,,outline-,,history ,,of ,,greek ,,religion ,,by ,,lewis ,,richard ,,farnell1 ,m4,a41 ,d4,litt4 ,,rector ,,of ,,exeter ,,college1 ,,oxford2 ,,gifford ,,lecturer ,,at ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,st4 ,,andrews2 ,,formerly ,,wilde ,,lecturer ,,in ,,natural ,,and ,,comparative ,,religion ,,in ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,oxford2 ,,hibbert ,,lecturer2 ,,hon4 ,d4 ,,litt4 ,,of ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,geneva1 ,,trinity ,,college1 ,,dublin1 ,,and ,,university ,,of ,,st4 ,,andrews2 ,,author ,,of 8,,cults ,,of ,,the ,,greek ,,states10 8,,the ,,evolution ,,of ,,religion10 8,,higher ,,aspects ,,of ,,greek ,,religion10 8,,greece ,,and ,,babylon0 ,,london ,,duckworth ,,co4 #c ,,henrietta ,,street1 ,,covent ,,garden ,,imprint ,first issued #aibj ,new ,edition #aiba ,all rights reserved ,,contents ,i4 ,the ,sources and the ,evidence ,,ii4 ,the ,prehistoric ,period ,,iii4 ,the ,second ,period1 #ijj-ejj ,b4,c4 ,,iv4 ,the ,third ,period1 #ejj-cch ,b4,c4 ,v4 ,the ,period after ,alexander ,literature ,endnotes ,,outline-,,history ,,of ,,greek ,,religion #g ,,chapter ,i4 ,,the ,,sources ,,and ,,the ,,evidence ,the foundation of a serious and scientific study of ,greek religion1 as distinct from the mere mythology of ,hellas1 may almost be said to have been an achievement of the last generation of scholars4 ,and it is only through recent research that the ,hellenic spirit1 so creative and imperial in the domains of literature1 art and science1 can be recognised as manifesting itself not unworthily in the sphere of religion4 ,the history of ,greek religion means1 partly1 the account and the interpretation of the various rites1 cults and cult-ideas of the various ,greek families1 tribes and communities2 partly the estimate of the religious temperament1 both of the masses and of the individuals who emerged from among them and of whom some record has been preserved4 ,now as the ,greek world in the long period of its independence was never organised as a single ,state1 the attempt to give a summary and general account of its religion is confronted with the perplexity arising from the often incalculable diversity of #h religious forms and ideas in the different centres of its social life1 which was in the highest degree centrifugal4 ,nevertheless1 as will be shown1 we find in the midst of manifold local variation certain uniformity of religious psychology1 making for uniformity of practice1 which enables us to deliver certain general pronouncements about the whole4 ,ancient ,sources3 ,literary4--,our real knowledge of any ancient religion depends obviously on the copiousness and variety of our records4 ,and it is likely to be more luminous1 if the society in question expressed its religious life not only in surviving literature1 but also in surviving art4 ,of both these kinds the student of ,greek religion has an unusually rich material4 ,for in spite of its secular freedom1 which is its salient achievement1 ,greek literature in its highest and most popular forms1 as well as in its narrower and more special1 is deeply infused or preoccupied with religion and religious myth4 ,in fact1 it reflects the vivifying penetration of religion into all parts of ,greek activity and mental life4 ,this is obviously true of the epic period1 which produced the two types of the chivalrous and the theologic epic1 and which has left us most valuable material for the religious history of the tenth and ninth centuries in the ,homeric poems1 and of the eighth and seventh centuries in the poems of ,hesiod and in the #8,homeric' hymns4 ,it is none the less true of the great lyric movement that followed upon that1 when the greatest poets devoted themselves to the composition of songs for festal-religious occasions or of hymns for the service of temple or altar2 and besides these whose great names and fragments of #i whose great works survive1 there was another less distinguished group of special #8hieratic' poets1 such as ,pamphos and ,mousaios1 who composed hymns for the service of certain mystery-cults1 and whose compositions were preserved as liturgical documents by the priestly families that administered them4 ,the sententious ethical-political poetry of the sixth century1 the elegiacs of ,theognis and ,solon1 is instinct with religious emotion and reflection4 ,and the greatest product of the poetic genius of ,hellas1 the tragic drama1 is of a religious character1 both in respect of its origin and much of its subject-matter4 ,finally1 the later learned poetry of the ,ptolemaic period1 the ,kassandra of ,lycophron1 the hymns and other works of ,kallimachos1 the epic poem of ,apollonios ,rhodios1 are full of antiquarian religious lore4 ,at the same time1 our knowledge is much indebted to the great prose-writers of ,greece1 the philosophers1 historians and orators2 among the philosophers1 especially to ,plato1 who more copiously than any of the others reveals to us1 however much he idealises1 the religious psychology and cult-phenomena of his period2 among the historians1 especially to ,herodotus1 who is the intellectual ancestor of the modern anthropologist and student of comparative religion and whose presentation of the facts is coloured with religious conviction4 ,the works of the ,attic orators are of special value for our purpose1 first because the classical orator was far more apt than the modern to dilate on religious themes and appeal to religious sentiments1 as religion was far more closely interfused with political and social life2 secondly1 because we are more sure of the orator than we can be of the poetic or philosophic #aj writer that his words are attuned to the average pitch of popular belief and sentiment4 ,it is true then that all the great fields of ,greek literature make their several contributions to the material of our subject4 ,and besides the works of the great masters1 the student has to reckon with the secondary and parasitic work of the later scholiasts1 compilers and commentators1 which is even more replete with the special information upon which the history of ,greek religion can be built4 ,the study of it is1 in fact1 almost coextensive with the whole study of ,greek literature4 ,but amidst this profusion of material we must specially mark the works of those ancients who wrote direct treatises on the various religious phenomena1 on the ,gods1 the cult-practices1 the theologic and mythologic systems of the ,hellenic societies4 ,the earliest of such works that have come down to us are the poems of ,hesiod and the ,hesiodic school1 the ,works and ,days and the ,theogony1 while of parts of the #8,homeric' hymns the special theme is the attributes and functions of the various divinities4 ,but it was not till the period of scientific activity after ,aristotle that definite treatises in prose on different departments of the national religion began to be rife4 ,a chapter on sacrifice by ,theophrastos is mainly preserved for us by ,porphyry4 ,the writers of #8,atthides' or ,attic history and antiquities1 who belonged mainly to the third century1 were special workers in this field2 ,philochoros1 the chief of them1 wrote #8on festivals1' #8on sacred days1' #8on divination1' #8on the ,attic mysteries'2 ,istros1 the slave and friend of ,kallimachos1 on the #8manifestations of ,apollo' and on #aa #8the ,cretan sacrifices'2 while the #8exegetic work' of ,kleidemos was1 if we may judge from the fragments that remain1 occupied with the problems of religion and mythology4 ,outside this circle we hear of other contributions to the history of ,greek religion1 such as the treatises of ,herakleides1 probably the pupil of ,aristotle1 usually called #8,pontikos1' on #8the foundations of temples1' and #8on oracles'2 and a work by an unknown ,sokrates of ,kos on the important subject of #8,invocation-titles of the ,gods4' ,lastly may be mentioned here a treatise of ,apollodoros1 #8 1' which1 if he is to be identified with the author of the #8,bibliotheca1' was probably a learned account of the popular religion rather than a metaphysical enquiry4 ,of nearly all this scientific post-,aristotelian literature only isolated fragments survive in quotations by later writers1 lexicographers1 and scholiasts1 who were no doubt more deeply indebted to it than they always acknowledged2 but it is some compensation for our loss that the work last mentioned1 the ,bibliotheca of ,apollodoros1 has been preserved1 a rich storehouse of myth and folklore with some infusion of actual cult-record4 ,among the later literature our subject is indebted to the geographer1 ,strabo1 for many incidental observations of local cults and ritual2 still more to the philosophic moralist and littrateur1 ,plutarch1 a man of earnest religious interest and some power of original thought1 who knew the religion of his country at first hand and at a time when it was yet alive1 and who devoted to it much attention and literary industry2 hence we must rank high among our ancient authorities his ,qustiones ,grc and his #ab treatises #8on the ,pythian ,oracle' and on #8the cessation of oracles4' ,again1 much desultory but varied information is afforded by the compilers ,athenus1 in his ,deipnosophist1 and ,stobus1 in his ,florilegium4 ,but of higher value than all these1 or in fact than any work that has been bequeathed to us from antiquity1 is the ,descriptio ,grci1 by ,pausanias1 composed about #ahj ,a4,d42 for he travelled somewhat as a modern anthropologist1 relying partly on earlier literature1 yet using his own eyes and ears and his own notes2 and his ruling passion was the study of the folk-religion and the religious monuments2 so that it is due mainly to him that we know something of the village-religion of ,hellas as distinct from that of the great cities1 and can frame working theories of the evolution through immemorial ages of various growths of the polytheism4 ,the lexicographers ,harpokration1 ,hesychios and ,suidas contribute facts of value1 especially in their citation of cult-appellatives1 which owing to the magic value of the special name or title whereby the deity was invoked throw a revealing light on the significance and power of many a worship1 and help to frame our conception of the complex character of many a divinity4 ,again1 the various collections of #8,scholia' on the classical texts are a rich quarry for our reconstruction of the fabric of ,hellenic religion2 and of chief value among these are the ,scholia on ,homer1 ,pindar1 schylus1 ,euripides1 ,aristophanes and ,theocritus1 while ,servius' ,commentary on ,vergil tells us even more about ,greek cult and mythology than about ,roman2 and high in this class of our authorities we must rank a work of late ,byzantine #ac learning1 the ,commentary of ,tzetzes on ,lykophron's poem1 #8,kassandra1' for his scholia are charged with remote antiquarian lore derived from good sources4 ,finally1 we gather much of our knowledge from the controversial treatises of the early ,christian ,fathers1 written with propagandist zeal in the heat of their struggle against ,paganism4 ,they reveal to us much of the religion that they strove to overthrow by the exposure of its viciousness and its absurdities4 ,but their statements must be used with cautious criticism4 ,their knowledge was by no means always at first hand1 unless--which we rarely know to have been the case--they were1 like ,clemens of ,alexandria1 converted ,pagans who had been bred up in the ,grco-,roman polytheism4 ,their statements1 for instance1 about the ,greek mysteries are often vague and unconvincing1 while in their desire to include them all in one general condemnation they confuse ,anatolian rites with ,eleusinian4 ,and they are pardonably blind to the often beautiful ritual1 the nobler ideas and the higher moral elements in the older ,mediterranean religions4 ,nevertheless1 if we make due allowance for prejudice and exaggeration1 works such as the ,protreptica of ,clemens1 the treatise of ,arnobius1 ,adversus ,gentes1 of ,firmicus ,maternus1 ,de ,errore ,profanarum ,gentium1 ,eusebius' ,prparatio ,evangelica1 ,augustine's ,de ,civitate ,dei1 ,athenagoras' ,legatio1 must be ranked among the primary sources of our history4 ,a special but very important chapter in the later history of ,greek religion is the account of the growth and diffusion of the religious brotherhoods1 especially the ,orphic ,dionysiac societies4 ,for these we have something of direct liturgical evidence in the #ad collection of ,orphic hymns1 mainly the products of the later theosophic period1 but throwing light on the theology and ritual of these sects4 ,but our knowledge of this mystic religion which was engrafted upon ,hellenism has been in recent times enriched by the priceless discovery of an ancient poetical ,orphic liturgy engraved upon gold-leaf found in tombs of ,crete and ,south ,italy and probably a product of the fifth century ,b4,c4 ,monumental4--,the above is a sketch of our more important literary sources4 ,the knowledge to be derived from them would1 on the whole and in many important details1 remain vague and uncertain1 were it not supplemented and secured by the evidence coming from another source which we may term semi-literary1 the evidence from inscriptions4 ,these have been accumulated in vast profusion during the last thirty years1 and have been1 and are still being1 reduced to order for our special purpose4 ,the public inscriptions1 being dry state-documents1 do not reveal to us the heart of any mystery or the religious soul of the people1 but rather the ,state-organisation and the exact minuti of ritual and sacrifice from which we can sometimes reconstruct an image of the inward religious thought4 ,and many a local cult of value for our total impression that was unrecorded by any writer is revealed to us by these monuments4 ,but the needs and aspirations of the private man are better attested by the private inscriptions attached to ex-voto dedications or commemorating divine benefits received4 ,yet amidst all this wealth of evidence there seems one thing lacking4 ,of actual temple-liturgies1 of formal prayers proffered round the altars1 of the #ae hymns chanted in the public service1 of all that might constitute a text of ,greek church-service there is comparatively little preserved4 ,one or two hymns and a few fragments of the religious lyric of the seventh century--to which we may now add the important recent find of the pans of ,pindar--a strophe of an ancient hymn to ,dionysos sung by the ,elean women1 a fourth-century pan to ,dionysos composed for the ,delphic service1 the newly discovered hymn of the ,kouretes in ,crete1 a few formul of prayers quoted or paraphrased by later writers--all this appears meagre material when we compare it with the profusion of documents of the public and private religion that are streaming in from ,babylon4 ,but in respect of another source of the history of religion1 our ,greek material is unique1 namely1 the monuments of art4 ,for the greatest art of ,hellas was mainly religious1 the greatest artists working for the religious service of the ,state4 ,and the surviving works of sculpture1 painting and glyptic1 wrought either for public or private purposes1 present us often not only with facts of religion and ritual unrecorded in literature1 but also with an impression hard to gain otherwise of the religious consciousness of the people and serve also as witnesses to the strength of the religious feeling4 ,for instance1 the knowledge and appreciation of ,athena's personality that we derive from ,attic monuments is deeper and more vivid than any that we gain from the literature4 ,therefore the study of ,greek religion is concerned as much with the art and archology as with the literature4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,prehistoric ,,period #af ,a summary sketch of so manifold a theme as that with which this short handbook deals will be of more value if it can present the facts in some kind of chronologic sequence4 ,we may conveniently distinguish four periods3 the first1 the prehistoric1 falling mainly in the second millennium ,b4,c4 and closing with the epoch marked by the ,homeric poems2 the second1 extending from #ijj to #ejj ,b4,c41 beginning with the colonial expansion of ,hellas and ending before the ,persian invasion2 the third1 from #ejj to #cch ,b4,c41 including the greatest century of ,greek history and closing with the battle of ,chronea and the establishment of ,macedonian supremacy2 the fourth and last1 the ,hellenistic and ,grco-,roman period4 ,the chronologic statement is embarrassed by the absence of any record of date for the institution and diffusion of most of the cults and for the growth of certain religious ideas2 nor can we safely date a religious fact by the date of the author who first mentions it2 a detail of ritual1 a myth1 a religious concept1 only attested by ,pausanias or a late scholiast1 may descend from an age centuries before the ,homeric4 ,and our earliest inscriptions do not #ag as yet reach back to a period earlier than the beginning of the seventh century4 ,for determining our view of ,greek religion in the second millennium ,b4,c41 when ,hellenism was in the making1 the poems of ,homer and ,hesiod are of priceless value if they are used with cautious and trained criticism4 ,we depend greatly also on the general inductions of comparative religion and anthropology1 which may sometimes guide us rightly in this matter1 especially if the anthropological comparison is drawn from more or less adjacent communities rather than from the ,antipodes4 ,we depend also on the evidence of the monuments of the ,minoan-,mycenan religion1 revealing glimpses of the practices and faith of a people of high culture1 whom no one would dare now to call1 at least in the earlier stage of their life1 ,hellenic1 but from whom the earliest ,hellenes doubtless adopted much into their own religion4 ,sketch of ,homeric religion4--,the poems of ,homer present us with an advanced polytheism1 a system in which the divinities are already correlated in some sort of hierarchy and organised as a divine family under a supreme ,god4 ,these divine beings are not mere #8daimones' or #8numina1' such as were in the main the old deities of ,rome1 vague and dimly outlined forces animate yet scarcely personal2 but rather concrete and individual of robust and sharply defined personality1 not spirits but immortal beings of superhuman substance and soul1 conceived in the glorified image of man4 ,the anthropomorphic bias is dominant in the poems1 plastically shaping the figures of all the divinities1 except occasionally some of the lower grade1 such as #ah the river-god ,skamandros4 ,even the vague group of nymphs1 female #8daimones' of the rill and the mountain1 while lacking individual characterisation1 bear the anthropomorphic name1 #8,brides1' or #8young women1' which is the root-meaning of 4 ,though the gods and goddesses are shape-shifters and may manifest or disguise themselves in the form of any animal--birds by choice--yet their abiding type is human2 nor has ,homer any clear remembrance of a #8cow-faced' ,hera1 still less of an #8owl-faced' ,athena1 since for him at least #8,hera ' was ,hera #8of the large ox-eyes'--the term is a complimentary epithet of women--and ,athena 1 the goddess #8of the flashing eyes4' ,also his divinities are moralised beings with human passions and ethical as well as artistic emotions4 ,the highest among them are not imagined as ,nature-powers1 bound up with or immanent in the forces and departments of the natural world1 for such a description applies only to his wind-,gods and nymphs and gods of river and sea2 also1 though more loosely1 to his ,helios1 the ,god of the ,sun2 to beings in fact that count little in his religious world4 ,it scarcely applies to ,poseidon1 for though his province is the sea1 and some of his functions and appellatives #8the girdler of the earth1' #8the earth-shaker1' #8he of the dark blue locks' are derived from it1 he is also the builder of the walls of ,troy1 the family deity of the house of ,nestor1 and the ,god of horses4 ,it does not describe at all his mode of imagining and presenting ,apollo1 ,hera1 ,athena1 ,hermes and others4 ,there is no hint that these divinities were conceived by him as nature-powers or as evolved from any part of the natural world4 #ai ,the ,high ,god1 ,zeus1 though specially responsible for the atmospheric and celestial phenomena1 is not identified with the thunder or even with the sky1 though a few phrases may reveal the influence of an earlier animistic conception of the divine sky4 ,his religious world1 in short1 is morphologically neither a system of polydaimonism nor one of pantheism in which a divine force is regarded as universally immanent in the world of things2 but is constructed on the lines of personal theism4 ,we may observe also that the polytheism of the age of ,perikles in regard to some of its leading divinities has not markedly advanced beyond the ,homeric4 ,athena1 in the ,homeric poems1 is already the ,goddess of war1 arts1 and counsel2 and there are already hints in the ,homeric presentation of her of the tender ,madonna-like character that is beautifully developed in the later ,attic monuments4 ,the ,homeric ,apollo is already the oracular ,god who delights in the music of the ,pan1 though his artistic and intellectual character is not yet fully developed4 ,of ,hermes and ,hephaistos the later ,attic conception is not notably different from the ,homeric4 ,again1 in spite of one or two frivolous and licentious passages1 the religious tone in the ,homeric poems is serious and in many important respects accords with an advanced morality4 ,the deity1 though jealous and revengeful of wrongs or slights to himself1 is on the whole on the side of righteousness and mercy2 his displeasure is aroused by those who spurn the voice of prayer1 who injure the suppliant1 the guest1 or even the beggar2 and besides ,zeus and the other #8,olympians1' who are #bj general guardians of the right1 there loom the dark powers of the lower world1 who are specially concerned with the sanctity of the oath4 ,much also of the religious reflection in the poems strikes us as mature and advanced3 notably that passage at the beginning of the ,odyssey where ,zeus declares that it is not the ,gods who bring evil to men1 but that it is the wickedness of their own hearts that is the cause of all their evils4 ,finally1 the ,homeric ritual appears as on the higher level of theism4 ,we can detect it in no trace of savagery and but little contamination of the religion with magic4 ,the sacrifice is more than a mere bribe2 it is a friendly communion with the divinity2 and the service is solemn and beautiful with hymn and dance4 ,the cult is furnished with altar and sometimes with temple and a priesthood1 but not yet1 as a rule1 with the idol1 though this is beginning to appear4 ,this slight sketch of ,homeric theology is presented here in the belief that the ,homeric poems enable us to catch some glimmer of the religion of the centuries preceding the first millennium4 ,this belief is based on the conviction that the poems represent a ,greek society existing near the date of #ajjj ,b4,c4 ,it is of course opposed to the view still maintained by some scholars that they are1 in their finished form1 a product of a much later period1 and that the religion which they enshrine may be such as was in vogue in ,attica about the epoch of ,peisistratos4 ,but certain arguments drawn from ethnology and sociology are fatal to this theory1 and still more so are the arguments that may be drawn from the history of ,greek religion2 for at the period of ,peisistratos certain #ba religious forces were rife1 and certain religious phenomena prominent1 of which ,homer is entirely silent4 ,still less reasonable is it to imagine that ,homer constructs a religious world out of his own brain4 ,we must suppose that he reflects something real and contemporary4 ,only we must guard ourselves from the serious error of supposing that he reflects the whole4 ,much is doubtless missing in his account which we may be able to supply from ,hesiod and other sources by means of reasonable hypotheses4 ,the assumption is1 then1 that the ,homeric poems present us with a part-picture of the religion that prevailed among some of the leading ,greek communities before the ,dorian invasion of the ,peloponnese and the ,ionic colonisation of ,asia ,minor4 ,pre-,homeric period of religion4--,now when we consider how slow of growth and enduring are the forms and the moral and metaphysical concepts of religion we have the right to believe that part of what ,homer records on these matters is the inherited tradition of an age some centuries earlier than his own4 ,it is probable that those earliest ,aryan immigrants from the north1 ,achans1 ,dryopes1 ,minyai and others--who by mingling with peoples of aboriginal ,mediterranean stock and of the ,minoan-,mycenan culture constituted the happy blend that we call the ,hellenic race--had already arrived at the stage of personal theism2 and that ,hellenic religion proper does not start with a #8godless period'#ba4a when the unseen powers were only dimly outlined in the vaguer and more fleeting characters of what is #bb called animism4 ,we now know from the valuable discovery of a cuneiform inscription that the ,iranian people had evolved such personal deities as ,mitra and ,varuna before #adjj ,b4,c4#bb4a ,and we have the right to suppose that their western kinsfolk1 who were forcing their way through the ,balkans1 probably only a century earlier1 were at least at the same level of religious imagination4 ,we can best understand the picture of the religious world of ,homer and also the later cult-records1 if we believe that the kindred tribes coming from the north brought in certain personal deities1 some of whom were common to more than one stock1 and one at least may have been common to them all4 ,this would best explain the supremacy of ,zeus1 the ,sky-,god1 the diffusion of his name ,olympios1 derived from the mountain that dominates the northern frontier1 near to which the people that were to lead the history of ,greece had at one time temporary settlements and which they regarded as the throne of their high ,god4 ,the wide geographical area of his cult cannot be naturally explained on the assumption that at any period in ,hellenic history he had been merely the special deity of one particular tribe4 ,also as regards two other high ,gods at least1 ,apollo and ,poseidon1 we may be reasonably sure that already in the pre-,homeric period certain tribes other than the ,achans had these cult-figures4 ,in the ,hyperborean ritual1 which reflects at points the earliest days of ,hellenism1 we can follow the track of ,apollo's invasion from the north2 and the evidence is fairly clear that #bc ,poseidon was equally a northern immigrant1 being the special tribal deity of the ,minyai4 ,we must not then apply to the pre-,homeric period of ,greek religion the formula1 #8one tribe one ,god1' but must imagine that religion had already surmounted in some degree the tribal barriers2 for though the spirit of tribal exclusiveness was strong throughout the earlier periods of this polytheism1 certain families and certain tribes having the special prerogative of certain and jealously excluding strangers1 yet the fact of the common possession of certain worships by various tribes contained the germ of religious expansiveness4 ,moreover1 at some age indefinitely earlier than the ,homeric1 the conception of the high ,god had expanded both cosmically and ethically4 ,zeus had become more than a #8departmental ,god'2 the deity of the sky was also in the first period--so far as we can reconstruct it--,zeus #8,chthonios1' the ,lord of the life of earth and of the world under the earth1 and it is likely that ,hades was only an emanation from him4 ,also1 we may regard the ,homeric appellation of ,zeus1 1 as a conventional and crystallised phrase descending from an older poetic tradition4 ,and we are justified in interpreting it as a phrase belonging to the higher plane of theism4#bc4a ,we must also suppose that the anthropomorphic view of the personal deity1 of which ,homer is so attractive a spokesman1 had asserted itself in the period before his4 ,unlike the early ,roman1 the early ,hellenic divinities could be regarded as married1 and ideas derived from the life of the #bd family could be applied to them2 although we can often discern that many of the myths concerning divine relationships--the sisterhood of ,artemis to ,apollo1 for instance--do not belong to the earliest ,hellenic epoch4 ,minoan-,mycenan religion4--,but any account of the ,hellenic polytheism of the second millennium demands a critical study of the ,minoan-,mycenan religion as well1 and before we can decide what part of the ,homeric and later systems belongs to the aboriginal ,aryan-,hellenic tradition1 we must know what the northerners found indigenous in the lands that they conquered or occupied4 ,we know now that they found in many centres a culture superior to their own and a religion of an advanced theistic type with elaborate1 though mainly aniconic1 ritual1 devoted pre-eminently to a ,great ,goddess1 by whose side a ,god was only the subordinate partner4 ,it has been pointed out#bd4a that where we find in historic ,greece the ,goddess-cult predominant1 and especially the prevalence of a virgin-goddess1 we should recognise the ,minoan-,mycenan tradition in antagonism to the #8,aryan1' the latter invariably maintaining the predominance of the ,god4 ,we may therefore believe the cults of ,artemis in ,arcadia and ,attica1 of ,athena in ,attica1 the cult--though not the name--of ,hera in ,argos#bd4b and ,samos1 to have been inherited from the former rather than to have been brought in by the latter4 ,and sometimes linguistic science will be able to assign the different personalities of the polytheism to its different #be ethnic strains1 by determining the group of languages to which the divine name in question belongs4 ,those that can be explained with certainty or probability as of #8,aryan' or ,indo-,germanic and may therefore be presumed to have penetrated ,greece from the north1 are ,zeus1 ,hera1 ,ares1 ,demeter1 ,hestia1 ,dionysos1 probably ,poseidon and ,apollo4 ,on the other hand1 #8,athena1' #8,artemis1' #8,aphrodite1' #8,hephaistos' defy explanation on these lines1 and probably belong to a primitive gean language4 ,we may be doubtful about #8,hermes1' though elsewhere ,i have argued for his #8non-,hellenic' origin4 ,that philology has not yet brought us nearer to the solution of many of these problems is due to the lacun in our knowledge of the pre-,hellenic ,mediterranean languages1 and especially to our ignorance of the ,minoan script for which we have masses of material but as yet no interpreter4 ,finally1 the evidence of the early geographical area of a certain cult may sometimes be decisive in itself2 this is the case in regard to the cults of the #8,mother of the ,gods' and of ,aphrodite1 who are aboriginally connected with ,crete and ,cyprus respectively1 that is1 with the centres of the ,minoan culture4 ,we assume then that the polytheism of the ,greece of history was a blend of ,northern and ,mediterranean elements2 and the poems of ,homer may reveal a reflection of the early ,achan period when the fusion was not yet fully accomplished4 ,thus we find there that ,athena1 ,hephaistos1 ,hermes and the ,goddess of ,argos had been already #8,achanised or ,hellenised1' and are warm champions of the ,hellenic cause2 while ,artemis1 ,aphrodite1 ,ares1 though genealogically linked to the ,olympian family1 are #bf equally warm on the side of ,troy and are treated by the poet with irreverence and even contumely4 ,the position of ,apollo is different4 ,there are overpowering reasons for regarding him as of northern origin1 a genuinely ,achan deity1 and the ,achan poet treats him with deep respect4 ,and we can only explain his pro-,trojan sympathies by the assumption that when the poems were composed his cult had become dominant on the ,trojan shore1 which he was therefore supposed to guard4 ,but the ethnic decision is at present impossible on a vast number of details in this composite polytheism1 in respect both of ritual and of the divine personalities2 and the student of ,hellenic religion must often abandon temporarily the quest of origins in his investigation of the composite whole4 ,proto-,hellenic period4--,the very high development of this ,mediterranean civilisation from which ,hellenism drew so much of its own life is in itself sufficient reason for the belief that the advanced picture that ,homer presents of his contemporary polytheism affords us a true estimate of the progress that had been achieved in the centuries before him4 ,and this is corroborated by a careful analysis of the later cult-records4 ,family religion4--,society in the latter half of the second millennium had already reached the higher agricultural stage and had evolved the monogamic family4 ,demeter--whose ,aryan descent is proved by her name--was generally recognised by the various ,hellenic tribes as the ,earth-,goddess of corn1 and the very ancient festival of the ,thesmophoria was commonly associated with her4 ,certain forms of the religion of the family1 which was the life-source #bg of much of the private ethics of later ,greece1 can be traced back to the earliest period2 the worship1 for instance1 of ,zeus 1 the ,god of the garth1 around whose altar in the courtyard of the old ,aryan house the kinsmen gathered for worship4 ,another sacred centre of the family life in the pre-,homeric ,society was doubtless the hearth and the hearth-stone in the middle of the hall2 there are allusions to its sanctity in the ,homeric poems1 and the cult-records attest the great antiquity of this religious fact2 although the development of the personal goddess ,hestia is a later phenomenon4 ,again1 the wider kinship-groups of the and are obviously pre-,homeric1 and doubtless these had been consecrated by aboriginal religion1 though we cannot date precisely the emergence of such cult-forms as ,zeus and ,athena 1 the deities who were specially concerned with the constitution and rights of the kindred-group4 ,political religion4--,further1 it is fairly clear that already in this first stage the religion had become closely interfused with the higher political and social life4 ,although the greater part of the population lived still under the tribal system in scattered villages----yet the #8polis' had already arisen2 and in certain cases we may surmise for it a religious origin1 where its name is derived from the personal name or the shrine of some divinity4 ,examples are #8,athenai1' ,alalkomenai1 ,potniai1 perhaps ,megara4 ,in these cases the temple must have been the nucleus around which grew up the secular habitations2 and the deity of the temple would become supreme in the political religion4 #bh ,athena had won this position at ,athens and probably elsewhere in the immemorial pre-,homeric past2 and this explains her character in the ,homeric poem as the divinity who more than all others inspires political wisdom and counsel4 ,various indications point in fact to the belief that the earliest development of the city life was closely bound up with the cults of ,zeus and ,athena2 for no other divinity was ever styled ,polieus or ,polias by any ,greek ,state2 and this agrees mainly with the presentation of them in the ,homeric poems4 ,the unanimity of the tradition points back to the second millennium1 as the period when this political characterisation of the two deities was determined4 ,and this view is strikingly confirmed by the records concerning the ritual and the establishment of the cult of ,zeus #8,polieus' on the ,athenian ,akropolis1 an institution attributed to ,kekrops and marking probably the ,hellenisation of ,attica2 the singular features of the ritual and the association preserved in its legend of ,attica with ,crete indicate a high antiquity1 when agriculture was the economic basis of the political as well as the religious life4 ,we may believe that other cults besides the two just mentioned played their part in the political growth of the pre-,homeric world4 ,the marketplace1 the cradle of political oratory1 had become sacred ground1 as ,homer himself attests2 and this consecration was probably marked by the presence of some #8agalma1' a sacred stone of ,hermes1 for instance4 ,apollo1 also1 had early divested himself of the aboriginal character of the god of the wood and of the homeless migratory host1 had become a builder of cities1 and had established himself in the #bi city's streets with a change in the meaning of his title1 1 once an appellative of the ,way-,god who guided the host through the wild1 now of the deity who guarded the ways of the city4 ,and already1 before ,homer1 his shrine at ,pytho was beginning to acquire wealth and political importance as an oracular centre of consultation4 ,ethical religion4--,the theistic system had been turned to good account in other directions than the political before it appeared on the canvas of ,homer4 ,the whole morality of early social life had been nurtured and protected by it2 for we may maintain that the ethical religious spirit of ,homer--unless we regard him as a man or as a group of men to whom a special revelation had been made--must reflect in some degree a tradition that had grown up in the centuries before him4 ,we see then that current conceptions about the ,gods had ceased to be inspired merely by fear2 a milder sentiment had come to tinge religious thought2 the ,deity was regarded not only as a righteous ,god of vengeance1 but as loving mercy and compassion and as a defender of the weak and destitute4 ,only once1 and only in regard to the wild sea-god ,poseidon1 does a ,homeric phrase suggest that the deity might have been regarded as in his own nature malevolent4#bi4a ,the cult of ,zeus 1 the guardian of the stranger and the wanderer1 had already arisen4 ,and the sanctity of the oath taken in the name of the deities of the upper and the lower world was the basis of much private and communal morality4 ,art an aspect of religion4--,and other parts of the higher activity of man had been consecrated by the #cj polytheism of which ,homer inherits and develops the tradition4 ,the earliest imagination of the ,hellenes appears to have perceived a daimoniac potency--a #8numen' as we may say--in the arts of song and music2 and this had sometimes crystallised into the personal forms of divinities1 into such interesting embodiments as the ,muses or the ,charites1 who must have belonged to the pre-,homeric popular theism4 ,the latter group had grown up at the ,botian ,orchomenos1 an old centre of the ,minoan-,mycenan culture4 ,it may be that at one time they had no other than the purely physical significance of vegetation-powers2 but we only understand their value for ,homer if we suppose that before his time they had come to be associated with the arts and the delight of human life4 ,we discern also that the higher deities1 ,apollo and ,athena1 though by no means merely #8functional' or departmental powers1 had acquired the special patronage of song and art4 ,it seems1 then1 that in the earliest as in the later periods of their history the religion of the ,hellenes idealised that sphere of human activity in which the ,hellenic spirit was to achieve its highest1 the sphere of art1 and among higher and lower religions it was unique in this4 ,proto-,hellenic ritual4--,it seems1 then1 that even in the earliest period the polytheism was no longer on the most primitive plane4 ,and we gather the same impression from what is revealed to us of the earliest forms of ,greek ritual4 ,the ,homeric and ,hesiodic poems are full of information concerning the liturgy or cult-service with which the poets were familiar2 what they tell us avails first of all for the period of the eleventh to the eighth century4 ,but #ca ritual takes long to develop1 and once fixed is the most abiding element in religion4 ,it is not too bold1 then1 to take the ,homeric account as vouching for a tradition that goes back at least to the later centuries of the second millennium4 ,the sacred place of worship might be a natural cave1 or a #8temenos1' a fenced clearing in a grove1 containing as the of the deity a tree-trunk or holy pillar or heap of stones1 whence gradually an artificial altar might be evolved2 the latter had become1 some time before ,homer1 the usual receptacle of sacrifice and was a prominent figure in the ,minoan-,mycenan religion1 which usually associated it with a sacred tree or pillar1 the token of the deity's presence or a magnet for attracting it1 but not with any iconic statue or idol4 ,personal religion could content itself with such equipment1 but1 if the anthropomorphic instinct is strong in it1 it prompts the construction of the temple or the house of ,god4 ,and temples must have been found in the land in the pre-,homeric period2 the few that have as yet been revealed in the area of ,minoan-,mycenan culture were built1 with one exception1#ca4a within the royal palaces1 and must be regarded as domestic chapels of the king1 marking his sacred character as head of the religion of the ,state1 the character with which the legends invest ,king ,minos and ,king ,aiakos4 ,the earliest that have been excavated on free sites are the temples of ,hera at ,argos and ,olympia1 and these are now dated not earlier than the ninth century ,b4,c4 ,but the traditions of the earliest temple at ,delphi1 and of that of ,athena on the #cb ,athenian ,acropolis1 suggest a greater antiquity than this4 ,with the multiplication of temples special priesthoods must also have multiplied4 ,but the professional priest had already arisen in pre-,homeric times2 ,homer knows of the brotherhood called the ,selloi1#cb4a who tended the oracular oak of ,zeus at ,dodona1 8who slept on the ground and never washed their feet10 and he mentions others who were attached to special deities1 and two of these at least administered cults without a temple1 the priest of ,zeus of ,mount ,ida1#cb4b and the priest of the river ,skamandros1#cb4c of each of whom he says1 8he was honoured like a god among the people40 ,these words suggest a high and sacrosanct position2 yet these two priests are also warriors fighting in the ranks1 which is the mark of a secular priesthood2 and there is no legend nor any hint of evidence suggesting that a professional priesthood enjoyed a political and social power in the prehistoric that we know was never achieved by them in the historic period of ,greece4 ,for the evolution of many of the earliest ,hellenic institutions evidence is almost wholly lacking4 ,but on general comparative grounds we can surmise that the religious character of the monarchy was most prominent in the earliest times and that as its secular power and functions developed1 the priest-expert was attached to him to assist in the national cults1 over which the ,basileus retained a general supervision4 ,we have scarcely a hint1 either in the earliest or later days of ,greece1 of any conflict between ,church and ,state2 we know that1 at least1 historic ,greece escaped sacerdotalism2 #cc and its earliest societies1 whatever their danger or their struggles may have been1 had escaped it by the days of ,homer4#cc4a ,bearing on this point is the other negative fact1 that for this earliest age we have little or no evidence of the prevalence of what is called #8,shamanism1' divine seizures1 ecstatic outbursts of wild prophesying1 by which a society can be terrified and captured4 ,the professional #8,mantis1' the prophet or soothsayer1 existed as distinct from the priest2 but his methods generally--so far as our earliest witness informs us--were cool and quasi-scientific4#cc4b ,the ritual at the altar in the early period with which we are at present dealing consisted of an oblation to the deity of an animal victim or an offering of fruits and cereals2 the sacrifice might be accompanied with wine or might be wineless1 a #8sober' sacrifice which was called 1 the latter being perhaps the more ancient tradition4 ,we may interpret the earliest form of ,hellenic animal-sacrifice as in some sense a simple tribal or family communion-meal with the deity1 whereby the sense of comradeship and clan-feeling between man and ,god was strengthened and nourished4 ,this is the view that ,homer has inherited1 and it endures throughout the later history of the ritual2 and it expresses the general genial temper of ,hellenic religion1 a trait which ,robertson ,smith marked as characteristic of other religions of the same social type4#cc4c ,similarly the description given us by ,theophrastos and ,pausanias of the ancient ritual of ,zeus #cd ,polieus on the ,athenian ,akropolis reveals to us a typical example of the civic communion feast4#cd4a ,such a sacrifice is merely a transference into the divine circle of the practice of the common feast of the tribesmen4 ,but we can also discern a mystic element in the ,homeric ritual text1 which is evidently based on a tradition indefinitely older than the poems2 the sacrificial victim1 usually the ox1 is first consecrated by being touched with the barley-stalks1 which had been placed on the altar and which fill him by their contact with the altar's divine spirit3 then when he has been immolated and cut up1 the sacrificers are specially said 8to taste the entrails0#cd4b invariably before the real sacred meal begins2 as the entrails are the inner seat of the life which has been consecrated by the hallowing contact of the altar1 we are justified in supposing that the object of this solemn act was to establish the real and corporeal communion of the worshipper with the divinity4#cd4b ,chthonian worship4--,the important distinction which is well attested of the later ages between the #8chthonian' and the #8,olympian' ritual--to use these two conventional terms for convenience--may already have been in vogue in the earliest period of the polytheism4 ,in the first type of sacrifice1 where the offering was made to the nether divinities1 the victim's head was held down above a hole in the ground--a --and the blood from the severed throat was shed into it4 ,in the second1 where the upper powers1 whose region was the air or #ce the sky1 were the recipients1 the victim was held up erect off the ground1 his face lifted towards the sky1 and in this attitude his throat was cut4 ,homer shows himself aware of this form of sacrifice2 and that the other1 the chthonian1 was also in vogue in his time is to be inferred from his account of the ritual performed by ,odysseus in honour of the shades1 where he mentions the 1 the sacrifice of black sheep1 with their heads turned downwards towards the lower world1 and the triple libation of honey1 wine and water4#ce4a ,for the ritual of the dead in the ,greek religious tradition was closely modelled on the service of the nether divinities4 ,the triple libation is known to have been part of ,minoan-,cretan cult1 as the altar table found in the cave of ,mount ,dikte attests4#ce4b ,and a shrine with a in the middle of the cella has been found at ,prini in ,crete1 consecrated to a chthonian goddess1 of which the foundation is ascribed to the ninth century4#ce4c ,from these indications and from the prevalence of chthonian cults attested by later records1 in which we can discern features of great antiquity1 we can gather that the earliest period of ,greek religion was not wholly characterised by the brightness of ritual and the geniality of religious feeling that appear on the surface of ,homeric poetry4 ,the ,homeric sacrifice was often accompanied by a sense of sin1#ce4d though the poet shows no cognisance of any peculiar ritual of a specially piacular type4 ,also he was aware of the dark world of powers who avenged #cf the broken oath and punished sinners even after death4 ,long before his time1 we may suppose1 gloomy worship1 such as that of the described by ,pausanias at ,myonia in ,lokris1#cf4a of which the rites were performed by night1 was in vogue in parts of ,greece4 ,mother-,earth1 prophesying through phantom-dreams1 had held rule at ,delphi before ,apollo came1 and that was long before ,homer's work began4#cf4b ,there are strong reasons also for believing that the cult of hero-ancestors was already a part of the pre-,homeric religion1 as it was a prominent part of the post-,homeric4 ,the elaborate tendance of the dead attested of the ,mycenan period by the graves discovered at ,tiryns and ,mycen1 could easily develop into actual worship if it was maintained through many generations1 as it was at ,menidi in ,attica4 ,doubtless1 the common and promiscuous worship of the dead was a morbid development of the later polytheism4 ,but ,homer1 who is generally silent about such cults1 and in a well-known passage about the ,twin-,brethren#cf4c seems to ignore deliberately their divine or semi-divine character1 almost reveals his knowledge of the worship of ,herakles1#cf4d and certainly was aware of the ,attic cult of ,erechtheus1 unless the passage that refers to it was the work of the interpolator4#cf4e ,it is a difficult question how we are to estimate and how far we can trust the ,homeric evidence on this important point of religion4 ,even if we trust it so far as to say that the ,achans at least practised #cg no real worship of the dead1 it yet remains probable that they found it existing here and there in the lands in which they settled4 ,it is important to emphasise this gloomier side of ,greek religion2 but it is detrimental to exaggerate it1 as has been the tendency of some modern writers in a pardonable revolt from the old shallow theories of orthodox classicism4 ,we ought to recognise that at no period of his history was the ordinary ,hellene ghost-ridden1 worried and dismayed by demoniac terrors1 or by morbid anxiety about the other world or his destiny after death2 at least he will not appear so1 when we compare his religious and mythologic records with those of ,babylon1 ,egypt1 and ,christendom4#cg4a ,nor dare we affirm that the prehistoric ,hellene was weaker-minded and more timorous in respect of such matters than the later4 ,he may even have been stronger-minded1 and at least as willing to eat a sacramental meal in company with the #8,theoi ,meilichioi' 7shadowy powers of the lower world71 or with the ,nether-,zeus1 or the ,nether ,earth-,mother1 and with his departed family-spirits1 as were his later descendants at ,lokris1 ,mykonos and other places4#cg4b ,the earliest myths have little of the goblin element4 ,homer indeed himself was cognisant of such forms of terror as a black #8,ker'--,penelope likens ,antinoos to one2#cg4c the ancient folklore of ,argolis was aware of a bad spirit that once ravaged its homes4#cg4d ,the early popular imagination was sure to have inherited or to have evolved such creations of fear2 and a black ,earth-,goddess with a horse's #ch head and snake-locks1 who lived in a dark cave at ,phigaleia1 almost certainly in the pre-,homeric period1 was a sufficiently terrifying personality4#ch4a ,but happily for the ,greek imagination1 the divinities of the world of death1 abiding below the earth1 tended to take on the benign functions of the powers of vegetation4 ,the ,god of the lower world is scarcely called by the ill-omened name of ,hades in cult1 but ,plouton or ,trophonios or ,zeus ,chthonios1 names importing beneficence2 for the ,homeric and ,hesiodic world ,demeter is a goddess of blessing1 not of terror4 ,and although in the earliest period certain demoniac personages such as ,medousa--identical in form and perhaps in character with the snake-locked horse-headed ,demeter--may have loomed large and terrible in popular cult1 and afterwards faded wholly from actual worship or survived in the lower strata of ineffectual folklore1 yet the more civilising imagination had also been operative in the religion of the second millennium4 ,the monuments of the ,minoan-,mycenan religion reveal scarcely an element of terror4 ,and at some period before ,homer the kindly deity1 ,hermes1 had assumed the function of the leader of souls4 ,as regards the eschatological views of the prehistoric ,greek we can say little1 unless we believe that ,homer was his spokesman2 and such belief would be very hazardous4 ,the earliest communities may have had no special hopes concerning the departed soul2 we have no reason for thinking that the mysteries which came to offer some promise of happiness in the world to come had as yet proclaimed such a doctrine2 the earliest form of the ,eleusinia may have been that of a secret #ci society organised for agrarian purposes4 ,but1 on the other hand1 there is no proof that the primitive mind of the ,hellene brooded much on the problem of death1 or was at all possessed with morbid feeling about it2 and in pre-,homeric times he must have been freer from care in this matter than he was in the later centuries1 if we accept the view of certain scholars that the elaborate ritual of #8,katharsis' or purification1 which was mainly dependent on the idea of the impurity of death1 ghosts and bloodshed1 was wholly the creation of post-,homeric days4 ,earliest ritual of purification4--,it has been even said that the very idea of the need of purification on special occasions was unknown to ,homer4 ,this is demonstrably false2 it is enough to mention one passage alone3 at the close of the first book of the ,iliad1 the ,achans at ,agamemnon's bidding1 purify themselves from the plague1 and throw the infected media of purification into the sea2 this is a religious lustration4 ,and when ,hesiod mentions the rule that a man returning from an #8ill-omened' funeral could not without peril attempt to beget a child on that day1#ci4a he happens to be the first literary witness to the ,greek tabu of death2 but we may be sure that he is giving us a tradition of indefinite age1 and that the #8,achan' society1 of which ,homer is supposed to be the spokesman1 had some of the ,kathartic rules and superstitions that are found broadcast in later ,greece4 ,it may not have elaborated or laid marked stress on them2 it may have had no strong sense of the impurity of homicide nor devised any special code for its expiation4 ,but if it was entirely without any instinctive feeling for the #dj impurity of birth and death1 and for the danger of the #8miasma' arising from certain acts and states1 it was almost unique among the races of man4 ,only1 a progressive people does not overstrain such feelings4 ,such a religion as has been sketched might accord with a high social and political morality4 ,on the other hand1 it would not be likely to foster and consecrate certain mental moods1 ennobled by ,christian ethic1 such as #8fear of ,god1' humility1 faith4 ,never in the free periods of ,greek history was #8deisidaimonia' 7#8fear of divine powers'7 regarded as a virtue1 but rather as a vice or weakness4 ,the ,hellene was humble in his attitude to ,god only in the sense that he disliked overweening acts and speech of self-glorification2 the phrase1 1 #8slave of ,god1' common in early ,christian documents1 would be as repugnant to the ,hellene as would be the ecstasy of self-abasement congenial to the ,babylonian and the ,christian religions4 ,as for the ,pauline use of the word 1 #8faith1' its value for religious morality would have been unintelligible for the earlier ,greek4#dj4a ,cruder religious conceptions in the earliest period4--,so far1 the religious phenomena discoverable with some certainty or some probability in the earliest period of ,greek history indicate a theistic system of a somewhat advanced type4 ,but doubtless we must reckon with the presence of much else that was cruder and more savage4 ,when we find in the later records ample evidence of the lower products of the religious imagination1 the products of #8animism' or #8fetichism' or #8theriomorphism' or #8polydaimonism1' #da more inarticulate and uncouth embodiments of the concept of divinity1 or darker and more cruel ritual than that which ,homer describes1 such as human sacrifice1 the driving out of the scapegoat1 blood-magic for controlling winds or finding water1 no reasonable critic will call all these things post-,homeric because they may not be mentioned in ,homer1 or suppose that the pure-minded ,hellenes were seduced into borrowing them from the ,orientals1 or that they were spontaneous products of a later degenerate age4 ,the view taken of them by those who have in recent times applied comparative ,anthropology to the study of ,hellenism is the only one that is possible on the whole2 these things are a surviving tradition of a mode of religious thought and feeling proper to the aboriginal ancestors of the ,hellenic race1 or immemorial indigenous products of the soil upon which that race grew up4 ,there is no cataclysm in the religious history of ,greece1 no violent breach with its past1 no destruction of primitive forms at the advent of a higher enlightenment2 no fanatic prophet arose1 and the protests of philosophy were comparatively gentle and ineffective4 ,only a few religious forms of an undeveloped society that might shock a more civilised conscience were gradually abandoned2 most of them were tolerated1 some in a moribund condition1 under a more advanced religion1 with which they might be seen to clash if any one cared to reason about them4 ,therefore a chapter or a statement in ,pausanias may really be a record of the pre-,homeric age2 and in this way we can supplement the partial picture that has been given above4 ,animal-,gods and ,animal-worship4--,the anthropomorphic #db principle1 which is not necessarily the highest upon which a personal theism could be constructed1 is the main force of the higher life of ,hellenic polytheism4 ,we may believe that it had begun to work before ,homer1 but not predominantly or with sufficient effect to produce a stable anthropomorphism in religion4 ,some worship of animals which is called #8theriolatry1' some beliefs in the animal-incarnations of the divinity1 were certainly in vogue4 ,a few of the more ancient cult-titles would be evidence sufficient1 apart from the later records4 ,one of the most significant and oldest is 1 an epithet of ,apollo marking his association with wolves2 we find also that in many legends and even occasionally in ritual the wolf appears as his sacred animal4 ,these facts point back to a period when ,apollo was still the hunter-god of the wild wood1 and was regarded as occasionally incarnate in the beast of the wild4 ,we have also a few indications of direct reverence being paid to the wolf1 apart from its connection with any god4#db4a ,another salient example either of theriolatry or theriomorphic god-cult is snake-worship1 proved to have existed in the earliest epoch of the ,delphic religion1 and in vogue according to later records in ,epirus and ,macedonia4 ,it may have been reverenced in its own right1 or as the incarnation of some personal divinity or hero1 as we find it later attached to the chthonian deities1 to the ,earth-,mother1 ,zeus and 1#db4b ,asklepios1 and to the buried hero or heroine1 such as ,erechtheus1 ,kychreus4 ,we have also reasons for assuming a very early cult of a ,bear-,artemis in #dc ,attica#dc4a and ,arcadia2 and many other examples of similar phenomena will be found in a treatise on the subject by ,de ,visser4#dc4b ,later ,arcadia was full of the products and of the tradition of this early mode of religious imagination2 besides the horse-headed ,demeter at ,thigaleia1 we hear of the worship at the same place of a goddess called ,eurynome1 represented as half-woman1 half-fish2 and bronze figures1 belonging to the ,roman period1 have been found at ,lykosoura in ,arcadia1 apparently representations of divinities partly theriomorphic4#dc4c ,the first anthropologists who dealt with the primitive forms of ,hellenic religion read this special set of phenomena in the light of totemism2 but progressive students have now abandoned the totemistic hypothesis1 on the ground that there is little or no trace of ,totemism in any ,greek or any ,aryan ,society1 and that theriolatry1 or the direct worship of animals1 needs no such explanation4 ,also1 as ,i have recently pointed out elsewhere1#dc4d the theriomorphic concept of divinity can and frequently does co-exist at certain periods and in certain peoples with the anthropomorphic2 nor can we say with assurance that in the mental history of our race the former is prior to the latter1 or that generally the anthropomorphic was evolved from the animal-god4 ,functional ,deities3 polydmonism4--,in attempting to penetrate the pre-,homeric past1 we have to reckon with another phenomenon which1 though #dd revealed in later records only1 has certainly a primitive character and has been regarded as belonging to an age when the concept of definite complex personalities1 such as 1 had not yet arisen4 ,it was ,usener#dd4a who first called attention to a large number of local cults of personages unknown to myth or general literature and designated1 not by what are called proper names1 such as ,hermes1 ,apollo1 ,zeus1 but by transparent adjectival names1 expressing a particular quality or function or activity1 to which the essence of the divine power in each case was limited3 such1 for instance1 are 1 1 1 being nothing more1 respectively1 than the hero of the ploughshare at ,marathon1 the #8hero who makes the beans grow' on the sacred way to ,eleusis1 #8the hero who gives the good return of corn' at ,tanagra2 for these he invented the term1 #8,sonder-,gtter1' meaning deities of a single function only2 and to those of them to whom only a momentary function and therefore only a momentary existence seemed to appertain1 he applied the term #8,augenblick-,gtter1' #8,momentary ,gods'2 an ,hellenic example of this type might be #81' #8,fly-chaser1' in ,arcadia1 and ,elis1 who at the sacrifice to ,athena or ,zeus was called upon to chase away the flies that would worry the sacrificers1 and who only existed for the purpose and at the time of that call4 ,we may compare also1 for vagueness and inchoateness of personality1 certain aggregates of deities having no definite single existence1 but grouped by some adjectival functional name1 such as 1 #8the deities that avert evil1' at ,sikyon1#dd4b #de 1 the goddesses of birth1 in ,attica1#de4a the 1 the goddesses of just requital1 at ,haliartos4#de4b ,such forms seem to hover on the confines of #8polydaimonism1' and to be the products of an embryonic perception of divinity1 cruder and dimmer than the robust and bright creations of the ,hellenic polytheism1 to which so rich a mythology and so manifold a personality attached4 ,and another fact seems to fall into line with these2 in some cult-centres the deity1 though personally and anthropomorphically conceived1 might only be designated by some vague descriptive title1 like and 1 as occasionally at ,eleusis1 or #8,despoina1' #8the ,mistress1' the ,goddess of ,arcadia1 or #8'1 the #8,virgin1' on the coast of ,caria1 and in the ,chersonnese2 even as late as the time of ,pausanias the men of ,boulis in ,phokis never called their highest ,god#de4c by any other name than 1 #8the ,greatest4' ,and it has been thought that the well-known statement of ,herodotus that the ,pelasgians had no names for their divinities was based on some such facts as these4 ,the importance of these phenomena would be all the greater if ,usener's theory were true that they represent the crude material out of which much of ,greek polytheism has grown4#de4d ,but in any case they claim mention here1 because they are the products of a mental operation or instinct that must have #df been operative in the earliest period of ,hellenic religion4 ,animism or animatism4--,in another set of facts1 also attested by later records1 we may discern the surviving addition of an animistic period4 ,a large part of the ,hellenic1 as of other religions1 reflects man's relation and feeling towards the world of nature1 his dependence on the fruits of the earth1 the winds1 the waters1 and the phenomena of the sky4 ,the trend of the higher polytheism in the ,hellenic mind was to set the personal divinity above and outside these things1 which he or she directs as an intellectual will-power4 ,but we have sufficient evidence of another point of view which is that of more primitive religion1 from which the deity is imagined as essentially immanent in the thing1 not as a distinct personality emerging and separable from it4 ,the ,arcadians who worshipped #8,zeus ,keraunos1'#df4a or #8,zeus-,thunder1' at ,mantineia1 or the people at ,gythion in ,laconia1 who called a sacred meteoric stone1 #8,zeus 1'#df4b #8the fallen ,zeus1' or the ,athenians who worshipped #8,demeter 1' #8,demeter ,green ,verdure1'#df4c reveal in these strange titles an attitude of mind that is midway between #8animatism1' that religious perception of each striking thing or phenomenon in nature as in itself mysteriously alive and divine1 and #8theism' which imagines it controlled by a personal deity4 ,at the stage when ,demeter could be named and perceived as #8,chloe1' #8,verdure1' the anthropomorphic conception of divinity1 though certainly existing1 was not yet stable or crystallised4 #dg ,but there are other cult-facts reported to us of a still cruder type that seem to reveal animatism pure and simple and the infancy of the ,hellenic mind4 ,the ,arcadians1#dg4a always the most conservative and backward among the ,hellenes1 in their colony of ,trapezus1 #8offered sacrifice to the lightning and thunder and storms'2 it seems that for them these things were animate and divine directly1 just as the ,air--,bedu--was for the ,macedonians4 ,again1 through all the periods of ,hellenic religion1 the worship of rivers and springs only at certain points approached the borders of theism2 sometimes offerings were flung directly into the water1 and prayer might be made #8into the water'--we must not say #8to the river-god1' but to the divine water4#dg4b ,we discern these two different ways of imagining divinity in the worship and ideas attaching to ,helios1 #8,sun1' and ,hestia1 #8,hearth'2 as regards the former1 we have reason to surmise that his religious prestige was higher in the pre-,homeric than in the later age1 and that the exalted position as a great political and cultured ,god which he enjoyed in the later history of ,rhodes was a heritage from the ,minoan religious tradition4#dg4c ,in ,homer's poems we find him personal and anthropomorphised2 but we may well doubt if he was so for the average ,greek1 who merely kissed his hand to him every morning or bowed to him on coming forth from his house1 and who1 regarding him merely as animate1 or #8,living ,sun1' found it difficult to develop him #dh into a free and complex individual person4 ,as regards ,hestia the facts are still clearer4#dh4a ,in her worship1 which belonged to the aboriginal period of ,greek religion1 she was at first1 and in the main she continued to be1 nothing more than #8,holy ,hearth1' the ,hearth felt as animate1 nor was the attempt to anthropomorphise into a free personal ,goddess ever wholly successful4 ,magic4--,now that which is here called #8animatism' is a religious feeling which may inspire real worship1 but is more liable than pure theism to be associated with magic2 and it is reasonable to believe that magic was in vogue in prehistoric ,hellas1 not necessarily in antagonism to religion1 but practised for purposes of the community as well as for private ends4 ,it is true that the records which tell us about these things are all of a period much later than ,homer's1 and that he is almost silent about such matters4#dh4b ,but we know now how to appreciate ,homer's silences4 ,and general anthropology compels us to believe that some of those records reveal facts of immemorial antiquity in ,greece4 ,the ,thesmophoria1 one of the most ancient of the ,hellenic services1 was partly magical2 that is1 it included rites that had a direct efficacy1 apart from the appeal to any divinity1 such as the strewing the fields with the decaying remains of the pigs that had been consecrated to the earth-,goddesses and thrown down into their vault4#dh4c ,so also in the ,thargelia of #di ,attica and other ,greek communities1 the ceremonies connected with the scapegoat1 the ritualistic whipping and transference of sin1 belong to the domain of magic rather than to religion4#di4a ,we have also direct testimony of a magical dealing with the elements in the titles of officials at ,athens called the #8,heudanemoi'#di4b and of those at ,corinth called 1#di4c both words denoting #8wind-lullers1' those #8who charmed the winds to sleep'2 and again in the description of the rite performed by the magicians at ,kleonai who according to ,clemens#di4d 8averted the sky's wrath by incantations and sacrifices02 or in ,pausanias' account of the operations of the priest of the winds at ,titane in ,sikyon#di4e who endeavoured to assuage their fierceness by 8singing over them the spells that ,medea used40 ,doubtless these officials are only maintaining the practices of an indefinitely remote past4 ,and these are also reflected in the legend of the ancient ,salmoneus of ,thessalian and possibly ,minyan origin1 who drove about in a chariot imitating thunder and1 while merely practising a well-known type of weather-magic1 was misunderstood by the higher powers and later moralists4 ,the few records that may avail for an opinion concerning the early period with which we are at present concerned entirely fail to suggest any such prevalence of magic as might obstruct intellectual progress or the growth of a higher religion4 ,they reveal generally a type that is harmless or even philanthropic4#di4f ,doubtless some black magic #ej existed in the earliest as in the later ,hellas1 directed against the life or the property of individuals1 and worked by evil means2 the more ancient literature is entirely silent about this2 but a late record of ,pausanias testifies to a barbarous magic practised by the community of ,haliartos to discover a water-supply#ej4a3 a son of one of the chief men was stabbed by his own father1 and as he ran bleeding about the land springs of water were found where his blood dripped4 ,but at no time1 we may judge1 was the religion or the intellect of ,greece so clouded with magic as was the case elsewhere in the ancient civilisations1 notably in ,egypt and ,mesopotamia4 ,human sacrifices4--,this attempted presentation of the first era of ,greek religion must raise the question as to the practice within it of the ritual of human sacrifice4 ,for we are apt to associate this with a primitive society and with a crude or savage religion4 ,but this association is not borne out by the religious history of mankind4 ,the practice has been found in societies highly developed both in morality and civilisation2 and the a priori argument is dangerous1 whether we apply it in one way or the other4 ,it has been said that the ,homeric poems show no consciousness of the existence of the cruel rite in the ,greek world of the period2 and it has been argued on this ground that the ,achan society of which they are the voice was innocent of it4#ej4b ,a doubt may arise concerning the slaughter of the ,trojan captives at the pyre of ,patroklos1#ej4c an act of ferocity for which ,homer outspokenly blames ,achilles4 ,the passage #ea certainly suggests that the poet was aware that such things were occasionally done at contemporary funerals2 in ,mycenan tombs at ,argos and ,mycen human remains have been found before the entrance-door that point to an offering of slaves or captives4#ea4a ,but this need not have been an act of worship or strictly of religion4 ,the dead might be imagined as needing slaves2 and to kill slaves to accompany the departed1 just as to kill horses over the pyre1 may only imply #8tendance' and no worship of the spirit4 ,but ,homer's silence concerning human sacrifice as a rite of religion is of no value as evidence for our present question1 as ,i have argued elsewhere4#ea4b ,how are we to account for the fairly numerous records of actual human sacrifice1 or of the semblance or reminiscence of it1 in later ,greek worship1 records that are found sporadically among most of the leading ,greek stocks8 ,the old shift of attributing to ,oriental influences everything in ,hellenic religion that clashed with our ideal of ,hellenism was navely unscientific4 ,that the practice should have sprung up spontaneously and suddenly in the later society1 when civic life and morality were advancing1 is hard to believe4 ,it is more natural to suppose that it was an immemorial and enduring tradition of the race1 which was only with difficulty abolished and which lingered here and there till the end of paganism4 ,it has been found among many other ,aryan races1 and it was especially in vogue among the ,thraco-,phrygian stock1 of near kin to the ,hellenic4 ,these general grounds for believing that #eb it was a feature of the earliest ,greek religion are confirmed by some special evidence derivable from the legends and cult-records4 ,it is generally impossible to date the birth of legends2 but some can be discerned to belong to an earlier stratum than others2 such are the legends concerning the human sacrifice to ,zeus on ,mount ,lykaion in ,arcadia1 to which is attached the story of ,king ,lykaon and the banquet that he offers to ,zeus on the flesh of his own son2#eb4a the ,achan or ,minyan story of the sacrifice to ,zeus ,laphystios--,zeus the ,ravening--of the king's son of the house of ,athamas2#eb4b ,kyknos' sacrifice of pilgrims and the dedication of their skulls to ,apollo on the ,hyperborean pilgrims'-way at the ,achan ,pagasos2#eb4c the sacrifice of a boy and a maiden to ,artemis by the ,ionians on the southern shore of the ,gulf of ,corinth4#eb4d ,a careful study of the legends of these various rites will convince one that they belong to the earliest period of ,greek religion4 ,the last example is specially illuminating3 the human sacrifice is here practised by the ,ionians in their ancient settlements in the land1 afterwards called ,achaia2 and its cessation is connected with the arrival of the cult of ,dionysos and the return of the heroes from ,troy4 ,the purpose and significance of the rite differed probably in the different cult-centres4 ,in most cases we may interpret it as piacular1 the dedication to an offended deity of a valued life1 the life of the king's son or daughter1 as a substitute for the life of the people1 such vicarious sacrifice being a common human institution2 in some few cases we may #ec discern an agricultural motive1 the blood being shed as a magic charm to secure fertility4#ec4a ,at certain cult-centres and at certain times the human victim may have been regarded as the incarnation of the deity or the #8daimon'2 and this idea might explain the legends concerning the slaying of ,iphigeneia the priestess of ,artemis1 or of the priests of ,dionysos4 ,finally1 in the ritual of ,zeus ,lykaios1 we may detect a cannibal-sacrament1 in which the holy flesh of the victim1 whose life was mystically one with the ,god's and the people's1 was sacramentally devoured4 ,this ghastly practice is only doubtfully disclosed by legends and by interpretation of later records2 a faint reminiscence of it may also have survived in the ,argive story of ,harpalyke and ,klymenos4#ec4b ,but a close parallel to it will be noted in the ,thracian ,dionysiac ritual4 ,summary account of the first period4--,a detailed account of the pre-,homeric religious age must at many points remain doubtful and hypothetical2 but certain definite and important facts may be established4 ,anthropomorphism1 in a degree not found in the earliest ,roman religion1 was already prevalent1 even dominant2 and nearly all the leading personal divinities of the later polytheism had already emerged2 only ,dionysos had not yet crossed the border from ,thrace2 ,asklepios1 dimly known to ,homer1 was merely the local deity of a small ,thessalian community1 ,pan merely the daimon of flocks in remote ,arcadia4 ,cretan religion1 also personal in its imagination and mainly anthropomorphic1 had left its deep imprint on the mainland2 and its divine personalities1 such as ,rhea1 the #ed ,mother of the ,gods1 and ,aphrodite were soon adopted by the northern immigrants1 but not at first into high positions4 ,the deity was generally imagined not as a spirit or a vague cosmic force1 but as glorified man1 and therefore the religion became adaptable to human progress in arts1 civilisation and morality4 ,but much in the animal world still appeared sacred and weird2 and the deity might be at times incarnate in animal form4 ,at the same time the religious imagination was still partly free from the bias of personal theism1 and produced vaguer divine forms1 of some force and power1 but belonging rather to #8animatism' or polydaimonism than to polytheism4 ,finally a study of all the facts and probabilities may convince a careful student that the origin of ,greek polytheism as a whole from simpler forms cannot be found in this earliest period4 ,in the second millennium1 which is the starting-point for ,hellenic history proper1 we cannot discern the #8making of a ,god' 7unless we mean the building-up of his more complex character71 nor do we start with a godless period4 ,we may well believe that in the history of mankind theism was evolved from animism or polydaimonism2 we may believe the much more doubtful theory that anthropomorphism arises from a previous theriomorphism1 and there may still be some who are convinced that theriomorphism implies a totemistic society4 ,but1 at any rate1 these various evolutions had already happened indefinitely before the two strains--the ,northern and the ,mediterranean--had blended into the ,hellenic race4 ,the higher and the lower1 the more complex and the simpler1 forms of religious imagination #ee operate together throughout ,hellenic history2 and the higher1 though dominant1 never wholly absorbs the lower1 both being an intellectual tradition of an indefinite past4 ,much work on the origins of ,greek religion has been wasted because its chronology is anachronistic4 ,and the attempt to unlock many of its mysteries by the key of totemism has been abandoned by those who recognise that many of the views concerning this social phenomenon and its religious importance1 prevalent in a former generation1 were erroneous4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,the ,,second ,,period1 #ijj-ejj ,b4,c4 #ef ,we can now pursue the enquiry nearer the borderline of the historic period1 as it is conventionally termed4 ,introduction of worship of ,dionysos4--,as early as the tenth century ,b4,c41 and probably earlier1 a new religion with a new and imposing divinity was intruding itself into ,hellenic lands from ,thrace and ,macedonia4#ef4a ,dionysos and the ,thracian ritual-legend of ,lykourgos are known to ,homer2 but the poems suggest that he was not yet definitely received into the ,hellenic pantheon4 ,yet there are reasons for believing that ,botia had received the alien worship in the #8,minyan' epoch1 before the incoming of the #8,boiotoi'2 and ,attica before the ,ionic emigration2 while in the ,peloponnese the ,argive legend associates the advent of the god with the names of ,perseus and the ,prtid dynasty4 ,in spite of local opposition and its natural antagonism to the nascent spirit of ,hellenism1 which was now tending to express itself in certain definite and orderly forms of mood1 thought and feeling1 the new religion won its way victoriously1 taking ,thebes for its ,hellenic metropolis1 and some time afterwards securing its position at ,delphi1 where the priesthood and the ,apolline oracle become its eager champions4 #eg ,it was distinguished from the traditional ,hellenic in regard to its idea of divine personality1 its ritual and its psychic influence1 that is to say1 the mood that it evoked in the votary4 ,in the first place1 the figure of ,dionysos belonged indeed to personal theism1 certainly in ,hellenic cult and probably in the ,thracian2 but he was less sharply defined as a concrete individual than was1 for instance1 ,apollo or ,athena2 he was vaguer in outline1 a changeful power conceived more in accordance with daimonistic1 later with pantheistic thought1 incarnate in many animal-shapes and operative in the life-processes of the vegetative world2 and an atmosphere of nature-magic accompanied him4 ,the central motives of his oldest form of ritual were the birth and death of the ,god1 a conception pregnant of ideas that were to develop in the religious future1 but alien to the ordinary ,hellenic theology1 though probably not unfamiliar to the earlier ,cretan-,mycenan creed4 ,but the death of this ,god was partly a fact of ritual2 he was torn to pieces by his mad worshippers and devoured sacramentally1 for the bull or the goat or the boy whom they rent and devoured was supposed to be his temporary incarnation1 so that by this savage and at times cannibalistic communion they were filled with his blood and his spirit and acquired miraculous powers4 ,by such an act and--we may suppose--by the occasional use of intoxicants and other nervous stimulants the psychic condition that this worship evoked was frenzy and ecstasy1 which might show itself in wild outburst of mental and physical force1 and the enthusiastic feeling of self-abandonment in which the worshipper escaped the limits of his own #eh nature and achieved a temporary sense of identity with the ,god2 and such union with divinity might avail him even after death4 ,this privilege of ecstasy might be used for the practical purposes of vegetation-magic1 yet was desired and proclaimed for its own sake1 as a more intense mood of life4 ,this religion preached no morality and could ill adapt itself to civic life2 its ideal was supranormal psychic energy4 ,the process whereby it was half captured and half tamed by the young ,hellenic spirit forms one of the most interesting chapters in ,hellenism4 ,it is convenient for the purposes of religious study to mark off the period between the ninth and the sixth centuries as the second period of ,greek religion1 in which we can observe the working of new forces and the development of older germs into new life4 ,by the beginning of this period the fusion of the ,northerners and the ,mediterranean population was mainly complete1 and the ,hellenic spirit had acquired its definite instincts and bias4 ,the ninth and the eighth centuries witnessed the diffusion of epic literature1 the rise of lyric poetry1 the emergence of the #8eikon' or idol in religious art1 and generally the development of cities and civic life2 and it is essential to estimate the religious influence of these forces4 ,influence of epic and lyric poetry4--,that the contribution of ,homeric and of the later ,hesiodic literature to the shaping and fixing of ,hellenic religion was most fruitful and effective cannot be doubted4 ,only we must not accept the exaggerating view of ,herodotus#eh4a that these two poets were really #ei the founders of the anthropomorphic religion1 creating the orthodox ,hellenic theogony and determining the names and functions and shapes of the special divinities4 ,by such a statement some scholars have been misled into regarding the ,homeric poems as a kind of ,greek ,bible1 which in respect to religious matters it might be heresy to disbelieve4 ,but we know that local temple-legend and local folklore could always maintain its independence of ,homeric1 or ,hesiodic authority1 in respect to the titles of the ,gods1 their relationships and genealogies4 ,artemis was not everywhere reputed to have the same parentage or ,zeus the same spouse4 ,the early epic poets gathered many of the of shrines1 but there was much that they did not gather and which yet survived4 ,there was a noticeable particularism in ,greek theology1 and no orthodoxy and no heterodoxy in the sense that it was moral to believe or immoral to disbelieve any sacred book4 ,the chief religious achievement of ,homer and his fellows was to intensify the anthropomorphic trend in ,greek religion1 to sharpen and individualise the concepts of divinity1 and to diffuse throughout the ,hellenic world a certain uniformity of religious imagination4 ,to their work partly1 as well as to the higher synthetic power of the ,greek mind1 we may ascribe the fact that in spite of local varieties of myth and cult-title1 in spite of the various elements that the divine personality may have absorbed from earlier cult-figures and cult-forms in the various cult-centres1 yet the sense of the individual unity of person was not lost so long as the same name was in vogue2 hence ,apollo ,lykeios of ,argos could not be a #fj different person from the ,apollo ,patros of ,athens1 nor could hostility arise between them4 ,that is to say1 the higher religious literature imprinted a certain precision and definiteness upon the personal names of the leading divinities and endowed them with a certain essential connotation2 for example1 the dogma of the virginity of ,athena and ,artemis1 always presented in the higher poetry1 prevailed so far as to suppress the maternal character that may have attached to them in the prehistoric period and of which we can still discern a glimmering in certain local cults4#fj4a ,and to this task of shaping the divine characters the rising lyric poetry1 which was growing up with the decay of the epic1 and which in obedience to the ,hellenic passion for disciplined form was developing fixed types of song and music appropriate to special festivals and worships1 must have contributed much4 ,the #8spondaic' metre was adapted to the invocation or hymn sung at the libation--the --to ,zeus1 and the solemn gravity of the spondaic fragment attributed to ,terpander fittingly expresses the majesty of the high ,god1 8the primal cause of all things1 the ,leader of the world40#fj4b ,the pan and the #8nomos' became instinct with the ,apolline1 the ,dithyrambos with the ,dionysiac spirit1#fj4c the spirit of order and self-restraint on the one hand1 the spirit of ecstasy and passion on the other4 ,the earlier ,greek lyric was in fact mainly religious1 being composed for public or private occasions of worship2 its vogue was therefore wide and in some communities1 as in ,arcadia1 the singing #fa of these compositions formed part of the national training of the young4#fa4a ,idolatry4--,another phenomenon of importance at the beginning of this second period is the rise of idolatry1 the prevalence of the use of the #8eikon' in actual worship in place of the older aniconic #8agalma1' which had sufficed for the ,minoan and the ,homeric world as a token of the divine presence or as a magnet attracting it to the worshipper4 ,this important change in the object of cult may have been beginning in the tenth century1 for we have one indication of it in the ,homeric poems1 and recently on one of a series of vases of the early geometric style found in a grave near ,knossos of the post-,minoan period the figures of an armed ,god and ,goddess are depicted on low bases1 evidently idols1 and perhaps the earliest surviving of any ,hellenic divinity4#fa4b ,henceforth1 although the old fetich-object1 the aniconic #8agalma1' lingered long in certain shrines and holy places1 the impulse towards idolatry became imperious and almost universal1 exercising a mighty influence on the religious sentiment of the ,hellenes both before and after the triumph of ,christianity4 ,the worship before the idol intensified the already powerful anthropomorphic instinct of the polytheism2 and was at once a source of strength and a cause of narrowness4 ,it brought to the people a strong conviction of the real presence of the concrete and individual divinity2 and1 as it gave its mandate to the greatest art of the world1 it evolved the ideal of divinity as the ideal of humanity1 expressible in forms of beauty1 strength1 and majesty4 ,on the other hand1 it was a force #fb working against the development of a more mystic1 more immaterial religion1 or of a consciousness of ,godhead as an all-pervading spirit1 such as might arise out of the vaguer religious perception of those half-personal #8daimones' or #8numina1' which never wholly faded from the popular creed4 ,progress of anthropomorphism4--,it is interesting to mark within this second period the various effects of the now regnant anthropomorphism4 ,those functional #8daimones' mentioned above tend to leave the amorphous twilight of religious perception1 in which the ,roman #8,indigitamenta' remained1 and to be attracted into the stronger life of personal theism4 #8,kourotrophos1' once perhaps only a vague functional power that nurtured children1 becomes identified with ,artemis or ,ge2#fb4a #81' #8,divine verdure1' when the cult was introduced from the ,marathonian ,tetrapolis to the ,akropolis of ,athens--if this indeed is a true account of its career1 could only maintain herself as ,demeter 4#fb4b ,again the name comes to be applied to even the most shadowy of these functional powers1 to 1 the ,fly-chaser1 the most limited and momentary of them all1 to ,eunostos1 the daimon of good harvest1 about whom a very human tale is told1 and to call them #8,heroes' implies that they were imagined as semi-divine men who once lived on the earth4 ,even the most immaterial forces1 some of those which mark mental phases or social conditions1 such as ,love1 ,friendship1 ,peace1 became often for the religious imagination personal individuals with human relationships2#fb4c thus ,eirene #fc emerges almost as a real goddess with the traits of ,demeter1 on a relief in the ,jacobsen ,collection is individualised as the mother of ,zeus ,philios1 in defiance of the traditional theogony4#fc4a ,others such as #8' #8,compassion' remained in the borderland between animating forces and personal deities4 ,but we observe in many cases that the name itself was an obstacle to the emergence of a convincingly personal ,god or ,goddess2 and where this is the case the personality never could play a leading part in the advanced religion4 ,thus bore a name that denoted nothing more than #8the ,hearth1' considered as animate and holy2 ,greek anthropomorphism did its utmost for her1 but never or rarely succeeded in establishing her as a fully formed personal goddess4 ,the same phenomenon is observable in regard to ,ge1 ,helios and ,selene2 it was easy to regard them as animate substances or powers and as such to worship them2 such worship they received throughout all periods of ,greek religion1 but no direction of the moral1 social and spiritual progress of the race1 for their names connoted so obviously substances unlike and alien to man that they could not with conviction be imagined as glorified men or women4#fc4b ,it was otherwise with such names as ,apollo1 ,hera1 ,athena1 which could become as real and individual as ,miltiades or ,themistokles2 and it is these humanised personalities that alone dominate the higher religion of ,greece4 ,the spiritual career of ,demeter only began when men forgot the original meaning of her name and half forgot that she was #fd only ,mother ,earth4 ,the #8,anemoi' being mere #8,winds1' were scarcely fitted for civic life2 but ,boreas1 having a personal name1 could become a citizen and was actually worshipped as #8the ,citizen' at ,thourioi4#fd4a ,a curious and unscientific distinction that ,aristophanes makes between the religions of the ,hellenes and the ,barbarians#fd4b has its justification from this point of view4 ,influence of the ,polis on religion4--,the spirit of the ,polis1 the dominant influence in ,greek religion throughout this second period1 worked in the same direction as the anthropomorphic instinct2 giving complexity1 varied individuality and an ever-growing social value to the idea of ,godhead4 ,the deities of the wild enter the ring-wall of the city and shed much of their wild character4 ,apollo ,lykeios the ,wolf-,god1 enters ,argos and becomes the political leader of the ,state1 in whose temple a perpetual fire was maintained1 symbol of the perpetual life of the community4#fd4c ,and the advanced civic imagination tended to transform the primitive theriolatry or theriomorphic ideas that still survived4 ,proofs of direct animal worship in the later period are very rare and generally doubtful2 for the ancient writers apply the term #8worship' carelessly1 applying it to any trivial act of reverential treatment4#fd4d ,in the few cases where we can still discern the animal receiving cult1 we find the anomaly explained away by some association established between the animal and the anthropomorphic deity or hero4 ,thus the wolf became no longer sacred in #fe its own right--if indeed it ever was--but might be reverenced here and there as the occasional incarnation of ,apollo or as his guide or companion4 ,the primitive population of the ,troad may once have #8worshipped' the field-mouse1 though the authority that attests it is a late and doubtful one2 but when ,apollo becomes in this region the civic guardian of the olians and the protector of their crops1 he takes a title from the mouse 7 from 71 and the mouse is carved at the side of the anthropomorphic image as a propitiatory hint to the rest of the species not to injure the corn1 or as a hint to the ,god that mice needed regulating4#fe4a ,the serpent worshipped in the cavern1 or in some hole or corner of the house--vaguely1 in #8,aryan' times1 as the ,earth-daimon or ,house-genius--became interpreted as the embodiment of the ancestor ,erechtheus of ,athens1 or ,kuchreus of ,salamis1 or ,zeus 1 the guardian of the household possessions1 or of ,zeus ,meilichios1 the nether ,god4 ,when the very human ,asklepios came to ,athens towards the end of the fifth century1 he brought with him certain dogs who were ministers of healing2 and the ,athenians offered sacrificial cakes both to the ,god and to his dogs who partook of his sanctity4#fe4b ,this may appear a strange imbecility2 but at all events we discern in these facts the prevalent anthropomorphism dominating and transforming what it could not abolish of the old theriolatry2 just as we see the coin-artist of ,phigaleia transforming the uncouth type of the horse-headed ,demeter into a beautiful human form of a goddess #ff wearing a necklace with a horse-hoof as its pendant4 ,the sacred animal never wholly died out of ,hellas2 but it could only maintain its worship by entering the service of the human gods4 ,the expansion of the civic system in this second period1 due to extended colonisation and commerce1 induced a development of law and an expansion of moral and religious ideas4 ,one of the most vital results of the institution of the ,polis was the widening of the idea of kinship4 ,for in theory the city was a congregation of kinsmen1 a combination of tribes1 phratries1 and families1 wider or narrower associations framed on a kin-basis2 and it gradually evolved the belief1 pregnant of legal and moral developments1 that every citizen was of kin to every other4 ,in consonance with the conception of the ,state as an extended family1 we find certain ancient family-cults taken over into the religion of the ,polis4 ,as the private family was knit together by the worship of the ,hearth in the hall and of ,zeus 1 #8the ,god of the ,garth1' in the courtyard of the house1 so the ,city has its common ,hestia or ,holy ,hearth1 upon which often a perpetual fire was maintained in its #8,prytaneion' or ,common ,hall2 and the ,cult of ,zeus was established in ancient days on the ,akropolis of ,athens4 ,the organisation of the #8phratries' was consecrated to the high deities1 ,zeus ,athena and--among some ,ionic communities--to ,aphrodite2 and the decisions of the #8phrateres' or #8,brothers' on questions of adoption and legitimacy of citizens were delivered from the altar of ,zeus ,phratrios2 while the union of the local districts or #8demes' was sanctified by the cult of ,zeus or #fg ,aphrodite ,pandemos1 the ,god or ,goddess of #8all the demes4' ,also1 the ,polis organised and maintained the kindred-festivals of commemoration proper to the family or gens or phratria1 the ,all-,souls celebration of the dead which was held at the end of the ,anthesteria2 the 1 the funeral feasts of the 2 the #8,apatouria1' the joint festival of the phratries2 while the great achievement of the consolidation of the scattered groups into the single city was celebrated at ,athens by the festival of the 1 the #8,union of all the ,houses1' and the ,panathenaia1 the all-,attic feast of ,athena4 ,the picture that these facts present of a ,state-religion based on the idea of the family and of kinship is mainly drawn from ,athens1 of which the religious record is always the richest2 but it reflects undoubtedly the system of the other ,hellenic states as well4 ,many of their records attest the belief that some one of the high divinities was the ancestor or ancestress of the whole people1 and this ancestry was understood in the physical and literal sense4 ,thus ,apollo #8,patros' was the divine ancestor1 being the father of ,ion1 of the ,ionic population of ,attica1 and even the non-,ionic stock of that community1 desired for political purposes to affiliate themselves to this ,god4#fg4a ,in the same sense he was called 1 #8the ,father' in ,delos4#fg4b ,zeus was the father of ,arkas1 the eponymous hero of the ,arcadians1 and was worshipped as at ,tegea#fg4c2 ,hermes also was ancestral ,god of part of #fh the ,arcadian land and identified with the ancestor ,aipytos4#fh4a ,these religious fictions came to exert an important influence on morality and also to develop a certain spiritual significance which will be considered later4 ,hero-cult4--,this aspect of the public religion is further emphasised by the prevailing custom of hero-worship which appears to have gathered strength in this second period4 ,the hero in the technical sense was one whose tomb was honoured with semi-divine rites and who was regarded either as a glorious man of the past or as the mortal ancestor of the ,state or the tribe or the clan4 ,the first clear evidence of this in literature is in the poem of ,arktinos of ,miletos called the #8,aithiopis1' that may belong to the end of the eighth century1 in which the apotheosis of ,achilles was described4 ,but there is1 as has been said1 strong reason for believing that the practice of #8heroising' the dead descended from the pre-,homeric age4 ,nevertheless1 of the multitude of hero and ancestor cults recorded in ancient ,hellas1 the greater number are probably post-,homeric4 ,we find the ,delphic oracle giving vigorous encouragement to the institution of them1 and in the sixth century cities begin to negotiate and dispute about the possession of the relics of heroes4 ,some of these in the older cults may have been actual living men1 dimly remembered1 some were fictitious ancestors1 like ,arkas and ,lakedaimon1 some may have been faded deities1 such as were ,eubouleus at ,eleusis and ,trophonios at ,lebadeia4 ,but all were imagined by the worshipper to have been once men or women living upon the earth4 ,this1 #fi then1 becomes a fact of importance for the religious thought of the world1 for it engenders1 or at least encourages1 the belief that human beings might through exceptional merit be exalted after death to a condition of blessed immortality1 not as mere spirits1 but as beings with glorified body and soul4 ,furthermore1 certain ancient heroes1 long endeared to the people as the primeval parent or the war-leader of their forefathers1 become raised to the position of the high ,god and merged in his being2 ,erechtheus shares the altar and even the title of ,poseidon and ,zeus1 ,aipytos of ,arcadia becomes ,hermes1 ,agamemnon in ,laconia at last is fused with ,zeus4#fi4a ,nor in this second period were such heroic honours reserved for the remote ancestor or the great king or warrior of old1 but were sometimes paid to the recently dead1 to the men who had served the ,state well by arms or by counsel4 ,on the assumption that ,lykourgos of ,sparta was a real man--and no other theory that bears scrutiny has been put forward about him--his case is the earliest recorded instance of the #8heroising' of a personage of the historic period4 ,a great stimulus about this time was given to this practice by the expansion of ,greek colonisation1 the greatest world-event of the period1 which reacted in many ways on religion4 ,as the new colonists could not take with them the tombs or the bones of the aboriginal hero of their stock1 they must institute a new hero-cult1 so as to bind the new citizens together by the tie of heroic kinship4 ,the #gj most natural person to select for this high honour was the founder or leader of the colony1 the or as he was called2 and we may regard it as the usual rule that1 when he died1 he would be buried within the city and his tomb would become a #8' and would be visited yearly with annual offerings4 ,that the ordinary head of the private household in this period received posthumous honours amounting to actual worship cannot be definitely proved4 ,the tendance of the dead had become indeed a matter of religion1 and at ,athens was attached to the ritual of the state by the commemorative feast of ,all ,souls1 the 1 or #8,feast of ,pots1' the last day of the ,anthesteria4 ,but nothing that is recorded of this ghost-ceremony convicts it of actual worship2 the ghosts are invited to spend the day with the household that holds them in affection2 they are offered pots of porridge1 and then at sunset are requested or commanded to depart4 ,prayers are proffered in their behalf to the powers of death1 but not directly to the ghosts themselves2 no cult is offered them as to superior beings endowed with supernatural power over the lives of individuals and states4#gj4a ,nevertheless1 the passionate service of lamentation and the extravagant dedication of gifts which marked the funeral ceremonies of the eighth and seventh centuries and which certain early legislation was framed to check1 reveals a feeling about the dead bordering on veneration and such as might inspire actual worship4 ,we may safely assume that the growing interest of the ,states in hero-cult intensified the family #ga aspect of the ,state-religion2 the hero as the glorious kinsman is invited to the sacrifices of the higher deities1 and to the hospitable ritual known as the #8theoxenia' in which the ,god himself is the host4 ,it is important for the student of religion to mark the consequences of this close association of the civic religion with the idea of kinship that held together the family and tribe4 ,these have been estimated more at length elsewhere#ga4a and only a few general observations are possible here4 ,where a family bond exists between the deity and the city1 the spirit of genial fellowship is likely to prevail in the ritual and religious emotions1 and the family meal might become the type of the public sacrificial meal with the god4 ,such a religion is adverse to proselytism2 for as it is the sacred prerogative of certain kindred stocks1 its principle means the exclusion of the stranger4 ,its religious and moral feeling is naturally clannish2 the whole group must share in the moral guilt of the individual1 and the sins of the fathers will be visited on the children4 ,it affords a keen stimulus to local patriotism and quickens an ardent life within the wall of the city2 it has at the same time the natural defects of narrowness of view4 ,yet1 in the course of religious evolution1 we must regard the old ,hellenic conception of the ,god the ,father of the tribe or the city as pregnant of the larger idea of ,god as the ,father of mankind1 an idea which had already dawned upon ,homer at a time when the tribal spirit of religion was still at its height4 ,a further result of such a system is that the #gb ,state-divinities become also the patrons and guardians of the family morality1 ,zeus and ,hera1 for instance1 the supervisors of the human marriage and of the duties of married life2 and copious records present the ,high ,god as the protector of the father's right2 of the tie that binds together the brethren1 the sisters1 the kinsmen4 ,while such a religion was a living force1 it was not likely that the family could assert itself as against the ,state2 to marry healthfully and early1 to beget vigorous children as defenders of the ,state and the family graves1 to cherish and honour one's parents1 to protect the orphan1 these were patriotic religious duties that were inspired by the developed ,state-religion and strenuously preached by the best ethical teachers of ,greece4 ,the ,state being the family #8writ large1' private morality and public could not clash4 ,the brutal action of ,kreon in the ,antigone is equally an attack on the religion of the ,state as on that of the family2 and it was not till the fifth century that the claim of private conscience as against the family and the ,state could arise or that the question could be asked 8,whether the good man was really the same as the good citizen40 ,influence of political religion on law4--,of still greater interest is an important advance in criminal law1 discernible as early as the eighth century1 which may be traced partly to the growth of the ,city1 with its extended idea of kinship1 partly to the growing intensity of the belief in the power and significance of the spirits of the dead4 ,in the most primitive period of ,hellas1 the shedding of kinsman's blood was already a heinous sin2 but the slaying of one outside the kindred #gc circle was neither a sin against ,god nor a social crime4 ,but as the public mind of ,greece became penetrated with the feeling that all the citizens of the ,polis were in some sense akin1 the slaying of a citizen became a criminal act of which the ,state1 and no longer merely the clan of the slain man1 would take cognisance4 ,and this expanded concept of law is reflected in the expansion of an ancient and most significant cult1 the cult of ,zeus ,meilichios4#gc4a ,this was the underworld ,god1 who was angered and must be appeased when kindred blood was shed2 as the idea of kinship was enlarged1 any civic massacre might arouse his wrath and rites of atonement might be offered to him4 ,this keener sensitiveness concerning the sanctity of human life was accompanied by a feeling that bloodshed might imprint a stain on the slayer that rendered him ritualistically unclean1 that is1 temporarily unfit to approach the ,gods or men2 it was also fortified by the growing fear of the ghost-world1 which seems to have lain more heavily on the post-,homeric society than on ,homer's men4 ,it is hard to give the dates for this section of the mental history of ,hellas4 ,the first record of the thought1 which is nowhere explicit in ,homer1 that homicide in certain circumstances demands purification is derived from the ,aithiopis of ,arktinos1 the epic poet of ,miletos in the eighth century4#gc4b ,achilles1 having slain the worthless ,thersites1 must retire from the army for a while to be purified in ,lesbos by ,apollo and ,artemis2 we mark here that the slain man was no kinsman of the slayer in any true sense #gd of the word1 but was a member of the same ,achan community1 and therefore his slaying brought a religious impurity upon the hero2 and we may believe that the narrative reveals the early religious law of ,miletos4 ,but we must1 in passing1 recognise the possibility that these apparently new manifestations may be only a revival of immemorial thought and feeling1 common in the older non-,hellenic societies1 and only for a time suspended4#gd4a ,influence of ,delphi and ,crete4--,in this post-,homeric development of a system of purification from bloodshed1 the legends suggest that ,crete and ,delphi played a momentous part4 ,in the great island1 the cradle of ,european culture1 the cult of ,zeus had early attached to itself certain ,cathartic ideas1 probably of ,dionysiac origin4 ,and probably in the pre-,homeric period the influence of ,crete had reached ,delphi2 while the legend of the migration of ,apollo ,delphinios from ,crete to ,delphi1 and the story that the ,god himself must go to this island to be purified from the blood of ,python1 belong to the second period with which we are dealing4 ,we have reason to believe that the ,delphic ,god--through the agency of his politic priesthood--was asserting his claim in the eighth and seventh centuries to be the dictator in the matter of purification from homicide1 and thus to satisfy the cravings of an awakening conscience4 ,this claim may have been suggested partly by the fear of competition with the spreading ,dionysiac religion1 which also brought with it a #8,kathartic' message1 and with which the ,delphic priesthood were wise enough to agree quickly2 partly also by the aboriginal nature of #ge ,apollo1 who was immemorially or #8pure4' ,though the claim was not universally admitted and the ,apolline jurisdiction could not obliterate the function of other divinities in this matter1 yet it was powerful and effective of much that was vital both to law and religion4 ,of the early procedure at ,delphi we know nothing4 ,if the god exercised discretion in his grant of purification1 if he refused1 for instance1 to purify the deliberate and cold-blooded murderer1 here was the opportunity for the emergence of a civilised law of homicide4 ,it may not have been until the seventh century that any ,hellenic state could express in a legal establishment its consciousness of the difference between the act of murder and the act of justifiable or accidental homicide4 ,the earliest that we know of was the law-court1 1 8near the image or shrine of the ,dolphin-,god0--established at ,athens under the patronage of the ,cretan-,delphic ,god to try cases where the homicide was admitted and justification was pleaded4 ,in this1 as in other ,attic courts that dealt with the same offence1 rites of purification were often an essential adjunct of the ceremony4 ,the typical legend that enshrines the early ideas of #8,katharsis' and turns on the question of justifiable homicide is the legend of ,orestes1 which had spread around the ,peloponnese and penetrated ,attica as early as the eighth century1 and later became ,pan-,hellenic4 ,apollo1 as a divine agent1 appears in it first1 as far as we have any literary record1 in the lyric of ,stesichoros1 and at some indeterminate date in this period undertook the purification of the matricide4 ,influence of ,delphi on colonisation4--,these #gf ,cathartic functions and the general demand for their exercise must have greatly enhanced the influence of ,delphi in the earlier part of the post-,homeric period4 ,it was doubtless strengthened even more by the great secular movement of ,greek colonisation4 ,with wise foresight the ,god had undertaken the guidance and encouragement of this already in the earliest days when the ,hellenes were pushing across the sea2 for it seems as if the first ,greek settlements on the ,asia ,minor coast1 the ,lycian and the olic1 were due to his leadership if not to his inspiration4 ,the legends that associate him with the ,dorian migration into the ,peloponnese are too powerful to be rejected4 ,and after this event1 when light begins to shine on ,greek history and the ,hellenic race was rapidly establishing that chain of colonies across and around the ,mediterranean which were to diffuse ,greek culture through the world1 the power of ,delphi and the ,delphic oracle reached its zenith4 ,for it is clear that it was the prevailing fashion to consult the ,pythian ,apollo as to the choice of a site4 ,hence it came about that in so many ,greek cities ,apollo was worshipped as 1 that is1 as the divine founder1 and that the flourishing communities of the ,west sent back tithe-offerings to his shrine4#gf4a ,was it by some accident or by something essential in his early cult and character that the ,god was able to play this momentous political part1 such as no other deity has ever played in the secular history of his people8 ,the cause may lie far back in the dim antiquity of the ,apolline cult1 when he was specially 1 a god #8of the road1' the leader of the migratory host4 ,and #gg in pre-,homeric times1 if not aboriginally1 he was already an oracular ,god2 nor was any occasion so urgent for a consultation of the local oracle as when the people were setting forth on their perilous path to find a new home4#gg4a ,the ,delphic oracle4--,the spiritual history of the ,hellenic race in the early history period1 when we mark a growing consciousness of nationality and of kinship in the various stocks1 is very much a record of the career and activity of the ,delphic oracle2 and this is too complex and lengthy a theme to be more than adumbrated here4#gg4b ,due partly to the local position and the immemorial sanctity of the oracle1 partly to the devotion and the grateful remembrance of the powerful ,dorian states in the ,peloponnese1 the ,pythian worship came to overshadow the ,delian1 and provided the chief religious centre and the strongest bond of spiritual unity in the ,hellenic world4 ,for political unity it could do little1 owing to the centrifugal bias of ,greek politics2 yet the ,delphic ,amphiktyony1 the most powerful of these religious confederations that are recorded here and there in the early history of ,greece1 contained within it the germs of intertribal morality and concord4 ,its members were not indeed pledged to perpetual amity1 but at least to a certain mutual forbearance even in their warlike dealings with one another4 ,but the chief regulative functions of the oracle were concerned with questions of the institution and administration of cults1 with the domains of legislation1 colonisation1 public and even private morality and conduct4 ,in the sphere of religion it doubtless #gh emphasised the necessity of purification from bloodshed2 otherwise it had no high religious message to deliver2 but it was enthusiastic for the propagation of the cult of ,dionysos1 and it authorised and sometimes encouraged the growing tendency towards the posthumous worship of distinguished men4 ,in the sphere of morality its standard was generally high and its influence beneficent1 especially--if we can trust the record--in the later period when it played the part of a ,state-,confessional and in its utterances reflected generally the progress of ,greek ethics and the spirit of an enlightened humanitarianism4 ,but its chief religious achievements were to bring some principle of unity and authority into the complex and shifting aggregate of ,greek polytheism1 and to deepen the impression on the ,hellenic mind of the divine ordering of the world2 and the fruits of this teaching we gather in the works of ,attic tragedy and in the history of ,herodotus4 ,in view of the history of other temple institutions of like power among other peoples--the ,mesopotamian1 for instance--we may be surprised that the ,delphic priesthood made no attempt to impose ,apollo as the supreme ,god upon the ,hellenic states4 ,the author of the ,homeric hymn1 composed partly under ,delphic influences1 exalts ,apollo as high as he dares2 but neither in this nor in any ,delphic utterance is ,apollo presented as more than the minister of ,zeus1 the mouthpiece of the supreme ,father-,god1 the tradition of whose supremacy among the ,aryan ,hellenes had been fixed fast by ,homer and the ,homeridai4 ,nor did the ,delphic ,apollo succeed in achieving a monopoly of divination2 for the spirit of local #gi independence was opposed to any divine monopoly in any department of life4 ,and other oracles1 such as some of those on the ,asia ,minor shore1 acquired considerable prestige1 especially in the later period when the influence of ,delphi had declined4 ,but from the eighth till the beginning of the fifth century1 the ,pythian is the only one of the many mantic institutions that is to be regarded as a vital force of ,pan-,hellenism4 ,the games of ,greece4--,as another important phenomenon belonging to the earlier part of this second period we note the emergence and development of the great ,hellenic games4 ,some recent theorists have supposed that all the public athletic contests in ,greece arose directly from some religious ritual belonging to the cult either of the gods or of the dead hero4 ,the evidence is faulty and the ritualistic origin of these institutions is unproven4 ,but a common temple-worship undoubtedly gave the opportunity and the occasion to the development of the four ,great ,games1 and from the beginning they were placed beneath the gis of religion4 ,and these must be reckoned as among the strongest ,pan-,hellenic influences1 evoking and strengthening the consciousness of nationality4 ,for in the sixth century the whole of ,hellas1 eastern and western1 was represented at ,olympia1 ,pytho1 the ,isthmus and ,nemea2 here was maintained the #8truce of ,god' between the jealous or hostile communities2 and at ,olympia once in every four years the ,pan-,hellenes offered a common homage to their aboriginal ,father-,god4 ,we must then regard the great games and the ,pythian establishment as momentous factors in the #hj religious national life1 as tending to evolve a religion of a broader compass than the narrow tribal type of the remote past4 ,and they concern the higher mental history of the race because most of them1 and notably the ,pythian1 included competitions of art and literature2 and thus they assisted in establishing the specially ,hellenic theory of the divine character of the artistic and intellectual life4 ,there were other festal and public meetings of a more exclusively religious purpose that also served to deepen in the various states the consciousness of spiritual unity1 and often1 where the great lyric poets composed hymns for the occasion1 to exalt and illuminate the ideal conception of the divinity2 the ,pan-,ionic ,delian festival of ,apollo1 for instance1 of which the splendour developed in the early post-,homeric age and with the growing prosperity of the new ,ionic colonies1 must have contributed much to the building up of the peculiarly ,hellenic ideal of ,apollo2 and the ,homeric hymn1 inspired by this occasion1 is the earliest record of the national consciousness of the ,ionic race4 ,diffusion of ,dionysos-worship4--,another religious phenomenon1 pregnant of consequences for the spiritual history of ,hellenism1 is the diffusion of the worship of ,dionysos4 ,faint1 though indubitable traces of this can be discerned in the prehistoric period1 but it only begins to be palpable and important in the early historic4 ,its significance has already been indicated in general outlines4#hj4a ,having entered ,attica from ,botia and been adopted into the ,attic state-religion some time before the ,ionic migration to the ,asia ,minor coast1 #ha it gradually1 in the eighth and seventh centuries captured most of the ,states of the ,peloponnese1 of the islands and the more distant colonies4 ,the ,hellenic culture of ,dionysos forms one of the most interesting chapters in the spiritual career of ,hellenism2 for the taming of the wild ,thracian ,god1 the transformation of him into a civic deity1 the disciplining and the adaptation of the thiasoi of the ,maenads to the uses of an orderly state-religion1 were not the least among the achievements of the ,hellenic genius4 ,and as the state-religion of these centuries had no eschatologic theory1 so it seems to have discarded everywhere whatever eschatologic promise the ,dionysiac religion proclaimed on its entrance into ,greece4 ,yet1 in spite of the chastening influence of the civic spirit1 the worship preserved much of its distinctive tone and religious power2 evoking a special mood unknown in the other cults2 while even the savage form of sacrament1 in which the ,god was devoured in his human or animal-incarnation1 survived with some modifications in ,tenedos and ,chios down to a late period4 ,the history1 then1 of the ,dionysiac religion concerns the account of the development of the sacramental idea in the ,mediterranean4 ,it concerns also the history of ,hellenic culture2 for one of its modes of expression was a peculiar type of emotional music1 accompanying the ,dionysiac hymn known as the dithyramb1 which has been regarded1 though probably erroneously1 as the parent of ,attic tragedy4 ,its main contribution to the polytheism of ,greece was its stimulation of a warmer and stronger religious faith2 and its special later service to popular religious theory was the refining and #hb brightening of men's thoughts and sentiments concerning the life after death and the powers of the lower world1 with whom the mild and genial ,god was generally identified or associated4 ,orphic thiasoi4--,but its highest importance is found rather in the esoteric than in the external or popular domain of ,hellenic religion4 ,for1 perhaps as early as the seventh century1 the cult of ,dionysos was raised to a higher power by the rise and diffusion of the ,orphic brotherhoods or #8thiasoi' who worshipped this deity under various mystic names4 ,the study of ,orphism is of the highest interest and complexity2 and it is only possible here to indicate its general features and significance4 ,the preachers of the ,orphic doctrines are the first propagandists or missionaries that we can discover in the pre-,christian ,mediterranean world4 ,for they had a definite message1 and ignoring the gentile and civic barriers of the old political religion1 they preached it1 if not to all mankind1 at least to all the ,hellenes4 ,it was a message fraught with some new and momentous ideas1 whose real import we have been able to gather in part from the now famous gold-tablets found in the graves of ,crete and ,south ,italy1 and containing parts of a metric ,orphic liturgy and creed that is a product at latest of the fifth1 if not the sixth1 century ,b4,c4 ,combining these with some passages in ,pindar's ,odes and ,plato's ,dialogues1 we can recover in outline the doctrine of early ,orphism4 ,it proclaimed a theory1 unfamiliar to native ,greek mythology and religion1 that the soul of man is divine and of divine origin2 that the body is its impure prison-house where it is in danger of contracting stain2 that by elaborate purifications and #hc abstinences the soul might retain its purity1 and by sacramental and magic methods the pure soul might enjoy in this life and in the next full communion with ,god4 ,preoccupied with the problem of the life after death1 the ,orphic mystics evolved the concept of ,purgatory1 a mode of posthumous punishment temporary and purificatory2 also1 if we can trust certain indications in ,pindar and ,plato1 the dogma of reincarnation or more specially of a triple cycle of lives both in this world and the next4 ,students of religious philosophy have noted here the striking resemblance to ,buddhistic thought2 and have considered whether ,indian speculation could have cast its influence so far westward at so early a time4 ,it is of more immediate importance for the religious history of the ,greek people to determine--if we could--the measure of success that these missions achieved1 how far they succeeded in capturing the masses or the lite of the people4 ,they certainly did not succeed in penetrating the inner circle of the ,eleusinian mysteries2 there is no evidence that they even tried1 though it is likely that they did2 but we may surmise that their influence was at one time strong at ,athens1 as ,aristophanes proclaims as a generally accepted tradition that ,orpheus was the apostolic founder of all mysteries4 ,they were evidently powerful in ,crete2 but the chief arena of their activity and the chief scene of their secular and political influence was #8,western ,hellas' or ,magna ,grcia1 where ,pythagoras was their greatest convert and the ,pythagorean clubs their militant orders4 ,the career of these forms a page of general ,greek history4 ,their downfall relieved ,hellas from the danger of the establishment #hd of ,orphism as a secular power1 which threatened the ,hellenic spirit with a bondage to sacerdotalism and the pharisaic formalism of the purist4 ,henceforth1 the ,orphic religion was a private influence only1 and we have no evidence to determine precisely how great it was at any particular epoch4 ,pindar was deeply touched by it4 schylus and ,sophocles1 so far as we can see1 remained unmoved1 while ,euripides may have been at times attracted and at times repelled but was in no sense its champion4 ,plato in a well-known passage#hd4a protests strongly against the ,orphic mystery-mongers as spiritual quacks destitute of any real morality1 who dealt in magic and traded in promises and threats concerning the other world4 ,whether this moral estimate of ,orphism was just or not1 there is no doubt that ,plato's theory of the soul as expressed in the ,phdrus was indebted to the ,orphic metaphysic4 ,and the part played by these preachers of purity and salvation in the later spiritual history of ,greece was certainly of high importance4 ,they mark the beginning of a new era of individualism and of what is called #8otherworldliness' in religion2 for their concern was with the personal soul and its destiny4 ,eleusinian mysteries4--,the ,eleusinia or ,mysteries of ,eleusis were a more national and ,pan-,hellenic institution than the ,orphica1 but of somewhat similar influence and purpose4 ,originally they may have been merely the tribal mysteries of an agrarian society to which only the adult members of the ,eleusinian community were admitted4 ,but when our earliest record reveals them1 namely1 the ,homeric hymn to ,demeter which cannot be later #he than the close of the seventh century1 they have already enlarged their borders and their scope4 ,for they appear there as appealing to the whole ,hellenic world1 and their special promise to the initiated is the happiness of the soul after death4 ,having once transcended the tribal limits1 they seem to have imposed no conditions on the aspirants for admission except the possession of ,hellenic speech and purity from actual stain2 the initiation was open to women and occasionally to slaves4 ,nor does their influence and the power of their appeal appear to have waned until the introduction of ,christianity4 ,many scholars have laboured to solve the problems concerning their ritual1 their doctrine and their inner significance4 ,it has been thought that their chief attractiveness may have lain in their preservation of a higher sacramental conception of the sacrifice that had died out in the ordinary public ritual2 that the initiate drank of a sacred cup in which were mystically infused the very life and substance of the kindly ,earth-,mother1 with whom their own being was thus transcendentally united4 ,but more careful criticism shows that1 though a simple form of sacrament was part of the preliminary service1 the real pivot of the mystery was not this but a solemn pageant in which certain sacred things fraught with mystic power were shown to the eyes of the initiated1 who also were allowed to witness mimetic performances showing the action and passion of a divine drama1 the ,abduction of the ,daughter1 the sorrow and long search of the ,mother1 the ,holy ,marriage of reconciliation1 possibly the birth of a holy infant4 ,to imagine the thrill and the force of these rites1 one must imagine a medival passion-play #hf performed with surpassing stateliness and solemnity4 ,those who saw these things in the ,hall of the ,mysteries at ,eleusis may have carried away with them an abiding sense of a closer communion with the benign powers of the nether world and a resulting hope of a happier posthumous lot4 ,we must regard them as the highest and most spiritual product of the pure ,hellenic religion1 investing it with an atmosphere of mystery and awe that was generally lacking in the public cult1 and which was unperturbed at ,eleusis by any violence of morbid ecstasy such as marked the ,phrygian and some of the ,orphic rites4 ,we may believe that they exercised a healthful influence on the moral and spiritual temperament of the ,hellene2 but it is not clear that they definitely proclaimed any higher moral theory1 nor do they appear like the ,orphica to have preached any dogma of metaphysic or theology4 ,but1 like the ,orphica1 they tended to widen the horizon of the religious spirit2 for they appealed to a far larger public than the ordinary cults of the city2 and while being ,pan-,hellenic in this sense they belong to the domain of personal religion1 for they satisfied the personal craving of the individual for closer fellowship with the deity and they soothed the troublous apprehensions that were growing up in this second period concerning the individual destiny of the soul4 ,yet as regards ,attica and ,athens at least and probably as regards ,hellas1 they are not to be ranked1 as the ,orphica may be1 among the disruptive forces of individualistic religion1 undermining the social fabric of public worship4 ,for the ,athenian ,state administered them--by the help of ,eleusinian officials--in its corporate capacity2 and one of the catechumens--the #hg --was initiated1 according to the most probable view1 in behalf of the whole youth of the city4#hg4a ,in the great mysteries the agrarian significance1 though discoverable and associated with simple agrarian magic1 was overshadowed by higher and more spiritual religion4 ,and elsewhere in the ,state-festivals we note this same phenomenon of progress in this second period4 ,old-world utilitarian rites of agriculture and fertility were often taken over by the expanding ,polis and received an artistic elaboration that disguised their original significance for the primitive peasant and raised them to a higher plane of social religion4 ,this interesting process can be best studied in following the detailed records of the ,laconian ,karneia and ,hyakinthia1 the ,delphic ,pythia1 the ,attic ,panathenaia3 we can feelingly appreciate in these the potent influence of the lyric poetry1 the music1 and the art of early ,greece1 shaping and elevating men's imagination of divinity4 ,by the close of this second period--c4 #ejj ,b4,c4--the ,hellenic national consciousness had realised itself in respect of intellectual culture1 ethics and religion4 ,zeus ,hellanios1 the tribal ,god1 is becoming ,panhellanios4 ,the age of the tyrants contributed much to the growth of ,pan-,hellenism2 ,peisistratos something to the idea of a national religion1 in that he seems to have worked zealously for the organisation and expansion of the ,eleusinian mysteries4 ,the cult of ,dionysos has penetrated the leading communities and most of the byways of ,greece2 and nearly everywhere he has been partially tamed and the ,mnads either suppressed or disciplined to the more sober purposes of civic worship4 #hh ,but the two most striking phenomena in the spiritual history of the sixth century were1 first1 the rise and expansion of ,ionic philosophy and physical speculation1 and1 secondly1 the development of a new form of literature that came to be known as the ,attic ,drama4 ,and both must be reckoned with among the forces affecting the life of the popular religion4 ,sixth-century philosophy4--,the relations of ,greek philosophy to ,greek religion is a great and complex subject1 the theme of many modern treatises2 and in this slight sketch of the whole history of the polytheism there is no room for more than a few most general observations4 ,so far as the new speculation1 which gave birth to the free secular science of ,europe1 was preoccupied with questions of the physical origins of things and elemental theories of cosmogony1 it would not necessarily clash with any orthodox prejudice of the average ,hellene4 ,for he had no sacred books which dictated to him any views concerning the origin of the world or the constitution of nature1 and which he would have considered it immoral to disbelieve4 ,in fact when ,herakleitos boldly declared that 8neither ,god nor man made the ,kosmos10 there was no authoritative ,greek myth or theologic dogma to gainsay him4 ,but the great philosophers of the sixth century1 ,pythagoras1 ,empedokles1 ,xenophanes and ,herakleitos were also directly concerned with the philosophy of religion1 with speculations on the nature and with the true definition of ,godhead2 and some of the surviving fragments of their works express ideas and sentiments in sharp antagonism to the concepts and ritual of the contemporary polytheism4 ,the main trend of their #hi speculations ran counter to the anthropomorphic theory of divinity2 and they tend to define ,god not as a person1 but rather as the highest spiritual or metaphysical or even physical power or function of the universe2 and there is a common tendency in this sixth-century thought away from the theistic to the pantheistic view4 ,pythagoras is said to have explained the conception of ,god in terms of mathematics and to have been willing to accept the personages of the popular polytheism on condition of finding their true mathematical equation4#hi4a ,but this philosopher stands apart from the other leaders of this first period of ,hellenic free thought4 ,the mathematical mind is often a prey to mysticism4 ,and ,pythagoras was the most powerful champion and apostle of ,orphism1 the founder of those secret societies that threatened the secular and the intellectual freedom of ,hellas4 ,equally on its mystic as on its rationalistic side the ,pythagorean teaching was in tendency inimical to the public religion of ,greece1 though the members of this sect appear always to have compromised with it4 ,in the fragments of ,xenophanes we find the most severe protests against the current religious conceptions of ,hellas2 his verses quoted by ,clemens#hi4b polemise strongly against the folly of anthropomorphism1 which is the master-passion of ,greek polytheism2 and if one or two of his quoted utterances seem to proclaim monotheism1 it is clear that for his higher thought ,godhead was not a person1 but a cosmic principle or a noetic idea4 ,on the whole the same account may be given of the religious theory of ,herakleitos so far as this is revealed at all in the #ij fragments4 ,it has indeed been recently maintained that he tolerated and found a place in his system for the contemporary polytheism2#ij4a but it is probably a truer view that he regarded it with half-disguised contempt and only used its terms and figures on occasion as literary expressions2 while three of his fragments are scornful exclamations against the excesses of the ,bacchic ritual1 the methods of purification from blood1 and the folly of idolatry4#ij4b ,yet in this early speculation of the sixth century the parting of the ways has not yet been reached for physical science and religion2 the cosmic theory is expressed in spiritual and animistic rather than in materialistic terms2 for ,empedokles ,love and ,strife are creative principles1 in the view of ,thales the magnet has a soul and all things are full of divine potencies4 ,the great movement of ,ionic thought was indeed adaptable to a high pantheistic or animistic creed1 but not to the personal polytheism of the ,hellenes1 though most of the philosophers do not appear to have been vehement protestants4 ,and at first their protests could have influenced only the minds of a few2 not before the fifth century was the popular ,state-religion obliged to take notice of it4 ,rise of tragedy4--,the other phenomenon referred to above as marking the close of this period was the rise of tragedy4 ,the question of its influence on the whole popular religion belongs to the history of the fifth century4 ,what concerns us chiefly at this point is its close association with ,dionysos-cult4 ,the traditional view that it actually originated in some #ia mimetic form of ,bacchic ritual is in the opinion of the present writer still the most reasonable1 although this is now denied by some scholars4#ia4a ,but even if its connection with ,dionysos-worship is a secondary or accidental fact1 it is still a fact of importance for the history of ,greek polytheism4 ,the records concerning ,thespis of the ,attic village ,ikaria1 a place dominated by ancient ,dionysiac legend1 the statement of ,herodotus concerning ,kleisthenes1 the tyrant of ,sikyon1 who gave to ,dionysos the tragic choruses that hitherto had been devoted to the hero-cult of ,adrastos1 are sufficient proofs that this greatest of all the literary achievements of post-,homeric ,hellas was dedicated to the ,god already in the sixth century2 and throughout the glorious career of the ,attic stage ,dionysos remained its patron-,god4 ,his worship1 then1 must have received a strong stimulus from this new form of literature which rapidly achieved popularity and appealed directly to a larger public than the other4 ,and his character thus undergoes a singular transformation2 the wild ,god of barbaric origin comes to take rank by the side of ,apollo and the ,graces as a divinity of culture and education1 the inspirer of one of the greatest of ,hellenic arts4 ,here again1 as in the cults of ,apollo1 ,athena and the ,muses1 we mark the characteristically ,hellenic fusion of art and religion2 and the history of the dithyramb1 the ,dionysiac hymn which may have been the parent of the drama and which was wedded to a peculiar mode of music and rhythm1 is an important chapter in the history of ,european music4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,the ,,third ,,period1 #ejj-cch ,b4,c4 #ib ,the third period of ,greek religion may conveniently include the fifth century and that part of the fourth that ends with the downfall of the system of civic autonomy at the battle of ,chaironeia4 ,for the history of ,greek religion as of ,greek culture1 it is of the highest interest1 being the richest in respect of religious monuments and literature and the most forceful and momentous in regard to the influences at work4 ,in the sphere of external history it witnessed such world-crises as the struggle of ,hellenism against barbarism1 the rise and fall of the ,imperial ,city-,state1 and the emergence of ,macedon as a world-power2 in the sphere of culture it witnessed the culmination of the greatest art of the world1 the bloom and maturity of the ,attic drama and ,pindar's lyric1 the diffusion of education and the spirit of enquiry through the activity of the ,sophists1 and the higher development of philosophy and science4 ,to show how the religious practice and theory of the higher and lower members of ,hellenic society were affected by the great events and achievements of this greatest period of human history is a necessary but a difficult task4 ,fifth-century religion contrasted with the ,homeric4--,if we take ,athens as the typical religious community of the fifth century and compare the #ic structure and forms of her state-polytheism with those of the old ,homeric world1 we find the personalities of the prehistoric pantheon still worshipped and cherished2 no prehistoric cult of that epic world has as yet fallen into desuetude2 nor had the most civilised city of ,hellas discarded the immemorial rites of the simple peasant religion1 the worship of rivers and streams1 nor some of the most nave practices of animism4 ,and it is clear that this conservatism was no hieratic convention1 but a living faith1 expressing a religious intuition of the people1 who were as yet untouched by the cooling influences of science and philosophic scepticism4 ,in fact1 for the greater part of the fifth century1 the life of the polytheism was probably stronger than it had been ever in the past4 ,it was strengthened by the admission of a few new figures and by the development of some of the old4#ic4a ,it is rather in respect to its spirit1 tone and outlook that the religion of the fifth century presents some striking contrasts to the ,homeric4 ,its anthropomorphism is even more pronounced1 thanks to its great art-power1 but it reveals a deeper conviction concerning the part played by moral agencies and powers in the affairs of men4 ,the writings of ,herodotus expound a religious view of history of which only faint indications were found in the earlier epic literature4 ,the historian of the fifth century regards the momentous contest of ,greece with ,persia as a conflict of moral forces1 the issue being worked out by unseen powers1 such as ,nemesis1 ,violence and ,justice1 with ,zeus as the #id righteous ,judge4 ,and in weaving into his narrative the stories of acid heroes and the ,eleusinian deities speeding to the help of the ,hellenes at ,salamis1 he doubtless represents the faith of the average ,greek4 ,a similar view was also impressed on the religious imagination of the people by oracular utterances1 such as that which was imputed to the prophet ,bakis-- 1 1#id4a 8,justice divine shall quench fell ,koros1 the child of ,insolence10 ,koros standing for ,persia1 the tyranny born of satiety4 ,it is expressed pictorially on the famous vase at ,naples1 representing ,hellas and ,asia pleading their cause before the ,high ,god with 1 as a tempting demon1 standing by ,asia4#id4b ,in this scene we trace also the influence of the famous tragedy of schylus1 the #8,pers1' which in more than one passage of deep religious conviction pronounces moral judgment on the great event4#id4c ,the same view is expressed and the same tone heard in the striking poem of ,pindar's eighth ,pythian ode1 where he exults over the triumph of #8,hesychia1' the armed ,peace of ,hellas1 who has cast ,insolence into the sea1 even as ,zeus quelled the monster ,typhus4 ,pan-,hellenism4--,the ,hellenic confederate effort against ,persia was the nearest approach ever made by the ,hellenic race to ,pan-,hellenic action2 and in a striking chapter of ,herodotus1 eulogising the loyalty of the ,athenians to the cause of ,greece1 emphasis is laid on the name of ,zeus ,hellenios4#id4d ,this is the highest political title of the ,high ,god2 #ie and its history is interesting4 ,originally the narrow tribal name of the ,god of the ,hellenes1 a small ,thessalian group under the leadership of the ,aiakidai1 it was transported to ,aigina by a migration of the same tribe1 whose ancestor ,aiakos was the high-priest of ,zeus ,hellanios2 already in the sixth century1 when the denotation of ,hellas was enlarged1 the title may have taken on a wider meaning4 ,but it was the danger of the ,persian wars1 and the part played in them--we may believe--by the men and the old heroes of ,aigina that brought the cult into prominence1 investing the cult-name with a wider significance and a more potent appeal4 ,here1 then1 was ,hellenic religion giving voice to an ideal that might be realised by the poet1 the artist1 and the thinker1 but never by any statesman or state4 ,another cult belonging to the same range as this was that of ,zeus ,eleutherios1 the ,god of ,hellenic freedom4 8,having driven out the ,persian they raised an altar to ,zeus1 the ,god of the free1 a fair monument of freedom for ,hellas40#ie4a ,these lines of ,simonides commemorate the dedication of the ,greeks after the victory at ,plata1 when they had purified the land and its shrines from the polluting presence of the barbarian by means of sacred fire brought from ,delphi4 ,the significance of this has been pointed out elsewhere#ie4b by the present writer2 the fight for liberty was prompted by more than a mere secular passion1 but by an idea inherent in the civic religion4 ,the title is only known before the ,persian wars in the ,zeus-worship of ,laconia2 henceforth it was widely diffused1 commemorating not only the deliverance of ,greece from #if the barbarian1 but1 in ,sicily for instance1 emancipation from the domestic tyrant4 ,in contrast with the deterioration of the old ,roman religion1 caused by the ,hannibalic wars1 the successful struggle of ,greece against barbarism in the east and the west undoubtedly quickened for a time the fervour and devotion inspired by the national cults4 ,the sufferings of ,hellas were easily repaired2 the ,gods in whom they had trusted had not failed them1 and much of the spoils won from the barbarian were gratefully dedicated to the embellishment of the shrines4 ,the vacillating and time-serving policy of ,delphi at the hour of the greatest peril was condoned or unnoted by the victors1 and ,apollo received an ample share of the fruits of victory4 ,the champions of ,hellenism in the ,west1 ,gelo and ,hiero1 commemorated their victories over the ,carthaginian and ,etruscan powers at ,himera and ,kyme by thankofferings sent to ,apollo at ,delphi and ,zeus at ,olympia4 ,the bronze helmet found at ,olympia1 and now in the ,british ,museum1 inscribed with the simple dedication1 8,hieron the son of ,deinomenes and the ,syracusans send ,tuscan spoils to ,zeus from ,kyme10 is an epoch-marking monument of ,pan-,hellenic history and religion4 ,the gratitude of ,hellas was paid in the first instance to the ,high ,god ,zeus2 to him was consecrated the #8feast of freedom' at ,plata1 which was still commemorated with pathetic fervour even in the last days of ,hellenic decay2#if4a to him1 under the national title of ,olympios1 was dedicated the mighty temple at ,akragas1 from the spoils won by ,gelo at ,himera4 ,but the outflow of national #ig thankfulness was directed to other divinities as well2 notably and naturally to the ,war-,goddess of the ,athenians1 and the spoils of ,persia at ,athens and ,plata were partly devoted to the erection of two striking statues of ,athena4 ,nor were the lesser powers of the elements forgotten2 the winds that assisted the ,greek fleet at ,artemision and the nymphs of the soil on which the battle of ,plata was fought2 the grateful ,athenians instituted a cult of ,boreas1 their kinsman1 in their restored city and assisted in the worship of the ,nymphs at ,kithairon4 ,the ,arcadian goatherd-,god1 the rustic ,pan1 was admitted into ,athens shortly before the battle of ,marathon1 and the story to which the ,athenians gave currency of the help he rendered them at the great battle contributed something no doubt to the subsequent diffusion of his cult4 ,a further religious consequence of these great events was the stimulus given to hero-worship2 ,gelo1 the victor at ,himera1 and some of the ,hellenes who fell at ,thermopyl1 ,marathon and ,plata received heroic honours4 ,this #8heroising' of the recently defunct had its moral value as a strong stimulus to patriotism1 when they had died in the service of their country2 and though it was degraded in the fifth century to the exaltation of the useless athlete1 yet it must be reckoned among the life-forces of later polytheism and as a momentous factor of higher religious history4 ,finally1 we may with probability ascribe to the triumph of ,hellas and to the expanding glory and greatness of ,athens a marked increase in the ,hellenic popularity of the ,eleusinian mysteries4 ,for this the ,athenians might thank ,herodotus and his thrilling #ih narrative of the vision of a heavenly host seen moving from ,eleusis towards ,salamis1 for the salvation of ,hellas2 they might also thank their own far-sighted policy of encouraging the whole ,hellenic world to take part in the worship at ,eleusis1 aspiring thus to make the ,hall of the ,mysteries1 a recent architectural work of the ,periclean administration1 the centre of a ,pan-,hellenic faith4#ih4a ,and their attempt in great measure succeeded4 ,influence of religious art4--,the study of the polytheism of this century is essentially also a study of the great religious art which culminated in the handiwork of ,pheidias1 but which continued forceful and prolific till the age of ,alexander4 ,the general effect of the iconic art upon ,greek religion has been briefly indicated above2 and long before this century the religious bias of the race was committed to idolatry2#ih4b the people craved an image that they could love and cherish1 though here and there they might retain the uncouth fetich1 the block of wood or rudely hewn stone1 because of the immemorial magic which it had acquired through ages of shy half-savage veneration4 ,the achievement of ,pheidias and his contemporaries was only the culmination in a process of ideal anthropomorphism that began with ,homer and was helped forward by the lyric poetry and music of the post-,homeric age and by the art of the sixth century4 ,strictly estimated and studied in all its fullness1 in the marvellous products of vase-painting1 glyptic and sculpture that even the shattered fabric of antiquity presents to us1 the art of the fifth and early fourth century must be called the most perfect religious art #ii of the world4 ,a more spiritual or more mystic religion could not have produced or could not have borne with such an art4 ,but it was the best and most satisfying expression of the best that the religious spirit of ,hellenism admitted2 for this polytheism had been built up by the teachers of the people1 poets and artists obeying the race-instinct1 not on vague conceptions of infinite ,godhead ineffable for art and inexpressible in clear speech1 but on vivid perceptions of concrete divine personages1 distinct in form1 attributes and character robust and very real4 ,the ,greek artist1 with his miraculous cunning of hand1 could deal with such types as he could not have dealt with #8the ,word' or with the #8,buddha4' ,nor was he merely the exponent of the highest popular imagination1 but1 unconsciously perhaps and in obedience to a true art-tradition1 at times a reformer and in any case a creator4 ,for us his works have this value among others that1 even more than the poetic literature1 they reveal to us how the people at their best imagined their deities4 ,but they also helped the people to imagine them better and more nobly4 ,perhaps the earliest art of ,hellas that takes rank among the works of high religious inspiration are the ,attic vase-paintings produced near to #ejj ,b4,c4 that portray the thiasos of ,dionysos4 ,the strong spirit of that religion that lifted the votary above the conventional moral human life1 the wild joy of self-abandonment1 the ecstasy of communion with the ,god1 all are here more startlingly expressed than even in the lyrics of the ,bacch of ,euripides or in the single perfect ,bacchic ode of ,sophocles' ,antigone4 ,it was not till the time of ,skopas in the fourth #ajj century that ,greek sculpture could so deal with this orgiastic theme4 ,the plastic work of the fifth century dealing with divine forms is mainly tranquil1 majestic1 ethical1 intellectual2 the physical perfection of the divinities sculptured on the ,parthenon impresses us not merely and not so much with the sense of physical beauty and strength1 but rather with the sense of a higher and nobler vital power2 so instinct is the beauty with that quality that the ,greeks called 1 a quality partly ethical1 partly spiritual1 but palpable in material forms that hint at a tranquil reserve of strength4 ,the expressive power of such an art can show benignity and mildness of mood without sentimentality1 because without voluptuousness1 intellectual thought without morbidness1 majesty without self-display4 ,the gentle and tranquillising spirit of the ,eleusinian mysteries speaks in the famous ,eleusinian relief showing the mother and the maid giving his mission to ,triptolemos4 ,the ,pheidian ,athena ,parthenos was a more deeply conceived ideal than the ,athena of the poets1 for it showed her as the ,madonna of the ,athenian people1 with a softer touch of maternal gentleness in the face4 ,the ,zeus ,olympios of ,pheidias transcended the portrait of the ,high ,god as given by ,homer or even by schylus2 for the chryselephantine statue impressed the later ,greeks as the ideal of the benign and friendly deity1 the divine patron of a ,hellas united and at peace with itself2 an image that appeared 8to add something to the traditional religion10#ajj4a embodying1 as ,dio ,chrysostom says1 a conception of the ,god so #aja convincing and complete that 8having once seen it one could not imagine him otherwise40#aja4a ,nor had any of the poets presented ,hera in forms so winning and gracious as those in which the best art of this age embodied her1 as the ,argive ,goddess #8of good works' 8in whose face and person brightness appeared by the side of majesty40#aja4b ,the poetic presentation of ,apollo is blurred and incomplete compared with such plastic types as the ,apollo of the ,parthenon frieze and the ,pheidian statue in the ,museo delle ,terme4 ,the older poetic ideal of ,aphrodite was shallow and trite compared to the ,aphrodite of the ,pheidian type1 such as we see presented by the ,laborde head in the ,louvre2 here is something of the majesty of the great cosmic goddess imagined by schylus in his ,danaides1 but combined with an emotion of human love in the countenance and a winning appeal that the verses of the great poet do not clearly convey4 ,and we may surmise that the #8,ourania' ,aphrodite of ,pheidias had some influence on the theory of ,plato and his distinction between the heavenly and the sensual love4 ,the full imagination of the personality of ,kore would combine the radiance and the grace of the young cornfield with the awe and mystery of the lower world2 the former is masterfully presented by a coin#aja4c of ,lampsakos that shows her rising from among the cornstalks with uplifted yearning face2 the unknown artist of the great ,syracusan medallion struck towards the close of the fifth century combines this aspect of her1 in a type of surpassing #ajb loveliness1 with a touch of melancholy that hints at the character of the ,goddess of death4#ajb4a ,and yet this triumphant anthropomorphic art must have failed1 and judged by the fragments that survive did fail1 when it tried to reveal in clear outline and full light the half-shrouded forms of the nether world1 the ,chthonian ,goddesses and the ,eumenides whose nature appealed to the sense of religious awe1 to what the ,greeks called 1 and did not brook to be wholly revealed4 ,we may doubt therefore if even the statues of the ,holy ,ones1 the ,semnai1 carved by ,kalamis and ,skopas1 were types so expressive of the real moral-religious imagination that fashioned these figures of cult as were certain awestruck verses of ,sophocles in the dipus ,coloneus4 ,nevertheless1 this ideal ,greek art1 by expressing in palpable forms of benign beauty the half-palpable personages of the lower world1 did one service to religion and the religious imagination2 it banished the uncouth and the terrible and helped to purge and tranquillise the ,greek mind by investing the ,chthonian powers with benevolence and grace4 ,we discern here the influence of the ,bacchic and ,demeter mysteries working upon the artist and of the artist upon the popular faith4 ,that the average ,greek of the classic period was saved from the vampire terrors that ,mr4 ,lawson has discovered in modern ,greece#ajb4b was due equally to the religion and to the art that he saw around him4 ,apart from this special fact1 a phenomenon so momentous in the spiritual world as the flowering of this religious art in the fifth century claims #ajc prominent notice even in the slightest sketch of the whole history of ,greek religion2 for it must have worked an effect which no student of insight would be tempted to belittle upon the religious mood and thought of the people4 ,greek records sufficiently attest its religious working2 even the alien ,roman1 milius ,paulus1 when he approached the ,pheidian masterpiece of ,zeus ,olympios felt the thrill of the #8real presence'#ajc4a2 when ,aristophanes fervently calls on ,athena as 8the ,maiden who holdeth our city in her hand and alone hath visible power and might and is called the ,warder of the ,gate10#ajc4b he is thinking of the bronze statue carved by ,pheidias and set to guard the entrance to the ,akropolis4 ,it is impossible1 then1 that this beautiful idolatry1 against which the philosophers might occasionally protest1#ajc4c could have weakened the popular faith in the native deities4 ,introduced suddenly into ,rome it helped to destroy the old ,roman animistic religion4 ,but the religious instinct and history of ,greece was wholly different from that of ,rome4 ,greek polytheism would probably have perished or been transformed by alien systems of cult far sooner than it was1 if ,greek art had not fortified and ennobled it1 rooting it deeply in the sthetic-religious emotions and perceptions of the people4 ,by establishing so convincingly the individuality of the ,greek divinities1 it preserved them from a too rapid absorption into the personalities of ,oriental religions1 when the fusion of west and east had been achieved by ,alexander and his successors4 #ajd ,influence of ,literature3 ,pindar1 schylus1 ,sophocles4--,more familiar and apparently more answerable is the question concerning the influence of the poetic masterpieces of this period1 the works of ,pindar and the ,attic drama1 on the general history of ,greek religion4 ,the subject is obviously too complex for the scope of this summary1 and has been handled by many scholars in large treatises4 ,there is only room here for the most general statement of facts1 tendencies and effects4 ,as exponents of the highest contemporary religious thought the names of ,pindar1 schylus1 ,sophocles and ,euripides are those of primary authority4 ,it is easy and interesting to collect religious citations from their works1 to compare these one with another and with the current polytheism4 ,it is far more difficult to decide generally and in regard to any special point how far any one of them could have influenced or modified the popular religion4 ,nor are all these four on the same footing in respect of opportunity4 ,for ,pindar writes for dynasts and aristocrats and1 being a hireling1 might be thought fettered in the free expression of his sentiments2 and in any case his public was more limited than that which the three dramatists addressed4 ,therefore their message was likely to reach further and to penetrate the ,greek mind more deeply than anything that ,pindar had to say2 and that this was actually the case can be proved4 ,nevertheless1 ,pindar must be reckoned with as an original thinker who spoke words of power2 in spite of his profession1 his mind remained imperial and free2 and in his attitude to the public religion he is to be grouped with schylus and ,sophocles2 and all three stand together and apart #aje from ,euripides4 ,all three show the virility1 the mental tranquillity combined with imagination and audacity1 that marked the typical character of the greatest age of ,hellas4 ,and all three genially and without querulous protest1 though with some freedom of criticism1 accept the existing religious order1 desiring to ennoble it1 not to destroy it4 ,pindar himself was the establisher of certain new cults1 and the first great literary preacher in ,greece of ,orphic eschatology1 and1 we may say1 the first great poet in ,europe who raised the theme of ,paradise to the level of the highest poetry4 ,such a marvel of song on the mysteries of life and death as the second ,olympian ode was a new voice in ,hellas2 how far it echoed1 and with what influence on the faith of the people1 is impossible to measure with accuracy4 ,for the progress of this new eschatology1 which is a weighty subject for the history of later ,hellenism1 we have some important negative evidence in the fact that neither schylus nor ,sophocles show any knowledge of ,orphism or interest in it1 or any preoccupying concern with the state of the soul after death2 nor in their occasional utterances concerning posthumous judgment do they go beyond the popular traditional view3 though the thoughtful refinement of ,sophocles suggested to him that there might be forgiveness of sins and reconciliation after death4#aje4a ,nor do we find anywhere in the works of the two dramatists any hint of that pregnant ,orphic doctrine to which ,pindar gives voice1 that humanity is of divine origin-- --a doctrine which passed into the higher thought of later ,greece4 #ajf ,leaving aside this special question1 we find a certain general resemblance in the religious view of these earlier poets of the fifth century4 ,all three preach the supremacy of ,zeus1 his omnipotence and perfect justice1 while ,sophocles lays stress on his mercy4 ,the effect of this poetic message was probably great and certainly timely2 for the growing power and frequency of hero-cult1 which ,pindar himself and the dramatists indirectly encouraged1 was a danger to the higher religion2 and the backward and less cultured ,hellenes were doubtless liable to the propensity of the savage mind to prefer the worship of the local daimon to that of the high ,god4 ,against such degeneracy the works of the greatest fifth-century poets1 like the masterpiece of the greatest fifth-century sculptor1 served at least as an enduring protest in ,hellas4 ,and it would be of interest to consider how far the sculptor1 in regard to the general conception of his mighty theme and in the choice of mystic bywork whereby he made it articulate1 drew certain suggestions from the poetry of schylus4 ,these poets also deal with the question of ,fate and ,destiny4 ,the personal1 or half-personal1 was an old but insignificant figure of the popular religion and mythology1 and ,homer is aware of her and has to reckon with her4 ,she might become more formidable under the philosophic conception of which appeared in the philosophy of ,herakleitos2 and we know that later philosophy and cultivated thought was much perplexed over the problem of the reconciliation of ,fate with the idea of a free divine ,providence4 ,the great ,attic poets1 taking their cue from ,homer1 8follow a short #ajg cut10 interpreting ,moira as the voice or agent or emanation of the power of ,zeus4#ajg4a ,and the pupil of ,pheidias1 ,theokosmos of ,megara1 was working out the same idea when he carved the ,fates with the ,hours as subordinate adjuncts to the great form of ,zeus4#ajg4a ,we may say1 then1 that both the poetry and the art of this period worked for the deliverance of the polytheism from the burden of fatalism1 which tends to lower the value and sap the force of all personal religion4 ,the ,prometheus ,vinctus of schylus expresses indeed a view of ,zeus that conflicts with the higher religious thought of the poet4 ,but schylus has here taken up a crude story that he cannot wholly moralise4 ,on the other hand1 his handling of the idea of the curse in the house of ,pelops is not worked out on the lines of mechanical fatalism2 one is made to feel it as a spiritual atmosphere which engenders a bias towards evil1 but does not overpower the freedom of the individual4 ,again1 each of these poets1 while accepting and in certain points purifying the traditional polytheism1 was capable of religious thought that worked on other lines than anthropomorphism4 ,the ,high ,god1 ,zeus1 is generally for them a definite personal ,being2 but once at least schylus transcends this apprehension of him and defines ,zeus pantheistically as a supreme cosmic force2 a fragment of his #8,heliades' speaks of him thus3 8,zeus is air1 earth1 heaven2 ,zeus is the whole of things1 and whatsoever is higher still than these40 ,moreover1 the other divine forces that shape our lives are presented by him and his fellow-poets1 not always as 1 but as moral #ajh powers that are only half-personal1 not as concrete individual deities1 but as emanations of the divinity4 ,we may call them #8personifications of moral ideas1' and some are no more than what this phrase implies1 such as those for instance with which ,euripides capriciously plays4 ,but some may be rather described as the ,soul-powers of the ,high ,god1 like1 in some ways1 to the ,persian ,fravashi2 such are ,pindar's 1#ajh4a the ,dike of schylus1 8,justice1 the ,maiden ,daughter of ,god10#ajh4b who 8shines in the poor man's smoke-dimmed cabin02#ajh4c ,mercy in the verse of ,sophocles1#ajh4d 8,mercy shares the throne of ,god to deal with all the deeds of men40 ,while ,pindar's genius inclines to the brighter of these emanations1 schylus broods rather over the gloomy forces of the shadowy world1 which he might at times be constrained to present in palpable concrete form for stage purposes and yet his own deeper thought could grasp as half-outlined spiritual powers1 not the less real because impalpable4 ,the ordinary ,hellene in his religious perceptions laid too much stress on personal individuality1 as if this were the only criterion of ideal reality2 from his point of view if ,eros was to be a real power of the divine world1 then ,eros must be imagined as a beautiful youth4 ,but ,kypris or ,aphrodite in a striking ,sophoclean fragment is no longer presented as a personal goddess1 but as a diffused pantheistic force4#ajh4e ,and the ,attic drama may have enlarged the mental outlook of the succeeding generations in this matter2 for the author of the speech against ,aristogeiton in the fourth #aji century must have been sure that his audience would understand him when he said1 8all mankind have altars dedicated to ,justice1 ,law-abidingness and ,pity1 the fairest and holiest 7being those7 in the very soul and the nature of each individual40#aji4a ,this is just how ,euripides might speak4 ,the great fifth-century poets were all moralists each in his own way4 ,the history of ,greek ethics only concerns us at the several points where it touches religion2 and to this history1 both generally and on its religious side1 the works of ,pindar and the three dramatists make important contributions4 ,of special interest is their attitude to ,greek mythology which1 in spite of its general brightness and beauty1 seriously needed in parts the puritanical reformer1 if it was to be harmonised with the higher religious thought4 ,but none of these poets1 not even the grave schylus1 was willing to undertake such a rle4 ,pindar of all the three comes nearest to preaching1 for his mtier allowed him more personal freedom of comment4 ,while following1 on the whole1 the beaten path of tradition1 he could innovate or invent if a moral purpose was to be gained2 for instance1 he preaches to a friend the doctrine of forgiveness of injuries and confirms it by the example of ,zeus1 who forgave and released the ,titans1 a myth for which he is the sole authority4#aji4b ,we find him anticipating ,plato in his protest against some grotesque and repulsive stories1 such as the cannibalism of the ,gods in the myth of ,pelops1 or blasphemous stories1 such as the theomachies and the combats of heroes against divinities3 8let all war and strife stand far apart from the immortals0#aji4c #aaj is a good sententious maxim for the expurgation of ,greek mythology and for the enrichment of ,greek ethico-religious thought4 ,but neither ,pindar nor the two older dramatists protest against the more licentious myths1 and they accept at need various legends about the amours of the ,gods4 ,in fact1 the axiom that sexual purity was an essential attribute of all divinity was not yet accepted by the higher thought of ,greece4 ,pindar's freedom and sense of irresponsibility in regard to myths has a certain value in that it shows that the futilities and improprieties of mythology--the 8unhappy stories of bards0--were not necessarily a burden on the stronger religious minds of ,hellas1 and that they could be greatly excised from the polytheism without endangering the popular worship and faith1 which in the main was independent of them4 ,as for the two dramatists1 his contemporaries1 mythology was their public business1 and they accepted it genially because they were not1 in the first place1 moral teachers1 but dramatists2 it did not therefore occur to them to protest or violently to reform4 ,but they might select1 discard and reshape2 they could take the great legends of the past1 legends of ,thebes1 the story of the ,niobids1 of ,prometheus1 the death of ,ajax1 all of them irreconcilable in parts with higher morality and religion1 and invest them with as much morality as the tradition admitted4 ,this they did with force and subtlety4 ,and generally the moral spirit and imagination of schylus and ,sophocles must be counted among the spiritual facts of this period with which the history of ,greek ethics and religion must #aaa deal4 ,doubtless the older and robuster poet was the stronger moral and religious force2 his protests against the non-moral doctrine of ,nemesis1 his profound utterances concerning moral responsibility and the moral continuity that links our lives and actions1 his discovery that suffering brings moral wisdom--these are landmarks in the ethical story of ,greece2 while with ,sophocles the conviction is no less deep of the eternity and divinity of the moral law4 ,they were the last spokesmen of a civic-imperial system with a civic religion and morality that had not yet passed its zenith4 ,euripides4--,the part played by ,euripides in this spiritual history of ,hellas was wholly different4 ,younger contemporary of ,sophocles as he was1 he seems to belong to a different age4 ,in his work and thought is reflected far more vividly than in the older poets of the same century the new mental life which was fostered by the philosophers and the sophists4 ,the influence of the physical speculations of the sixth century and of those of ,demokritos and ,anaxagoras of the fifth1 which at some points advanced further in materialism1 has had time to penetrate the more gifted minds and to compel the public to a certain attention4 ,the paid #8,sophist1' the pioneer of modern education and the first champion of the critical spirit1 was travelling around4 ,and after #dgj ,b4,c4 the imperial greatness of ,athens had begun to attract the greatest teachers and thinkers of the age4 ,it was of great moment for ,euripides that such men as ,anaxagoras and ,protagoras were active in ,athens for many years1 and that he had enjoyed familiar intercourse with them #aab as he also enjoyed with ,sokrates4 ,it is clear that the poet imbibed deeply their teaching and their spirit2 he was also learned in ,orphism1 antiquarianism and remote folklore4 ,being by nature a great poet1 he has also something of the weakness of the #8polymath' or the #8intellectual'2 he had not the steadiness of brain or strong conviction enough to evolve a systematic philosophy or clear religious faith2 his was1 in fact1 the stimulating1 eager1 critical spirit1 not the constructive4 ,his mental sympathies and interests shift and range from pole to pole4 ,he is a secularist in his view of a physical universe1 and he foreshadows a secular treatment of ethics based on ideas of and heredity1 though a chorus of his maidens may praise chastity as 8the fairest gift of the ,gods40 ,it was therefore possible1 though most unjust1 that ,aristophanes should call him an atheist4 ,on the other hand1 he is capable of profound religious sentiment and exalted religious utterance1 and strikes out flashes of light that might kindle and illuminate a higher religion4 ,therefore it was possible for ,clemens of ,alexandria to find in some of his words a foreshadowing of ,christ4#aab4a ,he remains for us an enigma1 and probably no final judgment will ever be pronounced upon him1 in which we shall all agree4 ,but the student of ,greek religion must confront these two questions about him3 7a7 ,what was his real sentiment concerning the popular religion8 7b7 ,what were his contributions to religious thought1 and what was likely to be his influence on the religious temperament8 ,to make up one's mind on these questions demands a long and critical study1 #aac also a tactful sense of the distinction between ,euripides the playwright and ,euripides the thinker4 ,it is the confusion of this distinction that leads1 for instance1 to the strangely erroneous views held concerning the religious significance of his #8,bacch4' ,a sympathetic reading of many of the plays must convey the impression that certain cult-figures and legends of the polytheism filled the poet with scorn and loathing2 and at times he seems to compose as if he had a personal hatred of ,apollo and ,aphrodite in particular1 for instance1 in the ,ion and ,hippolytus4 ,when he can interpret ,aphrodite as a cosmic force he can dilate on this as beautifully and ardently as ,lucretius2 if he could have believed that ,apollo was merely the ,sun1 as he tells us #8the wise' were well aware1 he might have forgiven him4 ,but it is the real personal ,aphrodite of ,homer and ,helen1 the personal ,apollo1 the father of ,ion1 the seducer of ,kreusa1 and the beloved ancestor of the ,athenians1 that rankled in his mind4 ,when he handles the story of the madness of ,herakles and brings madness on the stage1 he uses her first as his mouthpiece to convey to the ,athenians what he thought of ,hera2#aac4a just as he puts into the mouth of ,amphitryon his own mordant criticism of the action of ,zeus4#aac4b ,yet with other parts of the polytheism he seems at times in the most glowing sympathy2 in the ,hippolytus1 for instance1 where he expresses for the first time in literature the religious rapture of purity2 in the ,bacch where he discovers the necessary phrase for the expression of the ,bacchic communion1 for the ecstasy of the ,mnad-revel on the mountain1 in verses that tingle with the nature-magic #aad which was at the root of this wild cult4 ,yet no one should be deceived into thinking that he is preaching the cause of ,dionysiac worship2 for the ,bacch closes with that depressing anti-climax1 where ,dionysos plays the sorriest part1 and ,euripides' own sour dislike of the personal traditional ,god gives an unpleasant flavour to the last scene4 ,it is this bitterness of protestantism and criticism in this poet that strikes a new note in ,greece2 and ,euripides may be regarded as the first in ,european history to be possessed with the theologic temper4 ,it cannot be said that he preached a new religion2 he was no votary even of ,orphism1 for though1 as the ,bacch and the fragment of his #8,cretans' attest1 he felt something of its spell1 he was not of that cast of mind that could be deceived by its pharisaic ritual and laws of diet1 and he certainly cherished no mystic belief concerning the life after death2 for even in the #8,bacch' there is no reference to this attractive dogma1 which was the main anchor of the ,orphic faith4 ,nor can he be truly described as a zealous reformer of the people's faith and practice2 for the reformer must have some belief in that which he wishes to reform2 and that ,euripides firmly believed in any part of the polytheism is hard to maintain2 his final attitude is generally a doubt4 ,nevertheless1 his protests might have been of value to the more cultured citizen who still clave to his civic worship4 ,they are directed mainly and most forcibly against the stories of divine vindictiveness and divine licentiousness4 ,he is evidently touched with the new idea that vengeance is alien to the perfect nature of ,god2 this was still more insistently proclaimed by ,plato and by the ,pythagoreans and #aae later philosophers4#aae4a ,on the second count his protest is suggested by the notion that was dawning in him that purity in every sense was essential to the divine nature2 he is then the herald in literature of a thought which ,orphism may have prompted and which was to play a leading part in later religion and religious speculation1 but which was unfamiliar to his contemporaries either in ,hellas or anywhere in the ,mediterranean except in ,israel4 ,his leading principle of criticism in all these matters is expressed in the ,iphigeneia in ,tauris1 namely1 that the evil in religious practice and legend arises from men imputing their own evil nature to ,god4#aae4b ,we owe much to the man who first uttered this warning against a debasing anthropomorphism4 ,the immoral elements in ,greek mythology1 which have been constantly reprobated by ancient and modern writers1 have often blinded them to the fact that ,greek religion in its forms of worship and sacred formul was mainly pure and refined4 ,the stories about the ,gods1 often of the type natural to savage folklore1 did not constitute ancient religion2 and they were the less able to choke the growth of a higher ethical-religious spirit in that they were not enshrined in sacred books that could speak with authority to the people4 ,yet we have not infrequent proofs in ,greek literature1 notably in ,plato's ,euthyphron1 that they might exercise at times an immoral influence on men's conduct4 ,meantime the educational movement in the sixth and fifth centuries had awakened men's minds to the importance of the moral question in literature4 ,and the protests of ,euripides are developed by ,plato in his #aaf scheme of education in the ,republic1 and the same point of view prompts him to his puritanical legislation against poets4 ,such moral movements in the polytheistic societies of ,greece are interesting to mark1 though their effect is often difficult to estimate4 ,the new puritanical spirit had probably a wholesome influence on the more cultured minds2 it had little influence on the mass of the people1 nor does the later poetry of the ,hellenistic period show much trace of it4 ,as regards the actual forms of ,greek ritual and worship1 ,euripides has nothing revolutionary to say4 ,he appears to have a strong dislike for prophets1 and in this he was in some accord with schylus1 ,sophocles1 and the ,athenian people4 ,he shows great distrust for ,delphi2 and its influence was doubtless impaired at ,athens during the ,peloponnesian war4 ,he protests against human sacrifice as a barbaric and non-,hellenic institution#aaf4a--though he appears fond of it as a dramatic motive--and on one occasion the speaker argues that the ,gods need nothing from mortals at all2#aaf4b the thought was suggested merely by dramatic exigencies2 and ,euripides nowhere attempts a crusade against the value of sacrifice in general4 ,he has only one important thing to say about it1 namely that the small sacrifice of the pious often outweighs the hecatomb4#aaf4c ,this thought implies a more spiritual view of the divine nature and is not infrequently expressed in the later literature2 according to ,theophrastos and ,theopompos this higher view of sacrifice was even encouraged by the ,delphic oracle4#aaf4d #aag ,there is much indeed in the sententious poetry of ,euripides that might have elevated and cleared the religious thoughts of his age2 but it is doubtful if his ultimate conception of ,godhead1 as it tends towards pantheism1 could have been reconciled with the anthropomorphic polytheism of the people or if those most conversant with his tone and inspired by his spirit could have remained long in sympathy with orthodoxy4 ,and there is an instinct in ,euripides which enhances his value for the modern man1 but which was to be subversive in the longrun of the old civic religion1 namely1 the humanitarian or cosmopolitan instinct2 that which allowed him to sympathise with ,trojans1 women1 children and slaves1 which inspired him with the beautiful thought that 8the whole earth is the good man's fatherland10 which also prompted him to despise the life of civic duty and activity and to recommend1 as ,aristotle does1 the secluded and contemplative life4 ,the further development of this cosmopolitan spirit and its effect on the old civic religion will be noted below4 ,it has been necessary to dwell so long on ,euripides1 not only for the reasons mentioned above1 but also because owing to the vogue that he won in his lifetime and that was greatly to increase after his death1 he more than any other of the great men of letters must be regarded as the populariser of the new enlightenment4 ,whether he individually exercised any immediate religious influence upon the popular religious mind1 for good or for harm1 is not easy to decide with precision2 for there were other exponents than he of the same freer and more advanced thought1 which #aah began to express itself early in the sixth century4 ,as a result we are able to discern the religious view of human life and conduct1 becoming what we should term more spiritual1 more inward4 ,the moral judgment begins to look to the soul or the inner principle2 the doctrine begins to be proclaimed that ,god as a spiritual power can read the heart of man and judges him by that2 that sin lies not in the external act alone2 that external ritualistic purity is of less avail than purity of soul4 ,such thoughts as these which could serve as the foundation-stones of a new religion and which helped to shape the later religious history of ,europe were mainly a heritage from the speculation of the sixth century and were in the air of the fifth4 ,we cannot think that they were confined to the philosophic circles until ,euripides gave them publicity2 for the notable oracle quoted and commented on by ,herodotus had proclaimed to the people the novel view that a sinful purpose was the same in the sight of ,god as a sinful act2#aah4a ,epicharmos1 the ,sicilian poet of the earlier fifth century1 had preached the higher ideal of purity--8if thou art pure in mind1 thou art pure in thy whole body40 ,it was probably in the latter part of the same century that some rhetorician of the school of ,gorgias interpolated the proem of ,hesiod's ,works and ,days1 which reveals an exalted view of the ,high ,god4#aah4b ,we may believe1 then1 that this higher religious ethic had a certain elevating influence on the popular imagination4 ,the question of immediate interest is whether we can trace any effects of this in actual worship4 ,did the new enlightenment1 for instance1 #aai lead to the abolition or reform of cruel or impure or absurd forms of ritual8 ,human sacrifice4--,this question involves the consideration of the practice of human sacrifice1 which had been certainly prevalent in prehistoric and early historic ,greece1 as in other ,mediterranean communities4 ,we have evidence that in the fifth and fourth centuries the practice was of rare occurrence in the ,greek societies and was repugnant to the religious morality of all but the most backward4 ,the feeling about the sacrifice of ,iphigeneia manifested in the ,agamemnon of schylus1 the story about the ,botian generals and the sacrifice of a maiden before the battle of ,leuktra are sufficient proof4#aai4a ,the ,platonic dialogue of the ,minos contrasts the ,greeks with the barbarians in this matter1#aai4b yet implies that the ,arcadians in the cult of ,zeus ,lykaios and the men of ,halos in that of ,zeus ,laphystios#aai4c continued the cruel offerings that disgraced their ,hellenism4 ,euripides attests that the human sacrifice once customary in the rites of ,artemis1 near ,brauron1 had been1 before his day1 transformed to a mere fiction1#aai4d and at some time earlier than this the ,athenians must have ceased to immolate human scapegoats1 called 1 in their ,thargelia4#aai4e ,the ,rhodians eased their consciences and at the same time maintained their immemorial rite by choosing a malefactor who had been condemned to death as a human victim to ,kronos4#aai4f ,according to ,porphyry the practice #abj survived here and there under the ,roman ,empire until the time of ,hadrian4#abj4a ,and ,plutarch#abj4b declares that the yearly custom of exposing the two ,locrian maidens to the chance of a cruel death on the shore of ,ilium1 in expiation of the sin of ,aias the ,less against ,athena ,ilias1 had been abandoned not very long before his time4 ,but the better sentiment of ,greece in respect of such rites had probably begun to work as early as the time of ,homer1 for certain legends concerning the abolition of this ritual and the substitution of the animal for the human life point back to the prehistoric period2 and the merciful reform was ascribed to the ,high ,god himself in a ,laconian legend that closely resembles the story of the sacrifice of ,isaac4#abj4c ,the humanitarian spirit1 then1 had asserted itself before the sixth century2 but doubtless the higher teaching and thinking of this and the succeeding age quickened its influence4 ,phallic ritual4--,as regards that element in ,greek ritual which the modern taste pronounces impure1 there is little trace of any attempt at reform in any period of the polytheism4 ,the element was indeed but slight4 ,the forms of worship were1 on the whole1 decorous1 often stately and beautiful2 ancient legend reveals the anxious care of the early ,hellenes to preserve their temples from any sexual defilement2 where a 1 or ,holy ,marriage1 was enacted in any of the shrines1 there is no need to suspect any licentiousness2#abj4d no such feature is discernible in the ,eleusinian or other ,hellenic mysteries1 although #aba the ,christian fathers are eager in their insinuations2 the ,hellenic#aba4a cults of the ,oriental ,aphrodite were generally innocent of that ritual of temple-prostitution which was found in certain ,anatolian cults and which scandalised the ,greek as much as the ,christian writers2 the few impure titles attaching to this goddess may well have arisen in the later period of the decadent polytheism4#aba4b ,in the early ages1 it is clear1 the wholesome and temperate influence of the ,hellenic spirit had worked upon the forms of the polytheism4 ,nevertheless1 in the ritual of a few divinities1 ,demeter1 ,hermes1 ,dionysos1 and even of ,artemis herself1#aba4c sexual emblems were occasionally in vogue1 dances of a more or less licentious character are mentioned1 though these were very rare2 while in the ,thesmophoria and other services of ,demeter1 what was called 1 indecent and scurrilous badinage1 was indulged in by the women among themselves or more rarely with the men also4 ,we note that such ritual is practically confined to vegetation-cults1 and in some it is merely vegetation magic hardly attaching to the divinity1 nor affecting his or her moral aspect4 ,the phallic emblem and the procession called the or were specially associated with ,dionysos and ,hermes2 and ,plutarch1 a man of more than the average culture and refinement and strikingly susceptible to the spiritual influences of the more mystic religions1 describes it as a harmless adjunct of the ancestral and cheerful ritual of the #abb ,botian peasant4#abb4a ,now it is worth noting that against this element in ,greek ritual there is scarcely a word of protest in all the ethical and philosophic literature of ,greece4 ,the exception is only a fragmentary utterance of ,herakleitos1 in which he seems to rail against the phallic procession of ,dionysos2 but the exact sense of his words is not quite clear4#abb4b ,the higher moral thought of ,greece on this matter is probably more nearly represented in the utterance of ,aristotle in the ,politics1#abb4c where he lays down austere rules for the training of the young3 8,no impure emblem or painting or any representation of impropriety is to be allowed by the archons1 except in the cults of those divinities to whom the law attaches the ritual of scurrility 773 in their case the law allows those of more advanced age to perform the divine service in behalf of themselves1 their children and their wives40 ,even in the last three centuries before ,christ1 when greater stress was continually being laid upon purity in cult1 no protest is heard against these old-world forms1 which have maintained themselves in many parts of ,europe down to the present day in spite of the denunciations of ,christianity4 ,the seeming paradox is explained when we reflect that the idea of purity changes its content in the different generations2 and secondly that the ,hellenic1 like all the other ,mediterranean religions1 except the ,hebraic1 regarded the physical procreative power as belonging to the divine character and as part of his cosmic creative force2 therefore an emblem that was secularly impure might be made holy by cult and consecration4 ,it is in this respect that the modern #abc ideas of refinement differ most markedly from the classic4 ,survival of other primitive ritual4--,there is much besides in old ,greek ritual that appears to us harmless but uncouth and irrational2 strange and nave things were done that primitive ideas of magic and animism inspired2 and one may be surprised to find that the higher culture of the fifth and succeeding centuries is not known to have suppressed a single one of these4 ,still1 in the time of ,theophrastos1 and indefinitely later1 the ,athenians were capable of the quaint old-world ritual of the ,bouphonia1 that strange medley of worship and magic and dramatic make-belief#abc4a2 still in the time of ,demosthenes#abc4b they were capable of bringing up to judgment in the law court an axe or any other inanimate thing that had caused the death of a man or of the sacred ox and solemnly condemning it to be thrown into the sea2 the driving out of sin or famine1 incarnate in a human being1 was a ceremony in vogue at ,massilia#abc4c and probably also at ,athens long after the beginning of our era4 ,nor did the higher anthropomorphism1 powerful as its working was1 entirely obliterate the worship or half-worship of animals in the later centuries4#abc4d ,even ,zeus might still be conceived by the men of the fourth century as occasionally incarnate in the snake2 and in a ritual law regulating the cult of ,asclepios at ,athens1 composed shortly after #djj ,b4,c41 a sacrifice was ordered to certain sacred dogs2 the pious votary would comply1 however the act might awaken the laughter of a comic poet4 ,herakleitos protested against the #abd absurdity of praying to idols2 but no voice of the new enlightenment is heard against these far more irrational and backward ceremonies4 ,the average public thought of the fifth century did not repudiate the use of magic2 in fact1 it is not till the fifth century that its efficacy is known to have been recognised by legislation4#abd4a ,and ,plato1#abd4b speaking about it in his ,laws1 a work of his declining years and intellect1 is not sure whether he believes or disbelieves in its power4 ,there is nothing more conservative than ritual2 and ,greece produced no ardent ,protestant reformer4 ,therefore1 the average educated ,athenian even of the fourth century would doubtless agree with the orator ,lysias1 that 8it is prudent to maintain the same sacrifices as had been ordained by our ancestors who made our city great1 if for no other reason1 for the sake of the city's luck40#abd4c ,strength of the traditional religion in the fifth century4--,the question naturally occurs--were the mass of the citizens touched at all in their inward theory of things by the spirit of modernism which breathed from ,ionia and inspired the sophists8 ,the culture that was the stock-in-trade of the latter was only offered to those who could pay2 and upon these the poorer ,athenian looked askance4 ,he heard of it at first with a dislike that might become dangerous4 ,fanaticism1 as we are familiar with it in the pages of ,european and ,semitic history1 was happily alien to the ,greek temperament4 ,but the banishment of ,anaxagoras and ,protagoras1 and the execution of ,sokrates by the city that was to become #abe the schoolmistress of ,greece1 might seem to savour somewhat of this temper of mind4 ,these acts1 indeed1 were not inspired solely by religious feelings2 but they are clear proofs that the polytheism was by no means moribund and could be dangerous in its own defence4 ,nothing is more erroneous than the view which is sometimes expressed1 that the popular devotion to the old religion was abating and its divine personalities and forms losing life and value towards the close of the fifth century4 ,in their dark days the ,athenians bided truer to their old faith than did ,rome in her time of terror4 ,we do not find a prostrate ,athens turning desperately for aid to alien ,oriental cults4 ,we hear indeed of the beginnings of ,adonis-cult in the latter part of the ,peloponnesian war1 the first ripple of a wave of ,orientalism that was to surge westward later4 ,but this feminine excess was unauthorised1 and ,aristophanes hates it and mocks at it4 ,and the shallow view mentioned above would be sufficiently refuted by his comedy of #8the ,clouds1' in which he1 the greatest literary genius of his time1 poses as the champion of the reaction against modernism4 ,it is refuted also by other incidents in ,athenian history that fall within the last decades of this century2 for the rage of the people at the mutilation of the ,hermai1 at the supposed insult to the ,eleusinian mysteries1 at the neglect of the dead after the battle of ,arginousai1 may be evidence of morbid religiosity1 and is surely inconsistent with a general prevalence of scepticism4 ,in these episodes the whole people reveal a passionate attachment to their holy mysteries1 to their quaint phallic ,herme-images on which the luck and the life of the ,state depended1 to #abf the duties of the loving tendance of the dead4 ,even their animistic beliefs concerning the common phenomena of the physical world had not yet been extirpated or purged by the physical philosophy of ,ionia2 for according to ,plato it was still a dangerous paradox1 which his ,sokrates disclaims before the jury1 to maintain with ,anaxagoras that the ,sun and the ,moon were merely material bodies and not in themselves divine4 ,intellectually ,nikias appears inferior to ,homer's ,hektor4 ,it was ,athens that produced in the fourth century the #8superstitious man' of ,theophrastos2 but it is right to bear in mind that she also produced the man who could so genially and tolerantly expose that character4 ,influence of comedy4--,those who believed that the faith in the polytheism was falling into rapid decay by #djj ,b4,c4 sometimes quote by way of evidence the astonishing licence of ,attic comedy in dealing with the divine personalities2 the notorious example is the ludicrous figure and part of ,dionysos in the ,frogs of ,aristophanes4 ,yet the people who enjoyed the humour of the play were more devoted to ,dionysos than to most of the other persons of their pantheon4 ,if the #8excellent fooling' of ,aristophanes is a proof of popular unbelief1 what shall we say of that ,attic terra-cotta of the sixth century that represents him half asleep and half drunk on the back of a mule and supported by an anxious ,seilenos8#abf4a ,the present writer has suggested that 8this is some peasant's dedication1 who feared his god little but loved him much and treated him en bon camarade40 ,epicharmos in ,sicily had been beforehand with ,aristophanes in venturing on the burlesque of divine actions1 ,hephaistos and ,herakles #abg specially lending themselves to ridiculous situations4 ,even in the epic period the same gay irreverence had occasionally appeared1 as in the ,homeric hymn to ,hermes4 ,these things do not necessarily arise from an anti-religious spirit1 but they may be taken as indication of a certain vein in the ,hellenic character1 a light-heartedness and a reckless freedom in dealing on certain occasions with things divine that is markedly in contrast to the ,oriental spirit4 ,nevertheless1 it is not improbable that comedy at ,athens and elsewhere did gradually exercise a weakening or a debasing influence on the popular faith4 ,for the other poets of ,attic comedy took greater liberties than even ,aristophanes2 ,kratinos and ,telekleides of the fifth century1 ,amphis of the fourth1 did not shrink from introducing the ,high ,god himself on the stage in ridiculous and licentious situations4 ,there probably was some reserve and no gross indecency in the presentation of these plots4 ,and much is conceded to the spirit of the carnival1 especially when a certain was sanctified by custom and ritual4 ,nevertheless1 the more earnest-minded of the ,athenians may have agreed with ,plato's condemnation of such a handling of divine personages1#abg4a and though the popular faith may have been robust enough to endure such shocks1 one cannot but suspect that the people's religious imagination suffered a debasement in moral tone4 ,a few ,south-,italian vases of the fourth century1 on which are scenes that appear to have been inspired by such comedies1 are the worst examples of ,hellenic vulgarity4 ,the history of ,greek religion1 then1 must reckon with ,attic comedy as among the possible causes of #abh religious corruption and decay2 but at the worst this is only one side of the picture1 for the fragments of the comedies of ,menander1 as will be shown1 contain many a striking expression of the higher religious spirit and advanced ethical sentiment4 ,waning of the political value of ,delphi4--,there are certain external events in the history of ,greek religion towards the close of the fifth century that must be noted in a general sketch of its career4 ,one is the waning of the political influence of the ,delphic oracle2 its secular mission appeared to have been accomplished when the era of ,greek colonial expansion had closed2 at the first terror of the ,persian invasion the great states anxiously resorted to ,delphi for guidance1 but the priesthood failed to rise to the ,pan-,hellenic occasion and played a double game4 ,during the ,peloponnesian war it was obvious that they were #8,laconising'2 nor were they ever given again an opportunity of leading la haute politique of ,hellas1 and in the middle of the fourth century ,demosthenes could speak contemptuously of #8the shadow at ,delphi1' although the ,amphictyonic ,league1 as the only federal council of ,hellas1 still retained a nominal value sufficient to induce ,philip to scheme for admission4 ,generally1 in the fourth1 third and second centuries1 the oracle retained influence only in the spheres of religion and morality4 ,plato still regards the ,delphic ,god as the natural director of the religious institutions of the ,state4 ,and we have interesting examples in the later literature of consultation of the oracle by individuals whose minds were troubled by religious terrors and remorse4 ,in fact1 it came to serve the purposes of a private confessional1 giving advice on #abi questions of conscience2 and its advice was generally sane and often enlightened and shows the priests as possessed with the progressive spirit of ,greek ethical philosophy4#abi4a ,spread of ,asklepios-worship4--,another event of importance is the diffusion of the cult of ,asklepios and the growing influence on the ,hellenic mind of this once obscure hero or earth-daimon of the ,thessalian ,trikka4 ,it was thence that sometime probably in the sixth century he had migrated to ,epidauros1 where his power expanded through his union with ,apollo4 ,his cult-settlement in ,kos was connected with the ,epidaurian2 and already in the fifth century the ,asclepieion of this favoured island had reared the great ,hippokrates and was thus the cradle of the later medical science of ,europe4 ,towards the close of this century ,asklepios and his daughters came even from ,epidauros to ,athens1 and according to a well-founded tradition the poet ,sophocles was his first apostle2 in the next generation we find the ,athenian state regulating his worship1 which was soon to conquer the whole ,hellenic world4 ,and in the survey of the ,hellenistic age it must be reckoned with as one of the main religious forces of later ,hellenism4 ,we may note in passing a striking divergence between the ,european spirit of ,hellenic religion and the ,oriental spirit of ,mesopotamia3 the ,babylonian ,god practises magic1 the ,hellenic ,asklepios1 though he worked miracles enough1 came in a later day at least to foster science1 and even his cases at ,epidauros were not all merely of the ,lourdes type4 ,growth of the ,thiasoi4--,another interesting phenomenon that begins to arrest our attention in #acj the latter part of the fifth century is the growth of private or voluntary religious associations independent of the public religion and devoted to a special divinity who might be an alien4 ,the most interesting testimony is the title of a comedy by ,eupolis called the #8,baptai1' which we may interpret as #8the ,baptisers1' satirising a society devoted to the ,thracian goddess1 ,kotytto1 whose initiation-rites must have included a ceremony of baptism1 of which this is the earliest example within the ,hellenic area4 ,it will be more convenient to estimate the importance of religious significance of these in the survey of the next period of our history4 ,meanwhile1 it is well to mark certain evidence that the most powerful and appealing of these1 the ,orphic mystery1 having failed in the sixth century to capture the ,states of ,magna ,grcia1 was increasing its private influence in ,eastern ,greece in the century before the rise of ,alexander4 ,plato's attack is itself a witness of this4 ,and when ,aristophanes#acj4a and an ,attic orator contemporary with ,demosthenes#acj4b openly acknowledge ,orpheus as the apostle to the ,hellenes of the most holy mysteries1 and the teacher of a higher way of life1 we must conclude that the spirit of the ,orphic brotherhoods had touched the imagination of the general public outside the circle of the initiated4 ,religion in first half of fourth century ,b4,c4--,yet it is hazardous and probably false to say that the public religion of ,greece was decaying visibly throughout the first half of the fourth century4 ,athens is as usual our chief witness4 ,the restored democracy was all the more strenuous in matters of religion as scepticism was considered a mark of the #aca new culture of the oligarchically-minded4 ,the trial of ,socrates is an indication of this temper4 ,we have also evidence from this period of the occasional severity of the ,athenian people against those who tried to introduce unauthorised and un-,hellenic cults4 ,the ,hellenic tradition is still strong against the contagion of the orgiastic spirit of the ,anatolian religion1 and it was with difficulty that the ,athenian public could tolerate the wild ritual of ,sabazios and the ,phrygian ,mother1 nor even in the time of ,demosthenes were the participants in it secure from danger4 ,the early fourth-century art still exhales the religious spirit and serious ethos of the ,pheidian school2 and it created the type1 and almost succeeded in establishing the cult1 of the new ,goddess of ,peace1 ,eirene1 for whose presence among them the wearied ,athenians might well yearn2 it also perfected the ideal of ,demeter1 the ,madre ,dolorosa of ,greek myth1 whose ,eleusinian rites with their benign promise of salvation added power and significance to the later polytheism4 ,the literature of this period attests the enduring vitality of the popular religion4 ,the ,attic oratory of the fourth century was more religious in its appeal than any modern has been1 as might be expected of a time when there was yet no divorce conceivable between ,church and ,state4 ,it is not a question of the religious faith of the individual orator1 but of the religious temper of the audience which is attested by many striking passages in the speeches4 ,according to ,antiphon1 the punishment of sinners and the avenging of the wronged is specially the concern of the deities of the nether world#aca4a2 ,andokides avers #acb that foul misconduct was a more heinous sin in a man who had been in the service of the ,mother and the ,maid of ,eleusis#acb4a2 the speech against ,aristogeiton is almost as much a religious as a juridical utterance4 ,demosthenes may have been a sceptic at heart1 believing in chance--as he once says--as the governing force of our life2 but otherwise he is glowingly orthodox in respect of ,attic religion and mythology1 and the greatest of his speeches closes with a fervent and pious prayer4#acb4b ,and again it is well to remind ourselves that the political or forensic orator is a truer witness to the average popular belief than the poet or the philosopher4 ,plato's attitude towards the popular religion4--,a consecutive history of ,greek religious thought as embodied in the surviving writings or records of the philosophic schools of ,hellas is far too large a subject even to be adumbrated here4 ,and a general survey of the religion can only notice shortly the leading thinkers whose works there is reason to suppose had popular vogue and lasting influence upon the religious world4 ,among these the primacy belongs to ,plato2 and the full account of ,greek religion1 both in the period that precedes the downfall of ,greek independence and in the periods that follow1 must include a critical estimate of his religious speculation4 ,this is no place for an elaborate consideration of the metaphysic of his ideal theory1 or the relation of his ideas to a theistic system2 but only the most general observations may be allowed for the purpose of this sketch4 ,to understand his main attitude towards the popular cults1 and his influence upon the later #acc educated world of ,greece1 we must recognise at once that1 idealist and reformer as he was1 he was no revolutionary or iconoclast in matters of religion2 he would reform ,greek mythology1 purging it of stories of divine conflicts1 divine vengeance1 divine amours2 and1 as these fortunately were enshrined in no sacred books1 he feels that this might be done gently and easily without disturbance to the established forms of worship4 ,he does not desire to abolish sacrifice or idolatry1 but inculcates simplicity in the offerings4#acc4a ,in one passage he even maintains that the legislator will not change a single detail of the ritual1 if only for the reason that he does not know anything of the inner truth that may lie behind such outward forms4#acc4b ,even in his most advanced physical and metaphysical speculations he finds a place for the popular pantheon2#acc4c in the hierarchic scale of things the ,olympians are ranged somewhere below the supreme transcendental ,god of the ,universe4 ,the #8,timus' dialogue presents some interesting theologic dogma2 here#acc4d in the scale of ,divine creation the ,olympian ,pantheon1 which seems to be accepted rather for the sake of ancient tradition1 is given the third place after the planets and the ,sun which are the second works of the ,supreme ,creator1 the first being the cosmic ,heaven4 ,these deities of the polytheism1 then1 are not immortal in their own nature1 but are held together for all eternity by the will of the highest ,god4 ,and it was to them that he committed the formation of man1 and lent for this purpose a portion of his own immortality2 the mortality of man is thus accounted #acd for2 which would have been inexplicable had he sprung directly from the immortal ,supreme ,being4 ,it is interesting for our present purpose to note that this esoteric and transcendental system1 devised by the great master and parent of ,greek theosophy1 would leave the established religion more or less unimpaired2 it even accepts its data at certain points1 namely1 the nativity of its ,gods1 and draws the logical conclusion that ,gods1 who were born could not be by essence immortal2 therefore ,zeus could not be accepted as the ,absolute and ,supreme ,being of the ,cosmos4 ,also it proclaims the idea of an immortal element in man1 which1 again1 is in accord not only with ,orphic teaching1 but also with the contemporary popular faith in the survival of some part of our being after death4 ,but the work which reflects most vividly the popular religion and betrays the strongest sympathy with it is the ,laws1 a work of his old age in which the conservative spirit of the religious reformer is no less striking than the intellectual decay of the philosopher4 ,he accepts the greater part of the civic political religion1 merely purifying the mythology and some of the ideas concerning divinity2 and it is striking how easily he finds in it materials ready to his hand on which he can build an exalted ethical-religious system of rights and duties1 especially those which concern the life of the family and the groups of kinship4#acd4a ,in fact1 the background of the thought in this lengthy treatise is almost always the ,greek ,polis1 though glimpses may here and there break through of a wider vista4 ,he expresses the prejudices of the ,greek citizen against new forms of private or foreign orgiastic cult which #ace were dangerously enticing to women2#ace4a any doubtful question that might arise concerning rite or cult he would leave to the decision of the oracles of ,delphi or ,dodona or of ,zeus ,ammon4#ace4b ,we feel generally that ,plato did not assume the part of an apostle of a new order of religion1 but that both in his philosophy and religious theory he found a sufficient point d'appui in the old1 of which he tried to strengthen the moral potentialities4 ,the later sects which attached themselves to his name or to his school were deeply interested in religious speculation1 which degenerates at last into the mystic superstition of ,neoplatonism4 ,therefore1 as the work of ,aristotle belongs to the history of ,european science1 so the philosophy of ,plato concerns the later history1 both of pre-,christian and ,christian religious thought4 ,to estimate exactly how his influence worked on the better popular mind in the centuries before ,christ is impossible4 ,but we may naturally and with probability surmise that he contributed much to the diffusion of the belief in the spiritual nature and perfection of ,god1 to the extirpation of the crude notions of divine vindictiveness and jealousy1 to the interpretation of the external world in terms of mind and spirit as against any materialistic expression1 to the acceptance of the belief in the divinity of the human soul and its affinity with ,god and in the importance of its posthumous life1 which was partly conditioned by the attainment of purity4 ,these latter ideas constitute the faith of the ,orphic sects1 from whom ,plato may have silently borrowed them4 ,but whether through ,plato or the thiasoi many of them #acf came to appeal strongly to the popular mind of later ,hellas4 ,religious art in the fourth century4--,our general survey is now approaching that period of world-change brought about by the rise of ,macedon4 ,but before leaving the scene of the free ,city-,state1 we should remember to estimate the religious work done by the great fourth-century masters of sculpture before the power of ,alexander reached its zenith4 ,the fiery imagination of ,skopas found plastic types for the forms of ,dionysos and his thiasos1 and his work rivalled at least1 if it did not surpass1 in inspiration of tumultuous life the masterpieces of the older ,attic vase-painters noticed above4 ,praxiteles1 the master of the gentler moods of the soul1 in the religious sphere consummated the types of ,aphrodite and ,demeter2 the almost perfect embodiment of the latter goddess1 the ,cnidian ,demeter of the ,british ,museum1 a work of his school1 combines something of the tearful expression of the ,madre ,dolorosa with the blitheness of the ,corn-,goddess4 ,we are conscious indeed of a change in the representation of divinity4 ,the works of this later generation have lost the majesty and awe1 the 1 as the ,greeks called it1 of the fifth-century art2 nor can the ,greek states command any longer the creation of the chryselephantine colossal statues of temple-worship4 ,in these later types1 though still divine1 there is more infusion of human passion1 of the personal experience1 the struggles and yearning of the individual soul4 ,anthropomorphism is pursuing its path1 and though still fertile in works of high spiritual value1 may come to weary and weaken the religious sense4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,the ,,period ,,after ,,alexander #acg ,the establishment of the ,macedonian ,empire wrought momentous changes in the civic-political religion of ,hellas2 and some of these were in the direction of loss and decay1 while others worked for the birth of new religious life4 ,the political significance of ,apollo of ,delphi1 of ,zeus and ,athena1 the divine leaders of the ,polis in its counsels and ambitions1 was doomed to pass away4 ,athena1 as the warder and counsellor1 was of less avail for ,athens than were the ,samothracian sea-deities for the victorious ,demetrios4 ,certainly in the first centuries of the ,hellenistic age there were few external signs of decay2 we do not yet hear of ruined shrines or the decline of great festivals such as the ,delia2 ,athena1 though no longer the goddess of a civic ,empire1 was still and for ages yet remained the benign ,madonna for the ,athenian1 to whose care the boy-athlete and the marriageable girl were dedicated2 we have record from the island of ,tenos#acg4a of the abiding hold that even such a deity as ,poseidon still exercised on the affections of his people1 as late as the second and first centuries ,b4,c42 and if we had continuous chronicles of each cult-centre we should probably find similar evidence showing that the dominant #ach figures of the old polytheism were still able to fulfil in some degree the religious wants of the individual worshipper4 ,and scholars who have been tempted to ante-date the decay of ,hellenic polytheism have ignored1 among other evidence1 this important historic fact that in the fourth century it was still vital enough to make foreign conquests1 to penetrate and take possession of ,carthage1 for instance1 and that in the third century it began to secure for itself a new lease of life within the city and the growing ,empire of ,rome2 in fact1 the last chapter of ,greek religion falls within the ,roman imperial period4 ,growing force of personal religion4--,yet the ,hellene in the fourth century and in the early days of ,macedonian ascendancy began to crave other outlets for his religious emotion than the traditional cults of his phratry or tribe or city4 ,personal religion was beginning to be a more powerful impulse and to stimulate a craving in the individual for a more intimate union with the divinity1 such1 for instance1 as was offered freely by the ,great ,mysteries of ,eleusis4 ,and we have fairly sufficient evidence that the fourth century witnessed a great extension of their influence4#ach4a ,the mysteries of ,megalopolis were instituted and those of ,andania were reorganised by their aid2 and the first ,ptolemy is said to have invited an apostle from ,eleusis to assist in some religious institutions of his new city of ,alexandria4#ach4b ,the religious brotherhoods4--,the same aspiration was also satisfied by the private 1 the guilds of brethren devoted to the special cult of one #aci divinity4 ,these unions belong to the type of the secret religious society which is found in all parts of the world at varying levels of culture4 ,in ,greece we have evidence of them as early as the time of ,solon2 it was probably not till the fifth century that any of them were instituted for the service of foreign divinities2 we hear then of the thiasos of the ,thracian ,goddess1 and in the earlier half of the fourth century of the orgiastic fraternity devoted to ,sabazios1 with which schines in his youth was associated4 ,but it is not till the ,macedonian period that the epigraphic record of them begins2 henceforth the inscriptions are numerous and enlightening concerning their organisation and their wide prevalence throughout the ,hellenic world4#aci4a ,their importance for the history of religion is great on various grounds4 ,they show the development of the idea of a humanitarian religion in that they transcend1 in most cases1 the limits of the old tribal and civic religion and invite the stranger2 so that the members1 both men and women1 associate voluntarily1 no longer on the ground of birth or status1 but drawn together by their personal devotion to a particular deity1 to whom they stand in a far more intimate and individual relation than the ordinary citizen could stand to the divinities of his tribe and city4 ,this sense of divine fellowship might sometimes have been enhanced by a sacrament which the members partook of together2 we know that this was the bond of fellowship in the ,samothracian mysteries1 which were beginning to appeal widely to the early ,hellenistic world4 ,a common meal at #adj least1 a love-feast or #8,agape1' formed the chief bond of the #8thiasotai1' and this was sometimes a funeral-feast commemorative of the departed brother or sister4 ,there was nothing to prevent the thiasos choosing as its patron-deity some one of the leading divinities of traditional polytheism1 to which they must not be supposed1 as ,foucart supposed them1 to stand in any natural antagonism2 therefore1 for instance1 there were local reasons why ,greek merchants whose central meeting-point was ,rhodes should form under the protection and in the name of ,zeus ,xenios1 the ,god who protects the stranger1 or of ,athena ,lindia1 the ancient and powerful divinity of ,lindos1 or of ,helios1 the prehistoric ,sun-,god whose personality pervaded the whole island4 ,so far1 then1 the religious importance of these societies consists in their quickening influence on personal religion1 in the gratification that they afforded to the individuals craving for personal union with the ,godhead1 also in their organisation which aroused a keener sense of religious fellowship between the members1 and which later served as a model to the nascent ,christian community4 ,but in the history of the ,hellenic religion their significance is even greater on another ground1 namely1 that they bear a most striking testimony to that fusion of ,east and ,west which it was the object of ,alexander1 and the mission of his successors1 to effect2 for many of these religious brotherhoods1 whose members and organisation were ,hellenic1 were consecrated to foreign deities1 ,sabazios1 ,adonis1 ,xousares1 the ,syrian ,goddess2 so that they played undesignedly the part of missionaries in the momentous movement sometimes called the #ada 1 the blending of ,eastern and ,western religions and divine personalities1 of which the significance will be considered a little later4 ,menander4--,the student who is tracking the course of the religious life and experience of ,hellas through the ,hellenistic period should endeavour to gather beforehand a vivid impression of the spirit of the ,menandrian comedy4 ,for ,menander1 the friend of ,epicurus and the devoted admirer of ,euripides1 was the favoured heir of the humanitarian spirit that had gleamed fitfully even in the ,homeric period and had gathered strength and articulate expression in the century before ,alexander opened the gates of the ,east4 ,patronised and courted by ,demetrios ,phalereus and ,ptolemy1 admired by the scholars and reading public of ,alexandria and the ,hellenistic world even more than he had been by his own contemporaries1 ,menander was eminently in a position to give a tone to the religious sentiment of this period2 and the ,anthologies of his works prove that he was actually reverenced as an ethical-religious teacher4#ada4a ,therefore1 for the general exoteric history of ,greek religion he counts for more than any of the philosophers1 for he addressed a far larger public4 ,yet the message that he has to deliver has come to him from the philosophers and from the inspiration of the humanised ,attic spirit1 of which he appears #adb the most delicate and final expression4 ,while writing and thinking pre-eminently as the cultured ,athenian of the close of the fourth century1 he is the mouthpiece of cosmopolitanism in ethics and religion--8no good man is alien to me2 the nature of all is one and the same 7 70#adb4a2 the ,terentian formula--#8homo sum1 humanum nil a me alienum puto'--is only an extension of this1 losing something of its ethical colouring4 ,many of the fragments1 showing striking approximations to ,new ,testament teaching1 are of vital importance for the history of ,greek ethics4 ,as regards religion1 they may contain protests against superstition and the extravagance of sacrifice proffered as a bribe#adb4b2 but they exhibit no real or veiled attack on the popular polytheism as a whole4 ,on the other hand1 they have preserved many memorable sentences that bear witness to the development of a religion more personal1 more inward and spiritual than had hitherto been current1 save perhaps in ,platonic circles4 ,god is presented as a spirit and as spiritually discerned by the mind of man2 and a high ideal of ,platonic speculation is delivered to the public in the beautiful line1 1 8the light of the mind is to gaze ever upon ,god40#adb4c ,the sense of close and mystic communion between man and the divine omnipresent spirit is strikingly attested in the passage of one of his unknown comedies3 8a guardian spirit stands by every man1 straightway from his birth1 #adc to guide him into the mysteries of life1 a good spirit1 for one must not imagine that there is an evil spirit injuring good life1 but that ,god is utterly good40#adc4a ,in attempting to grasp what is most elusive1 the inner religious sentiment of any period1 it is important to remember that the author of such expression was dear to at least the cultivated public of the ,hellenistic age4 ,the 4--,the tolerant humanitarianism of ,menander1 of which we catch the echo in certain formul inscribed on the ,delphic and other temples1 is reflected in that which is perhaps the most striking religious phenomenon of this period1 namely1 the #8theocrasia1' the fusion of divinities of ,east and ,west4 ,as regards religious theory this is not to be regarded as a new departure4 ,herodotus shows how natural it was to the ,hellenic mind to interpret the deities of foreign nations in terms of its native pantheon2 and it was easy for ,euripides to commend ,kybele as ,demeter4#adc4b ,but it was by no means easy1 in fact it was exceedingly dangerous1 before the time of ,alexander1 to introduce any unauthorised foreign cult into the ,city-,state4 ,we hear vaguely of the death-sentence inflicted or threatened on those who did so4 ,nevertheless1 as we have seen1 such foreigners as ,sabazios and ,attis were intruding themselves into ,athens at the time of the ,peloponnesian war1 trailing with them the orgiastic atmosphere of ,phrygia2 and at some indefinite time before this the impure ritual of certain ,oriental ,goddess-cults had invaded the ,corinthian worship of ,aphrodite4 ,but after the establishment of the kingdoms of the ,diadochi1 the gentile barrier in #add religion loses gradually its force and significance4 ,it was1 in fact1 a far-sighted measure of policy on the part of some of the kings to establish some common cult that might win the devotion of the ,hellenic and ,oriental peoples alike4 ,such was the intention of ,ptolemy when he founded at ,alexandria the cult of the ,babylonian god1 ,sarapis1 whom the ,egyptians were able owing to a similarity of name to identify with their ,osiris-,apis1 and the ,hellenes with their ,plouton1 owing to the accidental fact that an image of this underworld-god happened to be consecrated to the cult at its first institution4 ,similarly1 when the ,syrian city of ,bambyke was resettled as ,hierapolis by ,seleukos ,nikator1 the personality of the great goddess1 ,atargatis1 was blent with that of ,artemis1 ,hera1 ,aphrodite and other ,hellenic goddesses2 and the treatise of ,lucian1 de ,dea ,syria1 gives us the most interesting picture presented by antiquity of the working of the in the domain of religion and religious art4 ,the spirit of syncretism grows stronger and more pervading through the later ,greek and ,grco-,roman periods1 and dominates the later ,orphic and ,gnostic thought2 and the inscriptions1 usually the best record of the popular religious practice1 attest its wide diffusion4 ,we find the deities of diverse lands--,egypt1 ,syria and ,greece--linked together in the same formula of thanksgiving and the same offering dedicated to them all4 ,and the name ,zeus is applied to so many gods of the ,east that in the cult-formul it seems often to have lost all its personal and concrete value and acquired the vaguer meaning of #8,god4' ,the ,jewish ,jahiv himself--under the name --was occasionally #ade identified with him and at times1 it seems1 even with ,dionysos4#ade4a ,the importance of this movement for religious thought was of the highest4 ,varro's view1 recorded by ,augustine4#ade4b that the name of the deity made no difference1 so long as #8the same thing is understood1' and that therefore the ,god of the ,jews was the same as ,jupiter1 is a great idea that has been bequeathed to the world by ,greek tolerance and ,greek sanity4 ,only a nation could attain to this freedom of religious imagination that was not held captive by the magic spell of names#ade4c which made it so difficult for the ,jew to shake off the tribal spirit of the religious blood-feud4 ,this ,hellenic expression of religious enlightenment prepared the way for monotheism and thus indirectly for ,christianity4 ,it also could induce the pantheistic idea of a diffused omnipresent spirit of divinity1 such as is expressed in the lines of ,aratos1 the scientific poet of the third century ,b4,c41 8all the ways are full of 7the spirit of7 ,god1 and all the gathering-places of men1 the sea and harbours2 and at every turn we are all in need of ,god1#ade4d for we are of kin to him40 ,stoicism1 ,epicureanism1 ,cynicism4--,this pantheistic speculation inspires some of the dogmas of ,stoicism2 and for most of the ,stoic writers and thinkers the concept of divinity was less that of a personal concrete ,being than of a spiritual force or soul-power immanent in things2 therefore while some of them tried to find a place in their #adf metaphysical system for the creations of the polytheism and even a justification for augury and divination1 the impression left on our minds by the fragments that have come down to us of the religious speculation of the ,stoa is as of a system alien and antipathetic to the popular theistic point of view and especially to the social religion of kin-group and city2 and ,zeno the founder is said to have protested against shrines and idols4#adf4a ,his protest was in vain2 nor is there any clear indication that ,stoicism had any influence on the religious thought and practice of the average man of the people2 unless1 indeed1 the emergence of the cult of 1 ,virtue1 in the second century ,b4,c4 at ,pergamon and ,smyrna was suggested by the strong theologic colouring that the ,stoics gave to morality4#adf4b ,as for ,epicureanism1 it cannot be regarded normally as a religious force2 if it touched the popular mind at all its influence must have been generally in the direction of atheism or indifferentism2 the only signs that it did are occasional grave-inscriptions that breathe the ,epicurean spirit of unperturbed quiescence in regard to the posthumous fate of the soul4 ,the philosophic school that was most aggressively protestant against the popular creeds and cults appears to have been the ,cynic1 mordant and outspoken criticism being characteristic of this sect4 ,we have record of ,diogenes' contempt for the ,eleusinian mysteries1 of ,antisthenes' disdain for the ,great ,mother of ,phrygia and her mendicant priests2 and the fragments in a newly discovered papyrus of #adg a treatise by ,kerkidas1#adg4a the ,cynic philosopher and statesman of ,megalopolis in the third century ,b4,c41 contain a theory which reduces personal deities to impotent instruments of ,fate and would substitute for ,zeus and his colleagues certain divinised abstractions1 such as ,nemesis and 2 the latter term1 if the reading is sound1 seems to denote the ,spirit of ,unselfishness or ,sacrifice1 an interesting and potentially valuable idea1 but at this time still-born4 ,asclepios-,cult and later mysteries4--,the philosophic sectarians of this later age do not appear to have made a serious attempt to capture the mind of the public2 and the popular religious movements for the most part ignored them and their teaching4 ,the ,hellenistic religions are as convincedly theistic and idolatrous as the older were4 ,the chief change lay in this1 that a man now might to some extent choose his own divinity or--what was even of more import--be chosen by him or her2 he was no longer limited to the cults into which he was born4 ,this freedom had already for some time been offered by the #8thiasoi'2 and now in the ,hellenistic world1 especially through the powerful and wide influence of the cult of ,asklepios1 the idea was developed of a deity who as ,healer and ,saviour called all mankind to himself2 and it was this significant cult-phenomenon that induced ,kerkidas in the above-mentioned passage to include 1 the #8,healer1' among the true divinities whose worship ought to supplant that of the older gods4 ,in the treatise called #8,asclepios' of the pseudo-,apuleius a long address and prayer to this deity are preserved of which the tone is strikingly #adh ,christian4#adh4a 8,we rejoice in thy divine salvation1 because thou hast shown thyself wholly to us2 we rejoice that thou hast deigned to consecrate us to eternity1 while we are still in these mortal bodies4''' ,we have known thee1 oh1 true life of the life of man4''' ,adoring thy goodness we make this our only prayer''' that thou wouldst be willing to keep us all our lives in the love of thy knowledge40 ,non-,hellenic mysteries4--,the phenomenon here indicated attests the stronger vitality at this period of personal or individual1 as distinct from tribal or political religion2 and this was quickened also by the growth of certain non-,hellenic mysteries in the ,mediterranean area in the latter centuries of ,paganism1 notably by the ,samothracian1 those of ,attis and the ,great ,mother1 the ,egyptian ,isis1 and finally in the last period of all of ,mithras4 ,in most of these the records allow us to discover many interesting ideas that reappear in early ,christianity1 such1 for instance1 as communion with the divinity through sacrament1 the mystic death and rebirth of the ,catechumen1 the saving efficacy of baptism and purification4 ,these rites could satisfy the craving of the mortal to attain to the conviction of immortality and to the ecstatic consciousness of complete or temporary self-absorption in ,god4 ,but in the mysteries of ,sabazios and ,cybele and possibly in others this sense of divinity was conveyed to the #8mystes' by the simulation of a holy marriage or sex-communion with the ,god or ,goddess2 and for this reason the ,pagan mysteries were generally attacked by the ,christian ,fathers as obscene2 the #adi charge was unjust on the whole1 though the psychic effect of the special act of ritual just alluded to was probably detrimental to the moral imagination4 ,hermetic literature4--,the strangest and most interesting manifestation that the ancient records have preserved for us of this fusion of ,hellenic culture and ,oriental religious sentiment is presented by the ,hermetic literature4 ,the origins of this fantastic product of the human mind are traced by ,professor ,petrie#adi4a back to the sixth or fifth centuries ,b4,c4 ,but1 though much of it is pre-,christian1 its philosophic diction proves that it cannot be earlier than #cjj ,b4,c41 and the bulk of it is probably later4#adi4b ,a frequent ,hermetic formula1 addressed to the deity-- 1 8,i am ,thou and ,thou art ,i0--may be taken as the master-word of these hieratic writings4 ,this unnatural alliance between ,greek philosophy and ,oriental mystic theosophy is a momentous phenomenon of later ,paganism2 and the study of the origins of ,christian metaphysic is much concerned with it4 ,such theosophy had a natural affinity with magic2 and magic1 always a power in an age of intellectual decay1 begins to be most powerful in this latest age of ,hellenism4 ,it is a just reproach that ,augustine brings against ,porphyry1 the most notable of the ,neoplatonists that he #8wavered between philosophy and a sacrilegious curiosity1' that is1 a vicious interest in the black art4#adi4c ,in these strange forms of faith and speculation the clearness and sanity of the pure ,hellenic intellect appear clouded and troubled1 the lineaments of the #aej old types of the ,hellenic thought and imagination almost effaced4 ,and the learning and science of the ,hellenistic age stood mainly aloof from the religious forces that moved the masses of the people4 ,daimonism4--,the mystic and theosophic literature of the ,hellenistic and ,grco-,roman period was markedly #8daimonistic1' being infected with the polydaimonism of the ,east and positing the existence of good and evil #8daimones' as a metaphysic dogma4 ,we can trace a corresponding change in the popular ,hellenic imagination4 ,in the earlier period1 as has been shown1 the native ,hellene was1 as compared with other races1 fairly strong-minded in respect of the terrors of the demon-world2 but the later people of the ,greek area were certainly tainted in some degree with this unfortunate superstition of the ,east1 and various forms of exorcism1 conjuration and evocation became more prevalent4 ,the modern ,greek temperament appears to be morbidly possessed with this disease#aej4a2 and we may suppose that the germs have been inherited and developed from this last period of the old civilisation4 ,eschatology4--,but another feature that we mark in these mystic worships and mystic societies of the ,hellenistic world indicates a higher aspect of religion and marks an epoch in religious aspiration4 ,most of them1 if not all1 proclaimed the immortality of the soul1 a happy resurrection1 a divine life after death4 ,the ,hellene who had been initiated into the ,osiris faith hoped to attain immortal happiness in and through ,osiris1 availing himself of ,egyptian ideas and ,egyptian spell-formul4 ,the priest of certain #aea mysteries1 probably of ,attis1 comforts the congregation of the faithful1 sorrowing over the death of their ,god1 with words that aver the certainty of his resurrection and by implication the hope of their own-- 4#aea4a 8,be of good cheer1 ye of the mystery of the saved ,god1 for after our troubles there shall be to us salvation40 ,the mysteries of ,mithras embodied much the same eschatologic ideas and hopes2 but these came to the ,grco-,roman world only in the latest period before the establishment of ,christianity1 and had little hold on ,hellenic society proper4 ,doubtless the most attractive mystery for the ,hellenes was the ,orphic1 and we have many proofs of its activity and life in the two centuries before and after the beginning of our era2 and we can well understand the causes of its popularity4 ,its deity had become ,hellenised long ago2 the ,orphic formul were free from barbarous jargon and admitted the familiar divine names2 the insistence on purification was congenial to many ,hellenic temperaments2 there was probably nothing surviving in the ritual that was objectionable to the cultivated ,hellene2 and finally its picture of ,paradise seems to have accorded with the trend of the ,hellenic imagination4 ,the numerous grave-inscriptions of these centuries rarely express any definite ,orphic sentiment or allude to any specially mystic faith2 but we know that the #aeb sacred hymn of the votaries was buried with them from the fourth century down to the ,roman ,imperial period2 and we have the evidence of ,plutarch attesting the prevalence of these societies and their power of appeal1 for1 when he is consoling his wife for the death of their child1 he reminds her of the promises of future happiness held out by the ,dionysiac mysteries1 into which they have both been initiated4#aeb4a ,hero-worship and apotheosis4--,the idea that was common to many of these mystic brotherhoods1 that the mortal might achieve divinity1 is illustrated by another religious phenomenon which stands out in this latest period1 namely1 the worship of individual men and women either in their lifetime or immediately after death4 ,to appreciate the full significance of this1 one must be familiar with the usages of the earlier ,hellenes as also of the ,oriental peoples who became subjects of the ,diadochi4 ,we have observed that the ,greek of the sixth and fifth centuries was willing to concede heroic honours to certain distinguished individuals after death2 in this there was nothing inconsistent with the principles of higher polytheism2 and in the earlier cases the grounds of canonisation were usually good and reasonable4 ,it becomes a more serious question about the religious and moral character of a people when divine worship is proffered to a living person4 ,of this the first example is the cult of ,lysander as a ,god1 which1 as ,plutarch seems to imply1 arose even in his lifetime4#aeb4b ,the same writer records the story of the apotheosis offered by the people of ,thasos #aec to ,agesilaos and his sarcastic refusal4#aec4a ,the same kind of adulation was lavished by the degenerate ,athenians on ,alexander and ,demetrios ,poliorketes4 ,the most salient examples are derived from the records of the ,seleukidai and the ,ptolemies1 the kings of these dynasties usually enjoying divine honours after death1 and sometimes bearing divine titles1 such as 1 ,saviour1 1 or ,god1 in their lifetime4 ,is this merely the gross servility of a decadent age that had lost all real sense of religion8 ,this is no doubt the true account of it in some degree2 ,dio ,chrysostom exclaims against the quackery and vanity of it2#aec4b and the sharp-witted ,athenians and the educated ,greek generally would be under no illusion when they prostrated themselves before these human-,gods4 ,it is natural to suppose that the effect upon the life of the old religion was corrosive when a queen or a courtesan could be publicly recognised as ,aphrodite1 and that the general belief in ,apollo and ,dionysos would tend to collapse when the one was identified with the ,seleukidai1 the other with ,attalos4 ,yet the faith in ,dionysos at least was able to survive the strain4 ,and what seems to us mere hypocrisy and blasphemy would appear to many of the ,hellenistic communities in another light4 ,it seems that the uncultured ,greek in the time of ,herodotus was capable of believing in all seriousness that ,xerxes might be a real incarnation of ,zeus upon earth2#aec4c and such an idea would be familiar1 as an old tradition in the popular estimate of kingship1 to the #aed natives of ,syria and still more to the ,egyptians4 ,when the ,rosetta stone proclaims the ,ptolemy as #8the living image of ,god1' the average ,greek might smile in secret1 but the native ,egyptian would instinctively assent to this assumption of divinity by the heir of the ancient ,pharaohs4 ,this apotheosis of the mortal1 so rife in this later period1 may be regarded as a moral and religious evil4 ,yet it must not be taken too hastily as a proof of the unreality of the prevailing polytheism4 ,and1 for better or worse1 it was a momentous fact belonging to the higher history of ,european religion2 for it familiarised the ,grco-,roman world with the idea of the incarnation of the ,man-,god4 ,signs of decay and of new life in later ,paganism4--,the ,hellenistic period cannot be severed by any sharp dividing line from the ,grco-,roman2 but it belongs rather to the student of ,roman religion and the ,roman ,empire to pursue the history of ,hellenic polytheism through the first centuries of our era down to the establishment of ,christianity4 ,the religious phenomena of the period that has just been sketched present1 on the one hand1 the signs of decay1 the decay of the old civic and political religion which fostered the growth of the ,greek ,polis1 the intrusion from the ,east of demonology and magic1 and on the other hand the working of new religious forces which prepare the way for ,christianity4 ,the cults of ,apollo1 ,zeus and ,athene were among the first to wither2 yet a living and personal religious sense was in all probability more diffused through the ,greek world under the ,epigoni and the ,roman ,empire than it had been in the earlier centuries4 ,contact with the ,oriental spirit brought to many a stronger #aee intensity of religious life2 religion is no longer preoccupied with the physical and political world1 but its horizon lies beyond the grave and its force is #8other-worldliness4' ,men flock to the mysteries1 seeking communion with the divinity by sacrament1 and sustaining their faith by mystic dogmas4 ,the religious virtue most emphasised is purity1 of which the influence is often anti-social2 this was no longer always understood in a pharisaic sense1 but its spiritual significance was proclaimed to the people and penetrated the sphere of temple-ritual4 ,an inscription from a temple in ,rhodes of the time of ,hadrian contains a list of rules concerning righteous entrance into the shrine1 8the first and greatest rule is to be pure and unblemished in hand and heart and to be free from an evil conscience40#aee4a ,something similar was inscribed on the temple of ,asklepios at ,epidauros4#aee4b ,the objective of the earlier ,hellenic polytheism was the city1 the tribe1 the family2 that of the later was the individual soul2 the earlier religious morality looked rather to works and practice1 the later rather to purity and personal intimacy with ,god1 which gave the cue to the later #8gnosis' and theosophy4 ,the gradual divorce of religion from political life was a loss which was not repaired for many centuries2 but it was compensated by the rise of a humanitarian spirit which was to be infused into a new cosmopolitan religion4#aee4c ,the above is only a panoramic sketch indicating the various elements of a singularly manifold religious system4 ,it has been impossible to touch #aef on all the special points of interest1 such as divination and the minuti of ritual and of the festivals2 for these the student must consult special treatises4 ,the object of this monograph has been to present the main essential features in a chronologic survey and to assign to each its significance and relative importance4 ,the history has been adumbrated of a religion that maintained itself for nearly two thousand years on the higher plane of polytheism2 a religion which1 while lacking the sublimity and moral fervour of some of the ,oriental creeds1 made certain unique contributions to the evolution of society and the higher intellectual life of man4 ,by the side of the higher growths many of the products of lower and savage culture were maintained which were mainly obliterated by ,christianity4 ,it is necessary to note and appreciate these lower facts2 but there is a risk of overestimating their importance and vitality4 ,many of these are found in all higher religions1 usually in a moribund state4 ,it is its higher achievement that makes any particular religion of importance in the history of civilisation2 and we are now aware that ,greek religion can claim this importance4 ,nor can the lower elements as a whole be shown to be the germs of the higher within the ,hellenic period proper4 ,we cannot show the evolution of the personal anthropomorphic deities of ,greece from magic ritual or totemism or theriomorphism without transcending the chronologic limits of the period within which it is allowable to speak of a ,hellenic people at all4 ,the emergence of personal ,gods1 from whatever region or by whatever influence they emerged1 is an event of very primitive history4 ,at least we know that of #aeg the two populations whose blending made ,hellenism1 the indigenous ,mediterranean and the ,northern or ,central ,european invader1 the former possessed a personal theism of dateless antiquity2 while all the evidence points to the conviction that the ,aryan tribes entered ,greece with certain personal deities already evolved or acquired4 ,we find that anthropomorphism was the strongest bias of the ,hellenic religious imagination2 and with this we associate his passion for idolatry and hero-worship4 ,it is interesting for the student of ,hellenic ,christianity to note the influence of these tendencies on the later history of the ,greek ,church2 and generally it has been the result of much modern research to reveal the truth that the indebtedness of ,christian dogma and ritual to the later ,hellenic paganism was far greater than used to be supposed4 ,,literature #aeh ,older works1 such as ,welcker's ,griechische ,gtterlehre 7#c vols41 #aheg-ahfc71 and ,preller's ,griechische ,mythologie 7#b vols41 #dth ed41 by ,c4 ,robert1 #ahhg71 are only useful now for their collection of facts4 ,recent literature3 ,o4 ,gruppe1 ,griechische ,culte und ,mythen in ihren ,beziehungen zu den orientalischen ,religionen1 #ahhg2 ,griechische ,mythologie und ,religionsgeschichte1 #aijf2 ,l4 ,r4 ,farnell1 ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 #e vols4 7#ahif-aiaj72 ,chantepie de la ,saussaye1 ,lehrbuch der ,religiongeschichte 7,greek section1 #aijf72 ,jane ,harrison1 ,prolegomena to the ,study of ,greek ,religion 7#aijc71 ,themis1 a ,study of the ,social ,origins of ,greek ,religion 7#aiab7 7both works dealing mainly with special questions and the more primitive aspects of the religion74 ,treatises on special cults and special questions3 ,roscher1 ,ausfhrliches ,lexikon der griechischen und rmischen ,mythologie 7#ahhd1 in progress72 ,paulz-,wissowa1 ,real ,encyclopdie 7#ahid1 in progress72 and ,daremberg et ,saglio1 ,dictionnaire des ,antiquits 7#ahgc-aiag72 ,showerman1 ,the ,great ,mother of the ,gods 7,wisconsin1 #aija72 ,frazer1 ,attis1 ,adonis1 ,osiris 7#bnd ed41 #aiaj72 ,a4 ,dieterich1 ,mutter ,erde 7#aije72 ,eitrem1 ,hermes und die ,toten 7,christiania1 #aiji72 ,immerwahr1 ,kulte und ,mythe ,arkadiens 7#ahia72 ,s4 ,wide1 ,lakonische ,kulte 7#ahic72 ,usener1 ,gtternamen 7#ahif72 cf4 paper on his theory in ,anthropological ,essays presented to ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 8,the ,place of the ,sondergtter in ,greek ,polytheism10 by ,l4 ,r4 ,farnell 7#aijg72 ,de ,visser1 ,de ,graecorum ,diis non referentibus speciem humanam 7,leyden1 #aijj72 ,e4 ,fehrle1 ,die ,kultische ,keuscheit im ,alterthum 7,giessen1 #aiaj72 cf4 ,l4 ,r4 ,farnell1 ,evolution of ,religion 7#aije71 ,lect4 iii1 8,the ,ritual of ,purification02 #aei ,th4 ,wchter1 ,reinheitsvorschriften im grieschischen ,kult 7,giessen1 #aiaj72 ,c4 ,ausfeld1 ,de ,graecorum precationibus quaestiones1 in ,fleckeisen's ,supplement 7#aijc72 cf4 ,l4 ,r4 ,farnell1 op cit41 ,lect4 iv1 8,the ,evolution of ,prayer02 ,s4 ,reinach1 various articles on ,greek cults and myths in ,cultes1 ,mythes et ,religions1 #c vols4 7#aijd-aijh74 ,for ,eschatology1 ,mysteries1 ,thiasoi1 ,hero-worship3 ,a4 ,lobeck1 ,aglaophamus1 #b vols4 7#ahbi72 ,e4 ,rohde1 ,psyche 7#bnd ed41 #ahih72 ,a4 ,dieterich1 ,nekyia 7#ahic72 also ,eine ,mithras-,liturgie 7#aijc72 ,jong1 ,das ,antike ,mysterien-,wesen 7,leiden1 #aiji72 ,goblet d',alviella1 ,eleusinia 7,paris1 #aijc72 ,foucart1 8,les ,grands ,mystres d',eleusis0 7#aijj71 in the ,mmoires de l',acadmie des ,inscriptions et ,belles-lettres1 xxxvii2 ,pringsheim1 ,archologische ,beitrge zur ,geschichte des ,eleusinischen ,kults 7,munich1 #aije72 ,foucart1 ,associations religieuses chez les ,grecs 7#ahgc72 ,l4 ,weniger1 ,ueber das ,collegium der ,thyiaden 7#ahgf72 ,article on 8,hros10 by ,deneken1 in ,roscher's ,lexikon2 ,pfister1 ,der ,reliquien-kult im ,alterthum 7#aiaj74 ,greek ritual and festivals3 ,a4 ,mommsen1 ,feste der ,stadt ,athen 7#ahih72 ,p4 ,stengel1 8,die griechischen ,sacral-alterthmer10 in ,iwan von ,mller's ,handbuch 7vol4 v1 #ahih72 id4 ,opferbrache der ,griechen 7#aiaj72 ,fritze1 ,die ,rauchopfer bei den ,griechen 7#ahid72 ,l4 ,r4 ,farnell1 8,sacramental ,communion in ,greek ,religion10 ,hibbert ,journal 7#aijc72 ,m4 ,p4 ,nillson1 ,griechische ,feste 7#aijf71 also ,studia de ,dionysiis ,atticis 7#aijj72 ,foucart1 ,le culte de ,dionysos en ,attique 7#aijd72 ,a4 ,thomsen1 8,der ,trug des ,prometheus10 in ,archiv fr ,religions-,wissenschaft 7#aiji72 ,rouse1 ,greek ,votive ,offerings 7#aijb72 ,bouch-,leclerq1 ,histoire de la divination 7#d vols4 #ahgi-ahha72 ,deubner1 ,de ,incubatione 7#aijj72 ,e4 ,samter1 ,geburt ,hochzeit und ,tod 7#aiaa74 ,greek religious thought and speculation3 ,l4 ,campbell1 ,religion in ,greek ,literature 7#ahih72 ,caird1 ,evolution of ,theology in the ,greek ,philosophers 7#b vols41 #aijj-aijb72 ,j4 ,adam1 ,the ,religious ,teachers of ,greece 7#aijh72 ,decharme1 ,la critique des traditions religieuses chez les ,grecs des origines au temps de ,plutarque 7#aijd74 #afj ,epigraphic material3 ,corpus ,inscriptionum ,graecarum 7passim72 special collections of inscriptions bearing on ,greek religion3 ,dittenberger1 ,sylloge 7vol4 #b71 8,res ,sacrae02 ,j4 von ,prott and ,l4 ,ziehen1 ,leges ,graecorum sacrae e titulis collectae 7#ahif-aijf1 in progress74 ,religious monuments3 ,overbeck1 ,griechische ,kunst ,mythologie 7#ahga-ahhg1 unfinished72 ,l4 ,r4 ,farnell1 ,cults2 ,j4 ,harrison1 op4 cit42 ,baumeister1 ,denkmler des klassischen ,alterthums 7#ahhe-ahhh72 ,roscher1 op4 cit42 ,daremberg-,saglio1 op4 cit42 ,c4 ,btticher1 ber den ,baumkultus der ,hellenen und ,rmer 7#ahef74 ,the ,mayflower ,press1 ,plymouth1 ,england4 ,william ,brendon ,son ,,endnotes #ba4a ,as ,karsten assumes in his ,outlines of ,greek ,religion1 p4 #f4 #bb4a ,vide ,e4 ,meyer1 8,der erste auftreten der ,aryer in der ,geschichte10 ,sitzungsb4 d4 ,knig4 preuss4 ,akad4 ,wissensch41 #aijh1 p4 #ad4 #bc4a ,vide my ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #ic4 #bd4a ,vide my ,greece and ,babylon1 pp4 #ie-ii4 #bd4b ,the name ,hera is probably ,aryan-,hellenic1 but applied in ,argolis to the pre-,hellenic ,goddess4 #bi4a ,od41 #ac1 #agd4 #ca4a ,at ,gournia4 ,vide ,hawes' ,crete the ,forerunner of ,greece1 pp4 #aja-ajb4 #cb4a ,il41 #af1 #bcd4 #cb4b ,il41 #af1 #fje4 #cb4c ,il41 #e1 #gg4 #cc4a ,he is aware1 however1 that a 1 an oracular mandate1 might be delivered against the royal house4 ,od41 #c1 #bae4 #cc4b ,vide my ,cults1 #d1 p4 #aij4 #cc4c ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #bcf-bde4 #cd4a ,vide ,cults1 #a1 pp4 #hh-ib4 #cd4b ,vide my ,greece and ,babylon1 p4 #bcf2 also my article on 8,sacrificial ,communion in ,greek ,religion0 in ,hibbert ,journal1 #aijd3 on 8,sacrifice0 7,greek71 in ,hastings' ,encyclopdia of ,religion and ,ethics4 #ce4a ,od41 #aj1 #eag-ebj1 #ebh4 #ce4b ,vide ,evans' 8,mycenan ,tree and ,pillar ,cult10 ,hell4 ,journ41 #ija1 p4 #aia4 #ce4c ,arch4 ,anzeig41 #aiji1 p4 #ih4 #ce4d e4g4 ,il41 #i1 #ejj4 #cf4a #aj1 #ch1 #h4 #cf4b ,cults1 #d1 pp4 #ahj1 #aic4 #cf4c ,il41 #c1 #bdc3 but the poet of the ,nekyia is well aware of the heroic or divine honours paid them1 ,od41 #aa1 #cjj-cjd4 #cf4d ,od41 #aa1 #fjb4 #cf4e ,il41 #b1 #edh4 #cg4a ,vide ,greece and ,babylon1 pp4 #bjf-bjg4 #cg4b ,vide v4 ,prott1 ,leges ,grcorum ,sacr1 n4 #d4 ,cf4 ,arch4 fr ,religionsw41 #aiji1 pp4 #dfg1 #dhb-dhe4 #cg4c ,od41 #ag1 #ejj4 #cg4d ,paus41 #a1 #dc1 #g4 #ch4a ,cults1 #c1 pp4 #ej-fb4 #ci4a ,op41 #gce4 #dj4a ,vide my ,greece and ,babylon1 pp4 #aib-aid4 #db4a ,cults1 #d1 pp4 #aac-aaf4 #db4b ,vide ,nillson1 in ,athen4 ,mitth41 #aijh1 p4 #bgi4 #dc4a ,cults1 #b1 pp4 #dcd-ddi4 #dc4b ,de ,grcorum deis non referentibus speciem humanam1 #aijj4 #dc4c ,bull4 ,corresp4 ,helln41 #ahii1 p4 #fce4 #dc4d ,greece and ,babylon1 pp4 #ff-hj4 ,vide ,schrader's article1 8,aryan ,religion10 ,hastings' ,encyclopdia1 vol4 #b1 p4 #ch4 #dd4a ,gtternamen1 #ahif4 #dd4b ,paus41 #b1 #aa1 #b4 #de4a ,paus41 #a1 #a1 #e4 #de4b ,paus41 #i1 #cc1 #c4 #de4c ,paus41 #aj1 #cg1 #c4 #de4d ,i have criticised this theory of evolution in ,anthropological ,essays presented to ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 #aijg1 8,the place of the ,sondergtter in ,greek ,polytheism10 where ,i have taken the view that some of them are products of the same religious instinct that produces theism or polytheism and that some appear to be late offshoots of the polytheistic system4 #df4a ,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 #ahgh1 p4 #eae4 #df4b ,paus41 #c1 #bb1 #a4 #df4c ,id41 #a1 #bb1 #c2 for other references vide ,cults1 #c1 p4 #cab1 ,r4#i4 #dg4a ,paus41 #h1 #bi1 #a4 #dg4b ,paus41 #h1 #ch1 #c4 4 ,cf4 ,hesiod41 ,op41 #gcg2 for the general facts vide ,cults1 #e1 pp4 #dbj-dbd4 #dg4c ,vide ,cults1 #e1 pp4 #dag-dbj4 #dh4a ,vide ,cults1 #e1 pp4 #cde-cfe4 #dh4b ,agamede of ,ephyra seems to have practised harmless magic1 ,il41 #ad1 #gdj2 and the poet may have regarded the ,elean ,ephyra as the special home of magic4 ,vide ,od41 #b1 #cbh4 #dh4c ,cults1 #c1 p4 #he-ic2 ,miss ,harrison1 ,prolegomena1 pp4 #abj-acf4 #di4a ,cults1 #d1 p4 #bfh1 etc4 #di4b ,arrian1 ,anab41 #c1 #af1 #h4 #di4c ,hesych41 s4v4 #di4d ,strom41 p4 #gee4 #di4e #b1 #ab1 #a4 #di4f ,in the earliest versions of her legend1 the magic of ,medea is not black but benevolent4 #ej4a #i1 #cc1 #d4 #ej4b ,andrew ,lang1 ,the ,world of ,homer1 pp4 #baj1 #baf4 #ej4c ,il41 #bc1 #agd4 #ea4a ,vide ,tsountas in ,ephem4 ,archaiol41 #ahhh1 pp4 #acj-aca1 and ,vollgraff1 in ,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 #aijd1 p4 #cgj4 #ea4b ,vide ,hibbert ,lectures1 8,higher ,aspects of ,greek ,religion10 pp4 #ai1 #bj4 #eb4a ,vide ,cults1 #a1 p4 #dj-db4 #eb4b ,ib41 p4 #db4 #eb4c ,ib41 #d1 p4 #bgb2 ,schol4 ,pind41 ,ol41 #aj1 #ai4 #eb4d #g1 #ai1 #a-i4 #ec4a e4g4 vide ,cults1 #c1 #ic4 #ec4b ,cults1 #c1 p4 #bb4 #ef4a ,vide ,cults1 vol4 #e1 pp4 #he-aah4 ,cf4 generally chs4 iv and v4 #eh4a #b1 #ec4 #fj4a ,vide ,cults1 #b1 pp4 #ddb-ddi4 #fj4b ,bergk1 ,pt ,lyrici ,grci1 vol4 ,,iii1 ,fr4 #a4 #fj4c ,philochoros ,frag41 #ba1 ,mller1 ,f4 ,h4 ,g41 vol4 i4 #fa4a ,athen41 p4 #fbf ,b4 #fa4b ,vide ,arch4 ,anzeig1 #aijh1 p4 #abb4 #fb4a ,cults1 #c1 pp4 #ag-ah4 #fb4b ,ib41 #c1 pp4 #cc-cd4 #fb4c ,cults1 #e1 p4 #ddc-ddg4 #fc4a ,vide ,furtwngler1 in ,mnchener ,sitzungsber41 #ahig1 #a1 p4 #dja2 ,nillson1 in ,athen4 ,mittheil41 #aijh1 p4 #bhd4 #fc4b ,the striking exception to this rule is the great cult of ,helios at ,rhodes4 ,vide supra1 p4 #bi4 #fd4a ,ael41 ,var4 ,hist41 #ab1 #fa4 #fd4b 8,they worship ,sun and ,moon1 we worship real ,gods such as ,apollo and ,hermes10 ,pax1 #daj4 #fd4c ,schol4 ,soph41 ,elec41 #f4 #fd4d ,vide my ,greece and ,babylon1 pp4 #gg-hj4 #fe4a ,vide ,cults1 #d1 pp4 #afc-aff4 #fe4b ,prott-,ziehen1 ,leg4 ,saer41 n41 #ah4 #fg4a ,plat41 ,euthyd41 p4 #cjb ,c2 ,demosth41 #ah1 #ada1 #eg1 #ed1 #fg2 ,arist41 ,ath4 ,polit41 #ee4 #fg4b ,diog4 ,laert41 #h1 #a1 #ac2 ,macrob41 #c1 #f1 #b4 #fg4c ,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 #ahic1 p4 #bd4 #fh4a ,paus41 #h1 #dg1 #d4 #fi4a ,the other view1 still held by some1 that ,zeus-,agamemnon is the earlier fact1 and ,agamemnon the hero the later1 does not bear criticism4 #gj4a ,cults1 v1 pp4 #bai-bba2 ,j4 ,harrison1 ,prolegomena1 ch4 ii4 #ga4a ,vide 8,higher ,aspects of ,greek ,religion10 ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #gc-ia4 #gc4a ,vide ,cults1 #a1 pp4 #fd-fi2 for the religious evolution of the ,greek laws concerning homicide1 vide my ,evolution of ,religion1 pp4 #aci-aeb4 ,cults1 ,,iv1 pp4 #bie-cjf4 #gc4b ,epic4 ,grc4 ,frag41 ,kinkel1 p4 #cc4 #gd4a ,vide ,cults1 #d1 p4 #bii4 #gf4a ,vide ,cults1 ,,iv1 pp4 #bjj-bjb4 #gg4a ,vide ,cults1 ,,iv1 pp4 #afa-afb1 #bjj-bjb4 #gg4b ,a fuller account will be found in ,cults1 ,,iv1 pp4 #agi-bah4 #hj4a ,vide supra1 pp4 #cd-ce4 #hd4a ,republ41 pp4 #cfd-cfe4 #hg4a ,for more detailed discussion1 vide ,cults1 #c1 pp4 #abf-aih4 #hi4a ,plut41 ,mor41 p4 #hha ,e2 ,porphyr41 ,vit4 ,pyth41 #ai1 #bj4 #hi4b ,strom41 ,v1 p4 #gad4 #ij4a ,vide ,gilbert1 8,speculation und ,volksglaube in der ,ionischen ,philosophie10 in ,arch4 ,relig4 ,wiss41 #aiaj1 p4 #cjf4 #ij4b ,frag41 ,,cxxvi1 ,,cxxvii1 ,,cxxx 7,bywater74 #ia4a ,vide ,ridgeway's ,origin of ,tragedy2 his theory is criticised in ,hermathena1 #aiab4 #ic4a ,pan1 the daimon-god of flocks1 came in from ,arcadia at the beginning of this century 7vide ,cults1 ,v1 p4 #dca72 ,asklepios1 with his circle from ,epidauros1 at the close4 #id4a ,herod41 #h1 #gg4 #id4b ,heydemann1 ,die ,vasensammlungen des ,museum ,nazionale zu ,neapel1 #cbec4 #id4c ,vide specially l4 #hje-hjh1 #hbb-hbd4 #id4d #i1 #g1 #d4 #ie4a ,bergk1 ,frag41 #adj4 #ie4b ,hibbert ,lectures1 #hc-hd4 #if4a ,plut41 ,vit4 ,arist41 #bj2 ,paus41 #i1 #b1 #e4 #ih4a ,vide ,cults1 ,,iii1 pp4 #aef-aeg4 #ih4b ,vide supra1 pp4 #cf-cg4 #ajj4a ,quintil41 ,inst4 ,orat41 #ab1 #aj1 #i4 #aja4a ,or41 #ec1 p4 #dja4 #aja4b ,vide ,cults1 #a1 p4 #bca4 #aja4c ,cults1 ,vol4 ,,iii1 ,coin ,pl4 ,no4 #b2 ,gardner's ,types of ,greek ,coins1 ,pl4 #aj1 #be4 #ajb4a ,vide ,cults1 ,,iii1 pp4 #bga-bgb1 ,coin ,pl4 ,no4 #ah4 #ajb4b ,modern ,greek ,folklore and ,ancient ,greek ,religion4 #ajc4a ,livy1 #de1 #bh4 #ajc4b ,thesmoph41 #aacf4 #ajc4c ,xenophanes' protest in the sixth century is the most noticeable1 ,clem41 ,strom41 #e1 pp4 #gad-gae ,p4 ,the ,stoic theory of ,zeno condemned the erection of temples as well as idols1 ib41 p4 #fia ,p4 #aje4a ,antig41 #eba4 #ajg4a ,paus41 #a1 #dj1 #d4 #ajh4a ,ol41 #h1 #bh4 #ajh4b ,sept4 c4 ,theb41 #ffb4 #ajh4c ,agam41 #ggf4 #ajh4d ,oed4 ,col41 #abfh4 #ajh4e ,trag4 ,grc4 ,frag4 7,nanck71 #hee4 #aji4a #ce4 #aji4b ,pyth41 #d1 #eag4 #aji4c ,ol41 #i1 #fj4 #aab4a ,strom41 p4 #fhh4 #aac4a ,herc4 ,fur41 l4 #hdg-heh4 #aac4b ,ib41 #cci-cdg4 #aae4a ,vide my ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #aad4 #aae4b l4 #cia4 #aaf4a ,iphig ,taur41 l4 #cia4 #aaf4b ,clem41 ,strom41 p4 #fia ,p4 #aaf4c ,vide ,stob1 ,flor41 ,vol4 ,,iv 7,meineke71 p4 #bfd4 #aaf4d ,vide ,cults1 ,vol4 ,,iv1 p4 #baj4 #aah4a #f1 #hf4 #aah4b ,vide ,ziegler1 in ,archiv4 f4 ,religionswiss1 #aiaa1 p4 #cic-dje4 #aai4a ,plut41 ,vit4 ,pelop41 ,c4 #ba1 #bb4 ,cf4 ,eur41 ,iph4 ,taur41 l4 #cia4 #aai4b p4 #cae ,b-,c4 #aai4c ,cf4 ,herod41 #g1 #aig1 who shows that the human sacrifice in this cult was rare and conditional4 #aai4d ,iph4 ,taur41 l4 #adeh4 #aai4e ,vide ,cults1 #d1 pp4 #bgf-bgi4 #aai4f ,porphyry1 ,de ,abstin41 #b1 #ed4 #abj4a ,ib41 #b1 #ef4 #abj4b ,de ser4 num4 vind41 #ab1 p4 #eeg ,c-,d4 #abj4c ,plut41 ,parallela1 #ce4 ,vide ,cults1 #a1 #ie4 #abj4d ,vide my ,greece and ,babylon1 p4 #bfg4 #aba4a ,the exceptions are the cults of ,aphrodite at ,corinth and among the ,lokri ,epizephyrii4 ,vide ,cults1 #b1 pp4 #fce-fcf4 #aba4b ,cults1 #b1 p4 #ffg4 #aba4c e4g41 in the cult of ,artemis in ,elis1 said to be of ,lydian origin 7,cults1 ,vol4 ,,ii1 p4 #dde74 #abb4a p4 #ebg ,d4 #abb4b ,bywater1 ,frag41 ,,cxxvii4 #abb4c #g1 #ag1 p4 #accf b4 #abc4a ,cults1 ,i1 pp4 #ef1 #hh-ib4 #abc4b #bc1 #gf4 #abc4c ,serv4 ad ,verg41 n41 #c1 #eg4 #abc4d ,vide my ,greece and ,babylon1 pp4 #gf-ha4 #abd4a ,vide fifth-century inscription of ,teos containing a law threatening with penalties those who used magic against the ,state or against individuals 7,rhl1 ,inscr4 ,grc4 ,antiq41 #dig74 #abd4b p4 #icb ,e-#icc ,e4 #abd4c ,or41 #cj1 #ah4 #abf4a ,cults1 #e1 p4 #bfd4 #abg4a ,rep41 #cgh ,c41 where he seems to glance at ,epicharmos4 #abi4a ,vide ,cults1 #d1 pp4 #baa-bad4 #acj4a ,frags41 #ajcb4 #acj4b 4 1 #aa4 #aca4a ,or41 #a1 p4 #ca4 #acb4a ,de ,myster41 #abe2 cf4 #ca4 #acb4b ,de ,cor41 #cbd4 #acc4a ,laws1 #ief ,a-,b4 #acc4b ,ib41 #ihe ,d4 #acc4c e4g4 ib41 #ihd ,d4 #acc4d p4 #cd-da4 #acd4a ,for particulars vide ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #cg1 #df-dh1 #ajc1 #aag4 #ace4a ,laws1 p4 #iji ,e4 #ace4b #gch ,c4 #acg4a ,bull4 ,corr4 ,hell41 ,,xxvi1 pp4 #cii-dhi4 #ach4a ,vide ,cults1 #c1 pp4 #aii-bjb4 #ach4b ,ib41 p4 #aii4 #aci4a ,vide ,foucart1 ,des ,associations religieuses4 #ada4a ,a paper by ,pierre ,waltz in the ,revue des tudes ,grecques1 #aiaa--#8sur les sentences de ,mnandre'--aims at discovering or imagining the dramatic setting of each fragment and at disproving the view that ,menander was posing as an original ethical teacher4 ,accepting his theory1 we can still assign high value to the #8sentences' for the purpose of ,greek ethical history1 whether we regard them as original and earnest utterances of ,menander or commonplaces which he uses lightly for dramatic purposes2 for if the latter view of them is the truer1 they show at least what was in the air4 #adb4a ,kock1 ,com4 ,att4 ,frag41 #fjb4 #adb4b e4g41 quotation by ,clemens1 ,strom1 p4 #gbj ,p4 ,cf4 fragment of the 1 ,kock1 #bde4 #adb4c #ehi1 ,meineke1 #d1 p4 #cef4 #adc4a ,fab4 ,incert41 ,kock1 ,frag41 #eej4 #adc4b ,helene1 #acjj-acfe4 #ade4a ,vide ,a4 ,b4 ,cooke1 ,zeus1 pp4 #bcb-bcd4 #ade4b ,de ,consensu ,evangelistarum1 #a1 #cj 7xxii72 cf4 ,de ,civ4 ,dei41 ,,iv1 #i4 #ade4c ,vide my ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #ajd-ajf4 #ade4d ,phainomen1 #a1 #b-e4 #adf4a ,clem41 ,strom41 p4 #fia4 #adf4b ,vide ,cults1 #e1 pp4 #ddf1 #gde ,r1 #bba4 #adg4a ,oxyrhynch4 ,papyri41 viii1 p4 #ca4 #adh4a ,vide ,archiv1 fr ,relig4 ,wiss41 #aijd1 p4 #cie2 my ,evolution of ,religion1 p4 #bjg4 #adi4a ,personal ,religion in ,egypt1 p4 #dj4 #adi4b ,vide ,reitzenstein1 ,poimandres4 #adi4c ,de ,civ4 ,dei41 #aj1 #i4 #aej4a ,vide ,j4 ,c4 ,lawson1 ,modern ,greek ,folklore and ,ancient ,greek ,religion1 #aiaj4 #aea4a ,firm4 ,mat41 ,de ,err41 #bb2 cf4 ,dieterich1 ,eine ,mithras-,liturgie1 p4 #agd4 #aeb4a ,consol4 ad uxor41 #aj1 p4 #faa ,d4 #aeb4b ,vit4 ,lysandr41 #ah4 ,cf4 ,athenag1 p4 #ea 7,lechair74 #aec4a p4 #baj ,d1 ,apoth4 ,lacon2 he advised them to begin with making themselves ,gods if they felt equal to making him one4 #aec4b ,or41 #fd ,r1 #cch 7,dind1 #b4 p4 #bac74 #aec4c #g1 #ef4 #aee4a ,c4,i4,g4 ,ins4 ,mar4 g41 #a1 #ghi4 #aee4b ,vide my ,evolution of ,religion1 p4 #ach4 #aee4c ,vide my ,hibbert ,lectures1 ,lect4 ,,vi1 8,personal ,religion in ,greece40 ,,transcriber',s ,,notes ,this book is first in the ,duckworth's ,student ,series4 ,page numbers are given in curly brackets4 ,plain text version only3 endnote markers are given in square brackets4 ,add the book title and author's name to the cover image4 ,minor spelling inconsistencies 7e4g4 ethical-religious_/ethical religious1 ,maenads_/,mnads1 etc47 along with the use of both ,arabic and ,roman numerals to indicate volume numbers in the endnotes have been preserved4 7p4 #adb1 note #c7 ,the last character7s7 of the word beginning with 80 are illegible in the source text4 is used until the proper word can be determined4 ,alterations to the text3 ,convert footnotes to endnotes1 relabel note markers 7append the original note number to the page number71 and add a corresponding entry to the ,,toc4 ,chapter ,,iv ,change 8or were specially associated with ,dionysos'''0 to 4 ,chapter ,v 8abstractions1 such as ,nemesis and #82 the latter term'''0 delete left single quotation mark4 ,endnotes ,a couple of trivial punctuation corrections4 7p4 #di1 note #f7 8the magic of ,media is not black but benevolent0 to ,medea4 ,end of text