sinned2 and the priest who is performing an animal sacrifice in his behalf uses the prayer1 8,take his present1 take his ransom02#bdb4b and the formula of a sacrifice offered by way of exorcism is very explicit3 8,a male sheep1 a female sheep1 a living sheep1 a dead #bdc sheep shall die1 but ,i shall live40#bdc4a ,another inscription#bdc4b throws further light on the ritual of the vicarious sacrifice3 8,to the high-priest may one cry out3 the kid of substitution for the man1 the kid for his soul he hath brought3 place the head of the kid to the head of the man1 place the neck of the kid to the neck of the man1 place the breast of the kid to the breast of the man40 ,whether this solemn manipulation was performed after or before the sacrifice1 its object must have been to establish by contact a communion between the man and the victim1 so that the kid might be his most efficacious representative4 ,it thus became part of the higher ethical teaching of ,babylon that 8sacrifice brings life10 just as 8prayer takes away sin10 a doctrine expressed in a fragmentary tablet that contains a text of striking spiritual import4#bdc4c ,the type of sacrifice that may be called vicarious must have been an ancient as well as a later tradition in ,greece2 for the legends associated with many sacrifices clearly attest it1 explaining certain animal victims as substitutes for a human life that was formerly demanded by the offended deity1 the vicarious sacrifice usually carrying with it the ideas of sin and atonement4#bdc4d ,the substitution might occasionally #bdd be apologised for by a legal fiction1 as1 for instance1 when in the ritual of the ,brauronian ,artemis the angry goddess demanded the life of a maiden1 and the ,athenian parent sacrificed a goat1 8calling it his daughter40#bdd4a ,but though this idea is common to the ,mesopotamian and ,hellenic communities1 they differ widely in respect of the evidence they afford1 of the prevalence of human sacrifice4 ,as regards ancient ,greece1 the evidence is indubitable1 though much that has been brought by modern scholars is due to false interpretation of ritual1 such as the scourging of the ,spartan boys2 later1 the human sacrifice became repugnant to the advancing ethical thought of the nation1 but according to one authority did not wholly die out till the age of ,hadrian4 ,on the other hand1 no literary text nor any monument has yet been found that proves the existence of such a ritual in ,babylonia4 ,in one of his biographical inscriptions ,assurbanipal proclaims that he 8sacrificed0 prisoners of war to avenge his murdered father on the spot where his father was slain4#bdd4b ,he boasts of worse things than this2 and we can well believe that he murdered them in cold blood4 ,but the #bde words by no means suggest a ceremonious tomb-ritual with human sacrifice4 ,slightly more important is a passage in a legal document1 to which ,mr4 ,johns#bde4a calls attention2 whence it appears that a forfeit for reopening an already adjudicated cause was the consecration of one's eldest child by fire to a god or goddess2 and1 as incense and cedar-wood are mentioned in the same context as concomitants of the threatened ceremony1 the conclusion seems natural that this was once at least a real threat of human sacrifice inflicted as a legal punishment4 ,this legal clause gives us the right to conclude that in the earliest period the ,semites and ,sumerians of ,mesopotamia occasionally resorted to this rite4 ,they would be indeed a peculiar people and a favoured nation if they had always been innocent of it4 ,it is sufficiently attested by direct evidence1 either of record or excavation1 or by the suggestion of legend1 of the ,arabs1 ,syrians1 the early ,canaanites1#bde4b the ,israelites1 the ,phoenicians2 also of the ,phrygians and other non-,semitic peoples of ,anatolia4 ,yet it must be put to the credit of the ,babylonian culture of the second millennium1 that the ,mesopotamians had either completely or almost abandoned it4 ,at this time it was doubtless in full vogue in ,greece2 and certainly ,babylon could not have been their evil teacher in this matter4 ,but they needed no teachers in what was an ancient tradition of their northern ancestors1 and of the people with whom they mingled4 ,yet only twenty years ago a distinguished writer on ,greek ritual could say1 8,it is certain that the #bdf ,hellenes borrowed the practice of human sacrifice from the ,orientals40#bdf4a ,as we discover no trace of the idea of communion in the ordinary ,babylonian sacrifice1 we are the less surprised that scarcely any hint is given by the sacred literature or monuments of any mystic application of the blood of the victim1 which was used for so many purposes of communion-ritual by the early ,hellenes and ,hebrews4 ,i can find no other evidence for this in ,mesopotamia except one passage quoted by ,zimmern1#bdf4b in which the sacrificer is ordered to sprinkle some part of the door with the blood of the lamb4 ,it is not probable that the ,babylonians were incapable of the notion that by physical contact with certain sacred objects a temporary communion could be established between the mortal and the divinity3 it appears1 for instance1 in one of the formulae of the purification-ritual--8,may the torch of the ,fire-god cleanse me0#bdf4c--;in the yearly practice of the king grasping the hands of the idol of the god1 perhaps in the custom of attaching the worshipper to the deity with a cord1#bdf4d and in the diviner's habit of grasping the cedar-staff1 which is called 8the beloved of the gods40#bdf4e ,but it may be that they never applied this notion to the sacrifice1 so as to evolve the institution of the communion-meal2 or they may have evolved it in early times1 and through long ages #bdg of power the priests may have become strong enough to suppress it and to substitute for it the gift-ritual1 which would be more profitable for themselves4 ,it accords with this absence of any mystic significance in the sacrifice that we do not find in the ,babylonian service any mystic use of the sacrificial skins1 of which some evidence can be gathered from various details of ,greek ritual4#bdg4a ,again1 the ,babylonian records have so far failed to reveal any evidence for any such public ceremony as the sending forth of the scapegoat1 whether human or animal1 charged with the sins of the community4 ,this ritual was common to the ,hellenes1 ,egyptians1 and ,hebrews1 and probably to other ,semitic communities4#bdg4b ,the idea of sin-transference on which it rests was familiar enough to the ancient ,babylonian2 but he seems only to have built upon this a private system of exorcism and purgation of sin and disease for the individual4 ,as far as we know1 it did not occur to him to effect by this method a solemn annual expulsion of all the sins of the nation4 ,on the other hand1 there is another type of sacrifice common to ,babylonia and ,greece1 by which an oath or an engagement might be cemented3 the animal is slaughtered with an imprecation that the same fate may befall him who breaks his oath or violates the compact4 ,zimmern quotes a good example of this1 relating to the compact made between the ,assyrian king ,assurnirari #bdh and ,mati'ilu1 prince of ,arpad3#bdh4a a sheep is sacrificed and the formula pronounced3 8,this head is not the head of a sheep1 it is the head of ,mati'ilu1 of his sons1 of his great ones1 of the people of his land4 ,if ,mati'ilu breaks this oath1 the head of ,mati'ilu will be cut off1 like the head of this sheep40 ,the same idea underlies the oath-sacrifice in the ,iliad1#bdh4b though it is not expressed with such nave make-believe or such logic in the detail2 but as the beast is slaughtered or wine poured1 a curse is uttered invoking on the perjured a similar fate1 or with a prayer that 8his brains may be poured out like this wine40 ,the original idea is magical3 the symbolic explanation is later4 ,another parallel is the ,latin oath over the stone4#bdh4c ,such resemblance in special forms by no means weakens the impression that we receive from the striking differences discernible in the ,babylonian and ,hellenic significance of sacrifice4 ,to those already noted we may add yet another1 which concerns the association of sacrifice with divination4 ,it is ,professor ,jastrow's opinion#bdh4d that the chief motive of the ,babylonian sacrifice was the inspection of the liver of the victim1 from the markings of which the skilled expert could interpret the future by a conventional system revealed to us in certain ancient ,babylonian documents4 ,this superstition is so elaborate and artificial that if we find it in adjacent countries1 it is more reasonable to suppose that one borrowed it from the other1 than that it was developed independently in each4 ,we find it in later ,greece1 ,etruria1 and ,rome2 but the evidence of the ,homeric poems suggests that it was unknown to the #bdi ,hellenes of the earlier period4 ,they are very likely to have borrowed it from ,babylonian sources in post-,homeric times2 and we note here1 as in other cases where the influence of ,babylon upon ,greece can be reasonably posited1 it reaches the western shores of the ,aegean at a post-,homeric rather than a pre-,homeric epoch4 ,the comparative study of ,mesopotamian and ,hellenic sacrifice confronts us finally with another problem belonging to the history of religions1 and one of the greatest1 the dogma of the death of the divinity and the origin and significance of that belief4 ,for where the mystic type of communion-sacrifice is found1 where the animal that is slain for the sacrament is regarded as the incarnation of the deity1 the divinity may be supposed himself to die temporarily1 doubtless to rise again to life1 either immediately or at some subsequent festival4 ,this momentous conclusion need not always have been drawn1 for religious logic is not often persistently thorough1 nor does the evolution of the idea belong necessarily to the sphere of totemism1 as ,robertson ,smith supposed1 and ,m4 ,reinach is still inclined to maintain4 ,it is not my concern here to discuss the totemistic hypothesis1 but ,i may point out that in the rare examples where the totem-animal is slain1 it is not clear that it is slain as a divinity4 ,again1 the belief in the periodic death of a deity might arise independently of the sacrifice1 namely1 from the essential idea of the godhead itself1 when the divine life is identified with the annual life of vegetation3 the phenomena of nature in autumn and spring may suggest to the worshipper the annual death and resurrection of the god or goddess4 ,it is important to note that in this1 as in the other source of the belief1 the conclusion need not always have been drawn1 for the vegetation-deity #bej might be supposed not to die in autumn or winter1 but merely to disappear1 and the story of his or her disappearance need not carry the same religious consequences as the story of the divine death4 ,the immolation of the divine victim in a communion-service1 wherein the worshippers partake symbolically or realistically of the divine flesh and blood1 though suggested by a thought that we must call savage1 may be pregnant with consequences momentous for higher religion1 as the history of ,christian dogma attests4 ,and even the annual death of the nature-god may be raised to a higher significance than its mere nature-meaning1 and may be linked with the promise of human immortality4 ,we may note1 finally1 that a religion which expresses in its ritual the idea of the deity's death and resurrection is likely to be charged with a stronger emotional force than one that lacks it2 for the two events will excite an ecstasy of sorrow and of joy in the believer4 ,as the phenomenon1 then1 is of such importance1 it is necessary to be critical and unbiased in the collection of statistics4 ,our present field of inquiry is the ,eastern and ,western ,mediterranean area2 and here our conspicuous example is the ancient ,sumerian-,babylonian ritual of ,tammuz1#bej4a a folk-service of lamentation and rapture1 psychologically akin in many respects to ,christianity1 and of most powerful appeal4 ,the ,tammuz hymns preserved to us are of the highest ,babylonian poetry1 and though they are chiefly litanies of lamentation1 sorrowing over the death of the young god1 yet one or two echoes are heard at their close of the rapturous rejoicing over his resurrection4#bea4a #bea ,with them is associated the story of the descent of his consort ,ishtar1 or of his goddess-sister2 another great motive of the religious imagination which neighbouring peoples and faiths were quick to capture and adapt to their own religious use4 ,we have seen#bea4b that the evidence is clear that the life of ,tammuz is the life of the crops and fruits2 and we discern a pure nature-religion unmoralised and without dogma1 but evoking a mood and a sentiment that might supply the motive force to more complex and more spiritual creeds4 ,it was not suited to the religious atmosphere of the ,assyrian and ,babylonian courts2 but its influence spread far through ,asia ,minor4 ,it captivated the other polytheistic ,semites1 and at times1 as ,ezekiel shows us1 the women of ,israel1 revealing to these latter1 no doubt1 a vein of religious sentiment unknown in the austere ,mosaic monotheism4 ,the ritual of ,adonis is mainly borrowed from the ,tammuz service4 ,for instance1 the rite of planting the short-lived 8garden of ,adonis10 of which possibly the earliest record is in ,isaiah xvii4 #aj1 appears to be alluded to in a verse of a ,tammuz hymn4#bea4c ,the figure of ,tammuz is primevally ,sumerian2 therefore the diffusion of his cult among the various ,semitic communities does not enable us to conclude that the death and resurrection of a divinity is an aboriginal ,semitic tradition4 ,as regards other evidence on the strength of which this dogma has been attributed to them by some scholars1 it is of late authority and of doubtful validity4 ,josephus#bea4d tells us that at ,tyre the #beb resurrection of ,herakles was once celebrated by ,hiram2 but this might well be a derivative of the non-,semitic ,sandon cult of ,tarsos1 which will be considered below4 ,and the legend of the death of ,dido at ,carthage1 even if there is no doubt that the queen was originally the great goddess of ,tyre1 is no sufficient proof of a ,phoenician ritual in which the divinity died annually4 ,but as regards the non-,semitic peoples of anterior ,asia1 the question of borrowing is more difficult to answer with certainty4 ,no ,hittite monument nor any ,hittite text has as yet revealed to us any figure that we can identify with ,tammuz4 ,but certain indications incline us to believe that the idea of the death of the god was not unfamiliar to the ,hittite religion or to some of the communities under ,hittite influence4 ,on the ,boghaz-,keui relief we have noted the presence in the religious procession of those mysterious animals1 calves1 or bulls1 wearing caps of peculiar ,hittite fashion4#beb4a ,are not these 8theanthropic animals0 to be sacrificed as a communion-link between man and ,god8 ,we know that the bull was worshipped as an incarnation of a ,hittite deity2 and therefore from the sacrifice of the bull might emerge the dogma that the deity ceremoniously died at certain periods4 ,from the sanctity of the bull in ancient ,hittite cult-centres may have descended the mystic communion #bec rite of the ,taurobolion or ,tauropolion1 which ,cumont has shown good reason for supposing to have arisen in the worship of the ,persian ,anahita1 and to have been adopted into the service of ,kybele4#bec4a ,more direct evidence is to be gleaned from the cult of ,sandon or ,sandes of ,tarsos1 a city which was once within the area of ,hittite culture4 ,the god of ,tarsos comes later to be identified with the ,tyrian ,baal and the ,hellenic ,herakles2 and the legend of the death of the latter hero may be an echo of a of ,tarsos1 inspired by an annual rite in which the god of the city was consumed on a funeral pyre1 and was supposed to rise again from the flames in the form of an eagle4#bec4b ,the later ,tarsian coins display the image of the god1 the pyre1 the eagle1 the double-headed axe1 and the lion2#bec4c and the last three of these symbols belong to the oldest religious art of the ,hittites4 ,the proof would be complete if it could be shown that the name ,sandon or ,sandes belongs to the ,hittite language4 ,all we know at present is that it is not a ,babylonian or ,sumerian word1 or found in the vocabulary of any ,semitic people4 ,prof4 ,sayce believes himself to have found it in a cuneiform inscription of ,boghaz-,keui4 ,this would be the direct proof that we require2 but the word that he transliterates as ,sandes is said to be the ideogram of ,hadad1 the ,syrian ,semitic god1 and that ,hadad is used as the ,semitic equivalent of ,sandes is merely a conjuncture4#bec4d ,a still clearer and more striking example of the phenomenon with which we are dealing is the ,phrygian #bed and ,lydian cult and legend of ,attis4 ,the various and often conflicting details in the story of his birth1 life1 and death1 the various elements in his cult1 are known to us from late sources2 the consideration of the whole question would not be relevant here2 but it is necessary for our purpose to determine1 if possible1 what are the aboriginal motives of the myth and cult4 ,it seems likely that the earliest form of the ,phrygian religion was the worship of the great mother-goddess1 coupled with a son or lover1#bed4a a young and beautiful god who dies prematurely1 and whose death was bewailed in an annual ritual1 whose resurrection was presented in a subsequent or accompanying service4 ,of the death and the lamentation we have older evidence than for the resurrection and the rejoicing1 but the one seems to be a necessary complement of the other4 ,the family likeness of ,attis to ,tammuz strikes us at first sight4 ,as ,tammuz appears as a young vegetation deity1 identified partly with the life of trees1 partly with the corn1 so ,attis in the ,phrygian legend and ritual is presented as a tree-divinity1 and in the verse of a late hymn1 which is inspired by an ancient tradition1 is invoked as 8the corn cut by the reaper40 ,and these two personalities of the ,sumerian and ,phrygian religions evoked the same psychologic sentiment1 sorrowful1 romantic1 and yearning4 ,the hypothesis naturally suggests itself that the more ,western people borrowed the cult from ,mesopotamia1 and that this had happened as early as ,b4,c4 #aejj4bed4b ,all scholars are agreed at all events that the figure of ,attis belongs to the older pre-,aryan stratum of the population of #bee ,phrygia2 modern speculation is sometimes inclined to regard this as ,hittite1 and we know that the ,hittites adopted some part of the ,babylonian religion4 ,but the name ,attis itself is a stumbling-block to the hypothesis of borrowing from ,mesopotamia4 ,believing ,adonis to be a ,western-,semitic form of ,tammuz1 we can explain the name as meaning merely 8the ,lord10 a natural appellative of the ,sumerian god4 ,but we cannot so explain 8,attis40 ,it is non-,semitic1 and must be regarded as belonging to an ,anatolian language-group1 nor can we yet discover its root-meaning4 ,again1 there are many features of the ,attis-worship and legend that are not found in the corresponding ,sumerian1 and one at least that seems essentially alien to it4 ,the death of the vegetation-god1 originally suggested by the annual phenomenon of nature1 may be explained by various myths1 when the personal deity has so far emerged from his nature-shell that he is capable of personal drama4 ,the death of ,tammuz does not appear to have been mythologically explained at all4 ,we may suppose that the killing of ,adonis by the boar was borrowed from the ,attis legend1 for in ,phrygia1 and also in ,lydia--as the ,herodotean ,ates story proves--this animal was sometimes regarded as the enemy that slew the god4 ,it is a reasonable belief that the boar came to play this part in the story through a misunderstanding of certain ritual1 in which this victim was annually offered as incarnating the deity1 or was reverentially spared through a sacrificial law of tabu4 ,if this is an original fact of ,attis-cult1 it counts somewhat against the hypothesis of derivation from ,mesopotamia1 for the pig does not appear to have played any such part1 positive or negative1 in ,mesopotamian1 as in the ritual of the ,western ,semites and #bef on the shores of ,asia ,minor2 nor can any connection at present be discovered between ,tammuz and this animal4 ,but another version of the death of ,attis1 current at some time among his worshippers1 was that he died from the effects of self-mutilation1 a motive suggested by the emasculation of the ,phrygian ,galloi4 ,we have here a phenomenon in the cult and myth that was alien to the religious habits of the ,mesopotamian communities4 ,the eunuch as a secular functionary is a figure belonging to an immemorial social tradition of the ,east2 but the eunuch-priest is the morbid product of a very few religions1 and there is no trace of such in ,mesopotamia4 ,the ,babylonian church-law demanded an unblemished priesthood of strong virility1 agreeing in this respect with the ,judaic and the ,hellenic1 and according with an ancient sentiment that the vigour of the priest was the pledge of that continued flow of divine power which supported the vigour of the community4 ,self-emasculation was penalised in the religious rule of ,jahw1 and the ,gallos was excluded from temple-worship by the ritual code of ,lesbos4 ,the records of modern savagery and the history of asceticism1 whether in modern and mediaeval ,india or in early ,christianity1 afford us varied illustration of the wildest excesses of self-inflicted cruelty against the human body1 but not--so far as ,i am aware--of this particular form of self-destruction4#bef4a ,as a religious practice it is a special characteristic of ,phrygia1 a land always fascinating to the student on account of its strange freaks of religious psychology2 and from ,phrygia the practice spread into some adjacent communities1 such as ,bambyke4 ,one may be allowed #beg to pause a little to consider the original motive that prompted it4 ,at first sight one is tempted to explain it as due to a morbid exaggeration of the craving for purity4 ,but elsewhere1 where this impulse was most powerful1 for instance1 in the later ,orphic and ,isis cults1 and in early and mediaeval ,christianity1 it produced many mental aberrations but not this particular one4 ,nor1 again1 have we any reason for supposing this craving to have been strong in the devotees of ,phrygia2 the ,galloi of ,bambyke1 according to ,lucian1 were possessed by strong though impotent sexual desires and were allowed full license with women4 ,the form of communion most ardently sought with the ,phrygian goddess and with the later ,sabazios was a marriage symbolised by a sexual act2 and ,greek and ,latin writers1 both pagan and ,christian1 agree in reprobating the obscenities of ,kybele-,attis worship2 we may note also that ,phrygian sacred mythology is somewhat grosser than the ,hellenic4 ,we are compelled to seek another explanation1 and ,i can suggest none other than that which ,i have hazarded elsewhere2 namely1 that ,phrygian religious emasculation was an act performed in a frenzy of exaltation by the priest or mystes desirous of assimilating himself as far as possible to the female nature of the great divinity4#beg4a #beh ,the worship was under male ministration for the highest part2 but for the full exercise of divine power the male priest must become quasi-female and wear a female dress1 the latter part of the rle being common enough in primitive 8theurgy40 ,the priest is himself at times the incarnation of the young god1 and is called ,attis4 ,therefore ,attis was himself supposed to have performed the same act1 even at the cost of his life4 ,how early was this institution of a eunuch priesthood in ,phrygia we have no direct evidence to prove4 ,it may be a 8,hittite0 tradition2 for figures that ,perrot reasonably interprets as eunuch-priests are seen on the reliefs of ,boghaz-,keui4 ,returning to the topic of the death of the divinity1 we may assume that in ,phrygia this was a very ancient tradition1 enacted yearly by a ceremonious laying out of the vegetation puppet on a bier1 or the suspension of it on a pine-tree4 ,we have no direct or otherwise trusty evidence for the immolation of the priest who incarnates the god2 doubtless the stories about the death of ,marsyas and the harvest-sacrifice of ,lityerses point to a ritual of human-sacrifice2 whom ,marsyas stands for is doubtful1 but in the ,lityerses legend it is merely the passing stranger who is slain1 and neither of these traditions is explicitly linked with ,attis-cult4 ,finally1 we may pronounce the hypothesis of the derivation of the ,phrygian cult from ,mesopotamia to be unproved and unnecessary4 ,pursuing this phenomenon further afield1 we come to the area of ,minoan-,mycenaean culture4 ,if the legend of the death of the ,minotaur could be safely interpreted as arising from the periodic immolation of a bull-god1 the idea that we are in quest of would be proved to belong to the ,minoan ,cretans2 but the #bei frescoes of ,knossos present that event with such a gay and sporting entourage that one feels shy of forcing a solemn religious significance into it4 ,more important for our purpose is the traditional ,zeus-legend of ,crete4 ,it is generally felt to be alien to the genuine ,hellenic tradition concerning their high god1 as something adopted by the immigrant ,hellenes from an earlier ,eteocretan ritual and creed4#bei4a ,we have a glimpse of a ritual in which the deity is born1 is worshipped as an infant1 and then as a boy--1 as he is invoked in the new fragment of the hymn of the ,kouretes--and especially as the son of a great mother1 not as a mature independent personality4 ,again1 there appears an orgiastic emotion and passion in the ritual that strikes a note in harmony with the ,phrygian ,kybele-,attis worship4 ,the very early associations of ,crete and the countries adjacent to the ,troad are now being revealed by accumulating evidence1 and may point to an affinity of stock4 ,it may well have been1 then1 that the ,minoan ,cretans had their counterpart to ,attis1 a young god who was born and died periodically1 whom they may have named ,velchanos1 the name of the young deity seen sitting under a tree on a ,cretan coin of the fifth century4 ,though in age and character so unlike the ,hellenic ,zeus1 we may suppose that the incoming ,hellenes named him so because they found him the chief god of the island4 ,we can also understand why the later ,bacchic mystery flourished so fruitfully in ,crete1 if it found here already the ritual of a young god who died and rose again1 and why in later times the inhabitants celebrated with such enthusiasm the ,hilaria1#bei4b the ,easter festival of the resurrection of the ,phrygian divinity4 #bfj ,this attempt to reconstruct a portion of old ,cretan religion on the lines of the early ,phrygian has only a precarious value1 until some more positive evidence is forthcoming from the ,minoan art-record1 which hitherto has revealed to us nothing concerning an annual divine birth and death4 ,the ritual-legend is incomplete3 we hear sufficiently of the birth1 and we may argue a priori that a periodic ritual of the god's birth implies a periodic death4 ,unfortunately all that we glean from ancient literature is that there was a grave of ,zeus1 perhaps in the ,idaean cave1 on which ,pythagoras is said to have written an epitaph4#bfj4a ,but a sceptical doubt arises here from the fact which was pointed out by ,rohde1 that the grave of a divine personage was often a misnomer of the underground sanctuary of a chthonian deity2 and either the ,idaean cave or the great cavern on ,mount ,dikte1 whence the interesting relics of an immemorial cult have recently been gathered1#bfj4b might at a later period have come to be regarded as a grave4 ,still1 we may ask1 could the phrase 8the grave of ,zeus0 have become prevalent among a people with whom the worship of this god was still a living creed1 unless the faith also prevailed that the god who died rose again to power8 ,in that case the 8grave of ,zeus0 could be a name for a sanctuary where the ritual of the death was enacted preliminary to the ritual of the birth4 ,this reconstruction then1 and the a priori deduction emphasised above1 may claim to be at least legitimate4 ,finally1 some evidence may be added from ,cyprian cult for the view that the ,minoan civilisation was #bfa cognisant of the dogma of the death of the divinity4 ,we hear of the grave of ,ariadne-,aphrodite which was shown in later times in ,cyprus1#bfa4a and the ,cretan and ,cypriote legends of the maidens called ,gorgo1 ,parakuptousa1 and ,galatea#bfa4b reveal to us an ,aphrodite who died periodically and was laid out on a bier and revived4 ,the ,aphrodite of ,cyprus is most probably of 8,minoan0 origin2 and1 being a goddess of vegetation1 the idea of periodic death and resurrection might naturally attach to her1 and might be associated with another type of ritual also1 the annual casting of her puppet into the sea1 which probably gave rise to such stories as the leap of ,britomartis or ,derketo into the waves4#bfa4c ,we can now deal with the purely ,hellenic evidence4 ,confining our view first to the cults and legends of the higher divinities of ,hellas1 we cannot affirm that the death and resurrection of the deity is a primitive tradition of the ,hellenes4 ,we may suspect it to have been a leading motive in some of the local ,arcadian cults of ,artemis1 if1 for instance1 we interpret the ,arcadian ,kallisto as a form of the great goddess herself2 but it is very probable that ,artemis in ,arcadia and many other of her cult-centres represents the pre-,hellenic divinity of birth and fruitfulness4 ,what we may dare to call the ,hellenic spirit seems to speak in the answer given by ,xenophanes to the people of ,elea when they asked him whether they ought to sacrifice to ,leukothea and bewail her3 8,if you regard her as a deity1 do not bewail her2 if as human1 do not sacrifice40#bfa4d ,but when we descend from the higher religion to #bfb the old ,hellenic agrarian cults associated with the heroes or daimones of the soil and field1 we find evidence of sorrowful rites1 ceremonies of bewailing1 which belong to the same type as that of ,tammuz2 and in the ,greek1 as in the ,babylonian1 the personage to whom they are attached is a youthful hero or heroine of vegetation3 such are ,linos1 perhaps the earliest theme of a melancholy harvest-song of pre-,homeric days2 ,hyakinthos1 the 8youth0 of the ,laconian land who may or may not have been ,hellenic1 to whom the greater part of the ,hyakinthia were consecrated2 ,eunostos of ,tanagra2 ,erigone1 8the early-born10 of ,ikaria4 ,the life of all these passes away as the verdure passes1 or as the crops are gathered in2 and to one of them at least1 ,hyakinthos1 and perhaps to the others1 the idea of an annual resurrection was attached4 ,but none of these came like ,tammuz to play a world-part2 they remain the nave1 half-realised forms of poetic folk-religion4 ,like to them is ,bormos of ,bithynia1#bfb4a whose death was bewailed at the harvest-time with melancholy songs1 accompanied by sad flute-music1 and ,lityerses of ,phrygia1 whom the reapers lamented around the threshing-floor4 ,shall we say that all these are merely reflections cast afar by the great cult-figure of ,babylon8 ,then we must say the same of the peasant-hero 8,german0 whom the modern ,bulgarians adore and bewail1 of the ,russian ,yarilo1#bfb4b and our own ,john ,barleycorn4 ,and at this point we shall probably fall back on the theory of independent similar developments1 and shall believe that peasant religion in different parts of the world is capable of evolving strikingly parallel #bfc figures in obedience to the stimulus of similar circumstances and needs4 ,we have no surety1 then1 for a belief that ,tammuz1 or any shadow of ,tammuz1 was borne to the western shores of the ,aegean in the days before ,homer4 ,and we know that ,adonis1 his nearest ,anatolian representative1 only arrived late in the post-,homeric period4 ,meantime1 whatever view we may hold concerning prehistoric religious commerce between ,east and ,west1 this vital difference between ,mesopotamian and ,hellenic religion must be strongly emphasised3 ,babylonian liturgy is mainly a service of sorrow1 and part of that sorrow is for ,tammuz2 ,hellenic worship was mainly cheerful and social1 and only in a few chthonian cults is a gloomier tone discernible1 nor can we anywhere hear the outbursts of violent and ecstatic grief4 ,in this respect1 and in its remoteness from any idea of the death and resurrection of the deity1 ,hellenic religion was further removed from that of ,catholic ,europe than was the old ,phrygian or the ,sumerian4 ,the ,babylonian temple-service was complex and varied1 and offers many problems of interest to the comparative student4 ,we gather that a ,holy ,marriage was part of a religious drama perhaps performed annually2 for instance1 we find reference to the solemn nuptials of ,ninib and ,bau1 and to the marriage presents given to ,bau4#bfc4a ,in every anthropomorphic polytheism1 especially when idolatry provides images that could be used for religious drama1 this ritual act is likely to occur4 ,it is recorded of the southern ,arabians in the days before ,islam1 an ancient inscription speaking of the marriage ceremony of ,athtar4#bfc4b ,it is a marriage of the great ,god #bfd and ,goddess that according to the most reasonable interpretation is represented on the ,hittite reliefs of ,boghaz-,keui4 ,we may conjecture that it was a ceremony of ,minoan worship2 a ,mycenaean signet-ring shows us a seated goddess with a young god standing before her and joining his forearm to hers1 while both make a peculiar gesture with their fingers that may indicate troth-plighting2#bfd4a also1 the later legends and the later ritual commemorating the marriages of ,aphrodite and ,ariadne may descend from the pre-,hellenic religious tradition4 ,finally1 we have fairly full evidence of the same religious act in purely ,hellenic cult4 ,the of ,zeus and ,hera was enacted in many communities with certain traits of primitive custom2#bfd4b the nuptials of ,kore and the lower-world god might be found in the ceremonies of certain temples2#bfd4c while the central scene of the ,eleusinia1 the greater if not the lesser1 included a ,holy ,marriage4#bfd4d ,the ,roman religion1 in the original form of which there may have been no marrying or giving in marriage1 no family ties or genealogies of divinities1 no doubt borrowed its 8,orci nuptiae0 from the ,greek4 ,but for the other cases1 there is no need to resort to any theory of borrowing to explain a phenomenon so natural at a certain stage of religion4 ,nor is it an important phenomenon1 so long as the ceremony was enacted merely by puppets or idols1 as in the ,boeotian ,daidala4#bfd4e ,it only begins to be of higher significance for the history of religious practice and thought1 when the part of one of the divinities in this drama is played by a human representative4 ,for not only does this offer indefinite possibilities of exaltation #bfe for the mortal1 but it may engender the mystic ideal and practice of communion with the divinity through sexual intercourse1 which played a great part in ,phrygian religion1 and left a deep impress on early ,christian symbolism4 ,the question whether the ,mesopotamian religion presents us with evidence of a 8holy marriage0 solemnised between a mortal and the divinity must finally involve the more difficult question as to the function and purpose of that strange ,mesopotamian institution of temple-prostitutes4 ,but1 leaving this latter alone for the moment1 we find explicit testimony in ,herodotus to the fact with which we are immediately concerned4 ,in describing the great temple of ,bel at ,babylon1#bfe4a he asserts1 on the authority of his 8,chaldean priests10 that the deity chose as his nightly partner some native woman1 who was supposed to pass the night on the couch with him1 and who was obliged to abstain from all other intercourse with men2 and he compares a similar practice of belief found in the temple of ,zeus in ,egyptian ,thebes1 and in the oracular shrine of ,apollo at ,patara in ,lycia4 ,now ,herodotus' trustworthiness in this matter has been doubted by ,assyriologists2#bfe4b nevertheless1 a phrase used in the code of ,hammurabi concerning a holy woman dedicated to temple service1 calling her 8a wife of ,marduk10 seems to give some colour to the ,herodotean statement4#bfe4c ,only1 this term might have merely a spiritual-symbolic significance1 like the designation of a nun as 8the bride of ,christ02 for the original ,babylonian documents have supplied as yet1 so far as ,i am aware1 no evidence of a woman fulfilling the rle of ,belit1 the wife of ,bel4 #bff ,as regards the adjacent religions1 the idea that a mortal might enter into this mode of communion with the divinity was probably an ancient heritage of the ,phrygian religions1 for it crops up in various forms4 ,the priest of ,attis was himself called ,attis1 and1 therefore1 probably had loving intercourse with the goddess1 and the later mysteries of ,kybele extended this idea and offered to every votary the glory of a mystic marriage2#bff4a it was the unconscious stimulus of an immemorial tradition that prompted the ,phrygian heresiarch ,montanus to give himself out as the husband of the ,virgin ,mary4#bff4b ,it also appears as a fundamental tenet of the ,sabazian mystery and of the ,hellenistic-,egyptian ,hermetic theosophy4 ,the simple ritual-fact1 namely1 that a woman serves as the bride of the god1 could probably be traced far afield through many widely distant peoples4 ,according to ,sahagun1#bff4c the human sacrifices of the ,mexicans had sometimes the purpose of sending away a woman victim into divine wedlock4 ,in pre-,christian ,sweden we find a priestess generally regarded as the wife of the god ,freyr1 and enjoying considerable power from the connection4#bff4d ,similar examples can be quoted from modern savage communities4 ,therefore if we find the same institution in the ,mediterranean1 we shall not think it necessary to suppose that it was an import from ,babylon or from any ,semitic people4 ,as regards the ,minoan worship1 it is legitimate at least to regard the legend of ,pasipha and her amour with the bull-god as an unfortunate #bfg aetiologic myth distorting the true sense of a ritual in which a mortal woman enjoyed this kind of divine communion1 and here again we should mark a religious affinity between ,crete and ,phrygia4 ,and it is likely that the idea was not unfamiliar to the ,hellenes1 though the record of it is scanty and uncertain4 ,according to the early ,christian fathers1 the inspiration of the ,pythia of ,delphi was due to a corporeal union with ,apollo akin at least to--if not identical with--sexual intercourse4 ,of more value is ,herodotus' definite assertion that the priestess of ,patara gained her inspiration by her nuptial union with ,apollo4 ,in the rare cases where the cult of a ,hellenic god was administered by a priestess we may suspect that a was part of the temple-ritual2 in the two examples that ,i have been able to find1 the cults of ,poseidon at ,kalaureia and of ,heracles at ,thespiai1 the priestess must be a maiden1 as on this theory would be natural4#bfg4a ,the maiden-priestesses of the ,leukippides1 the divine brides of the ,dioskouroi at ,sparta1 were themselves called ,leukippides2 in all probability because they were their mortal representatives in some ceremony of holy marriage4#bfg4b ,but the most salient and explicitly recorded example is the yearly marriage of the ,queen-,archon at ,athens with ,dionysos1 the bull-god1 in the feast of ,anthesteria1 the significance of which ,i have discussed elsewhere4#bfg4c ,it seems that the ,queen by uniting her body with the god's1 unites to him the whole ,athenian state and secures its prosperity and fruitfulness2 this historic fact may also explain the myth of the union #bfh of ,althaia1 ,queen of ,kalydon1 with the same god4 ,finally1 let us observe that nothing in any of these ,hellenic records suggests any element of what we should call impurity in the ritual2 we are not told that these holy marriages were ever consummated by the priest as the human representative of the god2 or that the ceremony involved any real loss of virginity in the maiden-priestess4 ,the marriage could have been consummated symbolically by use of a puppet or image of the deity4 ,we may believe that the rite descends from pre-,homeric antiquity2 the ritual which the ,queen-,archon performed might naturally have been established at the time of the adoption into ,athens of the ,dionysiac cult1 and there are reasons for dating this event earlier than #ajjj ,b4,c4#bfh4a ,we now come to a very difficult and important question concerning the position of women in the old ,mesopotamian temple-ritual4 ,our first document of value is the code of ,hammurabi1 in which we find certain social regulations concerning the status of a class of women designated by a name which ,winckler translates doubtfully as 8,god's-sisters10 regarding it1 however1 as equivalent to consecrated1 while ,johns translates it merely as 8votary40#bfh4b ,at least1 we have proof of a class of holy women who have certain privileges and are under certain restrictions4 ,they were the daughters of good families dedicated by their fathers to religion2 they could inherit property1 which was exempt from the burden of army-tax2 they could not marry1 and were prohibited from setting-up or even entering a wine-shop under penalty of death4 ,it is something to know even as much as this about them1 #bfi but we would very gladly learn more4 ,is it to their order that the personage described as 8the wife of ,marduk0#bfi4a belongs1 who has been considered above8 ,is it from among them that the priestesses of ,ishtar were chosen1 who interpreted the oracles of the goddess8#bfi4b ,it seems clear that a father could dedicate his daughter to any divinity1 that their position was honourable1 and that they are not to be identified with the temple-prostitutes of ,babylon or ,erech1 who excited the wonder and often the reprobation of the later ,greek world4 ,this peculiar order of temple-harlots is also recognised--according to some of the best authorities#bfi4c--;in ,hammurabi's code1 where they are mentioned in the same context with the 8consecrated0 or the 8,god-sisters10 and yet are clearly distinct from them2 another clause seems to refer to male prostitutes 7 #ahg74 ,certain rules are laid down concerning their inheritance of property1 and concerning the rearing of their children1 if they had any1 who might be adopted into private families4 ,evidently these 8,qadishtu0 were a permanent institution1 and there is no hint of any dishonour4 ,there may be other references in ,babylonian literature to these temple-women2 in the ,epic of ,gilgamesh1 the courtesan who won over ,eabani evidently belongs to the retinue of ,ishtar of ,erech4 ,from these two institutions we must distinguish that other1 for which ,herodotus is our earliest authority3#bfi4d according to his explicit statement1 once in her lifetime every ,babylonian woman1 high or low1 had to stand in the temple-precincts of the goddess ,mylitta--probably a #bgj functional appellative of ,ishtar1 meaning 8the helper of childbirth0--and to prostitute herself to any stranger who threw money into her lap and claimed her with the formula1 8,i invoke the goddess ,mylitta for you40 ,herodotus hastens to assure us that this single act of unchastity--which took place outside the temple--did not afterwards lower the morality of the women1 who1 as he declares1 were otherwise exemplary in this respect4 ,but he is evidently shocked by the custom1 and the early ,christian and modern writers have quoted it as the worst example of gross pagan or ,oriental licentiousness4 ,some devoted ,assyriologists have tried to throw doubt on the historian's veracity3#bgj4a the wish is father to the thought3 and it is indeed difficult for the ordinary civilised man to understand how an ancient civilisation of otherwise advanced morality could have sanctioned such a practice4 ,but ,herodotus' testimony ought not to be so impugned2 nor is it sufficient evidence for rejecting it that no reference to the custom which he describes has been found hitherto in the cuneiform literature4 ,strabo merely repeats what ,herodotus has said2 but independent evidence of some value is gathered from the apocryphal ,epistle of ,jeremias3#bgj4b 8,the women also with cords about them sit in the ways1 burning bran for incense2 but if any of them1 drawn by some that pass by1 lie with them1 she reproacheth her fellow that she was not thought as worthy as herself1 nor her cord broken40 ,the context is altogether religious1 and this is no ordinary secular immorality2 certain details in the narrative remind us of ,herodotus1 and make it clear that the writer has in mind the same social usage that the historian vouches for4 ,this usage may be described as the consecration to the goddess of #bga the first-fruits of the woman's virginity before marriage2 for1 though ,herodotus does not explicitly say that it was a rite preliminary to marriage1 yet the records of similar practices elsewhere in ,asia ,minor assure us on this point4 ,we have now to begin the comparative search in the adjacent regions1 keeping distinct the three types of consecration which ,i have specified above1 which are too often confused4#bga4a ,the first type has its close analogies with the early ,christian1 mediaeval1 and modern conventual life of women4 ,the code of ,hammurabi presents us with the earliest example of what may be called the religious sisterhood2 the ,babylonian votaries were dedicated to religion1 and while the ,christian nuns are often called the brides of ,christ1 their earliest prototypes enjoyed the less questionable title of 8,god's-sisters40 ,we find no exact parallel to this practice in ancient ,greece2 from the earliest period1 no doubt1 the custom prevailed of consecrating individual women of certain families as priestesses to serve certain cults1 and sometimes chastity was enforced upon them2 but these did not form a conventual society2 and usually1 apart from their occasional religious duties1 they could lead a secular life4 ,in fact1 the monastic system was of ,eastern origin and only reached ,europe in later times1 being opposed #bgb to the civic character of the religion of the old ,aryan states4 ,the second class of consecrated women served as temple-harlots in certain cult-centres of ,asia ,minor4 ,we cannot say that the custom in all cases emanated from ,babylon2 for there is reason to think that it was a tradition attaching to the cult of the goddess among the polytheistic ,semitic stocks4 ,we have clear allusions in the ,bible to temple-prostitution practised by both sexes in the ,canaanite communities adjacent to the ,israelites1 who were themselves sometimes contaminated by the practice4#bgb4a ,we hear of 8hierodouli0 among the pagan ,arabs1#bgb4b of women 8of the congregation of the people of ,astarte0 at ,carthage1#bgb4c of numbers of dedicated slave women in the cult of ,aphrodite at ,eryx1#bgb4d which was at least semi-,semitic2 and it is likely that some of these at least were devoted to the impure religious practice4 ,as regards non-,semitic worships1 it is only clearly attested of two1 namely1 of the worship of ,m at ,comana in ,pontos1#bgb4e and of ,aphrodite ,ourania in ,corinth4#bgb4f ,in these cases we have the right to assume ,semitic influences at work2 for we do not find traces of this practice in the ancient cult of ,kybele2 and ,ma of ,cappadocia and ,pontus1 who had affinities with her1 was partly contaminated with ,anahita1 a ,persian goddess1 who had taken on ,babylonian fashions4 ,nor can we doubt that the practice gained recognition at ,corinth in post-,homeric times through its ,oriental trade2 for it was attached to the cult of ,aphrodite #bgc ,ourania1 whose personality1 partly at least1 was identical with that of the ,semitic goddess4 ,the practice survived in ,lydia in the later period of the ,graeco-,roman culture4 ,for a woman of ,tralles1 by name ,aurelia ,aemilia1 erected a column with an inscription that has been published by ,sir ,william ,ramsay1#bgc4a in which she proclaims with pride that she had prostituted herself in the temple service 8at the command of an oracle10 and that her female ancestors had done likewise4 ,finally1 we may find the cult-practice reflected in certain legends2 in the legend of ,iconium1 for instance1 of the woman who enticed all strangers to her embraces and afterwards slew them1 but was herself turned to stone by ,perseus1 and whose stone image gave the name to the ,state4#bgc4b ,the other custom recorded by ,herodotus of ,babylon1 the consecration of the first-fruits of virginity to the goddess before marriage1 which ,i have considered as distinct from the foregoing1 may often have been combined or confused with it2 for the temple-harlotry1 carried on for some considerable period1 might be occasionally a preliminary to marriage4 ,the most exact parallels to the ,babylonian custom are found in the records of ,byblos1 ,cyprus1 and the ,syrian ,heliopolis or ,baalbec4 ,lucian attests the rule prevailing at ,byblos1 that in the festival of ,adonis women exposed themselves for purchase on one single day1 and #bgd that only strangers were allowed to enjoy them2 but that this service was only imposed upon them if they refused to cut off their hair in lamentation for ,adonis4#bgd4a ,similarly the ,byzantine historian ,sozomenos declared that at ,heliopolis 7,baalbec71 in the temple of ,astarte1 each maiden was obliged to prostitute herself before marriage1 until the custom and the cult were abolished by ,constantine4#bgd4b ,the statements about ,cyprus1 though less explicit1 point to the same institution3 ,herodotus1 having described at length the ,babylonian practice1 declares that it prevailed in ,cyprus also1 and ,justin#bgd4c that it was a custom of the ,cyprians 8to send their virgins before marriage on fixed days to the shore1 to earn their dowry by prostitution1 so as to pay a first-offering to ,venus for their virtue henceforth 7pro reliqua pudicitia libamenta ,veneri soluturas740 ,the procession to the shore may indicate the rule that intercourse was only allowed them with strangers1#bgd4d and nothing points to prolonged prostitution4 ,it is probably the same rite that the ,locrians of the ,west vowed to perform in honour of ,aphrodite in the event #bge of deliverance from a dangerous war4#bge4a ,but in the worship of ,anaitis at ,akilisene in ,armenia1 according to ,strabo1#bge4b the unmarried women served as temple-harlots for an indefinite time until they married2 and ,aurelia ,aemilia of ,tralles may have been only maintaining the same ancient ritual in ,lydia4 ,in these two countries1 then1 it seems as if there had been a fusion of two institutions that elsewhere were distinct one from another1 harlot-service for a prolonged period in a temple1 and the consecration of each maiden's virginity as a preliminary to marriage4 ,such institutions mark the sharpest antagonism between the early religious sentiment of the ,east and the ,west4 ,of no ,european ,state is there any record1 religious or other1 that the sacrifice before marriage of a woman's virginity to a mortal was at any time regarded as demanded by temple ritual4 ,such a rite was abhorrent to the genuine ,hellenic1 as it was to the ,hebraic1 spirit2 and only in later times do we find one or two ,hellenic cult-centres catching the taint of the ,oriental tradition3 while such legends as that of ,melanippos and ,komaitho and the story of ,laokoon's sin express the feeling of horror which any sexual licence in a temple aroused in the ,greek4#bge4c #bgf ,it is imperative to try to understand the original purpose or significance of the ,semitic and ,anatolian rites that we have been dealing with4 ,to regard them as the early ,christian and some modern writers have done1 as mere examples of unbridled ,oriental lust masquerading in the guise of religion1 is a false and unjust view4 ,according to ,herodotus1 the same society that ordained this sacrifice of virginity upon the daughters of families maintained in other respects a high standard of virtue1 which appears also attested by ,babylonian religious and secular documents4 ,modern anthropology has handled the problem with greater insight and seriousness2 but certain current explanations are not convincing4 ,to take the rite described by ,herodotus first1 which is always to be distinguished from the permanent institution of 8hierodulai0 in the sense of temple-harlots3 ,mannhardt1 who was the first to apply modern science to the problem1 explained it as a development of vegetation-ritual4#bgf4a ,aphrodite and ,adonis1 ,ishtar and ,tammuz1 represent vegetation1 and their yearly union causes general fertility2 the women are playing the part of the goddess1 and the stranger represents ,adonis6 ,the ,babylonian rite1 then1 is partly religious 1 the human acting of a divine drama1 partly religious magic good for the crops4 ,but in spite of ,mannhardt's great and real services to science1 his vegetation-theory leads him often astray1 and only one who was desperately defending a thesis would explain that stranger1 a necessary personage in the ritual at ,babylon1 ,byblos1 ,cyprus1 and ,baalbec1 as the native god4 ,there is no kind of reason for connecting the ,babylonian rite with ,tammuz1 or for supposing that the women were representing #bgg the goddess1#bgg4a or that their act directly influenced the crops1 except in the sense that all due performance of religious ceremonies has been considered at certain stages of belief as favouring the prosperity of the land4 ,sir ,william ,ramsay1 in his ,cities and ,bishoprics of ,phrygia1#bgg4b would explain the custom as preserving the tradition of the communism of women before regular marriage was instituted4 ,dr4 ,frazer1 who has dealt more fully with the question1 accepts this explanation1#bgg4c as he also accepts ,mannhardt's in full2 and1 while he associates--as ,i think1 wrongly--the ,babylonian rite with general temple-prostitution1 he adds a third suggestion1 prompted by his theory of kingship3 the king himself might have to mate with one or more of the temple-harlots 8who played ,astarte to his ,adonis03#bgg4d such unions might serve to maintain the supply of human deities1 one of whom might succeed to the throne1 and another might be sacrificed in his father's stead when religion demanded the life of the royal man-god4 ,i do not find this theory coherent even with itself2 and1 like the others1 it fails to explain all the facts1 and1 on the other hand1 it imagines data which are not given us by the records4 ,that state of communism when sexual union was entirely promiscuous is receding further and further into the anthropological background3 it is dangerous to predicate it of the most backward ,anatolian ,state in any period which can come into our ken4 ,when the ,byzantine ,sokrates gravely tells us that the men of ,heliopolis #bgh had their wives in common1 he does not know what he is saying4 ,and if this sacrifice of virginity before marriage was a recognition of the original rights of all the males of the community1 why did not some representative of the community take the virginity1 the priest or some head-man8 ,this ill-considered sociologic hypothesis shipwrecks on that mysterious stranger4#bgh4a ,prof4 ,westermarck1 in his ,origin and ,development of the ,moral ,ideas1#bgh4b regards the ,mylitta-rite as intended to ensure fertility in women through direct appeal to the goddess of fertility1 and he explains the formula which the stranger uttered-- --as signifying generally 8,may the goddess ,mylitta prosper thee40 ,obviously the phrase1 8,i invoke the goddess for thee10 could as naturally mean1 8,i claim thee in the name of the goddess10 the stranger basing his right to the woman on this appeal4 ,but his general theory appears not so unsound as those which have just been noted4 ,the comparative method ought to help us here2 and though we have no exact parallel1 as far as ,i am aware1 recorded of any people outside the ,mediterranean area to the ,babylonian custom1 we find usages reported elsewhere that agree with it in one essential4 ,lubbock quotes instances from modern ,india of the rule imposed upon women of presenting themselves before marriage in the temple of ,juggernaut for the purpose--as he implies--of offering up their virginity1 though no such custom is recorded in the ,vedic period of religion2#bgh4c cases also are chronicled of the rule prevailing among #bgi uncultured or semi-cultured tribes that the medicine-man or the priest should take the virginity of the bride before the marriage ceremony4#bgi4a ,these are probably illustrations of the working of the same idea as that which inspired the ,babylonian custom4 ,marriage involves the entering upon a new state2 change of life is generally dangerous1 and must be safeguarded by what ,van ,gennep has called 8rites de passage02 more especially is the sexual union with a virgin dangerous and liable to be regarded with awe by primitive sentiment2 before it is safe to marry her1 the tabu that is upon her must first be removed by a religious act securing the divinity's sanction for the removal2 just as the ripe cornfield must not be reaped before religious rites1 such as the consecration of first-fruits1 have loosened the tabu upon it3 we may believe that ,hellenic marriage ritual secured the same end as the ,babylonian by what seems to us the more innocent method of offering the 4 ,so the ,babylonian safeguards the coming marriage by offering the first-fruits of his daughter to the goddess who presides over the powers and processes of life and birth4 ,under her protection1 after appeal to her1 the process loses its special danger2 or if there is danger still1 it falls upon the head of the stranger4#bgi4b ,for ,i can find no other way of accounting #bhj for his presence as a necessary agent1 in the ritual of at least four widely separate communities of ,semitic race3 this comparative ubiquity prevents us explaining it as due to some capricious accidental impulse of delicacy1 as if the act would become less indelicate if a stranger who would not continue in the place participated in it4 ,in his essay on the question1 ,mr4 ,hartland explains the ,babylonian rite as belonging to the class of puberty-ceremonies2 nor would this account of it conflict with the view here put forth1 if1 as he maintains1 primitive puberty-ceremonies to which girls are subjected are usually preliminary to the marriage which speedily follows4#bhj4a ,but puberty-ceremonies are generally performed at initiation-mysteries1 and none of the rites that we are considering appear to have been associated with mysteries except1 perhaps1 at ,cyprus1 where the late record speaks of mysteries instituted by ,kinyras that had a sexual significance1 and which may have been the occasion of the consecration of virginity that ,justin describes2#bhj4b but the institution of mysteries has not #bha yet been proved for any purely ,semitic religion4 ,in any case1 ,mr4 ,hartland's statement does not explain why the loss of virginity should be considered desirable in a puberty-ceremony or as a preliminary to marriage4 ,the significance of the action1 as ,i have interpreted it1 is negative rather than positive1 the avoidance of a vague peril or the removal of a tabu rather than the attainment of the blessing of fertility1 as ,dr4 ,westermarck would regard it4 ,and this idea1 the removal of a tabu1 seems expressed in the phrase of ,herodotus#bha4a by which he describes the state of the woman after the ceremony-- 2 and the parallel that ,i have suggested1 the consecration of the first-fruits of the harvest to remove the tabu from the rest of the crop1 is somewhat justified by the words of ,justin already quoted--8pro reliqua pudicitia libamenta ,veneri soluturas40 ,as regards the other institution1 the maintenance of 8hierodoulai0 in temples as 8consecrated0 women1 8kadeschim10 unmarried1 who for a period of years indulged in sexual intercourse with visitors1 the original intention and significance of it is hard to decide4 ,we may be sure that it did not originate in mere profligacy1 and the inscription of ,tralles shows that even in the later ,roman period it had not lost its religious prestige4#bha4b ,such a custom could naturally arise in a society that allowed freedom of sexual intercourse among young unmarried persons--and this is not uncommonly found at a primitive level of culture--and that was devoted to the worship of a goddess of sexual fertility4 ,the rituals in the temples of ,ishtar of ,erech1 ,anaitis of #bhb ,armenia1 ,m of ,comana1 must have been instituted for some national and social purpose2 therefore ,mr4 ,hartland's suggestion1 that the original object of the ,armenian rite was to give the maidens a chance of securing themselves a suitable husband by experience1 seems insufficient4 ,dr4 ,frazer's theory1 that connects the institution with some of the mystic purposes of kingship1#bhb4a floats in the air2 for there is not a particle of evidence showing any relation between these women and the monarch or the royal harem or the monarchical succession or the death of a royal victim4 ,a simpler suggestion is that the 8hierodoulai10 or temple-women1 were the human vehicles for diffusing through the community the peculiar virtue or potency of the goddess1 the much-coveted blessing of human fertility4 ,thus to consecrate slaves or even daughters to this service was a pious social act4 ,the significance of the facts that we have been examining is of the highest for the history of religious morality1 especially for the varied history of the idea of purity4 ,we call this temple-harlotry vile and impure2 the civilised ,babylonian1 who in private life valued purity and morality1 called the women 8kadistu10 that is1 8pure0 or clean in the ritualistic sense1 or as ,zimmern interprets the ideogram1 8not unclean40#bhb4b ,in fact1 the ,mediterranean old-world religions1 all save the ,hebraic1 agreed in regarding the processes of the propagation of life as divine1 at least as something not alien or abhorrent to godhead4 ,but the early ,christian propagandists1 working here on ,hebraic lines1 intensified the isolation of ,god from the simple phenomena of birth1 thereby engendering at times an anti-sexual bias1 and preparing a discord between any possible biological #bhc view and the current religious dogma1 and modern ethical thought has not been wholly a gainer thereby4 ,the subject that has been discussed at some length is also connected with the whole question of ritual-purity and purification4 ,the primitive conception of purity had at an early stage in its evolution been adopted by higher religion2 and the essential effect of impurity was to debar a person from intercourse with ,god and with his fellow-men4 ,hence arises a code of rules to regulate temple-ritual4 ,so far as ,i am aware1 the ,babylonian rules for safeguarding the purity of the shrines were not conspicuously different from the ,greek or the ,hebraic4#bhc4a ,the taint of bloodshed and other physical impurities was kept aloof2 and it is in the highest degree probable that the function of the 8hetairai0 was only performed outside the temple1 for ,herodotus specially tells us that this rule was observed in the ,mylitta-rite4 ,the cathartic methods of ,east and ,west agree in many points4 ,the use of holy water for purifying purposes was known to the early ,greeks4#bhc4b ,it was still more in evidence in the ,babylonian ritual3 the holy water of the ,euphrates or ,tigris was used for a variety of purposes1 for the washing of the king's hands before he touched the statues1 for the washing of the idol's mouths1#bhc4c #bhd perhaps also for baptism4 ,for we hear of some such rite in a hymn to ,enlil translated by ,dr4 ,langdon#bhd4a--the line that he renders 8,son whom in the sacred bowl she baptized10 seems to refer to a human child4 ,ablution was prominent also in the exorcism-ritual1 and the 8,house of ,washing0 or 8,house of ,baptism0 was the centre of a liturgy that had for its object deliverance from demons4#bhd4b ,the whole ,state was at times purified by water4#bhd4c ,and in all this ritual the water must itself be of a peculiar purity--rain-water1 for instance1#bhd4d or the water of the ,euphrates1 whence came probably the ,water of ,life that was kept in ,marduk's temple with which the ,gods and the ,annunaki washed their faces1 and which was used in the feast of the ,doom-fixing4#bhd4e ,according to the ,babylonian view ordinary water was naturally impure 7we may well believe that it was so at ,babylon1 where the river and canals were so pressed into the service of man71 and a person incurred impurity by stepping over a puddle or other unpurified water4#bhd4f ,the ,greek did not need to be so scrupulous1 for most water in his land was naturally pure1 being spring or brook2 yet in his cathartic rules we find often that only a special water was suitable for the religious purpose1 running water especially1 or sea-water1 or in a particular locality one sacred fountain only4#bhd4g ,but though it was to him as to most #bhe peoples1 the simple and natural means of purification1 he did not apply it to such various cathartic purposes as the ,babylonian4 ,nor as far as we can discover had he developed in old days the interesting rite of baptism3 we hear of it first in the records of the fifth century1 and in relation to alien cults like that of the ,thracian goddess ,kotytto4#bhe4a ,equally prominent in the cathartic ritual of ,mesopotamia was the element of fire3 in the prayer that followed upon the purification-ceremonies we find the formula1 8,may the torch of the gleaming ,fire-,god cleanse me40#bhe4b ,the ,fire-,god1 ,nusku1 is implored 8to burn away the evil magicians10#bhe4c and we may believe that he owes his development and exalted position as a high spiritual god to the ritual use of fire1 just as in the ,vedic religion did ,agni4 ,the conception of fire as a mighty purifying element1 which appears in the ,old and ,new ,testaments and in ,christian eschatology1 has arisen1 no doubt1 from the cathartic ritual of the ancient ,semites4 ,doubtless also the spiritual or magic potency of this element was known in ancient ,europe3 it is clearly revealed in the primitive ceremonies of the old ,german 8,notfeuer10 with which the cattle1 fields1 and men were purified in time of pestilence4#bhe4d ,and there are several indications of its use in ,greek cathartic ritual2 a noteworthy example is the purification of ,lemnos by the bringing of holy fire from ,delos2#bhe4e the curious ,attic ritual of running with the new-born babe round the #bhf hearth1 called the ,amphidromia1 may have had a similar intention2#bhf4a even the holy water1 the 1 seems to have been hallowed by the insertion of a torch2#bhf4b and in the later records fire is often mentioned among the usual implements of cleansing4#bhf4c ,the ,eleusinian myth concerning ,demeter holding the infant ,demophon in the flame to make him immortal was suggested probably by some purificatory rite in which fire was used4 ,finally1 the fire-ordeal1 which was practised both in ,babylonia and ,greece1#bhf4d may have been associated at a certain period with the cathartic properties of fire4 ,nevertheless1 the ,hellenic divinities specially concerned with this element1 ,hestia and ,hephaistos1 had little personal interest in this ritual1 and did not rise to the same height in the national theology as ,nusku rose in the ,babylonian4 ,we might find other coincidences in detail between ,hellenic and ,assyrian ritual1 such as the purificatory employment of salt1 onions1 and the sacrificial skin of the animal-victim4#bhf4e ,one of the most interesting phenomena presented by the cathartic law of old ,babylonia #bhg is a rule that possessed an obvious moral value2 we find1 namely1 on one of the cylinders of ,gudea1 that during the period when ,gudea was purifying the city the master must not strike the slave1 and no action at law must be brought against any one2 for seven days perfect equality reigned1 no bad word was uttered1 the widow and the orphan went free from wrong4#bhg4a ,the conception underlying this rule is intelligible3 all quarrelling and oppression1 being often accompanied with bloodshed and death1 disturbs the general purity which is desired to prevail2 and ,i have indicated elsewhere a similar law regulating the conduct of the ,eleusinian mysteries and the ,dionysiac festival at ,athens1 both ceremonies of cathartic value1#bhg4b and ,i have pointed out a similar ordinance observed recently by a ,north-,american ,indian tribe1 and formerly by the ,peruvians2 to these instances may be added the statement by ,livy1#bhg4c that in the ,roman 8lectisternia10 when a table with offerings was laid before the gods1 no quarrelling was allowed and prisoners were released1 and the historian gives to the institution of the lectisternia a piacular significance4 ,we must also bear in mind certain striking differences between the ,hellenic and the ,babylonian cathartic systems4 ,in certain purification-ceremonies of ,hellas1 those in which the homicide was purged from his stain1 the washing with the blood of the piacular victim was the most potent means of grace4#bhg4d ,we may find analogies in ,vedic1 ,roman1 and ,hebraic ritual1 but hitherto none have been presented by the religious documents #bhh of ,babylon1 where1 as has been already pointed out1 scarcely any mystic use appears to have been made of the blood of the victim4#bhh4a ,again1 the ,babylonian purification included the confession of sins1 a purgation unknown and apparently unnatural to the ,hellene2#bhh4b and generally the ,babylonian1 while most of its methods1 like the ,hellenic1 are modes of transference or physical riddance of impurity1 had a higher spiritual and religious significance2 for it includes lamentations for sin and prayers to the divinity that are not mentioned in the record of any ,greek 8katharsis40 ,a long ritual-document is preserved containing the details of the purification of the king3#bhh4c certain forms agree with the ,hellenic1 but one who was only versed in the latter would find much that was strange and unintelligible both in the particulars and in general atmosphere4 ,we discern an interesting mixture of magic and religion4 ,the gods are partly entreated1 partly bribed1 partly constrained2 and at the end the evil is physically expelled from the palace4 ,the purifier puts on dark garments1 just as the ministers of the underworld-deities did occasionally in ,greece4 ,the king himself performs much of the ceremony1 and utters words of power3 8,may my sins be rent away1 may ,i be pure and live before ,shamash40 ,the ordering of the cathartic apparatus is guided partly by astrology4 ,it is curious also to find that every article used in the process is identified by name with some divinity3 the cypress is the god ,adad1 the fragrant spices the god ,ninib1 the censer the god ,ib1 etc42 and the commentary that accompanies the ritual-text explains that these #bhi substances compel the deities thus associated with them to come and give aid4 ,in fact1 the differences between ,east and ,west in this religious sphere are so important that we should not be able to believe that the cathartic system of ,greece was borrowed from ,babylonia1 even if the points of resemblance were much more numerous and striking than they are4 ,for it would be possible to draw up a striking list of coincidences between ,hellenic and ,vedic cathartic rites1 and yet no one would be able on the strength of it to establish a hypothesis of borrowing4 ,in any case1 it may be said1 the question of borrowing does not arise within the narrow limits of our inquiry1 which is limited to the pre-,homeric period1 since all ,greek 8katharsis0 is post-,homeric4 ,the latter dictum is obviously not literally true1 as a glance through the ,homeric poems will prove4 ,homer is aware of the necessity of purification by water before making prayer or libation to the gods3 ,achilles washes his hands and the cups before he pours forth wine and prays to ,zeus1#bhi4a ,telemachos washes his hands in sea-water before he prays to ,athena#bhi4b2 and there is a significant account of the purification of the whole ,achaean host after the plague2#bhi4c as the later ,greeks would have done1 the ,achaeans throw away into the sea their 1 the infected implements of purification1 wool or whatever they used1 that absorbed the evil from them4 ,but it has been generally observed that ,homer does not appear to have been aware of any need for purification from the stain of bloodshed or from the ghostly contagion of death4 ,it is true that ,odysseus purifies his hall with fire and sulphur after slaying the suitors1 but we are not sure that the act had any further significance than #bij the riddance of the smell of blood from the house4 ,sulphur is there called 1#bij4a 8a remedy against evil things02 but we cannot attach any moral or spiritual sense to 1 nor is ,homeric related1 as far as we can see1 to any animistic belief4 ,there is one passage where ,homer's silence is valuable and gives positive evidence2 ,theoklumenos1 who has slain a man of his own tribe and fled from his home1 in consequence approaches ,telemachos when the latter is sacrificing and implores and receives his protection3 there is no hint of any feeling that there is a stain upon him1 or that he needs purification1 or that his presence pollutes the sacrifice4#bij4b ,all this would have been felt by the later ,greek2 and in the post-,homeric period we have to reckon with a momentous growth of the idea of impurity and of a complex system of purification1 especially in regard to homicide1 leading to important developments in the sphere of law and morality which ,i have tried to trace out on other occasions4#bij4c ,but ,homer may well be regarded as the spokesman of a gifted race1 the ,achaeans1 as we call them1 on whom the burden of the doctrine of purification lay lightly1 and for whom the ghostly world had comparatively little terror or interest4 ,besides the ,achaeans1 however1 and their kindred races there was the submerged population of the older culture who enter into the composition of the various ,hellenes of history4 ,therefore the varied development in the post-,homeric period of cathartic ideas may be only a renaissance1 a recrudescence of forces that were active enough in the second millennium4 #bia ,attica may have been the home where the old tradition survived1 and cathartic rites such as the ,thargelia and the trial of the axe for murder in the ,bouphonia have the savour of great antiquity4 ,may not the ,minoan religion of ,crete have been permeated with the ideas of the impurity of bloodshed and the craving for purification from sin8 ,for at the beginning of the historic period ,crete seems to have been the centre of what may be called the cathartic mission2 from this island came ,apollo ,delphinios1 the divine purifier par excellence1 to this island the god came to be purified from the death of ,python2 and in later times1 ,crete lent to ,athens its purifying prophet ,epimenides4#bia4a ,if we believe1 then1 that the post-,homeric blood-purification was really a recrudescence of the tradition of an older indigenous culture1 we should use this as another argument for the view that the ,greece of the second millennium was untouched or scarcely touched by ,babylonian influence4 ,for1 as we have seen1 purification by blood or from blood appears to have been wholly alien to ,babylonian religious and legal practice4 ,the ritual of purification belongs as much to the history of magic as religion4 ,now1 the student of religion is not permitted to refuse to touch the domain of magic2 nor can we exclude its consideration even from the highest topics of religious speculation4 ,some general remarks have already been made#bia4b concerning the part played by magic both in the worship and in the #bib social life of the peoples that we are comparing4 ,any exact and detailed comparison would be fruitless for our present purpose2 for1 while the knowledge of early ,babylonian magic is beginning to be considerable1 we cannot say that we know anything definite concerning the practices in this department of the ,hellenic and adjacent peoples in the early period with which we are dealing4 ,from the ,homeric poems we can gather little more than that magic of some kind existed2 and that ,homer and his gifted audience probably despised it as they despised ghosts and demons4 ,it is only by inference that we can venture to ascribe to the earliest period of the ,greek race some of the magic rites that are recorded by the later writers4 ,it would require a lengthy investigation and treatise to range through the whole of ,greek ritual and to disentangle and expose the magic element which was undoubtedly there1 and which in some measure is latent in the ritual of every higher religion yet examined4 ,by way of salient illustration we may quote the ceremonies of the scapegoat and the 1#bib4a modes of the magic-transference of sin and evil2 the strewing of sacred food-stuff that is instinct with divine potency over the fields in the ,thesmophoria2 the rain magic performed by the priests of ,zeus ,lykaios2#bib4b we hear at ,kleonai of an official class of 8,magi0 who controlled the wind and the weather by spells1 and occasionally in their excitement gashed their own hands1 like the priests of ,baal2#bib4c such blood-magic being explicable as a violent mode of discharging personal energy upon the outer objects which one wishes to subdue to one's will4 ,another and more #bic thrilling example of blood-magic is the process of water-finding by pouring human blood about the earth1 a method revealed by an old legend of ,haliartos in ,boeotia about the man who desired water1 and in order to find it consulted ,delphi1 and was recommended by the oracle to slay the first person who met him on his return2 his own young son met him first1 and the father stabbed him with his sword2 the wounded youth ran round about1 and wherever the blood dripped water sprang up from the earth4#bic4a ,no one will now venture to say that all these things are post-,homeric2 the natural view is that they were an inheritance of crude and primitive thought indigenous to the land4 ,many of them belong to world-wide custom2 on the other hand1 some of the striking and specialised rites1 such as the blood-magic and the ritual of the 1 are not found at ,babylon4 ,but before prejudging the question1 some salient and peculiar developments of ,babylonian magic ought to be considered4 ,one great achievement of ,mesopotamian civilisation was the early development of astrology1 to which perhaps the whole world has been indebted for good and for evil1 and which was associated with magic and put to magic uses4 ,astrological observation led to the attachment of a magic value to numbers and to certain special numbers1 such as number seven4 ,whether the ,judaic name and institution of the ,sabbath is of ,babylonian origin or not1 does not concern our question4 ,but it concerns us to know that the seventh days1 the #adth1 the #bast1 and #bhth of certain months1 if not of all1 were sacred at ,babylon1 and were days of penance and piacular duties when ordinary occupation was suspended4#bic4b ,we can discern the origin of the sanctity of this number3 the observation of the #bid seven planets1 and the division of the lunar month into four quarters of seven days4 ,the early ,greeks1 doubtless1 had their astrological superstitions1 as most races have had2 the new moon is naturally lucky1 the waning moon unlucky2 but no one can discover any numerical or other principle in the ,hesiodic system1 which is our earliest evidence of ,hellenic lucky and unlucky days4 ,his scheme is presented in nave confusion1 and he concludes humorously1 8one man praises one day1 one another1 and few know anything about it40#bid4a ,his page of verse reflects the anarchy of the ,greek calendars2 and we should find it hard to credit that either ,hesiod or the legislators that drew up those had sat attentively at the feet of ,babylonian teachers4 ,but a few coincidences may be noted4 ,hesiod puts a special tabu on the fifth day of the month2 in fact1 it is the only one in his list that is wholly unlucky1 a day when it would seem to be best to do nothing at all1 at least outside the house1 for on this day the ,erinyes are wandering about4#bid4b ,now1 a ,babylonian text published by ,dr4 ,langdon contains the dogma that on the fifth day of ,nisan 8he who fears ,marduk and ,zarpanit shall not go out to work40#bid4c ,this ,babylonian rule is the earliest example of what may be strictly called ,sabbatarianism1 abstinence from work through fear of offending the high god4 ,such would probably not be the true account of ,hellenic feeling concerning the 8forbidden days10 which were called or 4#bid4d ,the high god had issued to the ,hellene no moral commandment about 8keeping the ,sabbath-day holy02 his reluctance to do certain work on certain days rested on a more primitive sentiment #bie concerning them4 ,thus it was unlucky both for himself and the city that ,alcibiades should return to the ,piraeus when the ,plynteria were going on2 for this latter was a cathartic ceremony1 and evil influences were abroad4 ,nor1 as ,xenophon declares1 would any one venture to engage in a serious work on this day4#bie4a ,nor were these 1 like the seventh days of the ,babylonian months1 necessarily days of gloom when offended deities had to be propitiated2 on the contrary1 the day of was a day of merry drinking and yet 3 in fact1 we best understand the latter phrase by translating it 8tabooed10 rather than 8sad0 or 8gloomy40#bie4b ,another coincidence that may arrest attention is that in ,hesiod's scheme the seventh day of the month was sacred because ,apollo was born on it2 and throughout the later period this god maintains his connection with the seventh day1 also apparently with the first1 the fourteenth1 and the twentieth of the month4#bie4c ,this almost coincides with the ,sabbatical division of the ,babylonian months4 ,but we cannot suppose that in ,hellas these were days of mortification as they were in the ,east2 else they would not have been associated with the bright deity ,apollo4 ,such dubious coincidences1 balanced by still more striking diversities1 are but frail supports for the hypothesis of race-contact4 ,in ,babylonian thaumaturgy nothing is more significant than the magic power of the ,word1 whether spoken or written3 and the ,word1 as we have noted1 was raised to a cosmic divine power and possessed inherent creative force4#bie4d ,this is only a reflection upon the heavens of the human use of the magical or mesmeric word or set #bif of words4 ,this use of them is found1 indeed1 all round the globe4 ,what seems unique in the ,mesopotamian culture is that religion1 religious literature1 and poetry should have reached so high a pitch and yet never have risen above or shaken off the magic which is its constant accompaniment4 ,men and gods equally use magic against the demons2 the most fervid hymn of praise1 the most pathetic litany1 is only part of an exorcism-ritual2 and so inevitably does the shadow of magic dog religion here that ,dr4 ,langdon is justified in his conjecture#bif4a that in a great hymn to ,enlil1 which contains scarcely a prayer but chiefly ecstatic description of his power1 the worshipper is really endeavouring to charge himself with higher religious magic by this outpouring4 ,in fact1 here and elsewhere1 a magic origin for the practice of theologic exegesis may be obscurely traced2 narrative might acquire an apotropaeic effect2 thus tablets containing the narrative of the achievements of the plague-god1 hung up before the houses1 could avert pestilence1#bif4b or1 again1 the reading aloud the tablet narrating the victory of ,shamash and ,ramman over the seven demons who attacked the moon-god ,sin served to defeat the seven demons by the same sympathetic magic as would be worked by a dramatic representation of that event4#bif4c ,there is no record or hint that the ,hellenes recited hymns to ,demeter or wrote up passages of ,homer to avert demons4 ,it belongs to the magic use of formulae that minute exactness in respect of every syllable is necessary to the power of the spell or the spell-prayer4 ,an ,assyrian #big king who is consulting the sun-god concerning success in a war with which he is threatened1 prays that the ritual which the enemy may be employing may go wrong and fail2 and in this context occurs the curious petition1 8,may the lips of the priest's son hurry and stumble over a word40#big4a ,the idea seems to be that a single slip in the ritual-formulae destroyed their whole value2 and such a view belongs to magic rather than to religion4 ,now it is probable that in his earliest mental stage the ,hellene had been in bondage to the religious magic of sacred formulae and sacred names2 and as a tradition of that stage1 the divine epithet whereby he appealed to his deities according to his needs retained always for him a mysterious potency2 but otherwise we have no proof that he worked word-magic by means of his sacred texts4 ,babylonian sorcery1 whether legitimate or illegitimate1 was intended to work upon or through demons2 and its familiarity with the names and special qualities of demons is its peculiar mark4 ,in the ritual of exorcism of the demons1 idols play a prominent and often singular rle4 ,the following performance is probably unique3 in the exorcism of disease two idols1 male and female1 were set up before the sick man1 then the evil spirits of sickness are invited thus3 8,oh ye all wicked1 all evil1 who pursue so-and-so1 if thou art male1 here is thy wife2 if thou art female1 here is thy husband40#big4b ,the intent of the exorciser seems to be to attract the demon of disease1 of whose sex he is not sure1 into one or the other of these images1 and he lures it by amorous enticement into the figure of opposite sex to its own2 #bih having got the demon into the image1 he doubtless takes it out and burns or buries it4 ,or the evil spirit may be attracted from the patient by means of its own image placed near him4 ,one document prescribes various images of bestial form1 all of which are to be taken by night to the bank of the river1 probably that they may be thrown in and carry the impurity of sickness away4#bih4a ,another shows us how to deal with ,labartu1 the daughter of ,anu2#bih4b her image1 made of clay1 is placed above the head of the sick man1 so as to draw her or her power out from him2 it is then taken out1 slain1 and buried4 ,and this exorcism is all the more notable because ,labartu is rather an evil goddess than a mere demon1 being styled in another text 8,august lady10 8,mistress of the dark-haired men40#bih4c ,such magical drama1 in which the demon-image might be slain to annul its potency1 seems characteristically ,babylonian3 it entered also into the ritual of the high gods4 ,for1 at the feast of the ,new ,year1 when ,nebo arrived from ,borsippa1 two images are brought before him and in his presence decapitated with the sword4 ,dr4 ,langdon interprets them#bih4d as representing probably 8the demons who aided the dragon in her fight with ,marduk2 they are the captive gods of darkness which ends with the ,equinox40 ,this is dramatic magic helpful to the gods4 ,the elaboration of exorcism must have led to a minuter articulation of the demon-world2 the exorciser is most anxious to know and discover all about his unseen foes3 he gives them a name1 a sex if possible1 and a number3 he says of the powerful storm-demons #bii ,utuk 8they are seven1 they are seven1 they are neither male nor female1 they take no wife and beget no children20#bii4a for knowledge of the name or nature of the personality gives magic power4 ,many of these examples1 which might easily be multiplied1 show us magic applied to private but beneficent purposes1 the healing of disease1 the exorcism of spirits of moral and physical evil4 ,it was also in vogue for national purposes--for instance1 for the destruction of the enemies of the king2 one of our documents describes such a process as the making of a tallow-image of the enemy of the king and binding his face with a cord1 so as to render the living foe impotent of will and speech4#bii4b ,we have already noticed that the ,babylonian gods themselves work magic1 and that it was also worked on behalf of the gods4#bii4c ,and in the ritual-records much that might be interpreted as religion may find its truer account from the other point of view2 for instance1 the ritual of placing by the bedside of a sick man the image of ,nergal or those of the 8twins who overthrow the wicked ,gallu0#bii4d might appear at first sight as a religious appeal to the deities to come to his aid2 but as in form it is exactly similar to the use made on the same occasion1 as noted above1 of the images of demons1 we may rather suppose that the intention was magical in this act also1 and that the divine idols were supposed to combat the demon of sickness by their magical influence4 ,or1 again1 in part of the ritual of exorcism we find acts that bear the semblance of sacrifice1 such as throwing onions and dates into the fire2 but they were charged with a curse before thrown1 and the act #cjj is more naturally interpreted as a magic transference of evil4#cjj4a ,for the purpose of the exorcism1 to deliver a 8banned0 person1 the high god1 ,marduk or another1 might be called in2 but ,marduk also works the effect by magic3 a rope is woven by ,ishtar's maidens1 which ,marduk 7or his priest7 turns round the head of the sufferer1 then breaks it through and throws it out into the desert4#cjj4b ,this looks like symbolic magic2 the knotted rope represents the ban1 which is then broken and thrown away4 ,there are many features in these methods of exorcism1 such as the apotropaeic use of idols1 that are common to other peoples at a certain stage of culture2 there remains much also that seems peculiar to ,babylon4 ,but what is uniquely characteristic of this ,mesopotamian people1 and at the same time most un-,hellenic1 is the all-pervading atmosphere of magic1 which colours their view of life and their theory of the visible and invisible world4 ,babylonia1 at least1 was the one salient exception to the historic induction that a distinguished writer#cjj4c has recently sanctioned--8religion once firmly established invariably seeks to exclude magic2 and the priest does his best to discredit the magician40 ,the psalmody of ,babylon1 with its occasional outbursts #cja of inspiration and its gleams of spiritual insight1 would have appealed to an ,isaiah2 its magic would have appealed to many a modern ,african4 ,the ,babylonian prophet does not frown on it2 the high gods accept it1 the priest is its skilled and beneficent practitioner4 ,and at no other point1 perhaps1 is the contrast between the ,hellenic and the ,mesopotamian religions so glaring as at this4 ,this comparison of ,eastern and ,western ritual may close with some observations on another religious function that may be of some value for the question of early ethnic influence4 ,it has been remarked that divination played an important1 perhaps a dominant part in the ,babylonian ritual of sacrifice1 divination1 that is1 by inspection of the victim's entrails1 especially the liver2 and that this method was adopted in ,greece only in the later centuries4#cja4a ,but there are other salient differences between the ,babylonian and the more ancient mantic art of ,hellas4#cja4b ,another method much in vogue in the former was a curious mode of divining by mixing oil and water and watching the movements and behaviour of the two liquids4#cja4c ,the first and only indication of a similar practice in ,hellas is a passage in the ,agamemnon of schylus1 of which the true meaning has hitherto escaped the interpreters4#cja4d ,and here1 as usual1 an obvious example of ,mesopotamian influence on ,hellenic custom belongs only to a late epoch4 ,it is also true #cjb that the ancient divination of the two peoples agreed in certain respects1 namely1 in that both used1 like most communities at a certain stage of culture1 the auguries of birds and the revelations of dreams4 ,as regards the facts relating to the former1 we know more about ,greece than at present about ,babylon4 ,but in the matter of dream-oracles1 it is manifest that the ,hellenic phenomena are entirely independent of ,mesopotamian fashion4 ,the ,assyrian and ,babylonian documents reveal the fashion of dream-prophecy in its simplest and highest form3 the high deity of his own pleasure sends a dream1 and the divining priest or skilled interpreter interprets it4 ,no hint has so far been detected of that artificial method of provoking prophetic dreams by 8incubation0 or 1 the fashion of laying oneself down in some sacred shrine and sleeping with one's ear to the ground1 that was much in vogue in ancient ,hellas and still survives in parts of the modern ,greek world and which may be regarded as an immemorial tradition4 ,in this divination1 the divine spokesman was the power of the underworld4 ,and this was the most important difference between the ,western and the ,eastern society in respect of the divine agency4 ,in an early period of ,hellenic history that may be called pre-,apolline1 the earth-mother was conspicuously oracular by the vehicle of dreams2 and this power of hers was generally shared by the nether god and buried heroes4 ,nor could the religion of ,apollo suppress this 8chthonian0 divination4 ,but in ,mesopotamia the earth-powers and the nether world have no part or lot in this matter4 ,it is almost the prerogative of ,shamash1 the sun-god1 though ,adad is sometimes associated with him2#cjb4a #cjc both being designated as 8,bl-,biri0 or 8,lords of ,oracles40#cjc4a ,another remarkable distinction is the fact that the ecstatic or enthusiastic form of prophecy1 that of the ,shaman or ,pythoness possessed and maddened by the inworking spirit of god1 is not found in the ,babylonian record1 which only attests the cool and scientific method of interpreting by signs and dreams and the stars4 ,perhaps ,mesopotamia from the third millennium onward was too civilised to admit the mad prophet and prophetess to its counsels4 ,but such characters were attached to certain ,anatolian cults1 especially to those of ,kybele1#cjc4b and also to the ,syrian goddess at ,hierapolis2#cjc4c we have evidence of them also in a record of the ,cretan ,phaistos in the service of the ,great ,mother4#cjc4d ,some scholars have supposed that prophetic ecstasy was only a late phenomenon in ,hellas1 because ,homer is silent about it4 ,but there are reasons for suspecting that demoniac possession was occasionally found in the pre-,homeric divination of ,hellas1#cjc4e an inheritance perhaps from the pre-,hellenic period4 ,in any case1 the theory that primitive ,hellas was indebted to ,babylonia for its divination-system is strongly repugnant to the facts4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,summary of ,results4 #cjd ,this comparative exposition of the ,sumerian-,babylonian and the most complex and developed pre-,christian religion of ,europe cannot claim to be complete or at any point finally decisive1 but it may at least have helped to reveal the high value and interest of these phenomena for the workers in this broad field of inquiry4 ,this was one of the main objects of this course4 ,the other was the discussion of a question of religious ethnology1 concerning the possible influence of ,mesopotamia on the earliest development of ,hellenic religion4 ,the verdict must still remain an open one1 awaiting the light of the new evidence that the future will gather4 ,but the evidence at present available--and it may be hoped that none of first importance has been missed--constrains us to a negative answer or at least a negative attitude of mind4 ,confining ourselves generally to the second millennium ,b4,c41 we have surveyed the religions of the adjacent peoples between the valley of the ,euphrates and the western shores of the ,aegean2 and have observed that morphologically they are generally on the same plane of polytheism1 but that those of ,mesopotamia and ,hellas reveal inner differences1 striking and vital enough to be serious stumbling-blocks to a theory of affiliation4 ,these differences concern the #cje personality of the divinities and their relations to the various parts of the world of nature2 the most salient being the different attitude of the two peoples to the divine luminaries of heaven and to the chthonian powers of the lower world4 ,they concern the cosmogonies of ,east and ,west1 their views of the creation of the world1 and the origin of man2 on these matters1 certain myths which are easily diffused do not appear to have reached ,hellas in this early period4 ,they concern the religious temperaments of the ,babylonian and ,hellene1 which appear as separate as the opposite points of the pole2 the rapturous fanatic and self-abasing spirit of the ,east contrasting vividly with the coolness1 civic sobriety1 and self-confidence of the ,west4 ,they concern the eschatologic ideas of the two peoples3 the cult of the dead and some idea of a posthumous judgment being found in early ,hellas1 while the former was rare1 and the latter is scarcely discoverable1 in ,mesopotamia4 ,they concern1 finally1 the ritual2 and here the salient points of contrast are the different views of the sacrifice1 of the sacrificial victim1 and the sacrificial blood2 the different methods of purification and the expulsion of sin2 the ritual of sorrow associated with the death of the god1 so powerful in ,babylonia and so insignificant 7by comparison7 in ,hellas2 the un-,hellenic ,mylitta-rite1 and the service of the 8hierodoulai02 and1 to conclude with the most vital difference of all1 the manifestations of magic and its relation to the national religions1 so complex1 so pregnant for thought and faith1 and so dominant in ,mesopotamia2 on the other hand1 so insignificant and unobtrusive in ,hellas4 ,two other points have been incidentally noticed in our general survey1 but it is well in a final summing up to emphasise their great importance as negative #cjf evidence4 ,the first concerns the higher history of ,european religion3 the establishment of religious mysteries1 a phenomenon of dateless antiquity1 and of powerful working in ,hellenic and ,aegean society1 has not yet been discovered in the ,mesopotamian culture4 ,the second is a small point that concerns commerce and the trivialities of ritual3 the use of incense1 universal from immemorial times in ,mesopotamia1 and proved by the earliest documents1 begins in ,greece not earlier than the eighth century ,b4,c4 ,this little product1 afterwards everywhere in great demand1 for it is pleasant to the sense1 soothing to the mind1 and among the harmless amenities of worship1 was much easier to import than ,babylonian theology or more complex ritual4 ,it might have come without these1 but they could scarcely have come without it4 ,yet it did not come to ,hellenic shores in the second millennium4 ,and this trifling negative fact is worth a volume of the higher criticism for the decision of our question4 ,those who still cling to the faith that ,babylonia was the centre whence emanated much ,mediterranean religion1 may urge that the negative value of the facts exposed above may be destroyed by future discoveries4 ,this is true1 but our preliminary hypotheses should be framed on the facts that are already known4 ,or they may urge that the generic resemblances of the two religious systems with which we have been mainly concerned are also great4 ,but1 as has been observed1 the same generic resemblance exists between ,greek and ,vedic polytheism4 ,and for the question of religious origin general resemblances are far less decisive than specific points of identity1 such1 for instance1 as the identity of divine names or of some peculiar divine attribute4 ,later we can trace the migrations of ,isis #cjg and ,mithras throughout ,europe by their names or by the sistrum or by the type of the fallen bull1 of the ,hittite god ,teschub in the ,graeco-,roman guise of ,jupiter ,dolichenos as far as ,hungary1 perhaps as far as ,scandinavia1 by the attribute of the hammer4 ,it is just this sort of evidence of any trace of ,babylonian influence that is lacking among the records of early ,greece4 ,no single ,babylonian name is recognisable in its religious or mythologic nomenclature2 just as no characteristically ,babylonian fashion is found in its ritual or in the appurtenances of its religion4 ,this well accords with what is already known of the ,mediterranean history of the second millennium4 ,for long centuries the ,hittite empire was a barrier between the ,babylonian power and the coastlands of ,asia ,minor4 ,so far1 then1 as our knowledge goes at present1 there is no reason for believing that nascent ,hellenism1 wherever else arose the streams that nourished its spiritual life1 was fertilised by the deep springs of ,babylonian religion or theosophy4 #cjh ,,index ,,of ,,names ,,and ,,subjects4 #cji ,adad 7,ramman71 #fb1 #aja-ajb1 #adb1 #adc4 ,adonis1 #bea1 #bee1 #bgc-bgd4 ,alilat1 #dd4 ,allatu1 #eg1 #bjf1 #bah4 ,aniconic worship1 #bbe-bcj4 ,animism1 #dc4 ,anthropomorphism1 in ,greece1 #aj-ab1 #ge-hj2 in ,mesopotamia1 #ea-eb1 #ee-eg2 in ,canaan1 #eg-eh2 in ,hittite religion1 #fj-fa2 in ,phrygia1 #fc-fd2 in ,crete1 #fd-ge4 ,aphrodite1 ,cretan-,mycenaean1 #if2 in ,cyprus1 #bfa2 ,ourania1 #bgb-bgc4 ,apollo1 #di1 #bie2 theory of ,lycian origin1 #ij2 ,agyieus1 #acf2 ,delphinios1 #bia2 ,lykeios1 #gf4 ,arabian divinities1 #he1 #bfc4 ,aramaic divinities1 #he4 ,artemis1 of ,brauron1 #bdd2 in ,cilicia1 #hi2 at ,ephesos1 #ia2 aboriginal ,mediterranean goddess1 #if4 ,aryan migration into ,greece1 #cd4 ,asshur1 #eh1 #bbe4 ,astarte1 #eg1 #eh1 #ei1 #hf1 #ajg4 ,astral cults1 in ,mesopotamia1 #ajb2 in ,greece1 #aaa-aad4 ,atargatis 7,derketo71 #eg4 ,athena1 aboriginal ,mediterranean goddess1 #if4 ,athtar1 ,arabian deity1 #he1 #bfc4 ,attar1 in ,arabia1 #afh4 ,attis1 #ia1 #bed-beh1 #bff2 1 #ie4 ,axe-cult1 in ,crete1 #gj1 #ic4 ,baalbec1 #bgc-bgd4 ,baptism1 #bhd4 ,bau1 ,babylonian goddess1 #bfc4 ,belit1 ,babylonian goddess1 #hc1 #hd1 #ajd4 ,birds1 cult of1 #fc1 #fi-gc4 ,boghaz-,keui1 reliefs of1 #dg1 #fj1 #abe2 cuneiform texts at1 #fa4 ,borrowing1 tests of1 in religion1 #cg4 ,boundaries1 sanctity of1 #abg-abh4 ,bouphonia1 in ,attica1 #bcg-bch4 ,britomartis1 #agj4 ,bull1 ,hittite worship of1 #beb-bec4 ,burial-customs1 #bjh-baj4 ,byblos1 ,adonis-rites at1 #bgc-bgd4 ,chemosh1 of ,moab1 #ei1 #hf4 ,cilicia1 ,assyrian conquests in1 #ce 7vide ,typhoeus74 ,cities1 religious origin of1 #aah4 ,communion-service with dead1 #bji4 ,confessional-service in ,mesopotamia1 #aea1 #bhh4 ,convent-system in ,mesopotamia1 #bfh-bfi4 ,cook1 ,mr41 #ff1 #fi1 #gc4 ,cosmogonies1 #agi-ahb4 ,courtesans1 sacred1 #bfi-bhc4 ,cowley1 ,dr41 #ij4 ,creation of man1 #ahd-ahe4 ,cyprus1 religious prostitution in1 #bgc-bgd4 ,days1 sacred character of1 #bic-bie4 ,dead1 worship of1 #abb1 #baj1 #baa1 #bac2 tendance of1 #baa1 #bab2 evocation of1 #bad-bae4 ,death of deity1 #bg-bh1 #bch-bdj1 #bdi-bfc4 ,demeter1 #hj4 ,demonology1 #aed1 #bjf-bjh1 #big-cjj4 ,dionysos1 #bci-bdj2 marriage with ,queen-,archon1 #bfg4 ,divination1 through sacrifice1 #bdh-bdi1 #cja-cjb2 ecstatic1 #cjc4 ,dualism1 #ai1 #aeh4 #caj ,ea1 ,babylonian god1 #ec1 #ajb1 #aag1 #aba4 ,eagle1 ,hittite worship of1 #fc4 ,earth1 divinity of1 in ,mesopotamia1 #ajc2 in ,greece1 #aad4 ,enlil1 ,babylonian god1 #ei1 #ajc-ajd1 #adb4 ,eros1 cosmic principle1 #aha4 ,eschatology1 #bjd-bbj4 ,esmun1 ,phoenician god1 #eg4 ,eunostos1 ,tanagran vegetation-hero1 #bfb4 ,eunuchs1 in ,phrygian religion1 #ib1 #bef-beh4 ,euyuk1 relief at1 #fa4 ,evans1 ,sir ,arthur1 #ag1 #cj1 #fd1 #fi-ga1 #gc-gd1 #ia1 #ig1 #baa1 #bbg4 ,evil gods1 #ai1 #adb-adc4 ,faith1 not a religious virtue in ,greece1 #bc-bd4 ,fanaticism1 in ,mesopotamia1 #aig-bjc4 ,fassirlir1 ,lion-goddess at1 #hh4 ,father-god1 #dh1 #ie4 ,fetichism1 #bbe-bbh4 ,fire-god1 in ,greece and ,babylon1 #adf-adg1 #bhe4 ,fire-purification1 #bhe-bhf4 ,frazer1 ,dr41 #ag1 #fj1 #gi1 #hi1 #beg n4 #a1 #bgg1 #bhb4 ,functional deities 7,sondergtter71 #aaj1 #acc4 ,goddess-worship1 importance of1 #e1 #ha-hb2 in ,mesopotamia1 #ag1 #hb-hd2 among ,western ,semites1 #he-hf2 ,hittites1 #hg-hh2 on ,asia-,minor coast1 #hh-ia2 in ,crete1 #ib-id2 ,aryan tradition of1 #id-if2 in early ,greece1 #if-ih4 ,hammer1 sacred ,hittite symbol1 #fc4 ,hammurabi1 code of1 #abi-acb1 #bab4 ,harpalyke1 legend of1 #bci4 ,harrison1 ,miss ,jane1 #fg1 #fi-gj4 ,hartland1 ,mr4 ,sidney1 #bga n4 #a1 #bhj-bha4 ,hearth-worship1 #acb-acc4 ,helios1 at ,tyre and ,palmyra1 #ajg2 in ,greece1 #aaj-aaa4 ,hell1 ,babylonian conception of1 #bje-bjf4 ,hera1 8 ,aryan-,hellenic1 #if2 1 #gf4 ,hierodoulai1 #bgb4 ,hittite ethnology1 #cf4 ,hogarth1 ,dr41 #gd4 ,homicide1 ,babylonian laws concerning1 #abi-acj2 ,hellenic religious feeling about1 #ach-adj2 purification from1 #bhg-bhh4 ,hyakinthos1 #bfb4 ,ibriz1 ,hittite monument at1 #dg4 ,idolatry1 in ,greece1 #ab-ac1 #bbh4 ,incense1 #bca-bcb1 #cjf4 ,incest1 ,babylonian laws concerning1 #aca4 ,incubation1 divination by1 #cjb4 ,ira1 goddess of plague1 #adc4 ,ishtar1 #ee1 #hc1 #ajc1 #abj1 #adb1 #afd-afg2 descent of1 #bjd1 #bjh4 ,jastrow1 ,prof41 #cg1 #eh4 ,katharsis1 ,homeric1 #bhi-bia4 ,kingship1 divine character of1 in ,mesopotamia1 #aai1 #abb-abc2 among ,western ,semites1 #abc2 among ,hittites1 #abd-abe2 in ,phrygia1 #abe2 in ,crete1 #abe-abf2 in ,greece1 #abf-abg4 ,knots1 magic use of1 #cjj4 ,kybele1 #fc1 #ia-ib1 #aji1 #agj1 #bbf4 ,labartu1 demon-goddess1 #bih4 ,langdon1 ,dr41 #ef1 #bje n4 #a1 #bif1 #bih4 ,leto 8 ,lycian origin of1 #hi-ij4 ,leukothea1 #bfa4 ,linos1 #aig1 #bfb4 ,lion-divinity1 ,phrygian ,hittite ,mesopotamian type1 #fb-fc4 ,lykaon1 ,arcadian sacrifice of1 #bci4 ,ma1 ,anatolian goddess1 #afi1 #bgb4 ,magic1 in ,greece1 #aeh1 #agf-agi1 #bib-bic2 in ,babylon1 #bia-cja4 ,male deity1 predominant among ,semites1 #he-hf2 at ,olba and ,tarsos and in ,lycia1 #hi4 ,mannhardt1 #bgf4 ,marduk1 #ajc1 #abj1 #bfe4 ,marriage of god and goddess1 #bfc-bfh2 marriage ceremonies in ,babylon1 #acd4 ,mercy1 attribute of divinity1 #aeh-afj4 ,minotaur1 #gd1 #bff-bfg4 ,mitani inscriptions1 #df4 ,monotheism1 #ahg-ahi4 ,monsters1 in ,cretan art1 #gd-ge4 ,moon-worship1 ,semitic1 #he2 ,hellenic1 #aab4 ,morality and religion1 #bj4 ,mylitta1 rites of1 #bfi-bga4 #caa ,nature-worship1 #dj-da1 #ig2 in ,mesopotamia1 #ii-ajf2 ,west-,semitic1 #ajf-ajg2 ,hittite1 #ajh2 ,hellenic1 #aaj-aad4 ,nebo1 #eb1 #ajb1 #aai1 #aba1 #ahh4 ,nergal1 #aja1 #adb4 1 wineless offerings1 #aab4 ,ninib1 #aja1 #aag1 #abg1 #bfc4 ,ninlil1 #hd4 ,ninni1 relief of1 #eb4 ,nusku1 #aag4 ,omnipotence1 divine attribute1 #agc-age4 ,orotal1 ,arabian deity1 #dd4 ,pan-,babylonism1 #cj-cc4 ,pantheism1 #afa-afb4 ,perjury1 #adg-adi4 ,personal religion1 #aia-aif4 ,pessimism1 in ,babylonian hymns1 #aee4 ,petrie1 ,professor1 #bbc4 ,phallic cults1 #bbh-bcj4 ,phratric system1 religious sanction of1 in ,greece1 #ach2 non-existent 787 in ,mesopotamia1 #ach4 ,poseidon1 #adf4 ,punishment1 posthumous1 #bae-baf4 ,purification1 #aee-aeh1 #bhb-bia4 ,purity1 #afc-agb4 ,qadistu1 meaning of1 #bfi4 ,ramman1 vide ,adad4 ,ramsay1 ,sir ,william1 #aag1 #agj1 #bgc1 #bgg4 ,rewards1 posthumous1 #baf-bah4 ,sacrament1 #be-bf1 #bcf-bdb1 #bej4 ,sacrifice1 theory of1 #bd-bf1 #bce-bcf1 #bdj-bdb2 bloodless1 #bcj-bca2 chthonian1 #bcc2 human1 #bdd-bdf2 at oath-taking1 #bdg-bdh2 8sober10 #bca-bcb2 vicarious1 #bdb-bdd4 ,sandon1 #beb-bec4 ,sayce1 ,professor1 #afi1 #bec4 ,scapegoat1 #bdg4 ,science1 relation to religion1 in ,greece and ,mesopotamia1 #bc4 ,sentimentality1 in ,babylonian religion1 #aif-aig4 ,sex1 confusion of1 #eh-fj4 ,shamash1 ,babylonian sun-god1 #ii1 #ajj1 #abj-aba1 #abg1 #adb1 #bjh1 #cjb4 ,sin1 ,babylonian moon-god1 #ii1 #ajj4 ,sin1 non-moral ideas of1 #aeb-aed4 ,sinjerli1 relief at1 #fa4 ,smith1 ,prof4 ,robertson1 #be1 #bbf1 #bce1 #bch1 #bda4 ,snake-goddess1 in ,crete1 #fd-fe2 snake-cult1 #gh4 ,tammuz1 #aje-ajf1 #bai-bbj1 #bdb1 #bej-bfc4 ,tanit1 ,carthaginian goddess1 #afh4 ,taurobolion1 #bec4 ,temples1 erection of1 #bbc-bbe2 deification of1 #bbe4 ,teshup1 ,hittite god1 #df1 #fb4 ,teukridai1 at ,olba1 #hi4 ,theanthropic animal1 #gg-gh4 ,theism1 #g-i1 #dj-di4 ,theriomorphism1 in ,egypt1 #ae2 in ,mesopotamia1 #ad1 #eb-ee2 in other ,semitic communities1 #eg-eh2 ,hittite1 #fj-fb2 in ,crete1 #ff-ge2 in ,greece1 #ge-hj4 ,timat1 in ,babylonian cosmogony1 #aha4 ,tiele1 ,professor1 #dj1 #db1 #ha1 #aii4 ,tralles1 religious prostitutes at1 #bge4 ,trinities1 #ahe-ahg4 ,truthfulness1 religious virtue1 #adh4 ,typhoeus1 legend of1 #ahb-ahc4 ,van ,gennep1 #bgi4 ,ver ,sacrum1 in ,greece1 #acg4 ,virgin-goddesses1 not found among ,aryans1 #ie2 ,mediterranean1 #if4 ,virginity1 sacrifice of1 #bfi-bha4 ,virgin-,mother1 idea of1 #aff-aga4 ,westermarck1 ,professor1 #da n4 #a1 #bgh4 ,wilde1 ,dr41 #a4 ,word1 mystic value of1 #ae1 #ef1 #eg1 #agf-agi1 #bie-big4 ,worship1 ambiguity in term1 #fg1 #gg4 ,zeus1 #di2 grave of1 in ,crete1 #ic1 #bei-bfj2 ,herkeios1 #adi-aej2 ,horios1 #aeb2 ,kouros1 #bei2 ,panamaros in ,caria1 #ij2 ,polieus1 #bch2 ,thunderer in ,bithynia1 #ie4 ,,endnotes4 ,,chapter ,i ,,notes #aa4a ,i am aware that there are exceptions to this principle1 which ,i propose to consider in a future course2 no single formula can ever sum up all the phenomena of a complex religion4 #ad4a ,vide ,langdon1 in ,transactions of ,congress of the ,history of ,religions1 #aijh1 vol4 i4 p4 #bea4 #ae4a ,p4 #chb1 ,c4 #ae4b ,vide ,petrie1 in ,transactions of ,congress of the ,history of ,religions1 #aijh1 vol4 i4 p4 #aib4 #ag4a ,archiv fr ,religionswissenschaft1 #aijd4 #ag4b ,vide ,jastrow1 ,religion ,babyloniens u4 ,assyriens1 vol4 i4 p4 #ede4 #bj4a ,vide my ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #aci-aeb4 #ba4a #a4 #acb4 #be4a ,transactions of ,congress of ,history of ,religions1 #aijh1 vol4 i4 p4 #aib4 #be4b ,hibbert ,journal1 #aijd1 8,sacrificial ,communion in ,greek ,religion40 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,notes #ca4a ,vide the critical remarks on such a view by ,prof4 ,jastrow in ,transactions of the ,third ,international ,congress of the ,history of ,religions1 vol4 i4 pp4 #bcd-bcg4 #cd4a ,vide ,annual of the ,british ,school1 #aiji1 #aiaj4 #ce4a ,vide ,zimmern1 ,die ,keilinschriften und das alte ,testament 7,k4,a4,t47#c1 pp4 #cg-ch4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,notes #dj4a ,vide supra1 p4 #i4 #da4a ,westermarck maintains the view in his ,origin and ,development of ,moral ,ideas1 pp4 #ffc-ffd1 that in many savage religions the gods have no concern with ordinary morality2 but the statistics he gives need careful testing4 #db4a ,op4 cit41 p4 #agj2 as far as ,i know1 only one fact might be cited in support of ,tiele's view1 a fact mentioned by ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #eb1 that the ideogram of ,enlil1 the god of ,nippur1 signifies ,lord-,daimon 7,lil ,daimon72 but we might equally well interpret it 8,lord of ,winds40 #db4b ,vide ,hsing1 ,der ,zagros und seine ,vlker1 p4 #af4 #dc4a ,vide ,plate in ,winckler1 8,die ,gesetze ,hammurabi10 in ,der ,alte ,orient1 #aijf4 #dc4b ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,histoire de l'art1 ,assyrie1 p4 #aji1 fig4 #bi 7,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bceh74 #dd4a #c1 #h4 #de4a ,messerschmidt1 ,die ,hettiter1 p4 #i2 ,stanley ,cook1 ,religion of ,ancient ,palestine1 p4 #gc4 #de4b ,so ,cook1 op4 cit41 p4 #gc1 who interprets her as ,astarte4 #de4c ,winckler1 ,tel-,el-,amarna ,letters1 #ag4 #df4a ,vide ,winckler1 ,mittheil des deutsch4 ,orientgesellsch41 #aijg1 ,no4 #ce4 #df4b ,winckler1 ,die ,vlker ,vorderasiens1 p4 #ba2 ,messerschmidt1 op4 cit41 p4 #e2 ,kennedy1 ,journ4 ,royal ,asiat4 ,soc41 #aiji1 p4 #aaaj1 declares that their language has been proved to belong to the ,ural-,altaic group and to be akin to ,vannic4 #df4c ,vide ,messerschmidt1 p4 #be 7plate72 ,von ,oppenheim1 ,der ,tel-,halaf und die verschleierte ,gottin1 p4 #ag1 publishes a somewhat similar figure holding a kind of club4 #dg4a ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,histoire de l'art1 iv4 p4 #ced 7fig474 #dg4b ,vide ,garstang1 ,the ,land of the ,hittites1 pl4 lxiii4-lxxi42 ,messerschmidt1 op4 cit41 pp4 #bf-bg4 #dh4a e4g4 ,outlines of ,greek ,religion1 by ,r4 ,karsten1 p4 #f4 #dh4b ,vide supra1 p4 #df2 cf4 ,e4 ,meyer1 ,das erste ,auftreten der ,arier in der ,geschichte in ,sitzungsb4 d4 konigl4 ,preuss4 ,akad4 ,wissensch41 #aijh1 pp4 #ad seq4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,notes #eb4a ,vide supra1 p4 #dc4 #eb4b ,vide supra1 p4 #dc4 #eb4c ,vide ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 vol4 iii4 p4 #dh1 s4v4 8,nebo40 #eb4d ,vide ,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #fg 7,mitth4 aus dem ,orient4 ,sammlung4 zu ,berlin1 ,heft xi4 p4 #bc74 #eb4e ,monuments of ,nineveh1 i4 p4 #fe 7,roscher1 op4 cit41 ii4 p4 #bcej74 #eb4f ,p4 #dc4 #eb4g ,roscher1 op4 cit41 vol4 iv4 p4 #bi4 #ec4a ,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #bed-bee4 #ec4b ,schrader1 ,keil4 ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #ada4 #ec4c ,frag4 ,hist4 ,graec41 ii4 p4 #dif4 ,frag4 #a1 #c4 #ec4d ,nineveh and ,babylon1 pl4 vi4 7,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #ehj74 #ed4a ,layard1 ,nineveh and ,babylon1 fig4 #b4 ,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #ehj4 #ed4b ,in the ,amer4 ,journ4 ,archael41 #ahhg1 pp4 #ei-fj1 ,frothingham cites examples from ,assyrian cylinders of birds on pillars or altar with worshippers approaching3 one of these shows us a seated god in front of the bird 7pl4 vii4 #a72 on another1 a warrior approaches a tabernacle1 within which is a horse's head on an altar1 and near it a bird on a column 7pl4 vii4 #b2 cf4 the boundary-stone of ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 published by ,miss ,harrison1 ,trans4 ,congr4 ,hist4 ,rel41 #aijh1 vol4 ii4 p4 #aeh72 we find also a winged genius adoring an altar on which is a cock4 ,but cocks and other birds were sacrificial animals in ,babylonian ritual1 and might be interpreted in all these cases as mere temporary embodiments of the divinity's power2 the human-shaped divinity is once represented by the side of the bird1 and might always have been imagined as present though unseen4 #ee4a ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #bfh4 #ee4b ,vide chapter i4 pp4 #ad-ae4 #ef4a ,langdon1 ,sumerian and ,babylonian ,psalms1 p4 #abg4 #ef4b ,schrader1 ,keilinsch4 ,bibl41 ii4 pp4 #gi1 #hc4 #ef4c ,op4 cit41 p4 xix4 #eg4a ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #aei1 n4 #ah4 ,compare with this the personification of abstract ideas2 the children of ,shamash are ,justice 7,kettu7 and ,law 7,msaru71 and remain impersonal agencies1 unlike the ,greek 4 ,a deified ,righteousness 7sedek7 has been inferred from personal names that occur in the ,amarna documents2 vide ,cook1 ,palestine1 p4 #ic4 #eg4b ,vide his article on 8,eschmun-,asklepios10 in ,orient4 ,stud4 zu ,th4 ,nldeke am #gjten ,geburtstag gewidmet3 the proofs are doubtful1 but snake-worship in ,phoenicia is attested by ,sanchuniathon1 ,eus4 ,praep4 ,ev41 #a1 #aj1 #df4 #eg4c ,cook1 ,religion of ,ancient ,palestine1 pp4 #cj-ca4 #eh4a ,praep4 ,ev41 #a1 #aj1 #ca4 ,glaser1 ,mittheilungen uber einige ,sabaeische ,inschriften1 p4 #c-d1 gives reasons for affirming the worship of black bulls in heathen ,arabia2 but it is not clear in what relation these stood to the high personal divinities4 #eh4b ,op4 cit41 p4 #ede4 #ei4a ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #bbc4 #ei4b ,zimmern1 ,babyl4 ,hymn4 w4 ,gebete1 p4 #aa4 #ei4c ,c4 ,i4 ,sem41 #bej4 #fj4a ,for references1 vide my ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 vol4 ii41 8,aphrodite10 ,r4 #aac;a4 #fj4b ,vide ,head1 ,hist4 ,num41 p4 #ehf4 #fa4a ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,histoire de l'art1 iv4 fig4 #cbi2 cf4 ,garstang1 op4 cit41 p4 #bef4 #fa4b ,supra1 p #dc4 #fa4c ,messerschmidt1 op4 cit41 p4 #bc4 #fa4d ,journ4 ,roy4 ,asiat4 ,soc41 #aiji1 p4 #iga4 #fb4a ,luschan1 ,ausgrabungen in ,sendschirli1 ,heft iii4 ,taf4 #db1 #dc2 cf4 ,garstang1 op4 cit41 p4 #bgd4 #fb4b ,vide ,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii41 s4v4 8,ramman40 #fb4c ,perrot et ,chipiez1 op4 cit41 iv4 p4 #edi1 fig4 #bgf2 cf4 fig4 #bgh4 #fb4d ,op4 cit41 ii4 pp4 #fdb-fdd4 #fc4a ,cumont1 ,voyage d'exploration dans le ,pont1 p4 #aci4 #fd4a ,vide ,perrot et ,chipiez1 op4 cit41 vol4 iv4 fig4 #ajg2 cf4 the relief-figure of ,cybele on a ,phrygian rock-tomb1 wearing on her head a polos1 with two lions rampant raising their paws to her head1 published by ,ramsay1 ,hell4 ,journ41 #ahhd1 vol4 v4 p4 #bde2 cf4 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 iv4 fig4 #aaj 78little more than the earlier columnar form of the goddess slightly hewn10 ,evans1 ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 p4 #aff74 #fd4b ,vide 8,mycenaean ,stone and ,pillar-cult10 ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija4 #fe4a ,evans1 8,report of ,excavations10 ,ann4 ,brit4 ,school1 #aijb-aijc1 p4 #ib1 fig4 #fc4 #fe4b ,ann4 ,brit4 ,school1 #aijj-aija1 p4 #bi1 fig4 #i4 #fe4c ,published by ,evans in ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 p4 #agj1 fig4 #dh4 #fe4d ,vide ,paribeni's publication in the ,monumenti ,antichi della ,accademia dei ,lincei1 #aijh 7xix471 pp4 #f-hf1 pls4 i4-iii4 #fe4e ,cf4 ,ann4 ,brit4 ,school1 #aijj-aija1 p4 #ei1 fig4 #ch2 young god with shield and spear and lioness or mastiff by his side1 on clay seal impression4 #fi4a ,ann4 ,brit4 ,school1 #aija-aijb1 p4 #bi4 #gj4a ,op4 cit41 p4 #ih1 fig4 #ef4 #gj4b ,trans4 ,cong4 ,hist4 ,relig41 ii4 p4 #aee4 #gj4c ,p4 #fe4 #ga4a ,op4 cit41 i4 p4 #bed4 #ga4b ,ann4 ,brit4 ,school1 #aijj-aija1 p4 #bi1 n4 #c4 #ga4c ,ib41 p4 #ih4 #gb4a ,lucian1 ,de ,dea ,syr41 #cd2 cf4 ,diod4 ,sic4 #b1 #e4 ,dove with 8,astarte0 on coins of ,askalon1 autonomous and imperial1 ,head1 ,hist4 ,num41 p4 #fgi4 #gb4b ,according to ,aelian1 certain sparrows were sacred to ,asklepios1 and the ,athenians put a man to death for slaying one 7,var4 ,hist41 v4 #ag74 ,did ,asklepios as an anthropomorphic divinity emerge from the sparrow8 ,what1 then1 should we say of the sacred snake who might better claim to be his parent8 ,was ,hermes as a god evolved from a sacred cock8 ,miss ,harrison believes it 7op4 cit41 ii4 p4 #afa71 because he is represented on a late ,greek patera standing before a cock on a pillar4 ,but the cock came into ,europe perhaps one thousand years after ,hermes had won to divine manhood in ,arcadia4 ,on the same evidence we might be forced to say that the goddess ,leto came from the cock 7vide ,roscher's ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #aifh1 cock on gem in ,vienna1 with inscription 74 #gc4a ,ann4 ,brit4 ,school1 #aijj-aija1 p4 #cj2 cf4 the paper by ,m4 ,salomon ,reinach1 8,anthropologie10 vi41 8,la sculpture en ,europe avant les influences ,grco-,romaines10 p4 #efa4 #gd4a ,evans in ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 p4 #afi2 ,winter1 ,arch4 ,anz41 #ahij1 p4 #ajh4 #gd4b ,hogarth1 ,hell4 ,journ41 #aijb1 p4 #ib4 #gd4c ,vide gem from ,vapheio1 published by ,evans1 ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 p4 #aja1 fig4 #a2 cf4 p4 #aag1 figs4 #ac1 #ad4 #ge4a ,hogarth1 op4 cit41 pp4 #gi1 #ia4 #ge4b ,evans1 ,palace of ,cnossus1 p4 #ah1 fig4 #g;a4 #gf4a ,vide my ,cults1 iv4 p4 #aae4 #gg4a ,protrept41 p4 #cd1 ,p4 #gg4b ,protrept41 p4 #cd1 ,p42 ,aelian1 ,nat4 ,an41 xii4 #e4 ,similarly1 when ,diodorus tells us that 8the ,syrians honoured doves as goddesses0 7#b1 #e71 the statement lets little light on the real religious feeling and religious practice of the people4 #gg4c ,op4 cit41 pp4 #abi-aeb4 #gh4a ,see my ,cults1 v4 pp4 #afe1 #afg1 ,r4 #gi4 #gh4b ,anthropological ,essays presented to ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 p4 #ii4 #gh4c ,cults1 iv4 p4 #aae4 #gh4d ,this view of the passage is more probable than that which ,i have taken in ,cults1 i4 p4 #cg 7,r4 #h1 p4 #ada74 #gi4a ,commentary on ,pausanias1 vol4 iii4 p4 #ee4 #hj4a ,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 #ahii1 p4 #fce 7plate74 ,,chapter ,v ,,notes #hb4a ,archiv4 fr ,religionswissenschaft1 #aijd1 8,sociologic hypotheses concerning the position of women in ancient religion40 #hc4a ,vide supra1 p4 #dc4 #hc4b ,vide ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 i4 p4 #baf4 #hc4c ,zimmern1 ,bab4 ,hymn4 u4 ,gebete1 p4 #bj4 #hc4d ,ib41 p4 #bd4 #hd4a ,a4 ,jeremias in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 vol4 iii4 p4 #fb1 s4v4 8,nebo40 #hd4b ,zeitschr4 f4 ,assyriologie1 #ahij1 p4 #gb4 #hd4c ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 vol4 i4 p4 #ebe2 cf4 the inscription of the last of the ,babylonian kings1 ,nabuna'id1 who prays to ,ningal1 the mother of the great gods1 to plead for him before ,sin 7,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 iii4 p4 #ajc74 #he4a ,der ,alte ,orient 7#aijd71 p4 #bj4 #he4b ,weber1 op4 cit41 p4 #ai4 #he4c ,c4 ,i4 ,sem41 #b1 #a1 n4 #b1 #aac4 #he4d ,sanda1 ,der ,alte ,orient1 8,die ,aramer10 p4 #bd4 #he4e ,lagrange1 tudes sur les religions smitiques1 p4 #dib4 #hf4a xxi4 #bi4 #hf4b ,von ,landau1 ,die phnizischen ,inschriften1 p4 #ac4 #hf4c ,c4 ,i4 ,sem41 #a1 ii4 ad init4 #hf4d ,ib41 #a1 #g1 p4 #b4 #hf4e ,von ,landau1 op4 cit41 p4 #ad4 #hg4a ,adonis1 ,attis1 ,osiris1 #bnd ed41 p4 #ajh2 ,garstang1 op4 cit41 pl4 lxv4 #hg4b ,messerschmidt1 ,die ,hettiter1 pp4 #bg1 #bh4 #hg4c ,perrot et ,chipiez1 op4 cit41 figs4 #bhj1 #bha4 #hg4d ,garstang1 op4 cit41 pl4 lxxiii4 pp4 #bfb-bfc1 #bfg-bfh4 #hh4a ,der ,alte ,orient1 #aijh2 ,der ,tel-,halaf und die verschleierte ,gttin1 pp4 #cc1 #cf4 #hh4b ,vide ,cook1 ,religion of ,ancient ,palestine1 p4 #gc2 ,winckler1 ,tel-el-,amarna ,tablets2 ,garstang1 op4 cit41 p4 #cdh4 #hh4c ,published by ,ramsay1 ,cities of ,st4 ,paul1 p4 #acd1 fig4 #g4 #hh4d ,garstang1 op4 cit41 pp4 #age-agf1 interprets the figure as a priest4 #hi4a ,vide my ,cults1 vol4 ii41 ,artemis-,references1 ,r4 #gim4 #hi4b ,adonis1 etc41 #bnd ed41 p4 #abi4 #hi4c ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #eb4 #hi4d ,in lecture delivered in ,oxford on 8,apollo10 and published #aiji2 cf4 his article in ,hermes1 #aijc1 p4 #ege4 #ij4a ,cults1 vol4 ii41 8,artemis0 ,coin-,pl4 ,b1 n4 #bh4 #ij4b ,pp4 #fea1 #feb1 #ffe4 #ia4a ,the inscriptions throwing light on the cult at ,panamara are contained in ,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 #aa1 #ab1 #ae 7years #ahhg1 #ahhh1 #ahia72 cf4 the article in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 vol4 iii41 s4v4 8,panamaros40 #ia4b ,vide my ,cults1 vol4 iv4 p4 #agc2 cf4 ib41 ,apollo ,geogr4 ,reg41 s4v4 8,phrygia10 p4 #deb1 and ,r4 #eg4 #ia4c ,the type with many breasts might have been suggested by ,babylonian symbolism1 for the ,goddess of ,nineveh is spoken of as four-breasted 7vide ,jeremias in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 vol4 ii41 s4v4 8,nebo071 but ,dr4 ,hogarth's excavations have shown that this form of the ,ephesian idol is late4 #ib4a ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 p4 #afh4 #ic4a ,vide op4 cit41 p4 #ajh1 fig4 #d1 and p4 #age1 fig4 #ea4 #ic4b ,cults1 vol4 i4 pp4 #cf-ch2 vol4 iii4 pp4 #bid-bif4 #ic4c ,cf4 those cited in note #a above1 and the shield-bearing figure painted on the tomb of ,milato in ,crete 7ib4 p4 #agd74 #id4a ,mutter ,erde1 #aije4 #id4b ,vide my ,cults1 v4 pp4 #cde-cfe4 #ie4a ,the ,celtic question is more difficult3 ,prof4 ,rhys in his excellent paper on ,celtic religion1 read as a ,presidential address at the ,congress of the ,history of ,religions1 #aijh 7,transactions1 ii4 pp4 #bja-bbe71 gives the impression that the goddess was more in evidence than the god in old ,irish mythology1 and doubts whether to attribute this to the non-,indogermanic strain in the population2 he notices also certain 8matriarchal0 phenomena in the religion2 cf4 ib41 p4 #bdb4 #ie4b ,herod41 #a1 #id2 #d1 #de 7note here the ,thracian associations of ,manes74 #if4a ,the ,romanised-,celtic cult of a vague group of 8,sanctae ,virgines10 attested by an inscription found near ,lyons 7,rhys1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #ajb71 counts very little against this induction4 #if4b ,the warlike character of these ,virgin ,goddesses1 ,athena1 ,ishtar1 might be explained on a sociologic hypothesis that would also account for ,amazonism2 in modern ,albania the girl who refuses marriage is allowed to wear man's dress and to bear arms1 vide ,journ4 ,anthrop4 ,inst41 #aiaj1 p4 #dfj4 #if4c ,but in a recent paper 7,athenische ,mittheilungen1 #aiaa1 p4 #bg7 ,frickenhaus and ,mller give reasons for dating the earliest ,heraeum to the eighth century4 ,at any rate1 the goddess-cult in this locality was vastly older4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,notes #ajj4a ,bab4 ,hym4 u4 ,gebet41 p4 #aa4 #ajj4b ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #bcj4 #ajj4c ,in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 ii4 #bcga2 cf4 ib41 #bcfg4 #aja4a ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #cfd4 #aja4b ,jeremias1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #bej4 #aja4c ,langdon1 ,sum4 ,babyl4 ,psalms1 p4 #hc4 #aja4d ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 p4 #beb4 #ajb4a ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #dhd4 #ajb4b ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii41 s4v4 8,nebo40 #ajb4c ,as ,jeremias supposes1 ,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #fj4 #ajb4d ,vide ,tiele1 ,histoire des anc4 relig41 p4 #bdb4 #ajc4a ,vide ,winckler1 ,himmels und ,weltenbild der ,babylonier1 pp4 #aj-aa4 ,jeremias1 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #eh4 ,but ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #hd1 seems to believe in the planetary origin of ,ishtar1 and would explain her character as the planet ,venus4 #ajc4b ,winckler1 ib41 p4 #aa4 #ajc4c ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 pp4 #ff-fg4 #ajd4a ,langdon1 ,hymn xiii4 p4 #aii4 #ajd4b ,ib41 p4 #bba4 #ajd4c ,ib41 p4 #bgg4 #ajd4d ,ib41 p4 #bbc4 #ajd4e ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #ee4 #ajd4f ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #beg4 #aje4a ,pinches1 ,babylonian and ,assyrian ,religions1 p4 #ajd2 cf4 8,nidaba10 ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #ie1 a goddess of agriculture4 #aje4b 8,der ,babylonische ,gott ,tamuz10 in ,abh4 ,knig4 ,schs4 ,gesell4 ,wiss41 xxvii4 7#aiji74 #aje4c ,zimmern regards ,dumuzi or ,damuzi as shortened from ,dumuzi-,abzu1 but ,jastrow 7op4 cit41 p4 #ij7 would keep the two names distinct1 and interprets ,dumuzi simply as 8,son of ,life40 #aje4d ,vide ,zimmern in ,sitzungsb4 ,knig4 ,schs4 ,gesell4 ,wiss41 #aijg4 #aje4e ,zimmern1 ib41 p4 #bjh2 cf4 ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #cjg4 #ajf4a ,zimmern1 ,sitzungsb4 ,knig4 ,schs4 ,gesell4 ,wiss41 p4 #bbj4 #ajf4b ,eus41 ,praep4 ,ev41 #a1 #i1 #bi4 #ajf4c ,ib41 #a1 #aj1 #f4 #ajg4a ,eus41 ,praep4 ,ev41 #a1 #aj1 #g4 #ajg4b ,rel4 of ,sem41 pp4 #if-ajj4 #ajg4c ,polyb41 #g1 #i 7the ,carthaginian oath of alliance with ,philip of ,macedon74 #ajh4a ,garstang1 op4 cit41 p4 #cdh4 #ajh4b ,vide supra1 p4 #hh4 #ajh4c ,vide my ,cults1 vol4 iii4 pp4 #bie-cjj4 #aji4a ,vide ,ramsay1 ,hell4 ,journ41 v4 p4 #bfa2 my ,cults1 iii4 p4 #bii4 #aji4b ,ramsay1 ib41 p4 #bdb4 #aji4c ,cults1 vol4 v4 p4 #bif 7,dionysos1 ,r4 #fc;d74 #aji4d ,the axe1 the thunder-fetish1 is attached to her at times1 either because it was the prevalent religious symbol in ,crete or because of her union with the ,thunder-,god4 #aaj4a ,e4g4 the 8,tile-,god10 the lord of foundations and tiles1 mentioned in the inscription of ,nabonid in ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 iii4 p4 #aja2 but cf4 ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #agf1 who regards him as a special form of ,ea4 #aaa4a ,vol4 v4 #dag-dbj4 #aaa4b ,for ,sun-worship indicated by ,minoan monuments vide ,evans1 ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 pp4 #agb-agc2 on a stone at ,tenos we find a curious inscription1 7,cults1 v4 p4 #dea1 ,r4 #cg71 and ,sarpedon is a ,minoan-,rhodian figure4 #aab4a ,vide ,cults1 v4 pp4 #dej-dec1 for references4 #aac4a ,e4g4 ,plutarch1 ,vit4 ,agid41 c4 #aa 7the ,spartan ephors every nine years watch the sky1 and if a star falls take it for a sign of some religious offence of one of the kings1 who is suspended until the ,delphic oracle determines about him74 #aac4b ,cults1 vol4 i41 8,zeus10 ,r4 #cj4 #aac4c ,ib41 vol4 v4 p4 #deb1 ,r4 #da4 #aac4d ,ib41 p4 #dej1 ,r4 #bd4 #aac4e ,lakonische ,kulte1 p4 #caf4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,notes #aag4a ,mller1 ,frag4 ,hist4 ,gr41 ii4 #dig4 #aag4b ,vide ,pinches1 op4 cit41 p4 #gf4 #aag4c ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #bdf4 #aag4d ,id41 p4 #adf4 #aag4e ,id41 p4 #big4 #aah4a ,cities and ,bishoprics of ,phrygia1 p4 #fha4 #aah4b ,vide ,margoliouth1 ,life of ,mahomet1 pp4 #g1 #h4 #aai4a ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 iii4 #a1 p4 #hg4 #aai4b ,king1 ,hammurabi1 pl4 #aia1 no4 #ig1 col4 ii42 ,jeremias1 in ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iv4 p4 #bi1 s4v4 8,ramman40 #aai4c ,jeremias1 s4v4 8,nebo10 in ,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #fb4 #aai4d ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #cgi4 #abj4a ,schiel in ,rev4 de l'histoire des religions1 #ahig1 p4 #bjg4 #abj4b ,jeremias1 ,bab4 ,assyr4 ,vorstellungen von dem ,leben nach dem ,tode1 p4 #ia4 #abj4c ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dcj4 #abj4d ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 vol4 i4 p4 #cd4 #abj4e ,johns1 ,babylonian and ,assyrian ,laws1 etc41 p4 #bg4 #aba4a ,reproduced on title-page of ,winckler1 ,die ,gesetze ,hammurabi4 #aba4b ,winckler1 op4 cit41 p4 #aj4 #aba4c ,ib41 p4 #ci4 #aba4d ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #dg4 #aba4e ,vide ,knudtzon1 ,assyrische ,gebete an den ,sonnengott1 p4 #bda4 #aba4f ,vide ,langdon1 ,expositor1 #aiji1 p4 #adi2 cf4 ,jeremias1 s4v4 8,nebo10 ,roscher1 op4 cit41 iii4 p4 #ee4 #abb4a ,jeremias1 ,die ,cultus-tafel von ,sippar4 #abb4b ,see ,jeremias1 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 pp4 #fb-fc4 #abb4c ,op4 cit41 p4 #agj4 #abb4d ,op4 cit41 p4 #bbc4 #abb4e ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #fci-fdj4 #abc4a ,vide ,hilprecht in ,babyl4 ,exped4 ,univ4 ,pennsylv41 vol4 v4 series ,d1 pp4 #bd-bi4 #abc4b ,vide ,langdon1 ,transactions of ,congress of ,history of ,religions1 vol4 i4 p4 #bea4 #abc4c ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 iii4 #a1 p4 #ig4 #abc4d ,vide ,frazer's paragraph on the divine character of ,semitic kings in ,adonis1 ,attis1 ,osiris#b1 pp4 #ab-ac4 #abc4e ,lagrange1 tudes sur les religions smitiques1 p4 #dib4 #abc4f ,op4 cit41 p4 #dha4 #abd4a ,c4 ,i4 ,sem4 #a1 #a1 #a 7cf4 8,die ,phnizischen ,inschriften10 by ,freiherr von ,landau1 in ,der ,alte ,orient1 #aijg1 p4 #ac74 #abd4b ,ezek4 xxix4 #b1 #i2 quoted by ,frazer1 supra4 #abd4c ,the same figure which ,i interpret as the priest-king occurs in other religious scenes of ,hittite sculpture2 the type might often have been used for the priest pure and simple1 as ,dr4 ,frazer would always interpret it 7vide op4 cit41 pp4 #ajc-ajh74 #abe4a ,op4 cit41 pp4 #eg-eh4 #abe4b ,strab41 p4 #ece4 #abe4c ,vide ,ramsay1 ,hell4 ,journ41 x4 p4 #aeh2 cf4 ,hyginus1 #aia 7,midas ,rex ,mydonius filius matris ,deae74 #abe4d ,chil41 #a1 #dgc2 vide ,cook in ,class4 ,rev41 #aijc1 p4 #djh4 #abf4a ,vide my ,cults1 v4 pp4 #cej-ced2 ,frazer1 ,journ4 ,philol41 xiv4 8,the ,prytaneum1 ,temple of ,vesta40 #abg4a ,c4 ,d4 ,gray1 ,the ,samas ,religious ,texts 7,brit4 ,mus471 ,hymn #a4 #abg4b ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #aca4 #abg4c ,cook1 ,religions of ,ancient ,palestine1 p4 #aji4 #abg4d ,jeremias1 ,hlle u4 ,paradies1 p4 #ag4 #abh4a ,sterrett1 ,epigraphical ,journey1 ,no4 #fe4 #abh4b ,vide ,cults1 vol4 v4 p4 #ai4 #abh4c ,vide ,frazer1 ,psyche's ,task1 pp4 #ah-cj4 #abi4a ,vide ,winckler's 8,die ,gesetze ,hammurabi0 in ,der ,alte ,orient1 #aijf2 an ,english version of the code in ,johns' ,babylonian and ,assyrian ,laws and ,contracts4 #acj4a ,the son of the slain man could claim compensation for manslaughter4 ,in an ,assyrian document a slave-girl is handed over to the son at the grave of the slain man4 ,this is interesting1 for it seems to point to some consideration for the feelings of the ghost 7vide ,johns1 op4 cit41 p4 #aaf74 #acb4a ,vide ,johns1 op4 cit41 p4 #gg4 #acb4b ,op4 cit41 p4 #hc4 #acb4c ,op4 cit41 p4 #he4 #acb4d ,op4 cit41 p4 #hf4 #acb4e ,op4 cit41 p4 #ij4 #acc4a ,translated by ,scheil in ,rev4 de l'hist4 des ,religions1 #ahig1 p4 #bje4 #acc4b ,zimmern in ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dee2 cf4 his ,beitrge zur ,kenntniss der ,babyl4 ,religion1 ii4 p4 #adg1 8for the ,house-,god1 the ,house-,goddess1 for the ,house-daimon thou shalt erect three altars40 #acd4a ,for exceptions1 vide infra1 pp4 #bac1 #bag4 #acd4b ,vide ,johns1 op4 cit41 p4 #acc2 quoting from paper by ,dr4 ,pinches in ,proceedings of the ,victoria ,institute1 #ahib-ic1 8,notes on some recent ,discoveries in the ,realm of ,assyriology40 #acd4c ,johns1 op4 cit41 p4 #aed1 etc41 treats ,babylonian adoption wholly as a secular business based on secular feelings4 #acf4a ,il41 #ah1 #eje4 #acg4a ,od41 #c1 #bae4 #acg4b ,vide ,cults1 iv4 pp4 #bja-bjb4 #acg4c ,ib41 p4 #bjb4 #acg4d ,ib41 pp4 #ajd-ajf4 #ach4a ,vide my ,cults1 iii4 pp4 #hj-ha4 #ach4b ,ib41 pp4 #ec-ee4 #ach4c ,vide supra1 pp4 #abi-aca4 #aci4a ,vide my ,cults1 v4 p4 #cde4 #aci4b ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #aci-aeb4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,notes #adb4a ,zimmern1 ,babylonische ,hymnen und ,gebete1 p4 #bj4 #adb4b ,pinches1 op4 cit41 p4 #gg4 #adb4c ,vide ,jeremias1 ,bab4 ,assyr4 ,vorstellungen vom ,leben nach dem ,tode1 p4 #fh4 #adb4d ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #dcc-dcd4 #adc4a ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 pp4 #dab1 #ehg4 #adc4b ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #hc4 #adc4c ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 vi4 p4 #dg1 s4v4 8,ramman40 #add4a ,certain other minor powers or daimones1 such as the corn-deity1 the ,lord of ,watercourses 7,shuqamunu71 may have remained purely 8functional10 and have acquired no moral attributes beyond the beneficent exercises of their special function4 ,but the habitual ,babylonian tendency is to moralise all the gods and goddesses4 #ade4a or 1 ,cults1 ii4 p4 #ffe1 and 1 ib41 v4 p4 #aef4 #adf4a ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #daf-dah2 ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 pp4 #big1 #dhg4 #adh4a ,weber1 ,dmonenbeschwrung bei den ,babyloniern und ,assyrern1 p4 #h4 #adh4b ,il41 #i1 #cab4 #aej4a ,od41 #bb1 #ccd4 #aej4b ,il41 #i1 #fc4 #aej4c ,il41 #ae1 #bjd4 #aej4d ,od41 #aa1 #bhj4 #aea4a ,weber1 op4 cit41 p4 #h4 #aeb4a ,gray1 ,sama ,religious ,texts 7,british ,museum71 ,hymn #a4 #aeb4b ,zimmern1 ,babylonische ,hymnen u4 ,gebete1 p4 #ah4 #aec4a ,weber1 op4 cit41 p4 #i4 #aec4b ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #bc4 #aed4a 8,i have sinned and am therefore ill10 is the conventional formula in the confessional exorcism 7,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #bf74 #aed4b ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 pp4 #bc-bd4 #aee4a ,op4 cit41 pp4 #bh-cj4 #aeg4a ,vide my ,evolution of ,religion1 p4 #abh4 #aei4a ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #di4 #aei4b ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #bfi4 #aei4c ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #ecf4 ,for the idea of the goddess as the pleader for man before the high god1 cf4 the prayer of ,ashurbanapal to ,ninlil 7,jastrow1 p4 #ebe74 #aei4d ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #ae2 ib41 p4 #aa4 #aei4e ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #bjj4 #afj4a ,il41 #i1 #dig2 cf4 my ,cults1 i4 pp4 #gb-gc1 #ge-gg4 #afj4b ,vide ,jeremias in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bcee4 #afj4c ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #bbe4 #afj4d ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #dij4 #afj4e ,ib41 p4 #ebi4 #afj4f ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #c4 #afa4a ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #cai4 #afa4b ,cults1 iii4 p4 #cc4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,,notes #afc4a ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bced4 #afc4b ,vide ,jeremias1 ,die ,cultus-,tafel von ,sippar1 p4 #bi4 #afe4a ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #aia4 #afe4b ,ib41 p4 #aic4 #afe4c ,ib41 p4 #bhi4 #afe4d ,ib41 p4 #c4 #afe4e ,tabl4 #i1 #a1 #aa4 #afe4f ,choix des textes religieux ,assyriens ,babyloniens1 p4 #bgj4 #afe4g ,vide ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dbc2 but cf4 his ,beitrge zur ,kenntniss d4 ,babyl4 ,relig41 ii4 p4 #agi1 8trefflich ist die grosse ,buhle die herrliche ,istar40 #aff4a ,e4g4 by ,dhorme1 op4 cit4 #aff4b ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #dg4 #aff4c ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #aa4 #aff4d ,ib41 p4 #bhi4 #aff4e ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 #dfj4 #afh4a ,only a late ,greek inscription from ,berytos designates ,baal as the pure ,god 7,dittenberger1 ,orient4 ,graec4 ,inscr41 #eij74 #afh4b ,lagrange1 tudes sur les religions smitiques1 p4 #dhb4 #afh4c ,vide ,weber1 ,arabien vor dem ,islam1 p4 #ah4 #afh4d ,epiphanius1 ,panarium1 #ea2 cf4 my ,cults1 ii4 #fbi4 #afh4e ,c4 ,i4 ,sem41 #a1 #a1 #aie4 #afi4a ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 #b1 #d2 cf4 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 i41 s4v4 8,caelestis40 ,c4,i4,l41 #h1 #igif4 #afi4b ,perrot et ,chipiez1 op4 cit41 iv4 fig4 #bhj4 #afi4c ,year #aiji4 #agj4a ,vide ,cults1 iii4 pp4 #cje-cjf2 ,sir ,william ,ramsay1 in ,amer4 ,journ4 ,arch41 #ahhg1 p4 #cdh1 expressed his belief in the prevalence of the cult of an ,anatolian goddess in the later period1 regarded as a virgin-mother and named ,artemis-,leto2 the fact is merely that the goddess ,anaitis was usually identified with ,artemis1 but occasionally with ,leto2 but we nowhere find ,artemis explicitly identified with ,leto1 and the interpretation which he gives to the ,messapian inscription 7,artamihi ,lathoi1 vide ,rhein4 ,mus41 #ahhg1 p4 #bcb1 ,deeke7 appears to me unconvincing4 #agj4b ,the fact that a part of her temple at ,kyzikos was called does not indicate a virgin-goddess4 ,m4 ,reinach is1 in my opinion1 right in explaining it as 8the apartment of the maidens0 where the maiden priestesses assembled 7,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 #aijh1 p4 #dii74 #aga4a ,cults1 vol4 i41 8,athena10 ,r4 #ff4 #aga4b ,a different view of the whole question might be presented if ,i was dealing here with the evidence gleaned from the period just before ,christianity4 #agb4a ,cults1 iii4 p4 #bjf4 #agb4b #h1 #dd1 #e4 ,,chapter ,x ,,notes #agc4a ,langdon1 op4 cit41 pp4 #a1 #g4 #agd4a ,vide ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #bbe4 #agd4b ,vide ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bcdh4 #agd4c ,vide ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dja4 #age4a ,even the ,pythian ,apollo1 in our earliest record of his oracle1 is only the voice of 8the counsels of ,god0 7cf4 ,hom4 ,od41 #h1 #gi74 #agf4a ,weber1 ,dmonenbeschwrung bei den ,babyloniern und ,assyrern1 p4 #g4 #agf4b ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bcee1 quoting ,hymn iv4 ,r4 #bi1 #a4 #agf4c ,dhorme1 ,choix1 etc41 p4 #be1 l4 #ci4 #agf4d ,e4g4 ,langdon1 op4 cit41 pp4 #ci-da2 cf4 p4 xix4 #agf4e ,zimmern1 ,babyl4 ,hymne u4 ,gebete1 p4 #h4 #agg4a ,dhorme1 ,choix1 etc41 p4 #cdc4 #agg4b ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bcfg 7iv4 ,r4 #bf1 n4 #d74 #agg4c ,langdon1 op4 cit41 pp4 #ci1 #ii4 #agg4d ,vide my essays in ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #ahd-aib4 #agg4e ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #abi4 #agg4f ,dhorme1 op4 cit41 p4 #e1 l4 #g4 #agg4g ,jeremias1 ,hlle und ,paradies1 p4 #ab2 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 s4v4 8,ninib10 iii4 p4 #cfh4 #agh4a ,vide infra1 pp4 #bia-bic4 #agi4a ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #ahf1 #ahg4 #agi4b ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #dij1 #dia1 #dig4 #ahj4a ,pp4 #eb-ajj2 cf4 ,pinches1 ,religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria1 p4 #cj1 etc42 ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 #dhh-ejf4 #ahj4b ,il41 #ad1 #bdf1 #cjb4 #ahj4c ,e4g41 vide ,a4 ,lang1 ,myth ,ritual and ,religion1 pp4 #ahb1 #aih1 #bjc2 cf4 ,macdonell1 ,vedic ,mythology1 pp4 #ac1 #ad2 ,golther1 ,handbuch der ,german4 ,mythologie1 pp4 #eab-ead4 #ahb4a ,macdonell1 op4 cit41 pp4 #ab1 #ac4 #ahb4b ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dig4 #ahb4c ,vide ,a4 ,lang1 ,myth ,ritual and ,religion1 ii4 pp4 #bi1 #cj4 #ahc4a ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dih2 cf4 ,king1 op4 cit41 pp4 #hd-hf4 #ahc4b ,vide ,strab41 p4 #fbf2 others placed it in the volcanic region of ,lydia 7ib41 p4 #egi74 #ahc4c ,cf4 ,king1 op4 cit41 pp4 #aja1 #ajb 7plate72 and ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #ejb1 #ejc1 n4 #b4 #ahd4a ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dig4 #ahd4b ,king1 op4 cit41 pp4 #hh-ia2 ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #dih 7b74 #ahe4a ,ad ,ov4 ,metam41 #a1 #cd 7the authenticity of the ,lactantius passage is doubted2 vide ,bapp in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #cjdd74 #ahe4b ,the first is specially ,babylonian1 the second in ,esarhaddon's inscriptions 7vide ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 pp4 #bdh1 #bdi74 #ahe4c 8,la ,trinit ,carthaginoise0 in ,gazette ,archol41 #ahgi-ahhj4 #ahe4d ,evans1 in ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 p4 #adj4 #ahf4a ,vide1 however1 ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dai1 who tries to derive the ,christian ,trinity ultimately from ,babylon4 #ahf4b ,vide ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #fg1 s4v4 8,nebo40 #ahg4a ,vide ,cults1 v4 p4 #dca4 #ahg4b ,vide op4 cit41 vol4 iii4 pp4 #bhd-bhe4 #ahg4c ,vide op4 cit41 vol4 i4 pp4 #hd1 #he4 #ahg4d ,made by ,weber in ,arabien vor dem ,islam1 p4 #ai4 #ahh4a ,vide ,pinches1 op4 cit41 p4 #aah2 ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #bjc1 n4 #a4 #ahh4b ,quoted by ,jeremias in his article on 8,nebo0 in ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #di4 #ahi4a ,it is interesting to note the cult of the supreme god under the title of in the remote district and city of ,boulis1 which excited the attention of ,pausanias4 ,yet the men of ,boulis were no monotheists1 for they had temples of ,artemis and ,dionysos 7,paus41 #aj1 #cg1 #c2 cf4 my article in ,anthropological ,essays presented to ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 #aijg1 p4 #ib74 ,,chapter ,,xi ,,notes #aib4a ,vide ,langdon1 ,transactions of ,congress of ,rel41 #aijh1 i4 p4 #bed4 #aib4b ,zimmern1 ,babylon4 ,hymn4 u4 ,gebete1 p4 #bg4 #aib4c ,langdon1 ,sumerian and ,babylonian ,psalms1 p4 #bfi4 #aib4d ,keilinschr4 ,bibl4 7,schrader71 vol4 ii4 pt4 ii4 p4 #fi4 #aib4e iv4 ,r4 #c1 #e2 quoted by ,jeremias in ,bab4 ,assyr4 ,vorstell4 vom ,leben nach dem ,tode4 #aib4f ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 iii4 #b1 p4 #aa4 #aic4a ,in ,aesch4 ,agam41 l4 #gj1 the words are spurious1 as ,i have argued in ,class4 ,review1 #ahig1 p4 #bic4 #aic4b ,we might perhaps infer their recognition from the occasional use of the word in a partly good sense1 e4g4 ,aristot4 ,pol41 #e1 #aa1 #be2 ,xen4 ,ages41 #aa1 #h2 but its bad sense is more emphasised by ,theophrastos in his 8,characters40 #aic4c ,nebukadnezar 7of all people7 calls himself more than once 8the humble1 the submissive10 e4g4 ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 iii4 p4 #fc4 #aic4d ,we find the phrase also in the ,greek magic papyri1 but these are charged with the ,oriental spirit2 ,kenyon1 ,greek ,pap41 i4 p4 #ajh1 ll4 #gde-f4 #aid4a ,c4 ,i4 ,sem41 #a1 ,no4 #abb4 #aid4b ,these facts are collected and exposed in a valuable article by ,perdrizet in ,archiv4 fr ,relig4 ,wissensch41 #aiaa1 pp4 #ed-abi2 cf4 ,revue des tudes anciennes1 #aiaj1 pp4 #bcf-bcg2 ,hell4 ,journ41 #ahhh1 pl4 vi4 #aie4a ,vide ,o4 ,weber1 ,arabien vor dem ,islam1 p4 #ba4 #aif4a ,dittenberg1 ,orient4 ,graec4 ,inscr41 #fai 7 ,lebas-,waddington1 ,inscr41 iii4 #bcic72 the reading here is 1 probably a mistake for 2 cf4 ,lebas-,wadd41 #bcie and #bdee4 #aif4b ,vide ,roscher's ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bgeb4 #aif4c ,vide ib41 iii4 p4 #adif4 #aif4d ,cults1 vol4 i41 8,athena10 ,r4 #if;b 7,paus41 #a1 #db1 #d72 as regards 8,apollo ,sarpedonios0 we are uncertain whether the title was not merely local-geographical4 #aig4a ,langdon1 op4 cit41 pp4 #cji1 #cba2 cf4 the lines in the hymn1 p4 #cce3 8,i am the child who upon the flood was cast out--,damu1 who on the flood was cast out1 the anointed one who on the flood was cast out40 #aig4b ,bergk's ,lyr4 ,graec41 iii4 p4 #fed4 #aii4a ,pp4 #bbb-bbc4 #aii4b ,vide supra1 p4 #db4 #aii4c ,keilinschr4 ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #aia4 #bjj4a ,keil4 ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #aa4 #bjj4b ,ib41 p4 #fi4 #bjj4c ,ib41 p4 #beg4 #bja4a ,keil4 ,bibl41 ii4 pp4 #acc-acd4 #bja4b ,ib41 pp4 #bjc1 #bjg4 #bja4c ,ib41 p4 #bje4 #bjb4a ,we note the indication of a cruel human sacrifice--consecration of a child to a god or goddess by fire--as a legal punishment for reopening adjudicated causes 7,johns1 ,babylonian and ,assyrian ,laws1 etc41 p4 #ie74 ,,chapter ,,xii ,,notes #bje4a ,vide ,dr4 ,langdon's paper on 8,babylonian ,eschatology20 in ,essays in ,modern ,theology 7papers offered to ,professor ,briggs1 #aiaa71 p4 #aci4 #bje4b ,vide ,jeremias1 ,hlle und ,paradies1 p4 #cj2 cf4 ,king1 ,bab4 ,rel41 p4 #df--;formula for laying a troubled and dangerous ghost--8let him depart into the west2 to ,nedu1 the ,chief ,porter of the ,underworld1 ,i consign him40 ,the west was suggested to the ,hellene because of the natural associations of the setting sun2 to the ,babylonian1 perhaps1 according to ,jeremias1 op4 cit41 p4 #ai1 because the desert west of ,babylon was associated with death and demons4 #bje4c ,the 8waters of death0 figure in the ,epic of ,gilgamesh1 e4g4 ,king1 op4 cit41 p4 #afi4 #bje4d ,vide inscr4 of ,sargon ,,ii4 in ,keil4 ,bibl41 ii4 #b1 pp4 #ge-gg1 #gi3 8,ea1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,nabu1 ,ramman1 ,ninib1 and their benign spouses1 who were rightfully born on ,iharsaggalkurkurra1 the ,mountain of the ,underworld40 #bjf4a ,passage in 8,the ,descent of ,ishtar10 ,jeremias1 op4 cit41 p4 #bj4 #bjf4b ,king1 op4 cit41 pp4 #de-df4 #bjh4a ,vide ,langdon1 op4 cit4 #bji4a ,cook1 ,religion of ,ancient ,palestine1 p4 #cf4 #bji4b ,vide ,langdon1 op4 cit4 #bji4c ,vide ,prof4 ,margoliouth's article on 8,ancestor-worship0 in ,hastings' ,encyclopaedia of ,religion and ,ethics4 #baj4a ,king's translation in ,babyl4 ,relig41 pp4 #dh-di4 ,cf4 ,jeremias1 ,hlle u4 ,paradies1 p4 #ab4 #baa4a ,cook1 ,the ,religion of ,ancient ,palestine1 p4 #ce4 #baa4b ,e4g4 ,eur4 ,troad41 #ajhe1 1 4 #bab4a ,langdon1 op4 cit4 #bab4b ,king1 op4 cit41 p4 #agf4 #bab4c ,thureau-,dangin1 ,les cylindres de ,gouda1 p4 #eg3 ,les hros morts leur bouche auprs d'une fontaine il plaa4 #bab4d ,winckler1 op4 cit41 p4 #da4 #bab4e ,jeremias1 op4 cit41 p4 #ae4 #bac4a ,e4g4 ,peiser1 ,sketch of ,babylonian ,society1 in the ,smithsonian ,institute1 #ahih1 p4 #ehf1 speaks as if it was ancestor-worship that held the ,babylonian family together4 #bac4b ,vide my article on 8,hero-worship0 in ,hibbert ,journal1 #aiji1 p4 #dag4 #bad4a ,v4 ,landau1 ,phnizische ,inschr41 p4 #ae4 #bad4b ,jeremias1 ,hlle u4 ,paradies1 p4 #cg4 #bae4a ,it would be idle for my purpose to distinguish between the so-called 8,achaean0 and 8,pelasgian0 elements in the ,homeric 2 even if the latter ethnic term was of any present value for ,greek religion4 #bae4b ,hesiod1 4 #aaj-agj 7the men of the golden and the silver ages and the heroes74 #baf4a ,vide ,zimmern in ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #fcf-fci2 ,jeremias1 ,hlle u4 ,paradies1 p4 #be2 cf4 his ,die ,babyl4 ,assyr4 ,vorstellungen rom4 ,leben nach dem ,tode4 #baf4b ,vide supra1 p4 #afj4 #baf4c ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #ebj2 ,king1 op4 cit41 p4 #ahh4 #bag4a ,king1 op4 cit41 p4 #ach4 #bag4b ,lagrange1 tudes sur les religions smitiques1 p4 #dic4 #bah4a ,cf4 ,keil4 ,bibl41 ii4 #aji2 ,jeremias1 ,hlle u4 ,paradies1 pp4 #ac-ad4 #bai4a ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 pp4 #dgb-dgc4 #bai4b ,ib41 p4 #dgc4 #bai4c ,ib41 p4 #dgb4 #bai4d ,zimmern in ,sitzungsber4 d4 ,kn4 ,schs4 ,gesell4 ,wiss4 #aijg1 8,sumerisch-,babylonische ,tanzlieder10 p4 #bbj4 #bai4e ,vide ,jeremias in his article on 8,nergal0 in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 iii4 p4 #bea4 #bai4f ,it is doubtful if any argument can be based on the name ,ningzu1 occasionally found as the name of the consort of ,ereshkigal 7,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #fcg7 and said to mean 8,lord of ,healing10 in reference1 probably1 to the waters of life4 #bai4g ,only in the story of ,adapa he appears as one of the warders of the gates of heaven 7,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #eba74 #bbj4a ,the story of ,aphrodite descending into ,hades to seek ,adonis is much later than the period with which we are dealing4 ,nergal's descent to satisfy the wrath of ,allatu and his subsequent marriage with her 7,jeremias1 ,hlle und ,paradies1 p4 #bb7 is a story of entirely different motive to the ,rape of ,kore4 ,,chapter ,,xiii ,,notes #bbc4a ,cook1 ,the ,religion of ,ancient ,palestine1 p4 #ag4 #bbc4b ,researches in ,sinai1 p4 #gb1 etc41 #ahf3 he would carry back the foundation to the fourth millennium ,b4,c4 #bbc4c ,vide ,arch4 ,anzeig41 #aiji1 p4 #dih4 #bbc4d ,vide ,cults1 iii4 p4 #bii4 #bbd4a ,vide ,hogarth's evidence for the date of the earliest ,artemision1 ,excavations at ,ephesus1 p4 #bdd4 #bbd4b ,il41 i4 #ch4 #bbd4c ,ib41 vi4 #bfi1 #bii-cjj4 #bbd4d ,ib41 ii4 #eej4 #bbd4e ,ib41 ix4 #dje4 #bbd4f ,vide ,stengel1 ,griechische ,sacral-,altertmer1 p4 #ag4 #bbd4g ,vide ,athen4 ,mittheil41 #aiaa1 pp4 #bg1 #aib4 #bbe4a ,vide ,jeremias in ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #bcdg1 s4v4 8,marduk40 #bbe4b ,something near to it would be found in the cult-phrase of ,dodona1 which is a form commoner in the inscriptions than 1 if1 with ,m4 ,reinach 7,rev4 ,archol41 #aije1 p4 #ig71 we regarded this as the original title and interpreted it as 8,zeus-,temple40 ,but the interpretation is hazardous4 #bbe4c ,a disk on the top of a pole1 vide ,jastrow1 ,rel4 ,bab4 ,assyr41 vol4 i4 p4 #bjc4 #bbf4a ,cook1 op4 cit41 p4 #bh4 #bbf4b ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #ahe-aie2 8,mycenaean ,tree and ,pillar ,cult10 ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija4 ,it is interesting to note that ,baitylos1 a name derived from the ,semitic description of the sacred stone as the 8,house of ,god10 is given as the name of a divine king in the cosmogony of ,philo ,byblius1 ,mller1 ,frag4 ,hist4 ,graec41 iii4 p4 #efg2 cf4 the baitylos with human head found at ,tegea inscribed 7fifth century ,b4,c471 8,zeus of the lightning0 7,eph4 ,arch41 #aijf1 p4 #fd74 #bbg4a ,vide ,evans1 op4 cit41 and ,annual of ,british ,school1 #aijh1 #aiji4 #bbg4b ,vide my ,cults1 i4 pp4 #ac-ah1 #ajb2 ii4 pp4 #ebj1 #fgj2 iv4 pp4 #d1 #adi1 #cjg2 v4 pp4 #g1 #bdj1 #ddd4 #bbg4c ,for the evidence of a pillar-cult of ,apollo ,agyieus and ,karneios coming from the north1 vide ,cults1 vol4 iv4 pp4 #cjg-cjh4 #bbg4d ,the pillars known as 8,kudurru10 with emblems of the various divinities upon them1 served merely as boundary-stones 7vide ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 i4 p4 #aia2 ,hilprecht in ,babylonian ,expedition of ,university of ,pennsylvania1 vol4 iv474 #bbh4a #f1 #bfi4 #bbh4b ,cults1 ii4 #dde4 #bbh4c ,op4 cit41 vol4 v4 p4 #h4 #bbi4a ,arnob4 ,adv4 ,gent41 #e1 #ai 7in the mysteries of the ,cyprian ,venus71 8referunt phallos propitii numinis signa donatos40 #bbi4b ,cook1 ,religion of ,ancient ,palestine1 p4 #bh2 cf4 ,corp4 ,inscr4 ,sem41 i4 #aa4 #f1 inscription found in cave1 dedicated perhaps by the hierodulai1 8pudenda muliebria0 carved on the wall4 #bbi4c ,rel4 of ,sem41 pp4 #dcg-dch4 #bbi4d ,de ,dea ,syria1 c4 #af and c4 #bh4 #bbi4e ,histoire de l',art1 iv4 pl4 viii1 ,d4 #bcj4a ,jeremias1 in his articles on 8,izdubar0 and 8,nebo0 in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 ii4 p4 #gib and iii4 p4 #fe1 concludes that a phallic emblem was employed in the ritual of ,ishtar2 but he bases his view on the translation of the word ibattu in the ,gilgamesh ,epic1 which is differently rendered by ,king1 ,babylonian ,religion1 p4 #afc1 and ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #egb4 #bcj4b ,thureau-,dangin1 ,les ,cylindres de ,gouda1 p4 #fi4 #bca4a ,this may explain the double phrase1 used concerning the institution and endowment of temple-rites in an inscription of the time of ,tiglath-,pileser ,,iii41 which ,zimmern translates by 8,opfer-,mahlzeiten10 ,keil4 ,bibl41 iv4 p4 #ajc2 cf4 especially ,k4,b41 iii4 p4 #agi 7inscr4 of ninth century72 ,zimmern1 ,beitrge zur ,kenntniss der ,babyl4 ,relig41 ii4 p4 #ii 7sacred loaves offered before consultation of divinity74 #bca4b ,vide ,robertson ,smith1 op4 cit41 p4 #bjj4 #bca4c ,vide ,cults1 i4 p4 #hh2 v4 p4 #aii4 #bcb4a ,judges ix4 #ac2 cf4 ,robertson ,smith1 op4 cit41 p4 #bjc4 #bcb4b ,lagrange1 tudes sur les religions smitiques1 p4 #ejf4 ,this seems to agree with the statement in ,diodorus 7#ai1 #id7 that the ,nabataeans tabooed wine2 yet ,dusares1 the ,arabian counterpart of ,dionysos1 was a ,nabataean god4 #bcb4c ,gray1 ,shamash ,religious ,texts1 p4 #ba4 #bcb4d ,dhorme1 ,choix1 etc41 p4 #da1 l4 #acf4 #bcb4e ,vide ,cults1 iii4 p4 #cij1 ,r4 #eg;h4 #bcb4f ,ib41 ii4 p4 #fdf4 #bcd4a ,robertson ,smith1 op4 cit41 pp4 #bgb-bgc4 #bcd4b ,athenae4 #cgf;a 7,cults1 i4 p4 #ada74 #bcd4c ,cults1 ii4 pp4 #fdf-fdg4 #bcd4d ,o4 ,weber1 ,dmonenbeschwrung1 p4 #bi2 his note on the passage 8that the unclean beast is offered as a substitute for an unclean man0 is not supported by any evidence4 #bcd4e ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #dji-daj4 #bce4a ,robertson ,smith's theory that the gift-sacrifice was a later degeneracy from the communion-type is unconvincing2 vide specially an article by ,ada ,thomsen1 8,der ,trug von ,prometheus10 ,arch4 ,relig4 ,wissensch41 #aiji1 p4 #dfj4 #bcf4a 8,sacrificial ,communion in ,greek ,religion10 in ,hibbert ,journal1 #aijd4 #bcf4b ,e4g4 ,il41 #a1 #deg-dgd2 ,od41 #c1 #a-da2 #ad1 #dbf4 #bcf4c ,cf4 ,schol4 ,od41 #c1 #dda 7who defines as barley and salt mixed with water or wine''' ''' 72 ,schol4 ,arist4 ,equ41 #aafg1 4 ,vide ,fritz4 ,hermes1 #cb1 #bce2 for another theory1 vide ,stoll1 8,alte ,taufgebrache10 in ,arch4 ,relig4 ,wissensch41 #aije1 ,beiheft1 p4 #cc4 #bcg4a ,vide ,evans1 8,mycenaean ,tree and ,pillar ,cult10 ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 pp4 #aad-aae4 #bcg4b ,od41 #ad1 #dbf2 cf4 the custom reported from ,arabia of mingling hair from the head of a worshipper with the paste from which an idol is made4 #bcg4c ,aristoph4 ,pax41 #ief4 #bcg4d ,athenae1 p4 #dai1 ,b4 #bcg4e ,vide ,arch4 ,rel4 ,wiss41 #aiji1 p4 #dfg2 ,thomsen there explains it wholly from the idea of tabu4 #bcg4f ,the common meal of the thiasota is often represented on later reliefs1 vide ,perdriyet1 8,reliefs ,mysiens10 ,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 #ahii1 p4 #eib4 #bch4a ,vide ,cults1 i4 pp4 #ef-eh1 #hh-ib4 #bci4a ,in my article on 8,sacrificial ,communion in ,greek ,religion10 ,hibbert ,journal1 #aijd1 p4 #cbj1 ,i have been myself guilty of this1 in quoting the story told by ,polynaenus 7,strategem4 #h1 #dc71 about the devouring of the mad bull with golden horns by the ,erythraean host1 as containing an example of a true sacrament4 #bci4b ,vide ,cults1 vol4 i4 p4 #ade4 #bci4c ,see ,crusius' article in ,roscher's ,lexikon1 s4v4 8,harpalyke40 #bdj4a ,vide ,cults1 v4 pp4 #afa-agb4 #bdj4b ,ib41 v4 p4 #afe4 #bda4a ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #eif4 #bda4b ,jeremias1 ,die ,cultus-,tafel von ,sippar1 p4 #bf4 #bda4c ,zimmern1 ,beitrge zur ,kennt4 ,bab4 ,rel41 p4 #ae4 #bdb4a ,vide ,frazer1 ,adonis-,attis-,osiris1 p4 #ahi2 cf4 8,communion in ,greek ,religion10 ,hibbert ,journ41 #aijd1 p4 #cag4 #bdb4b ,jeremias1 ,die ,cultus-,tafel von ,sippar1 p4 #bh4 #bdc4a ,weber1 ,dmonenbeschwrung1 etc41 p4 #bi4 #bdc4b iv4 ,r#b1 pl4 #bf1 ,no4 #f2 this is the inscription quoted by ,prof4 ,sayce 7vide infra1 p4 #ahb1 n47 as a document proving human sacrifice4 ,i owe the above translation to the kindness of ,dr4 ,langdon2 it differs very slightly from ,zimmern's in ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #eig4 #bdc4c ,jeremias1 op4 cit41 p4 #bi4 #bdc4d ,renan's thesis 7,c4 ,i4 ,sem41 i4 p4 #bbi7 that the idea of sin1 so dominant in the ,hebrew and ,phoenician sacrifice1 was entirely lacking in the ,hellenic1 cannot be maintained2 he quotes ,porph4 ,de ,abstin41 #a1 #b1 #bd1 a passage which contains an incomplete theory of ,greek sacrifice4 ,the sin-offering is indicated by ,homer1 and is recognised frequently in ,greek literature and legend2 only no technical term was invented to distinguish it from the ordinary cheerful sacrifice4 #bdd4a ,cults1 ii4 p4 #dda4 #bdd4b ,vide ,k4,a4,t4#c1 pp4 #dcd1 #eii1 where ,zimmern refers to the monuments published by ,mnant1 ,pierres graves1 i4 figs4 #id1 #ie1 #ig1 as possibly showing a scene of human sacrifice4 ,but ,mnant's interpretation of them is wrong2 vide ,langdon1 ,babyloniaca1 ,tome iii4 p4 #bcf1 8two ,babylonian seals02 the kneeling figure is the owner of the seal2 the personage behind him is no executioner1 but ,ramman or ,teschub holding1 not a knife1 but his usual club4 ,the inscriptions published by ,prof4 ,sayce 7,trans4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch41 iv4 pp4 #be-bi7 are translated differently by ,dr4 ,langdon1 so that the first one 7iv4 ,r#b1 pl4 #bf1 ,no4 #f7 refers to the sacrifice of a kid1 not of an infant4 ,the misinterpretation of the inscription has misled ,trumbull 7,blood ,covenant1 p4 #aff74 ,the statement in #b ,kings xvii4 #ca about the ,sepharvites in ,samaria does not necessarily point to a genuine ,babylonian ritual1 even if we are sure that the ,sepharvites were ,babylonians4 #bde4a ,babylonian and ,assyrian ,laws1 p4 #ie4 #bde4b ,the excavations at ,gezer have revealed almost certain evidence of the early practice of human sacrifice2 a number of skeletons1 one of a girl sawn in half1 were found buried under the foundation of houses 7vide ,cook1 op4 cit41 pp4 #ch-ci74 #bdf4a ,stengel1 ,die griechischen ,kultusaltertmer1 p4 #hi4 #bdf4b ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #eii4 #bdf4c ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 i4 p4 #ejj4 #bdf4d ,might this be the meaning of a line in a hymn translated by ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #edi1 8,i turn myself to thee 7,o ,goddess ,gula71 ,i have grasped thy cord as the cord of my god and goddess0 7vide ,king1 ,babyl4 ,magic1 ,no4 #f1 ,no4 #ga-id72 or of the phrase in the ,apocrypha 7,epist4 ,jerem41 #dc71 8,the women also with cords about them sit in the ways08 #bdf4e ,zimmern's ,beitrge1 etc41 p4 #ii4 #bdg4a ,on the famous bronze plaque of the ,louvre 7,jeremias1 ,hlle und ,paradies1 p4 #bh1 ,abb4 #f7 we see two representatives of ,ea in the fish-skin of the god2 and on a frieze of ,assur-nasir-pal in the ,british ,museum 7,hell4 ,journ41 #ahid1 p4 #aae1 fig4 #aj2 ,layard1 ,monuments of ,nineveh1 #a1 pl4 #cj71 two men in lions' skins2 but these are not skins of animals of sacrifice4 #bdg4b ,vide my ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #aah-abj4 #bdh4a ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #di4 #bdh4b #c1 #cjj2 #ai1 #bfe-bfg4 #bdh4c ,polybius1 #c1 #be1 4 #bdh4d ,op4 cit41 ii4 p4 #bag4 #bej4a ,according to ,dr4 ,langdon 7op4 cit41 p4 xvi471 the wailing for ,tammuz was developed in the early ,sumerian period of the fourth millennium4 #bea4a ,langdon1 op4 cit41 #cjj-cda2 cf4 ,zimmern1 8,sumerisch-,babylonische ,tamuzlieder10 in ,sitzungsber4 ,knig4 ,schs4 ,gesell4 ,wissen41 #aijg1 pp4 #bja-beb1 and his discussion1 8,der ,babylonische ,gott ,tamuz10 in ,abhandl4 ,knig4 ,schs4 ,gesell4 ,wissen41 #aiji4 #bea4b ,vide supra1 p4 #aje4 #bea4c ,vide ,langdon1 op4 cit41 p4 #eja4 #bea4d ,antiqu41 #h1 #e1 #c2 cf4 ,clem4 ,recogn41 #aj1 #bd2 ,baudissin in his ,eschmun-,asklepios 7,oriental4 ,stud4 zu ,nldeke gewidmet1 p4 #geb7 thinks that the ,healer-god1 ,marduk ,asclepios ,eschmun1 is himself one who died and rose again in ,assyrian and ,phoenician theology4 ,for ,asklepios of ,berytos we have the almost useless story of ,damascius in ,phot4 ,bibl41 #egc ,h42 the uncritical legend in ,ktesias 7c4 #ba7 and ,ael4 ,var4 ,hist41 #ac1 #c1 about the grave of ,belitana at ,babylon 7to which ,strabo also alludes1 p4 #gdj71 does not justify the view that the death of ,marduk was ever a ,babylonian dogma4 #beb4a ,perrot-,chipiez1 ,histoire de l',art1 iv4 pl4 viii4 #bec4a ,rev4 de ,philol41 #ahic1 p4 #aie4 #bec4b ,vide ,frazer1 op4 cit41 pp4 #ih-ii4 #bec4c ,k4 ,o4 ,mller1 ,kleine ,schriften1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #ajb-ajc4 #bec4d ,journ4 ,roy4 ,asiat4 ,soc41 #aiji1 pp4 #iff1 #iga2 the information about the true meaning of the ideogram ,i owe to ,dr4 ,langdon4 #bed4a ,vide supra1 p4 #ia2 cf4 ,cults1 ii4 pp4 #fdd-fdi2 iii4 pp4 #cjj-cje4 #bed4b ,the ,babylonian myths of ,etana and ,adapa1 and their ascent to heaven1 may have given the cue to the ,phrygian stories of ,ganymede and ,tantalos4 #bef4a ,dr4 ,frazer1 in ,magic ,art and the ,evolution of ,kings 7,g4 ,b41 vol4 ii4 p4 #de71 quotes from ,n4 ,tsackni 7,la ,russie ,sectaire1 p4 #gd7 an example of a fanatic ,christian sect in modern ,russia practising castration4 ,i have not been able to find this treatise4 #beg4a ,vide ,cults1 iii4 pp4 #cjj-cja4 ,dr4 ,frazer's theory is that the act of castration was performed in order to maintain the fruitfulness of the earth 7op4 cit41 pp4 #bbd-bcg74 ,but this is against the countless examples which he himself has adduced of the character and function of the priest or priest-king as one whose virile strength maintains the strength of the earth2 the sexual act performed in the field by the owner increases the fruitfulness of the field 7,frazer1 ,,gb#b1 ii4 p4 #bje74 ,why should the priest make himself impotent so as to improve the crops8 ,the only grounds of his belief appear to be that the priest's testicles were committed to the earth or to an underground shrine of ,kybele 7,arnob4 ,adv4 ,gent41 v4 #ad1 and ,schol4 ,nikand4 ,alexipharm41 #g2 vide ,cults1 #c2 ,kybele ,ref4 #ed;a72 but such consecration of them to ,kybele would be natural on any hypothesis1 and ,arnobius' words do not prove that they were buried in the bare earth4 #bei4a ,vide ,cults1 i4 pp4 #cf-ch4 #bei4b ,vide ,evolution of ,religion1 p4 #fb4 #bfj4a ,porph4 ,vit4 ,pyth41 #ag2 cf4 ,callim4 ,h4 ad4 ,jov41 #h2 ,diod4 ,sic41 #c1 #fa2 vide ,cults1 i4 pp4 #cf-cg4 #bfj4b ,vide ,a4 ,evans in ,hell4 ,journ41 xvii4 #cej4 #bfa4a ,vide ,cults1 vol4 ii4 p4 #fea2 cf4 ,clem4 ,recogn41 #aj1 #bd1 8sepulcrum ,cypriae ,veneris apud ,cyprum40 #bfa4b ,ib41 pp4 #fea-feb4 #bfa4c ,vide ,cults1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #ddg1 n4 c41 #dgh1 #fch1 n4 a4 #bfa4d ,aristot4 ,rhet41 #b1 #bc4 #bfb4a ,athenae1 p4 #fbj ,a 7 72 ,pollux41 #d1 #ed4 #bfb4b ,frazer1 ,,gb#b1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ajf4 #bfc4a ,vide ,thureau-,dangin1 ,vorderasiatische ,bibliothek1 i4 p4 #gg4 #bfc4b ,weber1 ,arabien vor dem ,islam1 p4 #ai4 #bfd4a ,vide ,evans in ,hell4 ,journ41 #aija1 p4 #agf4 #bfd4b ,cults1 i4 pp4 #ahd-aia4 #bfd4c ,ib41 iii4 pp4 #abc-abd4 #bfd4d ,ib41 iii4 p4 #agf2 cf4 vol4 iv4 p4 #cd n4 b4 #bfd4e ,ib41 i4 pp4 #ahi-aij4 #bfe4a #a1 #aha4 #bfe4b ,vide1 for instance1 ,dr4 ,langdon in the ,expositor1 #aiji1 p4 #adc4 #bfe4c ,winckler1 ,die ,gesetze ,hammurabi1 p4 #ahb4 #bff4a ,vide ,dieterich1 ,mithras-,liturgie1 pp4 #abf-abg2 ,reizenstein1 ,die hellenistischen ,mysterien-religionen4 #bff4b ,vide ,herzog's ,real-,encyclop41 s4v4 8,montanismus40 #bff4c ,jourdanet et ,simon transl4 of ,sahagun1 pp4 #adg-adh4 #bff4d ,golther1 ,handbuch der ,germanischen ,mythologie1 p4 #bbi2 cf4 ,mannhardt1 ,baumkultus1 p4 #ehi4 #bfg4a ,pausan41 #b1 #cc1 #c2 #i1 #bg1 #f2 cf4 my article in ,archiv4 fr ,religionswiss41 #aijd1 p4 #gd2 ,e4 ,fehrle1 ,die ,kultische ,keuschheit im ,alterthum1 p4 #bbc1 gives other examples which appear to me more doubtful4 #bfg4b ,paus41 #c1 #af1 #a4 #bfg4c ,cults1 v4 pp4 #bag-bai4 #bfh4a ,vide ,cults1 v4 p4 #aji4 #bfh4b ,winckler1 op4 cit41 p4 #aaj2 ,johns1 op4 cit41 p4 #ed4 #bfi4a ,code1 #ahb4 #bfi4b ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 ii4 #aeg4 #bfi4c ,vide ,winckler's interpretation of #agh1 #ahj1 #aha2 cf4 also ,zimmern in ,k4,a4,t4#c1 #dbc4 #bfi4d #a1 #aii4 #bgj4a ,e4g4 ,zimmern in ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dbc4 #bgj4b ,verse #dc4 #bga4a ,the first to insist emphatically on the necessity of their distinction was ,mr4 ,hartland1 in ,anthropological ,essays presented to ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 pp4 #aij-aia2 but he has there1 ,i think1 wrongly classified--through a misunderstanding of a phrase in ,aelian--the ,lydian custom that ,herodotus 7#a1 #ic7 and ,aelian 7,var4 ,hist41 iv4 #a7 refer to2 both these writers mention the custom of the women of ,lydia practising prostitution before marriage4 ,aelian does not mention the motive that ,herodotus assigns1 the collection of a dowry2 neither associates it with religion4 ,aelian merely adds that when once married the ,lydian women were virtuous2 this need have nothing to do with the ,mylitta-rite4 #bgb4a ,e4g4 ,hosea iv4 #ac2 ,deut4 xxiii4 #ah2 #a ,kings xiv4 #bd4 #bgb4b ,weber1 ,arabien vor dem ,islam1 p4 #ah4 #bgb4c ,c4 ,i4 ,sem41 #a1 #bfc4 #bgb4d ,strab41 #bgb4 #bgb4e ,strab41 #eei4 #bgb4f ,pind4 ,frag41 #hg2 ,strab41 #cgh2 7,cults1 ii4 p4 #gdf1 ,r4 #ii;g74 #bgc4a ,cities and ,bishoprics1 i4 #id4 ,in his comment he rightly points out that the woman is ,lydian1 as her name is not genuine ,roman2 but he is wrong in speaking of her service as performed to a god 7,frazer1 ,adonis1 etc41 p4 #cd1 follows him74 ,this would be a unique fact1 for the service in ,asia ,minor is always to a goddess2 but the inscription neither mentions nor implies a god4 ,the bride of ,zeus at ,egyptian ,thebes was also a temple-harlot1 if we could believe ,strabo1 p4 #haf2 but on this point he contradicts ,herodotus1 #a1 #ahb4 #bgc4b ,et4 ,mag41 s4v4 4 #bgd4a ,de ,dea ,syr41 #f2 cf4 ,aug4 ,de ,civ4 ,dei1 #d1 #aj3 8cui 7,veneri7 etiam ,phoenices donum dabant de prostitutione filiarum1 antequam eas jungerent viris03 religious prostitution before marriage prevailed among the ,carthaginians in the worship of ,astarte 7,valer4 ,max41 #b1 ch4 #a1 sub4 fin43 these vague statements may refer either to defloration of virgins or prolonged service in the temple74 #bgd4b ,see ,frazer1 op4 cit41 p4 #cc1 n4 #a1 quoting ,sozomen4 ,hist4 ,eccles41 #e1 #aj1 #g2 ,sokrates1 ,hist4 ,eccles41 #a1 #ah1 #g-i2 ,euseb4 ,vita ,constantin41 #c1 #eh4 ,eusebius only vaguely alludes to it4 ,sokrates merely says that the wives were in common1 and that the people had the habit of giving over the virgins to strangers to violate4 ,sozomenos is the only voucher for the religious aspect of the practice2 from ,sokrates we gather that the rule about strangers was observed in the rite4 #bgd4c #ah1 #e4 #bgd4d ,this is confirmed by the legend given by ,apollodoros 7,bibl41 #c1 #ad1 #c7 that the daughters of ,kinyras1 owing to the wrath of ,aphrodite1 had sexual intercourse with strangers4 #bge4a ,justin1 #ba1 #c2 ,athenaeus1 #eaf ,a1 speaks vaguely1 as if the women of the ,lokri ,epizephyrii were promiscuous prostitutes4 #bge4b ,pp4 #ecb-ecc4 #bge4c ,the lovers1 ,melanippos and ,komaitho1 sin in the temple of ,artemis ,triklaria of the ,ionians in ,achaia2 the whole community is visited with the divine wrath1 and the sinners are offered up as a piacular sacrifice 7,paus41 #g1 #ai1 #c72 according to ,euphorion1 ,laokoon's fate was due to a similar trespass committed with his wife before the statue of ,apollo 7,serv4 ,aen41 #b1 #bja74 ,it may be that such legends faintly reflect a very early once performed in temples by the priest and priestess3 if so1 they also express the repugnance of the later ,hellene to the idea of it2 and in any case this is not the institution that is being discussed4 #bgf4a ,antike ,wald u4 ,feld ,kulte1 p4 #bhe1 etc4 #bgg4a ,why should not the priestess rather play the part of the goddess1 and why1 if we trust ,plutarch 7,vit4 ,artaxerx41 #bg71 was the priestess of ,anaitis at ,ekbatana1 to whose temple harlots were attached1 obliged to observe chastity after election8 #bgg4b ,vol4 i4 pp4 #id-if4 #bgg4c ,op4 cit41 p4 #ce1 etc4 #bgg4d ,op4 cit41 p4 #dd4 #bgh4a ,i pointed out this objection in an article in the ,archiv4 f4 ,relig4 ,wissensch41 #aijd1 p4 #ha2 ,mr4 ,s4 ,hartland has also1 independently1 developed it 7op4 cit41 p4 #aia74 #bgh4b ,vol4 ii4 p4 #ddf4 #bgh4c ,origin of ,civilisation1 pp4 #ece-ecg4 #bgi4a ,vide ,westermarck1 ,history of ,human ,marriage1 p4 #gf4 #bgi4b ,mr4 ,hartland objects 7loc4 cit41 p4 #bjj7 to this explanation on the ground that the stranger would dislike the danger as much as any one else2 but the rite may have arisen among a ,semitic tribe who were peculiarly sensitive to that feeling of peril1 while they found that the usual stranger was sceptical and more venturesome3 when once the rule was established1 it could become a stereotyped convention4 ,his own suggestion 7p4 #bja7 that a stranger was alone privileged1 lest the solemn act should become a mere love-affair with a native lover1 does not seem to me so reasonable2 to prevent that1 the act might as well have been performed by a priest4 ,dr4 ,frazer in his new edition of ,adonis1 etc4 7pp4 #ej-ed71 criticises my explanation1 which ,i first put forth--but with insufficient clearness--in the ,archiv4 fr ,religionswissenschaft 7#aijd1 p4 #hh71 mainly on the ground that it does not naturally apply to general temple-prostitution nor to the prostitution of married women4 ,but it was never meant to apply to these1 but only to the defloration of virgins before marriage4 ,dr4 ,frazer also argues that the account of ,herodotus does not show that the ,babylonian rite was limited to virgins4 ,explicitly it does not1 but implicitly it does2 for ,herodotus declares that it was an isolated act1 and therefore to be distinguished from temple-prostitution of indefinite duration2 and he adds that the same rite was performed in ,cyprus1 which1 as the other record clearly attests1 was the defloration of virgins by strangers4 ,sozomenos and ,sokrates attest the same of the ,baalbec rite1 and ,eusebius's vague words are not sufficient to contradict them4 ,one rite might easily pass into the other2 but our theories as to the original meaning of different rites should observe the difference4 #bhj4a ,but vide ,gennep1 ,les ,rites de passage1 p4 #ajj4 #bhj4b ,cf4 ,arnob4 ,adv4 ,gent41 #e1 #ai1 with ,firmic4 ,matern4 ,de ,error41 #aj1 and ,clemens1 ,protrept41 c4 #b1 p4 #ab1 ,pott4 #bha4a #a1 #aii4 #bha4b ,the lady who there boasts of her prostitute-ancestresses describes them also as 8of unwashed feet02 and this is a point of asceticism and holiness4 #bhb4a ,op4 cit41 p4 #aii4 #bhb4b ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #dbc4 #bhc4a ,vide supra1 p4 #afc4 ,the writer of the late apocryphal document1 8,the ,epistle of ,jeremy10 makes it a reproach to the ,babylonian cult that 8women set meat before the gods0 7v4 #cj71 and 8the menstruous woman and the woman in child-bed touch their sacrifices0 7v4 #bi71 meaning1 perhaps1 that there was nothing to prevent the ,babylonian priestess being in that condition4 ,but we cannot trust him for exact knowledge of these matters4 ,being a ,jew1 he objects to the ministration of women4 ,the ,babylonian and ,hellene were wiser1 and admitted them to the higher functions of religion4 #bhc4b ,vide ,cults1 iv4 p4 #cja4 #bhc4c ,vide ,inscription of ,sippar in ,british ,museum1 concerning the re-establishment of cult of ,shamash by ,king ,nabupaladdin1 #hhd-hfj ,b4,c4 7,jeremias1 ,die ,cultus-,tafel von ,sippar74 #bhd4a ,sumerian and ,babylonian ,psalms1 p4 #ge4 #bhd4b ,vide ,langdon in ,transactions of ,congress for the ,history of ,religions 7#aijh71 vol4 i4 p4 #bej4 #bhd4c ,vide ,zeitung fr ,assyriologie1 #aiaj1 p4 #aeg4 #bhd4d ,formula for driving out the demon of sickness1 8,bread at his head place1 rain-water at his feet place0 7,langdon1 ib4 p4 #beb74 #bhd4e ,delitsch1 ,wrterbuch1 i4 #gi-hj4 #bhd4f ,zeit4 fr ,assyr41 #aiaj1 p4 #aeg4 #bhd4g ,vide ,hippocrates 7,littr71 vi4 #cfb2 ,stengel1 ,griechischer ,kultusaltertmer 7,iwan ,mller's ,handbuch1 p4 #aaj74 #bhe4a ,referred to in the comedy of ,eupolis called the 8,baptai40 #bhe4b ,jastrow1 op4 cit41 p4 #ejj4 #bhe4c ,op4 cit41 p4 #big1 #dhg2 the priest-exorciser1 the ,ashipu1 uses a brazier in the expulsion of demons4 #bhe4d ,vide ,golther1 ,handbuch der ,germanischen ,mythologie1 p4 #ehj2 cf4 my ,cults1 v4 p4 #aif4 #bhe4e ,cults1 vol4 v4 pp4 #chc-chd2 cf4 iv4 p4 #cja4 #bhf4a ,cults1 v4 p4 #cef2 cf4 p4 #cfc 7the purifying animal carried round the hearth74 #bhf4b ,eur4 ,herc4 ,fur41 #ibh4 #bhf4c ,dio ,chrys4 ,or41 #dh 7,dind41 vol4 ii4 p4 #add71 1 7cf4 ,lucian1 ,menipp41 c4 #g1 use of squills and torches in 8katharsis10 787 ,babylonian or ,hellenic72 ,serv4 ad ,aen41 #f1 #gda1 8in sacris omnibus tres sunt istae purgationes1 nam aut taeda purgant aut sulphure aut aqua abluunt aut aere ventilant40 #bhf4d 8,to take fire and swear by ,god0 is a formula that occurs in the third tablet of ,surpu2 vide ,zimmern1 ,beitrge zur ,kenntniss ,babyl4 ,relig41 p4 #ac2 cf4 ,soph4 ,antig41 #bfd4 #bhf4e ,salt used as a means of exorcism in ,babylonia as early as the third millennium 7vide ,langdon1 ,transactions of ,congress ,hist4 ,relig41 #aijh1 vol4 i4 p4 #bea72 the fell 8of the great ox0 used to purify the palace of the king 7vide ,zimmern1 ,beitrge1 p4 #abc2 compare the in ,greek ritual74 #bhg4a ,vide ,thureau-,dangin1 ,cylindres de ,gouda1 pp4 #bi1 #ic4 #bhg4b ,vide ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #aac1 #aad1 #aag2 ,cults1 v4 p4 #cbb 7,schol4 ,demosth41 #bb1 p4 #fh74 #bhg4c #e1 #ac1 #f4 #bhg4d ,vide ,cults1 iii4 pp4 #cjc-cjd2 ,evolution of ,religion1 p4 #aba4 #bhh4a ,vide supra1 p4 #adf4 #bhh4b ,vide ,cults1 iii4 p4 #afg4 #bhh4c ,published in ,zimmern's ,beitrge1 p4 #abc2 cf4 ,weber1 ,dmonenbeschwrung1 pp4 #ag-ai4 #bhi4a ,il41 xvi4 #bbh4 #bhi4b ,od41 ii4 #bfa4 #bhi4c ,il41 i4 #cac4 #bij4a ,od41 xxii4 #dha3 ,in the passage referred to above1 ,achilles uses sulphur to purify the cups4 #bij4b ,od41 xiii4 #bef-bha3 ,this is rightly pointed out by ,stengel in his ,griechische ,kultusaltertmer1 p4 #ajg4 #bij4c ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #aci-aeb2 ,cults1 iv4 pp4 #bie-cjf4 #bia4a ,vide ,cults1 iv4 pp4 #add-adg1 #cjj3 ,to suppose that ,hellas learnt its cathartic rites from ,lydia1 because ,herodotus 7i4 #ce7 tells us that in his time the ,lydians had the ,hellenic system of purification from homicide1 is less natural4 ,lydia may well have learnt it from ,delphi in the time of ,alyattes or ,croesus4 ,or it may have survived in ,lydia as a tradition of the early 8,minoan0 period2 and1 similarly1 it may have survived in ,crete4 #bia4b ,vide supra1 pp4 #agf-agh4 #bib4a ,vide ,cults1 iv4 pp4 #bfh-bhd4 #bib4b ,for similar practices1 vide ,cults1 pp4 #dae-dag4 #bib4c ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom41 p4 #gee1 ,pott4 #bic4a ,paus41 #i1 #cc1 #d4 #bic4b ,for the facts vide ,zimmern1 ,k4,a4,t4#c1 p4 #eib4 #bid4a ,works and ,days1 l4 #hbd4 #bid4b ,ib41 l4 #hjd4 #bid4c ,expositor1 #aiji1 p4 #aef4 #bid4d ,vide ,photius and ,hesych41 s4v4 4 #bie4a ,hell41 #a1 #d1 #ab4 #bie4b ,vide ,cults1 v4 pp4 #bae-baf4 #bie4c ,cults1 iv4 p4 #bei4 #bie4d ,vide supra1 pp4 #agf-agg4 #bif4a ,sumerian and ,babylonian ,psalms1 p4 #aif4 #bif4b ,king1 ,babylonian ,religion1 p4 #aif4 #bif4c ,vide ,fossey1 ,la ,magie ,assyrienne1 p4 #if4 #big4a ,knudtzon1 ,assyrische ,gebete an den ,sonnengott1 p4 #gh 7texts belonging to period of ,asarhaddon1 circ4 #fha74 #big4b ,zimmern1 ,beitrge1 etc41 p4 #afa4 #bih4a ,zimmern1 ,beitrge1 etc41 p4 #afc4 #bih4b ,fossey1 op4 cit41 p4 #cii4 #bih4c iv4 ,r4 #ef1 #ab2 ,fossey1 op4 cit41 p4 #dja4 #bih4d ,expositor1 #aiji1 p4 #aej1 giving text from iv4 ,r4 #dj4 #bii4a ,fossey1 op4 cit41 p4 #bji4 #bii4b ,zimmern1 ,beitrge1 p4 #agc4 #bii4c ,supra1 p4 #agf4 #bii4d ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #afi4 #cjj4a ,zimmern1 ,beitrge1 pp4 #cj-ca2 he mentions also the similar practice of tying up a sheepskin or a fillet of wool and throwing it into the fire4 #cjj4b ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #cc3 note magic use of knots in general1 vide ,frazer1 ,g4,b4#b1 vol4 i4 pp4 #cib-djc2 ,archiv4 fr ,religionsw41 #aijh1 pp4 #abh1 #chc1 #dje4 ,the superstition may have prevailed in ,minoan ,crete 7see ,a4 ,evans1 ,annual ,british ,school1 #aijb-aijc1 pp4 #g-i7 and was in vogue in ancient ,greece4 #cjj4c ,w4 ,warde ,fowler1 ,the ,religious ,experiences of the ,roman ,people1 ,gifford ,lectures1 p4 #di4 #cja4a ,vide supra1 pp4 #bdh-bdi2 ,cults1 iv4 p4 #aia4 #cja4b ,for the main facts relating to the ,babylonian system and the 8baru0-priests1 vide ,zimmern1 ,beitrge1 etc41 pp4 #hb-ib2 for the ,hellenic1 vide ,cults1 iv4 #aij-aib1 #bbd-bca2 also vol4 iii4 #i-ab4 #cja4c ,the documentary evidence1 from a very early period1 is given by ,zimmern1 ,beitrge1 etc41 pp4 #he-ig4 #cja4d ,l4 #cbb3 ,clytemnestra speaks of pouring oil and vinegar into the same vessel and reproaching them for their unsociable behaviour4 #cjb4a ,we have also one example of an oracle of ,ishtar 7in plain prose71 ,keil4 ,bibl41 ii4 p4 #agi4 #cjc4a ,zimmern1 op4 cit41 p4 #hi4 #cjc4b ,cults1 iii4 p4 #big4 #cjc4c ,lucian1 ,de ,dea ,syr41 #dc4 #cjc4d ,cults1 iii4 p4 #big4 #cjc4e ,vide ,cults1 iv4 pp4 #aia-aib2 iii4 p4 #aa4 ,,transcriber',s ,,notes4 ,page numbers are given in curly brackets4 ,plain text version only3 endnote markers are given in square brackets4 ,minor spelling inconsistencies 7e4g4 coexist_/co-exist1 temple-ritual_/temple ritual1 etc47 have been preserved4 ,add title1 subtitle1 and author's name to cover image4 ,alterations to the text3 ,convert footnotes to endnotes1 relabel note markers 7append the original note number to the page number71 and add a corresponding entry to the ,,toc4 ,title page ,add commas to author's bibliography4 ,chapter ,i ,change 8from the tyranny of a morbid ascetism0 to asceticism4 ,chapter ,,iii 8,in his ,historie des anciennes ,religions1 ,tiele classifies0 to ,histoire4 8and their aboriginal god was ,possidon0 to ,poseidon4 ,chapter ,,iv 8and expecially the powers of the lower world0 to especially4 8,even ,allat1 the goddess of ,hell1 she who0 to ,allatu4 8the great ,assyrian god ,ahshur is quaintly expressed0 to ,asshur4 8the idea that ,istar is the compeer in power0 to ,ishtar4 8between the ,hittites and the ,assyrian ,babylonian kingdom0 to ,assyrian-,babylonian4 8no clear trace of theriomophism either in the0 to theriomorphism4 8how far the ,minaon religion was purely anthropomorphic0 to ,minoan4 ,chapter ,v 8,i formerly developed in the second volume of my cults0 capitalize and italicize cults4 ,chapter ,,vi 8,still less is ,allalu1 the monstrous and grim ,queen0 to ,allatu4 ,chapter ,,vii 7,alalkomenai1 8the places of ,athena ,alalkomene2 ,nemea1 8the'''7 add right double quotation mark after ,alalkomene4 ,chapter ,,vii 8about whom he is particulurly thoughtful0 to particularly4 ,chapter ,,ix 8and regards this ,hititte goddess as the ancestress0 to ,hittite4 ,chapter ,,xiii 8modern savagery and the history of ascetism0 to asceticism4 7and bewail her03 8,if you regard her as a deity1 do7 delete right double quotation mark4 ,index 8,hell1 ,babylonian conception of1 #bje-bjf0 add period at end of line4 ,endnotes 7,page #ag1 note #a7 8,archiv fur ,religionswissenschaft1 #aijd40 to fr4 7,page #db1 note #a7 8that the idiogram of ,enlil1 the god of0 to ideogram4 7,page #hd1 note #c7 8last of the ,babylonian kings1 ,nabuna 'id1 who prays0 to ,nabuna'id4 7,page #abd1 note #a7 8,die ,phoenizischen ,imschriften10 to ,phnizischen ,inschriften4 7,page #adh1 note #a7 8,weber1 ,dmonenbeschworung bei den ,babyloniern'''0 to ,dmonenbeschwrung4 7,page #ahc1 note #c7 8pp4 #ejb #ejc1 n4 #b0 add comma after #ejb4 7,page #bcb1 note #b7 8,lagranges1 tudes sur les religions smitiques0 to ,lagrange4 7,page #bdf1 note #a7 8,stengel1 ,die griechischen ,kultusalterthmer1 p4 #hi0 to ,kultusaltertmer4 7,page #bhf1 note #e7 8vide ,zimmern1 ,beitrage1 p4 #abc20 to ,beitrge4 ,end of text