,,essays1                               
,,or                                    
,,discourses1                           
,,selected ,,from                       
,,the ,,works ,,of ,,feyjoo1            
,,and                 ,,translated      
,,from ,,the ,,spanish1                 
,,by                       ,,john       
,,brett1 ,,esq4                         
,,volume ,,the ,,first4                 
,,london1             ,printed for the  
,,translator3        ,sold by ,h4       
,,payne1 ,pall-,mall2 ,c4 ,,dilly1 in   
the          ,poultry2 and ,t4 ,,evans1 
in the ,strand4                         
,,mdcclxxx4          ,,contents    ,,of 
,,the ,,first ,,volume4          ,,the  
,,voice ,,of ,,the ,,people4            
,page #a        ,,virtue ,,and ,,vice4  
p4 #bg        ,,exalted ,,and ,,humble  
,,fortune4                 p4 #fa       
,,the ,,most ,,refined ,,policy4        
p4 #ajg        ,,the ,,machiavelianism  
,,of ,,the ,,ancients4       p4 #afa    
,,ambition ,,in ,,sovereigns4           

p4 #bba        ,,the ,,value ,,or       
,,superior ,,excellence ,,of            
,,nobility4 ,,with ,,some ,,remarks ,,on
 ,,the ,,power      ,,or ,,influence    
,,of ,,high ,,blood4                p4  
#beg        ,,the ,,semblance ,,of      
,,virtue2 ,,or1 ,,virtue      ,,in      
,,appearance4                           
p4 #bia          ,,the    ,,translator's
 ,,preface4      ,the ,author of the    
following ,discourses was a ,spaniard1  
and a dignified  clergyman of the       
,church of ,rome1 high in rank1 and much
 respected  as an ecclesiastic2 but was 
not less esteemed for his candour and   
liberality of sentiment1 than admired   
for his almost universal learning  and  
extensive knowledge4 ,the ,translator   
has it not in his power to  give so     
particular and satisfactory an account  
of this eminent man as  he could wish2  
but the ,reader will find in the ,fourth
 ,essay of the  ,second ,volume1 a      
summary one given of himself1 in which  
he tells  us where he was born1 how he  

was educated1 and where he passed the   
greatest part of his life2 how he passed
 it1 is pretty clear from his           
,writings1 which manifest1 that he must 
have employed a very large  portion of  
it in study4 ,when ,i first entered upon
 this undertaking1  ,i had no thoughts  
of translating so many of the ,author's 
,essays as ,i  was afterwards tempted to
 do2 the subject matter of them1 in     
which ,i  found great pleasure1 exciting
 me to proceed2 and indeed1 ,i was also 
flattered and encouraged to go on1 by   
the expectation1 that my labours  in    
this respect1 would afford agreeable    
amusement1 and furnish useful           
instruction to many of my countrymen4   
,after ,i had translated as many        
,essays1 as ,i conjectured would make   
,four ,volumes in ,octavo1 ,i thought   
it would be necessary to prefix to them1
 a more enlarged ,preface1 than  that   
which appeared at the head of the first 
four2 and as ,i have taken  the liberty 
to omit some parts of those ,essays     

which ,i have translated1  ,i thought it
 would be right to say something1 by way
 of assigning my  reasons and motives   
for so doing2 which are briefly these3  
,that the  parts left out1 appeared to  
me1 to be either confined1 or applicable
  only to the affairs and prejudices of 
,spain2 or else1 that they were  points 
of speculation1 which the world at      
large1 might not consider  as matters of
 importance4 ,i have also ventured to   
omit such things1  as were relative only
 to religious controversy1 as in this   
species of  disputation1 men are apt to 
lose that candour and temper1 which they
  have been remarkable for preserving in
 all other cases1 and upon all  other   
occasions4 ,a strong example of the     
truth of this remark1 would  have been  
manifested in father ,feyjoo1 had ,i    
translated that part of  the ,first     
,essay1 where he speaks of the          
,protestant ,writers2 whom he  mentions 
in such language1 and with a degree of  
warmth and acrimony1  which he          

afterwards in many places of his ,works1
 reprehends as  improper1 and illiberal4
 ,i have likewise taken the liberty to  
curtail  here and there a description   
which appeared to me rather superfluous1
  or too redundant2 and in the ,apology 
for ,persons who have been famous  in   
,history1 ,i have omitted the           
characters1 of the queens ,brunequilda  
and ,fredegunda1 of both whom1 ,i       
imagined the ,reader would find as  much
 said as he would be desirous of        
knowing1 in some of the other  ,essays  
of these ,volumes4 ,nor have ,i         
translated from this ,discourse1  what  
is said of the empress ,maria of        
,arragon1 the marquis of ,villena1  and 
,william le ,croix de ,gevres4 ,the     
accusation which had been brought       
against the first of these three1       
appearing to me1 only interesting to    
the subjects of ,spain3 those of ,magic 
against the second1 to savour  of spite 
and bigotry2 and those against the last1
 to be the effect  of pique and         

resentment1 on account that he1 although
 not a native  of ,spain1 had been      
promoted to the archbishopric of        
,toledo4 ,in the  ,translation of the   
,physical ,paradoxes1 ,i have likewise  
omitted some  articles2 for instance1   
such1 as whether heavy bodies1 if they  
could be  forced in a perpendicular     
direction to a great distance from the  
earth1  would ever revert back to it    
again2 and also that1 of whether gold   
is produced by the sun2 and another1    
which treats of the possibility  of     
restoring by natural means1 sight to a  
blind person2 as all these  appeared to 
me1 things rather speculative than      
interesting4 ,in the  ,translation of   
the ,moral and ,political ,paradoxes1 ,i
 have also omitted  the following       
articles3 that which charges the        
,spanish laws with being  too favourable
 to persons of tender years2 that which 
censures the  great number of holidays  
which are observed in ,spain2 that which
 treats  of whether the offspring of a  

human father and a brute mother1 should 
be baptized under certain conditions and
 restrictions2 and that1 which          
questions whether ,christian burial     
should be allowed to a person who is    
guilty of suicide4 ,the first of these  
appeared to me applicable to the        
,spanish laws only2 and the second1     
calculated to correct the abuse that  is
 made of the numbers of festivals in    
most ,roman ,catholic countries1  and   
particularly in ,spain1 and which seems 
intended to point out the  great loss   
they occasion to a state4 ,the other two
 ,i considered as  rather abstruse      
points1 and such as would afford very   
little amusement  or instruction to     
those who may peruse this work4 ,thus   
much for the  omissions2 but if the     
reader1 who understands ,spanish1 was to
 turn to  the ,essays in their original 
language1 he would find something added 
to them2 ,i therefore thought it would  
be proper to mention1 that all  those   
additions1 except the one that is made  

to the comparison between  ancient and  
modern music1 are taken from the ninth1 
or supplemental  volume to the ,teatro  
,critico1 and are added in such places  
as the  author there directs4 ,the      
addition to the comparison between      
antient  and modern music1 is taken from
 the ,essay on the ,resurrection of the 
,arts2 and all that is said on music in 
that ,essay1 is interwoven into  this   
discourse1 it having appeared to me to  
be very apposite to1 and  indeed1 what  
one might not improperly call a part of 
the subject of  it4 ,there is nothing   
more that occurs to me as necessary to  
add to  this preface1 except it is1 that
 ,i have selected these ,essays from    
nearly all the volumes of the author's  
works1 and that1 to the best of  my     
judgment1 those ,i have chosen are some 
of the most interesting of  them2 and   
such1 as ,i thought would be the most   
entertaining1 and the  most instructive 
to the generality of mankind4 ,how      
judiciously ,i have  made this choice1  

and how well ,i have executed the       
translation1 must  be left to others to 
determine2 and shall only observe       
further1 that ,i  have done both the one
 and the other1 to the best of my       
discernment and  abilities2 and although
 the translation is by no means a       
literal one1 ,i  will venture to        
declare1 that it contains the true sense
 and sentiment  of the author1 which1 as
 well as my learning and talents would  
enable  me to imitate so eminent a man  
as ,feyjoo1 ,i have endeavoured to      
express  in nearly the same language1 ,i
 imagine he would have made use of1 if  
he  had been a native of this country1  
and had written his works originally  in
 ,english4 ,for the rest1 the nature1   
scope1 and design of the author's       
writings1 will be best explained by his 
own prologue1 which follows  next in    
order4          ,,prologue4    ,,to     
,,the ,,reader4      ,my good reader1   
whoever you are1 ,i have little         
expectation that you  will be very      

propitious to this my undertaking1 from 
a supposition1  that you probably are   
already preoccupied in favour of many of
 the  opinions which ,i combat2 and ,i  
ought not to have such confidence1      
either in my persuasive powers1 or in   
your docility1 as to promise  myself an 
early conquest of your prejudices1 or a 
sudden attachment  of your approbation4 
,from hence it may follow1 that stiff in
 your old  opinions1 you will condemn my
 sentiments1 as false and injurious4    
,father ,malebranche said justly1 that  
those authors who write with an         
intention to banish common              
pre-possessions1 should always conclude1
  that the public will receive their    
works with disgust4 ,whenever it        
happens that truth becomes triumphant1  
the victory advances by such  slow      
paces1 that the author while he lives1  
only enjoys the vain  expectation1 that 
his tomb will one day be crown'd with   
laurels4  ,a striking example of this   
truth1 was seen in the famous ,william  

,hervey1 against whom1 on account of his
 noble discovery respecting  the        
circulation of the blood1 the physicians
 of that time declaimed  furiously1     
though all the professors of the science
 at present1  venerate him as an oracle4
 ,in his life-time they loaded him with 
injuries2 now he is dead they would     
place his image on the altars4    ,i    
should here endeavour to win your mind  
to an admission of my maxims1  and take 
the opportunity of shewing by various   
examples1 how involv'd  in error1 are   
many of the most established opinions2  
but this being the  intire object of my 
first discourse1 ,i must refer you      
thither1 for the  perusal of my         
arguments on this head1 ,i having plac'd
 that discourse  in the front1 as a     
necessary preliminary to this volume2   
but if you  are not to be persuaded1 and
 are obstinately bent on remaining a    
constant partizan of the ,voice of the  
,people1 in the name of goodness  pursue
 your course4 ,if you are wise1 ,i shall

 treat you liberally1  and we shall not 
become angry with each other2 for       
liberality will  reprehend the          
sentiment1 without ill using the author2
 but if you are  simple1 you1 together  
with that infirmity1 will not fail to   
possess the  quality of inexorable also4
 ,i know very well1 there is not a more 
rigid  censurer of a book1 than a man   
who is incapable of dictating a letter4 
,such people may say what they please of
 me1 and treat my opinions as           
excentric1 because they are out of the  
common road2 but let us agree in  a     
preliminary1 to wit1 that if they are to
 take the liberty of calling  me        
extravagant1 ,i may be allowed to say   
they are ignorant4    ,i ought1 however1
 to remove some objections1 that will   
naturally  occur in reading this volume4
 ,the first is1 the discourses not being
  distributed in determin'd classes1 and
 not following in a regular             
progression1 the faculties or matters to
 which they belong4 ,to this ,i  answer1

 that though ,i at first design'd such  
an arrangement1 ,i soon  discover'd the 
pursuing it to be impracticable2 for    
having proposed  to myself so vast a    
field in the ,teatro ,critico1 ,i saw   
that many of  the matters which would be
 touch'd upon in it1 were               
incomprehensible  under a determin'd    
faculty2 either because they do not     
belong to any  one in particular1 or    
because1 they participate equally of    
many4  ,besides1 there are a number1    
every one of which1 treats solely of    
some  particular faculty1 without any   
other having to do with the subject     
matter4 ,on physical subjects only1     
within which walk the errors of the     
vulgar are infinite1 you may write as   
many discourses as are capable  of      
making a separate volume2 but ,i am more
 disposed to divide them in  the        
different volumes1 because by so doing1 
each will afford a more  agreeable      
variety4 ,by this means1 although every 
volume with respect to  the matter1 will

 appear strictly speaking1 a miscellany1
 the design of  attacking common errors 
will be uniformly preserved4 ,the formal
 object  will always be the same1 the   
materials must necessarily be composed  
of  great variety1 and should be        
distributed4    ,i may perhaps be       
blamed1 for giving the name of errors to
 all the  opinions ,i controvert4 ,the  
complaint would be just1 if ,i did not  
remove  the odium of the term by an     
explanation4 ,i say then1 that error in 
the  sense ,i here take and use it1     
signifies no more than an opinion that  
,i  look upon as false1 abstracted from1
 and without my determining upon  the   
probability or improbability of it4     
,neither by the term common errors1 do  
,i mean to signify1 that those ,i       
encounter are incident to all mankind1  
it is sufficient to apply this  term to 
them1 if they are admitted by the       
generality of the vulgar1  or lead in   
their train1 a more than ordinary number
 of the literati4  ,this must be        

understood with a reservation1 that ,i  
don't mean to  introduce myself as a    
judge in those questions1 which are     
mooted in  various schools1 especially  
such as regard ,theological points3 for 
what advances can ,i make on those      
subjects1 which have been studied  and  
considered with the most intense        
reflection1 by so many men of  eminence8
 or who am ,i1 to have such confidence  
in my own strength1 as  to fancy that ,i
 am capable of entering the lists1 where
 so many giants  engage8 ,in matters    
purely physical1 this objection need not
 detain me2  for those of this species  
which are treated of in other schools   
are  very few1 and those few with little
 or no reflection4    ,i may be also    
blamed1 when ,i am to touch upon many   
things which are  mere matters of       
faculty1 for having wrote in the        
,castilian ,idiom3 as an  answer to     
this1 it will be sufficient to reply1   
that no other reason  is necessary to be
 given for so doing1 than that ,i know  

of no reason  against it4 ,i do not     
deny1 that there are truths1 which      
should be hid  from the vulgar1 whose   
weakness exposes them to more danger by 
being  informed1 than they would be     
exposed to by remaining in ignorance2   
but this argument would militate with   
equal strength1 against those  truths   
going forth to the world in ,latin1     
there being a great number of  vulgar1  
among those who understand that         
language1 and it passes easily  from    
them1 to those who understand no other  
than their mother tongue4    ,i am so   
far from having the least intention to  
communicate pernicious  matter to the   
public1 that the principal design of    
this work1 is to  undeceive them in many
 points1 which by being admitted as     
true1 would  be very prejudicial to     
them2 nor is it reasonable1 that a      
benefit which  can be made universal1   
should not be enjoyed by every one4     
,but do not from what ,i have advanced1 
conclude1 that ,i have great  confidence

 this work will be of eminent utility2  
for although my  sole object is to      
propose the truth1 it is possible1 that 
in some  instances ,i may want          
penetration to discern it1 and in       
others1 powers  to persuade it2 but ,i  
can with confidence assure you1 that ,i 
write  nothing1 but what is conformable 
to my real sentiments4 ,i look upon     
proposing1 or attempting to prove       
singular opinions1 only with a  view of 
displaying a person's ingenuity1 as     
puerile and pedantic1  and consider it  
as an employment1 unworthy of every     
honest man4 ,in  conversation1 these    
things may be tolerated by way of       
amusement1 but  the introducing them    
into writings1 is an abuse1 and a deceit
 upon the  public4 ,the noble use of    
reason1 is to penetrate and enforce     
truths2  the knack of puzzling others   
with sophistries1 is the meanest faculty
  of the human understanding4 ,spiders1 
which in the brute creation are  looked 
upon as vile1 fabricate fine1 but       

trifling threads2 among  mankind1 none  
fabricate fine and firm ones1 but       
excellent artists2  the first1 are      
emblems of subtle and sophistical works1
 the others of  ingenious and solid     
ones4    ,the common errors which ,i    
attack1 do not always occupy the whole  
of the discourse in which ,i treat of   
them1 and sometimes1 many  are          
comprehended in one and the same2 either
 because they relate  immediately to the
 matter of it1 or because in pursuing   
the thread of  the principal subject1   
they are found in the way1 or fall in as
 it  were by incidence4 ,this method    
appeared to me the most convenient1 as  
by writing a separate discourse upon    
every opinion ,i encounter1 there  being
 much to be said on some heads1 and but 
little on others1 there  would result a 
compound or mass of parts extremely     
unequal4    ,i expect many attacks1     
especially with relation to two or three
 of the  discourses in this book1 and   
when some of my friends apprize me1 that

 ,i  shall be loaded with injuries and  
abuse2 ,i reply1 that such treatment    
will only serve to convince me more     
firmly1 of the truth of what ,i have    
written2 it being certain1 that he is   
doubtful of his own strength1 who       
attacks with unfair weapons4 ,if they   
oppose me with arguments1 ,i will  reply
 to them2 if with sneers and scurrility1
 ,i shall instantly allow  myself       
vanquish'd1 as that is a mode of        
engaging1 in which ,i never  exercised  
myself4 ,adieu4          ,,the          
,,voice of the ,,people4      ,that     
ill-understood maxim1 that ,god explains
 himself in the ,voice of  the ,people1 
authorizes the commonalty to triumph    
over sound judgment1  and erect to      
themselves a tribunitial authority1     
capable of oppressing1  and bearing down
 the dignity of literature4 ,this is an 
error that is  pregnant with an infinity
 of others1 because1 by establishing the
  position1 that the voice of the       
multitude is the rule of truth1 all  the

 extravagances of the vulgar1 would be  
venerated as inspirations of  heaven4   
,this consideration excites me to attack
 this error the first1  upon a          
supposition1 that by exploding this1 ,i 
shall subdue many enemies  in one1 or at
 least1 that it will be more easy to    
expunge other errors1  by removing the  
patronage1 which they receive from the  
common voice in  the estimation of      
unwary men4      ,,sect4 ,i4    ,i4     
stimes judicia1 non numeres1 said       
,seneca1 7,epist4 #ci74 ,the value  of  
opinions1 should be computed by the     
weight1 not by the number of  votaries4 
,the ignorant1 though numerous1 are     
ignorant still2 what  benefit then is to
 be expected from their determinations8 
,it is rather  probable1 that the       
multitude1 by increasing the partizans  
of error1  would increase obstacles to  
the advancement of truth4 ,if it was a  
barbarous superstition in the           
,molossians1 an antient people of       
,epirus1  to constitute the trunk of an 

oak for the organ of ,apollo2 would it  
be  less so1 to concede this privilege  
to the whole ,dodonean ,wood8 and if    
from a stone1 unless modelled by the    
hand of an artist1 you could not        
produce the image of ,minerva1 the same 
impossibility would continue1  although 
you add to it all the rocks of a        
mountain4 ,one wise person1  will always
 discern more than a croud of           
simpletons1 as one eagle can  better see
 the sun1 than an army of owls4    ,,ii4
 ,pope ,john the ,,xxiii4 being once    
asked what was the thing most  distant  
from truth1 answered1 the opinion of the
 vulgar4 ,the severe  ,phocion was so   
firmly of this sentiment1 that          
observing1 while he was  once making an 
oration in ,athens1 the people with one 
consent raise  their voices in his      
applause1 asked his friends who were    
near him1  what mistake he had been     
guilty of1 as he was persuaded1 the     
blind  populace were incapable of       
applauding any thing but absurdities4   

,i don't approve these rigorous         
decisions1 nor can ,i consider the      
populace1 as the precise antipodes to   
the hemisphere of truth2 they are       
sometimes right1 but this generally     
speaking1 is either the result of       
chance1 or the effect of borrowed       
reflection4 ,some wise man1 ,i don't    
remember who1 compared the vulgar to the
 moon1 on account of their  inconstancy3
 the comparison however was just1 as    
they never shine by  the power of their 
own lights4 ,non consilium in vulgo1 non
 ratio1 non  discrimen1 non diligentia1 
said ,tully4 7,orat4 pro ,planc47 ,there
 is not  in this vast body1 any native  
illumination1 wherewith can be discerned
  the true from the false2 the light is 
all borrowed1 and reflected             
superficially2 for by reason of its     
opacity1 the rays cannot penetrate      
through it4    ,,iii4 ,the public is an 
instrument of various sounds1 which     
7unless it  happens by some rare        
accident7 till adjusted by a skilful    

hand1 is  hardly ever in tune4 ,epicurus
 was dreaming1 when he imagined1 that   
infinite atoms impelled by chance1 and  
wandering through the air1  could1      
without the interposition of a supreme  
will1 form this admirable  system of the
 globe4 ,peter ,gassendi1 and the other 
modern refiners  upon ,epicurus1 added  
to this vulgar confusion1 a disposition 
and  regulation1 executed by the divine 
hand2 but even supposing this1 it  will 
be difficult for us to comprehend1 by   
what means1 the rudeness  of matter was 
polished1 and the earth rendered capable
 of producing  the most trifling plant4 
,the vulgar of mankind1 differ but      
little  from the vulgarity of the atoms2
 and as from the casual concurrence  of 
our sentiments1 there would hardly ever 
result a regular series of  established 
truths1 it becomes necessary1 that the  
,supreme ,being should  superintend the 
business4 ,but how must this be done8   
,why by employing  learned and wise men 
as his subalterns1 and using them as a  

secondary  means1 to dispose and        
organize such material entities4        
,,iv4 ,those who ascribe so great       
authority to the common voice1 don't    
foresee a dangerous consequence1 that   
treads close on the heels of  their     
tenet2 for if the decision of what is   
truth1 was to be confided  to the       
plurality of voices1 you should look for
 sound doctrine in the  ,alcoran of     
,mahomed1 and not in the ,gospel of     
,christ2 it being certain1  that the    
,alcoran would have more votes in its   
favour than the ,gospel4 ,i  am so far  
from being of opinion1 that such a      
question should be decided  by numbers1 
that ,i think it ought to be determined 
the reverse1 because  in the nature of  
things1 error occupies a much larger    
field than  truth1 and the vulgar of    
mankind1 as the lowest and most humble  
portion  of the rational world1 may be  
compared to the element of earth1 whose 
bowels contain little gold1 but much    
iron4      ,,sect4 ,,ii4    ,v4 ,whoever

 considers1 that there is but one path  
which leads to  truth1 and that those   
which lead to error are infinite1 will  
not  be surprised1 that mankind who     
travel by so dim a light1 should in  the
 bulk go astray4 ,the conception which  
the understanding forms of  things1 may 
be compared to squares1 which can only  
be regular one  way1 but may be         
irregular in an infinite number of ways4
 ,every body1  according to its species1
 can1 by but one mode1 be produced      
rightly  organized1 but may be produced 
a monster by an infinite number4 ,even  
in  the heavens1 there are but two fixed
 points to direct the navigator2  all   
the others are changeable4 ,there are   
likewise two fixed points  in the sphere
 of the human understanding1 to wit1    
revelation1 and  demonstration3 the rest
 is a group of opinions1 that dance     
about1 and  are made to follow one      
another1 according to the caprice of    
doubtful  and inferior comprehensions4  
,whoever does not observe attentively   

these  two points1 or at least one of   
them1 according to the hemisphere in    
which he navigates2 that is1 the first  
in the hemisphere of grace1  and the    
second in the hemisphere of nature1 will
 never arrive at the  port of truth3 for
 as in very few parts of the terraqueous
 globe1  the magnetic needle points true
 to the poles2 but in most places has   
more or less degrees of variation2 even 
so in very few parts of the  world1 does
 the human understanding attain the pole
 of its direction2  the pole of         
revelation1 is perceived directly1 in   
only two places1  ,europe1 and ,america2
 in all other parts1 it has more or less
 degrees  of declination3 in the        
heretical countries1 the needle is much 
warped1  more in the ,mahometan         
countries1 and more still in the        
idolatrous ones4  ,the pole of          
demonstration1 is observed only by the  
small community of  mathematicians1 and 
even within that small circle1 is       
affected with  declination4    ,but what

 necessity is there for beating round   
the world1 to discover1  that in various
 regions1 the common opinion is the     
reverse of truth2  even among the people
 who were called ,god's people1 so far  
many times  was the voice of the people 
from being the voice of ,god1 that there
 was  not the least semblance between   
them3 no sooner was the voice of the    
people in unison with the divine voice1 
than it immediately changed  to the     
greatest dissonance4 ,moses propounded  
to them the laws which  ,god had given  
him2 and all the people cried with one  
consent1 8,what  the ,lord has commanded
 let us do30 how beautiful was the sound
 of  consonance between the two voices6 
but no sooner did the chapel-master     
,moses1 who had put them in tune1 turn  
his back1 than the same  congregation1  
after obliging ,aaron to make two idols1
 lifted up their  voice1 and said1      
8,these are the true ,gods to whom we   
owe our liberty30  what horrible        
dissonance6    ,,vii4 ,circumstances of 

this sort occurred often2 but the case  
of their  petitioning ,samuel to give   
them a king1 has something particular in
 it4  ,the voice of ,god promulged by   
the mouth of the ,prophet1 dissuaded    
them  from desiring a king2 but how     
distant was the voice of the people from
  concording with the divine organ1 for 
they once and again1 repeat their       
intreaties to have a king2 and on what  
do they found their request8 ,why  upon 
other nations having kings4 ,in this    
instance1 there are two things  which   
are striking and remarkable2 the one is1
 that though this request  was made by  
the voice of the whole people1 it was   
erroneous2 the other  is1 that it's     
being qualified by the authority of all 
other people1  does not amend1 or exempt
 it from error4 ,to sum up the whole1   
the voice  of the people of ,israel1    
concorded with the voices of all other  
people1  and it's being in consonance   
with that of all those other people1    
made it dissonant to the divine voice4  

,away with those then1 who would  govern
 us by common cries1 upon the           
foundation1 that the voice of the       
people is the voice of ,god4            
,,sect4 ,,iii4    ,,viii4 ,i was once of
 opinion1 that in one special instance1 
the  public voice was infallible1 that  
is to say1 in the approbation1 or       
reprobation1 of particular people4 ,it  
appeared to me1 that he of whom  the    
public at large entertained a good      
opinion1 was certainly a good  man1 and 
that he was certainly wise1 who was     
generally allowed to be  so1 and so on  
the contrary2 but upon reflection1 ,i   
found that in this  instance also1 the  
popular opinion is liable to mistake4   
,phocion1 as  he was once reprehending  
the people of ,athens with some         
asperity1 was  accosted by his enemy    
,democritus in these words1 8,have a    
care what you  say1 for they will murder
 you for talking to them in this        
manner30 8,and  do you take care1       
answered ,phocion1 or they will murder  

you likewise1  for pretending to pass   
your judgment40 ,this sentence shewed1  
that he  thought the populace hardly    
ever right in their decisions1 with     
regard  to people's qualities or        
characters4 ,the hard fate of ,phocion  
himself1  confirmed in a great measure  
this sentiment1 because he was          
afterwards  put to death as an enemy to 
his country1 by the furious populace of 
,athens1 though he was the best man1    
which at that time could be found  in   
all ,greece4    ,,ix4 ,an ignorant man  
having passed for a wise one1 and a wise
 one  being reputed a fool1 are things  
which have been frequent in many        
places2 and applicable to this1 is the  
pleasant event which happened  to       
,democritus with his countrymen the     
,abderites4 ,this philosopher1  who had 
long meditated on the follies and       
vanities of mankind1 was  accustomed1   
when any occurrence brought these       
reflections to his mind1  to burst out  
into immoderate fits of laughter4 ,the  

,abderites having  remarked this1       
although they before esteemed him a very
 wise man1  concluded that he was gone  
mad2 and they wrote to ,hippocrates who 
flourished at that time1 and earnestly  
intreated that he would come  and cure  
him4 ,the good old man suspected how the
 matter stood1 to wit1  that the people 
were disordered1 and not ,democritus1   
and concluded1  that what they mistook  
for madness1 was rather a symptom of    
great  wisdom4 ,in a letter to his      
friend ,dionysius1 informing him of his 
being sent for by the ,abderites1 and   
the account they had given him of       
,democritus's madness1 he expresses     
himself to this effect1 ,ego vero  neque
 morbum ipsum esse puto1 sed immodicam  
doctrinam1 qu revera non  est immodica1 
sed ab idiotis putatur2 and writing to  
,philopemnes1 he  says1 ,cum non        
insaniam1 sed quandam excellente mentis 
sanitatem vir  ille declaret4           
,afterwards1 ,hippocrates visited       
,democritus1 and from  a long           

conversation which he had with him1 was 
satisfied1 that his  laughter was       
founded in wise and solid morality1 the 
justness of which1  he was convinced of 
and admired4 ,hippocrates1 in a letter  
he wrote to  ,damagetus1 gives a        
particular account of this conversation1
 and there  may be seen his encomiums   
upon ,democritus2 among other things1 he
 says1  ,democritus so far from being   
mad1 is the wisest man ,i ever met with2
 ,i  was much instructed by his         
conversation1 and rendered more capable 
of  instructing others3 ,hoc erat illud1
 ,damagete1 quod conjectabamus4 ,non    
insanit ,democritus1 sed super omnia    
sanit1 et nos sapientiores effecit1  et 
per nos omnes homines4    ,x4 ,these    
letters are to be found in the works of 
,hippocrates1 and are  well deserving of
 being read1 especially that to         
,damagetus2 and from  them may be       
inferred1 not only how much the public  
at large are capable  of being mistaken 
in their opinion of an individual2 but  

also1 with how  little reason1 many     
authors paint ,democritus as a half-mad 
ridiculous  person2 for nobody disputes 
the judgment and wisdom of ,hippocrates1
  who1 after treating seriously and at  
large on the subject1 gives so  opposite
 a testimony in his discussion of the   
matter2 for he declares1  that in his   
judgment1 ,democritus was the most      
learned and wise man in  the world2 and 
in a letter of ,hippocrates to          
,democritus1 he recognizes  him for the 
greatest natural philosopher upon earth3
 ,optimum natur1  ac mundi interpretem  
te judicavi4 ,hippocrates was then grown
 old1 for  in the same letter he says1  
,ego enim ad finem medicin perveni1     
etiam  si jam senex sim2 and            
consequently1 capable of forming a good 
judgment  of the abilities of           
,democritus4    ,i am disposed to think1
 that the accusation which some authors 
bring  against ,aristotle is a probable 
one1 that is1 that he did not fairly    
lay open to the world the opinions of   

other philosophers who preceded  him1 to
 the end1 that by discrediting all      
those1 he might establish the           
sovereignty of his own doctrine1 and    
that he did by them1 as the great  ,lord
 ,bacon says the ,ottoman ,emperors do  
by their brothers1 put them all  to     
death1 that they may reign in security4 
,,sect4 ,,iv4    ,with regard to virtue 
and vice1 the instances of the one of   
them  having been mistaken by the public
 for the other in particular people1    
are so numerous1 that history stumbles  
upon them1 at almost every  step2       
nothing can illustrate this more        
evidently1 than the greatest  impostors 
the world has produced1 having passed   
for repositories of  the secrets of     
heaven4 ,numa ,pompilius1 introduced    
among the ,romans1  whatever policy and 
religion he thought fit1 by means of the
 fiction1  that all he proposed was     
dictated to him by the nymph ,egeria4   
,the  ,spaniards fought blindly against 
the ,romans1 under the banners of       

,sertorius1 he having made them believe1
 that through a white doe1 which  he    
artfully made use of1 and had trained   
for his purpose1 he received  by occult 
means1 all sorts of information1 which  
was communicated to  the doe by the     
goddess ,diana4 ,mahomed persuaded a    
great part of ,asia1  that ,heaven had  
sent the ,angel ,gabriel to him as a    
,nuncio in the shape  of a dove1 which  
he had taught to put its bill into his  
ear4 ,most  heretical opinions1 although
 stained with manifest impurities1 were 
reputed in many places1 to proceed from 
the venerable archives of the  divine   
mysteries4    ,,xii4 ,we have even seen 
such monsters1 engendered in the bosom  
of the  ,roman church4 ,in the eleventh 
century1 ,tranquilenus1 a man given     
openly  to all kinds of debauchery1 was 
venerated as a saint by the people  of  
,antwerp1 and to such a pitch did they  
carry their adoration1 that  they       
preserved as a relic the water in which 
he had washed himself4 ,in  the republic

 of ,florence1 where the people were    
never thought rude1  or uncultivated1   
,francis ,jeronimo ,savonarola1 a man of
 prodigious  genius1 and great sagacity1
 was many years respected as a saint1   
and a  person endued with the spirit of 
prophecy2 he made the people believe1   
that his political predictions were     
divine revelations1 though they  were   
founded on secret advices which he      
received from ,france1 and              
notwithstanding many of those           
predictions were proved false1 such as  
the second coming of ,charles the       
,eighth into ,italy1 the recovery of    
,john ,pico de ,mirandola from a fit of 
sickness1 of which he died two  days    
afterwards1 c4 ,and although he was     
publicly burnt on the parade  at        
,florence for an impostor1 still1 all   
was not sufficient to eradicate  his    
deceptions from the minds of many       
people2 for not only the heretics       
venerate him as a heavenly man1 and     
consider him as a forerunner of         

,luther1 on account of his vehement     
declamations against the court of       
,rome1 but some ,catholics were his     
panegyrists likewise1 among whom        
,marcus ,antonius ,flaminius excelled   
all the others1 by the following        
beautiful though false epigram4         
,dum fera flamma tuos1 ,hieronyme1      
pascitur artus1        ,religio sacras  
dilaniata comas      ,flevit1 et ,o1    
dixit1 crudeles1 parcite1 flamm1        
,parcite2 sunt isto viscera nostra rogo4
    ,,xiii4 ,but what has been the most 
monstrous in these sort of cases is1    
that some churches have celebrated1 and 
even worshiped as saints1  perverse men1
 who died separated from the ,roman     
communion4 ,the church  of ,limogines1  
addressed for a long time in a direct   
prayer 7which  prayer exists at this day
 in the antient breviary of that church7
  ,eusebius ,csarius1 who lived and died
 in the ,arian heresy1 they  having1 as 
is most probable1 mistaken him at first1
 for ,eusebius  ,bishop of ,csarea1 in  

,cappadocia1 who was the successor of   
,saint  ,basil2 whereas the man we have 
now been mentioning1 was ,bishop of     
,csarea in ,palestine2 ,i am very well  
aware1 some authors assert1 that  at the
 council of ,nice1 he conformed to the  
,catholic faith1 in which  he remained  
steady ever after1 but there are so many
 testimonies to  contradict this1 and   
among the rest his own writings1 that   
what is  said in his defence seems void 
of all probability4 ,the church of      
,turin  venerated a thief as a martyr1  
and erected an altar to him1 which ,st4 
,martin destroyed1 after having         
convinced them of their error2 this is  
related by ,sulpicius in his ,life of   
,st4 ,martin4      ,,sect4 ,v4    ,,xiv4
 ,to excite a total distrust of the ,vox
 ,populi1 you need only  reflect upon   
the extravagant errors1 which in matters
 of religion1  policy1 and manners1 have
 been seen1 and may still be seen       
authorized1  by the common consent of   
whole bodies politic4 ,cicero said1     

there was  no tenet1 though ever so wild
 and absurd1 that had not been          
maintained  by some philosopher or      
other3 ,nihil tam absurdum dici potest1 
quod non  dicatur ab aliquo             
philosophorum4 7lib4 #b4 de ,divinat47  
,i will venture  with greater reason to 
affirm1 there is no extravagance1       
however  monstrous1 which has not been  
patronized by the uniform consent of    
some  country4    ,,xv4 ,things which   
the light of natural reason represents  
as abominable1  have in this1 and the   
other region1 passed1 and still do pass1
 as  lawful4 ,lying1 perjury1 adultery1 
murder1 and robbery3 in short1 all      
vices have obtained1 and do obtain1 the 
general approbation of some  nations4   
,the ,herules1 an ancient people1 whose 
situation cannot be  exactly            
ascertained1 though they dwelt near the 
borders of the ,baltic  ,sea1 were used 
to put to death all their sick and old  
people1 nor would  they suffer the wives
 to survive their husbands4 ,the        

,caspians1 a people  of ,scythia1 were  
more barbarous still1 for they          
imprisoned and starved  to death1 their 
own parents1 when they came to be       
advanced in years4  ,what abominations  
were committed by some people of        
,ethiopia1 who1  according to lian1     
adopted a dog for their king1 and       
regulated all  their actions1 by the    
gestures and motions of that animal2 and
 ,pliny  instances a people1 whom he    
calls ,toembaros1 though not of         
,ethiopia1  who obeyed the same master4 
,nor are the hearts of mankind in many  
parts of the world1 much mended  at this
 day4 ,there are many places1 where they
 feed on human flesh1 and  go hunting   
for men1 as they would for wild beasts4 
,the ,yagos1 a people  of the kingdom of
 ,ansicus in ,africa1 eat1 not only the 
prisoners they  take in war1 but feed   
also upon such of their friends as die  
natural  deaths2 so that among them1 the
 dead have no other burying place than  
the stomachs of the living4 ,all the    

world knows1 that in many parts  of the 
,east-,indies1 they uphold the barbarous
 custom1 of the women  burning          
themselves at the funeral of their      
husbands1 and though they  are not by   
law obliged to do this1 the instances of
 their failing to do  it are very rare1 
because upon their declining it1 they   
would remain  infamous1 despised1 and   
abhorred by every one4 ,among the       
,cafres1 all  the relations of a person 
who dies are obliged to cut off the     
little  finger of the left hand1 and    
throw it into the grave of the deceased4
    ,,xvii4 ,what shall we say to the   
countenance1 that has been given to     
,turpitude1 by various nations8 ,in     
,malabar1 the women may marry as  many  
husbands as they please4 ,in the ,island
 of ,ceylon1 when a woman  marries1 she 
is common to all the brothers of her    
husband1 and the  consorted parties may 
divorce themselves and contract a fresh 
alliance  whenever they please4 ,in the 
kingdom of ,bengal1 all the new-married 

women1 those of the first rank not      
excepted1 before they are allowed  to be
 enjoyed by their husbands1 are         
delivered up to the lust of the  bramins
 or priests4 ,in ,mingrelia1 a province 
of ,georgia1 where the  people are      
,schismatic ,christians1 among the      
compound of various errors  prevailing  
there1 adultery is considered as a thing
 indifferent1 and it  is very rare1 that
 any of their sex are faithful to their 
consorts2 it  is true1 that the husband 
in case of catching the wife in the act 
of  adultery1 has a right by way of     
compensation1 to demand of her paramour 
a pig1 which is considered as ample     
amends1 and the criminal person is      
generally invited to partake of it4     
,,sect4 ,,vi4    ,,xviii4 ,was ,i to    
recite the extravagant superstitions    
prevailing in  various places1 the      
labour would be immense4 ,it is very    
well known1  that the antient ,gentiles 
worshiped the most despicable and vile  
animals4 ,the goat was the deity of one 

nation1 the tortoise of another1  the   
beetle of another1 and the fly of       
another4 ,even the ,romans1 who  were   
esteemed the most polished people in the
 world1 were extremely  ridiculous in   
matters of religion2 ,st4 ,austin1 in   
many parts of his  ,treatise1 called    
,the ,city of ,god1 upbraids them with  
it2 and the most  remarkable of their   
absurdities in this respect was1 their  
adopting  such an innumerable quantity  
of deities1 to separate and distinct    
charges2 the protection of the harvest1 
and the grain1 belonged to  twelve      
different ,gods1 each of whom had his   
particular department4  ,to guard the   
door of the house1 they had no less than
 three2 the ,god  ,lorculos had the care
 of the wood1 the ,goddess ,cordea that 
of the  hinges1 and the ,god ,limentius 
looked after the pediment4 ,st4 ,austin 
jocosely remarks to them1 that if each  
individual would appoint a  porter1 they
 would find him capable of doing much   
more than any one of  their ,gods1 for  

he would be able to execute this whole  
business1 better  than three of them1   
and with greater security4 ,pliny 7who  
runs into  the opposite extreme of      
denying a ,deity or a ,providence1 or at
 least  of affecting to doubt there is a
 ,supreme ,being7 in giving an account  
of the superstitious faith of the       
,romans1 estimates the number of  their 
deities to exceed the number of their   
people4 ,quam ob rem major  clitum      
populus1 etiam quam hominum intelligi   
potest 7,lib4 #a4 cap4  #f47 ,the       
computation is not aggravated1 as every 
man according to his  fancy1 appointed  
himself ,household ,gods1 to each of    
whom1 he consigned  a particular charge1
 and besides this1 worshiped all the    
established  ,gods4 ,the multifarious   
number may be inferred1 not only from   
what ,st4  ,austin has told us1 but from
 the same ,pliny1 who says1 they erected
  temples and altars1 to all the        
diseases and misfortunes1 with which    
mankind are visited3 ,morbis etiam in   

genera descriptis1 et multis  etiam     
pestibus1 dum esse placatas trepido metu
 capimus4 ,it is certain1  that in      
,rome1 there was a ,temple erected to   
,fevers1 and another to ,ill  ,luck4    
,,xix4 ,the modern idolators1 are not   
less blind than the antient ones4  ,the 
devil is worshiped in his own proper    
name by many people4 ,in ,pegu1  a      
kingdom in the ,peninsula of ,india1    
although they worship ,god as the       
author of all good1 they pay more       
adoration to the devil1 whom they       
believe to be the author of all evil4   
,some people in the train of the        
ambassador1 whom ,peter the ,great1 late
 ,czar of ,muscovy1 sent to ,china1  met
 in the way an idolatrous priest        
praying1 and they asked him whom he     
worshiped8 ,to which he answered in a   
magisterial tone1 ,i worship a ,god     
whom the ,god you worship cast down from
 heaven1 but after awhile my ,god  will 
throw yours down from heaven1 and then  
will be seen great changes  among the   

sons of men4 ,they must in that region  
have had some account  of the fall of   
,lucifer2 but they may wait long enough 
for a redeemer1  if they stay till their
 deity returns to heaven4 ,from as      
ridiculous a  motive1 the ,jedices1 a   
sect in ,persia1 never curse the devil1 
and that  is1 that one day or other he  
may make his peace with ,god1 and then  
may  revenge all the affronts they offer
 him4    ,,xx4 ,in the kingdom of ,siam1
 they worship a white elephant1 and four
  ,mandarines are appointed constantly  
to attend him1 who serve him with  his  
meat and his drink1 in a vessel of gold4
 ,in the ,island of ,ceylon1  they      
worshiped a tooth1 which was pretended  
to have fallen from the  mouth of ,god2 
but ,constantine de ,bergania1 a        
,portuguese1 having got  possession of  
it1 burnt it1 to the great disgrace of  
the priests who  had invented the fable4
 ,the ,indians of ,honduras1 worshiped a
 slave2 but  neither the divinity nor   
the life of the poor creature lasted    

long1  for he died within a year1 after 
which1 they made a sacrifice of his     
body1 and substituted another in his    
place3 but their believing1 that  he who
 could not redeem himself from the      
confinement and restraint1 in  which1 by
 way of security they kept him1 could   
make others happy1 was  ridiculous      
enough4 ,in the ,southern ,tartary1 they
 worship a man who they  think is       
eternal1 having been made to believe so 
by the artifices of  the priests        
appointed to his service4 ,they only    
shew him in a private  place of the     
palace or temple1 surrounded by a number
 of lamps1 and  they always by way of   
precaution1 in case he should die1 keep 
another  man secreted1 who is much like 
him1 that he may be ready to take his   
place1 and seem as if he was still the  
same man4 ,they call him ,lama1  which  
signifies ,father eternal1 and such is  
their veneration for  him1 that their   
greatest men procure by rich presents a 
part of his  excrements1 which they put 

into a gold box1 and wear it suspended  
from  their necks1 as a precious relic4 
,but no superstition appears to me  more
 extravagant1 than what is practised at 
,balia1 an ,island in the  ,indian ,sea1
 to the eastward of ,java1 where every  
man has his separate  ,god1 which he    
fixes upon just as his caprice dictates1
 either the trunk  of a tree1 a stone1  
or a brute1 and many of them change     
their ,gods  every day1 for they are    
allowed this liberty1 and often worship 
for the  day the first thing they meet  
going out of their houses in a morning4 
,,sect4 ,,vii4    ,,xxi4 ,what shall ,i 
say of the ridiculous historical tales1 
which are  venerated in some nations as 
irrefragable traditions8 ,the ,arcadians
  compute their origin to be antecedent 
to the creation of the ,moon4 ,the      
people of ,peru maintain their kings to 
be legitimate descendants from  the sun4
 ,the ,arabs believe as an article of   
faith1 the existence of  a bird1 which  
they call ,anca ,megareb1 of such an    

enormous size1 that  its eggs are as big
 as large hills2 which bird they say was
 afterwards  cursed by their ,prophet   
,handal1 for having insulted him1 and   
that it  now lives retired in a certain 
inaccessible ,island4 ,the credit of an 
imaginary hero called ,cherderles1 is   
not less established among the  ,turks2 
they say he was one of ,alexander's     
captains1 and that having  made himself 
and his horse immortal by drinking of   
the waters of a  certain river1 he now  
goes about exploring the world1 and     
assisting  such soldiers as invoke him2 
they seem very happy with this delusion1
  and near a little ,mosque appropriated
 to his worship1 they shew the  tombs of
 the nephew and the servant of this     
knight errant1 and they  add1 that by   
their intercession continual miracles   
are wrought in that  quarter4    ,,xxii4
 ,in short1 if you scrutinize country by
 country1 the whole  intellectual map of
 the globe1 except only those places    
where the name  of ,christ is worshiped1

 you will find all this extensive       
surface1  covered with spots and stains4
 ,every country is an ,africa to        
engender  monsters2 every province1 an  
,iberia to produce poisons2 in all      
places1  as in ,lycia1 they invent      
chimeras2 and in all nations1 where the 
light of the gospel is wanting1 they are
 obscured with as dark mists1  as       
formerly obscured ,egypt4 ,there are no 
people whatever1 who have  not much of  
the barbarous4 ,what results from this8 
why that the voice  of the people is    
totally destitute of authority1 because 
we see it  so frequently posted on the  
side of error4 ,every one considers as  
infallible1 the sentiment that prevails 
in his own country2 upon this           
principle1 that every body says so1 and 
every body thinks so4 ,who are  these   
every bodies8 ,all the people in the    
world8 ,not so1 because in  other       
places1 they think and say the contrary4
 ,but is not mankind the  same in one   
place as another8 why then should truth 

be more attached to  the voice of this  
people1 than of that people8 ,why       
because this is my  country1 and the    
other is a foreign one2--good reasoning6
      ,,sect4 ,,viii4    ,,xxiii4 ,i    
never observed1 that the dogmatic       
writers1 who in various  manners1 have  
conclusively proved the evident         
credibility of our  holy faith1 have    
introduced as one of their arguments1   
the consent  of many nations in their   
belief of those mysteries2 but have laid
  great stress1 upon the consent of men1
 eminent for their sanctity and  wisdom4
 ,the first argument would be favourable
 to idolatry1 and the  ,mahomedan ,sect2
 the second cannot be answered1 nor can 
it be used to  militate on the other    
side2 and in case they should oppose to 
us the  authority of the antient        
philosophers1 who have been the         
partizans of  idolatry1 the objection   
would be grounded on a false            
supposition1 it  being established by   
irrefragable testimony1 that those      

philosophers  in matters of religion did
 not think with the people4 ,marcus     
,varus1  one of the wisest of the       
,romans1 distinguished among the        
,antients  three kinds of ,theology2 the
 ,natural1 the ,civil1 and the          
,poetical4  ,the first existed in the   
minds of wise men2 the second was used  
to  govern the religion of the people at
 large2 the third was the invention  of 
the poets2 and of all the three1 the    
philosophers held only the  first to be 
true4 ,the distinction of the two first1
 had been pointed  out by ,aristotle1 in
 the twelfth book of his ,metaphysics1  
cap4 #h1  where he says1 that from the  
opinions of preceding ages which have   
been communicated to us respecting the  
,gods1 may be inferred1 they  held some 
things to be true1 and others false1 and
 that the last were  invented for the   
use and civil government of the         
populace3 ,ctera  vero fabulos ad       
multitudinis persuasionem4 ,it is true1 
that although  those philosophers were  

not of the same sentiment with the      
people1 they  generally talked their    
language1 as an opposite conduct would  
have been  very hazardous2 for whoever  
denied the plurality of ,gods1 was      
looked  upon as impious2 as it happened 
to ,socrates4 ,the sum of the whole of  
this is1 that in the voice of the people
 was contained all the error2  and that 
the little or much which existed of     
truth1 was shut up and  imprisoned in   
the minds of a few wise men4    ,,xxiv4 
,after all that has been said1 ,i shall 
conclude1 by pointing out  two senses1  
in which only1 and in no other whatever1
 is contained the  truth of the maxim1  
8that the voice of the people is the    
voice of  ,god40 ,the first is1 taking  
for the voice of the people1 the        
unanimous  consent of all ,god's people2
 that is1 of the universal church1 which
 it  is certain cannot err in matters of
 faith2 nor through any antecedent      
impossibility which may be inferred from
 the nature of things1 but by  means of 

the interposition of the holy spirit1   
with which1 according  to the promise   
made by ,christ1 it will be constantly  
assisted4 ,i said  all ,god's people1   
because a large portion of the church   
may err1 and  in fact did err1 in the   
great ,western ,schism2 for the kings of
 ,france1  ,castile1 ,arragon1 and      
,scotland1 acknowledged ,clement the    
,v,i,ith for  legitimate ,pope2 the rest
 of the ,christian world1 adhered to    
,urban the  ,v,ith4 ,but it is manifest1
 that one of the two parties must be    
wrong1  which may be considered as a    
conclusive proof2 that even within  the 
pale of the ,christian church1 not only 
one1 but several nations  collectively1 
may err in essentials4    ,,xxv4 ,the   
second sense in which the maxim ought to
 be held true1 is1  by taking for the   
voice of the people1 the universal      
concurrence of  all mankind2 it         
appearing morally impossible1 that all  
the nations of  the world should agree  
in adopting any one error4 ,thus the    

consent of  the whole earth1 in         
believing the existence of a ,god1 is   
held by the  learned1 as a conclusive   
proof of this article4          ,,virtue
 and ,,vice4      ,every mortal 7said   
,philo1 as cited by ,st4 ,ambrose1 ,lib4
 #a4 of ,cain  and ,abel1 cap4 #d47 has1
 within the little habitation of the    
soul1 two  females1 the one chaste but  
rigid and unpleasant1 the other wanton  
but soft and amorous4 ,the first is the 
type of virtue1 the second of  worldly  
delights4    ,,ii4 ,the learned ,jew    
paints virtue and vice according to     
appearances  at first sight1 or         
according to the opinion of the world1  
but not  according to the truth2 and so 
it comes to pass1 that virtue is        
commonly conceived to be all asperity1  
and vice all deliciousness2  virtue is  
placed among thorns1 and vice reposing  
on beds of flowers3  but this is an     
error1 and of all the false opinions    
upheld by the  blindness of the world1  
the most pernicious one4 ,i shall       

endeavour in  this discourse to expose  
its fallacy1 by shewing1 that even in   
this  life1 abstracted from the rewards 
and punishments of that to come1 by     
people's abandoning themselves to the   
pursuit of criminal pleasures1  they are
 liable to more inquietudes1 and        
experience more fatigues1  than they    
would be exposed to1 by the practice of 
the moral and  ,christian virtues4 ,for 
this purpose1 ,i shall make use of such 
arguments  as are furnished by natural  
reason and experience1 without having   
recourse to the sentences of fathers1 or
 the sayings of philosophers1  the      
collection of which might be swelled to 
a vast bulk2 but whoever is  not to be  
persuaded by reason1 will never be      
convinced by authority4    ,,iii4 ,could
 we but see the hearts of men abandoned 
to a vicious  course1 the doubt would be
 soon removed2 however1 we may view them
 by  reflection in the looking-glasses  
of their souls1 of which their words    
and actions are the types4 ,if you      

observe with attention these unhappy    
men1 you will find1 that no others      
betray such perturbation in their       
countenances1 such inquietude in their  
actions1 nor such embarrassment  in     
their conversation2 nor is this to be   
wondered at1 there being many           
tormentors1 who are continually         
disturbing them in the enjoyment of     
their beloved pleasures4 ,that domestic 
enemy1 that unavoidable1 but  unsavoury 
guest1 their own conscience1 with the   
nectar they drink1 is  constantly mixing
 the gall they abominate4    ,,iv4      
,tully said with energetical propriety1 
that the crimes of wicked  men1         
reflected in their own imaginations1 are
 to them continual and  domestic furies8
 ,h sunt impiis assidu1 domesticque     
furi4 7,orat4  pro ,rosc47 ,these are   
the serpents and vulturs1 who gnaw in   
pieces the  entrails of the wicked      
,tityus2 these are the eagles1 who tear 
the  heart of the rash ,prometheus4     
,consider the torments of ,cain1 a      

fugitive  from the world1 and who1 if it
 were possible1 would fly from himself  
also2 wandering through the woods and   
mountains1 without ever having  power to
 extract the dart which had pierced his 
breast1 that is1 the  memory of his     
crime2 or like another wounded hind1    
under which image  the great poet       
describes the mortal inquietude of that 
enamoured queen1        ----,silvas1    
saltusque peragrat      ,dictos2 hret   
lateri lthalis arundo4    ,v4           
,contemplate the anxieties of a ,lamech1
 so violently pressed by the            
recollection of the murder1 or murders1 
which he had committed1 that1  wanting  
power to remain the repository of his   
own secret1 he throws  it up like one   
who has swallowed poison1 which excites 
a coughing or  tickling in the throat1  
and runs the hazard of infamy and       
punishment1  for the sake only of       
enjoying a trivial and temporary relief4
 ,plutarch  relates of one ,apollodorus1
 that the memory of his crimes1 haunted 

him  in his sleep2 for he dreamed every 
night1 that after being quartered1  his 
members were dissolved in boiling water1
 and that while he suffered  this       
martyrdom1 his heart screamed out1 8,i  
am the cause and motive of  these       
torments40      ,,sect4 ,,ii4    ,,vi4  
,i acknowledge it to be true1 that all  
men are not so susceptible  of interior 
remorse1 and that1 as ,st4 ,paul        
expresses it1 there are  consciences so 
cauterized1 as to lose all sensation2   
and hearts1 which  by a long habit of   
sin are become petrified2        ,sic   
lthalis hyems paulatim in pectora venit4
    ,,vii4 ,o men1 of all the most      
unhappy6 ,this obdurateness of the      
breast1  is a schirrous of the soul1 for
 which1 by appealing to miracles only1  
you can hope relief4 ,such people are   
apt to amuse themselves with  the hope1 
that during this mortal life at least1  
they shall pass on  with mirth and      
enjoyment2 but how much are they        
deceived1 who feed  themselves with such

 hopes1 for these are the people who    
experience  the most toil4 ,this will   
appear by a survey of the three vices1  
within  whose boundaries1 almost every  
evil lays distributed1 to wit1 ambition1
  avarice1 and luxury4    ,,viii4 ,the  
ambitious man is the slave of all the   
world4 ,of the ,prince1  that he may    
bestow a place on him2 of his client1   
because he solicits  him2 and of other  
men1 for fear they should put obstacles 
in his way4  ,his soul and body are in  
continual agitation1 from an            
apprehension of  the consequences1 with 
which the loss of an instant of time may
 be  attended1 and he dreads all        
mankind1 lest some one by an accusation1
  may occasion all his solicitude to    
vanish in smoke4 ,how forced are his    
looks6 for he smiles on those1 to whom  
he bears a mortal enmity4 ,what  labour 
does it cost him1 to suppress those     
vicious inclinations1 that  might throw 
obstructions in the way of his manuvres6
 ,all the other  passions1 are the      

victims of the ruling one1 and the vice 
of ambition1  like a tyrant master1 adds
 to the torment that itself inflicts1 by
  the prohibition of all those pleasures
 which the inclination prompts  to4 ,he 
sees one go to a comedy1 another amuse  
himself with innocent  recreation1      
another go to a feast1 and another to a 
ball2 he sees them  all1 and envies them
 all2 for his passions1 though furious1 
may be  compared to the winds1 which are
 confined and shut up in the prisons of 
olus2        ,illi indignantes magno cum
 murmure montis      ,circum claustra   
fremunt4    ,,ix4 ,when he has obtained 
a place1 his cares do not lessen1 the   
object  only of his anxiety being       
changed1 and his attention is but       
translated  from the means of procuring 
his rise1 to the study of how he shall  
keep possession of what he has acquired4
 ,he finds himself placed on  a ladder1 
which he cannot ascend without much     
fatigue1 nor remain  where he is        
situated without uneasiness1 and where  

the dread of  falling headlong terrifies
 him from descending4 ,he finds the     
necessity  of holding a tight rein on   
his depraved appetites increased1 and   
is obliged to ride his vicious          
inclinations with a stronger curb4  ,he 
is solicited by avarice1 instigated by  
gluttony1 and burns with  incontinence2 
but still obeys1 although it is with    
reluctance1 that  passion which has the 
despotic rule of him4 ,he would wish to 
crush by  an unjust sentence1 the man   
who has offended him2 but fears lest the
  injured person should appeal to the   
king1 or a superior tribunal4 ,he  loves
 indolence2 but if he relaxes in his    
application1 all is lost4  ,he trembles 
at the thought of a change of           
administration1 as the idea  fills him  
with an apprehension of being left      
deserted in the street2  and never reads
 a news-paper1 without being terrified  
at seeing an  account of the death of   
his patron4 ,can a man lead a more      
miserable  life8    ,x4 ,it is a known  

thing1 that the covetous man is one of  
the devil's  martyrs2 or he may be      
compared to an ,anchorite1 who1 by his  
abstinence  and retirement1 acquires    
merits1 which may intitle him to a place
 in  hell4 ,his heart1 divided between  
the desires of keeping and acquiring1   
experiences a continual fever1 mixed    
with a mortal cold1 as he burns  for    
other people's property1 and trembles   
with the apprehension of  losing his    
own4 ,he is hungry1 but does not eat2 he
 is thirsty1 and  does not drink2 he is 
always needy1 and his mind knows no     
repose4  ,he is never free from alarms4 
,a rat does not move in the silence of  
the night1 without the noise filling him
 with apprehensions1 that a  thief is   
breaking into his house4 ,no strong wind
 can blow1 that in  his imagination1    
does not threaten the wreck of one of   
his trading  ships4 ,he is continually  
meditating new hiding-places for his    
treasure1  which he frequently visits1  
doubtful of finding the money in the    

hiding-place1 but always sure of finding
 his heart in the money4 ,he  views it  
with anxious concern1 and sometimes will
 not venture to touch  it1 lest it      
should crumble to ashes between his     
fingers4 ,thus1 fat in  possessions1 and
 a martyr to fears1 his days pass away1 
till1 as it  happened in the case of    
king ,agag1 the fatal hour of punishment
 arrives  7pinguissimus et tremens74    
,can a man's life be more unhappy8      
,,xi4 ,if he seeks relief from          
lasciviousness1 he will find1 that no   
vice  loads a man with so much          
uneasiness2 and provided the meanness of
 his  disposition1 or the depravity of  
his appetite1 determine him to pursue   
criminal pleasures1 in the instant are  
set before his eyes the injuries  it    
will be productive of1 to the three     
articles1 that are esteemed  the most   
valuable in this life1 honour1 wealth1  
and property4 ,he goes  from pitcher to 
pitcher1 to satisfy his thirst1 till    
meeting with  some infectious water1 he 

poisons his whole mass of blood1 by     
which  means1 his life is either        
endangered1 or he is obliged to purchase
 the  preservation of it at a dear rate1
 and although he recovers his health1   
he will suffer in his reputation through
 life4    ,,xii4 ,if1 from the ampleness
 of his fortune1 or the merit of his    
person1  his pursuits are directed to   
objects in a higher sphere1 he will     
avoid  part of the inconveniences before
 enumerated1 to incur greater1 which  is
 shunning ,scylla1 and running upon     
,charybdis4 ,adventures of this  kind1  
are full of alarms1 inquietudes1 and    
dangers4 ,what anxieties  await him     
pending the love-suit6 ,his eyes seek   
sleep1 but find it not2  for ,jacob1 who
 was an honourable lover1 experienced1  
and declared1 that  it was become a     
fugitive from his eyes4 ,his heart longs
 for repose1 but  does not obtain it4   
,in this manner he goes on1 conceiving  
unhappiness1  that he may bring forth   
misfortune4 ,he is constantly wavering  

in his  determination1 about what means 
he shall employ to accomplish his end2  
he approves all that occur to him1 and  
he rejects them all3 incert  tanta est  
discordia mentis4 ,he trembles to think 
of the possibility of  a repulse4 ,love 
drags him forward1 fear detains him4 ,he
 finds the whole  road of his courtship 
strewed with perils1 which upon his     
arrival at  the summit of his wishes1   
will be multiplied1 the hazardous       
instances  in such cases1 being many2   
but it seldom happens1 that the injury  
is  confined to a single person1 and it 
is next to a moral impossibility1  that 
a man should take so many steps without 
making a little noise1  by which means1 
suspicion will be awakened1 and watching
 in the end1  be rewarded with the      
discovery of truth2 and although the    
purpose is  accomplished1 a man who     
commits insults1 and does injuries1 is  
never  free from alarms4 ,what real     
pleasure is a man capable of feeling1   
who  cannot separate the gratification  

of his lewd desires1 from the hazard    
that attends them8 ,he cannot move a    
step in prosecution of the crime1  but  
the injured person1 presents himself to 
his imagination1 with a  dagger1 or a   
pistol in his hand2 and this danger is  
constantly pursuing  him1 whichever way 
he turns himself2 so that he is         
precisely in the  case of that man1 who 
is in continual dread of losing his     
life1 and  always sees it hang suspended
 by a single thread before his eyes1    
which is a state1 that ,god represents  
to his people as a terrible  curse3 ,et 
erit vita tua quasi pendens ante te4    
,timebis nocte1  die1   non credes vit  
tu4    ,,xiii4 ,but admitting there are 
circumstances where these apprehensions 
do not exist1 still it does not follow1 
that they are not attended with  very   
serious inquietudes4 ,suppose that after
 enjoyment1 a loathing  should ensue1   
which happens very frequently1 and which
 actually did  happen to ,amnon with    
,thamar4 ,you see in this case1 for the 

sake of a  delicious moment1 a          
disagreeable obligation intailed upon a 
man for  life4 ,if he resolves to break 
the noose1 he exposes himself to the    
rage of an abandoned woman1 who finding 
herself neglected1 runs mad1  either    
through love or hatred1 which are both  
equally dangerous4 ,if  his criminal    
affection continues1 the impatience of  
not enjoying his  beloved object with   
freedom1 over-balances the satisfaction1
 which is  afforded by a delight that he
 usurps by stealth4 ,in such a          
situation1  his bowels being gnawed by a
 furious envy is unavoidable4 ,but what 
if jealousies should steal in8 ,those   
who have experienced the rigour  of     
these furies well know1 how much they   
exceed the most exquisite  criminal     
enjoyments1 and that whole years of that
 false glory are not  equal to one day  
only of this hell4 ,reflect on what has 
been said1 and  then tell me1 whether   
you can figure to yourself a state more 
unhappy4  ,st4 ,austin1 who found       

himself so long entangled in the        
labyrinth of  the three before-mentioned
 vices1 is a good witness1 that the dish
  which they present to the appetite1 is
 filled with putrefaction4 ,hear  his   
words1 when he addresses himself to ,god
 in the sixth ,book of his              
,confessions3 ,inhiabam honoribus1      
lucris1 conjugio1  tu irridebas1        
patiebar in iis cupiditatibus           
amarissimas difficultates4      ,,sect4 
,,iii4    ,,xiv4 ,nor ought we to       
conclude1 that those few whose will with
 respect  to other men1 is the law1 and 
whose libertinism there is no rein  to  
check1 navigate the sea of vice without 
inquietude1 for they  also experience   
the waters of that sea to be extremely  
bitter4 ,i  mean sovereign princes4     
,nero was lord of the earth1 that is to 
say1  master of the whole ,roman empire4
 ,he gave the most latitudinary loose   
imaginable to all his perverse          
inclinations1 and those inclinations    
were irrefragable decrees4 ,the weight  

of government1 sat very light  on him1  
and far from supporting the state on his
 shoulders1 which by  way of example1   
had been done by the best princes1 he   
trod it under  foot4 ,all the world     
obeyed the sceptre1 and the sceptre was 
the slave  of appetite4 ,he possessed   
whomsoever he liked1 and put to death   
whomsoever he hated4 ,love in the       
,emperor's hands1 held its attainment   
and completion1 and in the hands of his 
instruments1 hatred held the  knife4    
,passion could not carry a man to a more
 horrible pitch of  extravagance1 than  
he manifested1 when he set fire to ,rome
 to indulge  his cruelty1 and also to   
gratify his base appetites1 which were  
evident  by the indignities he offered  
to his own sex4 ,all this1 to the       
disgrace  of human nature1 was executed 
by that monster in iniquity4    ,,xv4   
,who would believe1 that this prince1   
who held the world in slavery  to his   
arbitrary will1 did not lead a joyous   
life8 but according to  ,tacitus1 so far

 from enjoying this happiness1 he was   
always possessed  with terrors3         
,facinorum recordatione nunquam timore  
vacuus4 ,and  ,suetonius adds1 that     
unable to sleep of nights1 he used to   
run about  the salons of his palace1    
tumbling heels over head like a man out 
of  his senses4    ,,xvi4 ,tiberius was 
equal to ,nero in power1 and very little
 inferior  to him in wickedness2 but    
with all his power1 he led so uneasy and
  disturbed a life1 that in order a     
little to relieve his heart from  the   
oppression of its anxieties1 he could   
not avoid bursting forth in  groans and 
words1 that were expressive of his grief
 and uneasiness4  ,so says ,tacitus3    
,tiberium non fortuna1 non solitudines  
protegebant1  quin tormenta pectoris1   
suasque ipse pnas fateretur2 and a      
little  before1 he relates a mournful   
exclamation of the ,emperor's1 in a     
letter  he wrote to the ,senate1 where  
he says1 my own crimes have transformed 
themselves into executioners1 in order  

to torment me2 adeo facinora  atque     
flagitia ipsi quoque in supplicium      
verterant4    ,,xvii4 ,these anxieties  
of bad princes1 are for the most part1  
occasioned  by their seeing themselves  
universally abhorred1 in consequence of 
which1 they live in continual dread of  
conspiracies4 ,they reflect1  that out  
of so many people who hate them1 some   
will be found1 with  sufficient         
resolution to execute1 what had been    
previously concerted2  so that amidst   
all their pleasures1 they cannot feel   
more enjoyment1  than is felt by a      
culprit1 at the sound of soft music1    
while he is  waiting to hear the fatal  
sentence4 ,dionysius the tyrant of      
,syracuse1  in order to undeceive a     
person who envied his happiness1 made   
use of  the following expressive device4
 ,he invited the man to a banquet1 and  
seated him immediately under the point  
of a sword1 that hung suspended  by a   
fine thread1 very near to1 and just     
ready to pierce his neck1  and then     

informed him1 that was precisely the    
situation1 in which his  fortune had    
placed him4    ,,xviii4 ,over and above 
this anguish1 which is common to all    
tyrants1  there is no legitimate prince1
 however happy he may seem1 without  his
 serious and weighty inquietudes4       
,alexander cloathed with glory1         
afflicts himself1 because ,homer does   
not live to celebrate his actions4      
,augustus1 who had always been the      
favourite of fortune1 because she  once 
slighted him in the case of the legions 
in ,germany1 passed much  of his time1  
both night and day1 in ravings and      
exclamations1 as if he  had been mad4   
,caligula1 fancies he shall insure his  
safety1 by spilling  great quantities of
 blood1 but is grieved when he reflects1
 that all  the heads in ,rome are not   
placed on one neck1 and that he cannot  
strike  them off at a blow4 ,the        
ambitious prince groans1 because he     
cannot make  himself master of the whole
 world2 the covetous one1 because he    

cannot  accumulate in his own treasury1 
the riches of other kingdoms2 the       
vindictive one1 because he cannot       
destroy a neighbouring prince who has   
offended him2 the lascivious one1       
because his imagination represents to   
him some foreign object1 exempt from the
 power of his will4 ,thus bitter        
afflictions1 are annexed to exalted     
stations4      ,,sect4 ,,iv4    ,,xix4  
,so certain and so general is the       
sentence1 which wisdom puts in  the     
mouths of all wicked men1 when they     
arrive at the region where  the delusion
 ceases3 ,lassati sumus in via          
iniquitatis  perditionis1   ambulavimus 
vias difficiles4 ,oh6 how have we       
fatigued ourselves  in the way of       
perdition6 our relaxation was weariness1
 our pleasures  anguish2 unhappy we1 who
 have run the course of life1 not       
through  delicious gardens1 or pleasant 
forests1 but through thorns and briars1 
and intricate paths6 ,this is the       
language of all the damned3 ,talia      

dixerunt in inferno hi1 qui peccaverunt4
 ,of all8 yes1 they all say so1  and    
they speak the truth4 ,all sinners have 
their little hell in this  world4 ,they 
all travel through asperities1 to arrive
 at the precipice4  ,they all drink the 
dregs of that cup1 which according to   
,david's  description our ,lord holds in
 his hand3 ,calix in manu domini vini   
meri plenus mixto3  inclinavit ex hoc in
 hoc1 verumtamen fx ejus non  est       
exinanita1 bibent omnes peccatores terr4
 ,and it must be so1 for  according to  
the sense and meaning of the text1 the  
pure wine is for  the saints of the     
land1 where the enjoyment is pure3 the  
mixed1 is for  the just of that country1
 where tribulation is mixed with        
happiness1 so  that even in this life1  
there remains for sinners1 only the     
bitter and  gross dregs2 and these they 
all drink4 ,all1 yes all1 without       
excepting  even those1 on whom the good 
things of this world seem to be heaped  
up4    ,,xx4 ,for the more clear        

understanding this matter1 and to       
enforce the  argument we are using1 it  
will be necessary to premise1 that in   
this  life1 there is a heavy and mortal 
affliction1 which is common to all  men2
 but with respect to sinners1 it is     
peculiarly and most severely  felt by   
those who seem the most happy4 ,this    
affliction1 consists in  the reflection1
 that we must one day die4 ,there is no 
doubt1 but every  living creature feels 
horror1 upon arriving at that fatal     
pass1 and  is naturally sad1 whenever it
 occurs to him1 that he must unavoidably
  go through it2 but he will be more    
affected beyond comparison1 who  after  
having culled all the regales of        
fortune1 has placed his whole  happiness
 in the enjoyment of them4 ,let us      
contemplate a man1 rich1  powerful1     
respected1 and obeyed1 and to whom      
nothing is wanting1 either  for         
convenience or pleasure1 and to whom1   
let his appetites be ever  so vague1    
fortune has denied nothing that may     

enable him to gratify  them4 ,such a    
man1 whenever he thinks that he must    
die1 which is a  thought that will      
sometimes occur to him1 without his     
being able to  prevent it1 cannot fail  
to be exceedingly afflicted4 ,the       
thought of  death1 to whoever does not  
employ it for the amendment of his life1
  becomes a torturer4 ,let us admit1    
that he is a determined ,atheist1  so   
blinded1 as not to entertain the least  
idea of the immortality of  the soul1   
and consequently1 has not the least     
apprehension of what  will befall him in
 the world to come2 yet he will at least
 consider  death1 as a merciless1 and a 
savage tyrant1 who will despoil him of  
all that is most dear to him2 of the    
property which he possesses1 of  the    
banquet he regales himself at1 of the   
chace which diverts him1 of  the music  
which delights him1 and of the concubine
 whom he adores2 all  which will be lost
 at a stroke1 never to be recovered any 
more4 ,the  greater the pleasures are   

which he enjoys1 the more miserable this
  consideration will make him4 ,the     
unhappy man1 who is the outcast of      
fortune1 and even he who is placed in a 
middle station of life1 feels  the light
 consolation1 that death will relieve   
him from many vexations2  but what      
comfort can he receive1 whom it will    
only rob of enjoyments8  ,death strikes 
terror into all men1 but to such a one1 
it is terrible in  extreme4 ,every man  
is intensely fond of his own particular 
happiness1  and in proportion to the    
ardour with which he loves it1 will be  
his  grief at losing it4 ,such a man1   
when he thinks himself arrived at the   
summit of felicity1 and knows no other  
than that which he possesses1  with what
 anguish must he reflect1 that the      
whole1 without the least  reserve1 will 
be one day lost6    ,,xxi4 ,this        
inevitable melancholy1 as they advance  
in years1 is much  augmented in all the 
favourites of fortune4 ,life1 after a   
man is  arrived at his prime1 may be    

from thenceforward1 truly and properly1 
compared to a chronic disease1 which    
proceeds leading a man to death  by slow
 paces2 or to speak more properly1 it is
 death implanted in  our nature4 ,upon  
arriving at the period we have just     
mentioned1 that  is1 the prime of life1 
the powerful man1 from thenceforward1 in
 the  strength which he continues to    
lose1 and in the diseases he proceeds   
to gain1 finds constant information1    
that by little and little1 the  cottage 
of life goes on crushing and crumbling  
to nothing1 by the  weight of the temple
 of fortune4 ,at this stage1 he revolves
 in his  mind1 one by one1 all the      
pleasures he enjoys1 and all the objects
 of  his love1 and each thought tears   
from his heart a sigh1 especially when  
he reflects1 that the time approaches1  
when he must bid them all a  melancholy 
farewell4 ,he proceeds to cast another  
glance at death1 and  almost in the     
words of the unhappy ,king ,david       
oppressed with grief1  exclaims against 

her in a sentimental complaint1 not so  
much for having  cut the thread of his  
life1 as for having separated him by an 
eternal  absence from all he esteemed   
and adored4 ,siccine separat amara mors4
  ,o sinners6 whom the world call happy1
 is this living8 ,but let the  world be 
undeceived2 for ye are the people1 who  
burden yourselves with  whatever is most
 heavy1 and hard to be borne1 that is   
contained in the  stores of mortality2  
all your relaxation is fatigue1 all your
 pleasure  is anxiety1 all your nectar  
is poison4    ,,xxii4 ,for your comfort 
and advantage1 although you cannot be a 
stranger  to it1 listen at present1 to  
that sweet and sonorous voice1 which1 by
  the divine organ1 was conveyed and    
dispersed over the whole face of  the   
earth4 ,attend1 for to you it is        
addressed2 hear and profit by it3       
,venite ad me omnes1 qui laboratis1     
onerati estis1  ego reficiam  vos4 ,come
 unto me1 all ye who labour1 and are    
heavy laden with cares1  for ,i will    

lighten your burdens1 and give you      
relaxation and ease4  ,these words1 it  
is certain1 are designed to reclaim     
sinners1 and are  addressed as a call to
 those who are distant from ,christ4    
,these then  are they1 who lead a       
wearisome life4 ,christ invites them to 
come nearer  him1 that is1 to embrace   
virtue2 the virtuous then are those1 who
 enjoy  relaxation and ease4 ,thus1 you 
see1 both the points ,i am attempting to
  prove are supported by evangelical    
authority4      ,,sect4 ,v4    ,but     
having demonstrated the first point by  
natural reason and  experience1 ,i will 
proceed to do the same by the second4   
,and first of  all1 ,i ought to         
acknowledge1 that the beginnings of a   
virtuous life1  are toilsome3 ,ardua    
prima via est2 and more especially to   
those who  have been a long time under  
the dominion of their passions4 ,vicious
  habits1 are enemies1 which in their   
first attacks1 wage cruel war1  but     
their force declines daily1 and         

sometimes1 by a miracle of grace1  they 
are laid prostrate at the first onset4  
,the flight of a vicious  man from sin1 
is in all respects1 like the escape of  
the ,hebrews from  the land of ,egypt4  
,how dejected were they1 when1 with the 
,red ,sea in  their front1 they saw the 
,egyptian army at their backs6 ,how     
haughty  were the ,egyptians6 how       
desponding were the ,hebrews6 ,they are 
just on  the point of treating to       
surrender1 when ,moses1 exalting his    
voice1  said to the people1 8,now1      
,israel1 advance boldly into the gulph1 
for  the ,lord hath undertaken to defend
 you40 ,they obey1 and upon setting     
their feet in the water1 the ,sea       
divided4 ,the troops of ,pharaoh pursue 
them in crouds4 ,what pride possessed   
the ,egyptians6 what fear the  ,hebrews6
 ,however1 the last proceed with        
trembling pace1 till they reach  the    
opposite shore2 upon arriving there1    
they turn round1 and look at  whence    
they came from1 and they then perceive  

,pharaoh and all his host  are buried in
 the ,red ,sea4 ,their grief is         
converted to happiness1 and  their      
groans to songs of joy4    ,,xxiv4      
,exactly like this1 is the flight of a  
sinner from vice4 ,egypt  is the        
criminal station4 ,the enemies who      
pursue the fugitive sinner  are his     
vicious inclinations1 of which1 he was a
 long time the slave3  these are strong1
 he is feeble4 ,the first assault is    
furious4 ,moses  is the virtue which    
animates him4 ,the sinner at last1      
breaks through  a sea of difficulties1  
and although it requires more           
perseverance in  some to compleat the   
good work1 than in others1 he ultimately
 obtains  the satisfaction1 of seeing   
all his passions drowned4 ,he gains     
footing  on the opposite shore3 and what
 follows8 the same that happened to the 
,hebrews1 he bursts forth in songs of   
joy4 ,afterwards1 in pursuing his  road 
to the ,land of ,promise1 he is now and 
then upon the way1 assaulted  by        

enemies1 that is1 by some temptations2  
but they are overcome1 as  ,moses       
overcame the ,amalekites1 by lifting the
 hands to ,heaven1 under  which figure  
is implied the force and efficacy of    
prayer4 ,sometimes  he also meets with  
bitter waters1 that is to say           
tribulations1 but  a miraculous wood    
sweetens them2 for the cross1 or passion
 of our  ,saviour1 makes them palatable4
 ,from ,mara or ,marath1 a place whose  
name  is used to express bitterness1 on 
account of its nauseous waters1 he      
makes the transition to ,elim1 a        
situation1 which is both pleasant and   
delightsome4    ,,xxv4 ,thus it succeeds
 with the sinner1 who1 fugitive from    
vice1 puts  himself under the divine    
protection1 which never fails those who 
solicit it2 but to be uniform to what ,i
 proposed1 it will now be  necessary1 to
 consider virtue in its natural state1  
and abstracted from  the extraordinary  
aids1 with which it is assisted by      
grace4      ,,sect4 ,,vi4    ,,xxvi4    

,the superlative ,mount of ,virtue is   
formed the reverse of all  other        
mountains4 ,in the material mountains1  
the skirts are pleasant1  and the tops  
all asperity2 therefore1 in ascending   
them1 the pleasant  part diminishes1 and
 the dreary part augments4 ,on the      
contrary1  the skirts of the ,mount of  
,virtue are disgusting1 and the eminence
  grateful4 ,he who would arrive at it1 
must expect at first setting  out1 to   
meet with nothing but rocks1 thorns1 and
 thickets1 but as he  advances in his   
course1 the asperity diminishes1 and he 
begins to  discover the pleasant part2  
and at length1 on arriving at the top1  
he sees nothing but beautiful flowers1  
regaling plants1 and crystal  fountains4
    ,,xxvii4 ,the first passages1 are   
excessively laborious and slippery3 per 
insidias iter est1 formasque ferarum2 he
 is courted by the songs of  the syrens1
 from the sea of the world2 he is       
terrified in some parts  of the         
mountain1 by the roaring of lions4 ,he  

casts a wishful look on  the smooth     
surface of the valley1 and he           
contemplates with dread the  top of the 
mountain1 to which he aspires4 ,freed   
from the prison of  sin1 still1 in his  
passions he wears his fetters1 the      
weight of which1  together with the     
difficulty of the road1 render his      
progress slow and  toilsome4 ,he hears  
just behind him1 the soft murmurs of his
 criminal  pleasures1 which accost him  
as they did ,st4 ,austin1 and say1 is it
  possible that you can abandon us8     
,dimittis de nos3 is it possible  you   
can take your leave and absent yourself 
from us for ever8 ,et a  momento isto   
non erimus tecum ultra in ternum4 ,he   
however proceeds  on1 though a little   
dejected1 and now and then meets a rub  
in the way1  which causes him to        
stumble2 but now he begins to find the  
path less  difficult1 and the clamours  
of earthly delights make less impression
  on him1 because he hears them at a    
greater distance4 ,just so ,st4  ,austin

 experienced it3 ,et audiebam eas jam   
long minus quam dimidias1  veluti a     
dorso musitantes4 ,having gone a little 
further1 he begins  to discover the road
 plain and smooth1 and although now and 
then the  force of his antient habits   
causes him to think of the pleasures he 
has  enjoyed1 and the difficulty of     
forsaking them1 the stroke is so feeble1
  that it makes no impression3 ,cum     
diceret mihi consuetudo violenta1       
putasne sine istis poteris8 sed jam     
tepidissim hoc dicebat4    ,,xxviii4 ,he
 arrives at last1 at the superior part  
of the mountain1  where he beholds a    
beautiful1 and an agreeable plain4 ,the 
sweat and  tears with which he watered  
the skirts1 he finds have fertilized the
  summit2 for here he obtains an        
abundant harvest1 far exceeding what  is
 produced from cultivation and prolix   
labour4 ,this is hid from the  eyes of  
the world1 who1 instead of considering  
him as enjoying a happy  retirement at  
the top of the mountain1 conclude1 he is

 placed in an  almost inaccessible and  
arduous station4 ,they think he cannot  
enjoy an  instant of repose1 imagining  
the situation he inhabits1 to be a      
field1  where the elements engage with  
the utmost fury1 and where the tempests 
rage with the greatest force and rigour4
 ,but it fares with him1 as with  one   
who scales the height of ,olympus1 who  
afterwards enjoys a climate  of         
uninterrupted serenity1 where the air is
 not disturbed with the  most slight    
agitation1 and where the tranquillity is
 so transcendent1  that characters      
written in ashes exposed to the open air
 will continue  legible for years       
together4 ,there you always look down   
upon the clouds1  and the fulminations  
burst on the skirts1 without ever       
incommoding the  eminence4 ,at the same 
time1 those who dwell in the            
neighbouring vales1  conclude1 if       
information or experience has not       
undeceived them1 that it  is ever       
obscured by gatherings1 and continually 

scorched by the rays of  lightning4     
,,xxix4 ,just so the difficulties of    
life1 and the storms of fortune1 fall   
on those who inhabit the humble vallies 
of the world1 but not upon him  who has 
ascended the ,mount of ,god2 the fat    
mountain1 as ,david calls  it4 ,but with
 all this1 sickness1 grief1 loss of     
goods1 persecution1  ignominy1 and other
 calamities1 are they not common to the 
just1 and  to the unjust8 and are they  
not in some degree acquired by the      
first1  by silence1 retirement1         
watching1 prayer1 discipline1 fasting1  
and  other penalties8 ,it is all true1  
but these are clouds that are seen at  a
 distance1 and only appear on the sides 
of ,olympus1 but never rise to  the top2
 that is1 they never attain the power of
 inquieting the sublime  part of the    
soul4    ,,xxx4 ,i do not mean to       
insinuate1 that just men are insensible1
 for this  would savour of the          
extravagance of the ,stoics1 who        
pretend1 that in  the workshops of      

virtue you may transform men to marble4 
,the virtuous  have their sufferings1   
but they don't sit so heavy on them1 as 
they  do on the delinquents1 and the    
inquietudes which they both experience  
are felt by the delinquents in their    
full vigour2 by the virtuous only       
partially4 ,you may distinguish the     
spirit of the just man and the  sinner1 
as you would the elements of air and    
earth4 ,the earth in all  its regions1  
is exposed to the injuries of the other 
elements4 ,the  inferior portion of the 
air only is so exposed2 which is the    
theatre  of vapours and exhalations2 but
 the sensible alterations1 do not reach 
what is called the superior region of   
the air4 ,there the temperature  is     
observed to be always equal1 there the  
,heavens are displayed in  a constant   
serenity1 and there is always enjoyed an
 atmosphere1  crystalline and pure4     
,,sect4 ,,vii4    ,,xxxi4 ,but let us   
scrutinize with the greatest exactness1 
the temporal  conveniences of virtue4   

,health1 honour1 and property1 which    
essentially  contribute to temporal     
felicity1 are of great importance in    
this  matter1 if the whole of it does   
not consist in the enjoyment of  them2  
and considered with respect to these    
contingents1 the virtuous  man has much 
the advantage of the vicious one4 ,no   
one is ignorant1  that honour is the    
legitimate offspring of virtue2 for     
which reason  the ,romans1 when they    
built them1 joined the temples together1
 that  were appropriated to the         
adoration of those endowments1 which    
they  worshipped as deities2 so that the
 only way by which you could enter  the 
,temple of ,honour1 was through the     
,temple of ,virtue4 ,the very  people   
who shun the practice of virtue1 esteem 
and reverence it2 and  the blessings of 
health and long life1 on account of the 
regularity  with which he lives1 are    
more likely to be attained by the       
virtuous  man1 than by the vicious one1 
who1 by his debaucheries1 ruins his     

health1 and curtails his existence4     
,property finds a good steward in  the  
conomy of virtue1 who takes care of and 
preserves it1 by avoiding               
superfluities4 ,solomon expressed the   
whole1 when he said1 that the  obedient 
to the divine mandates held long life in
 one hand1 and in  the other honour and 
property3 ,longitudo dierum in dextra   
ejus2  in  sinistra illius1 diviti      
gloria4 7,prov4 #c47 ,now1 even         
supposing the  just man to enjoy no     
other advantages over the vicious one1  
is not his  condition much to be        
preferred8    ,,xxxii4 ,but it has      
others4 ,the tranquillity1 and          
sweetness1 which is  administered to the
 soul by a good conscience1 places in a 
very eminent  degree1 the fortune of the
 just1 superior to that of the sinner4  
,this  is a blessing of little bulk1 but
 of great value3 a precious stone1      
which1 within small dimensions1 contains
 great and rich qualities4 ,the         
conscience is the mirror of the soul1   

and it happens to the just man1  and to 
the sinner1 when they look in the glass1
 as it happens to the  handsome1 and the
 ugly woman1 when they view themselves  
in the crystal2  the handsome is        
pleased1 because she sees perfections1  
the other is  sad1 because she observes 
nothing but blemishes4 ,the condition of
  the sinner is even worse than that of 
the ugly woman1 for she1 if she         
pleases1 may run from the glass1 but the
 sinner cannot do this2 for  although he
 should not present himself before the  
mirror1 the mirror  will present itself 
before him1 and the understanding cannot
 shut its  eyes1 when the memory        
presents to it the images of a man's    
evil deeds4  ,in that state1 the sinner 
is filled with horror instead of        
delight1 for  his desire forsakes him1  
and the blemish remains by itself4 ,in  
addition  to this1 the sinner at such a 
conjuncture1 is made unhappy by the     
reflection1 that his infamies may be    
laid open to the world2 at this         

thought1 the inevitable torture of      
shame1 and the punishment of the  law1  
terrify him by turns4 ,the just man1 on 
the contrary1 has nothing  to fear4 ,if 
he hides his actions from the world1 it 
is not from the  dread of their being   
observed1 but to avoid the hazard of    
their being  applauded4 ,he contemplates
 them alone1 and if he is so happy as to
  find that they are all good1 he       
receives that pure pleasure1 which the  
sacred ,chronologer1 even in ,god       
himself1 paints as an accidental glory3 
,vidit ,deus cuncta qu fecerat1  erant  
vald bona4    ,,xxxiii4 ,the difference 
between the just and the unjust man1 is 
not  less1 when fortune in disgust sheds
 its reverses1 or heaven is severe  by  
visiting him with tribulations4 ,the    
sinner loses his property1 his  beloved 
woman dies1 he receives an injury from  
somebody1 which it is  out of his power 
to revenge4 ,what relief does he find8  
,none3 he raves1  he storms1 he burns2  
he neither eats1 drinks1 nor rests2 his 

symptoms  are worse than the disease1   
and sometimes so violent1 as to oblige  
him  to take to his bed1 and deprive him
 of life2 and his passions often  rise  
to such a degree of ferocity1 as to     
excite him to lay violent  hands on     
himself4 ,on the contrary1 the first    
thing the just man does1  under similar 
circumstances1 is to lift his eyes to   
,heaven2 and whether  he considers the  
tribulation as a just punishment for    
some crime he has  been guilty of1 or as
 a visitation for the exercise of his   
patience1  he trusts1 it will all turn  
out for his benefit2 he knows the stroke
  comes from a friendly hand1 and he    
knows also1 that for his own good  he is
 wounded2 he not only is reconciled1 but
 kisses the rod4 ,thus  you see1 by an  
admirable metamorphose1 his heaviness is
 converted to  satisfaction2 and that   
what is poison to a wicked man1 becomes 
balsam  to a just one3 for1             
,diligentibus ,deum omnia co-operantur  
in bonum4    ,,xxxiv4 ,who1 upon a view 

of what we have enumerated and urged on 
this  head1 will not be convinced1 that 
even in this life1 the lot of the  just 
man is incomparably better than that of 
the vicious one2 that  tranquillity and 
temporal convenience1 are only to be met
 with in  the paths of virtue1 and that 
the field of vice1 under the delusive   
appearance of flowers1 produces nothing 
but thorns8    ,,xxxv4 ,there now       
remains but one argument for me to      
solve1 and that is  taken from the words
 of ,christ in ,st4 ,matthew1 where our 
great ,master  assures us1 the road is  
broad1 that is1 easy1 which leads to    
perdition2  and that the path is narrow1
 that is1 toilsome1 which leads to life 
immortal4    ,,xxxvi4 ,i say then1 that 
before we proceed further1 it will be   
proper  to reconcile this text with the 
one before quoted1 where our ,saviour   
invites sinners to pursue the paths of  
virtue1 and propounds to them  relief   
and ease1 upon a supposition1 that they 
are crippled and borne  down by the     

weight of sin3 ,venite ad me1 omnes qui 
laboratis1 c4  and it is also necessary1
 to compound this with that sweet       
expression1  used in another place1 when
 he intimates to us1 that his yoke is   
easy1  and his burden light2 and we     
should likewise harmonize with it1 what 
,david teaches us also1 which is1 that  
the road of the divine precepts  is     
broad1 and that the precepts themselves 
are so likewise3 ,latum  mandatum tuum  
nimis4 ,in fine1 this text should be    
understood in a  sense1 that is not     
repugnant to reason1 or experience4     
,,xxxvii4 ,the solution is easy1 if we  
say1 that grace reconciles and  softens1
 that which is hard and difficult to    
nature2 and the same yoke1  which is    
heavy to be borne by mere natural       
powers1 is made light1  when the divine 
aid concurs and lends its assistance4   
,and this is the  manner1 in which the  
fathers commonly reconcile those texts4 
,,xxxviii4 ,it may also be said1 by way 
of answer1 that the ,redeemer  speaks   

only of the first passages or entrance  
into the one and the  other path1 so    
that the path of virtue1 at its         
entrance1 is toilsome  and laborious1   
but afterwards becomes easy2 on the     
contrary1 the path  of vice is easy at  
the beginning1 and toilsome at the end4 
,the context  gives reason for this     
construction1 for ,christ1 when he is   
exciting  men to pursue the paths of    
virtue1 describes all the difficulty as 
placed at the first passages3 ,intrare  
per angustam portam1 says ,st4          
,matthew1 which according to ,st4 ,luke1
 is1 ,contendite intrare per  angustam  
portam2 which amounts to the same thing1
 as if he had said1  in the entrance    
lies all the difficulty2 therefore take 
courage1 press  forward1 fight1         
contendite3 to conquer the obstruction1 
which you  find in the narrowness of the
 door4    ,,xxxix4 ,so it is1 that this 
door is exceeding strait1 and the newly 
converted is pressed by the power of its
 hinges1 that the ill habits  he has    

imbibed may be squeezed out1 and not    
only the skin is grazed by  the         
pressure1 but sometimes pieces of flesh 
also are torn off1 and left  in the     
entrance4 ,but the difficulty of this   
transit once conquered1 the  way by     
little and little grows wider1 till at  
last1 it is extended to a  delightsome  
and a spacious valley2        ,largior  
hic campos ther1  lumine vestit1        
,purpure1 solemque suum sua sidera      
morunt4    ,,xl4 ,the path of vice is   
very differently formed1 and may be     
compared to  a passage or cave1 which1  
according to the naturalists1 is        
fabricated  as a place of safe retreat  
by the ,rat of ,india4 ,this sagacious  
animal1 knowing the enmity the dragon   
bears him1 and knowing also the         
insufficiency of his own strength to    
resist him1 not only defends  himself1  
but conquers his enemy by the following 
stratagem4 ,he makes  two entrances to  
his cave1 the one small and proportioned
 to the bulk  of his own body1 the other

 wider at the surface1 but which he     
draws  narrower by degrees1 till towards
 the other end it is but just wide      
enough to admit of his passing through4 
,the use of this place is as  follows3  
,when the little animal finds himself   
pursued by that voracious  beast1 he    
flies to his cave1 which he enters at   
the wide mouth1 not  doubting but the   
dragon will follow him1 who eager for   
his prey1 the  large aperture being     
sufficiently wide to admit his whole    
body1 plunges  in1 but as it insensibly 
becomes narrower and narrower1 the      
dragon1  who presses violently on1 finds
 himself in the end so straitened1 as   
not to be able either to retreat1 or    
advance2 the rat1 as soon as he         
perceives this1 sallies out of the      
narrow passage1 and in the rear of  the 
dragon1 entering the wide one1 revenges 
himself upon him much at  his leisure1  
converting him into a regale for his    
appetite1 and food  for his resentment4 
,,xli4 ,the stratagem of this little    

animal exactly resembles that which  the
 devil practises upon men4 ,he displays 
to him the road of vice1 very  broad and
 commodious at the entrance2 the unhappy
 man1 lured by this  appearance1 enters 
without suspicion1 and in the           
consequence becomes  a prey to his      
criminal pleasures4 ,the road1 by little
 and little1  grows narrower2 one care  
oppresses him on one side1 and another  
on the  other2 sickness and old age1    
which are very nearly allied together1  
come on2 his limbs begin to contract1   
and the use of them to forsake  him2    
fear1 solicitude1 grief and heaviness1  
press upon him more and  more every day1
 till he is put in such a strait1 that  
even the soul  with its spiritual nature
 is unable to ruminate or reflect on3 by
 this  progression1 the sinner1 in the  
end1 arrives at the summit of anguish1  
and at that unhappy station1 from whence
 it is impossible to recede1  ubi nulla 
est redemptio1 and where he will be     
eternally food for that  ravenous       

serpent1 whose voracity and thirst of   
blood is never satiated3  ,mors depascet
 eos2 which ,cardinal ,hugo expounds1   
,diabolus depascet  eos4    ,,xlii4     
,this remarkable difference and         
opposition between virtue and  vice1 was
 not hid from the antients1 for the     
light of natural reason  was sufficient 
to acquire this knowledge2 and ,virgil  
has painted  beautifully1 the           
distinction between the one and the     
other path1 in the  following verses3   
,nam via virtutis dextrum petit ardua   
collem      ,difficilemque aditum primum
 spectantibus offert1      ,sed requiem 
prbet fessis in vertice summo4          
,molle ostentat iter via lata2 sed      
ultima meta      ,prcipitat captos1     
volvitque per ardua saxa4               
,exalted and ,humble ,,fortune4         
,those were blind themselves1 who       
feigned ,fortune to be blind2 and  they 
were unjust1 who accused her of         
partiality4 ,this error is  corrected by
 religion1 when it teaches us1 that what

 is meant by the  word ,fortune1 is     
nothing else but the ,divine            
,providence1 which is  all eyes1 and    
proceeds in every thing from the justest
 motives4 ,but  although the error is   
corrected in the essential1 the         
deception is not  so effectually        
dispelled1 but there is still left      
remaining1 a faint  appearance of the   
principle4 ,the complainers of fortune1 
compute the  inequality of men's lots1  
according to the greater or less parade 
and  figure which they make among their 
fellow creatures2 and seeing that in  a 
great measure1 this inequality is not   
proportioned to men's merits1  the      
wicked attribute it to the chimerical   
force of accident1 the  idolators to the
 caprice of a blind deity1 and the true 
believers to  the disposing will of a   
,supreme ,providence4    ,,ii4 ,these   
last conclude well1 but they suppose    
ill1 for thus it is2 the  circling wheel
 of ,fortune1 and all its movements1 are
 directed by a  divine hand2 and the    

raising up some1 and casting down       
others1 is so  ordered and regulated1   
with the most wise design4 ,it is also  
certain  7and this reflection is of     
infinite importance7 that with respect  
to  many1 we see but one half of the    
wheel's turning1 the remainder of its   
circuit being reserved for completion in
 the other world4 ,we observe1  that    
,fortune raises some1 and never lowers  
them1 and that it casts down  others1   
without ever raising them4 ,what is     
this8 ,nothing more1 than  that         
,providence in this mortal life1 gives  
the wheel but half a turn2  the round is
 concluded in the other hemisphere2 so  
that those who rise  here1 go down      
there1 and those who descend here1 are  
there mounted up4  ,this is the most    
ordinary course1 although there is no   
rule without an  exception4      ,,sect4
 ,,ii4    ,,iii4 ,but supposing what ,i 
have just premised is admitted1         
notwithstanding all the solutions and   
precautions we can advert to1 a  serious

 and pernicious deceit continues to     
impose on1 and in some sort1  govern the
 world1 which is derived1 as ,i have    
already observed1 from  those who       
conclude well1 but suppose badly4 ,in   
the distribution they  make of happy1   
and unhappy people1 they suppose an     
inequality1 which  in reality does not  
exist1 nor is it to be found in the     
fortunes of  men4 ,he who occupies posts
 of dignity1 he who inhabits a          
magnificent  palace1 he who possesses   
great riches1 and much more he whose    
temples  are adorned with a crown1 is   
reputed the happiest of men4 ,on the    
contrary1 he who beneath an humble roof1
 scarce known to the world1  who to     
subsist and enable him to live1 has no  
more than is absolutely  necessary1 is  
considered as unhappy4 ,at least1 the   
fortune of this  last1 is judged to be  
as much inferior to that of the other1  
as a  little fountain is to the whole   
stock of waters contained in the ,nile4 
,,iv4 ,very different was the sentiment 

of the oracle of ,delphi1 who1 when  he 
was asked by ,gyges ,king of ,lydia1 who
 was the happiest man in the  world8    
replied1 8,agalus ,psophidius1 the      
possessor of a little estate1  in a     
confined corner of ,arcadia1 is the most
 happy man who inhabits the  globe40    
,the ,king1 who expected to be told that
 himself was the happiest  man1 remained
 equally confounded and surprized4      
,v4 ,agathocles was a monster of        
,fortune2 from being the son of a poor  
potter of the ,city of ,regio1 he rose  
to be sovereign of ,sicily1 with  all   
which1 ,i believe1 that by comparing his
 fortune with that of  ,carcinus his    
father1 we shall find that the father   
was the more happy  man of the two4 ,it 
is certain1 he did not live in that     
continual  uneasiness1 which agitated   
the whole life of ,agathocles1 nor did  
he suffer any grief so intense1 or of so
 long duration1 as that of  ,agathocles1
 which was occasioned by the death of   
his sons1 who were  barbarously beheaded

 by his own soldiers4    ,,vi4 ,pliny1  
in his seventh ,book1 speaking of those 
,romans1 who1 in some  instances1 were  
the most remarkable favourites of       
,fortune1 such as the  dictator ,scylla1
 the two ,metellus's1 and ,octavius     
,augustus1 points  out at the same time1
 so many counterpoises to their good    
luck1 as to  leave it doubtful1 whether 
the scale of their adversity1 or of     
their  prosperity preponderated4        
,,vii4 ,the labour would be infinite1   
if1 by turning over history1  you was to
 instance all those1 to whom the hand of
 fortune1 has  alternately dealt the    
most cruel blows1 and administered the  
most  tender gratifications2 nor would  
such an enquiry be of any avail to  our 
purpose1 because every one will readily 
grant1 there is no asylum  in this      
world1 to protect us from the rigours of
 fate2 nor is there  any privilege      
annexed to high dignity1 which exempts  
it from the  jurisdiction of misfortune4
 ,the best method then is1 to weigh the 

one  and the other fortune1 the exalted 
and the humble1 and estimate them1      
according to what in their common and   
ordinary state1 they are found  to      
contain in themselves2 abstracted from  
any extraordinary accidents1  either    
favourable or adverse4      ,,sect4     
,,iii4    ,,viii4 ,i say then1 that     
humble fortune according to its         
intrinsic value1  if it does not exceed1
 is at least equal to the exalted4 ,in  
order to  give at once a clear and a    
solid proof of this fact1 which may seem
  a mystery1 it should be understood as 
a certain truth1 that riches  do not    
constitute happiness in men1 in         
proportion to their material  magnitude1
 but in proportion to what is enjoyed of
 them1 either with  respect to          
convenience1 or the pleasure they       
occasion4 ,what is a rich  man the      
better1 for having his table covered    
with a variety of delicate  eatables1 if
 he has lost his appetite8 with all his 
dainties1 he  cannot be said to regale  

himself2 and it fares much better in    
point of  gratification with a poor man1
 who eats of a coarse dish1 if his      
palate  embraces it with earnestness4   
,,ix4 ,the comparison of relish with    
respect to food1 may be applied to  all 
our other senses and faculties with     
respect to their objects2  for let these
 be gratified and delighted to whatever 
degree you can  suppose1 the pleasure   
produced in every individual1 will tally
 with the  disposition of the organ2 and
 therefore1 the greater or lesser degree
  of felicity of the subject1 in the use
 of those objects1 should be  measured1 
not by the entative magnitude which is  
contained in them1 but  by the delight  
they afford4 ,this being the case1 you  
will find1 that  vast riches do not     
furnish to an opulent man greater       
enjoyments1 nor  turn aside from him    
more vexations1 than is afforded to1 and
 diverted  from a poor man with his     
scanty means2 and you will conclude1    
those are  not more happy than these1   

and that consequently the fortunes of   
both  are equal4    ,x4 ,but how are we 
to know the hearts1 and what passes in  
the breasts  of persons in the one and  
the other state8 ,nothing is more easy4 
,nero  erected a temple to ,fortune1    
which he built with transparent stones1 
found in his days in ,capadocia2 so that
 from the outside1 although  the doors  
were shut1 you could see all that passed
 within the temple4  ,and nature has so 
made mankind1 that from without1 you may
 discern  their good or bad interior    
situation1 their looks for this purpose 
supplying the use of transparent stones1
 and their lips expressing  their       
pleasures and vexations4 ,observe1 says 
,seneca1 7,epist4 #hj47  through the    
crystal of their countenances1 the      
recesses of the bosoms  of the rich and 
the poor3 compara inter se pauperum     
divitum vultus1  and you will most      
frequently find the last more chearful  
than the  first3 spius pauper1  fidelius
 ridet4 ,in this instance1 he gives  the

 preference to the condition of the     
poor2 in other respects1 he  supposes   
the benefits of both stations to be     
equal3 observe1 says  he1 the greatest  
part of the poor people1 and you will   
find1 that  they are in no respect more 
sad or oppressed than the rich3 primum  
aspice quanto major pars sit pauperum1  
quos nihilo notabis tristiores1         
solicitioresque divitibus4 7,in         
consolat4 ad ,helviam47    ,,xi4 ,saint 
,austin found great benefit1 from a     
reflection he made1 upon  seeing a      
,mendicant ,friar go through a village  
in the state of ,milan1 to  all         
appearance quite chearful and happy4 ,he
 compared his own fortune  with that of 
the poor man1 and found1 that he was    
joyous1 and himself  oppressed2 that he 
was free from apprehensions1 and himself
 full of  terrors3 ,et cert ille        
ltabatur1 ego anxius eram2 securus ille1
 ego  trepidus2 and from thence he      
concluded1 the fortune of that          
,mendicant  was much better than his    

own3 ,nimirum quippe ille felicior erat4
  7,confess4 lib4 #f4 cap4 #f47         
,,xii4 ,this is viewing things according
 to what they are in their own  nature4 
,to estimate the felicity of any man1   
you should not consider  the goods he   
possesses1 but the enjoyment he receives
 from the  possession of them4 ,although
 the rich man always sits down to a     
splendid banquet1 a poor man regales    
himself better than him1 if1 as  is most
 commonly the case1 he knows better what
 he eats4 ,no man will  say1 that the   
existence of riches without their use is
 of any value4 ,it  is necessary1 in    
order to relish their sweets1 that you  
should expend  them4 ,they are a good of
 such a nature1 that they can only be   
enjoyed  when you part with them4 ,he   
who keeps his gold in a chest may       
receive  some satisfaction in           
contemplating1 that he has it at his    
command1  but that is much inferior to  
the inevitable chagrin1 which attends   
his continual care and anxiety4 ,horace 

sung wisely1 who held1 that  convenience
 consisted more in the want1 than in the
 possession of such  goods1 as their    
concern for the preservation of kept    
people in constant  alarms and terrors  
night and day1 for fear a thief should  
break in and  steal them1 an unfaithful 
servant purloin them1 or a fire consume 
them4        ,an vigilare metu exanimem1
 noctesque diesque      ,formidare malos
 fures1 incendia1 servos      ,ne te    
compilent fugientes1 hoc juvat8 ,horum  
,semper ego optarim pauperimus esse     
bonorum4        ,lib4 #a4 ,sat4 #a4     
,,xiii4 ,quicksilver occasions continual
 tremors to him who works it in  the    
mines2 gold and silver1 to him who keeps
 and turns them over in a  chest4 ,there
 is no doubt1 but the pleasure of       
finding himself rich  is greatest in a  
covetous man1 but his care and anxiety  
are excessive  in proportion to it4     
,besides this1 he is not so much        
gratified by the  goods he enjoys1 as he
 is made uneasy by the desire of        

possessing those  he is not master of4  
,there is always in his heart an immense
 vacuum1 as  obnoxious to his avarice1  
as a vacuum in all bodies is to nature1 
and  his thirst is of the dropsical     
kind1 so that the more he drinks1 the   
more he craves4    ,,xiv4 ,upon a       
supposition then1 that instead of       
convenience1 there is  evil and vexation
 in the mere possession of riches1 let  
us proceed  to take a view of the       
benefits that may result from their use4
 ,and  first1 riches to a very large    
amount1 are exceedingly superfluous for 
furnishing the accommodations of life4  
,if a man1 possessed of a few  thousands
 of crowns1 can find sufficient to      
purchase all that can be  reasonably    
desired1 of what use are millions8 ,to  
what purpose should he  who finds water 
sufficient for all his occasions in a   
little fountain1  bring a river into his
 house8 ,he would acquire nothing by    
such an  act1 but the hatred and        
indignation of those1 who see1 that     

without  utility to himself1 a man      
monopolizes a stock of water1 sufficient
 to  accommodate a whole town2 by doing 
which1 he exposes himself to the        
malicious designs that a wicked and     
perverse person may form to take  away  
his life1 in hopes that by perpetrating 
the fatal deed1 he might  become master 
of his property2 and it is certain1 that
 many persons  from such a motive only1 
have fallen victims to the knife or to  
poison2  so that an excess of doubloons 
to the owner1 are rather things of      
weight1 than things of worth4 ,i mean1  
that instead of a convenience1  they are
 dangerous1 and an evil of life4        
,,xv4 ,but though they are not necessary
 to furnish the reasonable              
accommodations of life1 they may be     
serviceable to purchase the  pleasures  
of it4 ,upon this head much may be said4
 ,the natural desires  of the greatest  
part of mankind1 are fixed upon such    
objects1 that with  a moderate income1  
they are able to satisfy all their real 

wants4 ,meat  and drink that might be   
stiled regaling1 the diversion of       
hunting1 and  frequent amusement at     
play1 may be all attained with a        
moderate portion  of thousands4 ,of what
 advantage are immense riches to him1   
whose whole  delight is centered in the 
cup and the dish1 if he cannot eat or   
drink more than the proportion of a     
single man2 and if1 urged by his        
gluttony1 he strives to cram down as    
much as would serve two1 he would  soon 
destroy his health1 and not be able to  
eat a sufficient quantity  to satisfy   
half a man4 ,a person spending his      
substance1 in diversions  that are not  
suited to his genius or inclination1 is 
throwing it away  intirely4 ,the        
sweetness or soothing of music1 is      
allowed to be the  greatest enchantment 
existing in the world1 but what charms  
has it  to him who wants an ear1 or     
cannot relish it8 ,the vassals of       
,antus1  an ancient ,king of ,scythia1  
having taken ,ysmenias1 the famous      

,theban  musician1 a prisoner in war1   
presented him to their master as a prize
  of great value4 ,anteus after hearing 
him awhile1 declared1 that the  neighing
 of his horse sounded better to him than
 all the fine tones of  ,ysmenias4 ,nor 
should we understand1 that the want of  
musical feeling  is confined to one     
single barbarous genius1 for not only   
the tigers  fly from the lyre1 but many 
cultivated spirits are deaf as adders to
  the charms of music4 ,it is told of   
,justus ,lipsius1 that he abhorred      
music1 and that his whole delight was in
 flowers and dogs4 ,many men  are       
insensible of the recreation afforded by
 harmony2 and those who  are not1 for   
the most part content themselves with a 
coarse sort of  music1 which may be had 
at a cheap rate1 and often for nothing4 
,the  remarks we have made on music1 may
 be applied generally to all other      
kinds of amusement4 ,how many are there1
 who cannot endure so much as  to be in 
company with1 or to converse with women6

 ,flowers1 which are  the most beautiful
 production of nature1 and with which   
the fields are  cloathed with more      
splendor and gaiety than ,solomon in all
 his glory1  to some people are not only
 ungrateful1 but noxious also4 ,there   
have  been those1 who the fragrancy of a
 rose has caused to fall into a         
fainting fit4 ,cardinal ,esfrondati1 in 
his ,curso ,philosophica1 relates  of   
another ,cardinal1 that during the whole
 time of the spring1 he kept  a watch at
 the door1 to prevent a rose being      
brought into his house4  ,spacious      
gardens afford but a slender delight to 
abundance of men1 and  to many1 not even
 that slender one2 besides this1 in     
time1 it becomes a  sickening amusement1
 which with regard to the gardens of    
others may be  removed1 but not with    
regard to a man's own2 for that being   
always in  his view1 he comes at last to
 loath the sight of it4      ,,sect4 ,v4
    ,,xvi4 ,thus with respect to many   
individuals1 all that is attracting  is 

comprehended in objects of little value4
 ,it is true however1 that  if you could
 collect all these into one heap1 they  
would amount to  something considerable4
 ,but to what end should people         
endeavour this8  ,i am sure ,i don't    
know1 nor many times they themselves    
neither4 ,what  passed between ,pyrrhus1
 ,king of ,albania1 and his wise friend 
and  counsellor ,cineus1 is pleasant1   
and applicable to this matter4 ,cineus  
said to that prince in a conversation   
between them1 the subject of  which was 
,pyrrhus's intended invasion of the     
,romans2 8,truly1 ,sir1 the  undertaking
 is difficult1 for we shall have to do  
with a martial1 and  a powerful people2 
but supposing the success of our arms to
 be so  great1 as that we should subdue 
the ,romans1 what fruit shall we reap by
  the conquest80 8,are you at a loss to 
find out that1 answered ,pyrrhus8       
,shall not we make ourselves masters of 
all ,italy80 ,and what shall we do      
afterwards1 replied ,cineus8 ,pyrrhus   

answered1 8,we will conquer ,sicily1    
which is in the neighbourhood1 and may  
be easily subdued40 8,that will  be a   
great thing1 said ,cineus2 but when     
that's done1 shall we put an  end to the
 war80 ,pyrrhus1 who had not yet        
penetrated the drift of  ,cineus in     
asking all these questions1 answered1   
8,by no means2 after  conquering        
,sicily1 we will proceed to ,africa1 and
 possess ourselves of  ,carthage1 and   
the adjacent kingdoms40 8,you are clear1
 said ,cineus1 that  the ,gods will     
indulge you with all this good fortune2 
but when this is  done1 what are we to  
employ ourselves about next80 8,we will 
return1  said ,pyrrhus2 to our own      
country1 cloathed with immense power1   
and  we will conquer all the ,empire of 
,greece40 8,having conquered ,greece1   
replied ,cineus1 what are we to do      
then80 8,when this is compleated1       
answered ,pyrrhus1 we will pass the     
remainder of our lives in soft and      
sublime indolence1 without thinking of  

any thing but banquets1 and  festive    
society40 ,here ,cineus1 who had without
 the ,king's being aware  of him1       
entangled him in the net1 said          
laughingly2 8,but pray ,sir1 what       
should hinder us from beginning to enjoy
 all this happiness at this  instant of 
time8 ,is not the kingdom you are       
possessed of sufficient to  furnish you 
banquets1 and every other kind of       
regale8 ,to what end then1  should you  
conquer provinces and cross seas1       
wasting your health1 and  exposing your 
life to the rage of waves1 and fury of  
battles80    ,,xvii4 ,this reasoning1   
which is taken almost literally from    
,plutarch1  is well adapted1 not only to
 that ambitious ,prince1 but may be also
  properly applied to an infinite number
 of other men2 who accumulate  riches   
upon riches1 at the expence of dangers  
and fatigues1 and  who1 without knowing 
what they are in pursuit of1 run a      
vicious and  an erroneous course1 in    
search of the very thing they possess4  

,the  pride of ,philip ,king of         
,macedon1 was mortified with great      
address by  ,archidamus the ,i,i,id1    
,king of ,sparta1 whom ,philip had      
overcome in a  battle2 and the day after
 wrote ,archidamus a letter1 full of    
arrogance  and insult2 to which         
,archidamus answered1 ,that if he would 
place  himself in the sun1 he would find
 that his shadow was not a jot bigger   
after1 than it was the day before the   
battle4 ,thus it is1 that fortune       
aggrandizes1 but adds nothing to the    
stature4      ,,sect4 ,,vi4    ,,xviii4 
,those1 who are under the dominion of   
ambition and avarice1  invert the order 
and nature of things2 placing the end in
 the means  of attaining it4 ,they      
desire more1 only to hoard more1 and to 
have  more power1 merely for the sake of
 domineering more4 ,but how does  it    
fare with such people8 why that they are
 always unhappy2 because  the hunger and
 thirst of their desires is never       
appeased1 but either  remains constantly

 in the same state1 or else proceeds to 
acquire fresh  augmentations4 ,the      
weight of honour and riches has the same
 effect on  the human heart1 which      
weights have upon a clock2 the greater  
they  are1 they cause the machine to be 
more violently agitated1 and to move    
with greater impetuosity4 ,the passions 
go on to display a succession  of       
cavities1 as the first openings are     
continued to be filled up4 ,at  first1  
the thirst can be satisfied with a      
fountain2 after having grown  into a    
dropsy1 it requires a river to satisfy  
it1 and after having  swallowed the     
river1 it craves the ocean3 ,ecce       
absorbebit fluvium1   non mirabitur4    
,alexander in his first schemes of      
ambition1 had nothing  further in view1 
than the destruction of ,thebes1 and the
 conquest of  ,thrace and ,illyricum2   
having compleated this1 he took it into 
his head  to subdue the ,asiatic        
,empire1 and when he was in quiet       
possession of  that1 upon hearing a     

philosopher say1 there were more worlds1
 he wept  with grief1 because that being
 the case1 his ambition could not be    
satiated with the conquest of one only2 
which caused ,juvenal to sing as        
follows3        ,unus ,pello juveni non 
sufficit orbis4    ,,xix4 ,those who    
endeavour to acquire riches to make use 
of them1 and  to employ them in         
pleasures1 seem to have the advantage   
with respect  to temporal convenience4  
,for who can dispute the happiness of   
him1  who being master of great riches1 
makes them the tributaries of his       
appetites8 so the world judges1 and the 
world deceives itself4 ,the  most able  
man that the world ever produced1 and   
the best qualified to  give an opinion  
in this matter from his own experience1 
was ,solomon1  as there was not upon    
earth1 a man who was richer1 or even so 
rich1  as him1 nor did any man expend   
his riches with more prodigality to     
procure enjoyments2 in the doing of     
which1 he had this advantageous         

circumstance in his favour1 to wit1 his 
great wisdom and knowledge of  nature2  
which taught him the means that were the
 best adapted1 and  the most likely to  
furnish delight1 and which was the best 
method1  of applying objects to enchant 
the senses3 ,i say1 hear this man's     
sentiments on the subject1 who himself  
confesses1 that he had given  a loose to
 his pleasures1 and gratified them with 
every thing their  voracity craved3     
,omnia1 qu desideraverunt oculi mei1 non
 negavi eis3  nec prohibui cor meum1    
quin omni voluptate frueretur4 ,and what
 did he  meet with in this sea of       
delights8 nothing but bitter waters3 he 
found  that all was vanity and vexation 
of spirit3 ,vidi in omnibus vanitatem1  
afflictionem animi2 and he found it so  
to such an extreme degree1 as  to make  
his life a burthen to him3 ,idcirco     
tduit me vit me4    ,,xx4 ,this is      
exalted and brilliant fortune2 and so   
exalted1 that the  fortune of no man    
ever rose to a more sublime degree of   

altitude4 ,i  ask now1 if the most      
miserable man in the world can find his 
heart  placed in a state of greater     
anguish1 than when he endures the       
irksome  sensation1 of loathing1 or     
being tired of his existence8 ,we know  
that  ,job used no other phrase1 to     
express the profound agony which his    
singular calamity had brought upon him3 
,tdet animam meam vit me4    ,,xxi4     
,what ,solomon says is infallible1      
because the church has received  that   
book as canonical4 ,but though it should
 be confessed1 that  the truth of this  
matter is an article of faith1 it also  
appears  mysterious3 for how could so   
much bitterness1 be contained in the    
greatest delights8 ,solomon did not     
chuse to decipher this enigma1  although
 his abilities would have permitted him 
to do it with the  greatest ease4 ,let  
us see if ,i can hit upon its           
explanation1 and ,i  think ,i shall4    
,,sect4 ,,vii4    ,,xxii4 ,my first     
position is1 that he who enjoys the most

 delights1 is  the man who enjoys the   
fewest2 and ,i might even say1 he enjoys
 none  at all2 but although this is     
another enigma more puzzling than the   
first1 ,i shall easily extricate myself 
from the difficulty of solving  both the
 one and the other4 ,i ask in the first 
place1 can meat or  drink afford        
pleasure or gratification to a man1 who 
eats without  being hungry1 and drinks  
without being thirsty8 every one will   
readily  acknowledge1 little or none2   
but in this manner1 do such opulent men 
as hold a loose rein on their appetites1
 enjoy delectable objects4  ,the objects
 anticipate the desires4 ,hunger does   
not await the food1  thirst the drink1  
nor lust the concupiscence4 ,how then8  
do they make  use of that for which they
 have no inclination8 in the beginning1 
no2  in the progress and the end1 yes4  
,the opulent man1 who gives himself  up 
to pleasure1 begins very early in his   
course1 to acquire a habit of  gluttony 
in all his passions2 by which means1 in 

a very short time1  the least glimpse of
 desire attracts him to the object4     
,even though  his passion has been quite
 stifled by the antecedent enjoyment1   
new  craving scarce begins to revive in 
embryo1 when he gives himself up  to    
fresh satiety2 and as at such a crisis1 
concupiscence must be very  languid1 the
 enjoyment of course can be but insipid4
 ,this habit1 by the  immense repetition
 of acts1 goes on every day1 acquiring  
more and more  force1 till it excites   
men at last to drink of the forbidden   
liquor1  when they are not the least    
stimulated by thirst4 ,here you see a   
man  arrived at a state1 in which1      
without tasting pleasure1 or being able 
to experience gratification1 he         
continues to destroy his health1 and    
shorten his life4    ,,xxiii4 ,but ,i   
have not yet explained all the evil4    
,the worst is1 that  hunger and satiety 
come to be joined together4 ,if ,i say  
that the rich  man who is filled1 is as 
sensible of hunger as the poor man who  

is  really hungry2 it will be thought   
that ,i am propounding a new paradox1   
or at least a new riddle4 ,but this     
shall not deter me from speaking  the   
truth4 ,the hungry poor man hungers     
after food1 the hungry rich one  hungers
 after hunger itself4 ,he who is        
distressed1 and in want of what  is     
precisely necessary1 craves for aliment4
 ,the glutton1 who after  having filled 
his belly1 sees his table covered with  
dainties1 craves  for an appetite4 ,the 
first is unhappy1 because he wants what 
is needful  for him1 the other1 because 
he can't enjoy what he has4 ,there is   
little  difference in point of pain or  
uneasiness1 between him who is really   
in want of water1 and him who is        
oppressed with a dropsical thirst4      
,,xxiv4 ,this depraved craving1 this    
flame1 which raises itself upon the     
ashes of another fire1 worst or last    
disease of concupiscence1 or of  the    
concupiscence of the superior part of   
the soul1 oppresses those  much1 who1   

when they attain the pinnacle of power1 
arrive at the summit  of perverseness2  
whose whole pursuit1 has been seeking   
provocations  for the appetite1 dainties
 to feed their sensuality1 and          
extravagant  incentives to inflame      
desire4 ,in looking for the exquisite1  
they found  the monstrous4 ,heliogabalus
 went so far1 as to make a banquet1 all 
composed of the combs of cocks4 ,nero   
exercised his lust1 cloathed  in the    
skins of wild beasts1 which was a habit1
 well suited to the  character of that  
brute4 ,so extravagant were the         
abominations of other  ,emperors1 that  
neither the course of so many ages1 nor 
the fragrance  of such number of saints 
as have lived since1 have dissipated at 
,rome1  the stink of the ,princes of    
those times4 ,but with all their        
solicitude1  what did they obtain8      
,nothing2 they only augmented the       
violence of  a bad habit1 and caused it 
to exert itself in loathing4 ,pleasure  
in the mean while fled away1 like the   

water of ,tantalus1 which1              
notwithstanding he seemed to have it    
always within his reach1 his  excessive 
anticipation of laying hold of it1 was  
the occasion of his  not being able to  
obtain it4 ,these people1 with all their
 toil1 only  acquired anxieties of mind1
 sickness1 and bodily pain4 ,and it is  
worthy  of remarking1 that those who    
gave themselves up to gluttony and lust1
  became melancholy1 peevish1 and       
disagreeable2 and it may be from this   
cause1 that we have rarely heard of a   
,prince1 who was lascivious and a       
glutton1 in whom cruelty was not joined 
to those vices4 ,some of them  came to  
be tired of themselves1 for instance1   
the second ,apicius1 who1  after gorging
 two millions and a half1 deprived      
himself of life with a  halter4 ,what   
was this1 but finding vanity and        
vexation of spirit1 among  the greatest3
 endowments of fortune8 ,do even the    
miserably poor1 think  you1 lead so     
unsavoury and tiresome lives8           

,,sect4 ,,viii4    ,,xxv4 ,truly1 ,i    
have now pursued the comparison of the  
one and the  other fortune1 through the 
most difficult part1 having drawn into  
the  parallel1 the most elevated1 and   
the most abased1 the sovereign state1   
and that of beggary4 ,i did not intend  
so much when ,i began to write  this    
chapter1 but the pen took a flight      
without my being aware of it1  towards  
the extreme of both the extremities4 ,so
 much was not necessary1  but as it is  
done1 let us suppose that we have       
conquered all the  difficulty at the    
first onset2 because1 if he who is under
 the feet of  fortune1 is equal to him  
who treads the summit of her wheel2 the 
reason  is stronger1 for supposing him  
who has no more than what is required to
  provide things that are precisely     
necessary1 equal to the man1 who is     
possessed of a princely fortune4        
,,xxvi4 ,the truth is1 if we are to     
speak out1 that he is not only equal1   
but superior4 ,upon a superficial view1 

the rich man appears to be  better      
accommodated1 and exposed to fewer      
inconveniencies than the  poor one1 but 
if you search to the bottom1 you will   
find the reverse4  ,the rich man has    
great abundance1 and variety of         
delicious eatables2  but do they taste  
more savoury to him1 than his common    
coarse food  to the poor one8 no1 nor so
 savoury1 for the appetite with which   
the  poor man sits down to table1 more  
than compensates1 for the advantage     
derived to the rich one by his excess4  
,of what consequence is it to the  bees 
of ,lithuania1 a rude and unpleasant    
country1 that they have not  such       
beautiful and odoriferous flowers to    
gather from1 as the bees of  other      
countries2 if from their own trifling   
and unpleasing ones1 they  extract the  
sweetest and best-flavoured honey that  
is to be found in  all ,europe8 ,the    
rich man lays himself down on a         
feather-bed1 but does  he sleep more1 or
 better than a poor one on a truss of   

straw8 ,you  see that the poor man1     
always rises chearful and pleasant1 and 
that  the other1 often complains of     
having passed an uneasy night4 ,how many
  people slept sweetly on the hard      
ground1 the same night1 that king       
,ahasuerus not being able to take rest1 
was constrained to amuse himself  with  
reading the annals of his ,kingdom6 ,the
 rich defend themselves  from the       
rigours of cold1 with thick walls1      
tapestry hangings1 and  furred garments2
 but observe1 and you will find1 that   
they complain  more of the intemperance 
of the season1 shut up within the walls 
of  their palaces1 than the shepherd    
covered with skins1 on the heights  of  
the mountain4 ,david1 when he was grown 
old1 found it difficult to  defend      
himself from the cold1 with all the     
covering he could put on1  when at the  
same time1 many antient labourers1 with 
half the cloathing1  made light of the  
frosts4 ,you will see at every turn1 an 
opulent man  trembling1 and expressing  

his extreme sensations of cold1 whenever
 he  is obliged to leave the fire-side1 
while at the same time1 the common      
people are passing chearfully along the 
street4 ,the same difference  is        
observeable in summer4 ,the rich man is 
low spirited and oppressed  with        
lassitude1 and scarce ventures to go up 
stairs or down2 while the  common       
people1 with alacrity and chearfulness1 
apply themselves to  whatever falls in  
their way4 ,so that what ,dionysius of  
,sicily1 said  of the golden cloak1     
which covered the statue of ,jupiter1 by
 way of  furnishing a pretence to       
plunder it1 may be applied to the riches
 of  opulent people2 which was1 that a  
cloth cloak was better1 because the     
golden one in winter1 did not defend him
 from the cold1 and in summer1  it      
fatigued him with its weight4 ,the      
opulent man1 inhabits a capacious  and  
commodious palace1 and never contented1 
he is always thinking of  enlarging or  
improving it1 but the thought of his    

habitation being too  confined1 scarce  
ever occurs to a poor man in the whole  
course of a  year4    ,,xxvii4 ,the rich
 man wears fine holland1 the poor one   
coarse dowlas2  but tell me1 if you ever
 heard a poor man complain1 that the    
roughness  of the dowlas was unpleasant 
to1 or gave him bodily uneasiness4 ,the 
rich man is idle1 and the poor one at   
work all the day2 but you will  not     
observe1 that the poor man is more sad  
at his work1 than the rich  one in his  
state of indolence2 on the contrary1 and
 especially if he  works in company1 his
 time passes merrily1 and he goes on    
singing and  chanting through the whole 
course of his labour4 ,when that is     
over1  his relaxation is not like that  
of the rich1 an insipid indolence1  but 
sweet repose1 and in the conclusion1    
soft and uninterrupted sleep            
recompences the labour of the day4 ,the 
rich1 on the contrary1 7as  sleep does  
not sit easy on members which have not  
been exercised17  restless and          

impatient1 turns a thousand times in his
 bed2 so that  the poor man may be said 
to work by day1 and the rich one by     
night4  ,in case of going a journey1 it 
is true1 the rich man travels either  on
 horseback or in a coach1 and the poor  
one on foot4 ,notwithstanding  which1   
the rich man is more sensible of the    
inclemency of the weather1  and is much 
more affected by an incommodious        
lodging-room1 a hard bed1  and the want 
of refreshment than the poor one2 to    
whom1 by his being  accustomed to them1 
such things are familiar1 and           
consequently they do  not make him      
uneasy4 ,i1 in my journies1 have        
remarked1 that the lad  who attended me 
on foot1 seemed much less sensible of   
the difficulties  and inconveniencies of
 the road1 than myself4 ,you may add to 
this1 the  dread of thieves1 from whom  
the poor have nothing to fear1 when the 
rich1 behind the trunk of every tree    
they come near1 fancy they see a        
robber4    ,,xxviii4 ,if we would weigh 

the pleasures of one and the other      
state1 we  should attend to the remark  
of ,seneca before cited3 ,inspice       
pauperum1   divitum vultus4 ,you will   
observe the poor1 chearful in their     
conversation1 laughing from their hearts
 at their rustic balls1 and in  all     
appearance truly happy3 ,spius pauper1  
fidelius ridet4 ,on the  contrary1 you  
will see the rich1 even at their festive
 meetings1 seem  tired and surfeited4   
,at least1 happiness does not shine so  
brilliant  in their countenances1 as in 
those of the poor4    ,,xxix4 ,all these
 disproportions1 spring from1 or grow   
out of one general  principle1 which is 
this2 nature left to herself1 is        
contented with  a little1 but by        
attempting to polish her1 you fashion   
her into a  fantastical lady1 who craves
 every thing1 and despises every thing4 
,a human heart with three ventricles1 in
 the year #afii1 was presented  to the  
,royal ,academy of ,sciences at ,paris1 
as the most monstrous  production that  

had ever been seen2 but morally and     
politically  speaking1 it is a monster  
we see every day4 ,the human heart1     
naturally  contains but two large       
cavities2 but if you fill these with    
worldly  goods1 a succession of others  
will begin to open1 and others still    
without end4 ,pleasure and delight1 are 
nothing to a man who does not  consider 
and feel them as such1 and no man       
considers that as a regale1  which he is
 used and accustomed to2 or which is    
adapted and familiar  to his own sphere 
of life4 ,therefore delicate food1 is   
delicate to  him only1 who has been used
 to eat plain victuals2 but dainties1   
are  familiar and common things to the  
man who has been accustomed to feed  on 
them1 and therefore1 he craves something
 more exquisite4 ,even  variety itself1 
to him who is used to vary his objects  
every day1 that  they may tally with his
 inclinations1 loses all the enchantment
 which  it originally contained4 ,a poor
 man tastes more pleasure in feeding on 

a common fish at his own homely board1  
than ,caius ,hirtius1 in eating  with   
great pomp1 his most regaling ,murenas2 
and he is more happy1 when  he adds to  
his inheritance a foot of land1 than    
,alexander was1 when he  added to his   
conquests the ,city of ,tyre4           
,,sect4 ,,ix4    ,,xxx4 ,if we were to  
compare the anxieties incident to the   
one and the  other state1 as we have    
done the pleasures1 we should find1 that
 by  much the greatest load of the      
first1 would rest on the shoulders of   
the rich2 either from the greater       
sensibility of the subjects1 or from    
the greater magnitude1 or multitude of  
their cares4 ,the rich are of a         
delicate texture1 liable to be moved and
 disturbed with every blast1 or  made of
 sonorous metal1 which complains loudly 
at the gentlest touch4  ,they may be    
compared to a well at ,chiapa1 a        
,province in ,new ,spain1 from  which1  
by throwing in a small stone1 you raise 
a horrible tempest4  ,hence the furious 

perturbations which in the opulent1 are 
produced by  slight causes4 ,the ,sultan
 ,mahomed the ,second1 was seized with  
such a  barbarous rage upon missing a   
melon out of his garden1 that he ordered
  the stomachs of fourteen pages to be  
opened1 to discover who had eaten  it4  
,and ,otho ,antonio1 ,duke of ,urbino1  
ordered one of his servants to  be burnt
 alive1 for having neglected to wake him
 at the time he had  appointed4         
,,xxxi4 ,the toils of the great are also
 more in number1 than those of the      
poor4 ,the larger the bulk of a man1 the
 fairer mark he is for his enemy  to    
hit2 and the greater the amplitude of   
his fortune1 the larger the  space is   
exposed to the wounds of adversity4 ,the
 rich are high towers1  the poor humble 
cottages1 and the ray of lightning1     
oftner discharges  its fury on the      
tower1 than on the cottage4 ,one of the 
greatest  temporal evils that can befal 
a man1 is a broken constitution1 as the 
greatest temporal blessing1 is a robust 

state of health4 ,and there  is no      
doubt1 but that with equal stamina1 a   
poor man is more healthy  than a rich   
one1 because the last injures his health
 by his excesses1  and the other1       
preserves his by his sobriety4 ,of what 
avail are all a  great man's riches to  
him1 when he is oppressed by a fit of   
the gout8  7and the gout1 by the way1 is
 a distemper which seldom attacks the   
poor47 ,i say what is he the better for 
them1 if they cannot procure him  a     
remedy for the evil1 nor even obtain him
 the least ease or relief8  ,while the  
fit lasts1 he suffers pain2 and when it 
is over1 he endures  the terrors and    
apprehensions of fresh attacks4 ,solomon
 pronounced the  following sentence1    
which is applicable to all the rich3    
,quid prodest  possessori1 nisi quod    
cernat divitias oculis suis8 ,of what   
other  use are riches to a man who      
possesses vast treasures1 than to feast 
his eyes with the sight of them4 ,but   
the sentence is more strongly           

applicable1 to an opulent man of a bad  
constitution1 who is constantly  ailing4
    ,,xxxii4 ,a great man has more      
cares1 and consequently more to vex him1
  than an humble one4 ,more people are  
envious of him1 and consequently  he has
 more enemies4 ,he is desirous of       
aggrandizing his fortune still  more1   
and grieves at every little obstacle he 
meets with2 which he  considers as a    
steep rock in the way of his pursuits4  
,from those below  him1 he expects more 
homage2 and one only1 as in the case of 
,mordecai  and ,haman1 refusing to bend 
the knee to him1 is sufficient to make  
him  unhappy4 ,he is anxious to be upon 
an equality with his superiors1 and     
when he sees any one1 whom he looks upon
 as his equal1 or his inferior1  step   
before him1 he can hardly contain       
himself4 ,there was a famous  painter1  
named ,francis of ,france1 rich1 both in
 possessions and fame4  ,when this man  
was at ,bolognia1 he saw a figure of    
,saint ,cecilia1 which  had been painted

 by ,raphael of ,urbino1 for a church in
 that city2 and  seeing1 and being      
sensible1 how much he was outdone in the
 use of the  pencil1 by that            
incomparable artist1 it so affected him1
 that he fell  sick and died in a few   
days4 ,it cannot be said with truth1    
that ever a  poor man died from such a  
cause1 or of such an affection4         
,,xxxiii4 ,fears and apprehensions1 in  
which are contained the most severe     
martyrdom of life2 because by means of  
them1 people endure all future1  and all
 possible evils1 have their very nests  
in the hearts of the  great4 ,he who is 
oppressed with evils1 is always         
grieving2 he who is  possessed of goods1
 is always fearing3 and what is more    
afflicting  than perpetual terror8 ,the 
dangers which threaten a great man1 are 
in proportion to the possible cases1 of 
others enriching themselves  by         
despoiling1 or murdering him2 and though
 these are many1 in his  imagination    
they are still more2 so that riches are 

acquired by toil1  and preserved by     
anxiety4 ,the inhabitants of ,macasar1  
an ,island in the  ,indian ,sea1 have a 
custom of drawing some of their teeth1  
and putting  gold or silver ones in the 
place of them1 which practice1 cannot   
fail  to be troublesome and hurtful to  
them4 ,can any thing favour stronger  of
 barbarism1 than the suffering a        
voluntary pain1 only to gain an         
inconvenience8 ,those fall into the same
 mistake1 who pant for1 and are  anxious
 in their pursuit after riches4 ,they   
draw their teeth1 that is1  they undergo
 great suffering in order to acquire    
more wealth2 and in  the room of those  
they have parted with1 they get teeth of
 gold and  silver1 yes1 but these are   
teeth1 which in the end1 will feed on1  
and  gnaw their own hearts4 ,it is very 
remarkable1 that in the age of gold  and
 silver1 7according to the description  
given1 and the division made  of the    
four ages by the poets17 there was no   
gold or silver to be met  with1 but     

these metals made their appearance in   
the age of iron4 ,thus  ,ovid1 speaking 
of this age3        -------- ,itum est  
in viscera terr      ,quasque           
recondiderat1 ,stygiisque admoverat     
umbris      ,effodiuntur opes           
irritamenta malorum4      ,famque nocens
 ferrum1 ferroque nocentius aurum       
,prodierat1 prodit bellum quod pugnat   
utroque4    ,,xxxiv4 ,the age of gold   
passed without gold1 and was therefore  
the  ,golden ,age1 that is fortunate and
 happy4 ,in the age of iron1 there was  
gold1 and on that account1 it was called
 the ,iron ,age1 that is1 it was  harsh 
and toilsome4    ,,xxxv4 ,lucan1 in his 
fifth ,book of the ,civil ,war1 makes a 
fine  digression upon the happiness of  
the poor boatman1 ,amiclas1 when he     
paints ,csar1 in the silence of the     
night1 tapping at the door of  his      
cabbin to awake him1 and make him rise1 
and carry him with all  possible haste  
to ,calabria4 ,all the world was        
agitated1 and trembling  with the       

movements of the civil war2 and within  
,greece itself1 which  is the theatre of
 the war1 in the very neighbourhood of  
the armies1 a  poor boatman on dried    
sheep skins1 sleeps without fear4 ,the  
strokes  of the generous leader at his  
door awake him1 without producing the   
least surprize in his breast2 for       
although he was not ignorant1 that  the 
whole face of the country was covered   
with troops1 he knew very  well1 there  
was nothing in his cabbin to invite     
military insults4 ,o  life of the poor1 
exclaims the poet1 in which is contained
 the felicity  of being exempt from     
outrages4 ,o poverty6 thou greatest     
blessing of  heaven1 although not       
recognized or justly valued by men4     
,what palaces  or what temples were     
there1 which enjoyed the privilege of   
,amiclas and  his cabbin1 neither of    
which1 could be made to tremble at the  
strokes  of the robust hand of ,csar6   
-------- ,o vita tuta facultas          
,pauperis1 angustique lares6 ,o munera  

nondum      ,intellecta divm4 ,quibus   
hoc contingere templis2      ,aut potuit
 muris1 nullo trepidare tumultu         
,csarea pulsante manu6    ,,xxxvi4 ,it  
is not to be wondered at1 that temples  
and palaces should be  shaken1 when     
cottages remain secure2 because in      
temples and palaces1  riches are kept1  
therefore in them1 there is no being    
free from  alarms4 ,if we compare the   
fortune of ,amiclas1 with the lives of  
,csar  and ,pompey1 who were all        
contemporaries2 how brilliant were      
theirs1  how obscure was his2 but if you
 consider them prudently1 how much      
preferable was that of ,amiclas4 ,those 
ambitious heroes1 whose elevated        
splendor1 made the world regard them as 
two suns1 were in reality no  more than 
parahelions1 or suns in appearance only1
 false reflections1  stamped in the     
inconstancy of flying clouds4 ,how far  
were they from  happy1 each being       
constantly tormented with the jealousy  
of the other's  power4        ,et jam   

nemo ferre potest1 ,csar ve priorem     
,pompeiusve parem4    ,,xxxvii4 ,they   
contend for the ,empire1 hazarding in   
the competition1 life  and liberty4 ,how
 each is possessed1 with the fear of his
 rival becoming  victorious2 what       
miserable forsaken man1 did fortune ever
 place in such  a strait1 that in order 
to better his condition1 he should be   
obliged  like ,csar1 in the dead of the 
night1 to commit himself to the rage of 
a tempestuous sea8 ,amiclas1 at the same
 time1 knows no other cares1  than those
 of exploring the sea1 and spreading his
 nets to dry in the  sun4 ,others are   
agitated and tossed about on the plains1
 and in the  fields1 while he is secure 
amidst the waves4 ,he catches fish in   
the  sea1 while others on land fish for 
tempests4 ,at the expence of a little   
labour1 the water affords him as much as
 is necessary to support life2  when the
 great fatigues of ,csar and ,pompey1   
serve only to precipitate  on them a    
violent death4 ,the din of so much      

martial noise1 disturbs  not his rest2  
while each of the two chiefs1 finds in  
his own heart1 a  continual alarm to    
awaken him4 ,he fears nobody1 because no
 one covets  his fortune2 but if any    
body should be so prudent as to covet   
it1 he  may enjoy the same thing1       
without despoiling ,amiclas4 ,csar and  
,pompey  for the present1 mutually fear 
each other4 ,the vanquished person in   
future1 fears all the world1 and the    
conqueror has to fear all those  who    
envy him4    ,,xxxviii4 ,the heathen    
poets1 feigned poverty to be a divinity1
 on  account of the mischiefs it        
preserved people from1 and the goods it 
produced2 but ,lucan1 calls it the      
mother of great men2 and ,horace says1  
that to this deity1 the ,romans owed the
 virtues of a ,curius1 and a  ,camillus4
 ,aristophanes the ,greek1 erred much in
 his description1 when  he represented  
her as a savage fury1 always ready to   
commit acts of  desperation4 ,these     
extraordinary furies1 are much more     

common among  the rich1 than the poor1  
although it is true1 that they rage with
 the  greatest violence1 in such poor   
people as have been formerly rich2  at  
least1 during the time they are in the  
noviciate state of their  misfortunes4  
,,sect4 ,x4    ,,xxxix4 ,i would not    
have it be understood1 that by the      
eulogium ,i have  just ended on poverty1
 ,i mean to speak of absolute poverty1  
but of the  relative2 not of the state  
of beggary1 where people are in want of 
what  is precisely needful2 but of that 
limited moderation1 which administers   
to nature1 no more than what is         
absolutely necessary1 and what her      
wants demand2 and that1 at the expence  
of bodily labour4 ,in truth1  when ,i   
speak of beggars1 ,i am at a loss what  
to say1 or what decision  to make       
concerning them4 ,on the one hand1 ,i   
see them suffer great  inconveniences1  
and on the other1 ,i see many people    
betake themselves  to that way of life1 
who could earn their living by their    

labour1 and  who prefer going from door 
to door1 to working in the field1 or    
even  to leading an idle life in an     
alms-house4 ,henricus ,cornelius        
,agrippa1  in his ,book on the ,vanity  
of the ,sciences1 says of those who go  
about pretending to occult science1 that
 they would not change their  condition1
 for that of nobility2 and ,i believe he
 says right4    ,,xl4 ,all those        
voluntary poor1 who are not so in the   
gospel sense1 and  for that reason1 not 
comprehended in the benediction of      
,christ1 are  the pests of the states   
they inhabit1 or where they strole      
about4 ,they  live well1 not only       
without being of the least advantage1   
but are  even an injury to the          
community4 ,like the ants1 they are     
serviceable  to themselves only1 and a  
nuisance in the place where they make   
their  nests1 and where they run about4 
,for which reason1 they are not         
tolerated in any republic1 that is      
governed by the maxims of good  policy4 

,,xli4 ,disabled or impotent beggars1   
are legitimate creditors of our         
compassion4 ,there is notwithstanding1  
great difference among those  of this   
class4 ,those who are afflicted with    
habitual disorders1 it  cannot be       
denied1 are very miserable1 and         
especially if they do not  sweeten their
 toil1 with a due resignation to the    
divine will2 but if  they do1 they will 
become the most happy1 or those1 who    
fall within  our ,saviour's description 
of the most fortunate4 ,the disabled by 
the  loss of a limb1 or by a defect in  
the organization of parts of their      
bodies1 if they have a tolerable share  
of ingenuity1 and have the  art of      
begging with address1 fare admirably2   
and not a few of them1  have left behind
 at their deaths decent sums of money4  
,those who are  ill-favoured1 and ugly1 
find it difficult to subsist1           
especially1  if nastiness in their      
persons1 is joined to the deformity of  
their  bodies4 ,the error into which    

people fall1 in the ordinary            
distribution  of charity in this        
particular1 is great1 they being apt to 
deal out  their bounty with an unequal  
hand4 ,the beggar1 who has a pleasing   
and  moving way of painting his         
distress1 is relieved by almost every   
one1  and more especially if he has a   
good countenance1 and looks clean  in   
his shabby dress4 ,there is scarce any  
body who does not shun and  loath the   
ill-favoured and driveling poor3 but we 
ought to remember1  that ,christ our    
,lord1 is as much the representative of 
the one1 as of  the other2 and as a     
,redeemer1 is rather inclined to favour 
those of  the most displeasing and      
despicable aspect3 thus ,isaias         
describes him  in his most sacred       
passion1 ,non est species ei1 neque     
decor3 and a  little lower1 ,quasi      
absconditus vultus ejus1  despectus4    
,and that  christian piety should not   
despise1 or avoid those who are         
afflicted  with loathsome diseases1 the 

same ,prophet compares our ,saviour to  
the  lepers1 ,nos putavimus eum quasi   
leprosum4    ,,xlii4 ,but without having
 recourse to so high a motive1 natural  
reason  will instruct us sufficiently1  
that we should not only distribute      
equally1 but exceed in our donations1 to
 those who are deformed and of  an      
unhappy aspect1 because these last      
experience the most sufferings1  and are
 in the greatest necessity4 ,the others1
 as ,i observed before1  will never want
 any body to assist them with more than 
they stand in  need of4 ,the first      
require pity to be exerted in their     
favour with all  its force1 although    
their ungrateful appearance should      
strike us with  horror4 ,and ,i protest 
for myself1 the alms which the          
narrowness of my  fortune will permit me
 to bestow1 is distributed1 much more in
 favour  of those of a disgusting and a 
forbidding aspect1 than in favour of    
those who have a persuasive manner1 and 
a winning outward appearance4           

,,xliii4 ,but it is proper that ,i      
should repeat1 that ,i did not intend   
to take into the comparison ,i have been
 making1 the sort of poor ,i  have just 
described2 but those only1 who procure  
themselves food1  raiment1 and shelter1 
by the sweat of their brow1 proportioned
 to the  necessities of nature1 without 
advancing to any kind of exceeding4     
,this  is what ,i call humble fortune1  
and that which ,i judge to be at least  
equal to the exalted and brilliant1     
enjoyed by the opulent and great2  and  
it seems to me1 that ,i have            
sufficiently proved it so4 ,but ,i judge
  also1 that the condition of those who 
are placed in a middle station  of life1
 is preferable to either of them4 ,i    
mean such as possess a  moderate income1
 and can go through life1 without       
experiencing the  pinchings of the one  
state1 or the troubles incident to the  
want of  accommodations of the other4   
,,sect4 ,,xi4    ,,xliv4 ,i have        
hitherto treated of the happiness of    

men1 by making an  estimate of it1      
according to their situations or        
conditions of life2  abstracted from any
 particular accidents1 that may         
intervene or occur  to individuals of   
both sorts1 both high and low2 there    
being no doubt  but humble fortune1 is  
also exposed to terrible reverses and   
mortifying  disgusts1 although not so   
frequently as the exalted4    ,,xlv4    
,but if ,i am asked1 whom ,i repute     
absolutely happy or unhappy  among      
mortals8 ,with respect to the happy1 ,i 
answer with a sentence of  the great    
,chancellor ,bacon1 in his book entitled
 ,interiora ,rerum3  where he says1 ,i  
judge those to be happy1 whose mode of  
living is  proportioned to their genius 
or inclination3 ,felices dixerim1 quorum
  indoles naturalis cum vit su genere   
congruit3 a decision1 worthy  of the    
superior talents of that incomparable   
,englishman4 ,i think1  notwithstanding1
 there should be some limitation added  
to the sentence1  which is1 that the    

genius or inclination should not be a   
vicious one1  for in that case the      
person would be always unhappy4 ,the    
ambitious  man1 for example1 although he
 finds himself in the occupation of high
  posts1 is ever restless and anxious to
 rise to others still higher4  ,the     
covetous man1 even when he is overloaded
 with riches1 labours and  toils to add 
fresh treasures to his heap4 ,the       
opulent glutton fills  himself with meat
 and drink1 but he also fills himself   
with diseases1  which afterwards1 turn  
all he has eaten and drunk to           
bitterness4    ,,xlvi4 ,with the        
limitation ,i have mentioned1 ,i esteem 
the sentence a  very true one4 ,temporal
 conveniences are all relative1 and     
there is as  much variance in the genius
 of men with respect to the application 
of  them1 as there is in their          
inclinations with respect to the food   
they  fancy4 ,what one esteems good1    
another thinks bad4 ,god only is good1  
and  savory to all men4 ,this man       

disdains the lot1 which that adores2 and
  one grasps the thing1 which another   
despises4 ,csar1 when he was going  to  
,spain1 in his passage over the ,alps1  
came to a very poor little  village1    
where one of his companions1 in a       
conversation which turned  on the misery
 of the inhabitants1 asked another      
sneeringly1 if he  thought these        
,barbarians also1 had their questions   
and disputes1 about  who should command 
and govern4 ,to which ,csar replied     
quickly1 saying1  8,i assure you1 ,i had
 much rather be the first man in this   
village1  than the second at ,rome40    
,the learned ,fleming ,nicholas         
,clenard1 went  over to ,africa1 with an
 intention of learning ,arabic1 and     
remained  two years in the kingdom of   
,fez1 from whence he wrote often to his 
friends2 and in his letters assured     
them1 that he never was in a place1  the
 customs of which suited so well with   
his genius1 for this reason  only1      
because in that kingdom1 they had not   

such a multitude of laws1  nor were     
their litigations so prolix1 as in      
,europe2 all disputes being  instantly  
determined by the magistrate in a       
summary way4 ,this method  suited well  
with the disposition of ,clenard1 who   
abhorred extremely1  the endless        
windings and turnings of processes in   
our tribunals4 ,george  ,paschio1       
relates of him in his ,book1 de ,novis  
,inventis1 though what  he says is not  
true1 that on this account only1 he left
 his own country  and went to live in   
,fez4 ,to this it may be replied1 that  
it appears  from the testimony of many  
authors1 his return to ,spain was       
voluntary2  from whence1 after teaching 
languages some time in the ,university  
of  ,salamanca1 he went to the ,court of
 ,lisbon1 where he was engaged as a     
tutor to the ,prince of ,portugal1      
brother of ,king ,john the ,third4      
,,xlvii4 ,this great variety in the     
genius and dispositions of men1 and  not
 the platonic love of their country1 is 

the true cause why many find  themselves
 satisfied in miserable and unpleasant  
regions1 and refuse to  leave them for  
others more happily situated4 ,ovid     
having observed1 that  some ,scythians1 
who were brought to ,rome1 never missed 
an opportunity  of flying back to their 
own steril bleak country1 which was the 
place  of their nativity1 attributes    
their doing so to an occult affection   
for home1 7that he himself1 with all his
 explanatory powers1 could not  hit upon
 the explanation of17 which1 like a     
sympathetic faculty1 or  magnetic       
virtue1 attracts every man to his own   
country1 and at last  leaves it         
undefined1 with a sort of declaration1  
that he does not know  what it is3      
,nescio qua natale solum dulcedine      
cunctos      ,tangit1  immemores non    
sinit esse sui4      ,quid melius ,roma8
 ,scythico quid frigore pejus8      ,huc
 tamen ex illa barbarus urbe fugit4     
,,xlviii4 ,it is owing to none of all   
this1 nor was it the effect of a        

mysterious magic1 which charms and      
enchants men to be fond of their own    
country1 which induced the ,scythians to
 leave the soft habitations of  ,rome1  
for the frozen regions of ,scythia2 for 
we every day see men1 who  to improve   
their fortunes leave their native homes1
 sometimes never  to return again2 but  
it does not follow from thence1 that    
they cease  to love their country4 ,the 
place where ,i write this abounds in    
such  examples4 ,the true reason of this
 political phnomenon is1 that the  mode 
of the ,scythians living in their own   
country1 was proportioned and  suited to
 their natural genius and disposition4  
,the same thing happens  with respect to
 the ,laplanders1 a ,northern nation1   
situated between  ,norway1 ,sweden1 and 
,russia1 on the coasts of the ,frozen   
,sea4 ,these  ,barbarians live in a     
continual state of war1 with an immense 
number of  bears and wolves1 and in a   
country full of lakes1 and almost always
  covered with snow4 ,many of them at   

various times have been brought  to     
,germany2 but notwithstanding they were 
well accommodated1 and had  a good      
maintenance assigned them1 there never  
was one1 who1 when an  opportunity      
offered1 did not fly back to his own    
country4    ,,xlix4 ,true temporal      
felicity1 consists1 in attaining that   
state or mode  of life1 which the genius
 or inclination of a man prompts him to 
wish  or desire4 ,conveniences with     
respect to the soul1 may be compared to 
clothes with respect to the body1 it not
 being possible to bring those1  which  
in appearance are best made1 to suit    
well with1 or to fit every  shape4      
,l4 ,there are however some of such     
flexible tempers1 that they can         
accommodate themselves to every kind of 
fortune1 and be content to  live within 
the limits of its extension2 some       
dispositions of soft  wax1 who at will1 
can conform themselves in such a manner1
 that every  thing sits easy on them4   
,nothing inquiets them1 because the     

softness  of their texture gives way to 
every impulse4 ,they enlarge and        
contract  themselves1 in proportion to  
the limits of the walk which is allowed 
them4 ,they rise without fatigue1 and   
they descend without violence4  ,in     
their own docility1 they find the honey1
 which edulcorates every  sort of acid4 
,they are of so happy a temperament1    
that provided they  don't want what is  
absolutely necessary1 they are contented
 in every  station4 ,the wheel of their 
mind is concentrical with the wheel of  
their fortune1 and let this last turn as
 it will1 they with great  facility turn
 themselves to correspond with it4 ,they
 bear their fortune  within themselves1 
let them move whichever way they will4  
,it cannot be  denied1 that there are   
but few people of this sweet            
disposition2 but  it should be also     
confessed1 that such are the truly      
happy1 and that  only the saints        
themselves can be more so1 because they 
are either  without the circle of the   

wheel1 or placed in the center of it1 so
 that  its turnings can neither raise   
them to pride1 nor precipitate them to  
contempt4      ,,sect4 ,,xii4    ,,li4  
,we have said which are the absolutely  
happy3 but who are the  absolutely      
unhappy8 ,those1 whose destiny have     
drawn them into a train  of life1 which 
is contrary to their genius or          
disposition4 ,the violence  done their  
inclination is constant1 and therefore1 
their disgust is  constant also4 ,that  
which would be sweet to others1 is      
bitter to them4  ,fortune could         
certainly1 without adding fresh goods1  
make people more  happy2 it might be    
done at no more cost1 than permitting   
them to change  stations and            
employments1 as from envying each other1
 when they have  nothing to be envious  
of1 springs the mischief4 ,the bird from
 his cage1  sees with envy1 the stone   
mount and fly with freedom through the  
air1  but the ascent is a greater       
violence to the stone1 than the         

confinement  to the bird4 ,the poor man 
looks with envy on him he sees idolized 
on a  throne4 ,the ,prince burns with   
impatience1 because he cannot taste the 
liberty enjoyed by the poor person4     
,,lii4 ,some are made unhappy by        
fortune1 and there are others who are so
  by nature4 ,those ,i say1 who in their
 own proper genius and tempers1  find   
their greatest enemy2 discontented men1 
who are pleased with  nothing1 but are  
always loathing what they are in present
 possession  of2 who although they      
should frequently change their fortunes1
 would  find no other effect from it1   
than they would from changing their     
shirts1 which after ten or twelve days  
wear would be ready to poison  them4    
,these people live in a continual       
opposition to the movements of          
,fortune1 notwithstanding which1 they   
are dragged on1 and obliged to  obey the
 impulse of the wheel1 being compelled  
by force and violence2  or like the     
stars1 which are constrained to follow  

the movements  of the sphere to which   
they are attached1 although they are    
always  endeavouring at a motion1       
opposite to that of the orb which       
agitates  them4 ,these are sickly souls1
 whose stomachs turn at all sorts of    
food1  and there are not a few of such  
men in the world4          ,,the ,,most 
,,refined ,,policy4      ,,sect4 ,i4    
,i4 ,the center of all the political    
doctrine of ,machiavel1 is placed  in   
that cursed maxim of his1 that in the   
application of temporal  means1 the     
semblance or appearance of virtue is    
useful2 real virtue1  or virtue itself1 
is an obstacle4 ,from this point issues 
forth1 in  right lines1 the poison1 to  
the whole circumference of that         
pernicious  system4 ,all the world      
abominates the name of ,machiavel1 and  
almost  all the world are his followers4
 ,although1 to speak the truth1 the     
practice of the world is not taken from 
the doctrine of ,machiavel2 but  the    
doctrine of ,machiavel1 is rather taken 

from the practice of the  world4 ,this  
depraved genius taught1 in his writings1
 that which he had  studied in men4 ,the
 world was the same before ,machiavel1  
which it is  at present1 and they       
deceive themselves greatly1 who think1  
that the  ages continued to grow worse1 
as they continued to succeed one        
another4  ,the golden age never existed 
but in the imaginations of the poets2   
the  happiness they feign to have       
prevailed in it1 was enjoyed by only one
  man1 and one woman1 ,adam and ,eve2   
and continued so short a space of  time1
 that so far from lasting an age1       
according to many fathers1 it  did not  
endure an entire day4    ,,ii4 ,you need
 only examine history1 both sacred and  
profane1 to be  informed1 that the      
policy of the antients was not better   
than that of  the moderns2 and ,i for my
 part1 am inclined to think it was      
worse2 for  they scarce knew any other  
road to the temple of ,fortune1 than    
that  which was either laid open by     

violence1 or fabricated by deceit4 ,good
  faith and friendship1 lasted as long  
as people found it their interest  to   
preserve them4 ,religion and justice1   
served as footstools to the  idol of    
convenience4 ,ovid and ,aulus ,gellius  
relate1 that when ,tarquin  resolved to 
build the great temple of the capitol to
 the honour of  ,jupiter1 he demolished1
 in order to make room for it1 the      
temples of  many inferior ,gods1 who    
were all obliged to give way to         
,jupiter2 but  the ,god ,terminus1 or   
the patron of interest and convenience1 
refused to  cede or make way for        
,jupiter himself1 so he maintained his  
ground1 and  his statue kept its place  
in the capitol1 jointly with that of    
,jupiter3        ,terminus1 ut veteres  
memorant1 conventus in urbe             
,restitit1  magno cum ,jove templa      
tenet4    ,,iii4 ,this fiction discovers
 to us the following truth1 that the    
object  of men's pursuits is their own  
convenience1 which they are ever        

strenuous and anxious to promote2 and   
this is the deity1 who never  cared to  
cede or give place to ,jupiter himself1 
for from the most  antient times1 ut    
veteres memorant1 interest has ever     
disputed the  precedence with religion4 
,,iv4 ,polybius lived a great while ago1
 and in his time they had not only  one1
 but many ,machiavels1 who taught1 that 
the management of public  affairs was   
impracticable1 without the aid of deceit
 and treachery3  ,non desunt1 qui in tam
 crebro usu doli mali necessarium eum   
esse  dicant ad publicarum rerum        
administrationem 7,lib4 #ac4 ,histor47  
,although you may see in ,lucan1 the    
fundamental doctrine of ,machiavel  more
 strongly expressed than it is in the   
above sentence1 by the  abandoned       
,phocion1 in the speech he made to      
,ptolemy ,king of ,egypt1  to prevail   
with him1 in violation of gratitude1 and
 in breach of his  plighted word1 to    
take away the life of the great ,pompey2
                          ,sidera terra 

,ut distant1  flamma mari sic utile     
recto4    ,v4 ,this is precisely saying1
 that virtue is always in a state of    
warfare with private utility1 and that  
to negotiate convenience1 it  is        
necessary to abandon justice4 ,a little 
after he adds1 that he who  resolves to 
be merciful and just1 should banish     
himself from courts1  for there1 vice   
only is patronized3              ,exeat 
aula      ,qui vult esse pius4    ,,vi4 
,this is the creed1 not of a few people 
only1 but of the world at  large1 and it
 has been so in all times4 ,what        
,machiavel1 ,hobbes1 and  other infamous
 politicians have inserted in their     
works1 is the same  which you hear every
 day in juntos of people2 to wit1 that  
virtue is  neglected1 that vice is      
caressed and exalted2 that truth and    
justice  are banished from courts2 and  
that flattery and lying are the wings1  
with which people ascend to high        
stations4 ,but this ,i suppose to be  an
 error1 and that it ought to be classed 

in the catalogue of common  errors1 and 
in my reasoning on this subject1 ,i     
shall undertake to  demonstrate that it 
is one1 by informing mankind1 that      
contrary to the  opinion of the world1  
the most refined1 and the most safe     
policy1 is  that which is founded in    
justice and truth4      ,,sect4 ,,ii4   
,,vii4 ,i shall begin with confessing1  
that those who aspire at being          
usurpers1 can never attain their ends1  
but by wicked means1 because to  the    
goal of insolence1 there is no road     
through the land of virtue4 ,but  who   
will say these are subtil politicians8  
,they are the most blind and  mistaken  
of all1 because they pursue a road1 that
 is all over drenched  with blood4 ,very
 few have travelled through it1 who     
before they arrived  at the point in    
view1 have not lost their lives in a    
violent and an  ignominious manner4 ,you
 hardly see any thing in this whole     
rout1 but  men hanging on gibbets1      
carcasses extended on scaffolds1 limbs  

torn  off by wild beasts1 and the ashes 
of victims1 who have been sacrificed  to
 the vengeance of the party offended4   
,you may find here or there  one1 who1  
by pursuing this road1 has at the end of
 his career attained  sovereignty4 ,but 
is the accidental success of one or two 
lucky people1  a counterbalance to so   
horrid and bloody a spectacle8 ,who will
 be  encouraged to trust himself in a   
sea1 strewed with rocks1 and covered    
with wrecks and dead bodies1 because in 
the course of many ages1 three  or four 
vessels which have navigated it1 have   
arrived safe at their  desired port8 ,we
 should add1 to the hazard of shipwreck1
 the toils  and terrors of the          
navigation2 for it is certain1 that     
those who  navigate a sea of danger and 
horror1 before their catastrophe1 endure
  a tempest within their souls4 ,those  
who from private people aspire at  being
 sovereigns1 lead a life of perpetual   
alarms and anxiety1 in order  afterwards
 to die with ignominy3 so that their    

toil and their danger  remain cemented  
to their fortune1 even after they have  
accomplished  or succeeded in their     
undertaking2 for all tyrants live in    
terror1  and rarely or never die in     
their beds4 ,but how can such as these  
be  considered even as middling         
politicians8 ,policy1 in the sense we   
here  use the word1 means the art of    
negotiating one's own convenience4 ,but 
what convenience can a man find1 by     
travelling through a laborious life  to 
a violent death8 ,i say1 that so far    
from contemplating such people  as able 
politicians1 we ought to esteem them    
consummate fools4    ,,viii4 ,there are 
however1 some among them1 who by calling
 them fools1  you do not say enough of2 
as they give cause to have themselves   
pronounced raving mad men2 such1 as when
 they see they are advancing to  a lofty
 precipice1 will attempt to scale the   
height2 people1 emulous  of vain        
exaltations1 who that they may shine on 
high1 consent to be  reduced to ashes1  

and who prefer the shortest life        
elevated in air1  to a long duration on 
the humble earth4 ,these take to        
themselves the  motto of ,saavedra1 dum 
luceam peream2 provided they shine1 they
 are  indifferent about being consumed4 
,such was the ambitious ,agrippina1     
who1 when the ,chaldeans told her her   
son would obtain the empire1 but  that  
he would take away her life1 answered   
spiritedly1 ,occidat dum  imperet4      
,provided he reigns1 ,i don't mind his  
murdering me4 ,such  again was ,anna    
,bolen1 who1 finding herself condemned  
to death for an  adultress1 said        
proudly1 ,they may do what they will    
with me1 but they  can't deprive me of  
having been ,queen of ,england2 from    
whence may  be inferred1 that she       
esteemed it a preferable lot1 to have   
been a  ,queen1 and die with indignity  
in the flower of her age1 than to enjoy 
a long life of honour as a private      
person4 ,we should look with an eye  of 
pity on geniuses of this character1 not 

only with respect to their  misfortunes1
 but to their delusion also2 and we     
should degrade those  from politicians  
to mad men1 who knowing their danger1   
run headlong  into it4    ,,ix4 ,i will 
go so far as to acknowledge1 that some  
iniquitous  politicians1 have           
experienced the gale of fortune         
favourable for  them1 even to the day of
 their deaths4 ,philip1 ,king of        
,macedon1 and  father of ,alexander1 was
 fortunate in almost all his            
undertakings2  for which he was as much 
indebted to his craft and deceptions1 as
 to  his arms2 and in his conquests1 was
 equally favoured by ,mercury and       
,mars2 and if his injustice to          
,pausanias1 in not caring to punish the 
abominable act of turpitude1 which      
,atalus1 one of ,philip's captains1  had
 violently perpetrated on him1 had not  
irritated that generous  youth to such a
 degree1 that he murdered the unjust    
,prince with his  fists1 it might have  
been said1 that none of his wicked deeds

 had ever  been prejudicial to his      
fortune4 ,cornelius ,scylla manifested1 
that  he professed no regard to any     
religion1 by the havock he made among   
the ,grecian temples1 which he          
accompanied with such piccant terms of  
contempt and derision of their deities1 
as they were well deserving  of2 and    
though he was extremely able in the     
conduct of war1 he was  not less so in  
political subtilties2 which made his    
enemy ,carbon say  of him1 that in the  
person of one man1 he found himself     
engaged with  a lion and a fox1 but that
 he feared the fox more than the lion4  
,his  cruelty exceeded the bounds of    
barbarity1 notwithstanding which1 he    
was wonderfully successful4 ,he first   
triumphed over the enemies of the       
republic1 and afterwards over his       
personal ones4 ,nor did his putting     
thousands of people to death violently1 
who while he was dictator were  all     
executed by his order1 excite a         
sufficient degree of public or  private 

hatred1 to occasion his being treated in
 the same way2 but his  natural death   
was worse than any violent one2 for he  
died eat up by  lice1 in consequence of 
all his flesh by degrees1 being         
converted to  those vermin4    ,x4      
,england furnishes us in later times    
with two wayward1 but successful        
politicians4 ,the first was ,robert     
,dudley1 ,earl of ,leicester#a1 the     
favourite of ,queen ,elizabeth1 and so  
great a favourite1 as to cause  his     
entertaining hopes1 that she would give 
him her hand in marriage1  which was the
 occasion of one of the most wicked acts
 of his life1  for he murdered his wife 
to remove the obstacle to his attaining 
so  high an honour4 ,fortune always     
cherished and continued faithful to     
him1 making him to the day of his death1
 master of the affections of  that      
,queen1 whom he held in chains1 by the  
sprightliness of his wit1  and his      
fertile and domestic talents of         
pleasing1 as well as by his  genteel and

 graceful person2 and he had the        
presumption1 when he found  he could not
 obtain her for his wife1 to solicit    
from her the last  personal favours4    
,the second was ,oliver ,cromwell1 who1 
under the title  of ,protector1 was     
tyrant of ,england1 and principal actor 
in the death  of ,charles the ,first4   
,an attempt so horrible1 from the       
circumstance of  his own subjects having
 erected themselves into his ,judges1   
and having  instituted process1 and     
pronounced sentence with all the        
formalities  which are ordinarily used  
with respect to common criminals1 is    
such  an example1 that the world till   
then1 had never seen the like4 ,the     
insult was made greater1 by their       
affecting to elude insulting him1  under
 the pretence1 that they proceeded      
according to law4 ,the ,english  nation 
so far debased themselves by that act1  
that the person who was  then hangman of
 ,london1 and who could not be prevailed
 on1 either by  threats or promises to  

execute the sentence1 appeared to be the
 most  noble spirited man in the        
kingdom4 ,cromwell1 the author of such  
an  enormous piece of wickedness1 and of
 many other inferior ones1 reigned      
afterwards1 not only absolute master of 
,great ,britain for the residue  of his 
life1 but1 by dint of his incomparable  
sagacity1 came to be the  arbiter of all
 ,europe4    ,,xi4 ,there are these     
examples1 but you will find very few    
others1 of  perverse politicians1 who   
have been always successful4 ,but what  
shall  we infer from such examples8     
,shall we esteem those fine politicians 
who  have pursued the same rout8 no1 we 
should rather call them absurd and      
insensible ones4 ,it shews great want of
 judgment1 to found hopes and           
expectations upon one or two singular   
events1 in preference to what  commonly 
happens in the ordinary course of       
things4 ,because some one has  found a  
vein of gold by digging the ground1     
would it not be madness in  me to occupy

 myself1 and spend all my time in       
opening wells through the  bowels of the
 earth8 for if two or three have found  
the philosopher's  stone1 7though ,i    
much doubt if any one ever did7 the     
number of those  are infinite1 who by   
searching after it1 have wasted their   
substance1  and lost their lives4 ,in   
these very rare chances1 on which       
imprudent  ambitious people found their 
expectations1 there likewise intervene  
other very rare accidents1 and that     
these should all concur to favour  him1 
is more than any prudent man can expect4
 ,those few successful  people were also
 assisted with very uncommon natural    
talents1 by dint  of which1 if they had 
directed their steps through the paths  
of virtue1  they would have gone on     
smoothly1 and would have arrived at     
happiness  with much greater ease and   
satisfaction to themselves1 than they   
did  in the vicious course they pursued2
 and this corresponds with the          
observation ,titus ,livius makes on the 

elder ,cato2 ,in illo viro tantum  robur
 corporis1  animi fuit1 ut quocumque    
loco natus esset1 fortunam  sibi        
facturus videretur4      ,,sect4 ,,iv4  
,,xii4 ,but abstracted from the         
innumerable craigs and stumbling blocks 
in the way of ambition1 when it advances
 to its object by the  road of infamy2  
if its views are very high1 the best and
 most safe  policy is1 to pursue the    
pretension by the way of justice and    
truth4  ,lord ,chancellor ,bacon1 who   
was as great a politician as he was a   
philosopher1 divided policy into the    
high and the low4 ,the exalted or  sound
 policy1 consists in the knowledge of   
disposing means for the  attainment of  
ends1 without deviating1 either from    
truth1 equity1  or honour4 ,the low or  
mean policy1 consists in the art of     
attaining  ends1 by the means of        
fictions1 flattery and sophistries2 the 
first is  proper and natural to men1 in 
whom a generous and an upright heart1 is
  joined to a clear understanding and a 

solid judgment4 ,in fact1 says  the     
author we have cited1 almost all eminent
 politicians have been  of this         
character3 sane ubique reperias homines 
rerum tractandarum  peritissimos1 omnes 
fer candorem1 ingenuitatem1  veracitatem
 in  negotiis prsetulisse4 ,the second  
sort is composed of men1 of bastard     
dispositions or understandings3 or of   
such whose understandings are  so       
faintly enlightened1 that they can      
discern no other road which  will lead  
them to their desired end1 but that of  
deceit2 or their  dispositions are so   
depraved1 that they embrace dishonesty  
without  reluctance1 if they conceive it
 will be useful to them2 or ,i am rather
  inclined to think1 that both their    
dispositions and understandings are     
vitiated4    ,,xiii4 ,the representation
 of both these sorts of politicians1 may
 be  seen as in two mirrors1 by viewing 
the characters of the two ,emperors1    
,augustus and ,tiberius1 who were       
immediate successors to each other4     

,augustus was open1 candid1 generous1   
steady in his friendships1  faithful to 
his promises1 and free from all deceit4 
,in the whole  course of his life1 which
 was a very long one1 there does not    
appear  the least treachery2 why do ,i  
say treachery8 not even the slightest   
fallacy4 ,tiberius1 on the contrary1 was
 deceitful1 false1 gloomy1 and          
dissembling4 ,his looks and his breast1 
were never in concord1 and his  words   
were always opposite to his designs2    
which of the two was the  best          
politician8 ,tacitus decides the        
question1 when he extols the            
perspicuity of ,augustus1 and remarks on
 the caution of ,tiberius2 in  the last 
he recognizes high dissimulation1 and in
 the first supreme  ability1 which      
induced ,mucianus1 by way of animating  
,vespasian against  ,vitellius to say3  
,non adversus ,augusti acerrimam mentem1
 neque  adversus ,tiberii cautissimam   
senectutem insurgimus4    ,,xiv4 ,i     
should always esteem him the best       

politician1 who1 contented  with the    
little or much which ,heaven has        
bestowed on him1 avoids  interfering    
with1 or engaging in the traffic and    
bustle of the world2  in the same sense1
 we understand the saying1 that the best
 thing which  can be done with dice1 is 
to forbear playing with them2 but we    
must  except the case of filling a      
public office1 the business of which    
must  be attended to4 ,the following    
admirable distich1 of ,i don't know what
  antient1 seems addressed to all       
private people3        ,mitte superba   
pati fastidia1 spemque caducam          
,despice1 vive tibi cum moriare tibi4   
,,xv4 ,but ,i would not have it         
understood from what ,i have been       
saying1  that ,i approve of those they  
commonly call good men1 who are in all  
respects useless members of society1 to 
whom may be applied the  ,italian       
proverb1 ,tanto buon che val niente4    
,they are so good1 that  they are good  
for1 or worth nothing4 ,much less do ,i 

approve of those  narrow-minded         
geniuses1 who care for nobody but       
themselves4 ,it is  meanness of spirit1 
says the excellent ,bacon1 for a man to 
direct all  his attention to his own    
convenience1 and to make that the centre
  of all his happiness3 ,centrum plane  
ignobile est actionum hominis  cujusquam
 commodum proprium4 ,man is a sociable  
animal1 not only by  the force of social
 laws2 but the obligation of assisting  
other men  when it is in our power1 is a
 debt we owe to our own nature1 and more
  especially to our friend1 and our     
neighbour1 but most of all1 to our      
,king and our country4 ,pliny says1 that
 those who are disposed to acts  of     
beneficence1 and to administer ease and 
comfort to other men1 have  something   
divine in them3 ,deus est mortali juvare
 mortalem4 ,those  whose whole care or  
attention is confined to themselves     
only1 scarce  deserve the name of human 
beings4      ,,sect4 ,v4    ,,xvi4 ,what
 reason dictates is1 that we should     

neither officiously  engage in1 nor     
obstinately refuse entering into        
business1 provided  we find in ourselves
 talents1 that are apt and proper for   
it4 ,if a  person can make his fortune  
in this line1 although he does not      
solicit  employments1 he should not     
refuse accepting them2 because the      
public  is much interested1 in having   
places of trust filled with able and    
good-intentioned men4 ,but upon a       
supposition1 that the doctrine we have  
laid down on this head1 is not suited to
 men of such moderation1 but  rather    
applicable to those who are somewhat    
affected with the malady  of ambition1  
and who are not fond of reading         
documents of morality1  but had rather  
study political ones3 ,i say upon this  
supposition1 let  us proceed in         
following the parallel of the two       
courses1 by which a  man may either make
 his fortune1 or improve that which he  
is already  possessed of4    ,,xvii4    
,all that a person can reasonably       

desire1 may be attained without         
deviating from the path of honour4 ,a   
man of a clear head1 accompanied  with  
perspicuity and prudence1 will always   
find a way to arrive at  the goal of his
 pretensions1 without inclining the line
 of rectitude  and honesty1 towards the 
curve of deceit4 ,fidelity in           
friendship1 and  sincerity in behaviour1
 are so far from being prejudicial1 that
 they  afford great assistance2 because 
with these endowments1 he will gain  the
 confidence and good-will of such as can
 lend their hand to raise  him1 and of  
those1 who may be useful as instruments 
in helping him  forward4 ,by being      
disinterested and a lover of justice1 he
 will acquire  the esteem and affection 
of many1 and the veneration of all men4 
,to be  open-hearted1 and to communicate
 with confidence in all matters1 except 
such as prudence dictates to you to     
conceal1 or else1 such as are  confided 
to you under the seal of secrecy1 by    
those with whom you have  friendly      

intercourse1 have a most powerful       
attraction4 ,and although  this         
behaviour may sometimes occasion        
disgust1 to here and there a  person of 
a different cast of mind2 that          
disadvantage would be doubly            
compensated for1 by the good opinion1   
that person would entertain of  such a  
one when he is persuaded1 that he is a  
man of sincerity2 for the  disgust would
 pass away1 and the good opinion would  
remain4 ,in fact1  these transparent    
souls1 when discretion is combin'd with 
the purity of  their dispositions1 are  
those1 who ascend to the greatest height
 with  the least fatigue4 ,the theatre  
of nature in this particular1 is an     
emblem of the theatre of fortune4 ,the  
diaphonous and brilliant bodies1  are   
those which occupy the most elevated    
stations in the fabric of the  globe2   
the gloomy1 opake1 and obscure ones1 the
 lowest4    ,,xviii4 ,he who finds      
himself aided with an apt or ready      
prudence1 an  upright intention1 and a  

firm loyalty1 together with the         
qualities  we have before enumerated1   
has no need to be always considering and
  contriving means to better his        
affairs4 ,apelles1 who in every other   
instance celebrated the famous painter  
,protogenes1 pointed out a defect  in   
him1 which was1 that he never knew when 
to have done finishing a  picture2 this 
shews1 says ,pliny1 that too much       
diligence many times is  prejudicial3   
,documentum memorabile nocere spe nimiam
 diligentiam4  ,when our politician     
finds himself on the theatre where his  
talents  become conspicuous1 expedients 
occur to him without much thought or    
study4 ,an officious left-handed        
competitor may happen to dispute  the   
palm with him1 but it will be at the    
expence of a great deal of  additional  
toil and labour4 ,the cunning snake may 
arrive at the same  eminence1 to which  
the generous eagle aspires to mount1 but
 with how  much fatigue8 ,the character 
and properties of a low politician1     

cannot  be better displayed1 than under 
the figure of a snake1 the side way  and
 oblique motion with which he goes on1  
points out the deceit he  proceeds with2
 his breast fix'd to the earth1 shews   
his adherence to  self-interest2 the    
various inflexions and foldings of his  
body1 are  descriptive of his crooked   
soul2 and his conceal'd venom1 denotes  
the  evil intention he hides4 ,o        
serpent6 what pains does it cost you to 
better your situation1 only because thou
 art a snake2 while at the same  time1  
the eagle with a careless and an easy   
flight1 ascends to the top  of ,olympus4
      ,,sect4 ,,vi4    ,,xix4 ,this is  
not the greatest inequality discernible2
 the most striking  consists1 in the    
different security consequent to the one
 and the other  mode of conduct4 ,the   
left-handed politician1 both while he is
 seeking  his fortune1 and even after he
 has obtained it1 is exposed to great   
danger4 ,it is impossible1 or next to   
impossible1 that the artifices  and     

mal-practices of a man beset and watched
 by many rivals1 should  not be         
discovered2 and when these are once laid
 open1 as this was the  cement of the   
whole fabric1 its being reduced to ruins
 will not be  delayed an instant4 ,it is
 very difficult says father ,famianus   
,estrada1  for him to avoid a sudden    
fall1 who stands on slippery ground1 and
 is  press'd upon by many people3       
,difficile est in lubrico stare diu1    
quem  plures impellunt4 ,this is the    
state of a deceitful politician2 he     
walks through a very slippery path1 and 
is always upon false ground4  ,the      
people who labour to pull him down      
consist1 of all those who  either envy  
his fortune1 or abhor his evil deeds2   
which is as much as  to say1 he has for 
enemies1 both the good and the bad4 ,how
 can a man  so circumstanced1 support   
himself for any length of time8 he must 
be  overthrown1 and1 as it frequently   
happens1 may in his fall be dashed to   
pieces3 an energetic description of this

 is sung by ,claudian3                  
--------,jam non ad culmina rerum       
,injustos crevisse queror3 tolluntur in 
altum      ,ut lapsu graviore ruant4    
,,xx4 ,the upright politician1 on the   
contrary1 meets no dangers on his  road1
 and has nothing to fear at his         
journey's end4 ,he is the more  safe1   
the more the grounds of his conduct are 
displayed4 ,he has fewer  enemies than  
the other1 because they can consist of  
none but bad  people4 ,in case he is    
overthrown1 his fall will not be        
precipitate  and violent1 but soft and  
easy4 ,his innocence will at least      
preserve  his life2 and the worst that  
can befal him1 is being reduced to his  
former state2 but it most commonly      
happens1 that evil-intentioned  people  
do not succeed in their attacks upon    
him1 and that the shafts of  their      
malice recoil and wound themselves1     
which oftentimes1 affords  honour and   
triumph to the party accused4 ,the      
history of a politician  of integrity1  

although an infidel by his religion1    
occurs to me at  present1 which is very 
applicable to the subject we are        
treating of4  ,the relation is taken    
from ,tavernier's ,voyages1 and it being
 new and  pleasant1 ,i shall give a     
brief recital of it4    ,,xxi4 ,mahomed 
,alibeg1 high steward to the ,king of   
,persia1 was1 from  being a poor        
shepherd1 raised to that elevated post1 
in the beginning  of the last century4  
,the ,king1 one day when he was hunting1
 met with  him in the mountains1 where  
he was playing on his flute1 and        
attending  his flocks4 ,for his         
amusement1 he asked him some questions1 
and1 taken  with the vivacity and       
acuteness of the lad's answers1 he      
carried him  with him to his palace2    
where having him instructed1 the        
rectitude  of his heart1 and the        
clearness of his understanding1 soon    
gained  the affection and confidence of 
the ,king1 who advanc'd him rapidly     
from charge to charge1 till he at last  

placed him in the office of  high       
steward4 ,his inflexible integrity1 and 
his aversion to bribes1  a thing very   
rare among the ,mahometans1 raised him  
powerful enemies2  but finding him so   
thoroughly possessed of the confidence  
of his  master1 they could not venture  
to act in a hostile way against him     
during the ,king's life4 ,after his     
death1 when his successor who was  a    
young man mounted the throne1 they      
suggested to him1 that ,mahomet  had    
subtracted vast sums from the ,royal    
,treasury4 ,the ,prince ordered  him to 
make up his accounts in fifteen days1 to
 which ,mahomet replied  with           
intrepidity1 that so much delay was not 
necessary1 and that if his  ,majesty    
would be pleased to go with him         
immediately to the ,treasury  ,office1  
he would there deliver them to him4 ,the
 ,king went1 followed  by all the       
accusers1 but he found every thing in   
such fine order1 and  the books of      
accounts so exactly and accurately      

stated1 with which  all other           
circumstances corresponded1 that nobody 
had a word to say4  ,from thence the    
,king proceeded to ,mahomet's house1    
where he could not  help admiring the   
moderation of the furniture1 and the    
poverty of the  decorations4 ,one of the
 enemies of the favourite observing the 
door of  a room shut1 and secured with  
three strong chains1 hinted it to the   
,king1 who asked ,mahomet what he had   
got shut up in that room4 ,sir1         
answered ,mahomet1 here ,i keep my own  
things1 all you have hitherto  seen     
belongs to your ,majesty2 and having    
said this he opened the door4  ,the     
,king entered the room1 and after       
looking all round1 saw nothing  but the 
following particulars hanging on nails  
drove into the wall4 ,a  leathern       
doublet1 a wallet1 a shepherd's crook1  
and a flute4 ,the ,king  was viewing    
them with astonishment1 when ,mahomet   
throwing himself at  his feet1 said1    
,sir1 this is the habit1 and these are  

the goods which  ,i was possessed of1   
when the ,king your father brought me to
 court4  ,these were what belonged to me
 then1 and these are what ,i have now1  
and  these only ,i claim as my own2 and 
as they are so1 ,i supplicate with  the 
greatest submission1 that your ,majesty 
will permit me to enjoy  them1 by       
returning to the mountains from whence  
my fortune brought  me forth4 ,here the 
,king1 unable to refrain from tears1    
embraced the  generous favourite2 and   
not content with this mark of his       
approbation1  immediately stript off his
 royal robes1 and ordered ,mahomet to   
wear  them1 which in ,persia1 is        
esteemed the highest honour a ,king can 
confer  on a subject4 ,the result of all
 this1 was1 that ,mahomet during his    
whole life after1 preserved the firm    
confidence and love of his ,prince4     
,what pity it is1 that this             
disinterestedness1 this nobleness of    
mind1  this rectitude1 this moderation1 
should be all lodged in an infidel6     

,,sect4 ,,vii4    ,,xxii4 ,the obstacle 
in the way of an honest politician1 is  
the  difficulty of treating with men in 
power upon the principles of  truth and 
candour4 ,flattery is a door1 that opens
 very wide for the  introduction to     
favour1 but as it is very low also1 no  
man of a  generous mind can enter in at 
it4 ,i have heard all the world declare 
they abhorred flatterers1 but ,i never  
saw any one who did not cherish  them4  
,this proceeds1 from every man rating   
his own talents at more  than their true
 value1 and because the true language of
 a flatterer  corresponds with the good 
opinion the person flattered entertains 
of himself1 who does not look upon him  
who pays the adulation as a  flatterer1 
but as a man of abilities1 and one who  
forms right judgments  of things3 but   
allowing him to be so prudent1 as even  
to undervalue1  instead of over-rating  
his own talents1 he might still lie open
 to  the practices of a flatterer2 as   
for instance1 the flatter'd person1     

might be induced to attribute the       
excessive high opinion the flatterer    
professed to entertain of him1 to the   
excess of his love and esteem  for him1 
and all that is represented through the 
microscope of love1  is greatly         
magnified in the imagination2 and in    
this case1 although he  does not credit 
the applause1 he esteems the affection4 
,by these means1  flattery becomes a    
universal net1 which catches and        
entangles fish of  every kind4          
,,xxiii4 ,this method then1 if managed  
with art1 for there are some            
flatterers1 who are fulsome and         
surfeiting1 is sufficiently effectual   
and secure to practise with1 but is at  
the same time most vile and  pernicious1
 and therefore should never be made use 
of1 nor should the  truth ever be       
deviated from4 ,but truth is disgusting6
 no matter1  prudence will find         
seasonings to make it palatable2 and    
although it  be true1 that by using     
these means1 an honest man will be      

longer in  ingratiating himself into the
 good opinion of a great person1 than a 
sordid flatterer1 still1 he will in the 
end obtain a more solid and  lasting    
estimation with him4 ,the first thing to
 be observed by him1  is never to give  
his opinion with asperity1 nor ever to  
give it at  all but at proper           
opportunities4 ,the rigidity of         
undeceiving people  with respect to     
their errors1 should be softened by the 
gentleness of  respect2 and if reverence
 and sweetness of manner1 are used as   
vehicles  to convey the proposition1    
they will cause it to be well received4 
,it  would be better still1 to refrain  
intirely from doing what we have  just  
mentioned1 if you could with propriety  
be excused from speaking  your          
sentiments4 ,these qualities were       
celebrated by ,king ,theodoricus1  in a 
favourite of his3 ,sub genii nostri luce
 intrepidus quidem2  sed reverenter     
adstabat1 opportune tacitus1 necessarie 
copiosus4  7,casiodor4 lib4 #e4 ,epist4 

#c47 ,in cases that admit of waiting for
  favourable opportunities1 be watchful 
and attentive to make use of  them1 when
 the mind of the great man is happily   
tempered1 and when he  is well disposed 
to be undeceived1 and to receive        
information2 the  choice of these must  
be confided to discretion1 which best   
understands  these matters1 and is the  
best guide in such cases3        ,sola  
viri molles aditus1  tempora noras4     
,,xxiv4 ,in the second place1 you should
 never1 in opposition to the  opinion of
 a great man1 be stiff or positive in   
maintaining your  own sentiments1       
because this is difficult to be done    
without giving  offence4 ,the           
philosopher ,favorinus answered wisely  
to some1 who blamed  him for giving way 
in a dispute he had with the ,emperor   
,adrian1 by  saying to them1 it was     
proper and necessary to give way to a   
man who  commanded thirty legions4      
,,xxv4 ,thirdly1 you may sweeten the    
bitter of truth1 with a species of      

engaging and modest condescension2 which
 consists more in actions1  than in     
words1 ,i mean that it is contained in  
being obsequious1 and  expressing by    
your gestures1 a disposition and desire 
to please2 and  these will have a       
notable effect in promoting attention to
 your advice1  because they will create 
an opinion1 that the instruction is the 
offspring of generous sincerity1 and not
 of positive pride4 ,i would  not       
however have it understood1 that the    
submission should be abject1  or savour 
of meanness of spirit2 but ,i had almost
 said1 that with  respect to superiors1 
submission is generally defended from   
the hazard  of such an imputation4      
,dionysius1 tyrant of ,syracuse1 having 
refused  to grant a request which was   
made to him by ,aristippus of ,cyrene1  
he  prostrated himself at his feet1 and 
obtained what he asked4 ,some people    
reprehended the action1 as beneath the  
dignity of a philosopher2 to  which     
,aristippus answered1 8,he that would be

 heard by ,dionysius1 must  apply his   
mouth to his feet1 for there his ears   
are placed40 ,the saying  was pleasant1 
and ,i won't determine whether or not   
the submission was  excessive4          
,,xxvi4 ,i repeat my assurance1 that by 
using these precautions1 the open       
honest politician1 will obtain a much   
higher degree of estimation  in the mind
 of a great man1 than the sly           
contemplative one4 ,when he  arrives at 
convincing the person who was before    
persuaded he was able1  that he is      
candid also1 he stands on sure ground4  
,in consequence of  his integrity1 he   
may at times experience a few slights1  
but he will  still continue to possess  
the confidence he has gained2 as it     
happened  to the ,duke of ,alva1 with   
,philip the ,second1 when he sent the   
,duke to  conquer ,portugal4 ,the king1 
before he set out1 shewed him the slight
  of refusing to let him wait on him to 
take his leave1 and at the same  time   
confided to his management1 an          

enterprize of such importance4 ,on  the 
contrary1 the flatterer1 although he in 
his ordinary conversation  and          
deportment1 is always pleasant and      
entertaining1 still you will  perceive1 
if his superior is a wary man1 that such
 sort of talents  do not introduce him  
deep into his esteem4 ,many people make 
use of  flatterers1 as men who are      
feverish use water2 which although it   
may  seem obnoxious to them1 they gargle
 their throats with1 but do not  swallow
 it4 ,generally speaking1 and to me the 
conclusion is infallible1  that with an 
equal share of talents1 the good1       
candid1 faithful1  grateful man1 who is 
a lover of justice and equity1 will make
 a  greater fortune1 and with more      
certainty1 than he who is void of those 
qualities1 or possessed of opposite     
ones4      ,,sect4 ,,viii4    ,,xxix4   
,but here ,i find myself pressed with an
 objection1 which is  pretended to be   
derived from common experience1 to wit1 
that nothing  is seen in the world but  

perverse people exalted1 and virtuous   
ones  cast down2 that flattery and      
deceit ride triumphant2 and that truth  
and candour lie groaning and oppressed4 
,i answer first1 that all this  seems   
more like the voice of envy1 than just  
observation founded on  experience4 ,i  
confess1 that you hear these complaints 
at every turn2  but who articulates     
them8 not those who occupy places1 for  
they  would hardly speak against        
themselves2 neither do virtuous         
neglected  people utter them2 for they  
are not apt to go about complaining1    
and troubling the world with their      
disappointments1 neither do they  snarl 
at1 or envy the honours conferred on men
 in power1 nor do they  compliment      
themselves with being the only people   
who possess any degree  of merit4 ,who  
are those then1 that find themselves so 
neglected8 none  but the bad and        
incapable2 such who from want of        
ability1 and by  their bad behaviour1   
have made themselves unworthy of all    

attention2  these are the men1 who      
accuse ,fortune of partiality2 and the  
angry  and discontented people being    
very numerous1 they make such a noise   
with their complaints1 that the cries   
vociferated from their vitiated         
breasts1 seem like the clamours of all  
the world4 ,you may add to this1  that  
as no man who arrives at obtaining      
power1 can serve every one he  sees in  
an inferior station1 but only a few of  
them1 all such then  as do not partake  
of his beneficence1 think he has made an
 unjust  distribution of his favours2   
like the ,cafres1 they only worship ,god
  when he sends them fair weather1 and  
are very angry with him when  they have 
foul4 ,the very people obliged1 are apt 
to complain1 because  the favours       
bestowed on them1 fall short of what    
they expected1 or  what they thought    
themselves entitled to4 ,i can assert   
from my own  experience1 that having had
 intercourse with some of those persons 
who had been the artisans of their own  

fortune1 ,i found them beyond           
comparison better men1 than common fame 
had represented them to be4    ,,xxviii4
 ,secondly1 even though it should appear
 true1 that the fortunate  virtuous men 
are but few in number1 ,i answer1       
nothing can be inferred  from thence to 
contradict what we have asserted4 ,if   
those are few  who have made their      
fortunes by pursuing the paths of       
virtue1 it is1  because few have        
attempted it in that way4 ,how can many 
arrive at a  goal1 which but few have   
set out on their rout to8 ,it is        
certain1 that  men of sanctity of       
manners1 or those who are truly         
virtuous1 are never  solicitous about   
ascending to high stations4 ,they are   
like the stars1  none of which attempt  
rising to a sphere superior to that in  
which ,god  has placed them4 ,those who 
are not blessed with such solid virtue1 
but  are endowed with the talents we    
have mentioned before1 are the men we   
are about to treat of2 and ,i say1 that 

in all countries1 such men are  but few 
in number1 though ,i will venture to    
assure those few1 if they  will apply   
themselves1 that they will succeed and  
do their business4  ,shew me a single   
man of distinguished natural parts1 and 
of a clear  understanding1 who is well  
intentioned1 and has a firm and constant
  heart2 who is courteous1 faithful1 and
 just2 that has not better'd his        
fortune1 if he has diligently           
endeavoured at it4 ,many of these1 ,i   
mean1  many in proportion to the number 
of them1 are sought by fortune1 even    
when they themselves seem to slight her2
 and although ,i may be possibly  shewn 
some such1 who have been reduced2 still1
 for every one of this  sort that can be
 instanced1 ,i will venture to point out
 a hundred  crooked left-handed         
politicians1 who have been brought to   
poverty and  misery1 by their frauds1   
little tricks1 and mean cunning4        
,,xxix4 ,but ,i have not mentioned all1 
for ,i am firmly persuaded1 that  you   

will rarely meet with a man1 to whom    
virtue has not been of use1  even in    
point of temporal convenience2 because1 
if the system of  government1 and the   
men in power are favourable to him1 he  
is raised2  if indifferent1 he is       
respected2 if adverse1 he is at least   
not hated2  even when the state is      
inflam'd by factions1 the opposite      
party1 if in  power1 although they do   
not confide employments to him1 consider
 him  as an exception to their          
resentment4 ,there never was seen in the
 world  a furor1 equal to that of the   
,sicilians1 when in their famous        
vespers1  they cut the throats of the   
,french2 nor was there ever any nation  
so  irritated against another2 for their
 barbarity1 carried them to rip  open   
the bellies of all the ,sicilian women  
they suspected were with  child by      
,frenchmen4 ,in this horrible massacre1 
they did not spare one  of that nation  
who fell into their hands1 except       
,william de ,porceleto1  governor of the

 district of ,calatafima1 who was       
protected from the  general rage1 by the
 fame of his goodness4 ,so certain is   
it1 that the  temple of virtue is the   
only asylum of public safety4    ,,xxx4 
,the noise and clamour that men of great
 abilities are neglected1  and lie hid  
in corners1 is a mere fable2 and if they
 do not voluntarily  hide themselves1   
totally void of truth1 or if this is not
 the case1  they are neglected1 because 
to their great talents1 there are       
annexed  great defects4 ,i have gone    
about and seen the world1 but to this   
day1  have not observed a man of        
distinguished abilities1 7who was not   
blemished with glaring defects17        
slighted and disregarded2 however1 as   
we ought in every instance to speak the 
truth1 the esteem for him1 has  not     
always been in proportion to his degree 
of merit4 ,some maintain an  opposite   
sentiment to that we have been          
advancing1 but if you attend  to them1  
they do not so much complain of other   

peoples' slights and  disappointments as
 of their own4 ,with their tongues1 they
 lament that  men of talents are        
despised2 in reality1 they only grieve  
that those  are despised who are void of
 them1 which are themselves2 and under  
the pretence of zeal for the public     
good1 they vent their own private       
spleen4 ,it is the vulgar artifice of   
people of extreme incapacity to  censure
 the partial distribution of favours1   
and it has been remarked1  that if one  
of these censurers ever ascended to what
 he aspired at1 he  immediately approved
 of all those measures of government1   
which he had  before clamoured against2 
from whence it may be inferred1 that all
 the  merit he before lamented to have  
been trodden under foot1 he considered  
as centered and collected together in   
his own person4 ,i have seen some       
unworthy men exalted1 but do not        
remember an instance of a great man     
without spot ever having been despised  
or contemned4      ,,sect4 ,,ix4        

,,xxxi4 ,it is now time for us to treat 
of the inconvenience of low  policy4    
,the celebrated ,bacon1 calls it the    
asylum of those1 who  for want of       
talents1 are incapable of pursuing the  
sublime path of  heroic policy3 ,quid si
 quis ad hunc judicii1  discretionis    
gradum  ascendere non valeat1 ei        
relinquitur tanquam tatissimum1 ut sit  
rectus   dissimulator 7de ,inter4 rer4  
cap4 #f474 ,this maxim1 coincides with  
that which ,plutarch cites of the       
,general ,lysander4 ,the ,lacedmonians  
remonstrated with him1 that on account  
of his little faith and truth1  he      
degenerated from ,hercules whom they    
boasted being the descendants  of4 ,to  
which he answered wittily1 alluding to  
the habit ,hercules used  to wear1 that 
for want of the skin of a lion1 he was  
obliged to make  use of the skin of a   
fox4    ,,xxxii4 ,there are different   
degrees of low policy1 some of which1   
are  worse than others4 ,the first1 is  
that of dissimulation and craft4 ,the   

second1 is that of false appearances and
 lying4 ,the third1 is that of          
wickedness and insolence4 ,the first1 if
 it does not come in contact  with the  
line of the second1 is in the moral     
indifferent2 but it is  very difficult  
to pursue a course of craft and reserve1
 without being  under the occasional    
necessity of telling many lies2 because 
if a man  is pressed with questions1    
silence1 by being unfavourably          
interpreted  with respect to the person 
questioned1 is equivalent to1 or makes  
as  much against him1 as a positive     
answer2 and the gift of being ready in  
these streights with an ingenious come  
off1 is bestowed on very few  people4   
,,xxxiii4 ,an habitual dissimulation    
proceeds1 partly from a defect in  the  
understanding1 and partly from the      
natural talents being vitiated4  ,those 
who cannot distinguish when it is proper
 to observe silence1 nor  when it is    
requisite1 and when hazardous1 to be    
open and explicit2  upon a short        

reflection1 either decide upon keeping  
silence totally2  or else on all        
occasions1 never to venture more than a 
very diminutive  explanation2 like blind
 people1 who even when they are walking 
on  plain ground1 for fear of slipping1 
proceed with great caution4  ,this in   
some1 is more the effect of             
pusillanimity than the want of          
reflection1 although they always mix one
 with the other2 but be that  as it     
will1 they lead but a weary and         
unpleasant life2 for wearing a  padlock 
continually on the lips1 is the same    
thing1 as living with a  heart which is 
ever imprisoned4 ,such people1 are ever 
in dread that  the secrets of their     
breasts should be laid open1 or else1   
that some  words which they have made   
use of1 have already discovered them4   
,they  are destitute of the comfort of  
unbosoming to a friend1 because all     
pusillanimous people are distrustful and
 suspicious2 they scarce think  any man 
sincere in friendship1 or safe to put   

confidence in2 they also  make          
themselves unpleasant and disgusting    
companions1 because they  make a mystery
 of every thing2 and the reciprocal     
communication of  souls1 being the      
sweetest correspondence among men1 they 
are unhappy1  because they cannot taste 
of this bliss2 and they are             
disagreeable1  because as far as it     
depends on them1 they deprive other     
people of that  happiness4 ,we may add  
to this2 that no prudent person confides
 in him  who has confidence in no one2  
because such a man1 is ever suspected of
  judging other people by himself4 ,it  
also happens1 that in consequence  of   
his not communicating his designs to any
 one1 those afford him no  assistance1  
who might either be disposed1 or have it
 in their power  to serve him1 for want 
of being acquainted with what he aims   
at4 ,this  was the case of ,pompey1 who 
although a daring warrior1 was a timid  
politician4 ,his intention was the same 
as ,csar's1 that is1 to rule the        

republic with an absolute sway4 ,csar   
succeeded in his scheme1 because  he    
attempted the thing openly4 ,pompey1 by 
hiding his designs from his  most       
affectionate friends1 who were numerous2
 and by using occult  artifices1 and    
endeavouring to disturb the republic1 in
 order that it  might fall spontaneously
 into his hands1 missed his aim2 because
 his  friends1 being ignorant of what he
 intended1 knew not how to apply  their 
influence in assisting him4 ,tacitus    
comparing him with ,marius and  ,sylla1 
says1 ,occultior non melior4 ,for all   
these reasons1 it appears  very         
difficult1 for men who are exceedingly  
deceitful to better their  fortunes4 ,at
 least1 they will hardly ever owe their 
doing it to their  genius4      ,,sect4 
,x4    ,,xxxv4 ,the dealers in false    
pretences1 and the men of cunning1      
compose  the vulgar of a court1 and are 
the most numerous part of population in 
the political world2 but they who act   
upon these principles1 follow a  very   

dangerous tract1 although it is the most
 beaten4 ,their deceptions  are so      
manifold1 that notwithstanding art and  
fortune should conspire  to hide them1  
it is next to impossible that some will 
not appear4 ,a  fabric built on false   
ground1 without the wind overturning it1
 will  fall of itself4 ,when a lying    
genius is once found out1 the least     
inconvenience consequent on the         
discovery is1 his never being believed  
any more4 ,tiberius1 on account of his  
having been so often detected  in       
falsehoods1 was not credited1 even when 
he spoke the truth3 ,vero  quoque1      
honesto fidem demissit1 says ,tacitus4  
,,xxxv4 ,not only lies detected are     
unfortunate1 but they are likewise      
sometimes so1 on account of their being 
thought true2 for in this  case1 they   
produce an effect1 quite opposite to the
 purpose they were  intended to answer4 
,nero wanted to murder his mother       
,agrippina in such  a manner1 that her  
death should appear accidental1 and not 

design'd4  ,for this purpose1 he caused 
a ship in which ,agrippina was to       
embark1  to be constructed so artfully1 
that the part where his mother was  to  
be lodged1 could be easily separated    
from the other1 and let the  unfortunate
 ,princess drop into the ,sea4 ,the     
purpose was not answered1  because the  
part did not separate as was intended1  
but only open'd1 so  as to cause great  
dread of shipwreck in those of the      
party4 ,aceronia1  a lady who attended  
,agrippina1 when the alarm happened1 ran
 out and  called aloud for assistance1  
saying1 she was ,agrippina1 the mother  
of  the ,emperor4 ,the darkness of the  
night favoured the deceit1 and those    
who knew ,nero's intention1 believing   
she was ,agrippina1 came quickly  to    
her2 not with a design to assist1 but to
 demolish the unfortunate  ,aceronia1   
which they did1 upon a supposition that 
they were doing an  agreeable piece of  
service to ,nero4    ,,xxxvi4 ,lying1 is
 proper and natural to base and         

ambitious people1 who  by mixing        
flattery with their lies1 become vile   
and contemptible to  the last degree2   
and their doing this1 makes them the    
slaves of all  mankind4 ,they submit to 
every one1 and humble themselves to     
every one1  and treat all the world as  
their masters2 some because they should 
do  them service1 and others because    
they should not injure them2 like  the  
savages of ,virginia1 who not only      
worship the stars because they  give    
them light1 and promote fertility1 but  
they worship all they fear  likewise2   
not only the devil whom they most dread1
 but also fire1  clouds1 horses1 and    
great guns are venerated as deities by  
them4 ,they  have work enough upon their
 hands who serve so many masters1 for   
over  and above the labour which liars  
find in obeying such a number of        
directors1 they are alarm'd and fatigu'd
 with the risques they run1 for  their  
practices of deceiving being once       
discover'd1 all mankind abhor  them4    

,,sect4 ,,xi4    ,,xxxvii4 ,we come now 
to the quintessence of the venom of     
ambition1 to  those pests of society1   
abandoned politicians2 to those         
concealed  ,atheists1 those devils in   
disguise1 who without the least scruple 
to  attain their base purposes1 practise
 the most deformed vices2 who to  lay   
their hands on benefits1 set their feet 
on1 and trample upon the  laws2 who with
 the fine accomplishments1 of perjury1  
ingratitude1  and treachery1 are        
galanting fortune night and day4 ,these1
 of all  politicians are the most blind1
 because the road by which they think to
  arrive at happiness and honour1 leads 
them directly to misfortune and         
disgrace4 ,who1 by such sort of means1  
was ever made happy8 ,machiavel         
himself1 the grand master of this       
infernal policy1 passed the last  years 
of his life in extreme misery2 and he   
would long before his  dissolution      
happened have died on a gibbet1 if he   
had not denied in  the torture1 his     

participation in the conspiracy against 
the family  of the ,medicis4 ,if one or 
two1 have happened to raise themselves  
by  the dint of wicked practices1 their 
elevation may be compared to that  of   
,simon ,magus1 who was lifted up1 that  
his legs might be crushed to  pieces    
with his fall4 ,sejanus1 in consequence 
of a similarity in their  habits and    
dispositions1 gained such a degree of   
favour with ,tiberius1  and came to have
 such an ascendant over him1 that he    
directed and  control'd him with an     
absolute sway4 ,and what did all these  
smiles of  fortune end in8 ,nothing     
more1 than that no culprit was ever put 
to  death with greater ignominy4        
,petronius ,arbiter1 by flattering the  
lascivious disposition of ,nero1 arrived
 at being superintendant of  his        
turpitudes1 or regulator of his         
brutalities2 so that in all which       
related to criminal pleasures1 the      
,prince obeyed his subject2 nor would   
he taste of any thing1 but what         

,petronius prescribed2 notwithstanding  
which1 the criterion arrived1 when ,nero
 condemned him to death2 which          
,petronius anticipated1 by opening his  
veins4 ,it is very remarkable that  out 
of all the people ,nero most hated1     
,seneca was the last who died  by his   
order4 ,the arm of the ,prince1 was     
restrained by the virtue of  the        
philosopher1 notwithstanding that same  
virtue made the ,prince's  life         
unpleasant1 and was an irksome monitor  
to him2 and after all1  the philosopher 
did not die without a crime1 for he was 
privy to the  conspiracy of ,pison4 ,if 
virtue enjoys these immunities under bad
  ,princes1 what may it not expect from 
good ones8    ,,xxxviii4 ,it would be   
strange delirium in him who is making   
war against  heaven1 to expect1 the     
stars should be favourable to his       
designs4 ,a  ,frenchman1 reminding an   
,englishman of the time1 when in the    
reign of  ,henry the ,sixth1 the        
,english were almost absolute masters of

 ,france1  said sneeringly to him1      
8,when do you think you shall return    
again to be  ,lords of our kingdom80 to 
which the ,englishman made him this     
admirable  reply1 ,when your iniquities 
shall be greater than ours4 ,little     
different from this was the saying of   
,agislaus2 who 7when ,tisaphernes       
finding himself superior in force1 in   
violation of the peace he had  sworn to 
observe1 began hostilities17 spoke thus3
 ,i am very happy at  this event1       
because ,tisaphernes by his perfidy1 has
 engaged the ,gods  on my side4 ,the    
issue was1 that ,agislaus came off      
triumphant1 and  ,tisaphernes lost the  
battle and his life4    ,,xxxix4 ,but to
 illustrate how much ,god takes part    
with the enemies of  him1 who hopes to  
succeed in his undertakings1 by         
violating the oaths  sworn by his holy  
name1 there is not a more memorable     
instance in  history1 than may be seen  
in the case of ,ladislaus the fourth1   
king of  ,hungary4 ,this ,prince1 after 

gaining some victories1 agreed upon a   
truce  with ,amurat the ,second2 but in 
a short time afterwards1 instigated by  
the indiscreet zeal of the ,pontifical  
legate1 he began the war afresh3        
,worldly policy taught him1 that the    
opportunity was favourable1 as the      
,turks had not recovered from the       
consternation of their late defeats4    
,ladislaus had excellent troops1 and for
 his ,general1 ,john ,huniades1 who  was
 esteemed the most skillful warrior the 
world knew in that age4 ,they  came to a
 battle1 which in the beginning1 was    
much in favour of the  ,hungarians4     
,amurat1 when he saw his troops ready to
 betake themselves  to flight1 drew out 
from his bosom the instrument containing
 the  truce1 which ,ladislaus had sworn 
to observe2 and lifting his eyes  to    
heaven1 in a loud voice1 addressed our  
,saviour1 in words to this  effect3     
,jesus ,christ1 if thou art the true    
,god1 as the ,christians  believe you to
 be1 chastise the affront offered to you

 by these people1  in breaking a truce1 
which they have sworn by thy holy name  
to keep  sacred2 and wonderful to       
relate1 at this instant the gale of     
fortune  veer'd about1 the ,mahometans  
defeated the ,christians with a bloody  
slaughter1 and to compleat the whole1   
,ladislaus himself was among the  slain3
        ,discite justitiam moniti1  non 
temnere ,divos4      ,,sect4 ,,xi4      
,,xl4 ,one of the most common effects of
 infamous policy1 is1 the author's  own 
maxims being often turned upon1 and     
brought to militate against  himself4   
,jeroboam1 when the kingdom of ,israel  
was divided1 having made  himself master
 of the ten tribes1 spun1 as it appeared
 to him1 a most  exquisite fine thread  
of policy2 for observing1 that from a   
religious  motive1 the hearts of his    
subjects were attached to the ,temple of
  ,jerusalem2 and that1 if he could not 
separate them from the ,jews in  point  
of worship1 he was not secure in the    
possession of his portion of  the       

empire2 he raised two idols1 and        
insisted the ten tribes should  worship 
them1 forsaking the true ,god1 who was  
worshiped in the ,temple  of ,jerusalem2
 but this keen piece of policy1 as we   
read in the ,book  of ,kings1 was the   
very cause1 which deprived his posterity
 of the  succession to the crown2 his   
son ,nadab in consequence of it1 having 
lost the kingdom and his life by the    
hands of the rebellious ,general        
,baassa4 ,in the death which the ,jews  
inflicted on our ,saviour1 they         
pretended1 that political precaution    
made it necessary they should  deprive  
him of life1 for otherwise1 the ,romans 
would demolish them for  having         
acknowledged any other ,king but ,csar2 
but for their having  carried this      
cursed maxim into execution1 heaven     
ordained as their  punishment1 that     
these very ,romans1 should afterwards be
 the people to  destroy them4    ,,xli4 
,thus ,providence disposes1 that the    
very same means which  ,machiavilian    

politicians apply for their exaltation1 
or their security1  become the          
instruments of their destruction4       
,haman1 is hang'd on the  same gallows1 
which he prepared for ,mordecai4        
,perillus1 is burnt in the  same brazen 
ox1 which he fabricated to indulge the  
cruelty of ,phalaris4  ,callipus1 tyrant
 of ,sicily1 has his throat cut by the  
same knife1 with  which he took away the
 life of the generous ,dion4 ,isaac     
,aaron1 a ,greek  by nation1 whose eyes 
were put out by order of the ,emperor   
,emanuel  ,comenus1 as a punishment for 
his evil deeds1 afterwards advised the  
usurper ,andronicus1 not only to put out
 the eyes of his enemies1 but  to cut   
their tongues out also2 because1 that   
after being deprived of  their sight1   
they could do mischief with their       
tongues4 ,the ,emperor  ,isaac ,angelo1 
succeeded ,andronicus1 and ordered1 that
 the tongue of  the infamous counsellor 
who had before lost his eyes1 should be 
cut  out likewise4 ,perrin1 ,captain    

,general of ,geneva1 the great          
persecutor  of the ,catholics1 when in  
the year #aece1 that republic changed   
their  religion1 caused the stone of the
 great altar in the ,cathedral to  be   
transported to the place of execution1  
that it might serve as a  scaffold to   
dispatch delinquents on2 and father     
,maimburgus1 in his  ,history of        
,calvinism1 tells us1 that the blood of 
,perrin1 who was  beheaded for his      
crimes1 was the first which stained the 
stone4 ,thomas  ,cromwell1 whom ,henry  
the ,eighth1 when he erected himself    
into head of  the ,english church1      
constituted his supreme vicar in all    
ecclesiastical  matters1 was a man      
extremely false1 cruel1 and avaricious4 
,to furnish  pretences for persecuting  
the ecclesiastics1 that he might enrich 
himself with their spoils1 he prevailed 
on ,henry to make that most  iniquitous 
law1 that sentences of death1 and       
confiscations1 pronounced  on people for
 high treason1 should be good and valid1

 although they  had not been heard in   
their defence2 but ,cromwell himself1   
was the  first man this law was put in  
practice against2 ,henry having caused  
him to be beheaded1 without his being   
heard or permitted to make any  defence3
        --------,nec lex est quior illa1
      ,ut necis artifices arte perirent 
sua4    ,,xlii4 ,finally1 and to sum up 
the whole1 if we search history1 we     
shall  hardly find one among a thousand 
of those politicians1 who have sought   
to exalt themselves by means of wicked  
arts and practices1 that have  not come 
to an unhappy end4 ,thus it has ever    
been till this time1 and  so it will    
ever continue to be from henceforward4  
,what blindness then  is it1 to         
persevere in following a path1 by       
pursuing which1 you can  only by a      
miracle of chance avoid a precipice8    
,what can this be but  delirium1 the    
infallible symptom of the fever of      
ambition8 which is  a flame that cannot 
burn with violence in any man1 without  

his being  affected with a phrensy of   
the brain4      ,,sect4 ,,xiii4         
,,xliii4 ,all we have said of policy1 as
 it relates to private people1  may be  
applied to princes1 or superiors1 who   
govern every kind of  state2 and with   
respect to these also1 the division of  
policy into  the high and the low1 is   
apt and proper1 as the first is secure1 
and  the second hazardous in them1 in   
the same proportion1 which it is with   
respect to subjects or private men4 ,any
 ruler whatever1 who is endued  with the
 three virtues1 of prudence1 justice1   
and fortitude1 will be a  singular good 
politician1 without ever having read any
 of those books1  which treat of reasons
 of state4 ,the true arts of governing1 
are1 to  chuse such ministers as are    
wise and upright1 to reward merit1 and  
to punish crimes2 to watch over1 and    
attend to the interest of the  public1  
and to be faithful in promises4 ,by     
these means1 the respect1  the love1 and
 the obedience of subjects1 will be much

 more effectually  secured1 than by all 
that compound farrago of political      
subtilties1  called reasons of state2 a 
mystery1 deposited in the minds of privy
  counsellors1 which1 as if it was a    
most sacred thing1 they never suffer  to
 be totally displayed2 nor ever to go   
forth to the public1 unless  covered    
with a thick veil2 and is for the most  
part1 no more than a  ridiculous        
phantom1 or vain idol1 which under the  
title of a ,deity1  they exhibit for the
 adoration of the ignorant vulgar4      
,reason of state1  is the universal     
agitator1 or primum mobile of a kingdom1
 and is the  reason for every thing1    
without being the reason of any thing4  
,if it  is asked1 why was such a thing  
done1 the answer is1 for reasons of     
state2 very well1 but why was such      
another thing omitted to be done1  why  
for reasons of state also4 ,would it not
 be better to say1 it was  done because 
justice required it1 or because         
religion1 clemency1 or  some moral      

virtue dictated the doing it8 ,the      
reason of the directions  of a minister 
to his inferiors1 in all matters1 is1   
that they are the  ,king's commands4    
,the reason why a ,prince orders any    
thing to be done1  should be this1 and  
this only1 because the commandments and 
laws of  ,god1 require it2 for a ,prince
 in a more rigorous sense1 is the       
minister  of ,god1 than his subalterns  
are ministers to him4    ,,xliv4 ,if we 
are to understand1 that reason of state 
means political  prudence1 why not call 
it by that name8 because the phrase     
political  prudence1 implies or         
signifies a moral virtue1 but the term1 
reason  of state1 we don't know the     
meaning of4 ,this expression1 ragioni   
di stato1 took its rise in ,italy1 but  
it does not seem as if they  entertained
 a high veneration for it there1 since  
we are told1 that the  holy ,pontif     
,pius1 could not bear to hear it        
mentioned2 and was used to  say1 that   
reasons of state were the inventions of 

perverse men1 and the  very reverse of  
religion and the moral virtues4 ,it was 
observable1 that  ,pope ,pius1 in no    
case stood in need of these political   
subtilties2 for  without their aid1 he  
was not only a great saint1 but a       
distinguish'd  and exemplary ruler4     
,,xlv4 ,it was a remark of the          
celebrated ,bacon1 that the most        
desirable  governments which the church 
has in all times experienced1 were under
  those ,popes1 who having passed the   
greatest part of their lives in         
monasteries1 were reputed ignorant of   
political business2 and that  these made
 excellent ,princes1 and recommended    
themselves much more  to the good       
opinion of posterity1 by their wise     
regulations1 than  those1 who had been  
bred in the schools1 and had exercised  
themselves  all their lives1 in the     
management of public affairs2 instancing
 as  examples of the truth of this      
assertion1 ,pius ,v4 and ,sextus ,v4 who
 both  reign'd in the same age3 ,im     

convertamus oculos ad regimen           
pontificium  ac nominatim ,pij ,v4 vel  
,sixti ,v4 nostro sculo1 qui sub initiis
 habiti  sunt pro fraterculis rerum     
imperitis1 inveniemusque acta paparum   
ejus  generis magis esse solere         
memorabilia1 quam eorum1 qui in negotiis
  civilibus1  principum aulis enutriti  
ad papatum ascenderint 7,lib4  ,i4 de   
,augment4 ,scient47 ,this testimony to  
the truth1 is given by a  ,calvinist    
,heretic1 although abstracted from his  
religion1 he was in  every sense a      
great1 and most enlightened man1 and    
one1 who was not  more remarkable for   
his incomparable talents1 than for his  
candour and  ingenuity4    ,,xlvi4 ,the 
reason he gives why the ,popes1 who     
before their elevation  to the throne1  
had lived in holy retirement1 excelled  
in the mode and  goodness of their      
government1 those1 who before their     
rise1 had always  been exercised in     
public business1 entitles him to the    
appellations we  have just bestowed on  

him4 ,he says1 the want of civil        
instruction in  those ,pontiffs1 was    
more than compensated for by their      
virtues2 because  ,princes1 who follow  
steadily1 the plain and safe road of    
religion1  justice1 and the other moral 
virtues1 readily and expertly1 without  
the aid of studied policy1 put in train1
 and dispatch all sorts of  business    
that may occur to them4 ,they are sound 
and robust souls1 who  have no more     
occasion for civil arts1 than men who   
are healthy1 and  blessed with good     
constitutions have for physic4 ,in eo   
tamen abund  fit compensatio1 quod per  
tutum1 planumque iter religionis1       
justiti1  honestatis1 virtutumque       
moralium1 prompte1 atque expedite       
incedant1  quam viam1 qui constanter    
tenuerint1 illis alteris remediis non   
magis  indigebunt1 quam corpus sanum    
medicina4    ,,xlvi4 ,i almost blush1   
that a ,heretic should talk in this     
strain1 when  among the ,catholics1 we  
find so many politicians who abound in  

very  different maxims4 ,but the case   
is1 that the subtilties and artifices   
which compose what is commonly called   
worldly policy1 are a sort  of remedies1
 which sickly souls only1 stand in need 
of4 ,a vicious  government1 which he who
 has the management of turns and winds  
to  answer his private purposes1 cannot 
exist without the help of such          
medicaments1 which may with as much     
propriety be called drugs1 as those     
that are sold in an apothecary's shop4  
,but a sound understanding1  endued and 
justly tempered with the four elemental 
qualities1 of  prudence1 justice1       
fortitude1 and sobriety1 with only the  
assistance  of these virtues1 will1     
without the succour of other arts1 and  
without  embarrassment1 surmount all the
 difficulties that can occur in         
government4    ,,xlvii4 ,and since      
,bacon has mentioned him1 let us take a 
cursory view  of the reign of ,sextus   
the ,vth4 ,this spirit1 so truly        
incomparable1  that it seems as if ,god 

had formed him for the purpose of       
governing  the whole world2 in whom1 the
 magnanimity of ,csar1 the prudence of  
,augustus1 and the justice of ,trajan   
were joined1 and who1 in these  virtues1
 even excelled them2 in a few months    
after his mounting the  throne1 had     
gained the respect of all the ,princes  
of ,europe1 and had  put the whole      
ecclesiastical state in better order1   
and under better  regulation1 than it   
had been known to be blessed with or    
enjoy1 for  many antecedent ages4       
,thefts1 cheating1 murders1             
subornations1 and  licentious insolence1
 were so effectually rooted out and     
banished from  that great city1 that it 
never till then1 could with so much     
propriety  be called ,holy ,rome4 ,all  
dread of extortion and injustice was    
lost1  and nobody feared1 only ,god and 
the ,pope2 and as ,gregory ,leti tells  
us1 in his ,history of ,sextus1 women1  
and other defenceless persons1  could   
walk the streets at all hours of the    

night1 as safely1 as they  could walk in
 the cloisters of a ,capuchin ,convent4 
,in the five years  which he reigned1 he
 embellished ,rome with many noble      
edifices1 and  left the treasury some   
millions richer than he found it4 ,i ask
 now1 by  what political arts1 and what 
ingenious devices1 he performed all     
these  wonders8 ,he knew no arts1 save  
those of an indefatigable vigilance  and
 attention to the concerns of           
government2 a fervent zeal for the      
public good1 and an unalterable         
rectitude and justice4 ,i cannot tell1  
whether what has been so much rumoured  
about ,sextus having put on  false      
appearances before his advancement to   
the throne1 be true1 but  ,i believe it 
is not2 and it is certain1 that after he
 found himself  seated in the ,papal    
chair1 he was a man void of all         
dissimulation2  always generous1 open1  
free and sincere1 and one1 who that his 
designs  should not appear occult1      
frankly exposed and laid them open2 and 

unless the virtue of prudence dictated  
caution1 or the character of the        
prelate demanded reserve1 he concealed  
the purposes of his heart from  no man4 
,this frankness1 was natural to his     
genius1 and he was the same  in that    
respect while he was a religious2 and   
therefore1 ,i cannot give  credit1 to   
what is said of his practising duplicity
 while a ,cardinal1  in order to obtain 
the ,popedom4 ,it is more probable1 that
 they mistook  what was the real effect 
of his virtue1 for dissimulation4 ,they 
also  charge him with doing violence to 
his nature1 by bearing all sorts of     
injuries patiently1 that he might       
acquire the character of a meek and     
gentle man2 but why should not all this 
be imputed1 to his desire1 in  obedience
 to the gospel precept1 of imitating our
 ,saviour8 ,the severity  he observed   
when he was ,pope1 proves nothing to    
contradict this  sentiment2 because     
bearing with offences that are merely   
personal1 and  those which are committed

 against dignities1 are very different  
things4  ,they also say1 he feigned     
himself decrepid and worn out with age  
and  infirmities1 to excite in his      
favour1 the choice of the ,cardinals2   
from the prospect that his would be a   
short pontificate1 and that they  should
 have a quick return of another         
conclave4 ,but notwithstanding  what    
people say1 ,i don't believe the        
,cardinals are so much influenced  by   
this sort of policy as the world        
imagine1 from their having so often     
chosen ,popes of good constitutions1 and
 not far advanced in years1  provided at
 the time of their election1 their      
judgment was arrived  at that state of  
maturity1 which it is not common to     
attain but in a  more advanced age4 ,on 
the other hand1 it is probable1 that    
,sextus who  was seventy-four when he   
ascended the ,papal chair1 was much     
broke4 ,if  he afterwards seemed more   
robust1 it might be1 because having     
charged  himself with such weighty      

obligations1 he used extraordinary      
exertions  to comply with what he had   
undertaken2 and besides this1 the before
  cited ,leti informs us1 that to enable
 him to discharge the duties  incumbent 
on him1 he fed more copiously1 and took 
more nourishing  aliment1 both with     
respect to meat and drink1 when he was a
 ,pope1 than  he did while he was a     
,cardinal4    ,,xlviii4 ,i have dwelt   
with pleasure on the eulogium of this   
singular  man1 who was always the object
 of my admiration1 although some have   
been unjust enough1 not to render him   
the praise due to his merit4  ,and here 
by the way1 ,i cannot forbear           
congratulating the seraphic  religion1  
on having produced in the person of this
 ,pontif1 and in  that of ,cardinal     
,cisneros1 two politicians so eminent1  
that in my  opinion the world never saw 
greater2 though neither the one or the  
other have been without their enemies1  
who1 envious of their merit1  have      
strove to tarnish their glories2 but    

what ,i most admire in this  particular 
is1 that so able a man as ,don ,antonio 
de ,solis1 should in  the third ,chap4  
of his ,history of ,mexico1 paint the   
,cardinal1 as a man  deficient in point 
of political abilities2 notwithstanding 
he in all  other respects1 heaps on him 
the highest encomiums4 ,foreign authors 
do him more justice1 and particularly1  
,flechier1 ,bishop of ,nimes1 who  with 
great judgment and discretion wrote his 
life1 celebrates him1 as  a most eminent
 and brilliant politician3 and another  
modern ,french  author1 having drawn a  
parallel of the characters of the two   
,cardinals1  ,cisneros1 and ,richlieu1  
gives the preference to our countryman2 
acknowledging1 that he was equal to the 
other as a politician1 and much         
preferable to him as a devout man2      
though by the way1 when he says  this1  
he pays no great compliment to the      
sanctity of ,cisneros4    ,,xlix4 ,from 
all that has been said on this subject1 
it is evident and  plain1 that with an  

equality of talents1 those politicians  
who proceed  upon the principles of     
honesty1 and who pursue the road of     
rectitude  and truth1 will with greater 
certainty1 and more ease1 attain their  
ends1 than those1 who follow the rout of
 artifice and deceit2 for the  first1 is
 the sound or true policy1 the other1   
the rotten or false4          ,,the     
,,machiavelianism ,,of ,,the ,,ancients4
      ,,sect4 ,i4    ,i4 ,as we are     
about to treat in this discourse of the 
tyrannic doctrine  of ,machiavel2 ,i    
believe it will be agreeable to the     
greatest part of  our readers1 to have  
some particular information respecting  
this man1  of whom all the world talks1 
and whom all the world detests2 for by  
whatever means men make themselves      
famous1 they excite a curiosity to  know
 who and what they were4    ,,ii4       
,nicholas ,machiavel1 who was a native  
of ,florence1 lived in the  beginning of
 the sixteenth century1 and was a man of
 more than middling  ingenuity4 ,he     

wrote the ,tuscan language with elegance
 and propriety1  although his knowledge 
of the ,latin was but moderate4 ,he had 
a good  genius for writing comic poetry1
 which he manifested in various pieces  
which he wrote for the theatre2 and more
 particularly in one of them1  that was 
represented at ,florence with such great
 applause1 that it  excited ,pope ,leo  
the tenth1 as ,paulus ,jovius informs   
us1 to cause it  to be acted at ,rome by
 the same players1 and with the same    
dresses and  decorations1 with which it 
had been exhibited at ,florence4 ,when  
the  unhappy conspiracy against the     
family of the ,medicis1 was set on foot 
by the ,soderinis1 ,machiavel1 who was  
impeached as an accomplice in  it1 was  
put to the question by torture2 but     
either his fortitude1 or  his innocence1
 caused him to resist the rigour of that
 trial without  making the least        
confession4 ,i do not know whether it   
was before1 or  after this event1 that  
he was made secretary to the republic1  

but it  is certain1 that for the title  
of historian to it1 which was conferred 
on him together with a good salary1 he  
was totally indebted to the  favour of  
the ,medicis2 but whether they did this 
from a conviction of  his innocence with
 respect to the late conspiracy1 and    
were disposed to  recompence him by this
 honourable emolument1 for the injury he
 suffered  in the torture2 or whether   
they did it from considering him as an  
able  man whom they had a mind to keep  
under obligations to them1 in order  to 
avail themselves of so good a pen as    
,machiavel's in their favour2  ,i say1  
whichever of these motives they were    
actuated by1 is not quite  certain4     
,,iii4 ,the conferring this benefit on  
him1 did not prevent new suspicions     
being entertained of his fidelity1 and  
of his having concurred in  another plot
 concerted by some private individuals1 
to take away the  life of cardinal      
,julius de ,medicis1 who afterwards     
ascended to the  popedom1 by the name of

 ,clement the seventh4 ,this suspicion  
was founded  entirely1 on the repeated  
applauses1 with which both in his       
writings  and private conversations1 he 
had celebrated ,brutus and ,cassius1 as 
the defenders and vindicators of the    
liberty of the ,roman republic2  which  
at that time1 was interpreted as an     
indirect exhortation to  the            
,florentines to defend their liberty1   
which the ,medicis either in  reality or
 appearance1 meditated to suppress4 ,but
 with all this1 either  from mere       
motives of policy1 or because the       
suspicions seemed lightly  founded1 no  
proceedings were had against ,machiavel4
 ,it is confirmed  however1 that after  
this time1 he passed the remainder of   
his days in  misery and poverty4        
,perhaps the ,medicis1 who were secretly
 displeased  with him1 thought it more  
adviseable1 instead of bringing him to  
open  punishment1 to accomplish their   
dark revenge1 by occult ways and  means4
 ,it might also happen1 that he brought 

himself to poverty by his  own          
misconduct2 but1 be this as it will1 he 
hastened his death as many  other people
 have hastened theirs before him1 by    
taking a precautionary  medicine to     
prolong his life1 which instead of      
lengthening1 shortened  it1 and brought 
him to an untimely end in the year      
#aecj4    ,,iv4 ,machiavel was of a     
jocose and satyrical disposition1 and   
was  believed to have little or no      
religion4 ,there are some who say1 that 
when he was near dying1 they were under 
a necessity of employing  the authority 
of the civil magistrate to oblige him to
 receive the  sacraments4 ,we read in   
many authors1 a wanton and insolent     
impiety of  his1 under the colour of a  
joke2 that is1 his having said1 that he 
had  much rather go to hell than heaven2
 because in heaven he should only  meet 
with fryars1 mendicants1 and other      
miserable and groveling people2  but    
that in hell1 he should enjoy the       
company of popes1 cardinals1  and       

princes1 with whom he could converse of 
state affairs4 ,others  substitute1 for 
his saying popes1 cardinals1 and        
princes1 the most  eminent philosophers 
and political writers1 such as ,plato1  
,aristotle1  ,plutarch1 and ,tacitus4   
,v4 ,he published a variety of books1   
and among them1 the life of  ,castrucius
 ,castracani1 and the history of        
,florence1 which do not obtain  the     
greatest credit with the critics4 ,but  
the work that made him  jointly the most
 famous and infamous man in the world1  
was a political  tract1 intituled1 8,the
 ,prince20 in which he teaches and      
recommends to  all sovereigns1 to reign 
tyrannically1 and to govern their       
people1  without regarding either       
equity1 law1 or religion1 but           
sacrificing them  all three1 together   
with the public good1 to his interest1  
his will1  his caprice1 and his own     
particular grandeur4      ,,sect4 ,,ii4 
,,vi4 ,but notwithstanding the          
principles of this book are so          

pernicious1  there have not been wanting
 those1 who have patronized both the    
book  and the author4 ,abraham ,nicholas
 ,amelot de ,houssaye1 defends it in the
  most odious point of view1 which is   
approving his maxims as beneficial  to  
the public1 and asserting1 that they are
 only reprobated by ignorant  men1 who  
know nothing of politics or reasons of  
state2 and adds1 that  the same people  
who now live as private men1 and are    
unacquainted with  the management of    
public business1 and at present condemn 
them1 were  they by any great and       
unexpected change of fortune1 to arrive 
at being  princes or prime ministers1   
would approve1 and practise them4       
,,vii4 ,there are others1 who1 although 
they acknowledge the maxims of          
,machiavel are pernicious1 sanctify the 
intention of the author4 ,they  say1    
that so far from intending to instruct  
princes against their  people1 he only  
meant to caution the people against the 
proceedings  and arts of tyrants1 to the

 end that princes1 seeing the tendency  
of  their schemes liable to be exposed1 
should be more circumspect in their     
behaviour1 and that the people1 by being
 aware of the arms with which  the      
attacks were made upon liberty1 might be
 the better able to parry  the blows4   
,they add further1 that ,machiavel was  
under a necessity of  using this artful 
method of warning the people1 and of    
couching his  cautions to them1 under   
the veil and figure of teaching princes 
how to  make themselves absolute1       
because these last1 would not have      
permitted  his book to be licenced1 if  
he had openly declared himself inimical 
to  their total independency4    ,,viii4
 ,they endeavour to prove the           
probability of this sentiment1 by       
urging1 that ,machiavel was an utter    
enemy to tyranny1 and a strenuous       
advocate for the liberty of the         
republic2 and that the whole tenor  of  
his words and actions1 conspire to      
manifest these were his  inclinations4  

,his two great and favourite heroes1    
were ,brutus and  ,cassius1 who killed  
,csar to restore ,rome to her liberty4  
,he also  quotes the tenth chapter of   
the first book of his discourses1 where 
he  speaks strongly against tyrants2 and
 urges further1 that he was accused  of 
being an accomplice with the ,soderinis 
in their conspiracy against  the family 
of the ,medicis1 who were thought at    
that time1 to have an  intention of     
tyrannizing over the republic of        
,florence2 and that he  was afterwards1 
not exempt from being suspected1 of     
having a finger in  the conspiracy      
against the life of cardinal ,julius de 
,medicis4 ,nardi1  a ,florentine author 
who was a contemporary with him1 says1  
that he was  closely connected with the 
contrivers of that plot and design1 and 
also  with the rest of the faction1 who 
were in opposition to the ,medicis4  ,he
 then proceeds to say1 what view or     
intention could a man have in  favouring
 and abetting tyrants1 who had given so 

many proofs of his  abhorrence of them8 
or how could the man be suspected of    
designing to  extend the power of       
princes above their natural sphere1 who 
had always  manifested himself an       
admirer of democracy8 he next says1 it  
must  follow then of course1 that his   
intention must be different1 and very   
contrary to what the ordinary and       
superficial sense of his words seem  to 
import4 ,this is the way those reason1  
who support this opinion4    ,,ix4      
,finally1 there are others1 who admit   
that the maxims of ,machiavel  are      
detestable1 but waiving the question    
about what was his intention1  they     
limit their excuse of the author1 by    
affirming1 there has not1  nor can there
 arise1 any general inconvenience from  
the publication  of them4 ,these say1   
that ,machiavel has broached nothing    
new2 and that  his maxims are the same  
with those you will find inserted in    
various  histories1 and which were      
practised by an infinite number of      

princes2  and what more pernicious      
effect can they have on him who reads   
them in  ,machiavel's book1 than on him 
who reads them in any other8    ,x4     
,this is the very excuse which ,bocalini
 puts in the mouth of  ,machiavel1 when 
he supposes him to be speaking in his   
own defence  before ,apollo4 ,he says1  
,i do not pretend to defend my works1   
but  rather to arraign1 and condemn them
 as impious1 and full of cruel and      
execrable documents for the government  
of states2 but provided the  doctrine ,i
 have written shall appear to be new1 or
 the invention of my  brain1 ,i am ready
 at this moment1 to submit to the       
execution of any  sentence1 the judges  
shall think proper to fulminate against 
me4 ,on the  other hand1 if my writings 
contain nothing more than those         
political  precepts1 and those rules of 
state1 which ,i have deduced from the   
actions and conduct of some princes1 the
 speaking ill of whom would  formerly   
have been punished with death1 and1 if  

you will be pleased to  permit me1 ,i   
can now name2 ,i say if this be the     
case1 what justice1  what reason can    
there be1 for respecting those as little
 less than  divinities1 who have been   
the authors and inventors of all the    
furious  and desperate maxims of policy 
which appear in my writings2 and of     
treating me1 who have done nothing more 
than republish them1 as an  abandoned   
vagabond1 and an ,atheist ,i certainly  
cannot conceive1 why the  original      
should be adored as a saint1 and the    
copy execrated2 nor why  ,i deserve to  
be so persecuted1 when the reading of   
histories1 not only  tolerated1 but     
recommended1 are sufficient to convert  
to ,machiavels1  all those who peruse   
them with a political view4      ,,sect4
 ,,iii4    ,,xi4 ,but not to leave the  
reader in suspence1 or not to give him  
occasion to think that ,i propose these 
three opinions as problems1  ,i will    
here declare the judgement ,i entertain 
of them4 ,the first is  false1 shocking1

 abominable1 and only worthy of a second
 ,machiavel4  ,what reason1 ,i won't say
 can dictate1 but even endure the       
detestable  maxims1 that a prince owes  
more to himself than to the republic8   
that this last was instituted by nature 
for the convenience of the  prince1 and 
not the prince for the good of the      
republic8 that the  right to govern with
 tyrannic sway1 is an appendage1        
appertaining to  the prerogative of the 
crown8 that the untimely and disgraceful
 deaths  of tyrants1 ought to be        
attributed to chance1 and not to the    
divine  vengeance or judgements8 with   
others of the same sort4    ,,xi4 ,the  
second apology1 is contradicted by the  
literal and natural  sense of the       
author's writings2 for if he intended to
 convey a meaning  which was different  
from these1 it is not easy to ascertain 
what that  meaning was4 ,i will admit as
 good and conclusive1 all the arguments 
that are used to prove ,machiavel was an
 enemy to tyranny4 ,there is no  man    

whatever who does not abhor tyranny1    
while he contemplates it as a  restraint
 on his own person1 or while he is      
apprehensive part of the  weight of it  
may be loaded on his own shoulders4 ,but
 many of those who  abhor it in general1
 are friends to it in particular1 and   
especially1  if they entertain hopes    
that the favour of the tyrant will      
better  their fortunes4 ,it is very     
natural to suppose1 this was the state  
and  situation of ,machiavel's mind when
 he wrote his book4 ,the ,medicis at    
that time ruled the city of ,florence2  
and he imagined that he should  sooth   
and flatter them1 by approving and      
recommending a government1  that        
dispensed with all law1 as the means the
 best calculated to pave  the way for   
the introduction and establishment of   
despotic power4  ,perhaps also1 he might
 entertain hopes1 that some prince who  
read  his book1 might be induced to make
 him his prime minister1 from an        
expectation1 that by having the author  

of these maxims at his elbow1 he  might 
be able to raise his power to the       
highest pitch of uncontroul and         
grandeur4    ,,xiii4 ,the excuse1 with  
which it is attempted to defend         
,machiavel by  the third supposition1 is
 manifestly sophistical4 ,it cannot be  
denied1  that we read in a variety of   
authors1 of numbers of princes who have 
put in practice the doctrine of         
,machiavel1 but there is this great     
difference between those authors and    
,machiavel1 that they condemn the       
doctrine1 which he adopts and enforces4 
,they1 at the same time that  they      
inform you of the fact1 inspire you with
 horror of the maxim2 he1  when he      
teaches the maxim1 exhorts to the       
execution of it4 ,how great  must his   
zeal have been to recommend and persuade
 tyranny1 when he had  the presumption  
to propose ,moses and ,david1 as        
examples of tyrannic  government8 but to
 this execrable degree of impiety1 did  
,machiavel  carry his daring blasphemy4 

,,xiv4 ,with regard to the peculiar     
defence which ,bocalina makes for       
,machiavel1 it is easy to see1 at whom  
his malignant expressions point2  which 
he might very well have omitted1 because
 without alluding to any  one in so     
elevated a form of life1 he had very    
near at hand in the  person of ,csar    
,borgia#b1 a man furnished with all the 
requisites  for his purpose1 and whom he
 did not run much hazard of announcing4 
,i  mean1 that in order to excuse       
,machiavel from being the inventor of   
the  maxims he published1 and to point  
out some person under whom he had       
studied and learned them1 he could have 
fixed on no one more proper  than that  
prince1 because ,csar ,borgia was       
without doubt1 a man of  most iniquitous
 and tyrannic politics1 and capable of  
committing all  sorts of wickedness1    
provided his doing it would contribute  
to advance  his grandeur2 for he was    
fiery1 daring1 and cruel1 and was       
besides  so furiously ambitious1 that   

were it in his power1 he was capable  of
 burning the whole world1 for the sake  
afterwards of domineering  absolutely   
over the ashes of it4    ,,xv4 ,hermanus
 ,coringius1 a protestant author1 says1 
that ,machiavel was  some time in the   
service of this prince4 ,if this be     
true1 it is easy to  guess from whom he 
learned what he afterwards committed to 
writing2  and ,i believe the ,italians  
would not disdain to acknowledge1 that  
their  ,florentine politician had been  
instructed by a ,spanish master4        
,,xvi4 ,but the truth is1 that          
,machiavel had no occasion to seek for  
an  example1 either in him1 or in any   
other of the princes of his own  time2  
for as he was a man pretty well read in 
history1 every age had  furnished him   
with examples in plenty4 ,they mistake  
little less1 who  suppose ,machiavel    
learned his maxims from the politicians 
of his day2  than those do1 who believe 
the politics1 posterior to ,machiavel1  
were  taken from his doctrines4         

,,xvii4 ,but notwithstanding all that   
can be urged in opposition to it1  this 
second opinion is much entertained and  
received by people of  little reading   
and short reflection1 in which group we 
may suppose to  be comprehended the bulk
 of mankind4 ,not a few1 when they      
converse  upon this subject1 add with a 
mysterious gravity1 and as if they were 
extracting a profound apophthegm from   
the inmost recesses of their            
understandings1 that although ,machiavel
 was the master who introduced  this    
doctrine1 it has since his time been so 
much improved upon in  courts1 that if  
the master could now come back into the 
world1 he would  find it necessary to go
 to school again4    ,,xviii4 ,i cannot 
refrain from laughter1 when ,i hear men 
discourse in  this manner1 who1 from    
their education1 ought to know and      
reason  better4 ,the maxims of tyrannic 
policy are as antient in the world1  as 
government or dominion4 ,machiavelianism
 owes its first existence  to the most  

antient princes of the earth1 and only  
to ,machiavel its  name4 ,it is rooted  
in our nature1 and it does not require  
ages1 as  moments1 when fit occasions   
present themselves1 are equal to bring  
forth its malignant productions4 ,nor is
 the passion of domineering more        
natural to man1 than that of amplifying 
and extending his dominion4 ,an         
ambitious man1 by attaining to be a     
prince1 does not find his ambition      
satisfied2 but is always desirous of    
extending his power1 exteriorly  with   
respect to the subjects of other states1
 and interiorly with  regard to his own4
 ,the love of independence can seldom be
 contained  within reasonable bounds4   
,he who is free from all subjection to  
other  men1 aspires at being independent
 of the laws also4      ,,sect4 ,,iv4   
,,xix4 ,i am so far from thinking that  
,machiavel has made the world worse  in 
this respect1 or from supposing that the
 princes of these times1  have refined  
upon the iniquitous politics of         

,machiavel1 that ,i firmly  believe1 if 
we limit our enquiries precisely to     
,europe1 we shall find  the sovereigns  
of it in general1 much better than those
 of the remote  ages4    ,,xx4          
,now-a-days1 if it is in contemplation  
to impose some new burthen  on the      
subject1 or to wage war with a          
neighbouring state1 divines and  lawyers
 are consulted upon the justice and     
propriety of the measure2  an enquiry is
 made1 how the laws stand with respect  
to the subject  matter in question1 and 
the archives and records are examined   
and  turned over2 and although it often 
happens1 that from the ambitious        
adulation of the people consulted1 a    
right is attributed to their  prince1   
which in reality does not belong to him1
 their malice does not  impeach his good
 faith4 ,in former times this was not   
the case4 ,if a  prince was disposed to 
trample on the rights of his subjects1  
or to  subdue his neighbours1 he        
consulted nobody1 nor made any other    

enquiry  or examination1 than whether he
 had force and power sufficient to      
accomplish what he meditated2 and the   
question was always decided1 by  his    
ability or inability to execute what he 
designed4 ,in times not very  distant   
from our own1 and even in the most      
polished kingdoms1 where the  true      
religion has humanized people's minds1  
when the person invaded  by a powerful  
prince his neighbour1 has represented to
 him1 that his  pretensions to what he  
possesses are just and legal2 the       
invader has  laughed at the             
representation1 and answered savagely1  
in the language  that was then become   
proverbial in the mouths of kings and   
ministers  of state1 that the rights of 
princes were not to be determined by old
  rolls of parchment1 but by burnished  
arms4      ,,sect4 ,v4    ,,xxi4 ,the   
further our memories carry us back      
through the series of past  times1 we   
find this evil the greater2 and from    
hence proceeds that ill  opinion1 which 

in early ages was generally entertained 
of kings4 ,the  ,romans were struck with
 amazement1 to find the ,cappadocians1  
upon their  offering to make their      
country a free republic1 instantly      
request1  that they would permit them to
 remain under kingly government2 which  
amazement1 was occasioned by their      
considering in a rigorous or strict     
sense1 that mode of rule1 as a mark or  
type of slavery4 ,cato said1 this       
animal which is called a king1 is a     
great devourer of human flesh2  ,hoc    
animal rex carnivorum est4 ,and ,flavius
 ,vopiscus1 tells us of a  ,roman       
buffoon1 who pleasantly and keenly      
remarked1 that the effigies  of all the 
good kings that had ever been known in  
the world1 might be  carved on a ring4  
,plato1 in his ,georgiac dialogue1      
represents kings  as appearing before   
,rhadamanthus in hell1 loaded for the   
most part  with injustices1 perjuries1  
and other wickedness4 ,aristotle1 in his
  third book on politics1 recognizes as 

tyrannical1 the exercise of the  regal  
power1 by all1 or nearly all1 the       
,asiatic princes2 and ,livy says1  that 
the most sagacious and penetrating      
,hannibal1 never confided in  the       
promises of kings3 fidei regum nihil    
sane confisus2 a legate of  the         
,rhodians also1 according to the said   
,livy1 observed1 that kings  were always
 desirous of making slaves of their     
subjects4 ,thus we have  the greatest   
reason to conclude1 that it was a common
 practice with  the princes of those    
times1 to pay no regard to any law1     
whenever an  opportunity offered of     
augmenting their authority4      ,,sect4
 ,,vi4    ,,xxii4 ,but we should not    
conclude that this was all done by main 
force1  without the intervention of art 
or stratagem4 ,the same contrivances1   
the same artifices1 which we read of in 
,machiavel1 and which have been         
practised by the most crafty tyrants of 
these latter ages1 were exerted  in the 
early ones4 ,cast your eyes on ,romulus1

 seeking for a specious  pretence of    
justice for taking away the life of his 
brother1 in order  to remove this       
obstacle to his reigning without the    
danger of a rival1  and in security3    
view his successor1 ,numa ,pompilius    
also1 who was a  most consummate        
hypocrite1 affecting exteriorly to      
appear religious  and devout1 and to pay
 a great respect to rites and           
ceremonies4 ,he  pretended to receive   
visions and revelations from the goddess
 ,egeria1  in order that the ,roman     
people1 looking upon him as a man       
favoured in  an especial manner by      
heaven1 should not only not dare to     
entertain  thoughts of dethroning him1  
but permit him to aggrandize himself at 
his discretion2 we have another example 
of the same sort of policy1 in  ,tullius
 ,hostilius1 who succeeded ,numa1 and   
introduced with great art1  those       
ostentatious outside appearances1 which 
dazzle the eyes of the  world1 and are  
the most efficacious means to make      

majesty formidable  and respectable2 for
 he likewise sought out deceitful       
pretences1 for  making war on the       
neighbouring states3 we see ,tarquin the
 ,proud also1  availing himself of the  
stratagem of his son ,sextus1 who1 under
 the  pretence of being a fugitive from 
his father's cruelty1 fled to1 and      
entreated refuge among the ,gabians1 on 
whom1 after their receiving him  kindly1
 he artfully prevailed to make him their
 generalissimo1 veiled  with an absolute
 power2 in consequence of which1 he was 
enabled to fell  and betray them4 ,he   
did so1 and they became an easy prey to 
the ,romans4    ,,xxiii4 ,is not that   
famous precept of ,machiavel's1 that    
with an enemy  reduced to great straits 
or difficulties1 you should take no     
middle  course1 but1 according as you   
find it most for your interest1 should  
either ruin him totally1 or give him    
your hand to extricate him out  of his  
danger2 punctually conformable to the   
advice which ,herennius  gave to his son

 ,pontius1 who was general of the       
,samnites8 ,when this  general had shut 
up the ,roman army within the ,caudine  
,forks1 he sent  information of it to   
his father1 and at the same time desired
 to have  his advice1 respecting how he 
should act by them4 ,the old man        
answered1  that he should generously    
open the pass1 and let them go free1    
without  any condition or limitation    
whatever1 that might be injurious to1 or
  affect either their lives1 their      
liberty1 or their honour4 ,pontius1  and
 all the principal people of the        
republic who were with the army1        
believed1 that ,herennius had not well  
understood or considered the            
information that had been sent him1 nor 
apprehended1 that the whole  ,roman army
 were entirely at their mercy4 ,they    
therefore sent other  messengers or     
deputies1 with instructions to inform   
him minutely1 of  the unhappy situation 
and state of the ,roman army1 whose     
lives1 without  remedy1 were at their   

discretion and disposal4 ,to this he    
answered1  that they should cut all     
their throats1 and not spare a single   
man of  them4 ,two answers so           
diametrically opposite1 made some of    
them suspect  that the old man was not  
in his right senses2 but notwithstanding
 this  suspicion1 as they had for many  
years respected him as the oracle and   
soul of the republic1 the major part of 
them began to conjecture1 and  not      
without reason1 that there was some     
mystery contained in these              
contradictory replies1 which they did   
not comprehend1 or were not aware  of2  
and they therefore desired1 that he     
would come to the camp and  explain     
himself4 ,he came accordingly1 and told 
them his sentiments2  which were1 that  
they should adopt one or other of the   
extremes1  and either gain their        
affections by an heroic act of          
generosity1 or  extirpate them totally1 
to prevent their ever being able to     
revenge  themselves for whatever        

indignity they should impose on them4   
,pontius  did not follow the advice of  
the old man1 but took a middle way1     
which  was1 to spare their lives1 but   
dismiss them with the loss of their     
honour1 by obliging consuls1 officers1  
and soldiers1 to submit to the  signal  
disgrace of passing under the yoke4 ,the
 result of this was1  what might easily 
have been foreseen and expected1 the    
,romans1 stung  with the ignominy they  
had undergone1 could not divert their   
thoughts  from meditating revenge1 which
 they after a while determined to take2 
and breaking through the stipulated     
conditions1 they renewed the war  with  
stronger army1 and totally routed and   
overthrew the ,samnites4    ,,xxiv4 ,we 
must allow1 that the determination      
,pontius took was imprudent2  but it    
does not follow from thence1 that we    
should approve the advice  of           
,herennius2 for although the first was  
insecure1 the other was cruel  in       
extreme4 ,he might have fallen upon     

other expedients1 better suited  and    
proportioned to the nature of the case2 
such as taking hostages1  and before    
permitting the army to depart1 obliging 
them to deliver  into their possession1 
certain towns and districts as pledges1 
for  the faithful performance of their  
engagements2 but the supposing that  the
 faith of stipulations or compacts1     
would have more influence upon  a vain1 
proud1 warlike people1 than the         
indignation conceived for a  gross      
affront offered to their honour1 was    
very idle1 and very silly  confidence4  
,,xxv4 ,neither1 as ,i have already     
said1 do ,i think there was any security
  in the extreme benign advice of       
,herennius2 for with the ,romans1       
ambition was more powerful than public  
faith1 or the obligations of  gratitude4
 ,a good testimony to this truth1 was   
their behaviour to the  ,numantians1    
which was a true sample of the politics 
of those times4      ,,sect4 ,,vii4     
,,xxvi4 ,i say of those times1 to avoid 

censuring the ,romans singly2 for  in   
,greece also1 the not performing a      
promise given1 or even sworn to1  when  
the observance of it clashed with the   
interest of the state1 was  so common1  
that a sovereign for having done it1 was
 hardly looked upon  to have impeached  
his character as a just prince1 or an   
honest man4    ,,xxvii4 ,agesilaus1 king
 of ,sparta1 was one of the most        
celebrated  princes of antiquity2 and   
although he was an eminent warrior1     
placed  his principal glory in being    
thought a lover of virtue and justice4  
,to  one who called the sovereign of    
,persia the great monarch1 he answered  
sharply1 he who is not better than me1  
is not a greater king than  myself4 ,he 
was exceedingly sober1 patient of       
labour1 and such a  respecter of the    
,gods1 that he would not permit even his
 enemies1 who  had taken refuge in the  
temples1 to be forced from their        
sanctuary2  and was besides1 so averse  
to dress and finery1 that there was     

scarce  a soldier in his army1 more     
humbly or simply cloathed than himself4 
,but this saint of ,paganism1 made not  
the least scruple of violating  the     
public faith1 when by the violation he  
expected to derive some  advantage to   
the state4 ,by means of one of his      
emissaries he1 in  profound peace1      
surprized and seized on the city of     
,thebes2 and  although in ,sparta1 the  
justice of the action was somewhat      
disputed1 as  soon as it was shewn1 that
 the keeping the place was of importance
 to  the kingdom1 they immediately      
consented to send a garrison to maintain
  the citadel4 ,in his expedition to    
,egypt1 he abandoned king ,taco1 in     
whose pay and service he and his        
,lacedmonian troops were engaged1 and   
joined the rebel ,nectanebus1 without   
making any other excuse for this        
treachery1 than that he found it for the
 interest of his country4    ,,xxviii4  
,aristides1 the ,cato of the ,athenians1
 who by way of eminence  they called the

 ,just1 having caused his country to    
swear to a certain  thing1 and having in
 the name of it sworn to it himself     
likewise1  persuaded them afterwards to 
violate the oath1 because the observance
  of it would be productive of some     
inconvenience to them4 ,plutarch1 who   
cites ,theophrastus as his author1 adds1
 that to serve his country he  did many 
iniquitous things4 ,such were the just  
men of ,greece1 and such  was their     
policy4      ,,sect4 ,,viii4    ,,xxix4 
,i well know1 that in the opinion of    
many people1 this political  money is   
current in our times1 and that it is    
frequently said1 the  words and promises
 of those who have the supreme          
management of affairs1  should not      
remain in force for any longer time than
 they are found not  to clash with the  
interests of the state4 ,i have read of 
an ,italian  prince1 who1 when he was   
negotiating a peace with a powerful     
monarch1  requested among other         
conditions1 the restitution of a large  

part of  his territories1 which had been
 taken from him during the war1 to which
  request1 the ambassador of the monarch
 answered1 what reliance can  the king  
my master place on the fidelity of your 
highness1 in case he  gives you all you 
ask8 to which the prince                
replied3--,assure him1 that  ,i will    
pledge my word to him to fulfil my      
engagements1 not in quality  of a       
sovereign1 for in that capacity1        
whenever favourable opportunities       
offer1 it behoves me to sacrifice every 
thing to my grandeur1 and the  interests
 of my state2 but as a gentleman1 and a 
man of honour4    ,,xxx4 ,but after all1
 this assurance contains in it a large  
portion of  hyperbole2 for ,i firmly    
believe1 the majority of the princes of 
this  day1 are scrupulous about breaking
 the treaties they have entered  into2  
although it be true1 that at every turn1
 you will hear them  reciprocally       
accusing each other of being the        
infringers of them2 but  it seldom      

happens1 that either of the parties can 
so clearly make  out the justice of his 
cause1 as not to leave room for a       
difference  of opinion on the subject4  
,thus they both go upon probabilities1  
and also upon the strength of           
probabilities1 accuse each other4 ,if   
either of them happens to be a person of
 so enlarged a conscience1 as           
knowingly1 and without scruple1 to      
trample on all the obligations of       
equity1 justice1 and public faith1 he   
endeavours notwithstanding to  save     
appearances1 and to seek some specious  
pretence for his behaviour4  ,this      
shews1 that he is ashamed of what he    
does1 and would gladly hide  the odium  
of his actions for fear of being pointed
 at1 which would not  happen1 if        
breaking their words was so common among
 princes1 and so  little scrupled by    
them1 as some would persuade us4        
,,xxxi4 ,i know very well1 that an      
anonymous ,french author1 asserted a few
  years ago1 that ,don ,ferdinand the   

,catholic1 being told that ,louis the   
twelfth of ,france complained he had    
twice deceived him1 replied1 ,by  the   
,lord6 the ,french man lies1 for it was 
not twice1 but ten times that  ,i       
deceived him4 ,if such a thing ever     
happened1 we may suppose1 that  our ,don
 ,ferdinand prided himself in perfidy4  
,but these are mere gossips  tales1 and 
such as prudent people pay no regard to4
 ,i suppose1 that  before this joke or  
tale1 could arrive at the ears of the   
,french man  who wrote it1 from the     
mouth of ,don ,ferdinand1 it must       
necessarily pass  through the mouths of 
a hundred different people2 and we may  
conclude1  that out of that hundred1 at 
least ninety of them were more capable  
of  framing it1 than ,don ,ferdinand was
 of uttering it4    ,,xxxii4 ,but       
admitting this was true1 all that can be
 inferred from it  is1 that among a     
great number of princes of our times1   
here and there  one of them1 has without
 shame or blushing1 practised lying and 

deceit  in the affairs of state2 whereas
 among the antients1 this was very      
frequent and common2 for all1 or nearly 
all of them1 seem to have  stamped on   
their hearts1 that sentence of          
,chorebus3 ,dolus1 an virtus1  qius in  
hoste requirat8 or some other like it4  
,,sect4 ,,ix4    ,,xxxiii4 ,but our     
surprize will cease at their acting in  
this manner1  when we reflect1 that that
 great philosopher and oracle of        
antiquity1  the divine ,plato1 by his   
doctrine1 taught1 that it was lawful for
  those who had the management of public
 affairs1 to lye1 whenever it  could be 
of use to the interests of the state4   
,igitur rempublicam  administrantibus   
prcipue1 si quibus aliis1 mentiri licet1
 vel hostium1  vel civium1 causa ad     
communem civitatis utilitatem4 ,reliquis
 autem   mendacio abstinendum est4 7lib4
 ,,iii4 de ,repub47 ,if the princes of  
antiquity had so able a master1 and one 
of so great authority1 what  loss could 
they be at for want of a ,machiavel8    

,,xxxiv4 ,it is true1 that ,plato only  
allowed lying to be lawful1 in cases    
where it might be conducive to advance  
the public good2 ,machiavel  advises it1
 whenever it can be useful to serve the 
particular interests  of a tyrant4 ,thus
 ,plato was a bad moralist1 and         
,machiavel a bad man4  ,but this        
difference in the character of the      
matters1 does not prevent  tyrants from 
making the same use of the doctrine of  
,plato1 for the  purpose of serving     
their particular conveniencies1 that    
disinterested  princes may do for the   
good of the public1 because a tyrant1   
always  endeavours to make the people   
believe1 that every thing he does to    
advance his own grandeur1 is transacted 
with a view of promoting their          
interest2 and if at any time he is      
detected in a lye1 he will pretend  that
 he lyed for the public good1 and quote 
the doctrine of ,plato to  justify his  
conduct2 but in case this doctrine of   
,plato's should appear  too limited or  

confined for tyrants1 as in truth it is1
 they may be  supplied with a much more 
copious and enlarged system1 in the     
writings  of ,plato's disciple          
,aristotle4    ,,xxxv4 ,i do not mean to
 say1 that ,aristotle was an abettor of 
perverse  policy1 or that he wrote with 
a design of instructing tyrants in the  
methods by which they might make        
themselves absolute1 and support        
themselves by tyrannic rule1 but only   
mean to declare1 that in the  fifth book
 of his ,politics1 cap4 #aa4 he did it  
without intending it1  or without being 
aware that he was doing it4 ,in this    
chapter1 which  is a pretty long one1   
not only those two famous maxims1       
,oderint dum  metuant1 ,divide ut       
imperes1 are exactly pointed out and    
applied2 but  all1 or very near all the 
others1 which are published by the      
,florentine  author1 in his book        
intitled ,il ,principe1 are to be found 
in this  chapter of ,aristotle's4 ,i    
have never seen ,machiavel's book1 but  

only  the capital maxims of it1 as they 
are cited by other authors2 but hear    
,hermanus ,conringius1 who has read both
 that and ,aristotle4 ,he says1         
,nicholas ,machiavel1 that trumpeter of 
political arts1 cannot1 nor  does not1  
teach his prince any arcana or secrets1 
for promoting or  maintaining tyrannic  
dominion1 which many hundred years      
before1 had  not been taught by         
,aristotle in his fifth book of         
,politics2 and it is  not improbable1   
but that cunning teacher and promoter of
 wickedness1  transcribed from          
,aristotle1 although he concealed the   
plagiary1 all  that he published in his 
own book2 but there is a remarkable     
difference  in the application the two  
masters make of their doctrine1 which   
is1  that ,machiavel advises all princes
 without distinction1 to pursue  and    
practise what he teaches2 whereas       
,aristotle declared more justly  and    
frankly1 his to be fit and necessary for
 tyrants only4 7,conring4  ,introduct4  

ad ,politic4 ,aristotelis1 cap4 ,,iii47 
,,xxxvi4 ,but let the truth prevail4 ,i 
say the same of both ,aristotle and     
,machiavel1 which is1 that neither of   
them were the inventors of systems  of  
perverse policy2 for that they copied   
them1 from the actions of the  kings of 
,persia and ,egypt2 from the            
,archelaus's and ,philips of ,macedon2  
from the ,phalaris's1 the ,agathocles's1
 the ,hierones1 and ,dionysius's  of    
,sicily2 from the ,perianders1 from the 
,pisistratus's1 and other  political    
pests of ,greece4      ,,sect4 ,x4      
,,xxxvii4 ,nor can ,i perceive such     
profundity or acuteness1 in these so    
much applauded maxims1 either of        
,aristotle1 or ,machiavel1 as may render
  it worth the while of a politician of 
special perspicuity1 to bestow  much    
time in reading or studying them2 as a  
moderate understanding1  without their  
help1 will enable a man to acquire all  
they teach2 nor is  there any thing     
necessary to carry them into execution1 

but a hardened  and a perverted heart4  
,,xxxviii4 ,the maxim1 that a tyrant    
must be supported by making himself     
feared1 and not trust to the love of his
 subjects1 is as clear as  day-light2   
for how can those1 whom he is           
continually oppressing with a  hard     
slavery1 have any love for him8 ,and it 
follows of course1 that he  must treat  
them as he would enemies1 and endeavour 
to keep them poor1  as every one knows1 
that the more you impoverish your enemy1
 the more  you deprive him of the means 
of injuring you4    ,,xxxix4 ,it is also
 an immediate consequence deducible from
 the same  principle1 that it will be   
proper for him to put more confidence in
  strangers1 than his own subjects2 for 
who but a stupid person1 would  confide 
in one1 who he knows is fired with      
indignation against him8  ,the necessity
 of keeping a number of emissaries in   
such a situation1  to inform him of the 
words and actions of those whom he      
suspects are  not his friends1 would    

occur to every rustic1 and is what is   
daily  practised by rustics in their    
way2 for if one of these suspects any   
man to be his enemy1 he is continually  
observing his conduct1 watching  his    
motions1 and as far as he is able1      
prying into his designs4 ,the           
advantages of religious and virtuous    
appearances1 to command respect1  are   
manifest to every young girl2 and the   
art of fomenting discords1  and         
encouraging opposite factions in a      
state1 in order to preserve the  balance
 of power equal between them1 may be    
learned from the tumblers  and          
rope-dancers1 who support themselves1 by
 keeping the weights at the  opposite   
ends of their poles in equilibrio4      
,,xl4 ,it was said of ,catherine of     
,medicis1 who with the nicest caution1  
and greatest vigilance1 continued to put
 this contrivance in practice  for a    
long time1 that she studied ,machiavel  
every day1 and that she had  always his 
book in her hand1 or else laying by her1

 which occasioned a  satyrical writer to
 call it the ,new ,testament of the     
queen2 but perhaps  this was said of    
her1 on account of her being obliged to 
have recourse  to the before-named arts4
 ,but in order to do this1 what         
necessity  was there for her having such
 a master at her elbow8 ,the posture and
  situation of affairs1 pointed out     
sufficiently to a person of the         
abilities and penetration of that queen1
 the utility of dispensing some  favours
 to the heretics1 and by conciliating   
their good-will1 causing  their weight  
to serve as a counterpoize to the power 
of the catholics1  of whom she was      
jealous and apprehensive1 but always    
taking care at  the same time to declare
 and profess1 that in point of faith she
 was a  catholic1 to prevent the        
affections of that party from being     
weaned and  estranged from her4         
,,xli4 ,there have not been wanting     
those1 who have attributed the same     
policy to ,constantine the ,great1 who1 

at the same time that he was  favouring 
,christianity1 kept ,gentiles in his    
ministry1 and filled  posts of          
importance with them4 ,but this we      
should suppose was an act  of necessity1
 because it was incumbent on him to     
proceed with caution1  in so great and  
arduous a work1 as that of the          
conversion of the whole  ,roman empire4 
,if he had endeavoured to beat down     
,paganism at a blow1  and by open force 
and violence1 he might possibly never   
have been able  to accomplished it4     
,,sect4 ,,xi4    ,,xlii4 ,i say the     
same1 of all the other rules of         
practices of tyrannic  and deceitful    
policy4 ,what ability or penetration    
does it require1  to invade with an     
armed force1 the territories of a       
neighbouring  prince or republic1 and   
surprize some of the fortified towns of 
those1  who thinking themselves secure1 
and relying upon the faith of an        
established peace1 are off their guard1 
and not prepared to resist  the attack8 

,to accomplish this1 requires nothing   
more1 than for a man  to become         
compleatly callous to the fear of ,god1 
and to have lost all  sense of shame of 
the world4 ,to find a plausible pretence
 for doing it1  is the most easy thing  
imaginable1 for a child of ten years    
old1 is  never at a loss for such a one1
 whenever he is disposed from motives   
of interest1 or through fickleness1 to  
break a little friendship or  connexion 
he has engaged in4    ,,xliii4 ,the     
barbarous maxim1 of getting rid of      
brothers or relations1  to remove the   
most dangerous apprehensions of1 or     
incitements to1  insurrections1 does not
 require ingenuity to execute it1 but   
cruelty  only4 ,we see the ,ottoman     
emperors have practised it in a variety 
of  ways2 some have taken away the lives
 of their brothers and relations1       
others have deprived them of sight1 and 
others of liberty1 by shutting  them up 
in close confinement4 ,they were all    
equally apprized of the  importance of  

preventing the danger1 but they were not
 all equally  fierce and cruel4 ,thus in
 proportion to the degrees of their     
barbarity1  or their fears1 their rigour
 in the practice of the maxim1 was      
greater or less4 ,mahomed the third1    
when he mounted the throne1 not         
satisfied with putting to death his     
whole twenty-one brothers1 ordered  ten 
,sultanas1 likewise1 who were then      
pregnant1 to be thrown into  the sea and
 drowned2 whereas others1 have contented
 themselves with  confining those who   
were related to them in a prison1 with  
reasonable  accommodations appertaining 
to it4 ,this great difference in their  
conduct1 did not proceed from their     
distinct political ideas1 but from  the 
diversity of their tempers and          
dispositions4    ,,xliv4 ,as we are now 
treating on this subject1 this seems a  
proper  occasion1 for taking notice of a
 common error and opinion1 which        
prevails among many people with respect 
to the ,ottoman emperors1 viz4  that the

 bloody maxim of sacrificing their own  
brothers to their  safety1 in order to  
their possessing the throne in security1
 is  peculiar to the ,ottoman race4     
,this barbarous and atrocious policy1   
is much more ancient than the stock of  
,ottoman princes1 and was more          
generally practised by other royal      
families than by them4 ,plutarch1       
speaking of those kings who were the    
successors of ,alexander1 and  among    
whom the vast conquests of that hero    
were divided1 says1 that  cruel maxim   
was so universally adopted by their     
descendants1 that they  considered it as
 an invariable political axiom1 and as a
 self-evident  first principle1         
indispensably necessary to be adhered   
to1 and which  followed of course1 with 
as much certainty as geometrical        
postulata4  ,fratrum parricidia1 ut     
petitiones geometr fumunt1 sic          
concedebantur1  habitanturque1 communis 
qudam petitio ad securitatem1  ,regia4  
,plutarch4 in ,demetrio4    ,,xlv4 ,i do

 not know whether the soil and climate  
of ,asia is not more  naturally adapted 
for the production of these political   
monsters1 than  that of ,europe1 for we 
have seen in all times1 the princes of  
the  ,asiatic regions1 more addicted to 
pursue tyrannic and cruel maxims  than  
those of ,europe4 ,by confining one's   
attention immediately to  the present   
times1 what appears to me is1 that the  
,europeans1 who  for the most part have 
some knowledge of ,machiavel1 commonly  
found  their governments upon principles
 of justice and moderation2 and that    
the oriental people1 who do not know    
that there ever was such a man  as      
,machiavel in the world1 most           
frequently1 practise the very same      
perverse maxims1 which this master of   
wickedness taught2 and ,i think  the    
,chinese1 are the only orientals who are
 an exception to this  general rule4    
,,sect4 ,,xii4    ,,xlvi4 ,i would not  
have it understood by what ,i have said1
 that ,i think  the reading of          

,machiavel would not be pernicious2 for 
it would without  doubt be so to many1  
and especially if their dispositions    
incline  them to the side of ambition4  
,there have been1 and ever will be1 an  
infinite number of tyrants1 who never   
heard of1 or read ,machiavel's  book1   
intituled ,the ,prince2 but that book   
may probably have made  tyrants of many1
 who never would have been such without 
perusing it2  and it would have the same
 effect in the hands of a weak prince1  
that  the mouth of an evil counsellor   
would have applied to his ear4          
,,xlvii4 ,one of the most atrocious and 
treacherous acts ever recorded in       
history1 and one that has made the      
greatest noise in the world1 was1  the  
unworthy putting to death of the great  
,pompey1 which was occasioned  intirely1
 by young ,ptolemy who was then king of 
,egypt1 having at the  time it was      
committed1 a ,machiavel by his side1 in 
the person of the  depraved ,theodotus4 
,,xlviii4 ,pompey1 after being routed in

 the battle of ,pharsalia1 and  becoming
 a fugitive from ,csar and his fortune1 
thought no asylum could  be more        
convenient and safe for him1 than the   
kingdom of ,egypt2 because  the prince  
who then reigned there1 was indebted to 
him1 for the great  favour of having    
reinstated his father on that throne1   
from whence  he had been cast down by   
his own subjects4 ,on the confidence of 
this  service1 he steered for           
,alexandria1 and upon entering the port1
 sent  to inform the king of his        
arrival1 and beg that protection from   
him1  which he had so just a right to   
demand4 ,the king summoned a council  to
 deliberate on the matter1 in which the 
majority of votes1 were for  doing what 
was honourable and right1 and gave it as
 their opinion1  that the unfortunate   
hero should be entertained and          
protected4 ,but  ,theodotus1 who had got
 the ascendency over the young king1 and
 who had  more influence with him than  
every body else1 suggested to him1 that 

he should not only not grant ,pompey his
 protection1 but that he should  take   
away his life also4    ,,xlix4 ,but let 
us hear from ,lucan1 the reasons of     
convenience1 on which  that depraved    
politician grounded his advice for      
perpetrating so horrid  and atrocious an
 act of treachery1 in order1 that by    
comparing them  with those of           
,machiavel1 we may discern1 whether the 
principles of  the ,florentine master   
were well understood in those times4    
,but it is  proper to observe1 that     
,lucan makes the eunuch ,photinus the   
author of  the advice1 instead of       
,theodotus2 whereas other writers do not
 make  ,photinus the adviser1 but       
assisted by the general ,aquilas1 the   
executor  of the wickedness2 and some   
others again1 attribute to this last1 a 
great part1 if not the whole of the     
suggestion4    ,l4 ,but whether         
,theodotus1 ,aquilas1 or ,photinus1 was 
the first who  suggested the treacherous
 cruelty1 is not material to the main   

question4 ,the arguments used with      
,ptolemy1 to incite him to the  deed1   
were as follow3 ,that great as his      
father's obligations were to  ,pompey1  
he ought to consider1 that he owed more 
to himself than he  did to him2 that    
,fortune had declared itself in favour  
of ,csar1 and  against ,pompey1 and that
 it would be the height of imprudence to
 take  part with that side1 to whom     
,fortune was averse2 that although it   
was  true1 the affording ,pompey an     
asylum had the appearance of an honest  
action1 still1 princes ought not to     
attend to what was honest1 but to  what 
was useful2 that the monarch1 who is    
desirous of confining his  operations   
within the limits of justice1 is more a 
slave of the laws1  than a master of his
 dominions2 that the supreme power is   
paramount to  all law1 nor can it       
acknowledge any subjection2 that it was 
beyond a  doubt1 the affording ,pompey  
protection in his kingdom1 would soon   
bring  on him1 the invincible arms of   

,csar1 and the power of the whole ,roman
  empire2 against which attack1 he would
 be unable to make the slightest        
resistance2 that he already1 as far as  
his ability went1 had complied  with his
 obligations to ,pompey1 by wishing that
 he might be victorious2  but now that  
,csar had won the day1 he ought to      
attach himself to  die conqueror1 and   
endeavour to court his favour1 by taking
 away the  life of ,pompey2 that        
pursuing the medium1 of neither         
receiving nor  destroying him1 would be 
the worst resolution they could take1   
for that  by such a determination1 they 
would lose the useful1 without attaining
  the honest2 that ,csar would always   
look upon him as an enemy1 who  having  
had it in his power1 should neglect to  
destroy his rival1  although all the    
rest of the world should regard him as  
ungrateful1  for refusing to protect his
 benefactor4 ,it was also suggested1    
that  it would not be difficult to      
assign a religious motive for destroying

  ,pompey1 and to cover the cruelty of  
the action under that pretence2 for  it 
might be alledged1 that he was          
sacrificed to the goddess of ,fortune1  
who had already declared herself adverse
 to the unhappy hero2 that this         
sacrifice seemed not only to be dictated
 by religion1 but justice also2  for    
that protecting ,pompey under such      
circumstances1 in the kingdom  of       
,egypt1 and in the manner he wished1    
would infallibly1 by provoking  the     
indignation of ,csar1 bring on it ruin  
and desolation1 and that he  ought      
therefore to be proceeded against with  
fire and sword1 as against  an avowed   
enemy of the state4    ,,li4 ,i ask now1
 if ,nicholas ,machiavel1 placed at the 
ear of the king  of ,egypt in that      
conjuncture1 and under the like         
circumstances1 could  have said more8   
,thus there always were ,machiavels1 and
 they were always  pernicious and did   
mischief1 when concerned in the         
administration of  public affairs1 not  

only to the people at large1 but most   
commonly to  the princes themselves1    
whose exaltation or security they       
endeavoured  to promote1 by the practice
 and adoption of impious and cruel      
maxims4    ,,lii4 ,i believe1 that      
although all who read the relation we   
have  just been discussing1 will        
abominate the advice of ,theodotus1 as  
base1 tyrannical1 violent1 inhuman1 and 
atrocious2 there are many of  those who 
attend to nothing but temporal          
convenience1 will think it  salutary2   
but observe1 that instead of this1 it   
was extremely hurtful  and injurious4   
,they perpetrated the murder of the     
great ,pompey1 by  adding to the act of 
cruelty1 another of treachery1 which was
 coaxing  him to come ashore1 by an     
assurance1 that the king had engaged his
  royal word that his life should be    
safe4 ,what was the result of all  this8
 ,that ,ptolemy obtained the hoped for  
friendship of ,csar8 ,that  ,theodotus1 
,aquilas1 and ,photinus1 were rewarded  

for the great service  they had done    
him1 by freeing him for ever from the   
apprehension of  so formidable an enemy 
as ,pompey8 ,no1 nothing of this sort   
fell out  in consequence of the base    
act2 but it happened1 that in a few days
  after1 ,ptolemy in a most tragical    
manner1 lost his kingdom and his  life1 
and that the three authors and executors
 of the murder of ,pompey1  ,theodotus1 
,aquilas1 and ,photinus1 died miserably2
 which consequences  are produced1      
either by impious maxims tending        
naturally to bring on  misfortunes1 or  
by the interposition of the ,supreme    
,providence1 which  superintends and    
watches over human affairs1 and with an 
especial  design1 fulminates his wrath  
on the authors of such wickedness1 in a 
manner1 that serves to make them        
scarecrows to terrify1 as well as       
examples to warn others4      ,,sect4   
,,xiii4    ,,liii4 ,i am fully          
persuaded1 that if the case on which the
 council of  king ,ptolemy deliberated1 

had been referred to the politicians of 
our ,europe1 and in our age1 that not   
one of them would have advised  the     
putting to death of ,pompey2 but it is  
likely there would have  been very few  
of them so generous1 as to recommend the
 receiving and  protecting him4 ,in     
truth1 although not only generous1 but  
hazardous  resolutions1 may be          
appendages to the punctilios of princes1
 and may  spring from that source1 they 
are very rarely suggested to them by    
their counsellors4 ,thus1 if a point of 
this sort was to be discussed  by the   
council of a king now-a-days1 the       
consideration of the danger  of         
protecting ,pompey on the one hand1 and 
the scandal of sacrificing  him to the  
resentment of ,csar on the other1 would 
most probably have  determined them to  
pursue the middle way1 of neither       
entertaining  nor injuring him1 and     
would have left to his own election1 the
 choice  of another asylum1 and to his  
fortune1 the good or bad exit from his  

troubles2 nor do ,i doubt but that in   
the court of ,ptolemy there were  some1 
and possibly the major part1 of this    
opinion4 ,notwithstanding  this1 if ,i  
had been a member of that council1 ,i   
should have given my  vote for the most 
benign1 not only as the most honest1 but
 the most  useful and beneficial resolve
 they could have fallen upon2 and ,i    
even  think1 it would have had great    
weight with the king1 if any one of     
those who assisted at it1 had           
recommended to him the protection of    
,pompey1 for the reasons1 supported with
 some such arguments as follow1  which  
altogether ,i shall call        ,a      
declamation on behalf of ,pompey4       
,,liv4 ,whoever tells you1 sir1 that    
from an apprehension of ,csar1  you     
should destroy ,pompey1 would persuade  
you to fear men more than  the gods4 ,i 
will suppose ,csar to be so unjust1 as  
to be capable of  thanking you for      
putting ,pompey to death1 and of being  
irritated  against you for not doing it4

 ,this same act of flattery to ,csar1 is
  so palpable an offence against heaven1
 that he who advises you to it1  cannot 
possibly entertain a doubt of its being 
such2 for if he should  tell you1 that  
by such a conduct you would conform to  
the will of the  gods1 who have declared
 themselves favourable to ,csar1 he     
would  advance a sophistry unworthy to  
be heard in so august and solemn an     
assembly2 for what delirium is it to    
imagine1 that we may continue to        
oppress those1 who groan under the      
weight of adverse fortune1 upon a       
pretence1 of co-operating with the      
,supreme ,providence8 ,according to     
this mode of reasoning1 it would be     
right to give a sick man poison  instead
 of medicine1 instead of binding up the 
sores of the wounded1 to  cut and stab  
him afresh1 and instead of succouring   
the poor1 to take  from him the little  
he has4 ,the gods are able to make      
people unhappy1  for this is a          
prerogative annexed to their sovereign  

power1 which  they sometimes exert1 by  
way of exercising the patience and      
constancy  of those they afflict1 and   
with a view of affording to others an   
opportunity of manifesting their        
clemency1 and of administering to the   
misfortunes of the distressed4 ,thus he 
who lends a compassionate hand  to      
assist those whom the gods have thought 
fit to make unhappy1 does  not          
counteract their dispensations1 but     
rather shews a compliance with1  and an 
obedience to1 the immutable principles  
of their laws4    ,,lv4 ,to insinuate to
 you1 in order to make ,pompey a        
delinquent1 that by  seeking an asylum  
here1 he sought the ruin of your        
kingdom1 amounts  to the same thing1 as 
saying he meditates burning the temple1 
who  from the fury of his enemies1 takes
 refuge at the altars of it4 ,pompey    
does not pretend to compel1 but only    
intreats you2 neither1 in his  intreaty1
 does he point out the bounds to which  
you should extend your  protection to   

him2 nor although he should point them  
out1 could any  consequences be deduced 
from thence to your disadvantage2 for   
that  cannot take away from you1 neither
 now1 nor at any time after he shall    
have put himself into your hands1 the   
right of deliberating upon1 and  after a
 just estimation of your power1 your    
obligation1 and your risk1  of          
determining to act by him1 as the       
urgency of your affairs may make  it    
necessary4 ,furthermore1 if you reflect1
 you will find that he has a  right to  
demand your protection1 although it may 
be dangerous for you  to afford it him4 
,you owe to him the sceptre you now     
sway1 which he  restored to your father2
 nor is the probable hazard of the same 
crown1  which was certainly restored to 
you1 an adequate recompence to the man  
who restored it4    ,,lvi4 ,having      
hitherto endeavoured to shew1 that it   
would be just and  right to protect     
,pompey2 my next argument shall be to   
prove1 that it  would be convenient and 

advantageous also2 although ,i am very  
well  aware1 that in the eyes of an     
ordinary politician1 this will appear an
  extravagant paradox4    ,,lvii4 ,i    
shall begin with asking1 what opinion   
ought we to entertain of  ,csar1 to     
think that he would look with benign    
eyes1 and a grateful  heart1 on a       
horrible act of perfidy1 although it was
 committed to  disincumber him of that  
enemy1 who has already disputed1 and may
  perhaps contend again with him for the
 empire8 ,it seems to me1 sir1  that    
this is the light in which it is        
laboured to represent ,csar to  you2 but
 if he truly is not such a sort of man1 
the treachery which  ,theodotus proposes
 to you1 will be very useless2 but ,i   
will add1 that  although he is that sort
 of man1 you will not avoid1 but rather 
augment  the danger of losing your      
crown1 by being guilty of it4 ,if ,csar 
is  blinded by the passion of ambition  
to such an extreme degree1 that it      
would excite him1 for the sake of       

gratifying it1 to trample every sort  of
 duty and obligation under foot2 this   
vile piece of service1 will  not exempt 
or protect you from his despoiling you  
of your kingdom2  his ambition1 if this 
is his only idol1 will prompt him to    
extend his  dominion by all possible    
ways and means1 whether just or unjust2 
and  the opulent kingdom of ,egypt1 is  
not so contemptible an acquisition1     
that an ambitious man will forbear to   
seize it1 for the sake of  rewarding a  
perfidious one with its possession4     
,,lvii4 ,the worst is1 that by following
 the advice of ,theodotus1 you will     
furnish ,csar with a specious pretence  
for usurping your kingdom2 and          
therefore ,i say1 that so far from      
avoiding the danger of losing it1  by   
adopting his plan1 you would increase   
the risk4 ,that ,csar is very  sagacious
 and penetrating1 is well known to all  
the world2 and although  he might be    
glad to hear that ,pompey was put to    
death2 after the deed  was executed1 he 

would affect to lament it4 ,he1 in      
appearance at least1  would detest the  
treachery of receiving ,pompey into     
,egypt1 under a  promise of security    
upon the royal word1 for the purpose of 
taking  away his life4 ,from this       
equivocal or critical state of ,csar's  
mind1  there might be but a short       
transition to his taking the resolution 
of depriving you of your crown1 and     
perhaps your life also4 ,he might  do it
 for the sake of gratifying his         
ambition1 and endeavouring to  persuade 
the world1 that he was actuated by no   
other motive than that  of punishing the
 treacherous murderer of ,pompey2 and   
although he might  foresee1 the ,romans 
would never believe that this was his   
motive2 he  well knows they would       
applaud the action1 as they idolized    
,pompey while  living1 and will adore   
his memory when dead4 ,other nations1   
who on  account of their being less     
penetrating1 may not see into the artful
  policy of ,csar1 will only contemplate

 in your ruin1 a punishment             
correspondent to your crime1 and will   
admire the heroic justice of  ,csar1 who
 chastised the wicked act1 although the 
commission of it was  never so          
convenient to him4 ,consider1 sir1      
whether ,csar will lose so  fine an     
opportunity of flattering the ,roman    
people1 of recommending  himself to the 
world for a just man1 and of adding to  
the ,imperial  crown he is fabricating1 
the precious gem of this kingdom4       
,,lix4 ,we know that ,csar1 in all his  
actions and designs1 has proposed  to   
himself ,alexander of ,macedon as the   
only example he would wish to  imitate4 
,we are informed1 that having in a      
temple of ,spain1 seen a  statue of that
 hero1 it raised in his imagination a   
contemplation of  his glory1 and caused 
him to shed tears of envy4 ,attend now1 
sir1 to  what ,i am about to say to you4
 ,immediately after ,darius was defeated
 by  ,alexander in the battle of        
,arbela1 that unhappy king1 who was     

become  a fugitive from the conqueror1  
was treacherously murdered by ,bessus   
the governor of ,bactria1 who thought by
 putting him to death1 that  he should  
gain the favour of ,alexander4 ,but what
 followed8 ,why1 that  ,alexander caused
 him to be arrested1 and torn to pieces 
by his own  immediate order as some tell
 us1 or as others say1 delivered him to 
,oxathres the brother of ,darius1 to be 
dealt with as he thought proper4        
,consider1 sir1 how great an affinity   
there is between the battles of  ,arbela
 and ,pharsalia1 between the fortunes of
 ,pompey and ,darius1 and  between the  
genius and tempers of ,csar and         
,alexander4 ,how much is it  to be      
dreaded1 that if you act by ,pompey1 as 
,bessus did by ,darius1 that  ,csar will
 do by you1 as ,alexander did by        
,bessus8 ,he will find himself          
precisely in the same circumstances of  
,alexander1 and will1 without  doubt1 be
 strangely flattered with the idea of   
imitating him1 and  especially in an    

action1 which he knows was applauded by 
all the world4  ,we find ourselves also 
in the city of ,alexandria1 which was   
founded  by1 and took its name from1    
,alexander2 and even this circumstance1 
may  contribute to augment your danger1 
because1 if ever he should think fit  to
 visit this city1 it would revive in his
 imagination the idea of its  founder4  
,,lx4 ,i very well know1 that although  
,csar should be the man we have         
hitherto supposed him1 still the        
protection of ,pompey is not free from  
danger4 ,the ,roman legions1 in search  
of this illustrious fugitive1  will     
naturally present themselves to our     
imagination1 destroying with  warlike   
fury1 the country that harbours him4    
,but if1 in whatever  course we pursue1 
we must unavoidably encounter rocks and 
quicksands1  what does human prudence   
dictate in such a case8 that we should  
do  what's right and just1 and leave the
 event to the disposal of the gods4  ,it
 is beyond a doubt1 that the power of   

,csar is great2 but his fortune  is no  
less dependant on heaven than ours1 and 
the ray of ,jupiter  pays no more       
respect to the proud palace1 than to the
 humble cabin4  ,thus those to whom     
heaven is most propitious1 are likely to
 be most  successful4    ,,lxi4 ,nor    
need we depend solely for our security  
on the special  providence of the gods1 
as we have resources in the ordinary    
course of  human events1 and in the     
common influence of second causes4 ,csar
 is  yet at a great distance1 and as he 
will have much to settle both in  ,italy
 and ,greece1 in order to secure the    
fruits of his late victory1  it will be 
probably some time before he will find  
himself at leisure  to visit ,egypt4    
,during that interval1 we may be        
employed in modeling  and disciplining  
our troops2 they are not few in number1 
and we may  add new recruits to them2   
and to make the ,egyptian troops equal  
to the  best in the world1 nothing more 
is necessary1 than that they should be  

properly trained1 and be commanded by a 
good general2 because when we  had such 
a one in the person of our famous       
,sesostris1 they conquered  and         
triumphed over the principal regions of 
,asia1 as the ruins of the  columns that
 prince erected1 and which time has     
thrown down1 testify4  ,nobody disputes 
,pompey's being1 if not the greatest    
soldier in the  world1 at least equal to
 the greatest4 ,his victories have      
acquired  him the epithet of great1     
which is a title ,csar never attained4  
,we  have then in him1 the general we   
want2 nor ought his reputation to be    
lessened by the victory ,csar lately    
obtained over him2 for besides  his     
commanding a motley army1 collected     
from1 and composed of various  nations1 
he was but little or ill obeyed in that 
war2 and this is an  evil1 for which we 
have a remedy in our own power1 by      
committing the  whole military          
government to the discretion and        
direction of ,pompey4  ,if he finds     

himself not in a condition or situation 
to attack with a  prospect of victory1  
he will stand on the defensive1 and     
preserve his  troops1 which is the      
conduct he wished to have pursued in    
,greece4 ,we  may also hope for many    
advantages from time2 as in the interval
 of our  recess1 succours may arrive to 
,pompey from all the world2 for the     
whole  ,roman empire1 except the troops 
immediately in his pay1 are enemies to  
,csar2 and although we should not be    
able to assemble an army1 capable  of   
resisting ,csar1 his success will not be
 quite certain4 ,the whole  ,roman      
republic which commands the world1      
groans with affliction1 under  the      
intolerable sensation1 occasioned by the
 suppression of their  liberty2 and it  
would be very extraordinary1 if among   
the millions of  people of which it is  
composed1 there should not be found some
 one  desperate enough1 to sacrifice his
 own life1 for the sake of redeeming    
his country4 ,every man who arrives at  

despising1 or setting no value on  his  
own life1 may have that of ,csar in his 
power2 for one concealed  poignard1 or  
one disguised dose of poison            
administered at his table1  would be    
more dangerous and fatal to him1 than   
fifty thousand lances in  the open      
field4 ,the instances of ,romans1 who   
have offered themselves  voluntary      
victims to the idol of fame1 or the good
 of their country1  are numerous2 and   
perhaps ,csar at this time1 has some one
 near his  person1 waiting for an       
opportunity to repeat the same          
sacrifice4    ,,lxii4 ,there remains to 
us also another crutch of hope whereon  
to rest1  that is1 the unwholesomeness  
of our climate4 ,the air of gypt1 which 
is very unsalutary to the natives1 is   
much more so to strangers4 ,the         
soldiers of ,csar were born under1 and  
have served in climates1 which  were    
very different from ours4 ,how natural  
then is it to suppose1 that  by being   
detained some time in this country1 the 

visitation of an  epidemical disorder   
may either demolish or incapacitate     
them6    ,,lxiii4 ,if by all1 or any of 
these means1 which are very probable    
ones1 you should be enabled to protect  
and preserve ,pompey1 you would  make   
yourself1 sir1 the most glorious prince 
in the world4 ,the ,romans  would adore 
you1 as the vindicator and defender of  
their liberty1 and  would look upon this
 kingdom1 as the only temple which has  
afforded  sanctuary to1 and preserved   
their idol4 ,other nations will applaud 
your  generous gratitude1 and seeing how
 faithfully you have behaved to your    
benefactor1 there is no prince whatever1
 who will not be ready and  desirous to 
render you his services4 ,what you may  
expect from ,pompey1  is not in my power
 to express1 nor in my imagination to   
conceive4    ,,lxiv4 ,but admitting1    
sir1 that these well founded hopes      
should be  frustrated1 and that heaven  
should continue to prosper the arms of  
,csar1 that ,fortune should regulate the

 motions of its inconstant  wheel1 so as
 that it shall always turn in his       
favour2 that we  should see the ,roman  
legions batter down the walls of        
,alexandria1  and afterwards be         
witnesses to the demolition of those of 
,memphis1  and behold all the other     
cities of ,lower gypt in danger of being
  destroyed2 and that in consequence of 
this1 we find ourselves under an        
absolute necessity of capitulating with 
,csar2 which is the greatest  difficulty
 and distress1 to which we can be driven
 by ,fortune2 but  please to observe1   
sir1 that although you should be reduced
 to this  necessity1 you would even then
 find your affairs in a better state1   
than there is any probability of your   
finding them1 provided you  follow the  
advice that has been given you by       
,theodotus4 ,csar would  require you to 
deliver up ,pompey1 and it is most      
likely would offer  you in return1 the  
restitution of all he has conquered2 for
 the whole  country that is inundated by

 the ,nile1 would be of but little value
  to him1 compared to the possession of 
a person1 who by a thousand  accidents1 
might have it in his power to overturn  
his whole empire4  ,you might then make 
this exchange1 and remain master of your
 kingdom1  and might justify yourself to
 all the world1 by pleading the hard law
  of necessity as an excuse for what you
 did4 ,but what infatuation1 what       
madness would it be1 sir1 for you to    
persuade yourself1 that it would  be    
right at this time to put ,pompey       
treacherously to death1 without  more   
advantage to yourself1 than what you    
might obtain hereafter1 by  delivering  
him up without infamy8 ,i have said     
without more advantage1  and ,i ought to
 add to it with greater danger4 ,if you 
commit so base an  action1 it is        
probable that ,csar1 either from motives
 of virtue1 or  excited to it by        
hypocrisy1 will punish you severely4 ,if
 you think  him generous1 you must      
conclude that he will be extremely      

irritated  against you1 both for your   
cruelty1 and your ingratitude1 and      
because  you offered him a provoking    
indignity1 by supposing him capable of  
accepting a treachery for a compliment2 
and because also1 you deprived  him of a
 precious opportunity1 of manifesting   
his clemency to ,pompey  in distress4   
,if you consider him only as an         
ambitious and profound  politician1 you 
may suppose he will act the same part   
from motives of  dissimulation1 that he 
would have acted from motives of        
generosity1 and  to gain credit with the
 world1 would treat you as a delinquent4
 ,you  will have none of this to        
apprehend1 when1 forced to it by        
necessity1  you find yourself obliged to
 deliver up ,pompey1 because in this    
last  case1 the reasons for treating you
 in the manner we have just been        
describing will not exist1 and because  
also it was never known1 that  ,csar    
failed to preserve the faith of his     
engagements1 or that he  treated with   

cruelty1 those he had vanquished4       
,,lxv4 ,nor should we omit1 that ,csar's
 good opinion of your personal  conduct 
to ,pompey1 may co-operate with his     
virtue1 and have an  influence on his   
policy4 ,csar is not ignorant1 that you 
have always  been well affected to      
,pompey and his cause1 and when ,csar   
finds ,pompey  has perished by your     
hands1 he will readily conclude1 that   
you would  have dealt the same treatment
 to him1 and with a better will1        
provided  the victor had been the       
vanquished4 ,consider now1 what sort of 
an  opinion ,csar must entertain of you1
 when he reflects1 that your not        
committing the same treachery by him1 is
 owing to his fortune1 and not  your    
good-will1 but that in spite of your    
malevolent disposition1 his  fortune has
 insured his safety4    ,,lxvi4 ,the    
arguments1 sir1 with which ,i have      
proved1 that without  attending to the  
justice of the case1 it was more for    
your interest  to protect than to       

destroy ,pompey1 will serve to prove1   
that it will  be more beneficial to you 
to entertain him than to send him away4 
,the  sending him away1 will not oblige 
,csar1 but will offend ,pompey1 and     
will also make you appear ungrateful in 
the eyes of the whole world4  ,pompey   
driven from this coast1 will become a   
wanderer by sea and by  land1 in search 
of some safe hole or corner1 wherein to 
hide himself1  till the desperation of  
one1 or the conspiracy of many1 shall   
deprive  ,csar of his life2 and in all  
probability1 it will not be long1 before
  this contingent happens4 ,if this     
event should fall out1 ,pompey would    
then be master in much greater security 
than he ever was1 of all  that ,csar at 
present enjoys4 ,consider now1 if this  
should ever be  the case1 what you would
 have reason to expect from his hands   
for  driving him out of your kingdom1   
after he had fixed the crown on the     
head of your father4 ,csar while he     
rules1 as he is not ignorant that  you  

are disaffected to him1 will always     
consider you as an enemy1 who  only     
wants power or resolution to act openly 
as such4 ,the service of  your          
abandoning ,pompey1 will not oblige him1
 and will debase you1  for he cannot    
fail to see clearly1 that you did it    
through fear4 ,his  dislike to you will 
continue1 and you will add to it1 his   
contempt and  disesteem4    ,,lxvii4    
,further1 if you receive and entertain  
,pompey benignly1 you  may in           
consequence of doing it1 give yourself  
credit to a certain  amount1 for having 
both ,pompey and ,csar in some degree   
under your  influence1 ,pompey1 in      
virtue of having him within your        
dominions2 and  ,csar1 because he would 
be disposed to grant you very           
advantageous  conditions1 to prevail on 
you to deliver ,pompey up4 ,but ,i would
 not  have it understood1 that ,i mean  
to recommend this1 as what you ought  to
 do2 for my opinion is1 that you should 
absolutely risk every thing  to preserve

 ,pompey1 because you owe every thing to
 him4 ,this is what  true virtue        
dictates2 but the predicament we are in 
at present1 is that  of consulting and  
considering1 the reasons of state and   
policy for  receiving ,pompey with a    
determination of defending him1 and at  
the same  time not to extend that       
defence so far as to endanger the loss  
of your  kingdom4 ,it is true1 this     
would not be doing enough to entitle you
 to  the applause of the world as a     
generous man2 but it would be sufficient
  to prevent your being condemned as an 
unjust one4 ,you would save your        
honour1 and not neglect your interest2  
and the judgment of heaven1  with       
respect to such a conduct1 would        
coincide with that of the world4        
,pompey would find himself under great  
obligations to you3 ,csar might  perhaps
 be irritated against you2 but the      
emotions of his anger1 would  soon give 
way to his own convenience1 and even to 
yours4 ,if the gods1  as they are able  

to do1 should prosper our arms under the
 command of  ,pompey1 all the world will
 respect your person1 your virtue1 and  
your  power2 and in spite of all ,csar  
can do1 after you have sustained the    
losses enumerated1 which will be        
sufficient to excuse your conduct in    
the eye of the world1 you will at last1 
by delivering up ,pompey1 be  able to   
repair all your damage4    ,,lxviii4    
,this speech appeared to me proper to   
introduce here1 not  only for the       
entertainment of the reader1 but for his
 benefit and  caution also2 for having  
in this discourse set forth so many     
maxims  and examples of tyrannic policy1
 ,i was apprehensive1 that some  people 
of weak understandings1 might persuade  
themselves1 it would  be convenient and 
useful to practise them1 if ,i did not  
at the same  time1 together with the    
poison1 administer the antidote1 and    
shew by  such an example1 that the      
violent expedients which                
,machiavelianism  proposes as           

convenient1 are in general hurtful and  
pernicious1 or at  least insecure and   
not to be relied on1 and that in the    
very cases  in which they are           
represented to be necessary1 there are  
others that  might be hit upon1 which   
would answer the purpose much better1   
and  which would admit of reconciling   
the useful with the honest1 provided    
there is an upright will to adopt them1 
and a clear understanding to  search out
 and apply them2 so that what they call 
refined policy1  is nothing more than a 
political dross or scum1 and the        
production  of gross geniuses1 who do   
not search deeper than the superficies  
of  things4 ,the ,machiavelians1 seldom 
attend to more than the immediate       
effect of the blow their malice         
meditates1 without reflecting1 that  the
 political machine is many times        
disposed to move in such a variety  of  
directions1 that it often runs back on1 
and crushes him who first  set it in    
motion4 ,i have said before1 and ,i     

repeat it again1 that the  instances of 
perverse politicians who have been happy
 for any length  of time1 are very few1 
and that those few1 have seldom been    
blessed  with more than a transient ray 
of the splendor of fortune2 and have    
been almost all shipwrecked by a sudden 
change of the wind1 when they  thought  
themselves sailing on with a favourable 
gale1 and in the most  prosperous       
manner4 ,what infatuation then is it1 to
 pursue a course1  where all the rocks  
in the track of it1 are stained with the
 blood of  unhappy sufferers8 ,or who1  
with any reasonable expectation of      
success1  can hope to make his fortune1 
by following and adopting the maxims of 
,machiavel1 knowing the author of them  
lived poor and despised1 and  died      
miserable and abhorred8 ,perhaps this   
impious politician1 may not  improperly 
be compared to the unhappy ,phlegyas    
described by ,virgil1  who was not      
undeceived1 till his being convinced of 
the delusion he  had been under could be

 of no service to him1 and who with     
bitter  expressions of lamentation1 and 
in a hideous tone of voice1 proclaimed  
the error of his detestable maxims1 to  
the whole miserable group of the        
damned3            --,phlegyasque       
miserrimus omnes      ,admonet1  magna  
testatur voce per umbras3      ,discite 
justitiam1 moniti1  non temnere ,divos4 
,,ambition ,,in ,,sovereigns4           
,,sect4 ,i4    ,i4 ,the most unjust     
adoration the world bestows1 is that    
which is given  to1 and received by     
conquering ,princes1 they being only    
deserving of  the public hatred2 while  
living1 mankind pay them a forced       
obedience1  and when dead a courteous   
applause2 the first is necessity1 the   
second  folly4    ,,ii4 ,what is a      
conqueror but a scourge1 which the      
divine anger has sent  among us for our 
chastisement8 ,what1 but an animated    
pestilence1 both  to his own kingdom1   
and those of the ,princes his neighbours
 also2  a malignant star1 which rules   

and influences nought but murders1      
robberies1 desolations1 and             
conflagrations2 a comet1 which equally  
threatens the destruction of cottages   
and of palaces2 and1 to sum up  the     
whole1 a man who is the enemy of all    
other men1 because in the  prosecution  
of his ambitious views1 he would deprive
 all mankind of  their liberty1 and take
 from many their lives and fortunes8    
,,iii4 ,in this1 as in many other       
things1 ,i admire the superior judgment 
of the ,chinese4 ,isaac ,vossius        
affirms1 that in the annals of those    
people1 they do not celebrate warlike1  
but pacific ,princes2 neither do  they  
triumph in future ages1 or acquire the  
applauses of posterity1 who  have by    
their arms added new dominions to the   
state1 but those who have  governed with
 justice and moderation the territories 
which descended to  them by inheritance4
 ,this is applauding with judgment4     
,,iv4 ,i don't deny1 that valour1       
military skill1 and other endowments    

peculiar to conquerors1 are estimable2  
but only mean to inculcate1 that  when  
they are accompanied with a tyrannic    
use1 they cause those who  make such an 
application of them1 to become objects  
of abhorrence and  detestation4 ,there  
never was any man eminent for feats of  
wickedness1  who was not endued with    
great qualities of body and mind2 at    
least1  they are rarely deficient in    
those of robustness1 industry1 and      
bravery3 but who1 on this account1 would
 employ himself in celebrating1  or     
becoming the panegyrist of malefactors8 
,v4 ,it is not comparison1 but identity1
 which ,i mean to propound and  enforce2
 for truly those great heroes1 who are  
so celebrated by the  trumpets of fame1 
were in reality nothing better than     
malefactors in a  high form4 ,if ,i was 
to set about writing a catalogue of the 
most famous  rogues who have figured on 
the theatre of the world1 ,i should     
place at  the head of it1 ,alexander the
 ,great1 and ,julius ,csar4    ,,vi4 ,no

 one had a juster sense of his situation
 in this respect1 nor  made a more      
candid acknowledgment of his profession 
and occupation1  than ,antigonus ,king  
of ,asia4 ,when he was in the zenith of 
his  conquests1 a philosopher dedicated 
a book to him which he had just         
finished1 the subject-matter of which   
was1 an encomium on the virtue of       
justice4 ,as soon as ,antigonus read the
 title of the book1 he smiled1  and     
said1 8,it is certainly very  propos1 to
 dedicate a treatise in  commemoration  
of the virtue of justice to me1 who am  
robbing all the  world of every thing ,i
 can40    ,,vii4 ,and although1 neither 
,alexander1 nor ,csar1 ever made so     
candid  a confession1 they manifested   
sufficiently1 that they were stung with 
the remorse1 and affected with the      
bitings of their own consciences4  ,the 
first1 shewed the influence these       
feelings had over him1 in the  instance 
of the temper and forbearance1 with     
which he suffered the  pirate who fell  

into his hands1 to upbraid him with     
being a greater  and more scandalous    
pirate than himself2 for if ,alexander  
had not been  conscious that the man    
spoke truth1 the consequence of his     
boldness  would have been very terrible 
to him4 ,the second displayed it1 in    
his perplexities at the crisis of       
passing the ,rubicon2 it being  most    
probable1 that intrepid soul was not    
withheld so much by the  contemplation  
of the dangerous undertaking he was     
going to engage in1  as by the sense of 
the crime he was about to commit4       
,,sect4 ,,ii4    ,,viii4 ,in reality1   
conquering ,princes are so totally bad1 
that they are  not even good to         
themselves4 ,they are bad neighbours1 as
 is notorious2  they are bad to their   
subjects1 who in the end are equal      
sufferers with  the others2 because by  
the excessive contributions that are    
extorted  from them1 they are drained of
 their property1 and in the obstinate   
wars in which their ,princes engage1 are

 deprived of their lives4 ,it is  true  
they conquer2 but ten battles gained    
cost more men to a nation  than two or  
three lost4 ,if we were to add to this1 
the loss incurred in  consequence of the
 neglect and decay of arts1             
manufactures1 commerce1  and            
agriculture2 at winding up the bottom   
you will find1 that with the  exception 
of a few military men1 who have been    
exceedingly fortunate  and successful1  
or whose services have been liberally   
rewarded1 and  also with that of a few  
others1 who have enriched themselves by 
plunder1 or the spoils of their own     
country2 the conquerors are left in  as 
bad a situation as the vanquished4      
,,ix4 ,these ambitious spirits bring on 
their subjects another injury1  which is
 sufficiently serious1 though less      
noticed than the former2  and that is1  
that being totally occupied with the    
idea of aggrandizing  their power by all
 possible ways and means1 they do not   
only endeavour  to augment it           

externally1 and among strangers1 but    
also internally1 and  among their own   
subjects4 ,they are not only desirous of
 ruling over  the most vassals they can1
 but are also anxious to domineer the   
most  they can over their own subjects4 
,it is not so easy to satisfy ambition  
in this second way1 as in the first2 for
 by adopting it1 without  an addition of
 subjects1 he1 who will disembarrass    
himself of the  restriction of laws1 may
 form an empire without limits2 and an  
empire  reduced to despotism1 if1       
instead of estimating it by the number  
of  those who are to obey1 you make the 
computation according to the number  of 
things that may be commanded1 is an     
infinite one4    ,x4 ,finally1          
conquering ,princes are evils to        
themselves2 for as the  dropsical thirst
 of accumulating new subjects is never  
satiated1 the  anxieties of their hearts
 are never quieted3 ,plusque cupit1 quo 
plura  suam demittit in alvum4 ,their   
backs are turned on all they have       

acquired1 and they turn their eyes on   
what remains for them to acquire4  ,from
 hence it follows1 that this last being 
always in their view1  has more power to
 inquiet their minds by irritating their
 appetite1  than the other has to calm  
their souls by insinuating the happiness
  of possession1 and the pleasure of    
enjoyment2 and we may add to this       
anxiety1 the dread of poison or the     
knife1 which are the ordinary  finishers
 of the lives of conquerors4    ,,xi4   
,there only remains to them1 as the     
fruit of all their labours and  toils1 a
 single good1 which they cannot enjoy1  
and therefore should  not be reckoned to
 them as a benefit2 that is1 their names
 being  celebrated in future ages2 a    
tribute1 which is paid to their ashes by
  the folly of mankind1 and than which  
no tribute is more unjust4 ,if the      
remembrance of conquerors was to be     
recorded in phrases dictated by  the    
understanding1 they would be described  
in terms of execration1 not  applause4  

,whoever sets about celebrating a       
,nimrod1 an ,alexander1 or a  ,romulus1 
may with equal reason1 employ himself in
 celebrating a tiger1  a dragon1 or a   
basilisk4 ,i find the same qualities in 
the three eminent  heroes1 as in the    
three furious wild beasts1 to wit1 a    
great strength  and power to commit     
mischief1 and a great inclination to do 
it4    ,,xii4 ,i can't refrain from     
laughter1 when ,i reflect on the        
,romans1 who  were masters of the world1
 being vain of fixing the origin of     
their  empire in ,romulus4 ,there was   
nothing in the deeds or character of    
this  man1 which could reflect lustre on
 his descendants4 ,if you look to his   
birth1 you will find that his mother was
 nothing better than a common           
prostitute4 ,if you consider his life   
and profession1 you will find  that he  
was a daring and enterprising robber1   
who1 being made captain  of others like 
himself1 erected his infamous gang into 
a republic4 ,the  rape of the ,sabines1 

if the story is true1 proves that       
,romulus1 and  all his followers1 were  
looked upon as despicable and vile1 and 
as  a nuisance1 by all ,italy1 because  
no other people chose to give them      
wives1 or to intermarry with them2 and  
it was necessary1 in order to  have     
women1 that they should steal1 and take 
them by violence4 ,the life  of ,romulus
 was taken away by the same ministers he
 himself had raised1  they not being    
able to bear with1 or endure him4 ,but  
such is the  blindness of the world1    
that the same person who was deemed     
unworthy to  live among men1 and who was
 put to death on that account1 is       
presently  afterwards placed among the  
deities4    ,,xiii4 ,other great        
conquerors met with the same lot2 they  
were abhorred  while living1 and        
worshipped when dead4 ,nimrod was the   
first object  of idolatry4 ,they changed
 the name ,nimrod1 which signified      
rebel1  into that of ,bel1 ,baal1 or    
,baalim1 which signifies ,lord4 ,this is

 the  ,jupiter ,belus of antiquity4     
,alexander fell a victim to poison1 from
 the  resentment of ,antipater1 and     
presently there were victims sacrificed 
on  the altars to ,alexander4 ,they had 
scarce murdered ,csar in the capital1   
as an enemy to his country1 when they   
venerated him in ,heaven1 as the        
tutelar deity of the republic4 ,the     
raising men to the rank of deities1  was
 a great error in the ,gentiles2 but the
 raising those to that rank1  who on    
account of their vices should have been 
degraded from the rank  of men1 was a   
much greater4      ,,sect4 ,,iii4       
,,xiv4 ,those who have a just idea of   
the ,deity1 cannot fall into so gross   
an error2 but we don't on that account  
cease to err4 ,it is true1 we do  not   
worship conquerors as deities1 but we   
celebrate them as heroes4  ,what is     
this1 but debasing so noble an epithet8 
,true heroes are wrought  and fashioned 
by virtue1 and therefore we should      
reject all those  as spurious and       

ill-made1 which are fabricated in the   
workshops of  ambition4 ,a great and a  
bad man are contradictions in terms4    
,agesilaus  answered wisely1 to one who 
was extolling the greatness of the ,king
 of  ,persia1 and at the same time took 
occasion to insinuate a remark on the   
smallness of the kingdom of ,sparta1    
compared to the ,persian empire4 ,his   
reply was3 ,he only can be greater than 
me1 who is better than me4 ,he  could   
not have spoke more to the purpose1 if  
he had read the celebrated  saying of   
,st4 ,austin1 in the following words3   
,in his1 qu non mole1  sed virtute1     
prstant1 idem est majus esse1 quod      
melius esse4 ,with  regard to those     
things1 which are estimated1 not by the 
bulk1 but by  the virtue or excellence  
of them1 that is greatest1 which is     
best4    ,,xv4 ,let a ,theodosius1 a    
,charles the ,great1 a ,godfrey of      
,bulloign1 a  ,george ,castriotus1 be   
celebrated as heroes2 and1 in fine1 all 
those in  whom ,fortune assisted        

,valour1 and ,valour ,justice2 those1   
who only drew  their swords in the cause
 of ,heaven1 or for the good of the     
public2  those1 who in wars take to     
themselves the toil and the danger only1
 and  leave untouched as the property of
 others1 the fruits and acquisitions2   
those1 who are pacific by inclination1  
and warriors through necessity2         
finally1 all those1 who1 as an example  
to posterity1 have by their  actions1   
impressed an idea on the minds of men1  
that they were just1  clement1 wise1 and
 animated ,princes1 in whose sceptres   
justice reigned1  and whose swords never
 wounded their own consciences4         
,,xvi4 ,but discard from the stock of   
heroes1 those crowned ,tigers called    
conquering ,princes1 and let them be    
numbered with the delinquents4  ,throw  
down their statues1 and translate their 
images1 from the ,palace  to the dens of
 wild beasts1 that the copies at least  
may be placed  among company1 and in    
such a situation1 as suited the         

characters of the  originals4 ,i will in
 this place give a general trait or     
description of  all conquering ,princes1
 which ,i find delineated in very lively
 colours1  in the words of a ,prince on 
his death-bed1 to whom they gave this   
epithet1 which was ,william the ,first  
of ,england4    ,,xvii4 ,this prince1 in
 that last stage of life1 in which a man
 finding  himself on the verge of       
eternity1 begins to see things in their 
true  light2 and at the period of time1 
when the eyes of the soul open1  with   
the same pace with which those of the   
body proceed to shut2  and when the     
thoughts of his past victories gnawed   
his conscience1  without feeding his    
ambition4 ,at this crisis1 either from  
motives of  repentance1 despair1 or from
 a desire to unburthen himself1 after   
reflecting with horror on the sum of his
 past actions1 in the presence  of many 
nobles who surrounded his bed--,he made 
this confession3 ,i have  hated the     
,english1 ,i have dishonoured their     

,nobility1 ,i have mortified  and       
oppressed the people1 and have been the 
cause of the death of  infinite numbers1
 by famine and the sword2 and to sum up 
the whole1 ,i  have desolated this fine 
and illustrious kingdom1 by the murder  
and  destruction of thousands and tens  
of thousands of its inhabitants4 ,in    
these few lines1 are painted1 in their  
true colours1 the exploits of  that     
conqueror2 and the same tints1 would    
serve to delineate those of  most others
 who have been dignified with that      
epithet4    ,,xviii4 ,i had almost said 
all2 for as ,i observed before1 the     
dropsical  thirst of rule and dominion1 
which is a disease common to all        
conquerors1 inclines them to aggrandise 
and extend their empire with  respect to
 foreigners2 and also1 to enlarge and   
increase their power  among their own   
subjects4 ,the ambition that agitates   
them1 not only  makes them pant to beat 
down the boundaries of the crown1 but   
those of  justice also4 ,not content to 

govern by law1 they aspire at despotism4
  ,they look upon equity as an          
impediment to1 and a restriction of     
their  grandeur1 and can only find      
enlargements proportioned to the views  
of  their souls1 in tyranny4 ,that      
kingdom is in an unhappy state1 where he
  who rules and presides over it1 has   
his head filled with this caprice4  ,the
 misfortune is1 that many are poisoned  
with these notions and  dispositions1   
who are no conquerors1 nor entertain the
 least thoughts  of being such1 unless  
it is in the subjugation of their own   
subjects4    ,,xix4 ,this is a species  
of conquest1 the most odious1 and the   
most  cheap2 for it is not acquired by  
valour1 but by craft and cunning2 not   
by the fatigues of the field1 but by the
 cabals of the cabinet4 ,but            
notwithstanding they conquer their own  
subjects1 and render them more          
submissive1 and by binding liberty with 
stronger and heavier chains1  convert   
vassalage to slavery2 they should       

remember1 that dominion is  only        
hereditary1 for so long as it is        
conducted with justice2 but  that when  
it comes to be exercised with violence1 
it is usurpation4  ,but that is an      
unhappy harvest1 which ambition reaps by
 such means4  ,how is a ,prince         
benefited1 if1 by putting the bodies of 
his subjects  under a hard state of     
servitude1 he loses their souls1 and    
alienates  their affections8 ,he loses  
the best part of his subjects1 which is 
their love1 and gets in return for it a 
small portion more of fear2  and he     
estranges from him their hearts1 by     
oppressing their breasts4  ,he deprives 
himself of the greatest sweet or        
pleasure of reigning1  which consists in
 seeing his legal commands obeyed with  
chearfulness  and inclination4 ,what    
delight can the prospect of a government
 afford1  where you contemplate every   
vassal1 as a fierce animal1 who supports
  with indignation the chain that       
confines him8 ,what security can a      

,prince have against the invasions of   
foreign powers1 who has made his        
subjects disaffected to him8 ,or what   
security against the intrigues and      
resentment of his own people1 whom1 by  
his absurd conduct1 he has made  angry1 
and weaned of their affections for him8 
,the monarchs of the east  can best     
answer these queries1 and tell1 how by  
affecting to be so much  the arbiters of
 the lives of their subjects1 the       
subjects frequently  have erected       
themselves into being the arbiters of   
the lives of their  ,princes4           
,,sect4 ,,iv4    ,,xx4 ,the blame of    
this abuse1 whenever it happens1 lies at
 the doors of  ill-intentioned ministers
 and vile flatterers4 ,these are        
interested  in extending the acts of    
government beyond their bounds1 because 
they  expect to be partakers in the sway
 and emoluments resulting from a        
stretch of power2 and they endeavour to 
gain the favour of the ,prince1  by     
insinuating to him1 that government     

being all force or seduction1  the most 
easy and eligible method of ruling1 is  
by the ,king's pleasure1  and that this 
at the same time1 would be the most     
likely means of  raising the ,king's    
authority to the highest pitch of       
elevation and  perfection4 ,with this   
view1 they also are continually         
representing to  him1 that total        
independance is essential to a crown1   
and that laws and  customs are unworthy 
restrictions upon sovereigns2 that a    
monarch is  the more respectable1 the   
more absolute he reigns2 and that the   
just  medium of the ,king's authority1  
is the ,king's will4 ,that the dignity  
of the crown is by so much the more     
exalted1 by so much the more the  people
 are depressed and kept under4 ,and to  
sum up the whole3 that a  ,king is a    
deity upon earth1 which maxim they      
enforce so strongly1 that  as far as it 
is in their power1 they would make him  
forget there is  another superior in    
,heaven4    ,,xxi4 ,a story related by  

,john ,reynaldo de ,segrais in his      
anecdotes1 is  very applicable to the   
present purpose4 ,when ,louis the       
,x,i,vth of ,france  was but fifteen    
years old1 some flatterers were one day 
entertaining  him at court1 with a      
recital of1 and endeavouring to instill 
into him1  such maxims of tyrannic      
policy as we have been just mentioning1 
though  ,i believe if he had been five  
or six years older1 the least punishment
  he would have inflicted on them for   
it1 would have been banishing them  from
 his presence and court for ever2 but   
the want of experience1  joined to his  
judgment not being then matured1 and the
 ardour of his  lively spirit1          
occasioned him to listen to them with   
pleasure1 as their  relations were      
suited to the grandeur of his heart1 and
 his ideas of  unlimited power4         
,marechal d',etr1 an antient man1 of    
great wisdom and  experience1 was at the
 same time standing at a little distance
 from  the ,king1 and listening with the

 highest indignation1 to the language   
of those flatterers4 ,in the course of  
their conversation1 they came  to talk  
of the ,ottoman ,emperors1 and spoke    
with great approbation of  those        
monarchs being the despotic masters of  
the lives and fortunes of  their        
vassals4 ,this is reigning in the true  
sense of the word1 said  ,louis2 they   
must certainly be happy ,princes2 and he
 spoke this in a  manner1 which         
indicated his good liking of that mode  
of government4 ,his  words pierced      
through the heart of the good ,marechal1
 who1 reflecting  on the pernicious     
consequences that would result from his 
adopting such  principles1 advanced     
quickly up to the ,king1 and intrepidly 
said to  him3 ,but1 ,sir1 ,i must inform
 your ,majesty1 that within my          
remembrance1  two or three of these     
,emperors have been strangled by the    
hands of  their own subjects4 ,marechal 
,villeroi1 the worthy guardian and      
governor of the young ,king1 who was at 

some distance1 but had overheard  all   
that passed2 in a transport of joy1     
broke through the crowd to get  at      
d',etr1 whom he publicly embraced1 and  
gave him the most cordial  thanks for so
 opportune and useful a caution4 ,would 
to ,god that there  was always ready at 
the side of ,princes1 some man of such  
generous  and liberal sentiments1 to    
apply the antidote1 when flattery in the
  alluring gilded cup of grandeur       
presents to them the poison of tyranny6 
,,sect4 ,v4    ,,xxii4 ,the tender age  
of ,princes is the most susceptible of  
imbibing  salutary or pernicious maxims1
 and the impressions of childhood take  
deep root in the soul1 which1 according 
to the cultivation it receives  then1   
produces fruit in future2 and it very   
seldom happens1 that this  rule is known
 to fail2 for the good or bad images    
which are impressed  at that time1 are  
scarce ever effaced4    ,,xxiii4        
,therefore the election of guardians1   
who are to direct and  regulate the     

management of ,princes in their infancy1
 is a matter of  the utmost importance  
to kingdoms2 and the choice of proper   
maxims1  wherewith to inspire their     
pupils1 demands the most serious        
attention  of the guardians4            
,,sect4 ,,vi4    ,,xxiv4 ,the soul then1
 in the state of nonage1 receiving      
impressions  like wax1 and retaining    
them like brass2 ,i repeat once more1   
that the  inspiring young people with   
wholesome maxims in their tender years1 
is a thing of the utmost importance4    
,the method of education should  be thus
 laid out3 to begin with religion1 to   
proceed next to ethics  or morality1 and
 to finish with politics4 ,in these     
three parts1 there  is an admirable     
connection4 ,religion 7which we don't   
speak of here as  a special virtue1 but 
only with relation to the firm faith    
contained  in it1 and the truths it     
persuades7 informs the understanding of 
the  greatness and goodness of ,god1 and
 disposes the heart to love him4        

,ethics1 or moral instruction1 directs  
all our actions1 and causes them  to    
conspire unanimously to promote this    
end1 serving at the same time1  as a    
vehicle to convey1 and as an ultimate   
disposer to the practice  of the most   
sound policy2 or1 to speak more         
properly1 the morality  of a ,king1 with
 relation to his kingly office1 is no   
other thing but  policy itself1 taken in
 general and comprehensive sense2       
because that  consists1 in a combination
 or assemblage of all those virtues1    
which  conduce or lead to the exercise  
of good government4    ,,xxv4 ,the      
reading of good books is very useful1 to
 instruct ,princes in  the maxims of    
sound policy4 ,but which are the good   
books8 ,i believe  very few4 ,those     
which contain sound doctrine are        
infinite2 but what  signifies their     
informing1 if they don't stimulate or   
move8 ,the most  difficult part of      
morality1 does not so much consist in   
coming at a  knowledge of what is right1

 as in exciting and moving an effectual 
inclination to practise it4 ,there are  
books of short sentences1 and  abounding
 with affectation1 7in the stile of     
,seneca1 which a certain  ,emperor      
called sand without lime7 which tingle  
in the ear1 but their  echo never       
reaches the heart4 ,there are others1   
filled with texts and  pulpit conceits1 
which1 instead of illustrating1         
confound1 and instead  of moving1 become
 tiresome and surfeiting4 ,there are    
others again1  which abound with the    
sentences of ,thucydides1 ,polybius1    
,tacitus1 ,livy1  and ,sallust1         
intermixed with a number of historical  
passages4 ,i shall  say of all these1 as
 ,apelles said of a pupil of his1 who   
had painted  ,helen with very little    
beauty1 but in a very costly dress stuck
 full of  jewels3 ,cum non posses facere
 pulchram1 fecisti divitem4 ,as you was 
unable to make her handsome1 you have   
made her rich4 ,these forced and        
unnatural ornaments1 with which         

erudition in the books that treat of    
it1 dress virtue1 do not conduce to fire
 the minds of those who read  them1 with
 the love of her4 ,he only will         
accomplish this end1 who has  the art of
 painting in lively colours her native  
beauty2 and who has  the address and    
genius1 to impress on the understanding1
 a clear and  agreeable idea1 of the    
magnificence of her charms4    ,,xxvi4  
,but better than the best books1 is good
 conversation4 ,the  instruction which  
is communicated by means of the voice1  
is natural1  that which is conveyed by  
writing1 is artificial2 the one is      
animated1  the other dead2 consequently1
 the first will be efficacious and      
active1  the second languid and faint4  
,the tongue writes on the soul1 as the  
hand on paper4 ,that which we hear1 is  
conveyed to us immediately and  in the  
first instance1 from the mind of him    
from whom the instruction  proceeds2    
that which we read1 is the copy of a    
copy4 ,if princes in  their childhood1  

were daily attended by discreet and     
good-intentioned  people1 who under the 
colour of amusing and entertaining them1
 were to  instruct them2 any one might  
venture to be bound1 for their future   
good  behaviour and wise conduct4 ,the  
learning insinuates itself deepest1     
which is conveyed under the veil of     
diversion2 and as that nourishes  the   
body best1 which we eat with desire and 
an appetite1 so that which  we listen to
 with delight1 is most improving to the 
soul4 ,the word  instruction is         
unpleasing to children1 therefore it is 
necessary as  far as we are able1 to    
take away the name1 and leave or        
preserve the  substance of the thing2   
and this is much more necessary to be   
done in  the case of ,princes1 because  
from their early time of life1 either   
their own vanity1 or the flattery of    
other people1 inspires them with  a     
notion1 that persons of their rank and  
station have no need of  learning4 ,the 
rules of equity and civil jurisprudence1

 conveyed under  the disguise of        
engaging and entertaining relations of  
the conduct  and management of just     
,princes1 who by acting well1 attained  
the  accomplishment of all their wishes 
with respect to foreign concerns1  and  
acquired the adoration of their own     
subjects at home1 and the  admiration of
 all strangers2 ,i say1 if improvement  
was insinuated  into them in this way1  
by some person whose conversation was   
pleasing  to them1 and who had the      
address to introduce it1 not as if he   
was  instructing1 but entertaining1     
them2 it would be the best method of    
ingrafting in their minds1 plants of the
 choicest quality1 from whence  in time 
you might expect to gather excellent    
fruit4 ,for this reason1  the wise      
,bishop of ,cambray composed for the    
education of the ,duke of  ,burgundy1   
whose preceptor he was1 a collection of 
pleasing fables1 in  the stile and      
manner of such tales1 with which old    
women are accustomed  to entertain      

children1 and which children for their  
amusement are used  to relate to one    
another2 in these1 he in natural and    
easy language1  suited to their         
capacities and comprehensions1 conveyed 
all the  precepts which compose the most
 ,christian policy4      ,,sect4 ,,vii4 
,,xxvii4 ,all the lessons however1 which
 are given to ,princes1 should  be      
calculated to train them to1 and make   
them enamoured with those  virtues1     
which may be of the most consequence1   
and the most useful  to them1 both as   
,princes and men2 above all1 regard     
should be had1  as a matter of the      
utmost importance1 to implanting in     
them1 the  feelings of humanity and     
moderation of spirit1 which virtues1 as 
being  diametrically opposite to1 are   
the best counterpoises to the vice of   
ambition4 ,other vices may be           
prejudicial to themselves1 or injurious 
to particular individuals2 but ambition1
 or the inordinate lust of  dominion and
 controul1 are pernicious1 and evils to 

a whole kingdom4  ,there is no doubt1   
but an unjust or a cruel ,prince1 is    
extremely  abhorrent1 though with all   
this1 if you attend to the mischief     
these  vices produce1 you will find1    
that that occasioned by ambition1 far   
exceeds the other2 for on account of its
 being most generally felt1  it is by   
far the greatest4 ,injustice and cruelty
 are exercised on  determined           
individuals1 but ambition oppresses all4
 ,or we should  express it better1 by   
saying1 the unjust and cruel1 is cruel  
and unjust  to some particular people2  
but the ambitious is unjust and cruel to
  the whole community4 ,these are the   
ordinary steps and progressions  of     
ambition4 ,it begins by injustice1 goes 
on to rigour1 and ends  with cruelty4   
,the ,prince is unjust to a state1 who1 
by extending his  demands beyond the    
limits of right reason1 is desirous of  
burthening  his subjects more than the  
rules of equity permit4 ,but what       
follows  this oppressive mode of        

conduct8 ,why that the subjects1 as soon
 as  it is introduced1 begin to be      
dissatisfied and complain2 and that  the
 ,prince1 regarding their complaints and
 applications for redress1  though      
couched in never so submissive terms1 as
 affronts and injuries1  begins to      
direct chastisements4 ,measures of      
rigour are now determined  on2 and what 
follows the execution of them8 ,why1    
that the clamours and  complaints grow  
louder1 and that the cries of the       
oppressed in the ears  of the ,king1    
sound like the voice of rebellion4 ,upon
 this1 the rigour1  under the colour of 
law and justice1 is augmented1 till it  
ascends  to the degree of cruelty2 but  
in case things do not arrive at this    
extremity1 because fear suffocates in   
the breasts of the afflicted1 the  voice
 of murmur2 yet what greater torment can
 a man undergo1 than that  of supporting
 a heavy yoke on his shoulders1 and     
having at the same  time a cord drawn so
 tight round his neck1 as to obstruct   

the relief of  a sigh8 ,this then being 
a great martyrdom1 the oppression which 
is the  cause of it1 can't fail of being
 a great cruelty4      ,,sect4 ,,viii4  
,,xxviii4 ,i am not surprized that some 
,princes have gone to this  extreme1 but
 rather wonder that all have not        
proceeded to it4 ,the  thirsty desire of
 domineering1 which is never satiated1  
is natural  to the heart of man2 and    
this principle which is born with us1 in
  ,princes1 is stimulated and inflamed  
by flattery4 ,we frequently hear  them  
addressed1 in terms which are           
exquisitely hyperbolical1 some to       
blazon the perfections of their         
characters1 others those of their       
persons4 ,they represent to them their  
superiority in a manner1 that  tends to 
persuade them1 they are more than men1  
and that other people  are less4 ,this  
ostentatious image of grandeur is very  
grateful to their  feelings1 and        
therefore it is not wonderful1 they     
should set it up  as an idol1 for the   

people who are under them to offer as   
sacrifices  to1 all they possess which  
is most valuable4 ,some politicians have
  thought it expedient1 in order to give
 ,princes a higher idea of their  own   
excellence1 and fill them with more     
exalted notions1 to place  flatterers   
about their persons2 and ,i have no     
doubt but this may  be proper1 when you 
perceive them to be very pusillanimous4 
,but in  general1 the thing of most     
consequence in their education1 ought to
  be taking care to impress on their    
minds1 such maxims only1 as are         
dictated by religion1 virtue1 and       
humanity4 ,and this is the manner in    
which they should be propounded to them4
    ,,xxix4 ,that a ,king is a man1 as  
other men are1 son like them1 of the    
same common father1 equal by nature1 and
 only unequal in fortune4    ,,xxx4     
,that this fortune1 imagine it to be    
great as you will1 he owes all  to ,god1
 who has power to place one of another  
race on the throne2 and  no man1 if he  

pleases to do it1 has a right to find   
fault or complain  of injustice1 even   
though he should raise to the rank of   
,majesty a  person of the most humble   
station in the kingdom1 and reduce to   
the  lowest class1 him1 who the day     
before was seated on a throne4          
,,xxxi4 ,that so much the greater the   
idea of his own grandeur is1 by so  much
 the greater ought his gratitude and    
thankfulness to be to the  ,divine      
,majesty1 who has conferred it upon him2
 and that in proportion  to the         
superiority of his rank1 are his        
obligations to serve and obey  ,god as  
an example to other men4    ,,xxxii4    
,that ,god did not make the kingdom for 
the ,king1 but the ,king  for the       
kingdom4 ,therefore the object of his   
government should not be  directed to   
support his own private interest or     
convenience1 but that  of the republic4 
,for this reason1 ,aristotle points out 
the essential  distinction between a    
,king and a tyrant1 that the first only 

attends to  his own convenience1 the    
other to the public good4    ,,xxxiii4  
,that consequently1 the expression used 
in edicts1 that such is  the ,king's    
pleasure1 he having thought fit to order
 the thing specified  to be done for the
 advancement or good of his service1    
should be  understood to imply1 that he 
is pleased with ordaining such things   
only  as are for the good of the public4
 ,it is the duty of the subjects to     
obey the ,king2 and it is the duty of   
the ,king to command such things  only1 
as are for the benefit and advantage of 
his subjects4    ,,xxxiv4 ,that as the  
subjects are obliged to obey and execute
 what  the ,king is pleased to direct1  
the ,king is obliged to order such      
things only as are pleasing to ,god1 and
 consistent with his laws and           
commandments4    ,,xxxv4 ,that the power
 of ordering only what is right and     
just1 does not  diminish his authority1 
but rather aggrandizes it2 for although 
it is  impossible for ,god to do any act

 which is not right and just1 he does   
not on that account cease to be         
omnipotent4    ,,xxxvi4 ,that a ,king1  
having risen to the summit of human     
glory1 cannot  ascend to a superior     
degree of altitude1 but by the arduous  
path of  virtue2 that is1 he can only be
 greater by being better4    ,,xxxvii4  
,that the most difficult and most       
glorious part of the exercise  of the   
kingly office1 consists1 not in a       
,prince's conquering new  kingdoms1 but 
in his good government of that he       
possesses4 ,a ,courtier  in the presence
 of ,augustus said1 that ,alexander1 at 
thirty-two years  of age1 upon          
reflecting that in a little time he     
should subjugate all  the world1 was at 
a loss to think how he should employ    
himself when  that was done3 ,alexander 
at that rate1 replied ,augustus1 must   
have  been very simple2 for the most    
arduous and difficult part of the work  
remained still to be executed1 which    
was1 governing well the kingdoms  he had

 conquered4    ,,xxxviii4 ,if we were to
 take an account of the ,princes who    
were great  warriors1 and of those who  
were eminent for their virtue1 we should
  find the number of the last much      
smaller than that of the first2 so  that
 although virtue should not be so much  
admired in ,kings as military  glory1   
its being more scarce1 is sufficient to 
make it more valuable4  ,flavius        
,vopiscus relates1 that a buffoon1 to   
express the smallness of  the number of 
the good ,princes who had been known in 
he world1 said1  the effigies of them   
all might be carved on a ring4 ,as he   
talked of  idolatrous ,kings1 for he    
knew no others1 he may be supposed to   
have  spoken the truth2 but things are  
quite otherwise at present1 although    
the numbers of the warlike and political
 ones1 may be reckoned in all  times to 
have exceeded those of the pious ones4  
,,xxxix4 ,that as the subjects owe to   
their ,king their obedience and         
respect1 he owes to them his tender care

 and protection4 ,a ,king has two  sorts
 of children1 some as a man1 others as a
 ,prince2 those of the one  sort are    
natural1 those of the other political2  
but they are all his  subjects1 and as  
such he ought to love them4 ,the        
inhabitants of ,sichem1  of whom ,hamor 
was ,prince1 are called in scripture the
 children of ,hamor4    ,,xl4 ,that this
 love should not impede1 but rather     
stimulate him to  punish delinquents2   
because the greatest benefit a ,king can
 confer on  his subjects1 is to root out
 from among them evil-doers4    ,,xli4  
,that the effects of his love should be 
more felt by his subjects  at large1    
than by his ministers1 and especially   
those who are nearest  his person2 for  
to these1 he should dispense the tokens 
of his regard1  in proportion to their  
merit2 and it is of the utmost          
importance1 that  he should not extend  
his esteem for them beyond those limits4
 ,it is  good that ministers should love
 their ,prince2 but ,i judge it would be

  more beneficial to the public1 that   
they should fear him4 ,that kingdom  is 
in a most happy state1 where the        
subjects fear the ministers1 the        
ministers the ,king1 and the ,king ,god4
    ,,xlii4 ,those above all should     
experience him terrible1 who are found  
wanting to the truth in any informations
 they give him relating  to important   
public affairs1 or even concerning      
private ones2 for  there are few        
,princes1 who would not wish to do what 
is most for the  advantage of their     
subjects2 but it happens1 that they fail
 to attain  this end1 on account of the 
indirect and fallacious informations    
which  come to their ears4    ,,xliii4  
,that in order to insure the receiving  
them pure1 there is no  other method to 
be pursued1 but that of admitting easy  
access to all  men2 some would then     
remove the deceptions1 which others had 
imposed2  or no one would venture to    
deceive1 for fear that some other should
  detect him4 ,if any one arrives at the

 sole possession of the ,king's  ear1   
he1 without using further industry1     
becomes the sole master of  the ,king   
and his kingdom4    ,,xliv4 ,that he    
should listen courteously to all who    
address him1 but  should be more        
particularly gracious to those in humble
 stations of  life1 because these1 as   
more timorous and bashful1 stand in most
 need  of encouragement to enable them  
to express themselves4 ,augustus1 with a
  most humane air1 asked a man who      
approached him with fear and trembling  
to deliver a petition1 if he thought he 
was addressing himself  to a lion or a  
tiger4 ,this courteous manner in a      
,prince1 besides  conciliating the love 
of his subjects1 facilitates to those   
who obtain  an audience1 a clear and    
entire exposition of all they have to   
say2 for  a tremulous tongue can never  
articulate plainly1 and fear cuts off   
the  communication between the lips and 
the breast4    ,,xlv4 ,that he should   
shew himself so zealous a lover of      

justice1 as even  for the sake of it1 to
 dispense with his own interest or      
convenience2  and he should give the    
judges to understand1 that whenever his 
concerns  come in question1 and that any
 thing which is supposed to be his is   
claimed by one of his subjects1 if the  
merits of the case are not on  his side1
 they would not recommend themselves to 
him1 by pronouncing  sentence in his    
favour4 ,this was the great lesson1     
which1 among others1  was given on his  
death-bed by the pious ,king ,louis to  
his heir and  successor ,philip4 ,the   
,senescal ,joinville1 the beloved       
minister of that  ,prince1 relates the  
advice to have been conceived in the    
following  terms3 ,if any one shall have
 a dispute or litigation with you1 shew 
yourself favourably disposed to the suit
 of your opponent1 till the  truth can  
with certainty be established4 ,by      
pursuing this method1 you  will ensure1 
that your ministers and counsellors will
 always act in  favour of justice4 ,a   

caution worthy to be written and        
preserved in  letters of gold4          
,,xlvi4 ,that whenever it is evidentally
 established1 that some resolution  is  
necessary to be taken for the good of   
the public1 maugre the  compassion1     
benignity1 and love1 which are so much  
recommended2 it  should not be omitted  
to be carried into execution1 on account
 of the  complaints or injury it may    
occasion to some particular people2 for 
they sometimes are not aware of the     
importance of the measure2 and          
sometimes it is also necessary1 to      
suffer a grievance to be born by a      
small part of a kingdom1 for the good of
 the whole4    ,,xlvii4 ,that when he   
consults the lawyer1 the divine1 or the 
politician1  he should conceal the      
inclinations of his own mind1 and hear  
their  answers with perfect             
indifference4 ,if he does not act thus1 
but on the  contrary rewards him who    
coincides with his wishes1 and frowns on
 the  man who speaks with christian     

freedom and integrity2 the precaution of
  a consultation will not remove from   
him the guilt of any miscarriage  that  
may happen2 for it is very well known1  
that a ,king is never at a  loss for    
politicians1 divines1 and lawyers1 to   
say that is right and  proper1 which he 
is desirous of doing4    ,,xlviii4 ,that
 in the end1 he must one day die1 and   
that at the instant  of his dissolution1
 he must appear upon a level with the   
most humble  sinner of the earth before 
the ,king of ,kings1 to give an account 
of all  his actions4 ,i contemplate the 
appearance of a ,king at that tremendous
  tribunal1 in a terrible light4        
,private delinquents are charged with   
here and there a homicide1 and here and 
there a theft2 but to the  account of an
 iniquitous ,king1 homicides and        
robberies are charged by  thousands and 
by millions4 ,in one unjust war which he
 commences1 all  those who die on one   
side and the other have their deaths    
charged to  his account1 which although 

they should be estimated at a few1 will 
always be found to amount to several    
thousands4 ,all the diminutions  which  
the subjects of both kingdoms sustain in
 their properties1 in  order to support 
the expences of the war1 are imputed to 
him as the  author and cause of the     
mischief2 and the number of people      
injured  amounting to millions1 the     
account of his injustices amounts to    
millions also4    ,,xlix4 ,it appears   
just and proper to me1 to instill into  
the minds of  ,princes in their tender  
age1 these and such like admonitions1   
taking  care not to propound them with  
that dryness1 and in the bald and naked 
shape1 in which they appear in this     
writing2 but observing to combine  and  
interweave them1 into such conversations
 on political subjects1  as may         
naturally present themselves4 ,in the   
doing this1 all odious  magisterial     
affectation should be avoided1 and the  
instruction should  be conveyed under   
the form1 and habited in the dress of   

rational  amusement4    ,l4 ,i am not   
ignorant1 that if ,princes are          
pusillanimous1 it will be  necessary in 
various instances1 in order to enlarge  
their minds1 to  educate them with less 
severe maxims2 but those who are        
appointed  to instruct them in their    
youth1 need not be very attentive to    
this  consideration2 for they may       
naturally conclude1 that when their     
pupils  mount the throne1 there will    
always be people enough at their elbows 
ready to supply this defect4            
,,sect4 ,,ix4    ,,li4 ,what we have    
written in this discourse1 if we attend 
precisely  to the present state of      
,spain1 can produce no other benefit to 
him  who reads it1 but that of an honest
 amusement2 or at most1 can only        
furnish the people here with a knowledge
 of some moral truths1 the  effects of  
which do not reach them1 nor have they  
any experience of the  consequences     
resulting from them2 for neither the    
royal children of  this day1 who for the

 good of this kingdom proceed to grow   
and increase  in virtue1 nor those who  
are appointed to instruct them1 stand in
 need  of my advice2 but rather1 my     
theory is marked out by their steps1    
and copied from their practice4         
,besides1 it is the general condition   
of all cautions and admonitions which   
are written to warn ,princes1  that they
 are only printed when they are not     
necessary4 ,nobody writes  against      
tyranny1 when a tyrant is seated on the 
throne2 nobody against  ambition1 while 
an ambitious ,prince reigns2 nobody     
against avarice1  while a covetous      
prince sways the sceptre4 ,all maxims   
that issue from  the press1 which are   
opposite to the existing mode of ruling1
 are  reputed satires upon government1  
so that the author by publishing them   
incurs the indignation of the ,prince1  
and fails to benefit the public4  ,his  
work is suppressed as offensive1 and by 
that means his labour is  totally lost1 
because the fruits of it can never be   

enjoyed1 neither  then1 nor in any      
future time4    ,,lii4 ,from hence it   
follows1 that the most opportune time to
 exhibit to  the world treatises upon   
just and right policy1 is that in which 
such  policy is practised4 ,it is then  
you should sow1 for then you have a     
favourable prospect1 that the seed will 
produce a good crop hereafter2  and even
 then you may enjoy the produce in part2
 for the reigning  ,prince being        
confirmed that the road he pursues is   
right1 is fortified  in his good        
purposes4 ,to him such doctrine serves  
as a cordial1 and to  future ages it    
acts as a preservative4          ,,the  
,,value ,,or ,,superior ,,excellence    
,,of ,,nobility4    ,with some ,remarks 
on the ,power or ,influence of ,,high   
,,blood4      ,i4 ,he would do great    
service to the nobility1 who could      
separate their  vanity from their       
quality2 for it is almost as difficult  
to find this  dignity free from that    
vice1 as it is to find silver in the    

mines  without a mixture of earth4      
,splendour of ancestry is a fire1 which 
produces much smoke in descendants4     
,there is nothing of which people       
should be less vain than their high     
origin1 and there is nothing of  which  
they are more so4 ,the best pens in all 
ages1 both sacred and  profane1 have    
laboured to persuade1 that there is no  
pride worse  founded than that which is 
built upon high birth4 ,the world       
perseveres  in its error1 and there is  
no flattery better received1 than that  
which compliments a man on the grandeur 
of his race2 nor is there any  adulation
 more hacknied and transcendent2 to be  
convinced of which1 you  need only read 
epistles dedicatory to books4 ,flattery 
in them1 commonly  guides the pen1 and  
you will hardly find one1 which omits to
 lay great  stress on the nobleness and 
antiquity of the family of the person to
  whom he consigns the protection of his
 book2 and they do this1 because  it is 
pretty well known1 there is scarce any  

man so candid or modest1  as not to be  
pleased with this eulogium4    ,,ii4    
,from hence spring those wild and       
extravagant genealogies1  fabricated by 
some flatterers1 in order to compliment1
 and by that  means1 cultivate the      
favour and protection of great and      
powerful  people4 ,basil the first1     
emperor of the ,east1 was a man of      
obscure  birth4 ,the patriarch ,phocio1 
finding himself out of his good graces1 
endeavoured to regain his favour1 by    
forming a genealogical chain1  which    
made him descended from ,tiridates king 
of ,armenia1 who reigned  in that       
country eight centuries anterior to     
,basil4 ,the descent which  ,abraham    
,bzovius gives to pope ,sylvester the   
second1 which began in  ,timenus king of
 ,argos1 who flourished more than a     
thousand years before  ,christ1 in all  
likelihood was not fabricated by        
,bzovius1 but was  probably found among 
some papers written in the life-time of 
that pope1  by some person who composed 

the thing to flatter him4 ,roderig      
,flaharti  wrote1 a little while since1 
the history of some transactions        
relating  to ,ireland1 in which he      
assigns two thousand seven hundred years
 of  antiquity to the kings of ,england 
in their possession of the throne4      
,,iii4 ,if you ascend two generations   
anterior to ,rodulfus count of          
,augsburg1 there is no family of more   
doubtful origin than that of  the house 
of ,austria4 ,upon coming to the        
grandfather of ,rodulfus1  historians   
find themselves surrounded with such    
thick darkness1 that  they don't know   
which way to turn themselves2 nor is it 
a point beyond  contest1 who the        
grandfather of ,rodulfus was4           
,notwithstanding this1  there have not  
been wanting ,spanish historians1 who1  
by running up the  line of their        
ancestors1 have1 without touching or    
tripping1 traced  them to the           
destruction of ,troy4 ,penafiel de      
,contreras1 an author  of ,grenada1 went

 further than this2 for1 as ,mothe le   
,vayer informs  us1 he fabricated a     
genealogical chain of one hundred and   
eighteen  successions1 and made ,philip 
the third descend in a right line from  
,adam2 and because the duke of ,lerma1  
,philip's favourite at that time1       
should not be under less obligations to 
his pen1 he formed another of a  hundred
 and twenty-one from ,adam to the duke1 
entwining the sovereign  and favourite  
with two kings of ,troy and with neas1  
by means of  their two sons ,iulus and  
,asaracus1 from one of which he made the
 king  descend1 and from the other the  
duke4    ,,iv4 ,there have not been     
wanting in other nations those who have 
flattered their princes to the same     
excess4 ,john ,messanius derived the    
succession of the kings of ,sweden1     
without the least interruption1 from    
the primitive father of mankind2 and    
,william ,slater did the same thing1  in
 compliment to ,james the first of      
,england4    ,v4 ,truly one would be apt

 to think1 that such fulsome incense    
must  stink in the nose of the idol to  
which it is offered2 for ,vespasian     
despised some flatterers1 who derived   
him from the stock of ,hercules2  and   
,cardinal ,mazarin treated with great   
scorn1 one who traced his  origin to    
,titus ,geganius ,macerinus1 and        
,proculus ,geganius ,macerinus1  ancient
 consuls of ,rome4 ,thus those lose the 
fruits of their adulation1  who pour it 
forth without bounds4    ,,vi4 ,but to  
return to our subject3 ,i repeat1 that  
there is no  pre-eminence people have   
less reason to boast of1 than that of   
nobility2 every other is personal1 and  
proper to a man's self2 this is         
derived1 and may be deemed the          
reflection of a borrowed light4         
,nobility  is a mere extrinsic          
denomination1 and if you would make it  
an intrinsic  one1 it must be done by   
rational means4 ,the virtue of our      
forefathers  was their own1 not ours2   
and ,ovid1 in the following compendious 

sentence1 expressed all that is capable 
of being said on the subject3           
,nam genus1  proavos1  qu non fecimus   
ipsi1      ,vix ea nostra voco4         
,,vii4 ,it is true1 that in a certain   
manner the excellencies of our          
progenitors illustrate us1 but they     
illustrate us as the sun does the  moon1
 by exposing our spots and blemishes if 
we degenerate from them4  ,i have seen1 
in some coats of arms1 stars quartered1 
which seems as  if he who acquired this 
blazon gained it by his merit2 because1 
after  the manner of a star1 he shone by
 his own light4 ,it is probable1  that  
in many of his successors they should   
take away the stars1 and  substitute    
moons in their places1 to denote that   
they only shine like  this luminary by  
virtue of a borrowed light4 ,the        
following eulogium1  which ,velleius    
,paterculus bestowed on ,cicero1 always 
appeared to me  extremely elegant and   
magnificent3 ,per hc tempora ,marcus    
,cicero1  qui omnia incrementa sua sibi 

debuit1 vir novitatis nobilissim1 c4    
,cicero owed all his fortune to himself1
 because although he sprung from  an    
obscure family1 he without any other    
support but that of his own  merit      
ascended to the first honours of ,rome4 
,i would much rather this  should be    
said of me1 than that ,i was descended  
in a right line from  ,augustus ,csar4  
,,sect4 ,,ii4    ,,viii4 ,but there is  
no necessity for dwelling upon a subject
 which is  common1 and on which so many 
and so fine things have been written1   
that  all ,i could add to them would be 
like contributing a small fountain to   
the ocean1 or a little stone to the     
mountain of ,mercury4 ,my intention  is 
only to banish a vulgar error which is  
entertained of this matter1  and which  
ferments greatly in the imaginations of 
people of quality4    ,,ix4 ,it is      
commonly said1 that good or bad blood   
has its occult  influence on thoughts   
and actions1 and that as in the ordinary
 course  of nature the genus of the tree

 follows that of the seed1 and the fruit
  that of the tree2 so it is with       
mankind1 who1 according to the stock    
from whence they are derived1 copy after
 the customs and manners of  their      
ancestors4 ,this prepossession in favour
 of nobility is so general  among the   
vulgar1 that there are several adages   
made use of in their  common            
conversation to express it2 and you will
 at every turn1 when a  man well born   
has done a bad action1 hear them say1 he
 has not behaved  like what he is2 as on
 the contrary1 if the same thing is     
related  of a poor man1 they answer1 you
 could not expect any better of him1    
considering from whence he sprung4      
,x4 ,if this was really so1 the         
estimation the nobility enjoy might with
  great justice be said to belong to    
them2 but this is so far from being  the
 case1 that there is scarce any other   
erroneous opinion that has so  many1 and
 so evident testimonies to contradict   
it4 ,in what kingdom of  the world do we

 not at present see the same thing come 
to pass1 which  formerly happened at    
,rome8 a ,cicero of obscure extraction1 
ennobling  himself and his country with 
illustrious actions2 and1 by way of     
contrast to him1 a most noble ,catiline1
 debasing himself and family by         
licentiousness and treachery8 or the    
same which was heretofore seen  at      
,athens1 a ,socrates the son of a       
blacksmith1 replete with virtues1       
contrasted with a ,critias1 who was the 
worthless disciple of so  great a       
master1 and an unworthy descendant of a 
brother of ,solon's1  whom neither      
nobility nor philosophy1 could withhold 
or refrain from  behaving like a        
monster1 compounded or made up of       
abominable vices8    ,,xi4 ,what        
,plutarch says of the kings1 who were   
the successors of those  captains1 among
 whom the empire of ,alexander was      
divided1 is very  remarkable4 ,what     
progenitors could be more illustrious   
than those  heroes1 to whom1 in a great 

measure1 the ,macedonian chief owed such
  glorious conquests8 ,but all the      
descendants1 says ,plutarch1 of these   
generous leaders1 were people of evil1  
and perverse customs and  manners4 ,all8
 ,yes1 all without the least reserve3   
,omnes parricidiis1  et incestis        
libidinibus1 infames fuere4 ,let the    
nobility contemplate  this1 and then    
say1 what dependence they can place on  
the future virtue  of their race4       
,,xii4 ,the reflection of ,elius        
,spartianus is still stronger4 ,this    
writer  says1 that by casting your eyes 
over history1 you will see clearly1     
that there is scarce a great man who has
 figured in the world1 that  has left a 
son who was a worthy successor of his   
father1 that is1 one  who proved equally
 good and useful to the state3 ,et      
reputanti mihi1  neminem prope magnorum 
virorum optimum1 et utilem filium       
reliquisse1  satis liquet4 7,spartian1  
in vita ,severi47    ,,xiii4 ,there is  
no doubt but you will frequently meet in

 history1  accounts of unworthy         
children1 who were descended from good  
parents4  ,germanicus is so generously  
disinterested1 that he refuses the      
empire  when it is offered him by the   
army2 and his daughter ,agrippina so    
determinedly ambitious1 that she        
sacrifices shame1 and even life  itself1
 to the thirst of dominion4 ,octavianus 
is modest and reserved1  and besides    
possesses many other excellent          
qualities2 his daughter  ,juliana1      
scandalizes ,rome with her indecencies4 
,cicero1 view1 him on  which side you   
will1 is a most elevated genius2 the    
son1 who only  resembled his father in  
name1 was heavy1 stupid1 and a man of no
 other  ability1 but that of drinking a 
great deal of wine4 ,quintus            
,hortensius1  was the competitor of     
,cicero1 in oratory1 political talents1 
and zeal  for his country2 his son      
departed so widely from the foot-steps  
of  his father1 that he was in danger of
 being disinherited1 but1 bad as  the   

son was1 the grandson was still worse4  
,septimus ,severus1 with the  exception 
of his excessive rigour1 was an         
accomplished prince2 his son  ,antoninus
 ,caracalla1 neither deserved the name  
of a prince1 nor to  be called a man4   
,to the prudent and wise ,marcus        
,aurelius1 succeeded  the brutal and    
unbridled ,commodus2 to the glorious    
,constantine1 the  unworthy             
,constantius2 to the magnanimous        
,theodosius1 the timorous  ,arcadius1   
and the pusillanimous ,honorius4 ,but   
endeavouring to establish  general rules
 upon these and such like examples1 is  
giving a large  scope to the pen4       
,,xiv4 ,although we may with certainty  
affirm1 that being allied in blood  does
 not produce a similitude of manners1 as
 this truth is invincibly  proved1 by   
the great variance of dispositions we   
frequently meet in  brothers4 ,if the   
children of the same father were to be  
like him1  they would also be like one  
another4 ,how then can we account for   

the  great difference that is so        
frequently observed between them8 ,one  
is courageous1 another timid2 one       
liberal1 another avaricious2 one        
ingenious1 another dull2 one rakish1    
another reserved2 and the same in  every
 other instance4      ,,sect4 ,,iii4    
,,xv4 ,of this variety of defects and   
virtues in the same blood1 we have  a   
striking example in the ,antonian       
family1 who were people of note  and    
fame in ancient ,rome4 ,marcus          
,antonius1 called the orator1 may be    
said to be the man who raised this      
house2 for the ,antonian family1  which 
was so well known in the first ages of  
,rome1 became divided  into two         
branches2 the one that was called       
,patrician became extinct2  and from the
 other1 which was called ,plebeian1     
although it is not  known by what       
accident they fell from their ancient   
splendour1 sprung  ,marcus ,antonius4   
,this man1 who was of humble extraction1
 by his rare  and excellent qualities1  

raised himself to the first charges in  
the  republic1 and exercised them       
gloriously2 but his two sons ,marcus    
,antonius1 called ,creticus1 and ,caius 
,antonius1 degenerated entirely  from   
the excellencies of their great father1 
and were men without  virtue1 without   
conduct1 and without valour4 ,to ,marcus
 ,antonius  ,creticus1 succeeded ,marcus
 ,antonius the triumvir1 in whom the    
vices of  his father were augmented1    
although he inherited part of the       
virtues  of his grandfather1 for he was 
a good soldier1 and no bad politician1  
but a glutton1 a drunkard1 and          
lascivious1 and this last failing1      
caused him to sacrifice his life and his
 fortune to the beauty of the  dishonest
 ,cleopatra4 ,from so bad a father1     
descended an admirable  daughter1 the   
wise1 beautiful1 modest1 prudent1 and   
spirited ,antonia4  ,this eminent woman1
 who was beyond doubt the ornament of   
,rome in  her day1 had two sons and a   
daughter1 which differed as greatly in  

their dispositions and manners1 as if   
their blood and education had  been     
diametrically opposite4 ,germanicus the 
eldest1 turned out an  able1 discreet1  
mild1 generous1 and modest prince4      
,claudius1 who was  afterwards emperor1 
was so stupid1 and differed so greatly  
from his  brother and mother1 that she  
was used to say her son ,claudius was a 
monster1 for that nature had begun to   
make him a man1 but had never  finished 
the work4 ,livilla1 the sister of these 
two1 was another  species of monster1   
for she was convicted of adultery1 and  
murdering  her own husband4 ,but the    
dissimilitude which we have hitherto    
remarked  among the individuals of this 
family1 may be called trivial1 compared 
to that which appeared between          
,germanicus and his son ,caligula2 the  
first1 was an harmonious compound of    
virtues and graces1 the last the  tail  
or fag-end of abominations2 in fine1 he 
was so bad1 that people  were used to   
say1 nature had made him as he was to   

shew to what a  degree mankind could be 
formed perverse4 ,i have exposed to     
view1 the  signal inequality1 which in  
native disposition and manners1 there   
was  between the individuals of the     
,antonian family1 in order to           
illustrate1  the little dependance that 
is to be placed on how the children will
  turn out1 by conjectures1 founded on  
the influence or example of the         
parents4 ,if we were to make the same   
analysis of other families1 we  should  
find the same inequality with but little
 or no difference4      ,,sect4 ,,iv4   
,,xvi4 ,i am aware1 however1 of the     
argument that may be used in favour  of 
the vulgar opinion4 ,i may be told1 that
 customs and manners are  commonly      
derived from the genius or disposition1 
and the genius  or disposition from     
temperament4 ,how else could the        
constitution  of parents be communicated
 to their children1 by means of which   
communication we see them inherit their 
infirmities8 ,in the same manner  then1 

may their geniuses and dispositions be  
communicated4    ,,xvii4 ,but this      
argument fails in many parts of it2     
first1 because by  the commixture of the
 two sexes1 which is indispensable in   
generation1  there may result to the    
children a third temperament1 unlike to 
that of  both father and mother4        
,secondly1 because it is not probable1  
that the  seminal matter is in all its  
parts homogeneous2 and to this          
principle1  ,i think1 should chiefly be 
attributed the notable dissimilarity    
that  we find in some brothers4         
,thirdly1 because many different        
principles  have their influence on the 
temperament2 for example1 the accidental
  disposition of the parents at the time
 of generation1 the various  affections 
of the mother during the formation of   
the ftus1 the  alterations of the       
atmosphere in this period1 childrens    
aliment in  their infancy1 and many     
other things4    ,,xviii4 ,from hence ,i
 conclude1 the vulgar prognostic1 that  

the short  or long lives of children1   
depend upon the much or little time     
their parents lived1 is to the last     
degree fallible and void of all         
probability2 because from all the       
principles we have pointed out1  the    
temperament of the parents with respect 
to the children1 may be  vitiated or    
amended2 for we every day see healthy   
children born of  sickly parents1 and   
sickly children born of healthy ones4   
,it is true1  that there are some       
diseases which have the stamp or mark of
 hereditary  ones2 but ,i conclude1 this
 originates1 or is derived from a       
vitiated  quality which pervades the    
whole seminal matter2 but this is proper
  or confined to very few diseases1 nor 
is it so proper or certain with  regard 
to those few1 as not to be many times   
falsified4 ,my father was  gouty1 but ,i
 am not so1 neither is any one of my    
brothers4    ,,xix4 ,i add1 that even   
admitting some communication of genius  
or manners  from parents to children1   

this argument in no shape favours the   
ancient  nobility1 who are descended    
from a very remote origin2 the reason   
is1  because in every generation there  
is a sensible alteration1 sufficient  to
 introduce some dissimilitude with      
respect to the immediate  progenitor1   
and in the accumulation of many1 the    
unlikeness becomes so  great1 as in a   
manner to efface all appearance of      
kindred or relation  between them4 ,what
 expectation then can a man entertain1  
of inheriting  even a small portion of  
the generosity of his illustrious       
progenitors1  the heroes from whom he   
derived the lustre of his house1 and to 
whom  he looks up1 at the remote        
distance of many centuries8 ,by so many 
more grandfathers he reckons1 by so many
 more degrees is he removed  from the   
original generous influence4 ,in every  
generation he goes on  to lose a part of
 it2 and when they become very numerous1
 he at last  arrives at losing it       
intirely4 ,it is most likely that the   

,thespiades1  or sons which ,hercules   
had by the daughters of ,thespis1       
inherited a  good portion of the        
strength of their father2 and that1 in  
the sons of  the ,thespiades1 the       
robustness of the grandfather was more  
curtailed1  and that the descendants of 
these1 in the course of two or three    
generations1 would come to be no        
stronger that the ordinary race of men4 
,,sect4 ,v4    ,,xx4 ,i should here     
conclude this discourse1 if none but the
 nobility  were to read it2 but as it is
 my intention to cure the nobles of     
their  vanity1 without exempting the    
humble from paying them all due respect1
  it is necessary to advert to1 and     
guard against the inconvenience that    
may result from these last omitting to  
do it2 for although it is just  to      
restrain pride in the nobility1 it is   
right and fit1 that the common  people  
should behave to them with respect4     
,,xxi4 ,but strong as the reasons may   
be1 which we have alledged against  the 

intrinsic worth of nobility1 it cannot  
be denied1 that the  authority which    
favours it is of more force than all our
 arguments4  ,every cultivated and well 
regulated nation in the world1 adopts   
and countenances this pre-eminence1     
which amounts to little less1  than its 
being generally assented to by the bulk 
of mankind2 and a  universal opinion1   
rises superior to an ordinary one1 and  
ought to  prevail against every thing   
which is not self-evident1 or supported 
by  undeniable testimony4    ,,xxii4    
,the vanity 7says the famous ,magdalen  
,scudery1 in the fourth  volume of her  
,cyrus7 which is derived only from our  
progenitors1 is  not well founded2 but  
for all this1 this illustrious chimera1 
which  so sooths and flatters the hearts
 of all mankind1 is so universally      
established throughout the world1 that  
it cannot fail to obtain  veneration and
 regard4 ,it is certain1 that in many   
things common  usage hurries us on      
against reason1 but in others1 reason   

dictates  to us1 that we should conform 
to the common practice1 and this is the 
predicament with respect to the subject 
we are treating of1 that we  find       
ourselves in at present4    ,,xxiii4 ,it
 is however true1 that ,i have my       
doubts1 whether this common  estimation 
of nobility has arose of itself1 or     
whether it is derived  from an adjunct  
quality that is annexed to it1 which is 
power4 ,noblemen  are generally rich1   
and it may be doubted1 whether the      
adoration that  is paid to this idol    
called nobility1 was introduced by the  
respect  people bore to the image or    
figure1 or the gold of which it was     
made4  ,what we see is1 that the nobles 
who fall off in riches1 proceed with    
the same pace that they decrease in     
these1 to lose the estimation in  which 
they were held2 and although there will 
always remain to them  some respect1 who
 can determine1 whether this proceeds   
from the occult  influence of their     
generous race1 or from a common habit we

 are in of  holding them in esteem8 ,it 
may also happen1 that a noble reduced   
from  opulence to poverty1 may be       
venerated as the relic of an idol1 which
  heretofore had been worshiped4        
,,xxiv4 ,it is therefore necessary1 to  
seek for some more solid ground  than   
any we have hitherto gone over1 whereon 
to build the estimation  which should be
 enjoyed by the nobility1 and such1 no  
doubt1 is to be  found in reason1       
abstracted from the support of          
authority4 ,it is a  fixed maxim in     
ethics1 that to every kind of excellence
 some honour  is due2 the general       
consent then of mankind1 the regard     
shewn them by  princes1 and the         
privileges allowed them by the laws2    
having placed the  nobility in a degree 
of superiority above that of other      
people2 ,i say  these considerations1   
ought to make us look upon nobility as a
 kind of  excellence1 to which1 in      
consequence of its being such1 we owe   
respect  and honour4    ,,xxv4 ,and here

 it will be proper to remark1 that this 
debt is not barred  or cancelled by any 
uncertainty that may arise concerning   
the origin  of those who are accepted as
 nobles4 ,the reason is1 because their  
being generally acknowledged and        
received as such1 is sufficient to      
place them in that degree of            
superiority2 for we cannot require more 
examination of their descent1 in order  
to respect them1 than the laws  require 
which favour them4 ,he would be a very  
extraordinary man1 who  could arrive at 
giving physical proof of who is his     
father2 but his not  being able to do   
this1 does not absolve any one from the 
indispensable  obligation of reverencing
 the man as such1 who is generally      
esteemed  and reputed to be his father4 
,,xxvi4 ,this debt of veneration to the 
nobility1 should be understood in  all  
cases1 with a reservation of what is    
due1 and properly appertains  to virtue1
 which1 according to the constant       
doctrine of ,aristotle1 and  ,st4       

,thomas1 is much more worthy of honour  
than nobility2 therefore1  even with    
that civil and extrinsic honour1 which  
in their ethics those  two great masters
 speak of1 we ought more to reverence a 
virtuous  ,plebeian1 than a ,nobleman   
without virtue4 ,our cardinal ,aguirre1 
when  he is explaining philosophy1 in   
the third chapter of his fourth book  of
 ethics1 says1 that a vicious nobleman  
is unworthy of all honour and  respect2 
to which sentiment ,i subscribe1 because
 it is conformable to  a maxim of the   
angelic doctor1 who 7#bb qust4 #ade4    
art4 ,i47 having  said1 that honour     
properly and principally was only due to
 virtue1  admits1 that other qualities  
and excellences inferior to her1 such as
  nobility1 riches1 and power1 are only 
honourable in proportion as they        
conduce to1 and assist the operations of
 virtue3 ,alia vero1 qu sunt  infra     
virtutem1 honorantur in quantum         
coadjuvant ad opera virtutis1  sicut    
nobilitas1 potentia1  diviti4 ,if the   

nobility then do not  assist virtue1 but
 rather foment vanity and nourish pride1
 by lending  their suffrages to vices   
which obstruct virtue1 they render      
themselves  totally unworthy of the     
least respect4      ,,sect4 ,,vi4       
,,xxvii4 ,but how shall we reconcile    
what we have just now said against  the 
nobility1 with what we said but a little
 before in their favour8  ,easily1 by   
saying this prerogative is not laudable1
 but honourable4  ,the arguments we have
 just urged impugn its laudabillty1     
those we are  about to use are          
affirmative of its honour4 ,this is a   
distinction  pointed out by ,aristotle1 
between virtue and all the other        
excellences  which illustrate the human 
race4 ,virtue1 he says1 is laudable2    
riches1  nobility1 and power1 deserve no
 praise1 but have a pretension to be    
honoured4 ,so that there is nothing in  
nobility which a man should  boast or be
 vain of2 but there is something in it1 
which those who are  inferior to them in

 rank should reverence and respect4     
,this distinction  will reconcile all   
difficulties1 and assure to the nobility
 esteem1  without fomenting their       
vanity4      ,,sect4 ,,vii4    ,,xxviii4
 ,the subject of this discourse1        
especially that part of it  which is    
contained in the second1 third1 and     
fourth paragraphs1 leads  me opportunely
 to banish an error which is exceedingly
 vulgarized4  ,the world is so filled   
with the caprice of the occult influence
 of  the blood1 that many people are led
 away with a notion1 that children  by  
the force of it1 not only inherit from  
thence those passions which  depend on  
the temperament1 but also a propensity  
for the religion of  their ancestors4   
,they don't even stop here1 for the     
lower sort extend  this influence to the
 milk with which children are nourished 
in their  infancy1 giving credit to this
 ridiculous maxim1 from here and there  
an  uncertain or fabulous experiment or 
instance1 such for example1 as a  person

 when he came to the state of manhood   
having turned ,jew1 which he  imbibed a 
disposition to do1 by having sucked a   
,jew nurse4    ,,xxix4 ,there is no     
error more void of all probability than 
this4 ,if we  speak of the true         
religion1 not only the assent which the 
understanding  gives to its dogmas1 but 
also the pious affection which precedes 
this assent1 are both supernatural2     
consequently1 according to sound        
theology1 neither the blood nor the     
aliment1 nor any other natural  cause1  
can have connexion1 either with the     
assent or pious affection4  ,this is all
 the work of the divine grace1 as a     
substitute for which1  there is not the 
most remote disposition to be found in  
the whole  sphere of nature1 and you can
 only admit negative natural ones1 which
  concur merely to remove impediments1  
such as a good understanding1 and  a    
good native turn of mind4 ,but these    
good dispositions1 in those who  possess
 them1 do not depend upon their fathers 

having professed the  true religion2 for
 if this was the case1 all the catholics
 would have  good understandings1 and   
would be naturally good-disposed people4
    ,,xxx4 ,the assent to false         
religions1 is beyond a doubt absolutely 
natural1 because error cannot be derived
 from a supernatural cause4  ,upon the  
whole then it is certain1 that this     
assent does not depend1 in  any manner  
whatever1 either on the temperament1 or 
on the organization1  which are the only
 things1 on which the paternal seed1 or 
the infant  aliment1 can have any       
influence2 the reason is1 because giving
 assent  to an error1 depends upon the  
shape or light in which objects appear  
or  are represented to the              
understanding1 which in different       
temperaments  and organizations may be  
the same1 and in such as are alike      
different4  ,what doubt can there be1   
that in the great city of               
,constantinople1  there are vast numbers
 of men unlike in these and other       

natural  dispositions8 ,notwithstanding 
which1 they have all faith in the same  
errors4    ,,xxxi4 ,he who will not     
yield to these arguments1 let the       
experience or  example of the           
,janisaries convince4 ,this military    
corps1 who are the  ,grand ,seignor's   
guards1 and the best troops in the      
,ottoman empire1  although they at      
present admit among them people of every
 nation1 were  originally all composed  
of the children of ,christians1 who in  
their  infancy were either made         
prisoners of war1 or were paid to the   
,grand  ,seignor by way of tribute1 by  
the poor ,christians who resided in his 
dominions4 ,these soldiers1 who         
notwithstanding their being the children
  of ,christians1 and their having been 
nourished in their infancy with         
,christian milk1 were always as staunch 
professors of ,mahometism as the        
children of the ,turks themselves2 and  
in the wars in which they were  engaged 
against the ,christians1 so far was the 

occult influence of the  blood1 or the  
milk they sucked1 from restraining their
 arms1 that they  fought1 ,i don't know 
whether to call it with more valour1 or 
with more  fury and rage1 than the other
 ,mahometans4    ,,xxxii4 ,the same     
reflection1 may be made on the slaves   
which are  brought from ,africa to      
,america to work in the mines1 or on the
 sugar  plantations2 for they1 when     
educated in the ,christian religion1    
don't  entertain the most distant       
thoughts of returning to idolatry1 which
  was the religion professed by their   
ancestors4    ,,xxxiii4 ,what now and   
then happens is1 that some one1 who in  
his infancy  was instructed in a        
religion different from that of his     
parents1 after  being arrived at a state
 of manhood1 coming to understand that  
they  professed another faith1 has found
 himself inclined to follow their       
steps4 ,but it is clear1 this was not   
produced by the seeds of his  paternal  
religion which circulated within his    

veins1 but was rather a  proof1 that his
 love and veneration for his            
progenitors1 disposed him  to imitate   
them1 and ,i believe it proceeds from   
want of reflection1  that these examples
 are not more frequent1 for it is       
natural to  suppose1 that the example of
 those who gave people birth1 would have
  more weight with thinking persons1    
than that of those who had deprived     
them of their liberty2 but such is the  
force of education1 habit1  and         
intercourse1 that they prevail over all 
other considerations and  attentions4   
,,sect4 ,,viii4    ,,xxxiv4 ,it will    
also be proper in this place1 to touch  
on a complaint  very common among poor  
gentlemen3 ,these frequently say1 that  
now-a-days  money is more esteemed than 
men of family1 and that riches are more 
respected than nobility4 ,this sentence 
is hardly out of their mouths1  before  
it is followed by a deep sigh1 that     
seems to express their  sorrow for the  
corruption of the times1 which has      

altered and mistaken  the true value of 
things4    ,,xxxv4 ,but they are greatly
 deceived1 who think the world ever was1
 or  ever will be otherwise in this     
particular1 for they always did1 and    
always will1 make more professions of   
esteem and respect to a rich man  of    
humble origin1 than to a poor one       
descended from an illustrious  family4  
,this is a consequence attendant on1 and
 naturally produced by  the condition of
 humanity4 ,men are seldom obsequious or
 attentive to  others1 from mere motives
 of courtesy1 and without an eye to     
their  interests1 but are generally     
solicitous to please those1 who have  it
 in their power either to favour or     
injure them4 ,nobility is not  an active
 quality1 but wealth is4 ,a nobleman1   
merely as a person  ennobled1 can do    
neither good nor harm2 but a rich man1  
holds in one  hand the thunderbolt of   
,jupiter1 and in the other the          
cornucopia of  ,amalthea4 ,simonides    
being asked which was most estimable1   

riches or  learning1 replied that he was
 puzzled to give an answer1 because he  
frequently saw the learned running to   
pay their court to the rich and         
powerful1 but that he never remarked the
 same attention of the rich  to the     
learned2 so that if in those ancient    
times the learned paid  homage to the   
rich1 what must the vulgar have done8   
,hope and fear1  are the two main       
springs1 which give motion to the human 
heart1 but  disinterested love1 operates
 in very few individuals4 ,there are at 
this  day idolatrous nations1 who       
worship both ,god and the ,devil2 ,god1 
that  he should bestow benefits on them1
 and the ,devil1 because he should  not 
injure them4 ,he then who can neither do
 good nor harm1 must expect  no         
adoration or attention paid to him4 ,the
 only and most effectual  instrument    
wherewith to do service or injury1 is   
money2 thus those who  are masters of   
that1 will also be masters of1 and      
command the common  respect and homage4 

,gold is the idol of the rich1 and the  
rich are the  idols of the poor2 it     
always was so1 and ever will be so4     
,,xxxvi4 ,let the neglected nobles1     
however1 comfort themselves with the    
reflection1 that the adoration and court
 which is paid to the rich  and         
powerful1 is not sincere4 ,the incense  
which is offered to them1  does not     
arise from the fire of love1 but the    
blaze of concupiscence2  and the breast 
is always giving the lie to whatever is 
pronounced by  the lips4 ,the body bends
 with submissive conges1 but the will   
does  not incline or stoop to the idol4 
,obsequies1 or the outward shew of      
respect1 is all the invention of art1   
not the work of nature4 ,what  price or 
value can you set upon adulations1 that 
are articulated by a  tongue1 which is  
the vile slave of interest8 ,i don't    
deny but there are  some men of opulence
 and power1 who have merited their      
fortune2 and  that these1 on account of 
the intrinsic worth of their good       

qualities1  may be sincerely and        
consistently honoured and respected by  
good men2  but such as these are the    
fewest in number1 and the misfortune is1
 that  there is no rich man whatever1   
who has not been persuaded by the voice 
of flattery1 that he is one of those    
few4    ,,xxxvii4 ,it may be also       
necessary to apprize the complaining    
gentlemen1  that the rich1 merely as    
rich people1 are in some degree intitled
 to  the respect that is shewn them4    
,the blessing of the ,lord1 says        
,solomon  in the ,proverbs1 makes men   
rich1 so that riches is a gift from     
heaven1  and such a gift1 as according  
to the common estimation and opinion of 
the world1 constitutes those who possess
 it worthy to be honoured and           
respected4 ,st4 ,thomas affirms this to 
be the case in the following  sentence3 
,secundum vulgarem opinionem1           
excellentia divitiarum facit  hominem   
dignum honore4 7#bb4 qust4 #de4 art4    
#a47 ,the common estimation  in this    

particular1 founds a right3 and although
 that judgment should  be erroneous1 it 
would be prudent for us to wait till the
 world is  undeceived1 before we exempt 
ourselves from conforming to the usages 
of it4 ,but this happy time will hardly 
ever arrive1 till ,god1 with  his       
powerful hand1 shall bend and incline   
the hearts of men to esteem  virtue1 and
 that only2 though if this happy day    
should arrive1 the  nobility may        
probably find a falling-off in the      
estimation they are at  present held in2
 for every one then1 would be respected 
according to  his own deeds1 and not    
according to those of his ancestors4    
,this mode  of rating things1 would be  
exceedingly beneficial to the state2 for
  how well would it be served1 and what 
good citizens would it consist  of1 if  
there was no other road but that of     
virtue1 whereby to arrive  at the public
 esteem6 but as the case stands at      
present1 the merit1 or  even the fortune
 of an individual1 makes all his        

descendants glorious  and honourable1   
and when those who succeed in that line1
 find that  by virtue of their birth the
 public veneration is attached to their 
family1 great numbers of them will      
consider themselves as excused from     
negotiating it by some honourable       
application4    ,,xxxviii4 ,from hence  
,i infer1 that what is speciously urged 
in favour  of the nobility1 to wit1 that
 it is just and right to reward in the  
descendants the virtue of their         
ancestors1 although it may sound well   
in theory1 will have but a bad effect in
 practice4 ,if only personal  virtue was
 to be rewarded1 in the course of twenty
 descendants1 there  might probably be  
ten or a dozen of them1 who would labour
 to acquire  glory4 ,but if the first of
 the twenty gains it for all the rest1  
he  only would be useful to the state4  
,he would serve the public1 and the     
public would become the servants of all 
the rest4      ,,sect4 ,,ix4    ,,xxxix4
 ,what we have just said1 was not       

intended as an objection against  giving
 the preference to the nobility in      
appointments to places of  dignity and  
honour1 but was only meant1 as an       
argument against their  being conferred 
on them1 as a reward for the merits of  
their ancestors4  ,i do not oppose the  
thing1 but the motive for doing it2 for 
,i am rather  of opinion1 the public    
utility1 the advancement of which1 and  
not  rewarding the services of others1  
should be the leading consideration  to 
direct in making those appointments1    
would be better answered1 by  prefering 
the nobleman to the person of inferior  
rank1 not only in  cases of equality of 
virtue between the parties1 but also    
where their  difference in birth is     
great1 and the disproportion in point of
 virtue  but small2 and this1 for four  
weighty and important reasons4    ,,xl4 
,the first is1 you would avoid by this  
means1 multiplying the number  of       
priviledged persons within a state4 ,if 
it was frequent and common1  to fill    

posts of consequence with people of     
humble birth1 because they  were        
virtuous and able2 as from the elevation
 of these1 would result  that of their  
posterity2 in the course of a century   
and a half1 you  would create a great   
multitude of fresh nobility1 which is   
extremely  prejudicial to a community2  
because in proportion as you lessen the 
number of those1 who should apply       
themselves to business1 and the         
improvement and cultivation of land2 you
 would lessen the assistance of  useful 
people2 or what is worse1 you would     
over-load with the burden of  the       
others1 such as were dedicated to these 
employments4    ,,xli4 ,the second is1  
because in posts of dignity1 a nobleman 
is obeyed  with more resignation1       
readiness1 and good-will1 than a person 
of  humble extraction2 which is a matter
 of great importance in every  kind of  
government4 ,what disturbances have been
 occasioned1 by the  repugnance men find
 in obeying the commands of him1 who    

they saw  yesterday wear a plain coarse 
coat1 and they see to-day cloath'd with 
purple2 their obedience is sometimes    
slow1 at others ill exerted1 and  at    
others not performed at all4 ,the love1 
or at least the interior  condescension 
with which those who serve1 obey him who
 commands1 is  extremely useful and     
necessary in every kind of business4    
,many fine  projects have vanished in   
smoke1 because the instruments appointed
 to  apply the means of executing them1 
have1 stimulated by an occult envy  of  
their superior1 wished they should not  
succeed4    ,the want of sufferance and 
condescension in the inferiors1 is      
succeeded  by abhorrence and hatred in  
him who commands1 with respect to them2 
and  when he and they1 reciprocally come
 to regard each other as enemies1  there
 is no sort of confusion and danger1    
that may not be considered as  near at  
hand4    ,,xlii4 ,the third is1 because 
it is much more to be apprehended1 that 
the virtue of an humble person is       

feigned1 than that of a nobleman4  ,the 
vice of hypocrisy may be said to be     
allied1 or in a manner annexed  to      
narrow fortune2 for poor people are     
under a necessity of concealing  their  
defects2 and are obliged1 in order to   
better their lot1 to have  recourse to  
the trivial expedient1 of putting on the
 semblance of  virtue4 ,on the contrary1
 opulence and illustrious birth1        
naturally  give relief and enlargement  
to the mind4 ,people that are ennobled1 
are  generally what they appear to be1  
because neither necessity nor fear1     
obliges them to make ostentation of     
virtues they do not possess4    ,,xliii4
 ,the fourth and last is1 that admitting
 there should not be  the least doubt of
 the truth and reality of an humble     
man's virtue1  there is always great    
danger of his losing it by his          
exaltation4 ,great  leaps of fortune are
 exceedingly perilous4 ,those from lofty
 stations  downwards are very hazardous1
 because in consequence of them1 the    

honour and properties of men may be     
dashed to pieces2 but those from  below 
upwards are more to be dreaded1 for they
 are commonly attended  with the        
destruction and loss of the soul4 ,every
 virtuous man1 before  he is raised from
 the dust to dignities1 should find     
sureties for his  continuing to act     
uprightly2 for the soul by such a       
transition1 is  translated to a very    
different climate2 and a very           
unwholesome one for  customs and        
manners4 ,many have the seeds of various
 vices so deeply  buried in their       
temperaments1 as even to be concealed   
from their own  eyes1 till opportunities
 and occasions cause them to grow and   
sprout  out4 ,it is rare to find a man  
of low extraction1 who is cruel and     
proud2 and very rare to meet with one   
who is covetous2 for he is so far  from 
being excited by vices which he has no  
materials to supply the  cravings of1   
that he scarce ever thinks of them2 and 
how should he fix  his attention on the 

superfluous1 who is in want of what is  
precisely  necessary for him8 ,to find  
out whether such a person is tainted    
with  the two first vices1 you should   
place him in authority2 and to discover 
whether he is infected with the third1  
you should give him a portion of        
riches4 ,in fact1 these three vices have
 been most frequently remarked  in      
those1 who were raised from humble to   
exalted fortune1 although  before their 
elevation1 they did not shew the least  
signs of being  tainted with them1 or   
any others4    ,,xliv4 ,for these       
reasons1 ,i am of opinion1 that a person
 of humble  extraction1 should never be 
preferred to a nobleman or man of       
family1  to fill posts of dignity and   
honour1 except1 where the excess of     
virtue in the first shall be found to be
 very great4 ,but in the  military line1
 we should make an exception to this    
rule1 for valour1  and skill in the art 
of war1 are requisites of great         
importance in  executing and conducting 

military business2 nor can they be lost 
by a  man's advancement1 or             
counterfeited by hypocrisy4 ,on the     
other hand1  these endowments1 for the  
purpose of exciting respect and         
obedience  in those who are to be       
commanded1 sufficiently supply the want 
of  splendid origin in him who commands2
 and finally1 a great warrior  makes    
double amends to a state for the injury 
that is sustained by it1  by planting   
therein a new stock of nobility4 ,so    
that by adverting to  these precautions1
 the four inconveniences we have pointed
 out would be  avoided4          ,,the  
,,semblance ,,of ,,virtue2 ,,or1        
,,virtue ,,in ,,appearance4      ,,sect4
 ,i4    ,i4 ,virtue and ,wickedness fly 
with nearly the same velocity from the  
human eye1 and are both almost equally  
concealed from the discernment  and     
penetration of mankind4 ,the first lies 
hid under the veil of  modesty1 the     
second behind the parapet of hypocrisy4 
,the vicious  disguises himself with the

 colouring of virtue1 the virtuous      
disdains  and effaces all false tints or
 glosses4    ,,ii4 ,the number of       
hypocrites in the world is much greater 
than is  generally imagined4 ,there is  
no vice so transcendant1 for all bad    
people are hypocrites4 ,this may seem a 
paradox1 and you may say to me1  are    
there no men who make parade and        
ostentation of vice8 ,i answer yes1  but
 not of all their vices4 ,they endeavour
 by their boasting to hide  their       
confusion1 and discover that part of    
their soul which they are  unable to    
conceal4 ,they place a crown on the     
image of vice1 in order  to give dignity
 to the figure2 and although arrogant   
wickedness is  worse than timid1 the    
last is despised1 and the first feared4 
,an unruly  passion breaks down all the 
fences of reserve1 and the delinquent1  
not being able to conceal his shame and 
disgrace by dissimulation1  endeavours  
by his pride and arrogance to make      
himself dreaded4 ,this  is practising a 

new hypocrisy1 with which he belies and 
endeavours to  put a trick on his own   
conscience4 ,the crime appears odious in
 his  eyes1 therefore by putting on a   
false semblance and air of gallantry1   
he attempts to dazzle the eyes of other 
people4 ,to protect from  public insult1
 him1 who is a notorious bad man1 no    
other method is so  effectual1 as that  
of openly exposing his faults to the    
world with  daring impudence4    ,,iii4 
,but observe attentively these very     
people1 and you will find1 that         
although they behave with this audacity1
 they at the very time they  are doing  
it1 endeavour to conceal other vices    
they are infected with1  and also to    
make ostentation of virtues which they  
do not possess4 ,they  will own they are
 incontinent1 prodigals1 ambitious1 and 
audacious2  but they blazon their       
gratitude to their benefactors1 their   
steadiness  in their friendships1 and   
their fidelity to their promises4 ,it is
  certain1 that the vice of ingratitude 

is one of the most common and  most     
vulgarised in all the world2 but with   
all this1 you will not find  any man who
 does not take pains to justify himself 
on this head2 and  ,i say the same of   
lying1 of perfidy1 and of other vices4  
,it follows  then1 that upon a critical 
enquiry1 you will not find a vicious man
  who is not a hypocrite4 ,we should not
 suppose that open and avowed           
profligates1 or debauchees1 have no     
other blemishes1 than such as shew      
themselves outwardly4 ,there is no      
virtue such a man would not trample     
upon1 if it was an impediment to his    
pursuits1 nor an opposite vice to  that 
virtue1 which he would not employ as an 
instrument1 to gratify his  ruling      
passion4 ,do you think a very lewd man1 
for all the boastings of  his innocence 
in matters of justice1 and in points of 
meum and tuum  honesty1 would not1 if he
 found himself without money of his own1
 make  use of that of another person    
which was confided to his keeping1 to   

purchase the enjoyment of his favourite 
object8 or that the ardently  ambitious 
man1 for all the vociferations of his   
gratitude1 would not  turn his back on  
his benefactor1 whenever this baseness  
would be a  means of recommending him to
 the good graces of one1 who could      
advance  him to a higher degree of      
preferment1 than it was in the power of 
his  old friend to procure for him8     
,,iv4 ,so that it is very rare to find a
 perverse person1 who1 over and  above  
those glaring vices which manifest      
themselves so palpably1 is not  tainted 
with others1 which he affects to hide2  
and in case there do  not predominate in
 him other passions besides those1 which
 on account  of their vehemence are so  
very conspicuous1 these of themselves   
are  sufficient to betray him into      
faults1 which arise from1 and are the   
offspring of other distinct passions1   
when the committing those faults  is    
indispensably necessary for attaining   
the objects or purposes of the  ruling  

passion4 ,alexander in his natural      
disposition1 was certainly not  a cruel 
man1 notwithstanding which1 he was      
guilty of cruel actions2 for  such were 
the putting to death his friend ,clytus1
 and the philosopher  ,calisthenes4 ,his
 predominant passions were vain-glory   
and pride4  ,clytus fell a victim to the
 first1 for having preferred the actions
 of  ,alexander's father ,philip to his2
 and ,calisthenes fell a victim to the  
last1 for having deterred people from   
idolizing ,alexander as the son of      
,jupiter4    ,v4 ,sometimes the false   
appearance of a vice is put on          
politically1 or  with a view of deriving
 some advantage from it4 ,a man feigns  
himself  vindictive1 when in reality he 
is not so1 in order that the fear of    
his vengeance may deter people from     
offending4 ,this most frequently        
happens1 when the vice affected is      
meritorious in the eyes of him who      
rules4 ,sejanus would never have        
obtained the favour of ,tiberius1 by    

appearing a lover of justice2 nor       
,tigilinus1 nor ,petronius1 that of     
,nero1 by seeming modest and continent4 
,,vi4 ,it is probable1 that from the    
motive of falling in with the humour  of
 wayward and evil-minded princes1 there 
have been politicians who  were         
contradictory hypocrites1 and have wore 
the semblance of vices  which their     
natures revolted at2 and what is worse1 
in order to prove  they were tainted    
with them1 have put a violence on their 
inclinations1  and although it was with 
reluctance1 have brought themselves to  
commit  disorders which their           
dispositions abhorred4 ,when people make
 a merit  of delinquency1 instead of    
that hypocrisy which is properly such on
  account of its counteracting virtue1  
they study another which is the  reverse
 of it1 because it feigns vice4         
,,vii4 ,but these very persons will     
affect to appear sincere1 constant1     
grateful1 and men of veracity4 ,there   
never was any man1 who was not  desirous

 of dissembling or concealing those     
vices1 which were opposite  to the      
virtues1 which constitute what is       
commonly called a good man1  and        
therefore1 the hypocrites who affect the
 shew of these virtues are  innumerable4
    ,,viii4 ,i do not deny1 that a man's
 being more under the dominion of some  
vices than others1 depends in a great   
measure on his constitution1  which may 
be compared to a soil1 where some       
passions take deeper root1  and grow    
more vigorous than others4 ,this man1   
without attempting to  restrain it1     
suffers himself to be carried away by   
incontinence1 but  abhors cheating3     
another gives himself up to gluttony and
 drunkenness1  but looks upon perfidy   
with horror and indignation4 ,thus it   
is2 but  his enmity to these vices1     
lasts no longer than till he has        
occasion  for their assistance to       
indulge his passion for the others4     
,catiline1  in the early part of his    
life1 appeared to have no other passions

 than  those of incontinence1           
ostentation1 and prodigality2 but these 
vices  having reduced him to poverty1   
and he on that account not being able   
to continue his pursuits of them1 formed
 the design of tyrannizing  over the    
republic1 in order to extricate himself 
from indigence4 ,in  consequence of     
this1 he became ambitious1 fierce1      
cruel1 relentless1  and perfidious4     
,,ix4 ,i am of opinion1 that nobody     
should put much confidence in those1    
who are called good sort of men1 if they
 see them much impressed  with1 or under
 the influence of particular passions4  
,that vice which  domineers over them1  
is to themselves the ultimate end or    
object1 to  which they direct all their 
attentions2 or the idol1 to which1 if   
their  occasions required it1 they would
 sacrifice all other considerations4 ,i 
do not pretend that there are no        
exceptions to this rule2 the natural    
abhorrence of one vice1 may predominate 
over the inclination to commit  another4

 ,but ,i in all cases1 and at all       
events1 would sooner place my           
confidence in him1 who from a religious 
fear of ,god has a regard to  his       
conscience in all his actions1 than in  
the man1 who only from his  natural     
disposition and temperament1 or from a  
punctilio of honour1  practises those   
virtues1 which are commonly understood  
to constitute  the character of what the
 world calls a good man2 temperament    
lets  go the rein1 when the ruling      
passion becomes impetuous1 and shews an 
eagerness to press forward2 and honour  
loses its influence1 when it is         
believed the commission of the bad act  
will not be known4 ,the fear of  ,god   
never ceases to operate4    ,x4 ,the    
famous ,magdalen ,scudery1 in her book1 
intituled1 ,moral  ,conversations1      
relates a remarkable story of a man1 who
 risqued his  life for a friend in three
 duels2 but this friend afterwards1     
having  occasion to beg he would lend   
him a small sum of money which he stood 

in need of1 he refused to comply with   
his request4 ,who would believe1  that a
 man who on repeated occasions1 had     
hazarded his life for his  friend1 would
 have failed him in a thing of so much  
less consequence8  ,he was both covetous
 and intrepid1 but his avarice made him 
consider  his life as less valuable than
 his money4 ,his friendship contended   
with  his ruling passion1 and the last1 
as the most prevalent1 pressed down  and
 stifled the finer feelings4    ,,xi4   
,one of the greatest mistakes which men 
commit in their confidences1  is that of
 trusting those1 whom they have known to
 be unfaithful to  others4 ,this is an  
error which all men condemn1 and which  
almost  every one falls into4 ,i confide
 my secret to him1 who has recommended  
himself to my favour1 by revealing that 
of another person4 ,i give  my          
friendship to the man1 who in compliment
 to me has abandoned the  patron who    
before protected him4 ,this is the      
effect of our love for1  and the        

superior conceit we entertain of        
ourselves4 ,every one fancies1  that he 
has in himself a most powerful          
attraction1 that will keep the  heart of
 a person fixed and attached to him1 who
 has been unfaithful  to other people4  
,he thinks1 that it was the power of his
 singular  merit1 which made the man    
abandon his benefactor or friend1 for   
the  sake of allying himself to him4 ,he
 is so full of his own consequence  and 
rare qualities1 that it never enters his
 imagination1 nor does  he even harbour 
the least suspicion1 that this very     
person may see1  or pretend to see1 a   
higher degree of merit in another man1  
to which  he might make the same        
sacrifice of his friendship4 ,princes   
and  great men1 whom the habit of being 
flattered is apt to make the most       
presumptuous1 are those who are most    
liable to fall into this snare4  ,how   
often do we see in courts1 treachery    
rewarded with promotion6 ,the  maxim    
that we love the treason1 but hate the  

traitor1 is received by  all the world  
in theory1 but has very few votaries in 
practice4 ,the  traitor is displeasing  
to him1 who dislikes the treason2 but he
 who  interests himself in the treason1 
looks on the traitor with favourable    
eyes4 ,this is derived in a great       
measure1 from calling things by  wrong  
names4 ,treason is termed               
obsequiousness1 and a traitor called    
friend2 and jointly with this1 they are 
apt to interpret1 that some  honest     
motive intervened to excite to the      
action2 and in case they  can't find out
 any other than that of interest or     
convenience1 they  applaud the ability  
displayed in chusing the most beneficial
 side4  ,queen ,elizabeth of ,england   
was a striking exception to this rule4  
,an  unfaithful ,spaniard1 sold to her  
for a stipulated price1 a town in the   
,low ,countries2 and after he had so    
done1 to avoid the punishment due to    
his demerit1 went over to1 and resided  
in ,england1 where he offered his       

service to the ,queen as an able        
military officer2 to which she replied1 
8,go your ways1 when ,i have occasion   
for any one to commit an act of         
treachery1 ,i will make use of you40    
,,sect4 ,,ii4    ,,xii4 ,the perfect    
hypocrites are few in number4 ,i call   
those perfect  hypocrites1 whose outside
 is all devotion1 and who within1 are   
all  baseness and iniquity1 or such as  
answer the description of the  satyrist3
        ,qui curios simulant1 et        
bacchanalia vivunt4    ,upon serious    
reflection1 it will not appear wonderful
 these are so  few1 for notwithstanding 
the road of hypocrisy is the shortest a 
man  can pursue1 to arrive at the temple
 of ,fortune2 still we rarely see  men  
endued with a sufficient degree of      
perseverance1 to engage in so  laborious
 an undertaking2 for conceive the       
practice of virtue to be  ever so       
arduous1 the pursuit of the feigned1 is 
much more painful  than that of the     
true4 ,in order to carry it on1 there is

 need of a  constant studiousness1      
joined to a continual anxiety1 and also 
an  indefatigable watchfulness1 to      
suppress the sallies of the soul1 which 
without intermission is making efforts  
to disclose herself4 ,there is  no      
passion1 which1 like a wild beast       
chained1 strives more forcibly  to break
 its confinement1 than that of          
dissimulation4 ,the animal  faculty of  
the heart is as plainly reflected on the
 countenance1 as  the vital is          
manifested in the artery4 ,the tokens of
 their internal  movements1 may be      
compared to those of a clock1 which has 
a bell that  proclaims them1 and a hand 
that points them out4 ,there is not a   
word1  nor an action1 if not restrained 
by a contrary impetus1 which would  not 
follow the impulse of that animated     
machine4 ,curiosity and lust1  importune
 and tempt a man's eyes by turns2 he is 
anxious to give vent  to his bosom by   
his voice1 and his brow manifests his   
impatience to  do it2 a pleasant jest   

provokes to laughter2 an injury calls   
for  vengeance2 and the tongue and the  
ear are averse to silence4 ,there  is   
not a member which is not put under     
painful restrictions1 nor a  faculty    
that is not constrained1 by being thus  
compelled to wear the  forced appearance
 of composure4 ,the strings1 of which   
the harmony of  an exterior modesty are 
composed1 are infinite1 and ought always
 to be  kept violently on the stretch2  
the desires also of possessing beloved  
objects1 are continually tapping at the 
doors of the senses4 ,what force  is    
sufficient to resist so many impulses8  
or what address1 equal to  managing so  
many reins at a time8    ,,xiii4 ,add to
 this1 the apprehension of their deceit 
being detected2  for they look upon all 
the eyes that surround them as so many  
spies of  their enemies2 and they are   
very well aware1 with all their caution1
  of the difficulty of always preserving
 their souls impenetrable to  foreign   
inspection2 for let them be never so    

careful in shutting up  their windows1  
there will ever remain1 by imperceptible
 omissions1  innumerable crevices2 and  
although they may succeed in deceiving  
the  multitude1 there are never wanting 
transcendent spirits1 who can  discern  
and distinguish1 whereever they meet    
with it1 the natural  from the          
artificial4 ,let affection strive to    
imitate reality never so  industriously2
 one or another will make his remarks1  
which1 although  they cannot be         
explained1 may be conceived1 and may be 
compared to the  character of a         
language1 which1 notwithstanding you    
comprehend it1 you  can't pronounce4    
,the very means that are taken to       
conceal the soul1  manifest and disclose
 it1 because the reserve or caution that
 is used  for this purpose is visible1  
and it is also visible and well known1  
that innocent people have no need of    
this disguise4 ,every man who uses      
great circumspection1 makes himself     
suspected4 ,he who is confirmed  that he

 possesses a good conscience1 acts and  
speaks with openness2  nor would it     
avail a hypocrite1 to endeavour at      
imitating that native  frankness2 for he
 never could hit upon the true criterion
 of the  character4 ,those of experience
 and penetration1 would always be able  
to  distinguish the copy from the       
original2 therefore ,i believe1 that to 
this day1 there never was a hypocrite   
who succeeded in deceiving all  the     
world4    ,,xiv4 ,o how much less       
toilsome would it be1 for hypocrites to 
tread the  path of true virtue1 than to 
pursue that of false6 ,the first affords
  intervals of ease and tranquillity to 
the mind1 and also administers to  it   
many comforts2 but the fiction of       
virtue1 demands a constant labour  of   
thought1 and a continual stretch of     
invention to save appearances4  ,it is  
like a fabric built in the air1 which   
would fall to the ground1  if you       
neglect to keep it propped up a minute4 
,,xv4 ,i may be told1 that with time and

 practice1 fiction would become         
habitual1 and then a man would find no  
difficulty in dissembling4  ,truly ,i   
doubt whether habit has power to effect 
so much4 ,when art  fights against the  
whole bent or force of nature1 ,i don't 
think  the case ever happened1 of the   
first obtaining a complete triumph2  but
 judge rather1 that the last always     
remains with a residue of  strength1    
sufficient to renew the combat4 ,it     
sometimes falls out with  a consummate  
hypocrite1 as it happened to the cat    
converted to a fine  lady in the fable  
of sop4 ,she continued to sit with much 
studied  composure at the table1 till a 
rat entered the room2 but instantly     
upon the animal's appearing1 hurried    
away by that native impulse which       
supersedes all caution1 she with all her
 might threw herself on her  beloved    
prey1 and exposed her nature to the     
bye-standers4    ,,xvi4 ,but admitting1 
that1 by long practice in deceit1 a man 
could  overcome all difficulties2 this  

does not obviate the mistake of the     
hypocrites2 for with a great deal less  
labour1 and in a much less time1  he    
could have made virtue more familiar to 
him than dissimulation4  ,the first is  
most conformable to the inclination of  
man as a rational  creature1 and he only
 acts in contradiction to this principle
 as a  sensitive one2 the last is a     
violence on his nature1 both as a       
rational  and as a sensitive one4 ,in a 
land of virtue1 the soul may be said to 
live at home2 in that of deceit1 she    
resides as a total stranger4 ,she       
certainly then must find more fatigue   
and trouble in familiarizing  herself to
 deceit1 and more difficulty in making  
dissimulation seem  natural to her than 
virtue4      ,,sect4 ,,iii4    ,,xvii4  
,there are notwithstanding1 a certain   
species of hypocrites1 who  live without
 fatigue1 and deceive with little       
trouble2 because the  appearances they  
wear of virtue1 are partly owing to     
study1 and partly  to temperament or    

constitution4 ,they want some vices1 and
 conceal  others2 or the few virtues    
they possess1 serve as a cloak or       
covering  to hide greater vices4 ,thus  
it may be said1 that the hypocrites of  
whom  we spoke before1 are always       
labouring against wind and tide1 and    
never  get on1 but by the force of hard 
rowing4 ,those of whom we are about to  
speak now1 are frequently assisted with 
a gale in their favour4    ,,xviii4     
,truly the pains the public take1 to    
inform themselves of  the virtues of    
mankind1 are very slight and trivial2 he
 who stands  unimpeached in some        
determined particulars1 may easily      
dispense with  a great number of        
virtues4 ,emilius1 for example1 is      
regular and  moderate in his diet1 and  
is also modest in his conversation4 ,he 
goes  frequently to1 and behaves        
devoutly at church1 and abstains from   
all  illicit commerce with the other    
sex4 ,he needs nothing more1 to make his
  virtue conspicuous and reverenced by  

the whole town2 notwithstanding  this1  
,i know that this same ,emilius1 vexes  
his neighbours with unjust  and         
litigious prosecutions1 and ,i also see 
him anxious after1 and  solicitous to   
acquire honours and riches by all sorts 
of means4  ,whatever little injury he   
receives1 is stamped on his memory in   
indelible characters2 and although there
 is great plenty in his house1  no poor 
are ever seen at his door4 ,he assists  
with great pleasure in  all murmurs and 
cabals1 and especially if they are      
against some man  of conspicuous merit1 
who is likely to rival him in the       
estimation of  the public4 ,he favours  
the unjust pretensions of his associates
 and  dependants2 and1 when applauding  
or condemning the actions of others  is 
the subject of conversation1 his tongue 
is always guided by his  prejudices or  
partialities4 ,he sets no value on the  
virtues of others2  and if he finds they
 are in any shape inconvenient or       
incommodious to  himself1 he depreciates

 them4 ,i observe his fawnings on1 and  
cringings  to the great1 and his slights
 and contempt of the poor4 ,in fine1 ,i 
don't see a movement in this man1 that  
does not point directly or  indirectly  
to his own particular interest1 which he
 seems determined to  pursue1 although  
in the road that lends to it1 he should 
trample under  foot1 the rights and     
properties of other people4    ,,xix4   
,with all this1 the vulgar esteem him1  
as a just1 religious1 and  devout man4  
,those few virtues are a skreen or      
shelter to a great number  of vices4    
,ambition1 avarice1 envy1 malice1 and   
hatred1 have built their  nests in his  
breast2 but all this is overlooked4 ,the
 false brilliancy  which glitters on the
 surface of his continence1 and his     
temperance1  dazzle the eyes of the     
public4 ,this seems1 as if the world    
thought all  sin consisted in the       
criminal indulgence of corporeal        
inclinations1 and  that all wickedness1 
was confined to the operation or        

exercise of two  or three senses4 ,the  
devil is neither lascivious1 nor a      
glutton1 nor is  he capable of          
perpetrating either of those vices1     
because the execution  of them depends  
on the exertion of material powers2 but 
he does not on  this account cease in a 
moral sense1 to be the worst of all     
creatures4    ,,xx4 ,the injustice of   
this opinion1 and the evils arising from
 it1 are  most visible in the other sex4
 ,a woman by being chaste1 thinks she   
has  complied with1 and fulfilled all   
the duties appertaining to virtue1  and 
that1 in consequence of her possessing  
this single good quality1  she may      
without impeachment of her conduct1 be  
allowed to commit  every other vice with
 impunity4 ,thus having established the 
proofs of  her chastity1 she concludes  
she has a right to be arrogant1 envious1
  passionate1 and proud2 and there even 
are women1 whom the confirmation  of    
their fame in point of chastity has made
 savage and insufferable4  ,what plagues

 are such to their poor husbands1 for   
they sell them that  fidelity at an     
exorbitant price1 which they owe to them
 as a just  debt4 ,some authors have    
assigned this1 as the motive of ,paulus 
milius  having procured himself to be   
divorced from his first wife1 the noble1
  chaste1 beautiful1 and prolific       
,papiria4 ,plutarch tells us of a       
,roman1  who1 when his friends blamed   
him for having got himself divorced from
 a  chaste woman of great endowments1   
both of body and mind1 pulled off one   
of his shoes1 and shewing it to them1   
said1 ,you see this shoe is new1        
handsome1 and well made2 but perhaps    
that is the very reason why it  wrings  
and pinches my foot4 ,by which he meant 
to insinuate1 that the  accomplishments 
of his wife made her proud and          
insufferable4    ,,xxi4 ,i must confess1
 that ,i have no patience with the      
distinction  the world makes between    
vices appertaining to the same species1 
only  because of the different methods  

which are used in the execution of      
them4 ,he is not only esteemed a thief1 
but a most vile and base man1  who      
clandestinely enters another's house1   
and robs it of money and  goods2 and why
 does not he deserve to be stigmatized  
with the same  epithets1 who by making  
an unjust demand1 or by using frauds1   
usurps  another's property4 ,the trader1
 for instance1 who takes more than a    
fair profit on his goods1 or deceives   
with regard to the quality of  what he  
sells2 or the man in office1 who demands
 or receives more than  his due1 or than
 his trouble deserves2 and1 above all1  
the judge who  suffers himself to be    
bribed2 ,i say1 what difference is there
 between  this first and last class of  
people8 ,they are all cheats and        
robbers2  and ,god will punish them all 
in the same manner1 not regarding the   
means they used to impose on1 but in    
proportion to the injury they  did their
 neighbours4 ,notwithstanding all this1 
vast numbers of these  people pass for  

very good christians2 and not only so1  
but if they pray  much1 and count over  
many rosaries1 hear mass every day1 and 
have the  insolence to frequent the     
sacraments1 they are venerated as       
illustrious  patterns of virtue4        
,,xxii4 ,but for all these may appear an
 heterogeneous or monstrous  compound of
 virtue and vice1 there is nothing      
belonging to them1 which  may not be    
supposed conformable to nature4 ,virtues
 and vices have  the same root or       
origin1 that is1 the temperament or     
constitutions  of mankind4 ,thus as     
there is no soil so inhospitable as to  
produce  nothing but poisonous plants1  
neither is there any disposition so     
vitiated as to nourish nothing but      
perverse inclinations4 ,in no           
individual is nature such an enemy to   
reason1 as to oppose it in every  thing4
 ,this man is urged by gluttony1 but not
 incited by incontinence4  ,another     
burns with impatience to be rich1 and   
knows no other happiness  than that of  

possessing vast treasure4 ,a third is   
swayed by pride and  vain-glory2 and    
provided he receives the homage he      
expects1 no other  passion disturbs him4
    ,,xxiii4 ,to this we may add1 that  
vice being very ugly and deformed1      
every one abhors those vices1 that do   
not correspond1 or fall in with  his own
 inclinations1 and is consequently led  
to admire those virtues  with which they
 are contrasted4 ,from hence it is      
common for men to be  reciprocally      
offended and scandalized with the       
actions of each other4  ,we see the     
faults of others in their proper shape  
and colours1 and  our own in the        
delusive form in which our appetites    
represent them to  us4 ,in the first we 
view the horrible1 in the second the    
delectable4  ,the picture which passion 
draws of vice1 resembles that which was 
painted by ,apelles of ,antigonus4 ,that
 monarch had but one eye1 and  the      
ingenious painter1 to hide the blemish1 
drew him in profile1 and  exhibited only

 that part of his face in which there   
was no defect4  ,thus passion exposes to
 our view the flattering side only of   
our own  vices2 and conceals the        
deformed1 but takes a quite opposite    
method in  inspecting those of other    
people4    ,,xxiv4 ,i contemplate       
sometimes1 but not without emotions of  
laughter1  how the covetous man appears 
disgusted with1 and to nauseate the     
incontinent one2 and how the incontinent
 man1 looks with horror and  abomination
 on the avaricious one4 ,all this       
happens1 by the first not  being        
stimulated by carnal desires2 and the   
second not being diseased  with the     
dropsical thirst of gold4 ,every man has
 his strong and his  weak side1 or may  
be said to be made of brass in one part1
 and glass  in another2 but every man1  
by excusing himself on the pretext of   
hiss  own fragility1 is not aware1 that 
all others have the same right to       
disculpate themselves in the same       
manner2 and if we were to make  the     

proper reflection on this matter1 we    
should not be such severe  critics on   
the actions of our neighbours4 ,envy    
would be converted to  compassion1 and  
that which at present inflames hatred1  
would beget  charity4    ,,xxv4 ,it is a
 common error1 to apply to determined or
 particular  species of sins only1 the  
excuse of the frailty of human nature4  
,this  frailty as transcendent in all   
the passions1 intervenes in all kinds   
of slips4 ,there is no vice1 which has  
not its natural fermentation in  the    
complexion of the individual4 ,the      
disorders which are the most  distant   
from1 or opposite to the reasonable     
faculties1 find their  patronage in the 
sensible ones4 ,i confess ,i cannot     
comprehend1 how in  our nature1 there   
can be contained geniuses so perverse1  
that they  should take pleasure in doing
 mischief to other people1 when by the  
act1 no sensible good can result to     
themselves4 ,with all this1 it is       
certain that there are such people1 and 

it is also certain1 they behave  in this
 manner1 because they are under the     
dominion of this villainous             
disposition4 ,but observe of what this  
frailty is compounded4 ,if their        
malignant conduct did not afford them   
some considerable delight1 they  would  
not for the sake of indulging it run the
 hazard of incurring the  public hatred4
    ,,xxvi4 ,but it is proper to remark1
 that these men of whom we have  been   
speaking1 and who are compounded of     
virtue and vice1 are not  what they seem
 to be by their outside appearance4 ,i  
mean1 that even  the virtues they are   
supposed to possess1 will upon enquiry  
be found  not so properly to deserve the
 name of virtues1 as that of the mere   
want or absence of vices4 ,observe      
,chrysantus3 he abstains from  all      
commerce with the other sex2 and you may
 be led to think1 this  abstinence      
proceeds from virtue2 but you would     
mistake1 for it is  the effect of       
insensibility2 he has no stimulus which 

incites him to  desire women1 and       
therefore we may conclude1 there is no  
more merit  in his continence1 than may 
be imputed to the trunk of a tree4 ,if  
his abstinence had been the effect of   
his fear of ,god1 he would not  have    
been so inattentive to his conscience in
 other respects4 ,observe  ,aurelius3 he
 is very sparing and moderate in his    
diet1 both with regard  to eating and   
drinking4 ,you may conclude this        
proceeds from temperance2  no such      
thing3 ,aurelius wants an appetite2 the 
case of him1 in this  respect1 is like  
that of a man in a fever1 who forbears  
to eat1 because  he is not able2 but you
 see1 he is capable of swallowing all   
the goods  and money he can lay his     
hands on2 from whence we may suppose1   
that  if his stomach was as voracious as
 his heart1 he would be another         
,heliogabalus4    ,,xxvii4 ,these are   
hypocrites by constitution2 and         
temperament compleats  in them1 what    
study does in other people2 theirs is   

not virtue1 but  only the semblance or  
image of it1 although it is an image    
which is not  formed by art1 but nature4
    ,,xxviii4 ,i have heard it said1    
that in the court of ,rome1 when they   
deliberate about the canonization of a  
saint1 the point they examine  with1 the
 greatest caution and nicety1 is that of
 disinterestedness1  but when the proof 
of this excellence is once established1 
they are  not so prolix in their other  
enquiries2 but abstracted from whether  
this is1 or is not their mode of        
proceeding1 it appears to me a very     
rational one on two accounts2 the first 
is1 that disinterestedness  does not    
depend1 or depends very little and      
remotely1 on constitution2  and         
therefore we should conclude1 this good 
quality is more an  acquisition of      
virtue1 than a gift of nature4 ,the     
second is1 because  this excellence may 
be supposed to imply or contain in it   
many others4  ,the reason is1 money     
being the means with which men gratify  

all their  passions1 it may be said to  
serve as an auxiliary and assistant to  
every kind of vice2 and a man's not     
being greedy of money1 is a token  that 
he is of greatly under the dominion of  
vice4 ,avarice is under the  controul   
of1 and made the hackney implement of   
all other vices4 ,the  incontinent man  
seeks money to indulge his carnal       
desires2 the glutton  to satiate his    
intemperate and beastly appetite2 the   
ambitious man to  attain promotion2 and 
the vindictive one to revenge himself   
of1 and  destroy his enemy4 ,the same   
may be said of all other things4 ,he    
then  who is not anxious for money1 we  
may conclude1 is not tainted with  those
 vices2 or we may at least take         
disinterestedness1 to be the best  and  
most certain indication of virtue4      
,,xxix4 ,those who are idolizers of     
applause1 are not good1 but great       
spirits4 ,enamoured with the beauty of  
human glory1 they either are not        
diseased or infected with the other     

passions1 or disdain to subject         
themselves to their controul4 ,in the   
republic of vices also1 there are       
distinctions of classes1 and some usurp 
to themselves1 without any just         
pretension to it1 the rank of nobility4 
,this presumption produces the  utility1
 of their disdaining to mix with others 
of inferior order4 ,as  one of this last
 sort we may reckon avarice1 and thus   
the vain-glorious  man will always be   
upon his guard to avoid falling into    
this meanness4    ,,xxx4 ,i am          
persuaded1 that if we were to           
investigate nicely1 the cause  or       
origin1 of all the heroic actions that  
are to be met with in the  profane      
annals1 we should find many more        
children of vice1 than of  virtue among 
them4 ,the anxious hope of reward1 has  
been the occasion  of winning more      
battles1 than the love we bear to our   
country4 ,how  many triumphs have been  
owing to emulation and envy6 ,alexander 
was  stimulated by the glory of         

,achilles1 ,csar by that of ,alexander2 
and  ,pompey1 when he gave battle1 had  
his attention more fixed on the         
victories of ,csar1 than the troops of  
the enemy4 ,many have done  great       
things1 from much more criminal         
incitements2 for they have made  their  
obsequies a ladder1 wherewith to ascend 
to tyranny4 ,how many  have served a    
state1 with a view of making the state  
subservient to  themselves1 and have    
first made it victorious1 in order      
afterwards to  enslave it6 ,this was    
frequent and common among the most      
celebrated men  of ,greece4 ,for this   
reason1 eminent services to the republic
 became  so suspicious in ,athens1 that 
they devised the law of ostracism to    
punish them as crimes2 and they         
condemned to banishment1 those who      
distinguished themselves by their great 
and conspicuous actions4    ,,xxxi4 ,you
 see the same thing happen with regard  
to services done to  private people1    
that you do in those rendered to a      

state1 which is1  that we frequently    
attribute to motives of fidelity and    
affection1 what  the person employed1   
executed only with an eye to his own    
interest2  but when the dependence      
ceases1 the real or true motive         
immediately  displays itself4           
,,xxxii4 ,so that upon making it just   
estimate of things1 we shall find1  that
 the world is full of hypocrites2 some  
who wear the deceitful  appearance of   
particular virtues1 and others who are  
dissemblers with  respect to all of     
them4 ,the emperor ,frederic the third  
said1 as we are  told by neas ,silvius1 
that there was not any man whatever1 who
 had not  a spice of the hypocrite in   
his composition4    ,,xxxiii4 ,we should
 not approve1 or adopt so severe a      
judgment2 but it  would be necessary in 
my opinion1 that all princes should     
partake of  the doubt or distrust of    
,frederic2 for they are those who are   
most  abused by1 and the least aware of 
hypocrites4 ,there is scarce any one1   

who lays himself quite open when he is  
before them4 ,the same who are  free and
 unreserved among their equals1 are     
hypocrites in the presence  of their    
superiors2 and there is hardly a man1   
who1 prior to his  appearing before the 
person who commands him1 does not daub  
his soul  all over with washes1 and give
 false colourings to his spirit1 in the 
same manner1 that a strumpet paints her 
face before the goes abroad1  and       
exhibits herself to public view4 ,momus 
wished there was a window  in the breast
 of man1 whereby to discover the secrets
 of the bosom2  but ,i should be        
contented with a door1 of which the     
owner should keep  one key1 and his     
superior the other4 ,these however are  
all flights of  fancy4 ,what reason     
dictates is1 that the works of ,god are 
perfect4      ,,sect4 ,,iv4    ,,xxxiv4 
,it would affect me much1 if1 because ,i
 proceed to take off the  mufflings and 
coverings of vice1 the world should     
think me one of those  suspicious       

geniuses1 who will not give any person  
credit for acting  from good motives1   
and who am always endeavouring to put   
sinister  interpretations on the causes 
of other peoples conduct4 ,those who    
are intimate with me1 well know1 that my
 spirit is not diseased with  that truly
 malignant malady2 and some have        
remarked in me a contrary  defect1 to   
wit1 that of too benevolent and         
charitable a criticism on  the behaviour
 of other men4 ,perhaps the experience  
of the deceits and  impositions that    
have been put upon me1 from my easiness 
in crediting  the appearances of virtue1
 have made these few reflections more   
obvious to me2 which nevertheless1 shall
 always rest with me in mere  theory2   
for ,i am persuaded that in the         
practice1 my natural genius1  and       
disposition would ever prevail over     
them1 as also my remembrance1  that in  
the moral1 it is better to err through  
compassion1 than to  do right from      
motives of spite and envy4 ,i would wish

 to conduct my  pen so delicately1 that 
it should wound hypocrisy1 without      
offending  charity2 and ,i would expose 
the artifices of hypocrites in such a   
way1  as should not alarm or disturb the
 quiet of the innocent and simple4      
,,xxxv4 ,i will also acknowledge1 that  
as time has helped me to discover  in   
some people many vices1 which ,i could  
not have believed2 it has  also assisted
 me to discern many virtues in others1  
which ,i had no  conception of4 ,thus   
the judgment of a good-intentioned man  
being poised  in equilibrio between     
reason and experience1 it is easy to    
imagine1  that his genius and           
disposition will incline the balance to 
the  charitable side4    ,,xxxvi4 ,i    
have taken notice of a thing which is a 
little remarkable1  and that is1 that   
great virtues are less perceptible than 
small ones4  ,this is derived from the  
exercise of them not being so frequent1 
and  the value of them1 not being       
generally understood4 ,the going        

regularly  to church1 exterior modest   
deportment1 taciturnity and fasting1 are
  virtues1 which strike the eyes of     
every one1 because they are daily       
practised1 and every body knows them4   
,there are other virtues1 that  are more
 substantial1 and which spring from more
 noble roots1 that the  vulgar are      
unacquainted with1 because they are     
carried about by those  who are masters 
of them1 like ladies who go abroad      
incog4 without  the ostentatious parade 
and show of equipage4 ,there are men    
7would to  ,god there were more of      
them67 who with an open carriage1 and   
the free  correspondence and intercourse
 of an ordinary life1 and who do not    
seem  the least sensible or affected    
with mysterious niceties1 that nourish  
within their breasts1 a robust virtue   
and solid piety1 impenetrable  to the   
most furious batteries of the three     
enemies of the soul4 ,let  ,sir ,thomas 
,more1 that just1 wise1 and prudent     
,englishman1 whom ,i have  always       

regarded with profound respect1 and a   
tenderness approaching to  devotion2 ,i 
say let this man serve as an example to 
all men1 and stand  as a pattern to     
future ages1 of all the virtues and     
excellencies ,i have  been describing4  
,,xxxvii4 ,if we view the exterior part 
of the life of ,sir ,thomas ,more1  we  
only see an able politician1 simple in  
his manners1 engaged in a  department of
 the state1 and attentive to the affairs
 of the king  and kingdom1 always       
suffering himself to be wafted by the   
gale of  fortune1 without soliciting    
honours1 and without refusing to accept 
of them2 in private life1 open1         
courteous1 gentle1 cheerful1 and  even  
fond of a convivial song1 frequently    
partaking in the halls of  mirth1 of the
 jovial relaxations of the mind1 and in 
the circulation  of wit and pleasantry2 
always innocent1 but never shewing the  
least  symptom of austerity4 ,his       
application in literature was directed1 
indifferently and alternately1 to the   

study of sacred and profane  learning1  
and he made great advances in both the  
one and the other4  ,his great          
application to1 and proficiency in the  
living languages of  ,europe1 represent 
him as a genius desirous of             
accommodating himself to  the world at  
large4 ,his works1 except such as he    
composed in prison  during the last year
 of his life1 seemed more to savour of  
politics  than religion4 ,i speak of the
 subject of them1 not of the motive with
  which he wrote them4 ,in his          
description of ,utopia1 which was truly 
ingenious1 delicate1 and entertaining1  
he lets his pen run so much on  the     
interests of the state1 as makes it seem
 as if he was indifferent  about the    
concerns of religion4    ,,xxxviii4     
,who1 in this image or description of   
,sir ,thomas ,more1 would  recognize    
that glorious martyr of ,christ1 and    
that generous hero1  whose constancy to 
the obligations of his religion could   
not be  bent or warped1 neither by the  

threats or promises of ,henry ,,viii4   
nor a hard imprisonment of fourteen     
months1 nor the persuasions and         
intreaties of his wife1 nor by the sad  
prospect of seeing his family  and      
children reduced to misery and beggary1 
nor by the privation of  all human      
comfort1 in taking from him all his     
books1 nor finally by  the terrors of a 
scaffold placed before his eyes8 ,so    
certain is it1  that the qualities of   
great souls are not to be discovered1   
but by the  touch-stone of great        
occasions and hard trials1 and may be   
compared to  large flints1 which only   
manifest their smooth or shining        
surfaces by  the execution of hard      
blows4    ,,xxxix4 ,sir ,thomas ,more   
was the same while he was a prisoner of 
state1  as when he was ,high ,chancellor
 of ,england2 the same in adverse1 as in
  prosperous fortune2 the same ill      
treated1 as in high favour2 the same  in
 the prison1 as seated at the head of   
the ,court of ,chancery2 but  adversity1

 manifested and made visible his whole  
heart1 of which the  greatest and best  
part had before lain hid4 ,this great   
man1 used to  give to his own virtues an
 air of humanity and condescension1     
which in  the eyes of the vulgar abated 
their splendour2 but in proportion as it
  obscured the lustre of them to their  
view1 it augmented it in the sight  of  
all men of discernment and penetration4 
,it once happened when he  was ,high    
,chancellor1 that a gentleman1 who had a
 suit depending before  him1 made him a 
present of two silver bottles3 it was   
inconsistent  with his dignity or       
integrity to accept the present2 and how
 did ,sir  ,thomas conduct himself8 ,did
 he fall into a passion against the     
suitor  for having offered an affront to
 his reputation8 ,did he punish the     
criminal audacity of the man1 for       
attempting to corrupt and make venal    
the functions of his duty8 ,did he      
manifest before his domestics any       
disinterested delicacy1 or appear       

scandalized at the temptation8 ,no2 he  
did none of all this1 because nothing of
 this sort was correspondent  to the    
nobleness or generous turn of his mind4 
,he received the bottles  with a good   
grace1 and immediately gave orders to   
one of his servants  to fill them with  
the best wine he had in his cellar1 and 
carry  them back to the gentleman1      
together with this courteous message1   
,that it gave him great pleasure to have
 an opportunity of obliging  him1 and   
that any sort of wine he had in his     
house was much at his  service4         
,expressing1 by this prudent seeming    
insensibility or want  of apprehension1 
that he supposed that was the purpose   
for which the  gentleman sent the       
bottles4 ,in this manner1 he joined     
integrity to  gentleness of reproof1 and
 correction with courteous behaviour2   
and by  so much the less parade he made 
of his own purity1 by so much the more  
was the confusion of the gentleman      
diminished4    ,,xl4 ,it is clear1 that 

the heroic constancy with which he      
supported his  adherence to his         
religion1 was not the effect of a       
strained violence  on his nature1 but   
proceeded from innate virtue1 which acts
 in all  things1 and on all occasions1  
according to the habitual dispositions  
of the mind2 for always1 to the very    
crisis of his suffering1 he  preserved  
the native cheerfulness of his          
disposition4 ,he did not  appear less   
festive1 nor less tranquil in chains1   
than he had before  appeared in the     
banquet room4 ,during the time of his   
trial he was  all composure1 and when it
 was drawing near a conclusion1 and     
those  iniquitous judges1 who had       
already sacrificed their consciences to 
the  will of their sovereign1 were on   
the point1 to please and flatter him1   
of delivering that innocent man1 as a   
victim to his resentment1 the  barber   
came to shave him1 and just as he was   
going to begin his work1  ,sir ,thomas  
recollected himself1 and said ,hold1 as 

the ,king and ,i at  present are        
contending to whom this head belongs1 in
 case it should  be adjudged to him1 it 
would be wrong for me to rob him of the 
beard1  so you must desist4 ,being about
 to ascend the scaffold1 and finding    
himself feeble1 he begged one who was   
near to aid him in getting up  the      
ladder1 saying to him at the same time1 
,assist me to get up1 for  be assured ,i
 shan't trouble you to help me down     
again4 ,o eminent  virtue6 ,o spirit    
truly sublime1 who mounted the scaffold 
with the same  festive cheerfulness1    
that he would sit down to a banquet6    
,let men of  little minds and narrow    
souls contemplate this example1 and     
learn to  know1 that true virtue does   
not consist in the observance of forms  
and  scrupulous niceties4      ,,sect4  
,v4    ,,xli4 ,o how many antipodes in  
morality to ,sir ,thomas ,more are to be
  found in every state6 for both in the 
east and the west1 you will meet  with  
many of those ridiculous scarecrows1 who

 lead a kind of hermetic  life1 and are 
called sanctified or holy men2 but those
 of this day do  not mortify themselves 
so much1 but offend other people more1  
than  those of former times were used to
 do4 ,with a displeasing gravity1  and  
forbidding look that amounts to sour    
sternness2 a conversation  so opposite  
to the cheerful1 that it borders on the 
extreme of  clownish surliness2 a zeal  
so harsh and severe1 that it degenerates
  into cruelty2 a scrupulous observance 
of rites and ceremonies1 that           
approaches to superstition2 and by the  
mere want or absence of a few  vices2 ,i
 say1 that with the help of these       
appearances1 they1 without  more cost or
 trouble1 set themselves up as patterns 
or images of  ultimate perfection2 and  
they are truly images in the strict     
sense of  the word1 for their whole     
value consists in their external shape  
and  figure2 and ,i besides call them   
images1 because they are not endued  or 
informed with a true1 but with the sham 

semblance of a spirit4 ,i  repeat again 
that they are images1 because they are  
hard as marble1  and insensible and     
unfeeling as the trunks of trees4 ,in   
the morality  that directs them1        
gentleness of manners1 affability1 and  
pity1 are  blotted out of the catalogue 
of virtues4 ,i have not even yet said   
enough4 ,those two sensible             
characteristics of charity1 pointed out 
by  ,st4 ,paul1 that is to say1 patience
 and benevolence1 are so foreign to     
their dispositions1 that they are       
inclined to consider them as signs  of  
relaxation of discipline1 or at least of
 lukewarmness4 ,they assume  the figure 
of saints1 without possessing more      
sanctity than the stock  or stone images
 of such1 and would number themselves   
among the blessed1  wanting the         
requisites which the gospel expresses to
 constitute them  such1 and make them   
deserving of being inserted in that     
catalogue1  which are meekness1         
compassion1 and a conciliatory spirit4  

,beati  mites1 beati misericordes1 beati
 pacifici4    ,,xlii4 ,it is also       
certain1 that virtue is tinctured with1 
or wears a  different hue1 according to 
the genius or disposition of the subject
  in whom it exists1 and on this        
account1 in different individuals it    
appears in different colours4           
,notwithstanding this1 we ought in the  
mixture or combination1 to distinguish  
what is derived solely from  virtue1 and
 what is produced by the intervention of
 constitution4 ,there  are men of a     
harsh1 choleric1 unpleasant cast of     
mind1 who at the same  time are         
virtuous2 but their virtue on this      
account is not harsh1  choleric1 and    
displeasing1 but rather in its          
operations1 by means of  its innate good
 qualities1 corrects those defects4 ,the
 misfortune is1  that these defects of  
temper1 confound the understanding and  
pervert  the judgment2 and in           
consequence of this perversion of the   
judgment1  virtue is prevented from     

amending the defects of the genius4 ,a  
virtuous  man1 who is of an impetuous1  
violent disposition1 and inclining to   
the morose1 when placed in command1 is  
easily brought to think2 he  finds      
himself in circumstances where prudence 
dictates that he should  use rigour2    
whereas one of an excessive gentle and  
mild genius1 can  never persuade himself
 that contingent is arrived4 ,both one  
and the  other discharge and preserve   
their consciences1 and the public are   
the  sufferers by their mistakes1 but in
 a very different degree1 according  to 
the diversity of the employments or     
destinations of such people4  ,the very 
gentle man is most pernicious in        
external policy1 and the  rigorous in   
internal4 ,an excess of clemency1 and   
forbearing to put in  execution criminal
 laws1 in cases where the offences      
committed are  injurious to the public  
at large1 is a very great evil4 ,in     
matters that  concern the reformation1  
or internal amendment of souls1 rigour  

is not  only useless1 but prejudicial1  
because the fear of temporal punishment 
does not make penitents1 but hypocrites2
 it only removes the external  execution
 of vice1 and concentrates the evil     
intention within the  soul1 where it    
produces a new sin1 in the hatred it    
excites against the  judge4      ,,sect4
 ,,vi4    ,,xliii4 ,i have observed1    
that for the sincere conversion or      
turning  of mens hearts1 benignity and  
gentle treatment has done miracles1 in  
cases where rigour has been found       
ineffectual4 ,two illustrious examples  
of this sort1 which in different ages   
have been exhibited on the  theatre of  
,france1 occur to me at present4 ,the   
first is that of ,peter  ,abelard1 a    
most subtle logician1 and famous        
broacher of heresies in  the twelfth    
century4 ,the adventures of this man    
were extraordinary1  and he for the most
 part experienced adverse fortune4 ,he  
suffered  many persecutions1 some of    
which were unjust ones2 but neither the 

just nor the unjust were capable of     
subduing his mind1 or mitigating  the   
contentious vivacity of his spirit4 ,his
 errors1 after innumerable  debates1    
were condemned by the council of ,sens1 
at which ,st4 ,bernard  assisted4 ,he   
appealed from the sentence to ,pope     
innocent the ,second1  who confirmed the
 decision of the council2 and added to  
it1 that his  books should be burnt1 and
 the author imprisoned for life4        
,abelard had  an infinite number of     
enemies1 many of whom were not so from  
their  zeal to religion1 but from many  
other very different motives4 ,as an    
augmentation of his misfortunes1 there  
was scarce any one who did not  exclaim 
against him1 and cry aloud for the      
execution of the sentence4  ,in this    
deplorable situation of ,abelard1 there 
was only one man who  had generosity    
enough to take the favourable side of   
the question1  and interest himself on  
his behalf4 ,this was that most pious   
and wise  person ,st4 ,peter the        

,venerable1 abbot of the great monastery
 of ,cluny1  who solicited and obtained 
of the ,pope1 ,abelard's pardon4 ,he    
also  reconciled him with ,st4 ,bernard1
 which amounted to the same thing as    
indemnifying him against the public     
hatred4 ,besides this1 as a remedy  for 
all his reverses of fortune1 he offered 
him an asylum in his  monastery of      
,cluny1 which monastery received him in 
its arms like a  loving father1 and gave
 him the habit of a monk4    ,it will be
 proper to observe here1 that ,eloisa1 a
 sensible1 beautiful1  and noble ,french
 lady1 was in her youth in love with1   
and beloved by  ,abelard1 to such an    
excess1 that their love broke through   
all the  fences of honour4 ,historians  
relate a very singular circumstance of  
this woman1 which is1 that ,abelard     
being desirous of marrying her1  she1   
notwithstanding her prodigious fondness 
for him1 rejected the  proposal1 and    
chose rather to continue his concubine  
than be his wife1  alledging as her     

motive for this conduct1 that she would 
not1 by  her marriage1 deprive the      
church of the great lustre that might be
  reflected on it by the sublime genius 
of ,abelard1 although in the end1  she1 
by the importunities and threats of her 
friends and relations1  was prevailed on
 to espouse him4 ,she afterwards took   
the veil1 and  became an exemplary      
religious4 ,she always maintained a very
 tender and  affectionate correspondence
 with ,abelard1 but at the same time in 
very  chaste terms1 and such as were    
conformable to the rules of virtue and  
decorum4 ,as soon as she was informed of
 ,abelard's death1 she begged of  ,st4  
,peter the ,venerable1 that he would let
 her have his body1 that she  might bury
 it in the convent where she was        
prelate2 and the pious abbot  granted   
her request4 ,it appears by the epistles
 of ,abelard1 that ,eloisa  was         
universally beloved and respected for   
her virtue and discretion4 ,he  says1   
the bishops loved her as a daughter1 the

 abbesses as a sister1  and the seculars
 a mother4    ,the effect which this    
generous benignity of ,st4 ,peter the   
,venerable  had upon ,abelard1 was      
admirable4 ,he not only became a monk1  
but a most  exemplary one1 and a shining
 pattern of all kinds of virtues1 of    
which  ,st4 ,peter the ,venerable gives 
irrefragable testimony in his letter to 
,eloisa on the occasion of his death1   
which letter is filled with the  highest
 eulogiums on the virtues of ,abelard4  
,he says in one part of  it1 that he    
does not remember to have seen a man so 
humble as him2 and  in another1 that it 
was matter of admiration1 to observe a  
person so  famous and of so great a     
name1 have so lowly an opinion of       
himself4  ,in another1 he says1 his     
understanding1 his tongue1 and his      
works1  were always employed on         
celestial objects4 ,and in another1 he  
compares  him to the great ,gregory in  
the following words3 ,nec 7sicut de     
magno  ,gregorio legitur7 momentum      

aliquod prterire sinebat1 quin semper   
aut  oraret1 aut legeret1 aut scriberet1
 aut dictaret4 ,these eulogiums are     
confirmed1 and if possible exceeded1 in 
the ,chronicle of the ,monastery  of    
,cluny1 which says1 that1 from the time 
of his taking the habit of a  monk1 his 
thoughts1 words1 and actions1 were      
always divine3 ,et deinde  mens ejus1   
lingua ejus1 opus ejus1 semper divina   
fuere4    ,,xliv4 ,so that this man1 who
 could not be made to bend to the most  
learned men of ,france1 who were engaged
 in continual controversies  with him2  
nor to the force of the civil power1    
exerted against him  various times at   
the instance of his enemies2 nor to the 
ecclesiastical  prelates1 nor to the    
authority of a council1 nor to the zeal 
and  learning of a ,st4 ,bernard3 ,this 
man1 ,i say1 on whom all these          
exertions had no influence1 submitted to
 the gentle1 compassionate1  and        
benevolent spirit of ,st4 ,peter the    
,venerable4 ,the estimation and         

tenderness1 with which this saint always
 regarded ,abelard after his            
conversion1 was very great1 as is       
evident from two epitaphs he wrote to   
grace his tomb4 ,i shall insert a part  
of each of them here1 by which  may be  
seen the high opinion he entertained of 
the learning and wisdom  of this eminent
 man4      ,first ,epitaph4             
,gallorum ,socrates1 ,plato maximus     
,hesperiarum1      ,noster ,aristoteles1
 ,logicis1 quicumque fuerunt1      ,aut 
par1 aut melior1 studiorum cognitus orbi
      ,princeps1 ingenio varius1        
subtilis1  acer4      ,second ,epitaph4 
,petrus in hac petra latitat1 quem      
mundus ,homerum        ,clamabat1 sed   
jam sidera sidus habent4      ,sol erat 
hic ,gallis1 sed eum jam fata tulerunt3 
,ergo caret ,regio ,gallica sole sua4   
,ille sciens quidquid fuit ulli scibile1
 vicit        ,artifices1 artes absque  
docente docens4    ,,xlv4 ,the second   
example1 which is still more striking   
and illustrious  than the first1 is that

 of the ,huguenots in the reign of      
,charles the  ninth1 in the diocese of  
,lisieux in ,normandy4 ,the learned     
,dominican  ,john ,henuyer1 who had been
 confessor to ,henry the second1 was    
bishop  of that diocese1 when orders    
came from the king to the governor of   
,normandy1 to put to the sword all the  
,huguenots of that province4 ,the       
venerable prelate opposed the execution 
of the order as far as it  related to   
his own diocese efficaciously1 by       
declaring that he would  sooner submit  
his own throat to the knife1 than       
consent to the death  of those heretics1
 whom he had always considered as sheep 
of his  flock1 although they had gone   
astray2 and used such other arguments1  
as prevailed on the governor to suspend 
the execution of the orders2  and the   
king1 moved with the firmness and zeal  
of the pious bishop1  revoked the decree
 with respect to the ,huguenots of that 
bishopric4 ,the  hand of ,omnipotence   
heaped blessings on the paternal        

affection which  bishop ,henuyer        
manifested to his flock1 and on the     
pious exertion he  made to save their   
lives at all events2 and 7,o wonderful  
to relate67  in none of the other parts 
of ,france1 where rivers of ,huguenot   
blood  had been spilt in the execution  
of the king's orders1 was the heresy    
extinguished2 but on the diocese of     
,lisieux only1 did ,god confer this     
great blessing4 ,the experience of the  
paternal bowels and feeling of  their   
prelate for them1 made such an          
impression on the hearts of the         
,huguenots of that district1 that they  
all1 without a single exception1  became
 converts to the catholic faith4 ,thus  
does benignity triumph  over the most   
stubborn hearts1 when managed and       
conducted with a pious  zeal and        
consummate prudence4      ,,sect4 ,,vii4
    ,,xlvi4 ,but to return to our       
subject1 as all that was introduced in  
the  preceding section was by way of    
digression3 ,i say1 that among the      

groupe of those severe saturnine        
geniuses1 of whom we were just before   
speaking1 are to be found the worst     
species of hypocrites4 ,i speak of      
those censurers of other people's       
conduct and behaviour1 who pretend to   
do it out of zeal1 and to promote the   
welfare of those they fall upon4  ,these
 act as if they were ministers vested   
with full powers from ,hell1  or were a 
quid pro quo of the ,devil1 because     
their whole occupation  is pointing out 
the sins of mankind2 a race so          
diabolical1 that they  are at variance  
with their neighbours1 and friends with 
their vices4  ,they pretend they love   
the first1 and abhor the last1 but it is
 quite  the reverse4 ,they are always   
busied in throwing biting reflections   
on their neighbours1 and at the same    
time licking their chops with a  longing
 desire to taste of their sins4 ,there  
is no news so pleasing to  them1 as this
 or that person having made such and    
such a slip4 ,this is  their favourite  

little aliment1 because it affords      
pabulum to feed and  nourish their      
malevolence4    ,they exclaim furiously1
 and with all their might1 against      
sinful  and sensual practices1 and wreck
 their inventions for hyperboles to     
exaggerate the wickedness of them2 and  
after they have glutted their  revenge  
on a miserable individual they have been
 abusing1 they direct  the rage of their
 thunder against the public at large1   
and cry out1  ,the people are all going 
the high road to perdition3 ,god defend 
us1  sure the like never was seen6      
,their daily text is the ,o tempora6 ,o 
mores6 of ,cicero4 ,the matter of their 
ordinary conversations is truly  and    
properly matter1 as it is all           
putrefaction and corruption2 for they   
talk of nothing but turpitudes and      
uncleanness4 ,they reserve for their    
own use and purposes ,satan's ,gazette1 
where the news is distributed  in       
articles and paragraphs received from   
different quarters2 as for  example3    

8,we hear by an express arrived from    
such a street1 dated  such a day of the 
month1 which was brought by an herb     
woman1 that ,mr4  ,a---- has made great 
advances in his negotiations with ,madam
 ,b----2  and although in the beginning 
he met with some difficulties1 by       
proposing more advantageous and         
agreeable terms1 was at last admitted   
to a private audience40 ,in this manner 
it proceeds to give an account  of      
various other matters1 and always1 as is
 customary1 tells us  something about   
the court2 as for instance2 8,his       
majesty ,pluto and  all his family1     
although they cannot fail to be         
incommoded with the  excessive heats    
which prevail in his territories1       
continue for all  that to pass their    
time very jollily1 by the entertainment 
they find  in hunting all sorts of sins1
 which is a game that is found in great 
abundance in every quarter of his       
infernal majesty's dominions40 ,but  to 
be serious3 ,those who blazon or        

aggravate the vices that are most       
frequent or prevailing in a place or    
town1 do a great injury which they  are 
not aware of1 which is removing from    
many a certain impediment1  which       
withholds or restrains them from falling
 into those very vices4  ,when speaking 
of the vice of incontinence for example1
 a man exclaims1  8,the city in this    
respect is in a total state of          
depravity2 that the  dissoluteness which
 pervades it is horrid and unbridled2   
that already1  with a little reserve1 or
 without any at all1 you can scarce find
 a  man that is continent1 or a woman   
that is chaste2 and truly this is  the  
vice1 against which they most frequently
 make such declamations40  ,some hear   
this1 who till then had entertained no  
such idea of the  thing1 and who were   
continent from the apprehension of being
 exposed1  and the fear of being        
repulsed by this or that woman4 ,this1  
to those  who are withheld from being   
incontinent1 principally or solely by   

the shame of being remarked1 or that of 
being ignominiously repulsed1  takes    
away in part1 or removes totally1 the   
chief impediment which  retrained them  
from rushing into criminal amours4 ,if  
all1 says each  of these to himself1 or 
nearly all the men in the town1 are     
guilty of  this vice1 my share of       
disgrace by falling into it will be but 
small1  as ,i shall only bear my        
proportion as one among so large a      
number2 and  if all1 or nearly all the  
women1 are disposed to be lewd and      
wanton1  it will rarely happen that ,i  
shall meet with one that will not yield 
to my solicitations4 ,some1 from not    
foreseeing the inconvenience1 are       
betrayed into this absurdity by their   
zeal1 and commit the mistake with  the  
best intentions4 ,i have many times     
heard preachers exclaim with  great     
fervour1 that the town is filled with   
scandals and turpitudes2  that there is 
scarce a house1 which in every corner of
 it is not  burning with the infernal   

fire of lust4 ,i entreat most earnestly 
all  those who exercise this sacred     
function1 and ,god is the judge of the  
sincerity and pious intention with which
 ,i make the request1 that  they would  
abstain from such-like declamations1 for
 the mischief they  produce1 is greater 
than the benefits which are derived from
 them4    ,,xlvii4 ,but to resume the   
thread of our discourse1 what we have   
just  finished saying being rather an   
addition to1 or digression from1 our    
main or principal subject4 ,the         
hypocrites we mentioned last1 are such  
as conceal their malice under the cloak 
or pretence of zeal2 but there  are     
others1 who are such at their own       
expence1 because in order to  appear    
virtuous they punish themselves1 by     
abstaining from many things  their      
appetites prompt them to desire2 whereas
 all the cost of the  first sort1 is    
defrayed at the expence of their        
neighbour's honour4 ,it  is true that   
this rule admits of some exceptions1 for

 there are those  so malignant1 who1 to 
wound with certainty another's fame1    
would many  times commit a violence on  
their own inclinations4 ,they would     
abstain  from the external exercise of  
those vices which they point out in     
others1 be it ever so painful to them1  
in order that they may censure  them    
with the greater freedom4 ,unhappy      
passion6 ,detestable hypocrisy6         
,,sect4 ,,viii4    ,,xlviii4 ,there     
remains for us to say something on two  
particulars1 by  the intervention of    
which1 vice is frequently reverenced as 
virtue3  ,the first is the exterior     
resemblance of certain vices to certain 
virtues2 for as every virtue is placed  
between two vicious extremes1  many of  
these last wear the appearance of the   
first4 ,thus prodigality  often passes  
for liberality1 rashness for valour1    
obstinacy for  firmness1 cunning for    
prudence1 and pusillanimity for         
moderation4 ,it is  also the same with  
respect to many other things4    ,,xxix4

 ,the second is1 the material commission
 of an act1 abstracted from  the        
turpitude of the end it was done to     
answer4 ,if we were to explore  the     
motives that intervene in an infinite   
number of actions1 which are  right to  
outward appearance2 we should perceive1 
they were derived from  indirect        
principles1 and performed to answer     
perverse purposes4 ,it is  very common  
for one vice to be an obstacle to the   
external operation  or execution of     
another4 ,this man is continent to avoid
 spending his  money2 that1 because he  
is terrified by the danger of the       
enterprize4  ,in the first1 continence  
is the child of avarice2 in the second1 
of  pusillanimity4 ,this one puts on the
 shew of humility1 because he is  a     
candidate for favour and promotion2     
another1 to avoid the exposing  himself 
to a quarrel4 ,in the first1 humility   
springs from ambition1 in  the second it
 is derived from cowardice4 ,much1 more 
might be said on  these two heads2 but1 

as the subject matter of them has been  
largely  treated of in various other    
books1 we shall rest the thing here1 and
  content ourselves with the slight     
observations we have already made4      
,,end ,,of ,,vol4 ,i4                   
,,erratum4      ,p4 #aa4 #a4 #a4 read   
matter2 for he declares1 ,transcriber's 
note3  rather than 8matter1 he          
declares04          ,,footnotes4      #a
 ,feyjoo1 in the supplement to his      
,teatro ,critico1 says1 the relation  of
 the ,earl of ,leicester's being guilty 
of the horrid crime of  murdering his   
wife in order to remove all impediments 
to his marrying  ,queen ,elizabeth1     
which he had entertained hopes of doing1
 was taken  from ,nicholas ,sanders1 and
 another person whose name he has       
forgot2  he says further1 he has since  
found reason to doubt the truth of that 
accusation1 and condemns the mistaken   
zeal of ,sanders1 who he owns was  much 
addicted to give credit to any thing he 
heard against the enemies  of the       

,catholic ,religion4 ,he declares that  
,protestants have the same  right to    
natural justice as ,catholics1 and that 
they should not be  positively and      
unjustly charged with crimes1 upon false
 rumours1 or  dubious reports4    #b    
,the son of ,pope ,alexander the sixth4 
,transcriber's ,notes      ,references  
to 8,theatrico-,critico0 corrected to   
8,teatro ,critico0    ,the erratum is   
corrected in place4    ,obvious         
typographical errors have been silently 
corrected4 ,variations  in hyphenation  
and accents have been standardised but  
all other  spelling and punctuation     
remains unchanged4    ,numbering        
errors_/omissions from the original are 
left unaltered4 ,as  such there are     
missing_/skipped section numbers and    
paragraph numbers  in the text4         
,italics are represented thus italic4