,,the ,,al,,saka ,,cult ,,of ,,the      
,,hopi                                  
,,indians                               
,by ,j4 ,,walter ,,fewkes        7,from 
the ,american ,anthropologist 7,n4 ,s471
 ,vol4 #a1 ,july1 #ahii7                
,,new ,,york                            
,g4 ,p4 ,,putnam',s ,,sons              
#ahii                          ,,the    
,,al,,saka ,,cult ,,of ,,the ,,hopi     
,,indians#a                             
,by ,j4 ,,walter ,,fewkes               
,introduction    ,a little over ten     
years ago an ,indian living near ,keam's
 ,canyon1  ,arizona1 informed ,mr ,t4   
,v4 ,keam1 who for several years had    
been making  a collection of ,hopi      
curiosities1 that there were two idols  
in a  cave near the ruins of the old    
pueblo of ,awatobi4 ,mr ,keam1 supposing
  these images to be so ancient that    
they no longer were used in the  ,hopi  
ritual1 especially as they were reported
 from a point ten miles  from the       
nearest pueblo1 visited the place1 and  

brought the idols to  his store1 several
 miles distant4 ,when the removal of    
these objects  became known1 it created 
great consternation among some of the   
,hopi1  and a delegation of priests from
 one of their villages begged ,mr ,keam 
to restore the figurines to them1       
stating that they were still used  in   
their ceremonies4 ,this request was     
immediately granted1 and the  two idols 
were borne away with great reverence by 
the priests1 who  sprinkled a line of   
meal on the ground along the trail as   
they returned  home4 ,the images1       
however1 have never been returned to    
their old shrine  under the ,awatobi    
mesa1 but a new fane has been found for 
them1 the  situation of which is known  
to no white man4#b    ,from the late ,mr
 ,a4 ,m4 ,stephen's rough sketches1     
notes1 and  measurements of these images
 7which the writer has not seen71 it    
appears that they are made of           
cottonwood1 the larger one about four   
feet tall1 the other five inches        

shorter4 ,mr ,stephen thought that they 
represented male and female1 and his    
sketches of them show ground for  that  
belief4 ,each has a well carved head1   
from which arise two straight           
projections which will be spoken of as  
horns4    ,in his studies of the ,hopi  
,indians the author has several times   
visited  the shrine at ,awatobi where   
these objects were once kept1 finding it
  a depression in a large bowlder1 which
 was formerly walled up with  masonry1  
making a shelf upon which the images    
stood4 ,the entrance to  this shrine    
faces the east1 and the bowlder lies a  
few feet lower down  on the cliff than  
the foundation of the old mission church
 of ,san  ,bernardino de ,awatobi4 ,by  
interrogating ,indians regarding the    
images1  he has found that they         
represent beings called ,alsakas1 the   
cult  of which1 once practised at       
,awatobi1 still survives in the rites of
  the modern ,hopi pueblos4 ,many       
legends concerning ,alsaka have been    

collected1 but only during the last few 
years has the author witnessed          
ceremonies connected with their cult4   
,as a result of these observations  a   
suggestion in regard to its significance
 is offered4    ,the distinctive        
symbolic feature of these images is the 
horns 7la7  above referred to1 from     
which they take their name4 ,there is a 
priesthood at ,walpi called the ,aalt or
 ,horn-men 7to whom the name  ,alsaka is
 also given71 who are the special       
guardians of the cult and  who perform  
rites which throw light on its nature4  
,these ,aalt1 in  their personifications
 of ,alsakas1 wear on their heads       
close-fitting  wicker caps1#c on which  
are mounted two large1 artificial1      
curved  projections made of buckskin1   
painted white1 and resembling horns of  
the mountain sheep#d which1 in certain  
of their actions1 the ,aalt  imitate4   
,the three ,walpi ceremonies in which we
 find survivals of the ,alsaka  cult are
 the ,flute1 the ,new-fire1 and the     

,winter ,solstice1 which are  especially
 instructive in a study of its          
significance4                           
,personations of ,alsaka as ,escorts    
,in the ,flute and ,new-fire ceremonies 
the role of the personators of  ,alsaka 
is that of an escort who leads the      
columns of dancers or  processions of   
priests4    ,the personation of ,alsaka 
in the ,walpi ,flute-dance was by a     
member  of the sa clan1 who1 on the     
fifth day of the ceremony1 drew a  line 
of ground corn and made rain-cloud      
symbols along the path by  which altar  
objects were carried from one place to  
another4 ,he made  a line of meal across
 the trail by which one enters ,walpi1  
in order  to symbolically close it to   
visitors on the seventh day1 when the   
historic reception of the ,flute chief  
by the ,bear and ,snake chiefs was      
dramatized1 and brushed away this meal  
when the ,flute chief was invited  to   
enter the pueblo at that time4 ,he also 
8closed0 the trail a second  time when  

the ,flute priests marched into the     
pueblo1 and brushed the  meal away as   
they proceeded4 ,on the last day he led 
a procession of  priests to the ,sun    
spring 7,twapa71 where a ceremony of    
wading into  the water was performed1   
and escorted it back to ,walpi on the   
afternoon  of the last day1 when the    
public ,flute exercises were conducted4 
,he  sprinkled a line of meal over which
 certain sacred objects were carried    
from the ,flute altar to the roof of the
 house1 and led the priests as  they    
bore these objects from place to place4 
,there are only obscure  hints regarding
 the nature of the ,alsaka cult in these
 acts4    ,in the ,new-fire ceremonies  
we find ,alsaka filling the role of     
escort1 and also that of tyler at the   
kiva hatches4 ,he escorted the  public  
dancers1 visited the trails1 and drew   
lines of meal across them  to prevent   
strangers from entering the pueblo4 ,he 
inspected these  trails from time to    
time1 guarded the ladder while the new  

fire was  being kindled1 and carried it 
to the other kivas4 ,these duties are   
those of warriors1 but ,alsaka was not  
armed1 nor is the mountain  sheep which 
he represents a probable personation of 
a warrior4    ,it is interesting to note
 that there is no ,alsaka escort of the 
,flute priests in their public dances at
 the ,middle ,mesa1 and1 judging  from  
photographs1 it would seem that there is
 a like absence at ,oraibi1  which may  
be due to the absence of certain clans4 
,thus1 one of the  chiefs of the ,aalt  
or ,alsaka society at ,walpi belongs to 
the  sa clan of ,tanoan extraction      
limited to the ,east ,mesa4 ,the first  
colonists of this clan were essentially 
warriors1 and their performance  of     
escort duty may be a survival of former 
times4    ,as there are two chiefs of   
equal standing in the ,aalt priesthood1 
one of the sa and the other of the ,bear
 clan 7one of the oldest in  ,walpi71 it
 would seem that there are two phases of
 the cult1 and that  the function of    

,alsaka as an escort is distinct from an
 older one  common to other ,hopi       
villages4                               
,germinative ,element in the ,alsaka    
,cult    ,the germinative element of the
 ,alsaka cult1 which we may regard  as  
an ancient phase1 was introduced into   
,awatobi and the other ,hopi  pueblos by
 a group of clans from the far south4   
,these clans1 called  the ,patu1 or     
,squash1 founded the pueblo of          
,micoinovi1#e where the  ,alsaka cult is
 now vigorous1 and were prominent in    
,awatobi where it  was important4 ,there
 is one episode of the elaborated       
,new-fire ceremony  which is traced to  
these southern clans2 this concerns a   
figurine1  called ,talatumsi1 kept in a 
shrine under the cliffs of ,walpi and   
especially reverenced by the ,aalt or   
,alsaka priests4    ,in the elaborated  
,new-fire rites1 called the ,nacnaiya1  
just after  the fire has been kindled by
 frictional methods in the ,mokiva      
before  a man personating the ,fire-god1

 one of the ,aalt brought into the      
pueblo1 from the shrine in which it is  
kept1 the image of ,talatumsi  wrapped  
in a white blanket with prayer-sticks in
 its girdle4 ,this was  set on the kiva 
hatches1 one after another1 where it    
remained several  days2 rites were      
performed about it1 during which it was 
sprinkled  with meal in prayer1 and     
later reverentially carried by the ,aalt
  back to its shrine1 where it was set  
in position to remain until the  next   
quadrennial ceremony4 ,this image is    
supposed to represent1 not  ,alsaka1 but
 the bride of ,alsaka1 the maternal     
parent of the  ,aalt society about whom 
cluster so many folktales4 ,she is the  
cultus  heroine of that society1--one of
 their ancestors1--and her effigy is    
brought into the pueblo in ,november1   
every four years1 by one of their       
number1 just as we may suppose the      
images of ,alsaka were brought  into old
 ,awatobi when the ,new-fire ceremony   
was celebrated in that  ill-fated       

pueblo4    ,the ,hopi have another      
shrine at which they worship in the     
,new-fire  ceremony1 but instead of an  
image this contains a log of silicified 
wood called ,tuwapontumsi1              
8,earth-altar-woman40 ,exactly who this 
personage is1 the author has not yet    
discovered1 but it is instructive  to   
know that among the ,hopi totems which  
he obtained1 one of the men  gave as his
 signature a figure of a lizard1 a      
circle representing the  earth1 and a   
horned human figure which was called    
,tuwapontumsi4 ,as  this figure recalls 
that of ,alsaka1 and as the shrine of   
the being  it represents is visited at  
the same time as that of ,talatumsi by  
priests guided by ,alsaka1 it is not    
impossible that ,tuwapontumsi  is       
connected with the ,alsaka cult4    ,a  
visit to this shrine was made by the two
 phallic societies1  ,tataukyam and     
,wwtcimt1 directly after the kindling of
 the new  fire in the chief kiva at     
,walpi4 ,they were led by a man         

personating  ,alsaka1 and after praying 
at the shrine they marched in single    
file  to the site of ,old ,walpi1 on the
 terrace below the present pueblo1 and  
encircled the mounds of this old        
habitation four times1 sprinkling       
prayer-meal as their leader1 ,alsaka1   
directed4 ,this place is  called a spap1
 and below it are thought to dwell the  
ancients4  ,the prayers were addressed  
to the old men who have died4 8,down    
below  us they dwell10 said an old      
priest4 8,there the ancients dwell10    
said  he1 patting the ground with his   
foot4 8,we are now praying to them40    
,there are many facts which show the    
existence of ancestor worship among  the
 ,hopi1 but the author never heard it   
stated more clearly by the  priests than
 the night he accompanied the phallic   
societies#f to the  ancient site of     
,walpi in the celebration of the        
,new-fire ceremonies in  ,november1     
#ahih4                           ,the   
,bird-man in the ,soylua    ,one of the 

most striking features of the rites of  
the ,winter ,solstice  ceremony in the  
chief kiva is the personation1 before an
 altar1 of  a ,bird-man who is thought  
to represent a solar god4 ,this episode 
at  ,walpi has been elsewhere           
described1#g but as at ,oraibi it       
immediately  precedes certain rites     
directly related to the ,alsaka cult1 a 
few  notes on the personation of the    
,bird-man in the latter pueblo will be  
introduced4    ,about #aj ,p4,m4 on the 
day called ,ttokya1 the chief day of all
 great  ceremonies1 this man1 preceded  
by two others1 passed into the kiva1    
his entrance being announced by balls of
 meal thrown through the  hatchway upon 
the floor1 falling near the fireplace4  
,the two men seated  themselves1 one on 
each side of the ladder1 which was      
grasped in one  arm4 ,the ,bird-man who 
followed had his face painted white1 and
 in his  mouth was a whistle with which 
he continually imitated the call of a   
bird1 probably the eagle4 ,he first     

stood on the upraise in the floor1      
called the spectators' part1 then       
squatted on the floor near the right    
pole of the ladder4 ,he carried feathers
 in his hands1#h and1 moving  his arms  
up and down1 imitated the motion of     
wings1 as if flapping them  like a bird4
    ,while he was performing these avian
 movements1 the spectators sang  a      
stirring song and the ,bird-man slowly  
advanced to the middle of  the room1    
imitating the gait of a bird and        
crouching in a squatting  attitude4 ,the
 motion of the wings and the bird-cries 
continued1 the  personator now and then 
raising his arms and letting them fall  
with a  quivering motion4 ,once in the  
middle of the room he laid the feathers 
on the floor and remained there for a   
short time without moving4 ,he  then    
arose and danced for a long time1       
accompanied by a woman who held  in one 
hand an ear of corn which she gracefully
 waved back and forth4  ,she followed   
the ,bird-man as he moved from place to 

place1 and at the  close of the dance   
took her seat near the right wall of the
 kiva where  she sat before the         
,bird-man entered the room4    ,after   
the woman had taken her seat1 the       
,bird-man continued the wing  movements 
with his arms1 stretching them at full  
length and then  drawing them back to   
his body4 ,he then proceeded to a pile  
of sand  in a corner near the upraise2  
taking pointed sticks or reeds in his   
hand and halting before this mound of   
sand1 he threw first one1 then  another1
 of the sticks into the sand1 all the   
time imitating a bird in  the movements 
of his body and simulating the          
bird-calls with a whistle4  ,he then    
went to the ,soylua woman who had danced
 with him2 squatting  before her1 he    
uttered the strange bird-calls1 and1    
making a pass1  raised the small sticks 
which he carried from her feet to her   
head  several times4 ,he then returned  
to the mound of sand and again shot the 
sticks into it1 after which he returned 

to the woman4 ,this was repeated        
several times4 ,the bird personator then
 returned to the middle of the  kiva1   
before the altar1 and1 taking a bow and 
some arrows1 danced for  some time1     
while all the assembled priests sang in 
chorus4 ,as the  ,bird-man danced1 he   
raised the bow1 fitted an arrow to it1  
faced the  north1 and drew the bowstring
 as if to shoot4 ,this was repeated six 
times1 the performer pointing the arrow 
to the cardinal directions in           
prescribed sinistral sequence4    ,at   
the close of this part of the           
performance the songs ceased and the    
,bird-man took a seat before the altar1 
while a priest at his right  lit a      
conical pipe and blew through it1 on the
 body of the ,bird-man1  clouds of      
tobacco smoke4 ,this smoke was not taken
 into the mouth1 but  the smoker placed 
the larger end between his lips1 and    
blew through  the tube1 causing the     
smoke to issue from a small hole at the 
pointed  end4#i ,after prayers by one or

 more of the priests1 the ,bird-man     
again  danced before the altar1 at the  
same time imitating the movements of    
wings with his arms and bird-calls with 
a whistle in his mouth4 ,he then  left  
the room and the calls could be heard as
 he went outside4    ,this proceeding is
 interpreted as a symbolic dramatization
 or  representation of the fertilization
 of the earth1 and is an example of     
highly complicated sympathetic magic by 
which nature powers of sky and  earth   
are supposed to be influenced4#aj ,the  
,bird-man1 called ,kwtaka  or           
,kwtoka1#aa is an old war-god1 and      
possibly a sun god1 the return  of whom 
the ,winter ,solstice ceremony          
commemorates4    ,the evidence that the 
,bird-man personates a sun or sky god is
 derived  mainly from morphological     
symbolism1 and in support of the theory 
there  are here introduced a figure of  
the most common ,hopi sun symbol1 also  
representations of dolls of a sun god1  
and ,kwtaka whom the ,bird-man          

personates4    ,the common sun emblem   
7plate ,,xxv1 a7 is a round disk with a 
woven  corn-husk margin in which are    
inserted feathers of the eagle radiating
  at all angles4 ,from the four         
quadrants project sticks--the ends of an
  equal-armed cross4 ,this disk has the 
following design painted upon  it3 ,the 
upper part is separated from the lower  
by a horizontal line1  and the space    
above is divided into two parts by a    
perpendicular  line1 while the mouth is 
represented in the lower space by an    
hourglass-shaped figure4 ,two marks     
represent eyes4 ,this disk is worn  on  
the backs of men personating the sun1 in
 many rites1 and is found  painted on   
the screens used in the ,pallkoti       
ceremony4 ,it is the  ordinary sun      
symbol in ,hopi pictography4    ,many   
conventional modifications of this      
symbol are common4 ,the painted  design 
is often omitted and the disk reduced to
 a circle1 while  the feathers are      
dropped1 or concentrated in clusters in 

the four  quadrants4 ,in the sand       
picture of ,powalaw#ab the sun symbol is
  made of concentric zones of sand of   
different colors with arrow-shaped      
extensions in the four quadrants4       
,again1 the circle may be absent1 when  
the four extensions in its quadrants    
remain1 forming a cross called a        
tokpela4 ,this highly conventionalized  
form of the sun is often found  depicted
 on shields as a warrior's symbol4      
,thus1 while the equal-armed cross      
sometimes becomes a sun symbol1 this  by
 no means implies that the cross may not
 also have other meanings4  ,the        
signification of symbols depends on     
association1 and the simple  emblem     
described may have an entirely different
 meaning in other  associations4 ,there 
is no more constant decoration used in  
the  ornamentation of ancient ,hopi     
pottery than the cross1 yet to interpret
  this simple figure as invariably a sun
 symbol would be absurd1 for it  may    
mean the sky1 the four world-quarters1  

the four winds1 the sun1 or  a star2 or 
it may be employed simply as an         
insignificant decorative  motive4 ,such 
simple designs as the cross1 the circle1
 or the triangle1  in primitive         
symbolism1 may often be regarded as     
simply qualitative  and are so used in  
pictography1 their true meaning in      
specific  cases depending on their      
association with other figures4 ,in     
certain  associations a circle is a sun 
symbol1 in others an earth symbol2  an  
equal-armed cross with a figure of a    
rapacious bird sometimes  represents the
 sun1 in other instances the four       
cardinal points1 which1  with the ,hopi1
 are purely terrestrial directions or   
positions on the  horizon4              
,illustration3 ,,pl4 ,,xxv      ,,hopi  
,,sun ,,symbolism      a1 ,common ,hopi 
sun symbol4 b1 8,big-head10 a solar god4
 c1    ,kwtaka1 bird with sun symbolism4
 d1 ,ahole4    ,returning to the common 
symbol of the sun1 or the disk with     
painted  design and radiating peripheral

 eagle feathers1 we find on comparing   
it with the symbolism of the head of a  
sun god 7plate ,,xxv1 b71 a  close      
similarity4 ,among the features common  
to both are the markings  on the upper  
half of the face1 the radiating         
feathers1 and the cross  extensions4    
,the marks on the sun disk1 indicating  
eyes1 are here  replaced by balls1 but  
of greater importance in future         
comparison1 the  mouth or double        
triangle is represented by a curving    
beak4 ,the reason  for the substitution 
of this form of mouth is apparent in a  
comparison  with the head of the doll of
 ,kwtaka 7plate ,,xxv1 c71 where a      
bird's  head1 wings1 and tail are all   
represented4 ,the symbolic design on the
  body of this bird doll is strictly    
comparable with those on the two sun    
symbols previously mentioned4 ,the      
radiating feathers are replaced by  tail
 and wings1 while the head is suggested 
by the curved beak of the  second       
symbol4 ,a comparison of these three    

figures leads to the belief  that they  
are three different sun symbols4    ,the
 fact that the last is called ,kwtaka1  
and that the ,bird-man in  ,soylua was  
given the same name1 supports the theory
 that the  latter is a solar god4 ,in   
his performance he does not1 to be sure1
  wear a mask with solar symbols1 but he
 imitates a bird in action and  voice4  
,he is a patron of warriors1 like the   
sun2 he is the first god to  return1 and
 the ,soylua is a celebration to cause  
the sun to return4  ,the eagle or a     
raptorial bird is the sun bird2 the sun 
fertilizes the  earth1 and the          
ceremonial acts of the ,bird-man at the 
,winter ,solstice  dramatize            
fertilization4 ,in short1 the conclusion
 to which studies of  the ceremonial    
acts of the ,bird-man1 reinforced by    
those of comparative  symbolism1 have   
led me1 is that the ,bird-man personates
 the sun or a  solar deity4             
,ceremony with the ,alsaka ,screen      
,after the bird personator had retired1 

a short interval elapsed1 all  the      
spectators of the previous rites        
remaining seated4 ,a screen was  then   
handed through the kiva hatchway and    
propped upright near the  fireplace with
 blocks of clay and stones4 ,this screen
 7plate ,,xxvi7 was  estimated to be    
between four and five feet long1 by     
about three feet  wide1 and was         
decorated on the side turned toward the 
fireplace and the  raised floor of the  
kiva4 ,the entire middle of the screen  
was occupied  by a picture of ,alsaka1  
identical with that on the sun-shield   
used  in the ,walpi ,soylua4#ac ,the    
head of this figure bore two curved     
horns1 with two fan-shaped lateral      
attachments2 the chin was painted       
black2 in the right hand an ear of corn 
was represented1 and in the  left a     
mokohu or whitened slab of wood with    
attached feathers4    ,a triple         
rain-cloud symbol was depicted on the   
screen above the head  of the ,alsaka   
figure1 and to the left were four       

parallel bars with  a vertical row of   
four dots4 ,in the lower left-hand      
corner there was  a symbolic picture of 
the sun1 and on the right side of       
,alsaka  appeared an elongated figure   
which possibly may have represented  a  
sprouting seed4 ,to each side of the    
screen were attached four  artificial   
flowers1 and to the upper edge a number 
of hoops covered  with raw cotton1      
possibly representing snow4 ,a          
conventional symbol  of corn was drawn  
on the lower part of the screen1 and the
 surface was  covered with various      
seeds1 as corn1 beans1 etc41 fastened   
with clay4    ,illustration3 ,,pl4      
,,xxvi      ,drawn by ,mary ,m4         
,leighter      ,,screen ,,of ,,the      
,,al,,saka    ,the rites performed      
before this screen were of a very simple
 nature1  and one of the most important 
was the scraping of the seeds from the  
lower part into a tray after certain    
prayers and other observances4 ,to  the 
seeds in the basket was added a small   

quantity of raw cotton taken  from the  
top of the screen1 which was then       
carried out of the kiva4    ,the        
ceremony before the screen is           
interpreted as a prayer to ,alsaka  for 
rain1 snow1 fertilization of seed1 and  
abundant harvests1  symbolized by the   
figures on it and the rites performed   
before it4  ,these ceremonies are very  
appropriately introduced in connection  
with  those of the ,rain-cloud people1  
since both came from the south and were 
brought by related clans4#ad            
,ceremony with the ,alsaka ,shield      
,in the ,walpi variant of the ,soylua or
 ,winter ,solstice ceremony1  we have   
not as yet observed a ceremony with the 
,alsaka figure  comparable with that    
with the screen just described2 but     
there  is a shield upon which is painted
 an almost identical figure of          
,alsaka4#ae ,the nature of the rites in 
which this shield is used is            
imperfectly known1 and the character of 
the ,alsaka worship in the  pueblos of  

the ,middle ,mesa is yet to be          
investigated4                           
,pictures of ,alsaka    ,the symbolism  
of ,alsaka is shown in a rude drawing   
made by one of  the ,hopi to illustrate 
a legend1 and it represents this being  
on a  rainbow1 on which he is said to   
have traveled from his home in the  ,san
 ,francisco mountains to meet an        
,awatobi maid4 ,above the figure of     
,alsaka is represented the sun1 which is
 drawn also on the screen  above        
described1 for ,alsaka is intimately    
associated with the sun1  as are all the
 other horned gods1 ,ahole1 ,calako1    
,tuwup1 and the  ,natackas4 ,an         
interesting detail of the symbolism of  
this picture of  the sun is the         
crescents under the eyes1 which are     
found also on dolls  representing the   
mother of the gods1 ,hahaiwqti1 an      
,earth-goddess of  first importance4    
,the personators of ,alsaka paint a     
white crescent  under the left eye4     
,there is good authority for the belief 

that the conventional symbol  of ,alsaka
 is a profile view of a budding         
squash-blossom--a  central bud and two  
lateral leaves4 ,when this symbol       
becomes highly  conventionalized1 or    
made of rectangular instead of curved   
lines1 it  consists of a straight line  
with a triangle on each side1 and is    
then  the same symbol of generation that
 is painted with red iron oxide on  the 
breast1 arms1 and thighs of the two     
phallic societies in the public         
,new-fire ceremony4    ,as an idea of   
the nature of ,alsaka may be discovered 
from  morphological symbolism1 let us   
examine the figures of a few of the     
horned 8gods0 in the ,hopi ,olympus4    
,the first group of horn-headed gods to 
which reference may be  made are the    
pictures found on altars in the         
ceremonies called  ,nimn and ,powam4 ,at
 ,walpi these pictures are said to      
represent  ,tuwupkatcina1#af a name     
which may be of ,tanoan origin4 ,figures
  of ,tuwup have two lateral horns on   

the head1 to the tips of which          
representations of feathers are         
sometimes appended4 ,on the top of  the 
head1 between these two horns1 there is 
represented a crest of  radiating       
feathers1 and on the forehead a         
broadheaded arrow which is  sometimes   
modified to resemble the symbolism on   
the face of the figures  of the sun     
painted on disks4    ,the ,tuwup type of
 horned gods includes the ,calako-taka1 
,natacka1  and one or two others4 ,the  
mask of ,ahole1 who flogs the children  
during the ,powam celebration1 has the  
same two lateral horns and              
representation of radiating feathers    
over the crown of the head1 but  instead
 of sagittaform marks on the forehead   
there is a colored band  from ear to ear
 across the face1 as shown in plate     
,,xxvi1 d4    ,it is probable that these
 horned gods have close kinship and are 
possibly identical1 ,ahole being simply 
a name of the personification  by a     
masked man1 and ,tuwup that of the      

picture of the same on the  altar4 ,the 
horned ,alsaka does not belong to this  
type of horned  8gods10 although it has 
two horns on the head both in graven    
images and  in pictures4                
,myths of ,alsaka    ,it will be seen   
from the preceding account that the     
,alsaka rites  are well developed in the
 ceremonies of the ,new-fire and ,winter
  ,solstice1 in which the clans from the
 south who joined the ,hopi are  well   
represented1 or in which religious      
societies and ceremonial  paraphernalia 
brought by the ,patu1 ,pba1 ,ptki1 and  
related  clans have preeminence4 ,study 
of the ,alsaka myths reveals an         
explanation of the meaning of this      
relationship4    ,during his valuable   
studies among the ,hopi1 the late ,a4   
,m4 ,stephen  obtained an ,alsaka legend
 which is recorded in his notes on the  
,keam  collection1 and is here quoted   
with explanations obtained by the author
  since ,mr ,stephen's death4    8,at   
the ,red ,house in the south#ag         

internecine wars prevailed1 and the  two
 branches of the ,ptki#ah people        
separated from the other ,hopi  and     
determined to return to the fatherland  
in the north4#ai ,but these  two        
branches were not on the best of terms1 
and they traveled northward  by separate
 routes1 the later settlers of          
,micoinovi#bj holding to  the east of   
the later settlers of ,walpi4    8,the  
,ptki traveled north until they came to 
,little ,colorado river1  and built     
houses on both its banks4#ba ,after     
living there many years  the factional  
dissensions1 which seem to have ever    
haunted these  people1 again broke out1 
and the greater portion of them withdrew
 still  farther north and built villages
 the ruins#bb of which are still        
discernible not far from the site of the
 villages their descendants  inhabit at 
present4    8,the ,squash ,micoinovi    
also trended slowly northward1          
occupying1  like all their legendary    
movements1 a protracted period of       

indefinite  length--years during which  
they planted and built homes alternating
 with  years of devious travel4 ,they   
grew lax in the observance of festivals1
  and ,muinw inflicted punishment upon  
them4 ,he caused the water to  turn red1
 and the color of the people also turned
 red2 he then changed  the water to     
blue1 and the people changed to a       
similar color4 ,the ,snow  katcina      
appeared and urged them to return to    
their religion1 but  they gave no heed  
to him1 so he left them and took away   
corn4 ,muinw  then sent ,pallko1#bc who 
killed rabbits and poured their blood   
in the springs and streams1 and all the 
water was changed to blood and  the     
people were stricken with a plague4     
,they now returned to their  religious  
observances1 and danced and sang1 but   
none of the deities  would listen to    
them4    8,a horned katcina#bd appeared 
to the oldest woman and told her that   
on the following morning the oldest man 
should go out and procure a  root1 and  

that she and a young virgin of her clan 
should eat it4 ,after  a time she 7the  
old woman7 would give birth to a son who
 would marry  the virgin1 and their     
offspring would redeem the people4 ,the 
old woman  and the virgin obeyed the    
katcina1 and the former gave birth to a 
son  who had two horns upon his head4   
,the people would not believe that the  
child was of divine origin2 they called 
it a monster and killed it4    8,after  
this all manner of distressing          
punishments were inflicted upon  them1  
and wherever they halted the grass      
immediately withered and  dried4 ,their 
wanderings brought them to the foot of  
the ,san ,francisco  mountains1 where   
they dwelt for a long time1 and at that 
place the  virgin gave birth to a       
daughter who had a little knob on each  
side of  her forehead4 ,they preserved  
this child1 and when she had grown to be
 a  woman1 the horned katcina#be        
appeared and announced to her that she  
would give birth to horned twins1 who   

would bring rain and remove the         
punishment from their people4 ,this     
woman was married1 and the twins1  a boy
 and a girl1 were born2 but she         
concealed their divine origin1  fearing 
they would be destroyed4    8,the ,patu 
,squash#bf now moved to the ,little     
,colorado where they  built houses and  
met some of the ,ptki people to whom    
they related  their distresses4 ,a wise 
man of the ,ptki came over to them1 and 
on  seeing the twins at once pronounced 
them to be the ,alsaka4 ,they had  no   
horns up to this time1 but as soon as   
this announcement was made1  their horns
 became visible and the twins then spoke
 to the people and  said that it had    
been ordained that they were to be      
unable to help  their people until the  
people themselves discovered who they   
were4  ,the ,patu were so enraged to    
think that the ,alsaka had been with    
them1 unknown so many years1 that they  
killed them1 and still greater          
sufferings ensued4    8,they again      

repented1 and carved two stone images of
 the ,alsaka  which they painted and    
decked with feathers and sought to      
propitiate  the mother4 ,she was full of
 pity for her people1 and prayed to the 
,sky-god#bg to relieve them4 ,a period  
elapsed in which their sufferings  were 
in great measure abated4    8,the ,patu 
then sought to join the ,ptki clans1 but
 the ,ptki  would not permit this1 and  
compelled them to keep east of ,awatobi4
    8,many ruins of phratry and family  
houses of the ,patu people exist  on the
 small watercourses north of the ,puerco
 at various distances  eastward from the
 present village of ,walpi4 ,the nearest
 are almost  fifteen miles1 the farthest
 about fifty miles4#bh    8,their       
wandering course was now stayed4 ,when  
they essayed to move  farther eastward1 
a nomadic hunting race who occupied that
 region  besought them not to advance   
farther4 ,their evil notoriety had      
preceded them1 and the nomads feared the
 malificent influence of  their         

neighborhood4 ,it would seem1 however1  
that instead of hostile  demonstrations 
the nomads entered into a treaty with   
them1 offering to  pay tribute of       
venison1 roots1 and grass-seeds1 if they
 would abstain  from traversing and     
blighting their land1 to which the ,patu
 agreed4    8,but these unfortunate     
wretches were soon again embroiled in   
factional  warfare which finally        
involved all the ,hopi1 and the stone   
images of  the ,alsaka were lost or     
destroyed4 ,famine and pestilence again 
decimated them1 until finally the       
,alsaka katcina appeared to them  and   
instructed them to carve#bi two wooden  
images1 but threatening  them that if   
these should be lost or destroyed all   
the people would  die40           99    
99       99       99       99    ,many  
other but widely divergent legends exist
 regarding ,alsaka1 a  number of which  
are associated with the pueblo of       
,awatobi1 which was  formerly one of the
 most populous ,hopi towns4 ,at one time

 this village  experienced drouth and   
famine1 and ,alsaka1 from his home in   
the ,san  ,francisco mountains1 observed
 the trouble of the people4 ,disguised  
as  a youth he visited ,awatobi and     
became enamored with a maiden of that   
town4 ,several times he visited her1 but
 no one knew whence he came or  whither 
he went1 for his trail no one could     
follow4 ,the parents of the  girl at    
last discovered that he came on the     
rainbow1 and recognized him  as a divine
 being4 ,the children of this maid were 
horned beings1 or  ,alsakas1 but their  
identity was not at first recognized4   
,like all the cultus heroes1 ,alsaka is 
said1 in legends1 to have been          
miraculously born of a virgin4 ,his     
father was the ,sun1 his mother an      
,earth-goddess1 sometimes called a      
maiden4 ,like many gods1 he traveled  on
 the rainbow2 he lived at ,tawaki1 the  
house of his father1 the ,sun1  or the  
,san ,francisco mountains4    ,it would 
seem from all these stories that the    

,alsaka cult was  vigorous in ,awatobi1 
the ill-fated pueblo where the zealous  
,padre  ,porras lost his life in #afcc1 
and that it was of southern origin1     
having been introduced into ,awatobi by 
one of the phratries from the  south    
which lived in the now ruined pueblos on
 the ,little ,colorado4 ,the  most      
complicated survival of the ,alsaka     
cultus is to be expected  in the ,middle
 ,mesa pueblos1 because the phratry     
which introduced it  founded some of    
these pueblos#cj and still survives     
there4 ,the result  of an examination of
 many ,alsaka myths would seem to be a  
conclusion  that he is a cultus hero of 
clans which came from the south4        
,totemic ,aspect of ,alsaka    ,the     
,alsaka cult may be regarded as another 
form of that totemic  ancestor worship  
which appears in all ,hopi mythology and
 ritual4 ,the  male and female ,alsakas 
are supposed to be ancestors of a cult  
society called the ,aalt1 and are       
represented symbolically in the  ritual 

by graven images1 pictures1 or          
personations by men4 ,the name  ,alsaka 
is simply a sacerdotal name used in this
 society1 but it is  applied to a       
similar conception found in the worship 
of other societies  under other names4  
,in the ,snake-,antelope societies of   
the ,hopi the male and female parents   
are called ,tca-tiyo 7,snake-youth7 and 
,tca-mana 7,snake-maid71  which beings  
are personated in the secret exercises  
of the ,snake dance  by a boy and a girl
 appropriately clothed4    ,in the      
,flute ceremony the cult society        
ancestors are called the  ,leya-tiyo    
7,flute-youth7 and ,leya-mana           
7,flute-maid71 who are  represented     
symbolically by images on the altars and
 by a boy and two  girls in the public  
exhibition4    ,in the ,lalakonti       
ceremony these two ancestral personages 
are  represented in a symbolic way by   
images on the altar and by sand         
pictures on the floor1 and by a man and 
two girls in the public  dance4 ,these  

personages are called by the ,lalakonti 
society the  ,lakone-taka and the       
,lakone-manas respectively4    ,in the  
,mamzraut society they are called the   
,marau-taka and  the ,marau-manas1 and  
are symbolically represented on the     
altar  by figurines and in the public   
dance by a boy and a maid called  the   
,palahiko-mana whose headdress with     
symbolic clouds and  squash blossoms so 
closely resembles that of ,calako-mana1 
or the  ,corn-maid1#ca that it is       
difficult to distinguish the two4    ,in
 the great katcina cult these two       
personages are called  ,anwucnoshotaka  
and ,hahaiwuqti1 or 8,man of all the    
,crow clans10 and  8,mother of          
katcinas10 respectively2 but as this    
cult is very complex  in the ,east ,mesa
 towns1 and is celebrated by many       
amalgamated cult  societies1 there are  
various other names for these two       
ancestors4    ,it is instructive to     
consider somewhat more in detail this   
aspect of  the ,hopi katcina cult in the

 two great characteristic festivals     
called ,powam and ,nimn4    ,reviewing  
the ,hopi calendar it is found that     
katcina worship appears  in ceremonies  
from ,december to ,july1 inclusive1 and 
while none of the  festivals between    
,july and ,december is a true katcina1  
the majority  of those during the       
remainder of the year bear this name4   
,as expressed  by the ,hopi priests1 the
 ,nimn ceremony celebrates the departure
 of  the katcinas from the pueblos1 to  
which they do not return for about  six 
months4 ,this ,nimn 78,departure07      
ceremony of the katcinas  is celebrated 
in ,july1 and no katcinas are personated
 in the ,hopi  pueblos until ,december4 
,the time of the return of these        
supernaturals  is not as distinct as    
that of their departure1 and they may be
 said to  straggle back in the ,december
 and ,january rites2 but their return in
  force takes place in the ,february    
ceremony called ,powam which is  made up
 wholly of characteristic katcina       

exhibitions4    ,it is of some interest 
to determine the month of the return1   
for there  are katcina personations in  
,december 7,soylua7 and during the      
,january moon1 and it may be held that  
their appearance in the former  proves  
that the advent of these worthies occurs
 in the month named4 ,the  chief        
participants in the ,december rite 7and 
the same may be said of  the ,january   
ceremony7 are not distinctive katcinas1 
or rather there  are other ceremonies   
not belonging to this cult in their     
composition1  and no special distinctive
 katcina altars are erected4 ,in the    
,powam1 however1 there is a true katcina
 altar which is essentially  the same as
 that set up in the ,nimn when the      
katcinas leave the  pueblo4 ,powam may  
thus be regarded as the official        
celebration of  the return1 and from    
that time to ,july these personages     
dominate the  ritual4 ,but the rites of 
intervening moons are not all           
necessarily pure  katcinas1 even if     

katcinas participate in them4 ,thus1 in 
the ,march  ceremony1 ,pallkoti         
7,unkwanti71 they are again subordinate4
 ,this  is not a pure katcina1 but that 
of another cult into which they have    
straggled or to which they have been    
added in the course of evolution4       
,there are only two great katcina       
celebrations1 ,powam and ,nimn1  both   
controlled by the katcina chief1 both   
with a true katcina  altar1 both free   
from other ,hopi cults4    ,some of the 
differences between the ,powam at ,walpi
 and the other  ,hopi pueblos are due to
 the introduction of masked             
personifications at  ,walpi which are   
absent elsewhere4 ,this may be explained
 as follows3  ,near ,walpi there are two
 other pueblos--one ,tanoan1 the other  
peopled by  descendants of ,tanoan      
clans1 neither of which has exerted an  
influence  on the other pueblos4 ,these 
,tanoan colonists have brought their own
  katcinas to the ,east ,mesa of        
,tusayan1 and while they possess no     

altar of this cult they contribute their
 distinctive katcinas to the  ,walpi    
,powam4 ,in the ,january ceremony they  
do the same1 and while  the ,walpi      
priests are celebrating in that month a 
true ,hopi ,flute or  ,snake rite1 ,hano
 and ,sitcomovi contribute masked       
katcinas which  complicate the          
ceremony4#cb ,hence the ,powam rites at 
,walpi became  more complicated than    
those performed elsewhere at the same   
time1  because of the proximity of two  
pueblos in which there are variations   
in the katcina cult that are peculiar to
 them2 and as it is probable  that the  
katcina rites in other pueblos have not 
been affected by  sa and ,hano clans1 we
 should expect to find in them a less   
complex  presentation of the rites of   
the katcina cult4    ,this is also in   
accordance with tradition1 for the      
,honani clans1  which introduced the    
katcina cult from ,kicuba1 went first to
 ,oraibi1  from which pueblo the cult   
was distributed to the other pueblos4   

,the  ,walpi katcina altar is simple as 
compared with that at ,oraibi2 it has   
no figurines because it is derivative1  
and the same fact may explain  why      
,walpi has but one ,powam altar while   
,oraibi has several4 ,the  ,walpi       
katcina altar is simpler than that of   
,oraibi1#cc because  derivative1 but the
 katcina personations in this pueblo are
 more  numerous and varied because the  
sa and other ,tanoan clans have         
contributed many new forms4    ,if we   
separate from the ,walpi ,powam the     
elements introduced by sa  and ,hano    
clans1 we find in it the same personages
 as in the ,oraibi  celebration--,ahole1
 a ,sun-god who flogs the children2 the 
katcina  cultus hero2 ,hahaiwuqti1 the  
old woman1 and ,eototo4 ,the last       
mentioned1 a cultus hero of the ,kokop  
people and a tutelary god of            
,sikyatki1#cd was an early addition to  
the ,walpi ritual before the  ,powam was
 celebrated4 ,he was historically the   
first katcina to  come to the pueblo1 as

 he now leads the procession of masked  
priests in  their dramatization of their
 advent and exit4 ,under the name       
,masauuh  he invaded the ,snake rites1  
and as ,eototo he became a masked       
personage in the ,powam and the ,nimn   
when these ceremonies were  added to the
 ,walpi ritual4                         
,conclusions    #a4 ,there survives in  
the ,hopi ritual a worship of horned    
beings called  ,alsakas1 which once     
existed at the now ruined pueblo of     
,awatobi4    #b4 ,the purpose of the    
rites performed in this cult is to cause
 seeds1  especially corn1 to germinate  
and grow1 and to bring rain to water the
  farms4    #c4 ,the ,aalt priesthood at
 ,walpi1 who personate ,alsakas1 perform
  duties suggestive of those of         
warriors4    #d4 ,the intimate          
relationship of ,alsaka rites with those
 of the  ,rain-cloud clans supports     
legends that they were at one time      
associated  and brought from southern   
,arizona by the ,squash people who      

formerly  lived with or near the        
,rain-cloud people along ,little        
,colorado river4    #e4 ,the ,alsaka    
cult is a highly modified form of animal
 totemism1 and  the ,alsaka represents  
the mountain sheep4                     
,the ,knickerbocker ,press1 ,new ,york  
,,footnotes3    #a ,these studies were  
made under the auspices of the ,bureau  
of  ,american ,ethnology4    #b ,the    
author has been told that they were     
deposited among the  foothills of the   
coffin-shaped mesa southwest of         
,awatobi4    #c ,see ,fifteenth ,annual 
,report of the ,bureau of ,american     
,ethnology1  plate ,,cx4    #d ,the     
mountain sheep or mountain 8goat0 was   
formerly abundant in the  mountains     
which form the watershed between ,gila  
and ,little ,colorado  rivers1 and      
,castaeda speaks of seeing and following
 them after  leaving ,chichilticalli1   
probably in the ,white mountains4 ,this 
animal  was no doubt well known to the  
clans who lived in the southern parts   

of ,arizona1 before they migrated       
northward1 and worship of it was the    
original form of the ,alsaka cult4    #e
 ,they also founded the pueblo of       
,tcukubi1 the ruins of which are  still 
to be seen on the ,middle ,mesa4    #f  
,the two societies called the ,tataukyam
 and ,wwtcimt  are termed phallic       
because they wear on their breasts1     
arms1 and  legs1 figures of human       
phalli1 and carry in their hands        
realistic  representations of the       
external female organ of generation cut 
out  of wood or watermelon rind4 ,the   
former society was introduced from      
,awatobi by ,tapolo1 the chief of the   
,tobacco clan2 the latter by the        
,squash clans1 now extinct in ,walpi4   
,both these clans originally came  from 
the banks of ,little ,colorado river    
near ,winslow2 the ,tobacco  from       
,cakwabaiyaki1 now in ruins at the mouth
 of ,chevlon ,fork4 ,see  ,smithsonian  
,report for #ahif4    #g ,see ,american 
,anthropologist1 vol4 ,,xi1 p4 #bj2 also

 ,american  ,anthropologist1 ,n4 ,s41   
,april1 #ahii4    #h ,at ,walpi he has a
 line of feathers tied along his arm4   
#i ,a similar method of smoking has     
previously been described in an  account
 of the sixteen songs sung by the       
,antelope priests in their kiva  on each
 day of the ,snake dance at ,walpi4     
#aj ,a pantomimic prayer or symbolic    
representation by which man  shows his  
wishes to the gods by acting out what he
 desires instead  of verbally           
petitioning them4 ,this ceremony comes  
fairly within a  definition of religious
 rites found in ,tylor's ,primitive     
,culture 7p4  #cfc73 8,in part they     
religious rites are expressions and     
symbolic  performances1 the dramatic    
utterance of religious thought1 the     
gesture  language of theology40 ,the    
interpretation of savage rites as a sign
  language to the gods1 and the relation
 of the altar to primitive  ceremony    
have been ably discussed by ,major      
,powell1 to whom the writer  is greatly 

indebted for a proper understanding of  
the significance of  primitive altars4  
7,see ,american ,anthropologist1 ,n4    
,s41 vol4 ,i1 p4 #bf  et seq47    #aa   
,the word ,kwtaka admits of the         
following derivation3 ,kwhu1  eagle2    
tka1 man1  ,eagle-man2 or1 more         
probably1 kwhu1 eagle2  tokpela1 the    
cross1 symbol of the sky4 ,this cross or
 four-pointed  star appears on many     
ancient pictures of ,kwtaka4 7,see      
,smithsonian  ,report1 #ahif1 pl4       
xlviii47    #ab ,powalaw is a part of   
the ,oraibi ,powam ceremony which has   
never been described4    #ac ,american  
,anthropologist1 vol4 ,,xi1 #ahih1 pl4  
ii4    #ad ,this relationship is yet to 
be determined at ,oraibi1 and the       
statement is derived from studies of the
 sociology of the ,east ,mesa  pueblos4 
#ae ,american ,anthropologist1 vol4     
,,xi1 #ahih1 p4 #bc4    #af ,tu 7,tewa71
 sun2 wupo 7,hopi71 great  8great sun   
katcina40    #ag ,paltkwabi1 a legendary
 home on the ,gila4    #ah ,probably the

 ,squash and ,rain-cloud clans4    #ai  
,even the southern clans are supposed to
 have originally emerged  from the      
underworld through the ,grand canyon1   
but after their emergence  drifted into 
the south1 just as the white men1 who   
are said to have  emerged from the same 
place1 went to the far east4    #bj     
,this indicates that the two groups     
referred to were the ,squash and        
,rain-cloud clans1 for the former later 
settled on the ,middle ,mesa and  the   
latter joined the ,snake people at      
,walpi4    #ba ,homolobi1 near ,winslow1
 ,arizona4 ,the several pueblos which   
these  clans built and inhabited in     
their migration to ,walpi were          
,kuchalpi1  ,utcevaca1 ,kwiapa1         
,jettypehika 7,navaho name of ,chaves   
,pass and also the  two ruins at that   
place called ,tcubkwitcalobi by the     
,hopi71 ,homolobi1  ,sipabi 7near one of
 the ,hopi or ,moki buttes71 and        
,pakatcomo4    #bb ,the last pueblo     
inhabited by the ,ptki people before    

they joined  the ,walpi is now a ruin   
called ,pakatcomo in the valley south of
 the  ,east ,mesa near the wash4 ,it is 
a small ruin1 not more than four miles  
away1 and its mounds are easily seen    
from the mesa top4    #bc ,the ,great   
,serpent4    #bd ,this was possibly the 
personation of the ,sun or other solar  
deity4    #be ,the horned katcina is    
supposed to be either the ,sun or other 
solar deity4 ,the term katcina is often 
used in a very general way  to mean any 
divine personage1 but at ,walpi this is 
believed to be  a secondary use of the  
name4 ,originally it was applied to     
certain  personifications introduced by 
clans from the east1 and later came to  
have a general application4    #bf      
,throughout the legend these are called 
the ,micoinovi people1 but  from the    
fact that the original settlers of the  
pueblo were of the  ,squash clans1 the  
name of these clans is substituted in   
the remainder  of the legend for the    
name of the pueblo which they founded4  

#bg ,that is1 to the ,sun1 their father4
    #bh ,there is here such marked      
contradiction of other legends that this
  account must not be accepted as final4
 ,probably ,awatobi1 and possibly  other
 pueblos on the same mesa1 had ,patu    
clans in their populations4    #bi      
,these are the two images found at      
,awatobi which this account  considers  
in the opening pages1 and the principal 
reason why the people  from the ,middle 
,mesa were so solicitous concerning them
 is shown in the  closing paragraphs of 
the legend above quoted4    #cj ,the    
,squash clan is extinct at ,walpi4      
#ca ,in the horrible rites of the ,aztec
 at their midsummer ceremony1           
,hueytecuilhuitl1 a girl personating the
 ,corn-mother1 was sacrificed  before   
the hideous idol of ,chicomehuatl and   
her heart offered to the  image4 ,in the
 dances preceding her death this        
unfortunate girl wore  on her head an   
amalli or 8pasteboard0 miter1 surrounded
 by waving  plumes1 and her face was    

painted yellow and red1 symbolic of the 
colors  of corn4 ,she was called        
,xalaquia 7pronounced ,shalakia74 ,the  
,hopi  ,corn-maid1 represented by a girl
 with a rain-cloud tablet on her head   
and a symbol of an ear of corn on her   
forehead1 is called ,calako-mana        
7pronounced ,shalako-mana74    #cb ,the 
kiva rites are complicated at ,walpi by 
the visits of these  personifications   
from the two neighboring pueblos4    #cc
 ,it is much to be hoped that the very  
elaborate ,powam of ,oraibi  will be    
accurately described in detail4 ,the    
indications are that it  will be found  
to be the most instructive of all       
presentations of this  ceremony4    #cd 
,sikyatki was probably a flourishing    
pueblo when the ,snake people  first    
settled ,walpi4 ,the tutelary god was   
,eototo1 or ,masauuh1 whom  the early   
,walpians overthrew and who gave them   
the site for their  pueblo4 ,at the     
destruction of ,sikyatki by the combined
 ,horn-,snake  and ,horn-,flute people1 

some of the survivors settled at ,walpi1
 and  their descendants are intimately  
connected with the ,eototo cult  which  
is incorporated in the katcinas4 ,in the
 celebration of the  ,snake-,antelope   
ceremony he is known by the name of     
,masauuh1 and a  prayer-stick is made   
and consecrated to him at that time4    
,transcriber's ,notes3      - ,text     
enclosed by underscores is in italics   
7italics74    - ,blank pages have been  
removed4    - ,obvious typographical    
errors have been silently corrected4