,,tusayan ,,katcinas ,,by ,,jesse ,,walter ,,fewkes ,,extract ,,from ,,the ,,fifteenth ,,annual ,,report ,,of ,,the ,,bureau ,,of ,,ethnology ,illustration ,,washington ,,government ,,printing ,,office #ahig ,,contents ,page ,introduction #bea ,tabular view of the sequence of ,tusayan celebrations #bee ,names of months and corresponding ceremonials #bef ,means of determining the time for ceremonials #beh ,classification of ceremonials #bfj ,discussion of previous descriptions of ,katcinas #bfd ,classification of ,katcinas #bfe ,elaborate ,katcinas #bfh ,soylua #bfh ,katcina's return #bgc ,powm #bgd ,pllkoti #bia ,nimnkatcina #bib ,abbreviated ,katcinas #bib ,characteristics #bib ,soclako #bif ,pawkkatcina #bii akatcina #cjc ,comparative study of ,katcina dances in ,cibola and ,tusayan #cjd ,,illustrations ,page ,,plate ,,civ4 ,a1 ,shield with star symbol2 ,b1 ,soylua shield with star and unknown symbol2 ,c1 ,symbolic sun shield #bfb ,,cv4 ,the ,natcka ceremony at ,walpi #bfg ,,cvi4 ,hahawqti1 ,natcka1 and ,soykmana #bgb ,,cvii4 ,doll of ,clakomana #bgh ,,cviii4 ,katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain-cloud symbolism #bhf ,,cix4 ,doll of ,clakomana 7mistakenly given on the plate as ,clakotaka7 #bid ,,cx4 ,head-dress of ,alosaka #cja ,,cxi4 ,a ,powm mask #cjf ,,figure #ci4 ,tablet of the ,palahkomana mask #bfb #dj4 ,the akatcina #bid #da4 ,maskette of akatcinamana #bie #db4 ,position of celebrants in the court of ,sitcomovi in ,soclako #bih #dc4 ,mask of ,pawkkatcina 7front view7 #bii #dd4 ,mask of ,pawkkatcina 7side view7 #cjj #de4 ,mask of ,pawkkatcinamana #cja #df4 ,staff of ,pawkkatcina #cja #dg4 ,helmets1 ear of corn1 and spruce bough arranged for reception ceremony #cjb #dh4 ,symbolism of the helmet of ,hmiskatcina 7tablet removed7 #cjg ,,the ,,group ,,of ,,tusayan ,,ceremonials ,,called ,,katcinas#a ,by ,,jesse ,,walter ,,fewkes ,,introduction ,in their use of the word ,katcina#b the ,hopi or ,moki apply the term to supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by statuettes in imitation of the same4 ,the dances in which the former appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthography 8,cachena0 is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of the upper ,rio ,grande4 ,the present use of the term among the ,tusayan ,indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural being of subordinate rank to the great deities4 ,ancestral worship plays a not inconspicuous part in the ,hopi conception of a ,katcina4 ,when we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual practiced by the ,tusayan villagers1 the subject is found to be so complex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations extending through many years4 ,the plan which ,i have followed in my work1 as will be seen in previous publications1 has been to gather and record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis for generalization4 ,my former publications on this subject have therefore been simply records of observations4#c ,for various reasons it has seemed well to anticipate a final and general account and interpretation1 with tentative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these observances1 which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessitating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted4 ,at the present stage of my researches it would be too early to write such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the ,tusayan villagers1 but it has been deemed well to put on record1 with many new observations1 this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system1 to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study4 ,when ,i began my work1 four years ago1 the task of bringing order out of what appeared to be a hopeless confusion seemed well nigh impossible1 but as one ceremony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to details1 and that there was a logical connection running throughout all the religious observances of the ,tusayan ,indians1 the presentations of which were practically little influenced by white races with whom the people had been brought in contact4 ,as these ceremonials were studied more sympathetically ,i discovered a unity throughout them which1 whatever their origin may have been1 placed them in marked contrast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded4 ,they were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other ,pueblos are embraced1 the affinities of which carry us into different geographic regions of the ,american continent4 ,but while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of ,athapascan or ,shoshonean aborigines1 it bears evidence of a composite nature4 ,it had become so by contributions from many sources1 and had in turn left its impress on other areas1 so that as a type the ,pueblo culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal ,america4 ,with strong affinities on all sides it was unique1 having nearest kinship with those of ,mexico and ,central ,america4 ,the geographic extension of the ,pueblo type of culture was no doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time4 ,what its original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to decide1 but the problem at present before us is the determination of its characteristics as a survival in our times4 ,when once this is satisfactorily known1 and not until then1 can we advance with confidence to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and offer theories regarding its affinities with other ceremonial areas of the ,american race4 ,it is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be claimed to be known when we say that all the ,pueblo peoples belong to the same ceremonial type4 ,i am sure that in prehistoric and historic times delegations from the ,rio ,grande country have settled among the ,tusayan villagers1 and that many families of the latter have migrated back to the ,rio ,grande again to make permanent homes in that section4 ,the most western and the most eastern peoples of this ,pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage1 bringing about a consequent commingling of blood1 and the legends of both tell of their common character4 ,it is too early in research to inject into science the idea that the ,pueblos are modified ,indians of other stocks1 and we outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or group of villages the implication involved in the expression1 8,father of the ,pueblos40 ,part of the ,pueblo culture is autochthonal1 but its germ may have originated elsewhere1 and no one existing ,pueblo people is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral outside of a very limited area4 ,in the present article ,i have tried to present a picture of one of the two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the ,tusayan ritual is divided4 ,i have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos1 but have not found sufficient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to carry this comparative research very far4 ,notwithstanding these dances occur in most of the pueblos1 the published data about them is too meager for comparative uses4 ,no connected description of these ceremonies in other pueblos has been published2 of theoretical explanations we have more than are profitable4 ,it is to be hoped that the ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the ,pueblos of the southwest will lead to didactic1 exoteric accounts of the rituals of all these peoples1 for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled4 ,in the use1 throughout this article1 of the words 8gods10 8deities10 and 8worship0 we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which do not exist in the ,indian mind1 but spring from philosophic ideas resulting from our higher culture4 ,for the first two the more cumbersome term 8supernatural beings0#d is more expressive1 and the word 8spirit0 is perhaps more convenient1 except from the fact that it likewise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive mind4 ,worship1 as we understand it1 is not a proper term to use in the description of the ,indian's methods of approaching his supernal beings4 ,it involves much which is unknown to him1 and implies the existence of that which is foreign to his conceptions4 ,still1 until some better nomenclature1 more exactly defining his methods1 is suggested1 these terms from their convenience will still continue in common use4 ,the dramatic element which is ascribed to the ,katcina#e ritual is more prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations1 as would naturally be the case1 but even there it is believed to be less striking than in the second group or those in which the performers are without masks4 ,there exists in ,hopi mythology many stories of the old times which form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the symbolism and some of the ritual1 but nowhere have ,i found the sequence of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth4 ,in the ,snake or the ,flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and ritual is more striking1 but in them it has not gone so far as to be comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples4 ,among the ,katcinas1 however1 it is more obscure or even very limited4 ,while an abbreviated ,katcina may be regarded as a reproduction of the celebrations recounted in legends of times when real supernatural beings visited the pueblos1 and thus dramatizes semimythic stories1 ,i fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element4 ,the characteristic symbolism is prescribed and strictly conforms to the legends4 ,explanations of why each ,katcina is marked this or that way can be gathered from legends1 but the continuous carrying out of the sequence of events in the life of any ,katcina1 or any story of creation or migration1 did not appear in any abbreviated#f ,katcina which was studied4 ,in this subdivision a dramatic element is present1 but only in the crudest form4 ,in the elaborate ,katcinas1 however1 we find an advance in the amount of dramatization1 or an attempt to represent a story or parts of the same4 ,thus we can in ,soylua follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun with hostile deities or powers1 in which both are personified4 ,i must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the ,tusayan conceptions of the ,katcinas when such exists4 ,this want of knowledge is immaterial1 for the object of this article is simply to record what has been seen and goes no further4 ,i will not say that a complete account of the ,katcinas can be given by such a treatment1 and do not know how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me1 but these observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric explanations of causes4 ,it is thought that such a treatment of the subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of explanations which it naturally precedes4 ,although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology1 ,i incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it has grown the legend as we now know it4 ,the question1 ,which came first1 myth or ritual8 is outside the scope of this article4 ,any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the ,tusayan ,indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in winter4 ,from harvest time to planting there is a succession of celebrations of most complicated and varied nature1 but from planting to harvesting all these rites are much curtailed4 ,the simplest explanation of this condition would be1 and probably is1 necessity4 ,there is not time enough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the corn must be cared for4 ,time is then too precious1 but when the corn is high and the crop is in sight1 or during the long winter when the agriculturist is at home unemployed1 then the superstitious mind has freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances1 and then naturally he takes part in the complex ceremonies4 ,hence the spring and early summer religious observances are abbreviated4 ,although the ,pueblo farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious1 his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting time with elaborate ceremonials4 ,but when he sees that the crop is coming and harvest is at hand1 then he begins the series of1 to him1 magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of ,august until ,march of the following year4 ,it has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of the ritual are carried out year after year4 ,the inevitable modifications resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time affect individual observances1 but their ritual is never voluntarily changed4 ,the ceremonials which ,i have here and elsewhere described were not invented by them to show to me1 nor will any religious society of the ,hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white man4 ,each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time of the year4 ,,tabular ,,view ,,of ,,the ,,sequence ,,of ,,tusayan ,,celebrations#g ,the following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid in the study of the ,hopi calendar1 and indicate the ceremonials presented to us for classification3 ,katcina's return4 ,a#h ,powm4 ,pllkoti4 ,the abbreviated ,katcinas commonly come in the interval1 and vary somewhat from year to year4 ,nimn 7,katcina's departure74 ,snake or ,flute 7alternating74 ,llakoti4 ,b ,mamzrati4 ,wwtcmti#i 7sometimes ,nacnaiya74 ,soylua4 ,masked or ,katcina ,ceremonials ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,december ,january ,february ,march ,april-,june ,july ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,soylua4 ,pa4 ,powm4 ,pllkoti4 ,variable ,nimn4 abbreviated ,katcinas4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,unmasked or ,nine ,days' ,ceremonials ---------------------------------------- ----------------- ,august ,september ,october ,november ---------------------------------------- ----------------- ,snake or ,flute4 ,llakoti4 ,mamzrati4 ,wwtcmti or ,nacnaiya4 ---------------------------------------- ----------------- ,the ,katcina chief1 ntiwa1 erects his altar every year in the ,mkiva1 but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the dance of the ,nimn by their appropriate presentation1 thus3 ,the men of the ,wikwliobikiva celebrated the dance in #ahia2 those of ,nacbkiva in #ahib2 those of the lkiva in #ahic1 and probably in #ahid the men of the ,tcivatokiva will personate the last ,katcina of the summer4 ,it thus will appear that the special supernatural personage represented varies from year to year within certain limits1 and the variations mean nothing more than that the members of the different kivas participate in rotation4 ,,names ,,of ,,months ,,and ,,corresponding ,,ceremonials ,the ,tusayan names of the months are as follows3 --------------------------------------- ,months ,ceremonials --------------------------------------- #a4 ,powmiyaw#aj ,powm4 #b4 cmiyaw ,pllkoti4 #c4 ,kwiyaomiyaw4 #d4 ,hakitonmiyaw4 #e4 ,kelemiyaw4 #f4 ,kyamiyaw ,nimn4 #g4 ,pamiyaw 7,snake1 ,flute47 #h4 ,powamiyaw ,llakoti4 #i4 ,hkmiyaw #aj4 cmiyaw ,mamzrati4 #aa4 ,kelemiyaw ,wwtcmti4 #ab4 ,kyamiyaw ,soylua4 #ac4 ,pamiyaw ,katcina's return4 --------------------------------------- ,the second part of the ,october 7c7 is said to be called ,thoe4 ,if this is recognized as a lunar period we would have #ad divisions to the ceremonial year4 ,in the ,pamiyaw1 the ,snake ceremony1 and the ,katcina's return1 the same ,nitiwa 7struggle of maids for bowls1 etc7 occurs4 ,it will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names as those of the winter2 by that ,i do not mean to discard the divisions 8named0 and 8nameless10 elsewhere used on good authority4 ,the questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered4 ,the determination of the number of moons recognized in the year or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his house 7,twaki7 at the summer solstitial rising is a most important question1 for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are insufficient4 ,several of the priests have told me that there were #ac1 as given above2 but others say there are #ab1 and still others1 #ad4 ,the comparative ethnologist1 familiar with ,mexican calendars1 would be glad to accept the report that there were #ac1 in which case there would be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many ways4 ,although1 however1 there is good evidence that #ac is recognized by some priests1 the negative evidence must be mentioned1 especially as it is derived from men whose knowledge of ,hopi lore ,i have come to respect4 ,i have1 however1 provisionally followed the opinion of those who hold that the ,hopi recognize #ac ceremonial months in their calendar4 ,if the second part of the c moon be called ,thoe1 we would have #ad moons1 which would give #f between #b ,pwa1 or #b ,pa1 ,kle1 ,ky1 and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of #g moons each4 ,the ,katcina's return 7kine71 or the beginning of the ,katcinas1 then occurs in the ,pa moon2 they end in ,ky at the ,nimn 7last1 farewell74 ,the group of unmasked ceremonials 7nine days7 likewise begins at the ,pa moon in the ,snake or ,flute1 and ends at the winter1 ,ky1 or ,soylua4 ,in endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in the two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year ,i have this interesting hint1 dropped by one of the priests3 8,when we of the upper world10 he said1 8are celebrating the winter ,pa moon the people of the under world are engaged in the observance of the ,snake or ,flute1 and vice versa40 ,the ceremonials in the two worlds are synchronous4 8,that is the reason10 said my informant1 8that we make the ,snake or ,flute pahos during the winter season1 although the dance is not celebrated until the corresponding month of the following summer40#aa ,,means ,,of ,,determining ,,the ,,time ,,for ,,ceremonials ,among the ,hopi ,indians there are priests 7tawawympkiyas7 skilled in the lore of the sun1 who determine1 by observations of the points on the horizon1 where the sun rises or sets1 the time of the year proper for religious ceremonials4 ,two of these points are called sun houses1 one at ttyka1#ab which is called the sun house 7twaki7 par excellence1 another at kwinwi1 which also is called twaki1 or sun house4 ,the points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial events are as follows3 #a4 ,twaki 7htca1 opening74 ,the horizon point properly called savwwee marks the cardinal point ttyka or place of sunrise at the winter solstice4 ,the winter ceremony ,soylua is determined not by sunrise1 but by sunset1 although1 as a general thing1 the time of summer ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise4 #b4 ,msnamzr 7msi1 drab or gray2 namzr1 wooded ridge74 ,this point is the ridge or crest of the mesa1 east of ,ppce4 #c4 ,pavtcmo 7pav1 young corn2 tcmo1 mound74 ,a point on the old wagon trail to ,fort ,defiance1 a little beyond the head of ,keams canyon4 #d4 ,howtcomo 7derivation obscure2 hwi1 erect74 #e4 ,nvktcomo 7nvk1 snow2 tcmo1 mound74 ,when the sun reaches here on its northern journey the ,honni or ,badger people plant corn2 the other ,hopi people plant melons1 squashes1 and gourds4 #f4 ,plhomotaka 7pl1 round1 hump2 hmo1 obscure2 tka1 man2 possibly many hump-back men74 ,when the sun reaches here the ,ptki or ,water people plant corn4 ,when the sun returns here the ,snake-,antelope fraternities assemble for the ,snake dance4 #g4 ,kwitcla4#ac ,when the sun rises at this point on his northward journey general planting begins1 which continues until the summer solstice4 ,when the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey the ,nimnkatcina is celebrated4 #h4 ,taovi 7874 #i4 ,owtcoki 7owa1 rock2 tcki1 mound house74 #aj4 ,wnacakabi 7wna1 pole2 cka1 ladder74 #aa4 ,wakcva1 cattle spring1 #ab miles north of ,keams canyon4 #ab4 ,pavukyaki1 swallow house4 #ac4 ,tyka1 summer solstice4 ,we are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon#ad worship is usual among primitive men4 ,whether that of the sun or of our satellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss1 but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among most primitive peoples4 ,the ,pueblos are not exceptions1 and while we can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun1 it forms an essential element of their ritual1 while their anhydrous environment has led them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities4 ,i think we can safely say1 however1 that the germ of their astronomy sprang from observations of the sun1 and while yet in a most primitive condition they noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at the same points on the horizon4 ,the connection between these facts and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history1 and have led to orientation1 which plays such an important part in all their rituals4 ,thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association of time when the earth yielded them their crops with its approach1 and the time when the earth was barren with its recession4 ,these epochs were noticed1 however1 not by the position of the sun at midday1 but at risings and settings1 or the horizon points4 ,the two great epochs1 summer and winter1 were1 it is believed1 connected with solstitial amplitudes1 and the equinoctial1 horizontal points1 unconnected with important times to agriculturists1 were not considered as of much worth4 ,there is every evidence1 however1 that the time of day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun1 although the connection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordinated to observations on the horizon4 ,,classification ,,of ,,ceremonials ,in attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observances1 as determined by observations made during the last three years1 ,i recognize two groups1 the differences between which may be more or less arbitrary4 ,these groups are called-- ,i4 ,the ,katcinas4 ,,ii4 ,the ,nine days' ceremonials4 ,the former of these groups1 which is the subject of this article1 begins with the ,katcinas' return1#ae and ends with their departure 7,nimn74 ,it is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group1 as a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding of the ,katcinas4 ,there are significant likenesses between different members of the series of nine days' ceremonials1 and they may be grouped in several pairs1 of which the following may be mentioned3 ,i4 ,snake or ,flute4#af ,,ii4 ,llakoti and ,mamzrati4 ,,iii4 ,powm and ,pllkoti4 ,,iv4 ,wwtcmti and ,nacnaiya4 ,the likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in both members of each pair4 ,the ,hopi priests recognize another kinship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as much as in the subordinate parts4 ,thus1 ,llakoti and ,pllkoti1 ,wwtcmti and ,mamzrati are brother and sister ceremonials1 according to their conceptions4 ,this kinship is said to account for certain events in the ceremonials1 and friendly feeling manifested between certain societies1 but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of relationships4 ,the term 8,nine days' ceremonies0 refers to the active#ag ceremonial days1 including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance and the open dance of the last days4 ,strictly speaking1 the ceremonial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance1 and from this date to the final public exhibition there are sixteen days1 a multiple of the omnipresent number four4 ,some of the ,katcinas have nine days of ceremonials1 counting the assembly and the final purification4 ,the inception of the ceremony is called tctco yya1 smoking assembly1 in which the chiefs 7momowit7 meet together in the evening at a prescribed house4 ,the meeting places are as follows3 ,tctcb 7,snake-,antelope fraternity7 ,snake chief's mother's house4 ,mamzra ,slako's4 ,llako ,ktcnmsi's4 ,soylua ,vnsi's4 ,wwtcm ,tcwqti's4 ,lnya 7,flute7 ,talsvensi's4 ,nimn ,kwmaletci's4 ,on the day following this smoke the speaker chief 7tcakmowi7 at early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin1 and to the six direction deities 7nananivo momowit7 that the priests are about to assemble to pray for rain4 ,eight days after the announcement the chiefs gather in the kiva1 and that day is called yya1 assemblage1 but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days4 ,the first ceremonial day is ,cctla1 after which follow the remaining days as already explained in my account of the ,snake ceremonials4 ,counting the days from the commencement1 the ,snake1 ,flute1 ,nimn1 ,llakoti1 and ,mamzrati are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days1 or nine days of active ceremonies1 as shown in articles elsewhere4 ,when ,nacnaiya is not celebrated1 ,wwtcmti1 ,powm1 ,soylua1 and ,pllkoti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials4 ,the following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days' ceremonials3 ,duration of the ceremony1 nine consecutive days and nights2 no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions2 no ,katcinas2 no ,tcukwympkiyas4#ah ,altars and sand mosaics generally present4 ,individual ceremonials either annual or biennial1 but in either case at approximately the same time of the year2 sequence constant4 ,tponi#ai generally brought out in the public dance4 ,many phos1#bj ordinarily of different length 7,snake1 ,flute1 ,llakoti1 ,mamzrati71 to deposit in shrines at varying distances from the town4 ,ceremonial racing1 generally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days4 ,the following are the important nine days' ceremonies3 #a4 ,the ,antelope-,snake celebration1 alternating biennially with the ,llenti or ,flute observance4 #b4 ,the ,llakoti4 ,this ceremony lasts nine days and as many nights1 and is celebrated by women4 ,the details of the celebration at ,walpi in #ahia1 together with the altars1 fetiches1 and the like have already been published4#ba ,it has some likenesses with the ,mamzrati1 which follows it in sequence4 ,there are four priestesses1 the chief of whom is ,ktcnmsi4 ,three tponis were laid on the altar in the celebration of #ahia1 although it is customary for each society to have but one tponi1 which1 with the other paraphernalia1 is in the keeping of the chief priest4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ci--,tablet of the ,palahkomana mask4 #c4 ,the ,mamzrati4 ,this ceremonial has likewise been described4#bb ,in some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their heads personifying maids called ,palahkomanas4 ,in #ahia these personages were represented by pictures#bc of the same on slabs carried in the hands of girls4 ,in this way the variations of their celebrations in different years may be explained2 sometimes women are dressed to impersonate the ,palahkomanas1 at others only pictures of the same are carried4 ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,civ4 ,,shield ,,with ,,star ,,symbol4 ,,soyaluna ,,shield ,,with ,,unknown ,,symbol4 ,,symbolic ,,sun ,,shield4 ,,drawn ,,by ,,mary ,m4 ,,mitchell4 ,a4 ,,hoen ,,co41 ,,lith4 #d4 ,the ,wwtcmti4 ,the ,nacnaiya1 of which this is an abbreviated observance1 has been described4#bd ,one of the most prominent events is the ceremonial making of the new fire2 and as this is in a measure distinctive of these two1 it is proper to designate them the ,new ,fire ceremonies4 ,in essentials the ,nacnaiya and the ,wwtcmti are the same1 but the former appears to be of less constant appearance and more complicated4 ,in it1 as elsewhere described1 the statuette of ,taltumsi is brought into the pueblo1 but in the abbreviated form offerings are made at her shrine down the trail4 ,during the making of the new fire nawita1#be personifying ,masauwh1 is hidden behind a blanket held by two assistants4 ,the second group1 called the ,katcinas1 which may be divided into two smaller divisions1 known as the elaborate and the abbreviated1 fills out the sequence of religious ceremonials between the ,soylua and the ,nimnkatcina4 ,these celebrations are distinguished from those of the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is given the name of ,katcinas4 ,by the use of these masks or helmets the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity represented1 and women and children avoid looking at ,katcinas when unmasked4 ,the main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet or head1 and varies in different presentations1 but the remaining paraphernalia is constant1 whatever personage is represented4#bf ,the mask 7kt1 head7 is often addressed as kwatci1 8my friend or double40 ,prescriptively it must be put on and taken off with the left hand4#bg ,it is of helmet shape1 fitting closely to the head and resting on the shoulders4 ,these masks or helmets are repainted at each presentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be represented4 ,they are ordinarily made of leather1 portions of boot legs or saddles1 and in one or two instances ,i have found on their inside the embossed or incised markings characteristic of ,spanish saddles4 ,old felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth4 ,few of the helmets now used give evidence of very great antiquity1 although some are made of the skin of the bison4 ,one can seldom purchase these helmets1 as their manufacture is difficult1 and instead of being discarded after use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations4 ,there is a similar uniformity year by year in the time of the celebration of the extended or elaborate ,katcinas called ,nimn1 ,powm1 ,pllkoti1 ,soylua1 and the ,pa or ,katcina's return4 ,their sequence is always the same1 but in the abbreviated ,katcinas or masked dances this uniformity is not adhered to4 ,a certain number of these are celebrated each spring and summer1 but the particular abbreviated ,katcina#bh which is presented varies from year to year1 and may or may not be reproduced4 ,while ,katcinas or masked dances do not generally occur during the interval of the nine days' ceremonials 7autumn and early winter71 ,i have notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take place in this epoch4 ,on ,september #bj1 #ahic1 a ,katcina called akatcina#bi was performed in ,hano after the ,nimn had been celebrated in ,walpi4 ,theoretically it would not be expected1 as the farewell ,katcina is universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these personages to their distant home1 an event which does not occur at ,hano4 ,it would be strange if later observations should show that ,katcinas are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of these personages4 ,,discussion ,,of ,,previous ,,descriptions ,,of ,,katcinas ,our exact knowledge of the character of the ,hopi ,katcinas dates back to ,schoolcraft's valuable compilation4 ,while the existence of these dances was known previously to that time1 and several references to similar dances among the other ,pueblos might be quoted from the writings of ,spanish visitors1 our information of the ,katcina celebrations in ,tusayan previously to #aheb is so fragmentary that it is hardly of value in comparative studies4 ,in the year named ,dr ,p4 ,s4 ,g4 ,ten ,broeck visited ,tusayan and published a description of what was probably a ,katcina dance at ,sitcomovi4 ,although his account is so imperfect that we can not definitely say what ,katcina was personated1 his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge of the character of these dances among the ,hopi ,indians4 ,it will be noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly from those of the present day4 ,ten ,broeck noted that the male dancers1 ,katcinas1 wore on their heads 8large pasteboard towers0 7nktci871 and 8visors#cj made of small willows1 with the bark peeled off and dyed a deep brown40 ,he recognized that the female dancers 7,katcinamanas7 were men dressed as women and that they wore yellow 8visors0 and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time4 ,he described the musical 787 accompaniment of the dance with the scapula of an animal rubbed over a 8ground piece of wood40 ,he likewise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancers with sacred meal1 and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who accompanied the dance4 ,the latter may have been personifications of the ,little ,fire ,gods4 ,the ,hopi clowns1 ,tcukwympkiyas1 were likewise seen by ,ten ,broeck1 who described their comical actions4 ,from his description of the byplay of their 8assistants10 ,i find very little change has taken place since his time4 ,in the ,katcina which he observed food was distributed during the dance1 as ,i have elsewhere described is the case today4 ,although much might be added to ,ten ,broeck's description1 his observations were the most important which had been made known up to his time1 and continued for forty years the most valuable record of this group#ca of dances among the ,tusayan ,indians4 ,,classification ,,of ,,katcinas ,before considering the various ceremonials in which the ,katcinas appear1 it may be well to say something of the nature of these supernatural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony of some of the best-informed men of the tribe4 ,the various legends which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here1 but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which they appear4 ,these deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to the greater gods4#cb ,they have been called intercessors between man and the highest supernatural beings4 ,there are misty legends that long ago the ,katcinas1 like men1 came from the under world and brought with them various charms or nh with which the ,hopi are familiar4 ,by some it is said that a ,honni 7,badger7 chief came up from the tkyaa1 or under world1 in the center of a square whose four sides were formed of lines of ,katcinas1 and that he bore in his left hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back4 ,the ,katcinas recognized him as their chief1 and became ,katcina ,honni1 ,badger ,katcinas4 ,the legend runs that in ancient times ,hahawqti#cc emerged from the under world followed by four sons1 who were ,katcinas1 each bearing in his arms a pet called pllkoh1 plumed serpent4 ,following these four came other ,katcinas with pets 7pkomat71 of whom the following are mentioned3 ,one bearing pkwa1 frog 7water-eagle74 ,one bearing ptsro1 water-bird4 ,one bearing pawkya1 duck4 ,one bearing pavkiyuta1 water on the backs bearers1 aquatic animals4 ,one bearing yocona1 turtle4 ,one bearing zrna1 bullfrog4 ,one bearing pavtiya1 young water bearer 7tadpole74 ,the others with kwh 7eagle71 parrot1 crow1 cooper's hawk1 swallow1 and night hawk4 ,the ,smakoli pets for the six directions are3 ,soww1 deer ,kwinwi4 ,paw1 mountain sheep ,tevya4 ,tcbio1 antelope ,tatyka4 ,tcazrisa1 elk ,hpoka4 ,swi1 hare ,omyka4 ,tbo1 cottontail rabbit ,atkyntuka4 ,the first four ,katcinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to the ,navaho ,etsuthle4#cd ,the word pkomat is difficult to translate1 but 8pets0 seems a good rendering4 ,its usage is similar to that of certain ,navaho words4 ,a ,navaho woman speaks of a favorite child as cili2 a man calls his pet horse cili1 and the shaman designates his fetich-emblem of a nature deity bli2 a ,hopi calls his dog pko4 ,the pet of ,tuwup is depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my account of the reredos of the farewell ,katcina at ,walpi4#ce ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,cv4 ,,the ,,natacka ,,ceremony ,,at ,,walpi ,in the ,hopi conception of the ,all ,katcina there seems to be an idea that they dwell in four terrestrial places or world-quarters4#cf ,this may be looked on as an application of a general idea of world-quarter deities so common among them4 ,northwest1 kwinwi ,kicyba4 ,southwest1 tevya ,nvatikyaubi1 ,san ,francisco mountains4 ,southeast1 tatyka ,wnima4 ,northeast1 hpoko ,nvatikyaubi1 ,san ,mateo mountains4 ,if there is any one feature which distinguishes a ,katcina it is the use1 by some or all of the participants1 of a mask or ceremonial helmet4 ,the ,katcinas are divided into two groups1 the complete and the abbreviated2 the former is constant year by year1 the latter varying4 ,altars are present in the complete1 absent in abbreviated presentations4 ,a cloud-charm altar or invocation to the six world-quarter deities is sometimes made4 ,public announcements are not prescribed4 ,the ,tcukwympkiya or clowns are generally present4 ,abbreviated ,katcinas consist mainly of public dances in which ,katcinas1 ,katcinamanas1 and clowns take part4 ,the phos or prayer offerings are few in number4 ,ceremony ends with a feast2 generally no altars4 ,tponi#cg is not brought out in public4 ,it is possible that the fox-skin so universally worn by the animistic personifications called ,katcinas hanging from the belt behind1 is a survival comparable with the skin of the animal in which formerly1 as in ,nahuatl ceremonials1 the whole body was clothed4 ,in the case of ,natcka1 for instance1 a skin is still worn over the shoulders4 ,conservatism in dress is tenaciously adhered to in religious paraphernalia among all peoples4 ,roughly speaking we may say that the ,katcina celebrations are characterized by the presence of the ,tcukwympkiyas 7,tatckti1 ,tcckt1 ,paikyam or clowns71 which do not appear in the unmasked or nine days' ceremonials4 ,the epoch in which they remain among the ,hopi is therefore approximately that from the winter to the summer solstices2 that in which they are absent1 from the summer to the winter solstices4#ch ,i classify the ,katcina celebrations into two large groups1 which may be called the elaborate and the abbreviated1 and have considered them in the following pages4 ,,elaborate ,,katcinas ,under the head of elaborate ,katcinas#ci may be included3 ,soylua4 ,katcina's return4#dj ,powm1 ,pllkoti4 ,nimnkacma4 ,,soy,,lu,a ,the celebration in the ,december moon has not as yet been described1#da but a large body of material relating thereto is in my hands4 ,in order to give a general idea of its character a brief outline of a characteristic portion of it is inserted in this place4 ,soylua is distinctly a warriors' observance1 and has been called the ,return ,katcina4 ,in one sense it may be so designated1 but more strictly it is the return of the ,war god1 regarded as a leader of the gods1 and in that recalls the ,nahuatl ,teotleco1 as elsewhere pointed out4 ,the singing of the night songs of the warriors is one of the most effective archaic episodes of the ceremonial of the winter solstice4 ,in the following account a description of a few events in the celebration of #ahia is introduced3 ,on the #bb;d of ,december of that year most of the men of the villages prepared cotton strings1 to the end of which they tied feathers and pion needles4 ,these were given away during the day to different persons1 some receiving from one to two dozen1 which they tied in their hair4 ,when a maker of these feathered strings presented one to a friend1 he said1 as translated1 8,tomorrow all the ,katcinas to you grant your wishes10 holding his bundle vertically and moving it with a horizontal motion4 ,at nightfall each man procured a willow wand from #c to #d feet long and looped upon it all the strings which he had received4 ,he then carried his stick to the ,mkiva and placed it in the rafters1 thus imparting to the ceiling the appearance of a bower of feathers and pion needles4 ,all the kivas were meeting places of the participants1 but the ,ttaukyam met at the ,mkiva1 where the principal festivities took place4 ,their chief wore a head-dress decorated with symbols of rain-clouds 7plate ,,cviii71 and carried a shield upon which was depicted the sun 7plate ,,civ74 ,the chief of a second society carried a shield upon which was drawn a star 7plate ,,civ71 and a third chief bore a shield with an antelope drawn upon it4 ,the head-dress of the chief of the ,awympkiya was adorned with glistening triplex horns1 and on his shield was represented an unknown ,katcina 7plate ,,civ74 ,the fifth society was ,kwkwant1 or warrior1 whose chief carried in his hand an effigy of the great snake 7,pllkoh7 which was carved from the woody stalk of the agave 7kwan71 from which the society was named4 ,he came from the ,tcivato-kiva and on his shield was depicted a ,kwkwant in full costume4 ,the sixth society was the ,tatckti or 8knobbed heads20 their shield-bearer wore a head-dress like a coronet1 while on his shield was drawn a black figure with lozenge-shape eyes4 ,the shield of the chief of the seventh society was adorned with a picture of the ,twamowi or sun chief4 ,after the societies had entered the kiva an invocation to the cardinal points was chanted1 and the shield-bearers1 in turn1 standing over the spap1 stamped on it4 ,at a signal the society arranged itself into two irregular groups1 one on the north1 the other on the south side of the main floor4 ,all then vehemently burst forth into a song1 the shield-bearer making eccentric dashes among his associates1 first to one side and then to the other4 ,while the song lasted the shield-bearer continued these short1 swift rushes1 and the assembled groups crouched down and met his dashes by rising and driving him back to the spap4 ,he madly oscillated from right to left1 that is1 from the north to the south side of the room1 and swung his shield in rhythm1 while those near him beat their feet in time4 ,the shield was dashed from face to face1 and the groups made many motions as if to seize it1 but no one did more than to touch it with outstretched hands4 ,the movements on both sides were highly suggestive of attack and defense4 ,at #h p4 m4 about one dozen men were collected in the ,mkiva1 among whom was ,lsma playing a flageolet4 ,the hatchway was guarded by a tyler1 and for a ntci there was placed there a wicker skullcap ornamented with a pair of imitation mountain-sheep horns 7plate ,,cx71 ,two hours later the room was densely packed with naked men1 their bodies undecorated1 wearing small eagle plumes attached to the crown of the head4 ,two women were present4 ,anawta1 chief of the ,kwkwant1 sat alone on the southern side of the main floor which was clear in the middle1 and twelve chiefs1 among them ,cmo1 ,spela1 and ,tcubma1 sat opposite him4 ,ten novices from the other kivas entered gorgeously arrayed in white kilts1 brilliant crowns of feathers1 white body decorations1 bearing an imitation squash blossom1 with spruce sprigs in their left hands and corn in their right hands4 ,as the chiefs took their places ,lsma sprinkled the floor of the room near the ladder with moist valley sand1 about an inch deep4 ,the novices stepped from the ladder upon this sand and passed up in front of the chiefs1 then squatted before them facing the south1 their kilts having been lifted so that they sat on the cold floor4 ,anawta then crossed over to the south side of the room and seated himself at the east end of the line of chiefs4 ,at the west wall of the kiva a strange altar had been erected4 ,lsma had piled against the ledge of this part of the kiva a stack of corn1 two or more ears of which had been contributed by the maternal head of each family in the pueblo4 ,at either side and in front of the stack of corn shrubbery had been placed4 ,in the space between the top of the corn pile and the roof wands were placed1 and to these wands had been fastened many artificial flowers1 #d or #e inches in diameter1 set close together but in no regular lines4 ,there were over #bjj of these flowers of different colors1 dark-red and white predominating4 ,nearly in the center of this artificial shrubbery there was a large gourd shell with the convex side turned toward the audience and having an aperture about #h inches in diameter in its center4 ,through this opening had been thrust the head of an effigy#db of ,pllkoh1 the plumed-head snake1 painted black1 with a tongue-like appendage protruding from the mouth4 ,when all the assembled priests were seated a moment of solemn stillness ensued1 after which ,spela arose1 cast a handful of meal toward the effigy of the snake1 and said a short prayer in a reverent tone4#dc ,then the head of the snake1 which was manipulated by an unseen person behind the altar1 was observed to rise slowly to the center of the aperture1 and a mellow sounding roar like a blast through a conch appeared to come from the mouth1 while the whole head was made to quiver and wave4 ,the sound was of short duration1 repeated four times1 and then the head reposed again on the lower rim of the ground shell4 ,presently was heard a sound as of a scapula drawn across a notched stick six times4 ,all the old chiefs in succession cast meal to the effigy and prayed1 and in response to each the great snake emitted sounds identical with those mentioned above4 ,the spectators then left the kiva1 and a frenzied dance of strange character occurred4 ,the societies from other kivas came in1 and the chief of each declaimed in a half-chanting voice which rose to a shriek at the close of a stanza4 ,first1 he drew back to the fireplace1 and then with a shuffling gait approached the symbolic opening in the floor called the spap4 ,anawta then shouted at the top of his voice1 and the shuffler sprang in the air and vaulted over the spap4 ,then everybody in the room shouted loudly and a song in concert followed4 ,a moment later the visiting societies dashed down the ladder1 each bearing a splendid shield ornamented with the figure of the sun and a rim of radiating eagle feathers4 ,each society had its distinctive sun shield1 which on entering was handed to the chief4 ,as he received it he stamped on the spap and a fierce song was sung4 ,meanwhile two members of the society stood apart from their fellows against the southern wall facing each other1 each holding a squash flower emblem in a bouquet of spruce twigs and an ear of corn in his left hand4 ,suddenly the fifteen or twenty members of the society drew back from their chief1 who then sprang upon the spap plank1 and quickly turning faced them as all burst forth in an ecstatic shouting1 with wild flinging of their arms as they approached the shield-bearers4 ,they naturally formed two clusters1 and as the shield-bearer dashed his shield in their faces they surged back1 to leap again toward him4 ,this seeming assault1 wild though it appeared1 was maintained in time with the song4 ,the two chieftains joined their men1 all in ecstatic frenzy1 and one of them1 shaking his shield1 sprang from right to left1 drawing back his assistants in rhythm with the beating of the feet of all on the floor4 ,after a few moments of most exhaustive movements some of the weaker staggered up the ladder1 and shortly after one of the chiefs fell fainting to the floor1 overcome by exhaustion and the intense heat of the room4 ,one splendid athlete danced with vigor for fully five minutes1 and then swept toward the ladder where the assistant was standing in readiness to receive his shield4 ,another stride and he reached the foot of the ladder and suddenly became as rigid as a corpse4 ,the men who belonged to the ,mkiva took no part in this exhaustive dance but stood in readiness to carry those who fainted up the ladder to the cool air outside4 ,it has been suggested that this assault of the men on the bearer of the sun shield dramatizes the attack of hostile powers on the sun1 and that the object is to offset malign influences or to draw back the sun from a disappearance suggested by its southern declination4#dd ,in this possible interpretation it is well to consider that immediately preceding it the archaic offerings and prayers to the great snake were made1 as described1 in the presence of spectators4 ,the idea of hostility of the great snake to the sun is an aboriginal ,american conception4 ,in the ,maya ,codex ,cortesianus 7#cc;b7 the plumed snake is represented#de as swallowing the sun as in an eclipse4 ,if ,soylua is a propitiatory ceremony to prevent the destruction or disappearance of the sun in winter or to offset the attacks of hostile malevolent deities upon him1 we can see a possible explanation of the attacks and defenses of the sun as here dramatized4#df ,the evil influences of the great snake are met by the prayers to his effigy2 the attacks of other less powerful deities are dramatized in the manner indicated4 ,the following contains a few suggestions in regard to the character of the dramatization in the ,december celebration4 ,in the prayers to the ,plumed ,snake his hostility was quieted1 and the chiefs did what they could to propitiate that powerful deity1 who was the great cause of their apprehension that the beneficent sun 7,twa7 would be overcome4 ,then followed the dramatization of the conflict of opposing powers1 possibly representing other deities hostile to our beneficent father1 the sun4 ,although the struggle involved1 so far as the participants were concerned1 their highest powers of endurance and bodily suffering1 the sun-shield or symbol of ,twa had the good fortune to resist the many assaults made upon it4 ,the introduction of dramatization as an explanation of the warrior celebration is theoretic1 therefore not insisted upon1 and is at least plausible until a better interpretation is suggested4 ,it has in its support the evidence drawn from a comparative study of ceremonials4 ,in the light of this theory the return and departure of the ,katcina has a new significance1 and may be regarded as a modified sun myth4 ,at the winter solstice the sun and his attendant deities have reached their most distant point1 and turned to come back to the pueblos4 ,in the mid-summer the solar deity approached them2 he was near them1 and in appreciation of this fact1 which means blessings1 the poor ,hopi made his offering2#dg danced the ,snake dance1 asking the snake to bring the rain1 believing he was no longer hostile or at enmity with the sun4 ,but the withdrawal of the gods 7,farewell ,katcinas7 could not be delayed by these rites1 and the sun each day drew farther from them4 ,the ,katcinas 7gods7 departed2 the bright1 beneficent summer gave place to cold1 dreary winter2 life was replaced by death4 ,in this most critical epoch the warriors1 the most potent human powers of the pueblo1 performed their ceremony to bring back the beneficent god and his train4 ,the ,nahuatl priest called a similar ceremony 8,teotleco10 the god comes--8,the dead god is reborn10 says ,duran4 ,the gods 7,katcinas7 come1 say the ,hopi 7,soylua1 all assemblage2 derived from co1 all2 yuya1 assemblage74 ,the ,nahuatl priest sprinkled meal on the floor of the teocalli1 and when he saw in the meal the footprint of the ,war god1 the leader of the divinities1 he announced the fact4 ,the ,hopi priest still continues to sprinkle sand on the kiva floor during the ceremony4 ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,cvi ,,haha,w,,qti1 ,,nat,,cka1 ,,and ,,soy,,kmana ,,katcina',s ,,return ,the first celebration of the ,katcinas in the spring1 several months after their departure1#dh took place in that division of the year called the ,pamyaw1and is known as ,mohti ,katcnumyya1 or 8,first ,katcina assembly40 ,i have called it the ,return ,katcina4 ,it follows directly after the winter pho making of the ,snake-,antelope or ,flute societies1 which varies in character according to whether the ,snake or the ,flute society gives the presentation that year4 ,in #ahic it followed the ,snake pho making1 and in #ahid that of the ,flute4 ,it may be called a composite1 abbreviated assembly of ,katcinas4 ,during the day ,katcina masks were renovated in the kivas of the mesa1 and there were visitations at all the kivas by the personators in the coming celebration4 ,women and children crowded the spectators' quarters of these rooms1 and the performances lasted from #aj oclock in the evening until #b oclock of the following morning4 ,previously to the exhibition in the kivas1 men personating different ,katcinas visited the following points to make hmoya or meal offerings and to say appropriate prayers3 ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- ,kiva ,katcina ,points from ,prayers directed1 which prayers or meal thrown are made toward-- ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- ,mo ,ktca ank#di ,s4 ,w4 ,walpi ,nvtikyaubi ,wikwaliobi ,coyhim momoyamu do4 do4 ,nacab ,tcatca kwana do4 do4 ,al ,popkotu ,n4 ,e4 ,walpi ,kicyuba ,tcivato ,mcazru do4 ,puvtcomo ,hiki ,heha ,kwinyptcomo ,avtchoya mana ,n4 ,e4 ,sitcomovi do4 ,mnete ,tacb ,n4 ,e4 ,hano do4 ,pendte ,hums ---------------------------------------- --------------------------- ,on the #bdth of this month 7,pa71 as after the ,snake ceremonials1#ej the ,nitiwa1 or struggles of the maids with the men for bowls1 etc41 took place1 except that in this instance it was a struggle with a ,katcina and not1 as in the ,snake observance1 between girls and young men4 ,from the foregoing table we learn that in the ,return ,katcina for #ahid the following#ea were personified3 #a4 ,ktca 7white7 aa4 #b4 ,coyhim4 #c4 ,tcakwana4 #d4 ,ppkotu4 #e4 ,mucazru4 #f4 ,hiki4 #g4 ,heha4 #h4 ,avtchoya4 #i4 ,tacb4 #aj4 ,hums4 ,the accompanying clowns were the ,tatckti or knob-head priests4 ,it is an interesting fact that in the celebration of the departure of the ,katcinas the clowns took no part1 but these priests were important additions to the ,soclako4 ,the celebration of the ,return ,katcina1 which occurs in the winter ,pa moon1 is accompanied by elaborate rites performed by either the ,snake-,antelope or the ,flute fraternity1 the society observing it being that which will give its celebration in the summer ,pa moon of the same year4 ,a description of these rites naturally falls in an account of the group of unmasked dances4 ,they extend over several days and appear to be wholly distinct from the celebration of the ,return ,katcina4 ,while these are being performed in the 8upper world10 the complemental ,flute or ,snake observances are supposed to be taking place in the 8under world10 where the summer ,pa moon then reigns4 ,precisely the same relationship is thought to exist between the two as that between the seasons of the north and south temperate zones4 ,,pow,m ,this ceremony is one of the most elaborate in which the ,katcinas appear1 and for want of a better name may be designated a renovation#eb or purification observance4 ,in the year #ahic it took place near the close of ,january and continued for nine days1 and in a previous#ec article ,i have mentioned and figured the most striking personages1 the monsters or ,natckas1 who appear in its presentation 7plates ,,cv1 ,,cvi1 ,,cxi74 ,there are1 however1 certain other personages new to students of ,tusayan ceremonials who are introduced1 and ,i have therefore thought it well to describe the presentation in extenso4 ,the details of this ceremony in #ahic were as follows3#ed ,january #bj--;,early this morning ,hoyi went to all the kivas and formally announced that the ceremony was soon to begin4 ,there was no public announcement1 as no ,katcina celebration is made known in this way1 and the ,katcinas must not be spoken of in public4 ntiwa and ,pauwatwa began making phos in the ,mkiva without preliminary ceremony at about #i a4 m41 and fifteen other priests removed the masks and redecorated them1 after having scraped off the old paint remaining from other ceremonials4 ,all the masks were finished about #g p4 m41 after which ,suoitiwa and the other elders brought fox-skins and other paraphernalia into the kiva1 where ,kwtcakwa1 ,kpeli1 ,tcbi1 ,kkapti1 and four or five other men began to decorate their bodies with pigment1 using a pale-red iron oxide 7cta7 on their legs1 knees1 and waists4 ,they daubed the whole upper leg above the knee with a white pigment1 and drew two lines across the shins1 the fore and upper arms1 and on each side of the chest and abdomen4 ,the entrance into the katcnaki1 or paraphernalia closet1 was open while this took place4 ,the masks were all ornamented with large clusters of feathers4 ,they were tied to the head with a loose loop across the top which slipped over the crown where the plumage rested1 and there were strings at the sides of the mask by which they were attached4 ,the body was ornamented with ribbons1 red flannel1 and other articles of white man's make1 which are innovations4 ,kwtcakwa1 who later personated a ,tcukwympkiya1 drew a broad band of white clay across his shins1 thighs1 arms1 and body4 ,a great wisp of cornhusks was tied in his hair1 which was all brought forward and coiled over the forehead4 ,the others donned their kilts1 necklaces1 turquoise eardrops1 and moccasins4 ,each one wore a fox-skin hanging tail downward at the loins1 and on the left leg below the knee a string of bells1 while the majority had garters of blue yarn4 ,their hair1 which was first bound in long cues1 wrapped high with strings1 was later loosened1 hanging in a fine fluffy mass4 ,sakwstiwa1 who was the pcctoi or drummer1 wore pantaloons held up by a belt of silver disks1 and a grotesque mask4 ,all left the kiva immediately after their disguises were completed and assembled in the ,mkiva court4 ntiwa hurriedly but thoroughly swept the floor of the chamber1 during which time a number of women and children came down the ladder1 filling the spectators' part of the room4 ,the assembled group of ,katcinas prayed and then went out1 but about fifteen minutes later returned to the kiva entrance and shook their rattles at the hatchway4 8,yuya ai10 8come1 assemble10 said the old men1 and the women invited them to come down1 which they did4 ,kwtcakwa1 who personated the ,nvkkatcina1 entered1 followed by ten others4 ,they assembled in a semicircle1 each with a rattle in the right hand and a spruce bough in the left1 ntiwa sprinkled with meal all who came1 after which they performed a dance1 in which1 however1 their leader did not join4 ,before they finished a band of ten men1 disguised as ,paiutes1 carrying bows and arrows1 rabbits1 and small game which they wished to trade1 came to the hatchway4 ,they had a drummer with a ,paiute drum1 made of a bundle of skins wrapped in an oblong package1 on which he beat with a stick held in both hands4 ,the persons performed a dance1 which they accompanied with a song4 ,they likewise talked1 cracked jokes1 and presented the rabbits to the assembled women4 ,after them there came others from the ,nacabkiva1 each with a crook in the left hand and a rattle in the right4 ,these wore grotesque masks1 one representing an old woman with a long crooked staff in her hand4 ,their bodies were whitened and they wore saddle-mat kilts around their loins and tortoise rattles on the right leg4 ,they sang a very spirited song1 shaking their rattles as they advanced4 ,these were six in number and were called the ,powmkatcinas4 ,directly after them there came a band of ,tatckti1 who sang and danced on the roof of the kiva4 ,the old men within repeatedly invited them to enter the room1 and a dialogue of some length ensued4 ,their leader carried a large basket tray in which were four cones made of wood and each mud-head had in his hand a wooden rod and an eagle leather4 ,the leader placed the cones in the middle of the floor in a pile1 one above the other1 near the fireplace4 ,the others danced around the pile1 roaring a song with much dramatic action1 and heaped up ears of corn in the tray4 ,they then brought a young married woman from those assembled to the middle of the floor1 where she knelt and tried without success to lift the cones as high as the staff which the leader held beside them4 ,four or five other women tried in turn1 and all failed4 ,the mud-heads then divided the cones into two piles and one of the women lifted them the required height4 ,all the ,tatckti#ee then fell down on the floor and kicked their heels in the air1 while certain of them stood on their heads for a minute or two4 ,the woman who was successful in lifting the cones received the contents of the tray4 ,the ,tatckti then left the room and the ,katcinas returned and unmasked1 indicating that this part of the ceremony was over4 ,january #ba--;,during last night there were ceremonials which were not seen in the ,mkiva1 in which it was said the ,ahlkatcina made parallel marks in meal on the four sides of the kiva and upon the ceiling and floor as in the ,mamzrati and other ceremonials4 ,a basin with sprouting beans1 which had been planted at the full of the ,pamiya or ,pa moon 7,january #b7 and which were about a foot high1 was brought from one of the houses opposite the ,tcvatokiva4 ,the beans1 which were growing in a basin1 were plucked from the sand1 tied into a separate bundle1 and given to ,ahlkatcina4 ,a large squirrel-skin was filled with meal and given to him1 and he was handed also a wooden staff 7mkohu74 ,the large discoidal mask characteristic of this personage had a pouch-like attachment of buckskin which was pulled over the head1 upon which was a large cluster of feathers4 ,a white kilt was worn as a cape and the skin of a gray fox hung from the girdle at his loins4 ,at daylight ,ahlktacina and ntiwa returned1 passing the gap 7,wala7 and halting at the pahki 7shrine#ef7 to deposit certain nakwkwocis and phos4 ,just as the sun rose the two visited a kiva in ,hano4 ,stooping down in front of it1 ,ahl drew a vertical mark with meal on the inside of the front of the hatchway1 on the side of the entrance opposite the ladder4 ,he turned to the sun and made six silent inclinations1 after which1 standing erect1 he bent his head backward and began a low rumbling growl1 and as he bent1 his head forward1 raised his voice to a high falsetto4 ,the sound he emitted was one long expiration1 and continued as long as he had breath4 ,this act he repeated four times and1 turning toward the hatchway1 made four silent inclinations1 emitting the same four characteristic expiratory calls4 ,the first two of these calls began with a low growl1 the other two were in the same high falsetto from beginning to end4 ,the kiva chief and two or three other principal members1 each carrying a handful of meal1 then advanced1 bearing short nakwkwoci hotomni1 which they placed in his left hand while they muttered low1 reverent prayers4 ,they received in return a few stems of the corn and bean plants which ,ahl carried4 ,ahl and ntiwa next proceeded to the house of ,tetapobi1#eg who is the only representative of the ,bear clan in ,hano4 ,here at the right-hand side of the door ,ahl pressed his hand full of meal against the wall at about the height of his chest and moved his hand upward4#eh ,he then1 as at the kiva1 turned around and faced the sun1 holding his staff vertically at arm's length with one end on the ground1 and made six silent inclinations and four calls4 ,turning then to the doorway he made four inclinations and four calls4 ,he then went to the house of ,nampyo's mother1 where the same ceremony was performed1 and so on to the houses of each man or woman of the pueblo who owns a tponi or other principal wmi 7fetich74 ,he repeated the same ceremony in houses in ,sitcomovi and in ,walpi1 where ntiwa left him4 ,ahl entered this pueblo by the north street and passed through the passageway to the ,mkiva4 ,he proceeded to the houses of ,kwumawumsi1 ,nasywewe1 ,samiwiki1 and to all the kivas and the houses of all the leading chiefs4 ,after visiting all the kivas and appropriate houses mentioned above1 ,ahl went to ,kowawainovi 7the ledge under ,talatryuku7 and deposited in the pahki all the offerings that he had received1 after which he returned to the ,mkiva1 divested himself of his ceremonial disguises1 and went home4 ,at #b p4 m4 the ,nvk 7snow7 ,katcinas came from the ,nacabki1 led by ,soyko4 ,they were nine in number and were accompanied by a drummer4 ,all wore bright plumage on their heads and their masks were painted green and white1 but that of the drummer was pink4 ,they were adorned with many necklaces1 and wore white kilts and gray fox-skins4 ,yellow stripes were painted on the shoulders1 the forearm1 on each breast and the abdomen1 and the bodies of all were stained red4 ,after singing and dancing for about five minutes1 nine clowns 7,tatckti7 came from the lkiva and danced madly around the court1 at first independently1 but finally keeping step with the ,katcinas4 ,they joined in line one behind the other1 each grasping the uplifted leg of the man in front of him1 and then tumbled pell-mell over one another1 shouting and laughing as they did so4#ei ,at #b4bj a personification of ,tcavayo1 arrayed in a conical black mask with globular eyes and great teeth1 entered the kiva4 ,he carried a bow and arrows in his left hand and a saw in his right4 ,his forearms and legs were painted black with white spots4 ,this monster dispersed the clowns1 during which many ,zui words were uttered4 ,at #b4ej the ,katcinas again returned and repeated their former dance in the same way as described4 ,the antics of the ,tatckti continued1 and the ,katcinas appeared again at #d4bj p4 m42 then later at #e1 when they all departed1 not to return4 ,when the ,katcinas retired to ,wikytiwa's house at #d oclock the clowns went down into the lkiva and returned in their characteristic procession1 the drummer in front1 the other eight in two lines of four persons4 ,each carried on his back a large bundle composed of a fine blanket1 cotton cloth1 yarn1 and all kinds of textile articles of value4 ,one also had the four cones which they had used the night before and a tray of shelled corn of all colors1 mixed with various kinds of seeds4 ,they laid the tray in the center of the court and spread a blanket beside it1 on which they placed all their bundles4 ,one of their number then piled the cones1 one on top of another1 and while he was doing this the drummer rapidly beat his drum1 while the others shook their rattles and sung vigorously4 ,when the cones had been set up one of the men sought out a girl and brought her to them and told her if she would take hold of the lowest cone with both hands1 raise the pile1 and set it back in place without letting any of the cones fall she should have all the wealth piled on the blanket4 ,but the least jar tumbled the cones down1 and each one of the half dozen or more girls to whom they made the same offer failed in turn4 ,then they invited the youths to try1 and several essayed1 but none were able to perform the feat4 ,so the prize1 doubtless designedly1 was left in the original owner's hands4 ,they then brought a blanket full of hoyiani and placed the cones in two piles1 but even then none of the girls succeeded in carrying it4 ,no one was allowed a second trial4 ,finally one youth1 ,macakwptiwa1 carried them around safely and won the prize4 ,he was closely followed around the pillar by the ,tatckti shaking their rattles1 singing and crying1 8,don't fall1 don't fall10 and when he laid them safely down in their original place all the ,tatckti fell down as if dead4 ntiwa then ran and obtained ashes from a cooking pit and placed them on a private part of their bodies4 ,then all the clowns got up and danced around with their usual pranks4 ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,cvii4 ,a4 ,,hoen ,,co4 ,,lith4 ,,doll ,,of ,c,,lako ,,mana4 ,a tray full of corn and other seeds which was set beside the cones was obtained by the ,tatckti from ,nakwayumsi1 the chief priestess of the ,katcina clan4 ,at the close of the ceremony ntiwa distributed these seeds in small handfuls to all the women spectators1 to be planted the coming season4 ,it was not learned that these seeds were consecrated by the priestess1 but they were part of those planted in the kivas on the night of the #bast4 ,january #bb--,the younger men brought sand from a mound#fj and threw it down in a pile at the east of the kiva1 and each man1 as he came into the room with his basin1 box1 or other receptacle1 filled it with this sand4 ,he then thickly sprinkled the surface of the sand with seeds of every kind4 ,some had several vessels which they thus planted1 and the old wife of ,soyko gave her grandson a bag of large white beans to plant for her4#fa ,the basins were well watered1 a hot fire was kept in the kiva1 and the hatch or entrance was entirely covered with a straw mat to retain the heat in the chamber1 making it a veritable hothouse4 ,january #bd--,no ceremonies occurred today1 but constant fires were maintained in the kivas1 from the heat of which the beans soon sprouted4 ,it was understood that children must not be told that beans were growing in the kivas nor be allowed to look into the room4 ,january #be--,the ,tatckti went out from the lkiva this morning for wood1 making their way northward1 past ,wala and along the mesa to the cedar grove4 ,they returned at evening1 but left the wood they had gathered at the gap4#fb ,there was no singing nor dancing in the kivas during the night4 ,january #bf--;,during the morning the ,tatckti went to ,wala to bring in the wood they had collected yesterday4 ,before their departure they covered their bodies with pinkish clay1 put on an old kilt 7kwca71#fc blue leggings1 and masks with knobs4 ,each carried an eagle-tail feather in the left and a small gourd in the right hand4 ,they returned along the trail1 marching in single file1 with the loads of wood on their backs1 stamping their feet as they came4 ,they likewise shook their rattles and occasionally turned and walked backward4 ,they first assembled around each of the kiva hatchways in ,hano1 singing and chaffing one another1 and were sprinkled with meal by the kiva chiefs4 ,proceeding onward to ,sitcomovi1 they went to the entrances of the kivas of this pueblo and were there sprinkled with meal by the chiefs as they sang their curious songs1 accompanying them with a stamping of the feet and a rotating movement of the body4 ,it was after #a oclock when they arrived at ,walpi1 for they halted a short time at the neck of the mesa to arrange their loads4 ,as they entered the pueblo they advanced along the south street singing as they went4 ,at the entrance to ,tcvatokiva they stopped and told ,pauwatwa a facetious story of their wood-gathering4 ,he sprinkled them with meal1 and they then went on to the dance court and set down their bundles1 all the time making a droll byplay4 ,they then separated into parties of two or three members and visited the houses of several women1 with whom they left one or more bundles of wood4 ,these women had previously prepared nakwkwocis1 which they gave to the clowns with a handful of meal4 ,after all the wood had been distributed1 with much rollicking fun1 several women gave them food1 and the small parties of ,tatckti resumed their songs and marched through the dance court1 where they all assembled4 ,one of them was a drummer1 who sat in the middle of the court1 and the others danced about him in a circle1 singing a ,zui song4 ,pauwatwa1 ntiwa1 ,tcsra1 and ,soyko sprinkled them with meal1 and the first-mentioned invited the women who had been given wood to approach1 which they did1 sprinkling the individual ,tatcktis with meal4 ,their masks were then harshly removed and thrust into a bag1 tied up in a bundle1 and carried to the house of ,wikytiwa4 ,most of the food which they had received was carried down into the lkiva1 which was the assemblage place of the ,tatckti in this ceremony4 ,in all the kivas the beans had sprouted and were now called hzr 7angular71 possibly so named from the angle formed by the cotyledons with the stem4 ,when they had grown somewhat higher they were called wuphazr 7great or long1 angular74 ,january #bh--,no ceremonials were observed on this day4 ,january #bi--,this was called the first ceremonial day of the ,powmuh4 ,about #aa oclock last night the ,natcka donned their masks in the lkiva1 and the man who took the part of ,hahawqti1 the mother of the ,natckas1 put on her disguise and took her long juniper bough4 ,hhawe went up the ladder1 standing on it with his shoulders just above the hatchway1 while the mother of the monsters stood at the foot of the same in the room4 ,assuming a hollow falsetto voice1 in which the mother of the ,natckas always speaks1 she announced that she was ready to visit the children4 ,hhawe shouted his replies to her in a voice audible through the pueblo that the children were all asleep and that she had better put off her visit to them until the morning4 ,a dialogue1 the real object of which was to announce to the children that the ,natckas had arrived1 was maintained for five minutes1 and ,hhawe then went down the ladder2 the ,natckas and ,hahawqti took off their masks and all laid down to sleep4 ,about #d4bj p4 m4 the ,tewa personification of ,hahawqti1 accompanied by one ,natcka1 came to ,walpi and went to ,kkyanwqti's and ,kele's houses1 giving to the little girls a few seeds and a snare of yucca shred4 ,they dressed the ,walpi ,hahawqti1 ,natckas1 and ,soykmana in the lkiva at #d4be p4 m4 ,hahawqti carried1 besides a whitened gourd ladle1 a basket 7pota7 containing two ears of corn1 and two boiled hoyani1 some squash seeds1 and a small bundle of sticks1 of which she gave one to each little girl1 who will later redeem it by presenting ,hahawqti with some htomni4 ,she gave each little boy1 who will also redeem it with some kinds of game1 a shred of yucca looped to a stick at the butt end 7a rude snare74 ,natcka and ,nam wore cloth shirts1 trousers and buckskin leggings1 and two buckskins hung as loose mantles over their shoulders4 ,the former carried a tortoise-shell rattle on his right leg1 and had a bow and arrows in his left hand and an arrow in the right4 ,soykmana had the hair smeared with white clay4 ,she wore a loose mantle and whistled as ,natcka hooted4 ,hahawqti wore a fox-skin around the neck4 ,the hands of all were whitened4 ,soykmana wore a hideous black mask and was dressed in dilapidated clothing4 ,she had a large knife in her left hand and a crook in her right 7plates ,,cv and ,,cvi74 ,the ,natcka helmets had turkey-tail feathers#fd closely radiating vertically at the crown1 and they wore a cloth shirt and trousers1 with belt with silver disks4 ,each had buckskin leggings and wore a fox-skin around the base of the mask2 two large buckskins hung as mantles over the right shoulder4 ,he carried a bow and arrows#fe in the left hand and with his right hand he received the food and placed it in the tozrki#ff slung over his right shoulder4 ,soykmana was personified by a lad of #ab years1 wearing a woman's blanket 7kwca7 and a buckskin mantle4 ,he had a nakwkwoci1 stained red1 tied to the scalp lock4 ,a similar group1 all costumed identically1 was prepared in each of the three villages4 ,the group of ,tewa personifications went to every house in that pueblo and then to the houses in other villages where men from ,hano have married4 ,the groups of the other towns go first to the houses of their own pueblo and then to the houses in the other villages where men have transferred themselves by marriage4 ,when the ,walpi group had finished their exercises at ,hano and ,sitcomovi they went back to ,walpi and proceeded along the front side of their pueblo to their own kiva1 where they disrobed about dark4 ,the object of the exhibition was to frighten children who exhibited fear of them1 but children #f years of age or thereabouts were somewhat familiar with them1 and while it was evident they held the monsters in considerable awe they tried to assume a bold front when receiving the seeds and snares4#fg ,at #h4cj a man personifying ,tmckatcina ran through ,walpi from the ,mkiva toward ,wala1 emitting hoots as he went4 ,a full half hour after1 about #i oclock1 a group of masked but uncostumed men wrapped in blankets went to the kiva hatches and uttered most ferocious groans for four or five minutes4 ,this was done in an informal manner1 but was said to be prescribed ceremonially4 ,january #cj--;,between #g and #h oclock ,wikokuitkatcina emerged from the lkiva1 passed around ,walpi to the east end of the pueblo1 and then down through the north lane1 past ntiwa's house1 under the passageways back to the lkiva4 ,his body was painted white and he wore a blanket tied with a girdle 7wukokwena71 a fox-skin dangling at his loins4 ,nothing was elicited in relation to this event4 ,between #h and #i oclock uncostumed groups of ,tatckti went to the entrances of the kivas and laid themselves prone upon the hatch1 their heads projecting over its edges4 ,several of them uttered their characteristic growls and pretended to snarl at and worry one another1 possibly imitating ferocious animals or monsters4 ,one of them carried on a dialogue with some one in the kiva4 ,at #i oclock ,tmac and two ,tuwpkatcina 7masked but uncostumed7 made the tour of the pueblos1 emitting peculiar hoots4 ,between #i and #aj oclock ,owana zrozrokatcina and ,wupmokatcina appeared separately1 each making a solitary tour of the village4 ,they were not masked1 but so wrapped in blankets that their masks were not visible4 ,at #aj oclock the ,hano clowns and ,natcka group came to ,walpi and performed the same ceremony as the ,walpi group1 which has been described4 ,there was informal singing in all the kivas4 ,january #ca--;,during this day the masks of ,hililikatcina and ,soykmana were painted4 ,after dark a masked man 7,katcina not known7 rushed through the pueblo1 and shortly after ,tmac and her two sons 7,tuwpkatcina71 unmasked1 ran through the pueblo hooting4 ,about #i oclock delegates from ,sitcomovi1 with a drum and rattles1 made the rounds of ,walpi and carried on a dialogue with the kiva chief4 ,at #aj oclock #ah ,tcakwanakatcinas came to the ,mkiva from ,hano4 ,they were naked1 save a breechcloth1 but their bodies and limbs were ornamented with white zigzag markings4 ,they wore fillets of a dozen or more yucca bands around the head1 and necklaces in profusion on their necks4 ,they passed in succession into the kivas1 dancing a few minutes in each1 and returned home shortly before midnight4 ,february #a--,several thus 7dolls7 were carved in the kivas1 to be distributed to the children as in the ,nimnkatcina4 ,tumac and her sons went around the pueblo about half past #g oclock1 as on former evenings4 ,in the ,tcivatokiva #ad men and a boy about #aj years of age1 with ,pauwatwa as chief1 whitened their faces1 bound a fillet around their foreheads1 and made curious crescentic marks on their cheeks4 ,they afterward danced and sang4 ,sitcomovi priests1 beginning at the ,mkiva1 made formal visits to each kiva in ,walpi4 ,there were #ab of these men and they were decorated like those of the ,tcivatokiva4 ,they sang ,sohmiskatcina songs1 but wore no masks4 ,they later visited the ,sitcomovi kivas4 ,the ,tcivatokiva people then put on their kilts1 tied on their turtle-shell rattles1 took their juniper staffs and gourd rattles1 and1 led by ,pauwatwa1 went to the lkiva1 and later to all the other kivas1 where they danced and sang ,pawik 7duck7 ,katcina songs4 ,pauwatwa sprinkled meal on the ,katcinas from ,sitcomovi before they began1 and the chiefs of the other kivas did the same to those who visited them before they opened their dance4 ,february #b--,this afternoon #h girls1 assisted by the men1 washed the walls of the ,mkiva with a thin mud made of valley sand4 ,the following girls took part in this work3 ,kaiynsi1 ,humisi1 ,humta1 ,lnho 7a woman71 ,lenaisi1 ,tuvwaisi1 ,hokwti1 and ,hnka4 ,the girls also made mud designs1 lightning symbols1 and hand-prints on the rafters of the room4 ,tuwpkatcina#fh 7personified by ,takla7 arrayed himself as follows3 ,he donned trousers made of cotton cloth and wrapped himself in a blanket1 under which he concealed all his paraphernalia4 ,he received two bunches of yucca with about twelve or fifteen leaves in each bunch1 and concealing them under his blanket hastened off to the northeastern end of the village4 ,there he arrayed himself1 and at #e p4 m4 he returned1 running back and hooting as he came1 until he halted at the court1 where he kept trotting up and down1 marking time4 ,he wore a mud-head helmet with a black band across the eyes1 and parrakeet feathers on the top of the head4 ,turkey-tail feathers were arranged radiating horizontally from the crown to the back of the head4 ,he wore also a cotton shirt and a kilt girded with a white belt 7wukkwena74 ,he had yellow clay on his legs and a tortoise-shell rattle below each knee4 ,his moccasins were painted black4 ,a whip or bunch of yucca with the butts in front was held in each hand4 ,the children who were flogged were brought to ,tuwup in the following way3 ,the mother1 sometimes accompanied by the father1 led the child to the court1 and if it were a boy the godfather took him in charge4 ,he gave the lad an ear of corn1 his tctcnunwa1 and a handful of prayer meal1 and led the frightened child close up to ,tuwup4 ,the godfather prompted the boy1 who cast his handful of meal on or toward ,tuwup4 ,the godfather also cast meal on the same personage and then divested the boy of all his clothing and presented the lad with his back toward ,tuwup1 who all this time had maintained his trotting motion but without advancing4 ,tuwup then plied one of his yucca wands vigorously1 giving the boy five or six forcible lashes on the back4 ,after this was over the godfather withdrew the screaming boy and tied a nakwkwoci to his scalplock4 ,the mother was standing by and hurriedly covered her son1 frightened with his punishment1 and led him home1 but the mother was careful to see that he carried his tctcnunwa in his hand4 ,if the child were a girl1 her godmother led her up to ,tuwup1 but her little gown was not taken off2 only the mantle was removed for the flogging4 ,notwithstanding this1 however1 the blows were delivered with enough force to cause considerable pain1 but her crying probably resulted as much from fright as from physical suffering4 ,the godmother led the little girl back to her home1 after having cast meal on ,tuwup1 and was very careful that the child carried her tctcnunwa4 ,there were five children of age varying from about eight to ten years who were thus flagellated4 ,after each boy was flogged the godfather cast meal toward ,tuwup and then held out his own bared arms and legs successively1 which ,tuwup lashed four or five times with all his might2 but no women were submitted to this flagellation4 ,several men who had some ailment also went up to ,tuwup1 and casting meal upon him received lashes on their bare arms and legs4 ,the man who personified ,tuwup exercised considerable discretion in performing his duty4 ,in the case of a little girl who showed more than ordinary fear1 he simply whirled his yucca whip over her head without touching her1 and then motioned her away2 but on the arms and legs of the adults he laid his whip without restraint4 ,when all had been flagellated1 ,pauwatwa came up from his kiva and gave ,tuwup a handful of meal and a nakwkwoci1 who then trotted off1 going outside the pueblo1 possibly to preserve the illusion among the children that he was a real ,katcina who had visited the pueblo from afar4 ,for four successive mornings the flagellated child was taken to a point on the mesa called ,talatiyuka and there deposited a nakwkwoci in a shrine and cast meal toward the sun4 ,during this time the child was not permitted to eat salt nor flesh1 but on the fourth day a little before sunset this abstinence ceased1 and the child might henceforth look upon ,katcinas and sacred objects in the kivas without harm4 ,the primary significance of the flogging seems to be that until children have acquired sufficient intelligence or are eight or ten years of age1 they are made to believe that the ,katcinas1 appearing at each dance1 are superhuman visitors1 and they are never permitted to see an unmasked ,katcina4 ,when they have matured enough or have sufficient understanding1 they are instructed that the real#fi ,katcinas have long since ceased their visits to mankind and are merely impersonated by men2 but they acquire that knowledge at the expense of a sound flogging1 such as ,i have just described4 ,at #aj oclock six ,tctckt 7clowns71 accompanied by ,pptuku1 who was dressed as an old woman and wore an old mask1 passed about the pueblo from one kiva to another4 ,these six persons entered the ,mkiva1 and ,pptuku1 after some urging1 followed them4 ,one of the ,tctckt was sent out1 and the other five in succession took a pinch of ashes in the left hand from the fireplace1 and poising it as if taking aim at something through the hatch struck off the ashes with the right hand4 ,a few minutes later four ,wuwyomokatcinas wearing characteristic masks appeared at the kiva hatch with turkey feathers radiating vertically around the upper part4 ,they carried mkohus#gj and an undressed skin pouch4 ,their leader1 ,silnktiwa1 was without costume1 and ,clako1 ,kwtcakwa1 and seven other unmasked persons followed4 ,their faces and bodies were whitened1 the hair hanging loose1 and limbs bare4 ,they wore plumes of gaudy feathers on their heads1 were arrayed in white kilts1 and held crooks in their hands4 ,a personage called ,etoto#ga preceded them1 and ,hahawqti1 continually talking1 followed4 ,the procession was closed by a warrior 7,kalktaka71#gb who carried a bundle of arrows in one hand and a bow and arrows in the other1 and frequently hooted4 ,the uncostumed chorus1 composed of about twelve persons1 accompanied by a drummer1 followed in a cluster4 ,when the leading ,wuwyomo came to the ,mkiva he threw down the hatchway a ball of moist meal1 which struck the middle of the floor4 ,after this announcement he was clamorously invited by those within the chamber to enter1 which he did1 followed by the others4 ,each ,wuwyomo bore a bundle of deer scapul1 which he clanked as a rattle1 and all were sprinkled with meal by ntiwa as they entered the kiva4 ,they afterward filed to the western side of the room where the plants were growing2 they sang for about five minutes1 all standing4 ,when ,etoto entered the chamber he made on the floor with meal four symbols of the rain cloud1 one in advance of the other1 and each of the ,clakos squatted on one of these symbols4 ,the chorus1 remaining outside1 continued their song for a few minutes1 while the ,wuwyomos were singing4 ,those who had last entered the kiva then passed out in the same order1 and as they did so were sprinkled with meal1 and each of the four ,wuwyomos was handed a nakwkwoci4 ,they then visited the other ,walpi kivas1 where no observations were made1 but the same ceremonials were probably repeated4 ,after this they went off to perform the same ceremonies in the kivas of other villages on the mesa4 ,at #aa oclock a group of #ab men and a boy from ,hano1 costumed but accompanied by an uncostumed fiddler1#gc visited all the kivas in succession4 ,their bodies were painted white and they had plumes in their hair1 but were unmasked4 ,each wore a fox skin depending from the loins1 was barefoot1 and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand and a sprig of spruce in the left hand4 ,their visits were expected1 but they personated no especial ,katcina and after their departure1 the men in the ,mkiva rehearsed a song4 ,february #c--,no ceremonial took place throughout the day4 ,the walls of the kivas were renovated by the girls with a wash of mud1 and every kiva on the mesa was replastered in this way during the festival4 ,february #d--,this day the manufacture of thus 7dolls7 went on in all the kivas1 and there was a continuation of the replastering and decoration of the walls of these chambers4 ,at #i oclock a dialogue similar to that above recorded on the #bith of ,january took place between ,hahawqti and the kiva chief4 ,the former wished to go among the children1 but was told that it was very dark and the children were asleep4 ,she was finally prevailed on to wait until the morrow4 ,at #aj p4 m4 #bj unmasked persons1#gd men and women with flowing hair1 from ,sitcomovi visited all the ,walpi kivas4 ,each of the male personators carried a narrow green tablet 7pavayikaci71#ge fringed with long red hair and decorated with a symbol of the sun painted in colors4 ,each had a gourd rattle1 and a stick about #b feet long1 to the end of which was attached half a gourd painted to represent a squash blossom1 was held in the right hand4 ,the #aj men personating women were not costumed4 ,the leader carried a large ,oraibi basket tray with a broad1 brightly colored handle4 ,in this was an effigy of a bird4 ,he set this tray on the floor near the fireplace1 and after the chief of the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female personator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace4 ,the man picked up the basket on the butt end of his stick and presented it to the woman1 who held it in both hands and danced a few moments1 while all the others sang4 ,she then laid the tray down and passed to the northern side of the chamber1 the man retiring to the southern side4 ,after the other couples had performed the same ceremony they left the kivas4 ,immediately after their departure #bh personators from ,hano entered4 ,these consisted of male and female deities1 the latter personated by men4 ,the former passed to the southern1 the latter to the northern side of the kiva4 ,each of the male personages wore a yucca fillet on his head and his legs were decorated with clay streaks2 he wore white kilts and girdles1 with dependent fox-skins4 ,they also had tortoise rattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand4 ,their costume was as follows3 ,they were without masks2 the hair was loose and an imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein4 ,the face was not colored1 but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed a mass of blue and green pigment4 ,on the left shoulder and over the breast they were painted with yellow1 and bright red streaks were drawn from the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the back4 ,the upper part of the right arm was colored yellow1 the left forearm green1 the upper part of the left arm green4 ,these colors were reversed on the right arm4 ,the right leg also was yellow and the left leg was green with two contrasting bands below the knee4 ,the hands1 waist1 and upper portion of the thighs were whitened4 ,they likewise wore white kilts tied with girdles 7wukokwna and nanelkwna74 ,a gray fox-skin depended from the loins4 ,each had a tortoise shell rattle on the right leg and on the left leg generally a garter to which small sleigh-bells were attached4 ,their moccasins were blue or green4 ,in his right hand each carried a blue or green painted rattle1 and in the left a sprig or small branch of spruce4 ,those personating females neither wore fox-skins nor held anything in the left hand4 ,the female personators carried in the left hand a bundle of straw held well up before the face4 ,after they had been sprinkled with meal they began to sing1 and the couple in the center on the west side joined hands1 holding them above the head--the female with the palm turned up1 the male with the palm down and fingers imbricated4 ,they advanced close to the fireplace and then returned to their respective places4 ,the personators executed this figure four times in sequence and then went out4 ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,cviii4 ,a4 ,,hoen ,,co4 ,,lith4 ,,katcina ,,mask ,,with ,,squash ,,blossom ,,appendage ,,and ,,rain ,,cloud ,,symbolism4 ,immediately after this presentation the delegation from the ,mkiva1 led by a masked person1 entered4 ,the bodily decorations of these were not uniform2 one had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast1 another zigzag lines1 and still another parallel bars4 ,the males carried a gourd rattle in the right hand2 they wore no fillets on the head but allowed the hair to hang loosely4 ,the female personators held a bunch of straw#gf and a sprig of spruce in the left hand1 carrying it high up before the face4 ,they sang the same song and executed the same figure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by the men from the village of ,hano4 ,the groups finished their visits at about midday4 ,february #e--;,at earliest dawn 7#e a4 m47 either the chief or one of his elders roused all the sleepers in the kiva1 and each spread his blanket beside his basin of growing plants4 ,he then carefully plucked the plants1 one by one1 so as not to bruise either stalk or roots4 ,he laid them on the blanket in an orderly pile1 the leaves together4 ,the sand which remained in the basin was carried to some place where children would not see it1 and the vessels were dried before the kiva fire and hidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the young ones4 ,nearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of spruce 7symbol of a ,katcina71 in neat bundles1 leaving loose bights of the yucca by which to hold them4 ,each priest also tied up the dolls which he had made4 ,all traces of the soil in which the corn had been forced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn4 ,the presents 7dolls7 which were made in the ,tcivatoki were then distributed by a man personifying ,pawkkatcina1 under the instruction of those who had fashioned them4 ,the distributing ,katcinas of the ,nacabki were two ,nvktcinas1#gg and the same did this duty with the dolls in the ,mkiva4 ,for the lkiva two ,tcoshhwh performed this duty4 ,these ,katcinas and two persons called ,kawaka 7,keres7 from ,sitcomovi bustled about the pueblo on their errands and the distribution was finished about sunrise4 ,the men did not speak when they approached a house with their gifts1 but hooted after the customary manner of ,katcinas4 ,almost half an hour before sunrise the ,soykmana passed around the kivas1 holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside4 ,she wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth1 and was costumed as an old woman4 ,in the right hand she bore a crook #g feet long1 at the end of which were tied many shells4 ,in the left hand she carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood4 ,hhwh also held a dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and squashes to various persons4 ,at #aa4cj a4 m4 ,soykmana1 ,hahawqti1 and the ,natckas 7plate ,,cvi7 made a visit to all the houses4 ,they were followed by two ,hehakatcinas#gh with bags and pouches of food recently received1 and after them followed three black and two white ,natckas4 ,these five went together and were constantly in motion1 moving or beating time with their feet4 ,the strange company went to each house demanding food1 and when it was refused or poor quality offered the ,natckas uttered a hoot like an owl1 and at the same time ,soykmana whistled4 ,they refused to leave a house until proper food had been given them1 and if a child who had not been ceremonially flogged appeared with the mother its eyes were shaded by the mother's hand while she presented food to the ,natckas4 ,between #ab and #a oclock ntiwa1 assisted by ,hoyi and ,letaiyo1 finished making twelve sets of ckwa 7blue7 phos1 most of which were composed of two sticks of uniform diameter1 and only one set showed the flat face characteristic of the female4 ,they likewise made twelve nakwkwoci hotomni1 consisting of a twig about #b feet long from which four nakwkwocis depended at intervals1 and twelve simple feathered strings4 ,when these were finished ntiwa placed them in a tray of meal beside the spap and brought from the paraphernalia closet of the kiva six ears of corn of different colors1 his tponi1 two nkwipis and as many aspergills1 two or more rattles1 and other bundles containing the remaining paraphernalia of the cloud-charm altar4 ,at #a4cj p4 m4 he placed a small hillock of sand back of the spap and deposited his tponi upright upon it2 he then made the cloud-charm altar1#gi arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal in a sinistral circuit1 placing two crystals upon each ear of corn except that corresponding to the nadir4 ,the aspergills 7makwmpis7 also were laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic of the nadir4 ,the sequence of ceremonials which then took place about this altar was as follows3 #a4 ,ceremonial smoke4 #b4 ,prayers4 #c4 ,liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or nkwipi4 #d4 ,songs4 ,synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs3 7a7 ,meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid4 7b7 ,whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone1 and asperging to the cardinal points with the same1 six times in all4 7c7 ,meal cast into liquid1 on tray of phos and over the tponi in ceremonial circuit4 7d7 ,pollen cast on the same objects in sequence4 #e4 ,prayers4 #f4 ,ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes4 ,at the close of this observance ,hahawqti and the ,natckas came to the kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued4 ,she demanded meat and other food1 and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant her wishes4 ,natcka hooted and ,soykmana whistled back1 and then the ,hehakatcinas threw down the end of their lariat1 and those in the kiva below hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it4 ntiwa then called two youths1 and without anointing them#hj gave them instructions where to deposit the offerings which had been consecrated on the cloud-charm altar4#ha ,one youth was told to deposit his at shrines in a circuit1 beginning with ,tawapa 7,sun spring71 and the other at ,kokyanba 7,spider spring7 and ,tuveskyabi4 ,two sets of offerings were left1 and these with ,katcinas were placed on the southwest point of the mesa4 ,this closed the ceremony1 for ntiwa then replaced the plug of the spap and tied up his tponi and other paraphernalia4 ,the ,natcka group went to the ,wikwaliobikiva1 and there ,syoko gave each of them and the ,hehakatcina a handful of meal and a nakwkwoci4 ,talhoya blew puffs of smoke over them4 ,they then marched around the houses to the ,nacabki1 along the plaza to ,tcivatoki1 and then to lkiva1 where they begged for meat and held comic dialogues with different chiefs4 ,at the last-mentioned place there came from the kiva six men arrayed and costumed as the ,mamzrati tcatumakaa1 who1 singing as they went1 marched to the dance court and halted close to the edge of the cliff1 facing the houses4 ,the ,natcka group accompanied them1 and two men personifying ,hehakatcinas assumed erotic paroxysms and lay down on their backs on the ground close to the disguised ,mamzrati personages1 endeavoring to lift up their kilts and performing obscene actions4 ,then they rolled on the ground in assumed fits4 ,the ,natckas1 as usual1 maintained their prancing step around them1 and occasionally ,soykmana thumped them with the butt end of her crook4 ,after about five minutes of this exhibition the ,heha seized the ,mamzrati personators and tumbled them into an indiscriminate heap1 fell on top of them1 and did other acts which need not be mentioned4 ,the ,natcka then retired for food1 and1 unmasking in the kiva1 did not again appear4 ,february #f--;,food was carried to all the kivas yesterday morning1 but there was neither dancing nor ceremonials4 ,february #g--,no ceremony took place on this day1 but the kiva chief and the ,hehakatcinas played a curious game of ball called sunwuwinpa1 in which the ball is attached to a looped string4 ,the player lay on his back and1 passing the loop over the great toe1 projected the ball back over his head4 ,two groups of these players were noted4 ,the following ,katcinas were personated in the ,powm of #ahic3hb ,hahawqti1 ,ancient ,woman1 ,mother of ,monsters4 ,natcka1 ,monster4 ,soykmana1 ,attendant of ,natcka4 ,tuwp1 ,flogging ,katcina4 ,ahl4 ,tmc1 ,mother of ,ahl4 ,wuykwati4 ,tcakwana4 ,wuwyomo4 ,pawk1 ,duck4 ,nvk1 ,snow4 ,heha4 ,mamzrati tcatumakaa4 ,tcavayo1 ,giant ,elk4 ,wupmo1 ,great ,cloud4 ,owanazrozro1 ,stone ,devourer4 ,p,l,l,,ko,,ti ,the screen drama of the ,pllkoti ceremonial as performed in #ahic has already been described4#hc ,the following personifications of ,katcinas appeared in the ,pllkoti in #ahic3 ,coyhim1 ,all4 ,pawk1 ,duck4 ,tacb1 ,navaho4 ,hokyaa4 ,hhian1 ,barter4 ,clako1 ,clako4 ,its presentation in other years differs very materially from the description given4 ,in the celebration of #ahia a wooden figure representing ,clako was introduced with two carved marionettes1 which were manipulated as if grinding corn1 and serpent effigies were thrust through the sun opening of the screen4 ,these were likewise used in the presentation in #ahid4hd ,the celebration of ,pllkoti in #ahid was controlled by the ,badger people1 and the exhibition of the screen drama occurred ,march #af4 ,a number of slabs with symbolic figures of ,twa 7the sun71 and ,ctkinuwa 7the heart of all the sky71 and two small effigies of ,pllkoh 7plumed snake7 were introduced4 ,the two mechanical figurines1 which were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of grinding corn on metates1 represented ,clakomanas1 and were made by ,ttci of the ,badger people4 ,this variation from year to year1 it will be observed1 preserves without change the various deities introduced and recalls what ,i have already written about the variations in altars of the ,nimn in different villages4 ,in stage effects latitude is permissible1 but there is no change in the deities represented4 ,something similar occurs in the ,mamzrati1 where1 in #ahia1 tablets with ,palahkomana symbols were used1 while in #ahic women represented that personage4 ,so far as ,i know the essential personages#he to be represented by symbolism or by men in disguise1 are3 ,twa1 ,sun4 ,miyaw1 ,moon4 ,ctokinuwa1 ,heart of the ,sky4 ,hahawqti1 ,ancient ,mother4 ,pllkoti1 ,plumed ,snake4 ,clako taka or mana1 ,corn ,man or ,maid4 ,various ,katcinas1 mentioned above1 but these may vary year by year4 ,msauwh1 ,fire ,god4 ,various ,tcukwympkiyas1 ,clowns4 ,,nim,,nkatcina ,an outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the ,katcinas from three of the ,tusayan villages has already been given elsewhere4#hf ,from new observations it is found that much remains to complete this account1 but the main events have already been described4 ,while the dance resembles the abbreviated ,katcinas1 from which it should not be widely separated1 the altar and kiva ceremonials place it in the group of elaborate ,katcinas or those with complicated secret usages4 ,it is only in those villages in which are preserved the wmi of the ,kachina mwi that this celebration can occur1 although1 as we shall later see1 abbreviated ,katcinas are not so limited4 ,it will probably be found that any abbreviated ,katcina may be used for the public dance of the ,nimn1 but no abbreviated ,katcina can have the secret ceremonials of the ,nimn without becoming the same4 ,when the ,katcina chief1 ntiwa1 sets up his altar it is but natural that any set of ,katcinas may give the public dance1 which1 while a necessary accompaniment1 is far from being prescribed as to kind4 ,,abbreviated ,,katcinas ,,characteristics ,this group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which a masked dance in public is the most significant part4 ,the general character of these observances may be seen by a consultation of my article1 8,a few summer ceremonials at the ,tusayan pueblos40#hg ,the distinctive name is determined by the characters personified as indicated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other paraphernalia4 ,no elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed4#hh ,all the abbreviated presentations have certain common features which run through them4 ,these characteristics may be learned from my description in the article on 8,the summer ceremonials10#hi but in order to make them more prominent ,i have mentioned them in an appended footnote4#hg ,the special ,katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism depicted on the mask1 which is repainted and redecorated according to the ,katcina which it is intended to represent4 ,for the special name and the accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give as good an idea as can yet be obtained from published articles4#ij ,the participants in the abbreviated ,katcinas may be divided into two groups3 7#a7 ,the ,katcinas1 male and female1 with related masked personages1 and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon them1 and 7#b7 the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons who participate in their antics and presentation4 ,the details of the proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in different dances more than those of the first4 ,the participants of the first group are3 #a4 ,masked personages 7always men7 called ,katcinas4 #b4 ,masked men1 personifying women1 called ,katcinamanas4 #c4 ,one or more masked persons1 who vary in symbolic characters in different ,katcinas4 ,these are often absent4 #d4 ,priests 7unmasked71 directors of the dance1 who sprinkle the ,katcinas with sacred meal4 ,these priests are vehicles of prayers to the ,katcinas and masked participants1 and are generally few in number4 ,the presentation is accompanied with a feast#ia 7generally at noon7 limited to ,katcinas and ,katcinamanas4 ,the ,katcinas dance in line1 sing1 distribute gifts1 but never utter any continuous sentence or prayer4 ,the ,katcinamanas dance in line facing the ,katcinas1 or kneel in front of the same1 accompanying their songs with a rasping noise made by rubbing a scapula over a notched stick4 ,ordinarily their mask is identical in all ,katcinas of the abbreviated form1 and they generally have their hair in two whorls on the sides of the head1 and wear white blankets and other feminine apparel4 ,the second group of personifications are the ,tcukwympkiyas 7,tatckti1 knob-head priests2 ,tcckt1 gluttons2 or ,paiakaam1 horned clowns74 ,their representation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations1 story telling1 gluttony1 obscene gestures or bawdy remarks1 and flogging and other indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked persons4 ,these representations and the personifications who carry on their portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the same drama4 ,the ,tcukwympkiya do not dance or sing with the ,katcinas1 but sprinkle them with meal and pray to them4 ,while an essential feature in certain abbreviated ,katcinas1 they are not always present1 and their exhibition has many secular or temporal characteristics or innovations more or less dependent on the invention of the participants4 ,the masked persons who assist them are representatives of semimythologic beings1 called ,pptuka1 tci 7,apache71 ,tacb 7,navaho71 ,kse1 and others4 ,a description of the various modifications of their performances would mean special account of each presentation and would vary in details for each exhibition1 but except in a very general way these variations are quite unimportant in the study of the characteristics of the abbreviated ,katcinas4 ,the following are some of the episodes introduced3 #a4 ,inordinate eating and begging1 urine drinking1 gluttony1 and obscenity4 #b4 ,flogging of one another1 stripping off breechcloths1 drenching with foul water1 ribald remarks to spectators1 and comical episodes with donkeys and dogs4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dj--,the akatcina4 #c4 ,story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked persons1 races1 smearing one another with blood1 urinating upon one another1 tormenting with cactus branches1 etc4 ,the ,katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset1 with intermissions1 during which the participants unmask under an overhanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa4 ,here likewise they have their feast at midday4 ,the dances in the forenoon are slimly attended by spectators1 but in the afternoon all the terraces and roofs of the houses surrounding the plaza#ib in which the pillar mound is situated are occupied by natives and visitors4 ,the line of ,katcinas is led by an uncostumed chief1 who sprinkles meal on the ground as he enters and leaves the dance court1 and who from time to time shouts to the dancers 7figure #dj74 ,the leader of the ,katcinas stands midway in the line1 and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes the song and directs the termination4 ,to him#ic as a representative the prayers are addressed4 ,the dance is a rhythmic stamping movement of one foot on the ground1 and all keep in line1 elbowing their neighbors1 turning now to one side1 then to another1 as directed4 ,the female ,katcinas face the male and stand about midway in the line4 ,they use the serrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song4 ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,cix4 ,a4 ,,hoen ,,co41 ,,lith4 ,,doll ,,of ,c,,lako ,,taka4 ,it is common for both male and female ,katcinas to bring gifts to the plaza for spectators1 especially children1 as they return to the dance4#id ,these gifts are ordinarily corn1 bread1 or tortillas4 ,it is customary for priests to sprinkle the ,katcinas with sacred meal1 and the ,tcukwympkiyas1 or clowns1 also perform this function4 ,the tponi or ,katcina badge of office is not carried in every celebration1 nor does the ,katcina chief1 ntiwa1 always lead the line4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #da--,maskette of akatcinamana4 ,the one garment worn by the male ,katcinas is the ceremonial kilt4 ,this is not confined to them1 but is likewise worn in other ceremonials1 as in the ,snake-,antelope observance and in minor celebrations4 ,every male ,katcina1 whatever his helmet1 has one of these about his loins4 ,it is made of coarse cotton1 on the ends of which are embroidered symbolic figures of rain-clouds1 falling rain1 and lightning4 ,ordinarily half of the width is painted green1 and the lower edge is black1 with nine square blocks of the same color at regular intervals4 ,this kilt is represented on many dolls of the ,katcinas figured in my article on that subject4#ie ,the ,katcinas1 irrespective of the special personage depicted1 wear a broad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end4 ,in this belt spruce branches are held4 ,a fox-skin depends from the belt1 and turtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a ,katcina's costume4 ,moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration with pigments is common1 but none of the above are characteristic of special kinds of ,katcinas4 ,the mask is in general the one distinctive characteristic of a definite personification4 ,s,,oc,,lako ,the ,shlako is one of the most important observances at ,zui1 and is partially described by ,cushing in an article on his life in ,zui4#if ,an exhaustive account1 however1 has never been published4 ,the ,hopi occasionally celebrate a ,clako1 which from its name and other reasons is undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial1 as the ,tusayan legends distinctly state4#ig ,the following pages give an outline of the ,hopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative study of ,pueblo ritual4 ,a complete account of the ,shlako at ,zui is a great desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons4 ,the presentation of ,clako is not an annual event at the ,east mesa of ,tusayan1 but occurs after long intervals of time4 ,the paraphernalia are kept in a house in ,sitcomovi and belong to the ,badger clan4 ,the house in which they are deposited is the property of ,kokam1 the daughter of ,masimtiwa's eldest sister1 now deceased1 and the wmi likewise belong to her by descent4 ,the chiefs of all the gentes in ,walpi and ,sitcomovi1 the chief of the ,katcinas1 and one or two others from ,hano assembled in this house on the #afth of ,july1 #ahic1 and made a large number 7over two hundred7 of phos for use in the ceremonials to be described4 ,early on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of ,sioclako were renovated and carried to the spring called ,kwawba 7sweet water71 which is situated on the ,zui trail southward from the mesa4 ,in a modern house owned by a ,sitcomovi family#ih at this spring the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a framework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers4 ,the effigies which were used in personifications were made up of masks or helmets of the ordinary size for the heads and a crinoline-like#ii framework of willow hoops for the bodies4 ,these masks were made from narrow shreds of leaves of the agave plaited together diagonally1 and this plaited frame was covered with a painted buckskin upon which the symbolism of the ,soclako was delineated4 ,the projecting beak of the face had a movable under jaw1 which was hinged and manipulated with a string4 ,the helmet was attached to a staff forming a backbone1 #c feet long1 by which it was carried4 ,the series of crinoline hoops or supports of the blankets which formed the body were about fifteen in number1 the upper being about the size of the helmet1 the lower #d feet in diameter4 ,a tihi or large white embroidered mantle was draped about the upper hoops or the shoulders1 and a gray fox-skin was hung around the neck1 which was likewise profusely decorated with shell necklaces4 ,the man who acted the part of bearer walked inside the crinoline1 freely supporting the effigy by the staff or backbone1 holding it at such a height as to permit the lowest hoop with its attached feathers to reach to his knees4 ,each effigy bearer was bareheaded1 and although hidden from view1 was decorated with the white kilt of a typical ,katcina4 ,an uncostumed chief led the four giants in single file toward the mesa1 followed by a large number of men dressed as mud-heads or ,tatckti1 who were called 8,koymse10 a term adapted from their ,zui name4#ajj ,all who had sufficient knowledge of the idiom spoke ,zui1 and the procession reached the ,sun spring 7,tawpa7 at about sunset4 ,it was there met by two priests1 ,talhoya and a nephew of ,masimtiwa1 who were to act as conductors4 ,all were welcomed and homoya 7prayers7 were recited and much sacred meal was sprinkled4 ,headed by the two conductors the procession climbed the trail to the top of the mesa1 and from thence marched into the main court of ,sitcomovi by the northeastern entrance1 near which the men bearing the four giant effigies1 together with the mud-heads1 halted4 ,the latter were closely huddled together in four groups1 drumming with deafening noise on as many drums4 ,the ,katcina chief1 ntiwa1 and a man personifying ,etoto#aja then drew four circles with intersecting lines of meal on the ground at the north side of the court in the positions indicated4 ,this was followed by a command of ,hahawqti1 who signaled with an ear of corn for the first 7kwinwi1 north7 ,clako effigy to advance4 ,he did so with a short1 rapid step1 and halted over the first circle of meal4 ,the 8bearer0 bobbed the effigy up and down so that the feathers which had been fastened to the lower hoop of the crinoline touched the ground4 ,the bearer then stooped and rested the end of his staff on the ground1 holding it upright4 ,the other three giant impersonators were then brought up1 one at a time1 by ,hahawqti4 ,as each settled to its position the bearer cried 8,ho60 six times in a shrill falsetto1 and rapidly snapped the beak of the effigy he bore by means of a string4 ,the ,clakos were then sprinkled with meal by the chiefs and others1 after which the effigies were moved one by one to circles of meal on the southern side of the plaza4 ,six times this removal was repeated1 each time attended by ceremonials similar to those mentioned above4 ,at the conclusion of this observance in the plaza the four giants were conducted by the chiefs of the ,lizard1 sa1 ,badger1 and ,water gentes to the houses of the elder sisters of the respective clans4 ,the ,clako effigies were suspended by the mask from the rafters of each room1 and as the length of each was #g feet #f inches the tips of the radiating feathers on the head and those on the last hoop of the framework of the body just touched the roof and floor of the chamber4 ,the same ceremony look place in each house and there were prayers by the elders1 dancing by the effigy bearers1 and singing and drumming by the 8,koymse40 ,at sunrise--for the exhibitions in the houses lasted all night--a final presentation in the court similar to that which opened the ceremonies took place1 after which the ,clakos and mud-heads went to the cliff and unmasked at the ,kachinaki4 ,there they performed purification ceremonies 7navtciwa7 and dismantled the effigies4 ,they donned their ordinary habiliments and smuggled the paraphernalia back into the chamber in ,sitcomovi1 where it is ordinarily kept4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #db--,position of celebrants in the court of ,sitcomovi in ,soclako4#ajb ,on the #hth and #ith of the month1 following the demise of the ,clakos1 a most elaborate ,wwac or ,racing ,katcina was performed4#ajc ,,paw,,kkatcina ,the ,pawkkatcina1 which ,i observed at ,sitcomovi in #ahib1 had certain differences from any abbreviated ,katcina dance which ,i have yet described1 and illustrated the ceremonial reception of these personages after they had visited another pueblo4 ,a priest of ,sitcomovi suggested that his fellow villagers should send a delegation of young men to ,cipaulovi to return a dance with which they had previously been honored by the latter pueblo4 ,accordingly the masks were painted and the preliminary ceremonials took place in one of the ,sitcomovi kivas1 those who were to participate in the ceremonial beginning their work on the #beth of ,june4 ,the visitors danced all day of the #bgth at ,cipaulovi1 rested on the #bhth1 and continued their dance on the #bith at ,sitcomovi4 ,the ceremonials on their return at the trail approaching ,sitcomovi took place on ,june #bhth1 an hour before sunset4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dc--,mask of ,pawkkatcina 7front view74 ,this dance differed very little from that of other ,katcinas1 to which attention has hitherto been directed4#ajd ,there were twenty-three ,katcinas and five#aje ,katcinamanas1 and the masks of both are illustrated in figures #dc1 #dd1 and #de1 while one of the staffs which they bore is represented in figure #df4 ,they sang five songs called mowh 7cloud71 ,yoivkka 7swift71 ,pakwa 7frog71 ,pawykia 7duck71 and ,patzro 7quail74 ,an interesting feature which ,i had never before seen in ,tusayan abbreviated ,katcinas was the unmasked dance in the kiva4#ajf ,the secret ceremonials in the kiva were as follows3 ,the three priests1 who had previously bathed their heads in their own houses1 made the phos and nakwkwocis4 ,two of these men made four prayer sticks similar to those described in the ,walpi ceremonial1 and one made a long single pho4 ,these were deposited in a flat basket tray and smoked upon by those present4 ,before beginning the manufacture of the phos the makers prepared themselves by a ceremonial smoke4#ajg ,at the same time that the phos were made twenty-three nakwkwocis for the ,katcinas and five for the ,katcinamanas were likewise manufactured4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dd--,mask of ,pawkkatcina 7side view74 ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,cx4 ,a4 ,,hoen ,,co41 ,,lith4 ,,head ,,dress ,,of ,,alosaka4 ,at midday food was passed down into the kiva1 but before partaking of it one of the priests took a pinch of each kind of food 7dunpna7 and went with it to a cleft in the mesa on the north side of ,sitcomovi4 ,he there deposited it with a pho1 a pinch of each kind of pigment used in painting the paraphernalia1 a little tobacco1#ajh but no sacred meal4 ,this was an offering1 it was said1 to the ,grand ,canyon of the ,colorado spap4 ,he then went to the southern side of the mesa and placed in a similar cleft a nakwkwoci1 said to be an offering to ,msauwh4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #de--,mask of ,pawkkatcinamana4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #df--,staff of ,pawkkatcina4 ,at sunrise on the #bith two offerings were deposited1 and each of the twenty-three ,katcinas placed his nakwkwoci in a shrine4 ,ceremonials attending visits of people from adjacent or remote pueblos are simple but interesting4 ,the following reception ceremony of visitors from a distant pueblo not of their own people was noted3 ,in the progress of the summer dances of ,walpi in #ahib ,i observed the ceremonial reception of several ,zuis who came over to assist in the ,hmiskatcina4 ,they were formally 8received0 in the ,wikwaliobi kiva by ntiwa1#aji ,kpeli1 ,hyi1 ,pauatwa1 and ,lsma4 ntiwa gave their headman a twig of spruce1 to which ,lsma tied four nakwkwocis4#aaj ntiwa sprinkled it with sacred meal and laid it in front of the ,zuis1 and finally all smoked together4 ,this was said to be a formal act of reception4#aaa ,the reception ceremony of the ,pawkkatcinas when they returned from ,cipaulovi was as follows3 ,at #d p4 m4 ,pauatwa's father1 a very old man1 sat on the edge of the mesa looking west and north toward ,cipaulovi4 ,he called my attention to a line of men coming along the trail4 ,when the line halted on the last rise before the trail ascends to the top of the mesa we went down to welcome them4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dg--;,helmets1 ear of corn1 and spruce bough arranged for reception ceremony4 ,each ,katcina placed his helmet in one of two parallel lines arranged along the trail1 and in front of the two lines he laid the spruce bough which he carried4 ,in front of this pile of spruce boughs an ear of corn was placed in the trail not far from the helmets4 ,all the ,katcinas then marched around the line in a sinistral circuit1 sprinkling sacred meal upon the masks1 corn1 and spruce boughs and throwing a pinch along the trail in advance of the ear of corn4 ,the circuit around the line of helmets was sinistral1 as in all ,hopi ceremonials4 ,nine old men then formed a circle at the left of the corn and smoked1 sitting in a squatting posture4#aab ,no one was allowed to go up the trail before this ceremony was completed1 and one who attempted to do so was warned back4 ,a short address of welcome was spoken by the priests to the leader of the ,katcinas1 and at sunset they put on their masks and marched to the plaza of ,sitcomovi4 ,they first danced on the southern1 then on the eastern1 and lastly on the western sides of the plaza1 omitting the northern side4 ,the priests sprinkled the ,katcinas with sacred meal1 observing the sinistral ceremonial circuit as they passed around the line4 ,a small spruce tree1 upon which nakwkwocis were tied1 had been placed near the middle of the plaza4 ,the ,katcinas and ,katcinamanas then adjourned to the kiva1 where they unmasked1 placing their helmets in a row and the spruce boughs in the middle of the kiva4#aac ,the two priests seated themselves on the uprise1 one on each side of the ladder4 ,on the following day the dance was continued from sunrise to sunset4 ,in the afternoon there appeared the ,tckuwympkiya1 ,muwe 7,owl ,katcina71 two ,tcsbci1 ,pkohoya 7the ,little ,war ,god71 and a ,navaho ,katcina4 ,,akatcina ,the celebration of the akatcina at ,hano1 in the ,nimn of #ahib1 gave me the following additional data to that already mentioned in the description#aad of the a of #ahia4 ,these are due in part to the variations in ceremonial customs1 and are not regarded as essentials4 ,the ,hopi akatcina was invited to ,hano by ,klakwai1 and its public presentation was identical with that of #ahia and that of the ,zui ,kkokci4 ,the antics of the gluttons were very much more complicated4 ,this ,i ascribe to two causes--the rarity with which ,katcinas are celebrated in ,hano1 and the great need of rain at the time4 ,one interesting but highly disgusting part of the show of these priests was the slaughter of a huge dog and the use of his entrails and blood in distinguishing one of their number as ,msauwh1#aae the ,death god4 ,the details of this may be had by consultation with the author4 ,about #d oclock on the morning of the public dance of the a the participants danced in the ,hano plaza1 destitute of all clothing or helmets and accompanied by the clowns1 also without masks4 ,this feature ,i had not previously observed4 ,after this early dance phos were deposited at the shrine situated in the middle of the dance plaza4 ,as no account of the ceremonial deposit of offerings to the winds has ever been published1 the following observations are given to fill this gap in our knowledge4 ,probably the object of the wind offerings is propitiatory1 for high wind1 it is believed1 blows away the rain1 to produce which is the main object of the observance4 ,kwlakwa took for this purpose in a blanket the following objects3 ,nakwkwocis1 native tobacco1 paper bread1 pkami 7pudding mush71 sugar1 and peaches4 ,he deposited a packet containing a pinch of each of these in six shrines situated at cardinal points1 beginning at the east4#aaf ,the ,hopi begin their ceremonial circuit ordinarily at the north1 but the ,tewa1 it would seem1 place their offerings in the following order3 ,east1 northwest1 southwest by south1 southwest1 southeast by east1 southeast4 ,in the interval between two of the dances1 while the ,katcinas were unmasked1 and had halted under an overhanging rock on the trail a few feet below ,hano1 ,i observed a test of endurance which ,i had never before seen4 ,kpeli1 the ,snake chief1 took a bundle of yucca branches1 and different volunteers from the ,katcinas1 stepping up to him1 first held out one arm1 then the other2 ,kpeli struck the outstretched limb with more or less force1 and at the conclusion presented his own arm and naked body for this trying ordeal4 ,the akatcina is illustrated in figure #dj4 ,,comparative ,,study ,,of ,,katcina ,,dances ,,in ,,cibola ,,and ,,tusayan ,the published material which can be used as a basis of comparison in the study of ,katcinas in other villages is meager and insufficient4 ,even of the nearest pueblo1 ,zui1 which has been more studied than many of the others1 and in which ,katcina observances closely akin to those of ,tusayan are performed1 the published accounts are very limited4 ,in a general way it seems to me that the ,tusayan ceremonials are more showy and elaborate than those at ,zui4 ,there is1 however1 one marked exception2#aag the powerful war society1 called the ,priesthood of the ,bow1 has more elaborate ceremonials in ,zui than in ,walpi1 where this organization is weak4 ,it is not possible from my limited knowledge of ,zui ceremonials to declare that it is less complicated than that of ,tusayan1 but ,i believe that the powerful organization mentioned has had much to do with many of the differences between the two4 ,one source of information in regard to the differences and likenesses between the ,zui and ,hopi ceremonials is the testimony of the chiefs themselves4 ,this does not hold in regard to modified ceremonials primarily the same or derived from a common source1 and is only hearsay1 not science4 ,all the ,hopi priests say that the ,siot 7,zuis7 have no knowledge of the ,tctcbwimi 7,snake-,antelope mysteries74 ,the same chiefs likewise claim that the ,zuis have no ,mamzrati1 ,llakoti1#aah ,wwtcmti1 and no societies corresponding to the ,ttaukyam1 alt1 or ,kwkwant4 ,although they may not reproduce some of these ceremonials in the form celebrated by the ,hopi1 it is not clear to me that some of those which they observe may not be differentiations of the same ceremony1 as ,i have shown in my accounts of the women's dances4#aai ,there is a marked similarity in many of the myths1 which would seem to imply resemblances in ritualistic dramatizations of the same4 ,it is possible to verify historical data and legendary history by a study of the same ceremony4 ,for instance1 the five oldest ,tusayan pueblos of which we have accounts in the earliest records are ,awatobi1 ,walpi1 ,micoinovi1 ,cuopavi1 and ,oraibi4#abj ,awatobi was destroyed in #agjj1 so that but four original communities of the time of ,vargas still remain4 ,it is in these four and at ,cipaulovi that the ,snake ceremony is still celebrated1 and ,sitcomovi and ,hano are ascribed by ,hopi legends to a much later time than the first appearance of the ,spaniards2 their names do not appear in the early descriptions of the province4 ,it is a mistaken idea1 and one which has led to many misconceptions1 to suppose that what is true of one group of pueblos is true of all4 ,while in a general way the mythology and ritual of all may be said to have general resemblances1 there is far from an identity between the ceremonials1 for instance1 of the ,hopi and the ,zui1 or those of the ,rio ,grande pueblos and ,tusayan4 ,it is not a question of knowing all by an intimate knowledge of one2 but each branch1 even individual pueblos1 must be investigated separately before by comparative knowledge we can obtain an adequate conception of the character of the pueblo type of mythology and ritual4 ,moreover1 there is evidence that this difference existed in ancient times1 and while the differentiation of the manners and customs of different pueblos may have been less rapid in the past than today they were far from being identical4 ,it does not follow1 except in certain limits1 that the most primitive pueblos today show in their survivals a better picture of the character of life in another pueblo than the existing state of things in the latter4 ,to reconstruct the probable character of the ancient culture we must trace similarities by comparative studies4 ,in a comparative study of the ceremonials of different pueblos1 it is important to decide which are most primitive or nearest the aboriginal condition and which are least affected by foreign influences4 ,the purer the present aboriginal culture1 the greater worth will it have in our approximation to a true conception of the primitive pueblo culture4 ,many of the ,pueblos practice a religious system which may be rightly called aboriginal1 but in some it has been modified by outside influences4 ,i think no one1 for instance1 would say that the present ,zui custom of burial in a churchyard was not due in part to the influence of ,catholic priests1 for ,spanish narratives of three and a half centuries ago are quite explicit in their statement that the ,zui burned their dead4 ,if one custom has been changed1 how are we to distinguish the modified from the primitive8 ,it can be shown that strong influences have been used for the direct purpose of destroying the ,katcina worship4 ,take1 for instance1 ,zui1 the least changed of all the pueblos except those of ,tusayan4 ,it is pagan today1 and probably never was profoundly modified by ,christianity1 but ,roman ,catholic fathers1 with the avowed determination to ,christianize it1 could not have lived there continuously for over a century and caused the great missions to be built without modifying the religious customs of the ,zuians4 ,it is said that after the priests were driven out the ,pueblos returned to their ancient practices1 but it must be admitted that no one has yet shown how the pure ,katcina practices were preserved over three generations4 ,they returned to an old worship1 but who has evidence to say that it was the same as that of their great-great-grandfathers8 ,in some instances the natives have very willingly adopted ,christian teachings and the ,christian ,god1 believing that by so doing their own religion would necessarily become strengthened by an addition to their pantheon4 ,such adoption1 however1 no matter how regarded by them1 made a permanent impression on their primitive condition by changing their mode of thought and life4 ,they apparently may have abandoned all that the church taught2 but what means could have been used to restore the pure worship of pre-,columbian times8 ,the culture which was revived was aboriginal1 but could never be identical#aba with that of the times before ,coronado4 ,the question then resolves itself into a historical one--which pueblos were the home of ,catholic priests for the shortest time1 and in which were their influences least powerful8 ,the historian will of course answer the ,tusayan pueblos1 and ethnology contributes her quota of facts to indicate that the purest form of ,pueblo ceremonials are now practiced by these villagers4 ,although there are several ceremonials which the ,hopi claim are not performed at ,zui1 and conversely others performed at ,zui which are not observed in ,tusayan1 there is a similarity1 differing in details1 between the ,kko and ,katcina dances close enough to show their identity4 ,the ,hopi recognize this fact1 and to prove it ,i need only mention that the akatcina in #ahia was danced at ,zui by some of the ,hopi as a ,kko4 ,i have already pointed out the identity of the masks1 paraphernalia1 and songs of the ,kkokshi1 performed by the ,zuians1 and the akatcina at ,walpi4 ,there is no doubt in my mind that they are the same1 but ,i can not accept the dictum that what is observed in one is identical with what exists in the other4 ,there are slight modifications which exist likewise in different ,hopi villages1 as will be seen by a comparison of my descriptions of the two4 ,one marked difference is that several ,kkokshi dances were performed in the summer ,i spent at ,zui1 and that this identical ,katcina 7the a7 is performed but once each summer in any one ,hopi village4 ,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,cxi4 ,a4 ,,hoen ,,co41 ,,lith4 ,a ,,powamu ,,mask4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dh--,symbolism of the helmet of ,hmiskatcina 7tablet removed74 ,the only other ,kko#abb dance which ,i know of from personal observation is the tablet dance1 which is in many respects homologous with the ,hmiskatcina4 ,the symbolism of the mask and tablet1 however1 differs from the ,hmis1 and while in a speculative way ,i regard them the same we must await more research to prove them identical4 ,the subject is still more complicated by the fact that the ,hopi have a tablet mask with still a third symbolic character1 which they call the ,zui or ,sohmiskatcina4 ,i think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called ,so 7,zui7 ,katcina1 which ,i have elsewhere described1 is a ,zui celebration derived from that pueblo4 ,i do not know whether it is ever performed there in the same way as at ,walpi1 since it has not been described by any of the students of the ,zuians4 ,we have1 however1 as before mentioned1 a partial description by ,cushing of the ,zui ,shlako1 and from his account we can gather a few of the main points of difference between it and the ,soclako performed at ,walpi and described in the preceding pages4 ,the ,hopi1 however1 have a ,clako of their own4 ,they distinguish it from the ,soclako1 which they not only recognize as of ,zui origin1 but are also able to designate the family which brought it from the ,zuians4 ,the name of the celebration and the use of ,zui words in it both point to this conclusion4 ,the correspondence between the ,hemashikwi1 or last#abc dance--the tablet dance described by me elsewhere as occurring at the close of the series of ,kkos--is probably the same as the ,nimnkatcina4 ,there are many similarities to indicate this fact1 and1 although as yet we know nothing of the secret observances connected with it1 ,i suspect that a similarity between them and those described in the ,mkiva will later be made known4 ,dolls in imitation of the ,hemashikwi are reported in the catalogue of ,colonel ,james ,stevenson's collection from ,zui in #ahha1 and ,i have no doubt it will be found that there formerly was1 and possibly still survives1 at the celebration of this dance at ,zui the characteristic habit in ,tusayan of distributing dolls as presents at the departure of the ,katcinas4 ,mrs ,stevenson has given short descriptions of some of the ,zui ,kkos and figures of the masks of the same4 ,while it is not possible for me to use them in a comparison with ,katcina celebrations1 they are interesting in studies of symbolism4 ,the 8flogging ,kkos10 for instance1 seem to function the same as ,twup among the ,hopi1 but as the symbolism of the mask of the floggers1 ,saihlias1 is not given by ,mrs ,stevenson ,i am not able to express an opinion whether the same personage is intended or not4 ,the time of year when the flagellation is inflicted by the ,saihlia of ,zui would be an interesting observation1 and the accompanying ceremonials would also be of great interest for comparison with the ,powm4 ,i have not been able to find the equivalents of the ,slmobias among the ,hopi1 but the symbolism of ,pooatwa agrees almost exactly with that of the ,hopi ,patiwa4 ,the ,slmobias of the different world-quarters agree in color with those assigned by the ,hopi to the same points1 with the exception of those for the above and below4 ,in ,zui1 according to ,cushing and ,mrs ,stevenson1 the above is all colors1 the below black4 ,among the ,hopi the above was found to be black and the below all colors4 ,this discrepancy in observations is recommended as a good subject for future students1 both in ,tusayan and ,zui4 ,in reviewing the ,hopi ceremonial personages ,i have been unable to find any homology with the ,slmobias4 ,the views of the masks#abd given by ,mrs ,stevenson afford little information on this subject1 but in her sand picture1 surrounded by the ,plumed ,snake1 ,i find some of the figures of ,slmobias with indication of a connecting band between the eyes1 which recalls ,patiwa's#abe symbolism4 ,there does not seem to be a wide difference between the profile views of the masks of ,patiwa and ,slmobia of the different world-quarters4 ,the environment of the pueblos of ,tusayan and of ,cibola is so similar and the rain-cloud worship so imperative in both that1 a priori1 we should expect the rain-cloud symbol to be as frequent in ,zui as in ,walpi4 ,i am much surprised therefore in studying the description of ,zui ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic ,hopi symbols of the rain clouds1 the semicircles and the parallel lines of falling rain 7plate ,,cviii74 ,if the rain clouds at ,zui are limited to the terraced#abf figures found on the prayer-meal bowls and the same made in sacred meal we certainly have a significant difference between the symbolism of these two peoples4 ,in ,tusayan there is not one of the great religious festivals where the semicircular clouds and falling rain do not appear as symbols4 ,thus far students of the ,zui ceremonials have not figured one instance in which they are used4#abg ,the short account of the effigy of the ,plumed ,snake 7,klowisi7 with attendant ceremonials at ,zui1 by ,mrs ,stevenson1 shows the existence of archaic rites with the ,plumed ,serpent which have been observed in a different form 7,pllkoti7 at ,tusayan4 ,the time of the year when the ,zui effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not given2 nor is the special name of the ceremony4 ,the conch shell is similarly used to imitate the voice of the ,plumed ,serpent at ,zui1 as at ,walpi1 in the ,soylua and the ,pllkoti4 ,in neither of these ceremonials1 however1 have the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about the pueblos of the ,tusayan mesas4 ,the symbolism of ,pllkoti and ,klowisi seems to differ1 judging from published accounts and symbolism on ,zui and ,hopi pottery4 ,i find no intimation of the horn on the head of ,zui pictures of the ,plumed ,snake1 and the arrowhead decoration fails on the body4 ,the two crescents which are common on the body of the ,zui figures have not been observed in ,hopi pictographs or effigies4 ,it would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has not been the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of ,tusayan and ,cibola4 ,this is not to be wondered at1 for only on rare occasions has there been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same speech4 ,the massacre of ,awatobi at the hands of the other ,hopi has been told elsewhere1 and even at the present day ,oraibi is not on the best of terms with the other ,hopi towns4 ,the legends of the ,hopi are full of quarrels of one pueblo with another1 and bitter hatred sometimes developing into bloody wars in which their own kindred were attacked and pueblos destroyed4 ,in her article1 8,a chapter of ,zui mythology10#abh ,mrs ,stevenson says3 8,the ,ahshiwanni1#abi a priesthood of fourteen men who fast and pray for rain2 the ,kokko1 an organization bearing the name of anthropomorphic beings 7principally ancestral7 whom they personate1 and thirteen esoteric societies are the three fundamental religious bodies of ,zui4444 ,the society of the ,kokko personate anthropomorphic gods by wearing masks and other paraphernalia4 ,there are six estufas or chambers of the ,kokko for the six regions1 the north1 west1 south1 east1 zenith1 and nadir1 and these rooms present fantastic scenes when the primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these anthropomorphic gods4444 ,the esoteric societies1 with but one or two exceptions1 have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings1 this category of gods being zoomorphic40 ,accepting these statements as a correct idea of the 8three fundamental religious bodies of ,zui0 ,i find great difficulty in tracing an intimate relation between them and those of the ,hopi system4 ,a large number of the ,katcinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral4 ,they bear the names of animals1 and in that sense may be called in some instances zoomorphic4 ,walpi1 however1 has but five kivas1 the members of each of which in the ,powm personify different ,katcinas4 ,i have not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with a different cardinal world-quarter1 as ,mrs ,stevenson finds to be the case in ,zui4 ,the esoteric societies of the ,zui1 according to ,mrs ,stevenson1 8with but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings40 ,i am not able to harmonize my observations of the secret societies in ,tusayan with the definition given of the esoteric societies in ,zui1 and must await some clearer insight into the character of the latter before offering any discussion of several resemblances which can be detected4 ,from an examination of ,cushing's article in the ,century ,magazine1 in which the esoteric societies of ,zui are briefly defined1 ,i am led to believe that the so-called esoteric societies in that pueblo differ a good deal from those in ,walpi4 ,the ,hopi testify that while some of their secret fraternities are represented in ,zui several of them are not identical4#acj ,mrs ,stevenson does not make it clear who these fourteen 7six7 so-called ,ahshiwanni are1 but calls them 8rain priests40 ,she intimates that they appeal directly to the ,sun father1 their supreme deity1 and to the rain makers1 while the 8societies0 address 8the beast gods of their worship to intercede with the ,sun father and rain makers40 ,there is apparently no parallelism between these conditions and those at ,tusayan1 but ,i can readily find truth in the statement when applied to the ,hopi that 8no society convenes without giving much time to invocations for rain40 ,i am sure that some of the societies at ,tusayan do not appeal to the beast gods to intercede with the ,sun father and rain makers1 but address the latter directly in their prayers4 ,in this particular there is certainly a marked difference between the conceptions back of the rites in ,tusayan and those ascribed to the ,cibolans4#aca ,the custom of the ,ykimowi1 or rain chief1 retiring alone to a cell to pray for rain was practiced in ,tusayan4 ,one of these retreats is to be seen at the ,middle mesa4 ,among the foothills there is a block of sandstone1 #ae feet long1 #e feet wide1 and #d feet thick4 ,its flat face is about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast4 ,portions of a rough wall are still in place under the block1 confirming the story that there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the roof4 ,an aperture on the northeastern corner1 about #bj inches square1 is usually closed with loose stones1 but the chamber is now filled in with sand to within about #b feet of the roof or lower surface of the slab4 ,the interior of the chamber was about #h feet long and #d feet wide4 ,on the roof1 which was painted white1 are figures of yellow1 green1 red1 and white rain clouds with parallel lines of falling rain and zigzag lightning symbols in conventional patterns4 ,to this chamber1 it is said1 the ,rain chief of the ,water people retired at planting time and lived there sixteen days1 his food being brought to him by a girl during his vigils4 ,he was able by his prayers to bring the rain4 ,these visits were made long ago1 but even now there are phos strewn about the chamber1 and devout persons visit the place at the present day with a nakwkwoci and pray for rain4 ,although the ,rain chief no longer passes the sixteen days there1 it is a holy place for the purposes mentioned4 8,the earth10 says ,mrs ,stevenson1#acb 8is watered by the deceased ,zui of both sexes1 who are controlled and directed by a council composed of ancestral gods4 ,these shadow people collect water in vases and gourd jugs from the six great waters of the world1 and pass to and fro over the middle plane1 protected from view of the people below by cloud masks40 ,i find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers of the dead among the ,hopi4 ,among other ceremonials1 when certain persons die1 after the chin has been blackened1 the body washed1 and prescribed feathers placed on different parts of it1 a thin wad of raw cotton in which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face4 ,this is a mask and is called a rain-cloud or 8prayer to the dead to bring the rain40 ,in general1 as many writers have said1 the use of the mask transforms the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism of the same1#acc and as a consequence the dead1 we may theoretically suppose1 are thereby endowed with supernatural powers to bring rain4 ,the mowhs1 however1 are the ,rain gods1 and so far as ,i can explain the significance of the symbolic rain-cloud mask on the face of the dead and the black color on the chin1 it is simply a method of prayer through the divinized dead to the ,rain-cloud deities4 ,among the ,hopi the earth is watered by the ,rain-gods1 but the dead are ceremonially made intercessors to affect them4 ,in this view of the case the ,hopi may be said to believe that the earth is 8watered by the deceased of both sexes40 ,the ,hopi believe that the breath body of the ,zui goes to a sacred place near ,saint ,johns1 called ,wnima4 ,there the dead are supposed to be changed into ,katcinas1 and the place is reputed to be one of the homes of these personages4 ,it is likewise specially spoken of as the house of ,clako1 and it is believed that the ,zui hold the same views of this mysterious place4 ,in lagoons near it turtles are abundant1 and not far away ,mr ,hubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns in which were large collections of pottery4 ,ttci1 a ,hopi resident of ,zui1 is the authority for the statement that the ,cibolans do not use the raw cotton mortuary mask1 although they blacken the face of the dead chiefs4 ,he says the same idea of divinization of the breath body into a ,katcina seems to be current among the ,zui as among the ,hopi4 ,according to ,mrs ,stevenson the father of the ,kokko is ,kaklo 7,kyklu71 whose servants are the ,slmobiyas4 ,the name of their mother is not known to me4 ,the ,katcinas are said to be the offspring of an ,earth goddess1#acd who figures under many names4 ,their father's name on comparative grounds is supposed to be ,twa1 the sun1 or ,twup1 their elder brother4 ,a study of the group of ,katcina ceremonials as compared with the ,kko brings out in prominence the conclusion that while some of them may be identical1 as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual of the ,tusayan people and their nearest neighbor1 the ,zui4 ,if variations exist between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion1 which observation as far as it has thus far gone supports1 that there are even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each other4 ,the ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo has a general conception of the character of all1 but changes due to suppression of ceremonials1 survivals1 dying out of societies1 and many other causes have modified the pueblos in different ways4 ,the character of the ancient system is adulterated in all4 ,we can form an idea of this modification in no better way than by a minute study of the existing ritual in every pueblo4 ,upon such comprehensive study science is at the very threshold4 ,the foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature which ,i have not attempted to develop4 ,my greatest solicitude has been to sketch the outline of the ,katcina ceremonials as performed at the ,hopi village of ,walpi in ,tusayan4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,these studies were made while the author was connected with the ,hemenway ,expedition from #ahij to #ahid1 and the memoir1 which was prepared in #ahid1 includes the results of the observations of the late ,a4 ,m4 ,stephen as well as of those of the author4 #b ,the letters used in spelling ,indian words in this article have the following sounds3 a1 as in far2 1 as in what2 ai1 as i in pine2 e1 as a in fate2 i1 as in pique2 1 as in pin2 u1 as in rule2 1 as in but2 1 as in the ,french tu2 p1 b1 v1 similar in sound2 t and d1 like the same in tare and dare1 almost indistinguishable2 tc1 as ch in chink3 c1 as sh in shall2 1 as n in syncope2 s1 sibilant2 r1 obscure rolling sound2 l1 m1 n1 k1 h1 y1 z1 as in ,english4 #c ,these observations are confined to three villages on the ,east mesa1 which has been the field more thoroughly cultivated by the members of the ,hemenway ,expedition4 #d 8,souls0 in the broadest conception of the believers in ,tylor's animistic theory4 #e ,the distinction between elaborate and abbreviated ,katcinas will be spoken of later4 #f ,it would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate ,katcinas4 ,are the former1 for instance1 remnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret elements have been dropped in the course of time8 ,were they formerly more complicated1 or are they in lower stages of evolution1 gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex8 ,i incline to the belief that the abbreviated ,katcinas are remnants1 and their reduction due to practical reasons4 ,in a general way the word ,katcina may be translated 8soul0 or 8deified ancestor10 and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory4 ,but there are other elements in ,tusayan mythology which are not animistic4 ,as ,mogk has well shown in ,teutonic mythology1 nature elements and the great gods are original1 so among the ,hopi the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors1 nor is there evidence that their worship was derivative4 ,as ,saussaye remarks1 8,animism is always and everywhere mixed up with religion2 it is never and nowhere the whole of religion40 #g ,by ,gregorian months1 which of course the ,hopi do not recognize by these names or limits4 ,their own 8moons0 have been given elsewhere4 #h ,the months to which the first division roughly corresponds are ,january to ,july4 ,the second division includes1 roughly speaking1 ,august and ,december 7inclusive74 ,more accurately defined1 the solar year is about equally divided into two parts by the ,nimn1 which is probably the exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial year4 #i ,there is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of ,wwtcmti4 #aj ,the word miyaw means 8moon10 by which it would seem that our satellite determines the smaller divisions of the year4 #aa ,from their many stories of the under world ,i am led to believe that the ,hopi consider it a counterpart of the earth's surface1 and a region inhabited by sentient beings4 ,in this under world the seasons alternate with those in the upper world1 and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world below1 and vice versa4 ,moreover1 ceremonies are said to be performed there as here1 and frequent references are made to their character4 ,it is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental4 ,in their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the 8breath-body0 of the deceased1 who enter it through a spapu1 often spoken of as a lake4 ,i have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions1 the abode of the blessed and that of the damned4 #ab ,the ,twaki of ttyka is the sun house4 ,there is no sun house at hpoko nor at tvyua4 ,the names of the four horizon cardinal points are1 kwinwi1 northwest2 tevya1 southwest2 tatyka1 southeast1 and hopokyka 7syncopated hpoko71 northeast4 #ac ,note the similarity in sound to the ,nahuatl month1 ,quecholli1 in which the ,atamalqualiztli was celebrated4 ,see 8,a ,central ,american ceremony which suggests the ,snake dance of the ,tusayan villagers10 ,american ,anthropologist1 ,washington1 vol4 ,,vi1 ,no4 #c4 ,quecholli1 however1 according to both ,sahagun and ,serna1 was in ,november4 ,the ,snake dance at ,walpi is thus celebrated about six months from ,atamalqualiztli1 or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate their ,snake-,antelope solemnities4 ,in this connection attention may be called to the fact that the ,snake-,antelope priests in ,walpi have a simple gathering in the winter ,pa moon 7,january71 when their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbreviated snake rites4 ,this is at most only about a month from the time ,atamalqualiztli was celebrated4 ,teotlico1 the ,nahuatl return of the war god1 occurred in ,november2 ,soylua1 the warriors' return1 in ,december4 ,there are important comparative data hearing on the likeness of ,hopi and ,nahuatl ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between ,kwetcla and ,quecholli 7,kwetcoli74 #ad ,myiwh1 the goddess of germs1 is preeminently the divinity of the under world1 and has some remarkable similarities to the ,nahuatl ,mictlantecutli or his female companion ,mictlancihuatl4 ,the name is very similar to that for moon4 ,this was the ruler of the world of shades visited by ,tiyo1 the snake hero4 7,see the legend of the ,snake ,youth in ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archaeology1 vol4 ,,iv1 ,boston1 #ahid47 #ae ,the ,soylua has been called the ,katcina's return1 which name is not inaccurate4 ,it is1 strictly speaking1 a warriors' celebration1 and marks the return of the leader of the ,katcinas1 as in ,teotleco4 ,the ,katcinas appear in force in the ,pa celebration4 #af ,i have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the ,snake-,antelope and the ,flute societies1 but the members of the former scout the idea that they are related4 ,evidently the similarity in their ceremonials1 which can not be denied1 are not akin to the relationships which they recognize between brother and sister societies4 #ag ,strictly speaking1 eight active1 since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day4 ,see ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,iv1 p4 #ac1 #ahid4 #ah ,clowns1 called likewise 8mudheads0 and 8gluttons40 #ai ,the tponi is supposed to be the mother or the palladium1 the sacred badge of office of the society4 ,it is one of the wmi or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief1 and is the insignium of his official standing4 ,the character of this object varies with different societies1 and1 in a simple form1 is an ear of corn surrounded by sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string4 ,for the contents of the more elaborate forms1 see my description of the ,llakoti tponi 7called bundles of phos74 #bj ,phos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when double4 ,their common form is figured in my memoir on the ,snake ,ceremonials at ,walpi2 ,jour4 ,am4 ,eth4 and ,arch41 vol4 ,,iv1 p4 #bg4 ,prescribed forms vary with different deities4 #ba ,the ,american ,anthropologist1 ,washington1 ,april1 #ahib4 #bb ,ibid41 ,july1 #ahib4 #bc ,erroneously identified as ,clako in my description and plates of the presentation of the ,mamzrati in #ahia4 #bd ,the four societies who celebrate the ,wwtcmti are the ,alwympkiya1 ,wwtcmwympkiya1 ,tatakyam1 and ,kwkwant4 #be ,chief of the ,kwkwant1 a powerful warrior society4 ,among various attributes ,msawh is the ,fire ,god4 #bf ,the body1 save for a kilt1 is uncovered4 ,this kilt is white or green in color1 with embroidered rain-cloud symbols4 ,this is tied by a sash1 with dependent fox-skin behind4 ,rattles made of a turtle shell and sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee1 and moccasins are ordinarily worn4 ,spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle1 and the ,katcina carries a rattle in one hand4 ,this rattle is a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle4 #bg ,the left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwkwocis1 and is spoken of as kyakyauna1 desirable4 ,the right hand is called tncmahtu1 food hand4 #bh ,the word ,katcina1 as already stated1 is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personator in the same4 ,the symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls1 thus1 many examples of which ,i have described in my article on 8,dolls of the ,tusayan ,indians0 in ,internationales ,archiv fr ,ethnographie1 #ahid4 ,profitable sources of information in regard to the symbolic characteristics of the ,katcinas are ceramic objects1 photographs1 clay tiles1 clay images1 pictures on altars1 etc4 ,all pictorial or glyptic representations of the same ,katcina are in the main identical1 with slight variations in detail1 due to technique4 #bi ,for a description of the akatcina see ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #cj ,i have also seen visors of this kind1 and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions sometimes wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware4 ,the helmet of the ,humskatcina bears a willow framework which forms a kind of visor1 and if1 as ,i suspect from the 8large pasteboard skin over framework or wooden board tower10 it was a tablet or nkci1 the personification mentioned by ,ten ,broeck may have been a ,humskatcina4 ,in ,may1 #ahia1 ,i observed a ,hums1 but there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated ,katcinas to limit it to ,may4 ,it might have been performed in ,april equally well4 ,the ,katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as ,ten ,broeck observed4 #ca ,during that time our knowledge of the ,snake dance had been enlarged by ,stephen1 ,bourke1 and others4 #cb ,the ,katcinas1 sometimes spelt ,cachinas1 are believed to be the same as the ,zui ,kkos and possibly the ,nahuatl teotls4 ,the derivation is obscure2 possibly it is from ktci1 spread out1 horizontal1 the surface of the earth1 na1 father1 abbreviated na1 surface of land1 father4 ,the ,tusayan ,indians say that their ,katcinas are the same as the ,zui ,kko1 pronouncing the word as here spelled4 ,cushing insists1 however1 that the proper name of the organization is ,kk4 ,i find ,mrs ,stevenson1 in her valuable article on the ,religious ,life of a ,zui ,child1 has used the spelling ,kokko1 which introduces the o sound which the ,tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the ,katcinas of their nearest ,pueblo neighbors4 ,this variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious observers shows one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic dissection of ,pueblo words4 ,many ,zui words in the mouths of the ,hopi suffer strange modifications1 so that ,i am not greatly surprised to find idiomatic differences between the ,hopi dialect of the ,east mesa and that of ,oraibi4 ,how much may result after years of separation no one can tell1 but the linguist must be prepared to find these differences very considerable4 #cc ,this person is said to have been the mother of the ,katcinas4 ,she also was the mother of the monsters1 the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero1 ,pkohoya1 and his twin brother is a constant theme in ,tusayan folklore4 #cd ,stevenson1 ,navaho ,sand ,paintings1 in ,eighth ,annual ,report of the ,bureau of ,ethnology4 #ce ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #cf ,the ,hopi report that the ,zui believe that the dead are changed into ,katcinas and go to a ,spap1 which they descend and tell the 8chiefs0 to send the rain4 ,the ,hopi believe that the dead become divinized 7,katcinas in a loose meaning7 and intercede for rain4 7,see discussion of ,mrs ,stevenson's statement that the dead send rain47 ,it seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions4 ,as research progresses it will be found to be of primary importance4 ,the idea of world-quarter deities sprang from astronomical conceptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which the lesser deities naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset4 #cg ,i have elsewhere pointed out that the tponi is called the mother1 and this usage seems to hold among the other ,pueblos4 ,as a badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions of initiation and public exhibitions1 as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the ,snake ,ceremonials at ,walpi4 ,cmo1 the old ,flute chief 7obit #ahic71 once made the following remark about his tponi3 8,this is my mother2 the outer wrapping is her garment2 the string of shells is her necklace2 the feathers typify the birds1 and within it are all the desirable seeds4 ,when ,i go to sleep she watches over me1 and when ,i die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart1 and ,i hope the tponi will take care of me40 ,from these words we learn how much the tponi is venerated1 and it is not remarkable1 considering the benefits which are thought to come from it1 that it is designated 8the mother40 #ch ,i mention this fact since1 following ,bandolier's studios among the ,rio ,grande ,pueblos1 we have something different4 ,the ,koshare1 which appear to correspond with a group of the ,tcukwympkiya1 the ,paiakyam1 are regarded by him as the summer and autumn men1 while the ,cuirana are the spring men4 ,during the late summer and autumn the ,tcukwympkiya take no part in the ceremonials at the ,east mesa of ,tusayan4 ,no ,tcukwympkiyas appear in the ,snake1 ,flute1 ,llakoti1 ,mamzrati1 ,wwtcmti1 or in certain minor festivals4 ,they appear to be almost universal accompaniments of the ,katcina observances4 #ci ,the elaboration is of course along different lines of growth1 and its characteristics are treated in the several already published articles devoted to these subjects4 ,in none of the abbreviated ,katcinas described was there an altar or complicated kiva performance1 but on the other hand1 in the elaborate ,katcinas such secret observances always existed4 ,socalako1 described in this article1 affords an interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites4 #dj ,this might better be called a composite1 abbreviated ,katcina4 #da ,the late ,mr ,stephen made extended studies of this presentation in #ahib1 but his fatal illness prevented his being in the kiva the following winter4 ,it is necessary that a continued study of this dramatization be made before a complete account of the ceremonial calendar can be attempted4 ,the following men are distinctly called chiefs3 ,momowit of ,soylua1 ,kwtcakwa1 ,sakwstiwa ,anawta1 ,nasmoki1 ,kwa1 ,sikyustiwa1 and ,spela4 #db ,see figures of this effigy in my account of the ,pllkoti1 ,journal of ,american ,folk-lore1 ,oct4-,dec41 #ahic4 #dc ,here evidently we have a prayer to the deity symbolized by the effigy and not an invocation to the effigy itself4 #dd ,the dance with the sun-shield remotely resembles certain so-called 8sun dances10 which have been described among the nomads1 in which physical exhaustion and suffering are common features4 ,this dance1 it must be borne in mind1 took place when the sun was at the winter solstice1 and the dramatization of attack and defense may have some meaning in connection with this fact4 #de ,on the authority of ,cyrus ,thomas1 8,are the ,maya hieroglyphs phonetic80 ,american ,anthropologist1 ,washington1 ,july1 #ahic1 p4 #bff4 ,his reasoning that the scribe of the codex intended to represent this astronomical event is plausible but not conclusive4 #df ,there are members of the ,american race living where the sun disappears at the winter solstice or succumbs to evil powers4 ,have the ,pueblos inherited this rite from people who once lived far to the north8 #dg ,the fact that the ,snake dance follows the ,nimn may be explained as follows3 ,the sun begins to be affected by the ,plumed ,snake at the ,farewell dance1 and the growing influence of this divinity is recognized1 hence his children 7reptiles7 are gathered from the fields and intrusted with the prayers of men to cease his malign influence4 #dh ,at the ,nimn in the preceding ,july4 #di ,with ,tatckti 7,mud-heads74 #ej ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,iv4 #ea ,numbers #a1 #b1 #g1 #i and #aj of this list have been described as abbreviated ,katcinas4 ,the symbolism of #c and #h is shown in my figures of dolls2 of the remainder my information is as yet very limited4 #eb ,comparable with the ,nahuatl ,ochpanitzli4 ,the points of similarity between the two are the predominance of the ,earth goddess and the ceremonial renovation of the sacred gathering places4 #ec ,american ,anthropologist1 ,washington1 ,january1 #ahid4 #ed ,the accompanying observations on the ,powm were made by the late ,a4 ,m4 ,stephen in his work for the ,hemenway ,expedition4 #ee ,these men were from the lkiva4 ,they wore the knob-head helmets and their bodies were stained red4 ,each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle feather in the left hand1 and had a pouch of skin or other material slung over the right shoulder4 ,this held corn1 beans1 and other seeds1 which they gave to the women and elders4 #ef ,with the coiled stone1 which resembles the cast of some large fossil shell4 ,i venture to suggest that the reason we find petrified wood in some shrines can be explained in the following manner3 ,in times long past trees were believed by the ,hopi to have souls and these breath bodies were powerful agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers4 ,the fossilized logs now put in shrines date back to the times of which ,i speak1 consequently they are efficacious in the prayers of the present people4 ,this is but the expression of an animistic belief in the souls of trees4 #eg ,she has the ,bear tponi and other fetiches4 #eh ,the name given for this marking by ,ahl is mowh mowitpeadta4 ,it is an appeal to all the gods of the six regions to bless these ,kivas and houses4 #ei ,the performances with the clowns were not unlike others in which they appear4 #fj ,the mound from which it was obtained is close to the base of the foothills eastward from ,walpi1 and all the sand for all the kivas was obtained from this particular mound4 #fa ,during the festival the women clip the hair of their children4 ,the hair is cut over the entire cranium of the little boys1 but in the case of the girls a fringe is left around the base of the head1 especially on each side1 for the characteristic whorls worn by maidens4 #fb ,the gap in the ,east mesa1 known as ,wala1 whence the name of the pueblo of ,walpi at the western end of the same height4 #fc ,woman's blanket without decoration4 #fd ,at the tip of the lowest tail feather on each side a nakwkwoci stained with cta was hung4 #fe ,natcka carried a handsaw in the left hand4 #ff ,bandoleer4 #fg ,hahawqti did not enter any of the houses1 but merely went up the ladder two or three rungs and stood there just high enough to bring her helmet on a level with the first terrace4 ,she then gave her shrill hoot1 and when the women had brought out their children spoke to them in high falsetto4 #fh ,a figure of ,tuwpkachina with his pet 7pkema7 appears on the reredos of the altar of the ,nimnkatcina4 7,see ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a47 ,the sprig which he is depicted as bearing in the hand was supposed to represent a cornstalk1 but from the new observations of the personification of ,tuwup there is no doubt that a yucca whip was intended4 #fi ,as ,i have already pointed out1 the youth who dons the mask of a ,katcina is believed to be for the time transformed into a deity 7soul74 #gj ,mo1 chief2 kohu1 wood--a chieftain's badge4 #ga ,etoto 78,aiwtoto071 has been described in my account of the daybreak ceremonials of the ,farewell ,katcina 7,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a74 ,hahawqti has been figured and described in my article on ,certain ,personages who ,appear in a ,tusayan ,ceremony 7,american ,anthropologist1 ,january1 #ahid74 #gb ,a society comparable with the 8,priesthood of the ,bow0 at ,zui4 ,this society is a priesthood apparently with much less power than that of the neighboring ,cibolan pueblo1 but its chief ,pauwatwa is powerful1 and1 it may be said1 en passant1 a most genial and highly valuable friend to have in ethnologic work at ,walpi4 #gc ,his fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep scapula4 #gd ,kawakakatcinas4 ,kawaka is a ,hopi name for the ,laguna people of ,keresan stock4 #ge ,see figure in ,nacnaiya1 ,journal of ,american ,folk-lore1 ,july-,september1 #ahib4 #gf ,the signification of the bundle of straw may be that here we have the symbolic broom of the purification ceremony1 if ,i am right in my interpretation that the ,powm is a lustral ceremony4 ,in ,nubuatl ceremonial1 ,ochpanitzli1 the mother1 ,toci1 carries the broom1 which is her symbol in this celebration1 as shown in ,seler's interpretation of the ,humboldt manuscripts4 ,in this connection the reader is referred to the facts mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are replastered in the course of the ,powm4 #gg ,elision of the syllable ka in this and similar compounds is common4 #gh ,the symbolism of their masks and their dance is described in the ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #gi ,see ,nimnkatcina altar1 called nananivo poya1 six-directions altar4 ,the whole ceremony is an invocation to the six world-quarter deities4 #hj ,it is generally the custom to anoint the feet1 hands1 etc1 with honey when a person is sent out with offerings to shrines4 7,see 8,snake dance10 ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,iv47 #ha ,see cloud-charm altar in other ceremonials4 ,it is redundant in this place to repeat these accounts1 as the variations are not important4 7,see ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a47 ,the ,powm altars are the same as the ,niman1 q4 v4 #hb ,as the number of these personages was large in this presentation1 this summary mention of their names may be of interest4 #hc ,journal of ,american ,folk-lore1 ,october-,december1 #ahic4 #hd ,it will thus be seen that the details of this ceremony vary in different years1 but the variation depends simply on the kiva presenting it4 ,it is commonly said that the original wmi of the ,pllkoti 7,great ,plumed ,snake7 were brought to ,tusayan by the ,water people from the far south4 ,other observations support that statement4 #he ,to these must be added the constant accompanying priests in all ceremonials1 who are unmasked and do not personate supernatural beings4 #hf ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #hg ,ibid4 ,the following abbreviated ,katcinas have been described and figured3 7#a7 ,humskatcina1 ,corn ,flower2 7#b7 akatcina1 ,long ,beard2 7#c7 ,coyhimkatcina1 ,all2 7#d7 ,hehakatcina2 7#e7 ,siokatcina1 ,zui2 7#f7 ,mlokatcina4 ,the symbolic characters of the different ,katcinas are best shown in my article on 8,dolls of the ,tusayan ,indians40 ,the ,nimnkatcina is likewise outlined in the ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 op4 cit41 and some of these abbreviated ,katcinas are accompaniments of the ,nimn4 #hh ,the participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their masks and costume for one or more days previous to the public dance1 and certain simple ceremonial objects1 as phos and nakwkwocis are made there1 but in none of those ,katcinas which are included in this group have ,i as yet observed any altar or the like4 ,the very name 8abbreviated0 eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and paraphernalia4 #hi ,op4 cit4 ,the spruce tree of the ,katcinas is commonly set up in the plaza4 #ij ,dolls of the ,tusayan ,indians1 op4 cit4 #ia ,the food is brought to each by wives1 daughters1 or other women of his household4 ,this feast takes place in the open air1 not as at ,zui in the kivas4 #ib ,this is the only plaza large enough for a long line of dancers1 and hence is ordinarily used4 #ic ,to these prayers he alone responds 8,antcai10 right4 #id ,the configuration of the mesa and the fact that the house walls rise almost continuously with the side of the cliff prevent the ,katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo1 but in ,zui the open spaces outside the village1 in addition to the plaza in the heart of the pueblo1 are used for dances as ,i have elsewhere described4 #ie ,see also ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,iv1 p4 #ff4 #if 8,adventures in ,zui10 ,century ,magazine1 vol4 ,,xxv1 p4 #ejg et seq4 #ig ,several ceremonials are derived from ,zui1 while others are peculiar to ,tusayan4 ,the symbolism of the ,soclako and the ,hopi ,clako is different4 ,no girls 7mnas7 were represented in the ,soclako4 #ih ,all the women and children of this family had been moved to the mesa a few days before4 #ii ,compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of ,pllkoh 7,journal of ,american ,folk-lore1 ,october-,december1 #ahic74 #ajj ,koyeamashe 7see ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,i74 #aja ,the association of ,etoto with ntiwa has already been described in my account of the ,nimnkatcina 7,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a74 #ajb ,explanation of the diagram3 a1 b1 c1 d and a1 b1 c d1 successive positions of the effigy bearers on the northern and southern sides of the plaza2 e1 ,etoto2 h1 ,hahawqti2 i1 ntiwa2 k1 ,koymise2 m1 accompanying celebrants4 ,the figures a-d and a-d represent the circles of meal1 with cross lines1 over which the effigy bearers stand in the course of the ceremonials4 #ajc ,the general character of the ,wwac described in my article in the ,bulletin of the ,essex ,institute1 where certain of the masks made use of in it are figured4 ,the ,racing ,katcina performed at this time was1 however1 much more complicated1 and a description of it would be a digression from the subject of this article4 #ajd ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #aje ,it was said that there ought to have been six 7possibly one for each cardinal point7 of these1 who are called ,ciwata1 sisters of the ,pawkkatcinas4 #ajf ,i have not been permitted to see the unmasked dance of the ,kko in the ,zui kivas1 where it is common1 and was glad to supplement my observations by the same in one of the ,tusayan kivas4 ,in the ,katcinas which ,i saw in #ahia at ,walpi there was no dance in the kivas4 #ajg ,the pipe was passed ceremonially after having been lit with a coal 7burning corncob7 brought by a woman from a house in ,sitcomovi4 ,in most ceremonials it is also prescribed that the makers of phos shall wash their heads before beginning their duties1 but this takes place in their own dwellings4 #ajh ,the first reference which ,i have found to the use of tobacco in the ceremonial smoke by the ,american ,indians is by ,monardes4 ,this interesting description of tobacco and its uses1 accompanied with a figure of the plant1 is one of the most complete for its date 7#aeij7 which ,i have seen4 #aji ntiwa is ,katcina mwi1 chief of the ,katcinas2 ,kpeli1 chief of the ,snakes2 ,hyi1 hereditary ,snake-,antelope chief2 ,wki1 chief of the ,snake-,antelopes2 ,pauatwa1 chief of warriors2 ,lsma1 ,bear chief4 #aaj ,see ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #aaa ,when the inhabitants of another pueblo visit that in which a sacred dance is taking place1 it is customary for the hosts to entertain by setting before them food1 and it is no uncommon thing to see visitors passing from house to house partaking of the pkami 7mush7 and other delicacies4 ,it is not unusual for the headmen of one pueblo to send official thanks to the people of another for their sacred dances and other efforts for rain4 ,in a memoir on the ,snake dance ,i mention an instance where even the distant ,havasupai ,indians brought offerings from their home to ,walpi 7,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,iv74 #aab ,i need not describe their actions1 as ,i have already done so for other ,katcina dances 7,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a47 #aac ,one marked difference between ,katcina and ,kko1 or ,hopi and ,zui1 dancers is that in the latter the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and the feast is held in the same place4 ,at ,tusayan the feast is open1 and generally there is no unmasked dance4 ,the feast in the kiva at ,zui is possibly a secondary modification for effecting secrecy4 #aad ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #aae ,this is only time ,i have seen the ,death god personified4 ,the ,paiakaam rushed up to me and demanded a knife1 and when ,i refused to give it1 not aware of their intention1 they sought other ways to kill the poor brute4 ,it was an exhibition of extreme savagery1 but of course with no danger to any of the spectators4 ,later in their antics the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cactus branch1 and the person who performed this painful act went from housetop to housetop touching the arm or neck of every spectator--man1 woman1 and child4 ,during this dance these ,tcukuwympkiyas performed the disgusting act of drinking human urine4 ,mr ,cushing1 in the ,century ,magazine1 records the slaughter of a dog in a similar manner1 except that he says that his life was threatened before the dog was killed1 and it was by his defiant attitude that he was not seized by the performers4 #aaf ,the direction of the ceremonial circuit of the ,tewa is sinistral4 ,in this instance it began at the east4 ,i believe this is the prescribed circuit of all the ,pueblos4 ,some of the ,tewa have told me that in their folktales their people did not emerge from the same spap as the ,hopi1 but from a spap to the east4 ,although some of the priests say that all people came from the middle of the earth1 from one spap1 others believe that each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening4 ,the idea has been localized by environment1 as is so often the case with modified legends4 #aag ,there are certainly more evidences of white man's influences in dance paraphernalia in ,zui than at ,tusayan1 such1 for instance1 as the use of hats and calico shirts in dances1 ,american chairs1 rifles1 etc1 etc4 #aah ,notwithstanding this statement1 ,i have already pointed out similarities between both these women's celebrations and certain ,zui dances 7see ,american ,anthropologist1 vol4 ,v1 p4 #bcf1 note74 #aai ,hwina 7,zui1 winahe71 a kind of thanksgiving dance1 is distinctly a ,zui dance and is so recognized by the ,hopi4 ,i have seen photographs of the celebration at ,zui which bear such a close resemblance to that called by the ,hopi the ,hwina that in all probability the two are identical4 ,the elaborate war dances celebrated at ,zui and the observances of the ,priesthood of the ,bow at that pueblo are very much abbreviated in ,tusayan 7,east mesa7 where the organization has not the same power as with the ,cibolans4 #abj ,cipaulovi1 or the 8,place of ,peaches10 would necessarily have received its name after those who brought peaches came among the ,hopi4 ,it is known that ,sitcomovi was a late colony of ,asa people from the ,rio ,grande1 united with others from ,walpi1 while ,hano was founded about #agjj4 ,the ,cipaulovi people1 however celebrate the ,flute ceremony1 and the ,flute people came to ,tusayan shortly after the ,snake4 ,it would thus appear that we have a date to determine that the ,flute people came to ,tusayan after ,vargas 7#afib74 ,morfi1 in #aghb1 says that the people of ,xipaulovi 7,cipaulovi7 came from ,xongopabi 7,cuopavi74 #aba ,i do not for a moment doubt that even when nominally ,christianized the succession of the chiefs in the several sacerdotal societies has not been broken up to our time4 #abb ,coco in ,spanish signifies a bogy4 ,in compounds it can be detected in ,cocomaricopa1 where it may mean fool1 possibly referring to the inferiority of this stem4 ,the derivation of ,kko or ,kk is not known to me4 ,the word ,katcina has the advantage of ,kko or ,kk as a general designation4 #abc ,that is1 the last ,katcina before their departure in ,cibola1 as in ,tusayan4 ,in ,walpi it is not an autumn dance1 but occurs at about the same time that ,i witnessed it at ,zui1 near the end of ,july 7see ,journal of ,american ,ethnology and ,archology1 vol4 ,i1 ,no4 #a74 #abd ,it is recommended that in illustrating ,zui masks a full face view be given1 for in that way the symbolism is much better expressed than by profile views4 #abe ,pooatwa is considered by ,mrs ,stevenson the 8,sun ,father40 ,i have not gone far enough in my studies to accept this relationship for ,patiwa4 ,there are some reasons for considering ,patiwa the ,mist ,father1 which speculation has led me to interpret the ,slmobias as ,patiwa forms of the rain-clouds of the six world-quarters1 but such an opinion is highly theoretical4 #abf ,the terraced elevations are common on the ,zui nkwipis and handled prayer-meal bowls1 as can be seen in any large collection of ,zui ceramics2 but the semicircular rain-cloud figures are very rare1 indeed wanting1 in all ,i have seen4 ,the frog1 tadpole1 snake1 and similar symbols appear1 however1 to be present in both4 ,the question of the characteristic symbolism of ,zui and ,hopi pottery is a complicated one1 which can not be considered in this article1 but the two types can readily be distinguished by a student of this subject4 #abg ,it would be a remarkable fact if accounts of this symbolism are not later described4 #abh ,memoirs of the ,international ,congress of ,anthropology1 ,chicago1 #ahid1 p4 #cae4 #abi ,on page #cad she mentions six ,ahshiwanni as 8rain priests40 ,i am not able to definitely decide from the text whether these six are the same as the fourteen mentioned above4 ,it is not clear to me in which group ,mrs ,stevenson places the 8,mud-heads0 and 8,gluttons10 well described by ,ten ,broeck in #aheb from ,tusayan1 and later by herself and ,cushing from ,zui1 and by other writers from the ,rio ,grande pueblos4 #acj ,if these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor of the theory which the ritual emphasized1 and that while in a general way there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two people1 it is absurd to say that 8what is written of one is true also of the other40 ,long ago their systems may have been identical2 at present they have more or less differentiated one from the other4 ,in ,zui1 according to ,mrs ,stevenson1 8at the winter and summer solstices synchronal meetings of most of these societies are held1 and also at other times40 ,after having carefully studied the ceremonials at the time of the summer solstice at ,tusayan1 ,i have not found any synchronal meetings of the societies which correspond with those mentioned as occurring at ,zui at that time4 #aca ,it is desirable that the names of the priests who officiate in ceremonials be given in extended accounts of them in order that the intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be made out4 ,until the names of the members of the different societies are complete we are more or less hampered in our studies4 ,the ,zui equivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe 7,tcihkyalikwe1 ,snake priests from tcihtola1 snake1 and kyalikwe1 wympkia74 ,i am unable to tell to what priests in ,tusayan the 8,ahshiwanni0 correspond4 ,the ,tawa 7,sun7 wympkia or ,sun priests have certain points in common with them1 but this is as truly an esoteric society as any in ,tusayan4 ,i have elsewhere described the ,tewa ceremony in which the ,sun priests make the phos and their chief1 ,klacai1 appeals directly to the rising sun4 ,in that same ceremony phos are likewise made to the ,rain gods directly4 ,in the ,katcina celebrations some of the same ,sun priests1 however1 appeal to the leader of the ,katcinas to bring them rain1 and this personage replies that he will4 ,in this case1 supposing1 as ,i think we justly can1 that the ,katcinas are intercessors between men and gods of highest rank1 we have in ,tusayan the possible equivalent of the 8,ahshiwanni 7rain priests70 intrusting their prayers to a zoomorphic and anthropomorphic supernatural personage4 ,the prayer of a single chief for rain for the people1 showing something similar to the so-called ,ahshiwanni at ,zui1 are not uncommon in ,tusayan4 ,in ,tusayan an organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present day from the other societies4 ,all holders of wmis are ,rain priests1 as well as the organization called the ,sun priests1 and all at times make special prayers to the ,rain gods4 #acb ,op4 cit41 p4 #cad4 ,i believe many facts might be marshaled to prove that ancestor worship is a most vital part of the ,tusayan religious system4 #acc ,see 8,the ,graff collection of ,greek portraits10 ,new ,england ,magazine1 ,january1 #ahid4 ,mr ,j4 ,g4 ,frazier 7,jour4 ,anth4 ,inst4 of ,great ,britain and ,ireland1 vol4 ,,xv1 p4 #gc7 from comparative studies of burial customs suggests that the habit of masking the dead is 8to keep the way to the grave a secret from the dead man40 ,this explanation seems to me much more labored than that given above4 #acd ,hahawqti4 ,i have elsewhere shown reasons to suspect that several personages may be the same 8,earth goddess40 ,kkyanwqti1 the ,spider woman1 is also an 8,earth goddess40 ,as everything1 even man himself1 came from the womb of the earth1 symbolized by the spider1 it is not surprising that an ,indian should call the spider the creator4 ,it is a very different thing1 however1 to interpret such information by our philosophic ideas4 ,that the primitive should consider the earth as the mother of everything1 its creator in one sense1 is natural2 that the ,pueblo ,indian should symbolize that mother by the ,spider woman is probable1 for other races have done likewise2 but that he associates with mother earth the spiritual idea which we have of the ,creator is absurd4 ,his cosmogony bears no evidence that he rose1 in pre-,columbian times1 to the belief in a ,great ,spirit who created the universe4 ,transcriber's ,notes3 - ,text enclosed by underscores is in italics 7italics74 - ,blank pages have been removed4 - ,obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected4