,transcriber's ,note ,italic text displayed as3 italic ,,the ,,katcina ,,altars ,,in ,,hopi ,,worship ,,by ,j4 ,,walter ,,fewkes ,chief1 ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology ,,from ,,the ,,smithsonian ,,report ,,for #aibf1 ,,pages #dfi-dhf 7,,with #c ,,plates7 ,illustration3 ,decoration 7,,publication #bijd7 ,,united ,,states ,,government ,,printing ,,office ,,washington #aibg ,illustration3 ,,plate #a ,,walpi ,,six ,,directions ,,altar ,,the ,,katcina ,,altars ,,in ,,hopi ,,worship ,by ,j4 ,,walter ,,fewkes1 ,chief1 ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology ,with #c plates ,,introduction ,the present article is the fifth of a series published in the annual reports of the ,smithsonian ,institution on the composition of ,hopi worship4 ,the ,hopi1 the name meaning peaceful1 belong to the ,pueblo stock and are agricultural ,indians4 ,they are descendants of the ,arizona cliff dwellers and have preserved to the present many survivals of their ancient worship4 ,the object of the series of five papers above referred to is to record a few of their rites in sun1 fire1 and ancestor ceremonies that have survived to the present time4 ,the ,pueblos performed their secret ceremonies in subterranean rooms called kivas that were entered from the roof4 ,it is customary for the priest in the course of the ceremonies to erect an altar1 so called1 on which is placed their tiponi1 or sacred badge of office1 surrounded by various fetishes1 idols1 and wooden objects bearing symbols4 ,here are placed all sacred objects possessed by the fraternity of priests who celebrate the rite4 ,there are four ,hopi villages or pueblos that perform the rituals independently1 the sacred paraphernalia differing in each4 ,from a study of these altars it is possible for us to learn the aim of their various ceremonies4 ,the present paper compares the four ,katcina altars for this purpose4 ,that element of pueblo worship known as the ,katcina forms fully one-half of the ,hopi ritual1 beginning with the arrival of the ,katcinas or masked dancers in ,january or ,february1 and lasting until their departure in ,july1 inclusive4 ,it is distinguished from other components by the presence of masked participants called ,katcinas1 supposed to be personators of the ancients1 or 8others40 ,the yearly departure of these worthies from the villages is celebrated in ,july by a great religious observance called the ,niman or ,farewell ,katcina ceremony2 their arrival by several rites1 one of the most striking of which is called ,powamu1 or 8,bean ,planting40 ,at the times of their arrival and departure there are erected in the kiva of each of the four villages which celebrate them1 the same altars1 about which certain secret rites are performed4 ,our knowledge thus far is limited to four of the five ,katcina altars1#a and there still remains the altar of ,cuopavi1 regarding which nothing has yet been recorded4#b ,illustration3 ,,explanation ,,of ,,plate #b--,katcina ,altar at ,oraibi a1 ,tunwup1 or ,sun ,katcina2 as1 ,aspergill2 b1 ,tcuelawu2 c1 ,corn mound2 co1 ,cotokinungwu2 g1 ,gourd2 h1 ,planting stick2 l1 ,lightning symbols2 m1 ,ears of maize2 mb1 ,medicine bowl2 p1 ,prayer sticks2 ph1 ,god of war2 pm1 ,prayer meal2 ps1 ,prayer sticks in basket2 pt1 ,gourd 7netted7 for sacred water2 r1 ,rattles2 rc1 ,rain clouds2 sc1 ,sun emblems2 t1 ,tiponi4 ,illustration3 ,,plate #b ,,katcina ,,altar ,,at ,,oraibi ,our knowledge of ,katcina altars of the ,rio ,grande in the other pueblos is very scanty1 owing largely to the exclusion of ethnologists from the kivas4 ,katcina dances in the open plazas are repeatedly figured but the secret rites and accompanying altars1 if any1 are not known4 ,in the following pages the author presents a morphological study of the four known ,katcina altars of ,hopi4 ,the illustrations of the most complex1 that of ,oraibi1 have been taken from the excellent memoir of ,voth on the ,powamu of that pueblo2 the others are from personal studies made in #ahij-ahie4 ,the structure of the ,oraibi ,katcina altar is as follows3 ,the reredos consists of two upright wooden slats united above by a crosspiece which in the illustration 7pl4 #b7 is surmounted by a row of four segments of circles with rain cloud pictures representing the four directions1 and colored with appropriate pigments1 beginning with yellow or north at the right4 ,the decoration of the crosspiece is obscure1 but on the uprights there are figures recalling sprouting vegetation1 and circles with differently colored quadrants4 ,two idols1 probably of wood1 stand between the vertical slats of the altar1 filling nearly the whole space4 ,that on the left evidently represents the ,sky ,god 7,cotokinungwu7 for it has a conical apex to the head1 a painted chin1 and near its left hand stands a wooden slat of zigzag form1 a prescribed symbol of lightning4#c ,this image has several short parallel marks of different colors on the body1 and wears horsehair1 stained red1 about the loins4 ,the other figurine wears a coronet with triangular-shaped rain cloud symbols1 which remind one of the headdress of the ,lakonemana1 a tutelary goddess of the woman's society1 the ,lalakontu1 whose ceremonials in ,september have been described elsewhere4#d ,the two vertical wooden slats1 one on each side of the uprights1 bear pictures of the same personage1 probably ,tunwupkatcina1 on whose head is a fan-shaped crest of feathers4 ,on each side the head has a horn1 at the extremity of which hangs a symbolic feather4 ,the human figures have characteristic markings on their foreheads1 and their bodies are black1 dotted with white spots4 ,there is no mistaking the symbolism of the remaining idol standing at the right of the altar1 as an image of ,puukonhoya1 the 8,little ,war ,god10 whose characteristic features are the parallel marks on the body1 and the weapons of war in his hands4 ,several sticks1 cut in zigzag shapes with curved appendages and short crossbars at one end1 stand between the uprights of the reredos4 ,from their forms1 these objects may readily be identified as lightning symbols so common in all ,tusayan altars4 ,one of these1 which has a complicated tip or head1 is placed close to the outstretched arm of ,cotokinungwu1 with whom it is naturally associated4 ,the straight rod leaning on the same arm is possibly a cornstalk symbol4 ,the rounded stick1 tapering at one end1 which stands under the extended left hand of the image on the left1 is probably a symbol of maize4 ,a somewhat larger pointed object1 painted at its base with zones of yellow1 green1 red and white1 and surmounted by a feather1 is called 8the mound0 and suggests the kaetukwi or ,corn ,mound of the ,lalakontu1 being similarly situated to an image on the left of this altar4 ,the surface of the latter object1 however1 instead of being painted1 is encrusted#e with clay covered with different kinds of seeds4 ,the crook at the extreme left of the altar has attached to it an object which resembles the paddle carried by a participant in the ,heheakatcina1 or public ceremonial of the ,niman at ,walpi4 ,four pahos1 or prayer-sticks1 are placed at intervals in hillocks of sand before the images on the altar4 ,the ,katcina tiponi1#f or badge of the chief1 stands on the floor before the altar4 ,just in advance of the left-hand idol--the image with a coronet--there is a small oblong basket in which are laid a number of sticks with feathers1 seeds1 and pinches of meal4 ,this is called the 8,mother10 and recalls similar objects which have been observed on the ,lalakontu altar1 whose contents have been described elsewhere4#g ,i need not dwell on the other accessories of the ,powamu altar at ,oraibi save to note that they are common to other altars1 and in no respect characteristic4 ,i refer to the basket tray of sacred meal1 the rattles1 a medicine bowl1 aspergill1 and six ears of corn used in special rites4 ,the strange object at the extreme right1 surrounded by a tablet1 symbolic of a rain cloud1 bears the picture of the head of ,ho'katcina4 ,it is supported on a pedestal1 and appears to be peculiar to ,oraibi4#h ,,comparison ,,with ,,the ,,niman ,,altar ,,at ,,cipaulovi ,cipaulovi1 the smallest of all the ,hopi pueblos1 is situated on the ,middle ,mesa1 and its ,katcina altar is the poorest in paraphernalia1 as shown by a comparison with the altar at ,oraibi1 the most complicated in ,tusayan4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #a4--;,cipaulovi ,niman ,katcina altar ,omitting the medicine bowl1 rattles1 sacred meal1 and pahos1 the ,cipaulovi ,niman altar consists of a figure of seven rain clouds1 with parallel lines representing falling rain1 drawn on the floor with sacred meal1 and a row of five vertical sticks1 symbols of growing corn4 ,upon the meal picture which represents the falling rain1 there are four stone implements arranged in a row4 ,the tiponi1 or palladium of the ,katcinas is placed on a hillock of sand at the right of the same picture4 ,there are no idols or images of anthropomorphic forms on this altar1 and unless the stone implements may be so interpreted1 no lightning symbols4 ,the ,niman altar at ,cipaulovi#i is very simple1 but the essentials of a ,katcina altar are included4 ,the two prominent symbols are those representing rain clouds and growing corn1 which are elaborated in the more complicated ,katcina altars and may be regarded as embodying the two main aims of ,katcina celebrations4#aj ,illustration3 ,,explanation ,,of ,,plate #c--,walpi ,niman ,katcina altar a1 ,tunwup1 or ,sun ,katcina2 b1 ,tcuelawu2 c1 ,corn mound2 l1 ,lightning symbols2 m1 ,ears of maize2 mb1 ,medicine bowl2 pb1 ,path of blessing2 pm1 ,prayer meal2 ps1 ,prayer sticks in baskets2 r1 ,rattles2 rc1 ,rain clouds2 t1 ,tiponi4 ,illustration3 ,,plate #c ,,walpi ,,niman ,,katcina ,,altar ,,comparison ,,with ,,the ,,niman ,,katcina ,,altar ,,at ,,walpi ,the ,walpi ,katcina is next in simplicity to that of ,cipaulovi4 ,it has instead of a meal picture1 however1 a reredos upon which are depicted rain and rain cloud symbols1 and the two supplementary uprights1 with pictures of ,tunwup referred to in the ,oraibi altar4 ,there are zigzag slats1 symbols of lightning1 and rounded sticks with emblematic corn designs1 neither of which1 however1 is as complicated as at ,oraibi4 ,the ,katcina tiponi is prominent1 but there are no images on the altar1 no basket with seeds and feathered sticks1 and no crook with attached handle4 ,while1 therefore1 the altar of the ,walpi ,niman ,katcina is more complicated than at ,cipaulovi1 it is not as rich in accessories as that at ,oraibi4#aa ,,comparison ,,with ,,the ,,niman ,,katcina ,,altar ,,at ,,miconinovi ,the ,katcina altar in this1 the most populous village at the ,middle ,mesa1 is simpler than at ,oraibi1 but more complicated than the ,walpi representative4 ,it has1 in addition to the objects found on the ,walpi altar1 two idols or images1 one on each side4 ,the zigzag sticks are lacking1 but stone implements similar to those on the far simpler ,cipaulovi altar are present4 ,there are two emblems of maize1 as at ,walpi1 and numerous sticks1 representing growing corn1 recalling the same symbols of the ,cipaulovi equivalent4 ,it will be seen1 therefore1 that while it is the nearest of all to the ,oraibi altar1 an additional idol1 the 8,mother0 or basket of seeds1 etc41 the crook 7naluchoya71 and the picture of ,ho'katcina are unrepresented at ,miconinovi4 ,the two images of the ,miconinovi altar are apparently the ,little ,war ,god and the ,germ ,maid4 ,there may be a doubt of the accuracy in identification of the latter1 but she has the symbols of rain clouds on the head and in the hand4 ,the other image has the parallel marks on the body1 symbols of ,puukonhoya1 but it must be confessed that the same marks are found on the ,cotokinungwu idol although the latter image has the characteristic cone on the head which is not present in the ,miconinovi image4 ,the evidence would thus favor the conclusion that the right hand figurine of the ,miconinovi altar represents ,puukonhoya rather than ,cotokinungwu1 and as far as known ,oraibi is the sole pueblo which has an idol of ,cotokinungwu on the flute altars1 of which those of four pueblos are known4#ab ,a comparative study of the symbolism1 simple and elaborate1 of the ,katcina altars leads me to the conclusion that the most complicated altar1 that at ,oraibi1 is the result simply of elaboration of the less developed altars1 of the introduction of new elements4 ,analysis reduces this composite symbolism to rain clouds1 fertilization1 growth1 and maturity of corn1 the elements which dominate the whole ,hopi ritual4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #b4--,miconinovi ,niman ,katcina altar ,a somewhat more detailed statement of this point is perhaps desirable4 ,in the ,hopi ritual three methods of representing supernatural personages are adopted4 ,first1 personifications by men1 women1 and children4 ,second1 representations by images or idols4 ,third1 representations by pictures1 conventionalized objects1 or symbols4 ,these three methods may coexist2 they are interchangeable1 and may be phylogenetically connected in the development of rituals4 ,in the public ceremonials the first method is almost invariably adopted1 but in secret rites all three are employed4#ac ,the representations on the ,katcina altars at ,cipaulovi and ,walpi are limited to the third method2 those at ,miconinovi and ,oraibi include likewise the second4 ,there is no need of going into detail regarding the meanings of the symbols of the third method of representation as used on ,katcina altars4 ,the simplicity of this method1 here applied1 is apparent1 and the symbols are those of rain clouds1 lightning1 and corn in various stages of growth4 ,a discussion of the second method1 or representation by images and what they mean when used on ,katcina altars1 will bring out several points of interest4 ,these images1 commonly called idols1#ad occur on the ,katcina altars of ,oraibi and ,miconinovi and represent the same conceptions as the symbols4 ,the idol with the raincloud coronet is a representation of a corn-rain supernatural personage who has many names and appears in ceremonials both public and secret of many different priesthoods4 ,in the ceremony called the ,lalakontu she is either personated by women in the public dance or represented by images on the altar and is called ,lakonemana 7,lakone ,maid74 ,in the ,october ceremony1 called ,mamzrauti1 she is likewise represented by the first and second methods1#ae and is called ,mamzraumana4#af ,the same is true of the ,owakulti1 still performed at ,oraibi1 although extinct at ,walpi1 where she is known as ,owakulmana4 ,during the dramatization in the ,antelope kiva of the ,snake ,ceremonials at ,walpi she is personated by a maid called the ,tcuamana#ag 7,snake ,maid7 and no effigy of her is employed in this archaic ceremony4 ,the ,flute ,society represent her in their rites in both the first and second ways1 with two girls in the public dance1 and images on the altars in the secret observances1 where she is called ,lenyamana 7,flute ,maid74#ah ,in ,pallkonti#ai she is personated by the first method1 and is called ,calakomana4 ,the most elaborate images of this being1 also called ,calakomanas1 are secular in character1 and are used as dolls4 ,all her different names1 and some others which might be mentioned1 are aliases1 sacerdotal society names of the same mythological conception1 which may more accurately be called ,muiyinwu1 the ,germ ,goddess1 who is likewise associated with rain4 ,the symbolism of images on the left side of the ,katcina altars of ,miconinovi and of ,oraibi is highly conventionalized1 but clearly enough developed to show that the images represent the same ,rain-,germ ,goddess who1 in some ceremonials1 is personified by a girl2 in others by a similar image4 ,this image is called the ,rain-,germ 7,corn7#bj ,maid because in the most elaborate representations of her this bifid nature is strongly indicated by symbolism4 ,her idol on the ,miconinovi ,flute altar has four symbols of corn on the body1 and bears three rain cloud tablets on the head4 ,in numerous dolls#ba she has a symbol of an ear of corn on the forehead and an elaborate raincloud tablet with a rainbow on the head4 ,the other idol1 likewise known in various ceremonials by tutelary sacerdotal aliases1 is the male cultus hero1 the fructifying principle symbolized by lightning and personified according to the society1 by such supernaturals as ,cotokinungwu1 ,puukonhoya1 ,tcuatiyo1 ,lentiyo1 and the like4 ,in this totem-pole-like doll we have ,hehea1 the male1 with two ,calakos1 females1 as their symbolism clearly indicates4 ,the ,hopi have a legend that the ,calako maids brought the first corn to their ancestors1 and in that legend it is said that ,calakotaka1 or the male ,calako1 a sun god1 initiated the youth into the ,katcinas by flogging them1 as ,tunwup still functions in ,powamu4 ,the etymology of the word ,calako is unknown to me1 and it may have been derived from the same source as the ,zui word4 ,a corn husk1 and by derivation a cigarette paper1 is called by the ,hopi a calakabu4 ,the symbolism of the male ,calako is identical with that of ,tunwup and resembles that of the ,zui ,shalako4 ,the ,hopi celebrate their sun-prayer-stick making in ,july1 the ,zui in ,december1 or at different solstices4 ,the ,hopi say that they derived their celebration from the ,zui 7see ,fifteenth ,ann4 ,rept4 ,bur4 ,amer4 ,ethnol474 ,when this interesting ceremonial is performed at ,sitcomovi the ,calako maids do not appear1 and the four giants with avian symbolism apparently personate a sun drama1 but as a derivative from ,zui we must await an interpretation of the original for conclusive evidence of its meaning4 ,the images of the altars as well as symbolic designs depicted upon them show us that fructification1 growth and maturing of corn1 and rain clouds are predominant in representations on ,niman ,katcina altars4 ,i have not offered a suggestion in regard to the identity of the strange being1 ,tunwup1 nor am ,i quite sure that he can be interpreted1 but ,i strongly suspect that he is none other than the ,sun1 a worship of whom pervades the whole ,katcina ritual4#bb ,the element which predominates in the worship at the ,powamu ceremony is the fructification of germs2 and as beans figure so conspicuously in it as symbols1 it's popularly called the 8,bean ,planting10 while a ceremony following it is ,pallkonti1#bc in which corn is sprouted1 is called the 8,corn ,planting40 ,as in ,hopi conceptions the ,sun is father of all life1 a ceremony called the ,powalawu1 appropriate to the object or aim of ,powamu1 precedes the planting of beans in the kivas4 ,the ceremony is strictly a part of ,powamu1 showing it is a form of direct sun worship4 ,in it a special sun altar is made of a sand mosaic upon which1 during ceremonial songs1 a tray of meal composed of all kinds of seeds used by the ,hopi is copiously sprinkled on the picture of the sun2 medicine water is then thrown upon the same to typify the rains which under the sun's action causes these seeds to germinate and grow4 ,my comparative study of the ,hopi ,katcina altars has therefore led me to the following conclusions3 ,their symbolism1 whether in pictures1 rites1 or of images1 refer to two elements1 or supernaturals1 which control rain and growth of corn4 ,the latter are male and female1 representing the sky god and the earth goddess1 the father and the mother1 the lightning and the earth1 the two sexes without whose union life is impossible4#bd ,the ceremonials performed about the ,katcina altars admit of the same interpretation1 and it remains for me to indicate their nature and bearing on the above conclusions4 ,,altar ,,of ,,oraibi ,,powalawu ,a sand picture of the great paternal deity1 ,tawa1 the ,sun1 has never been reported from any ,tusayan altar except ,oraibi4 ,such a picture is made in ,powalawu1 the opening ceremony of ,powamu and described by ,mr4 ,voth4 ,the altar is made on the floor of the kiva1 and is placed on a layer of valley sand on which are made four concentric zones of different colored sands surrounding a middle circle of white sand on which is drawn a stellate figure of the sun4 ,these different concentric zones are yellow1 green1 red1 and white1 beginning with the smallest1 and ending with a peripheral in white4 ,they are separated by black lines1 and a quartz crystal#be to which a string1 with attached feather1 is tied1 is placed in the middle of the picture of the sun4 ,a quadrant apart on the periphery of the picture1 beyond the white zone1 there are four arrow-shaped projections1 colored yellow1 green1 red1 and white1 following a circuit with the center of the whole sand painting on the left hand4 ,these1 like the zones1 are made of differently colored sands and are rimmed with black4 ,across the yellow arrow-headed figure extend several parallel red lines of sand2 across the green1 white2 across the red1 yellow2 and across the white1 green4 ,on the supposition that the inner figure represents the sun1 the four peripheral arrow-shaped appendages are supposed to represent heads of the lightning snakes of the four cardinal points1 north1 west1 south1 and east1 as their colors indicate4#bf ,the accessories used in the celebration of the ,powalawu are arranged on the floor radially about this sand picture1 and fall into two groups1 one on lines in continuation of the rays of the central figure1 the others on intermediary lines4 ,there are1 therefore1 four sets of both groups alternating with each other4 ,the objects which form a single group of the former in this quaternary arrangement are as follows3 ,a yellow reed1 a paho-stand1 and a ball made of powdered pikumi4#bg ,intermediate between these1 also with a quaternary arrangement1 there is a ball made of clay painted black in which a feather is attached1 a blackened reed1 and a stone arrow point4 ,the paho-stand with these objects consists of a cubical block in which the following objects are inserted in line3 ,a small crook1 a green double paho1 several sticks 7called civapi1 howapki1 honyi1 masiswapi71 a black eagle feather with four nakwakwocis tied to it and a ring with netted cord1 and finally a paho of a color corresponding to the cardinal direction in which the paho-stand is placed4 ,the details of the ,powalawu ceremony have been described by ,voth1 from whose account ,i will mention a few generalities4 ,the celebrants gathered at the altar at about noon and sang many songs with accompanying events which were performed by ,siima1 the chief1 now dead4 #a4 ,white earth1 roots1 and honey added to the medicine bowl4 #b4 ,meal made of watermelon1 melon1 squash1 bean1 and corn seeds1 sprinkled carefully over the sand picture4 #c4 ,charm liquid stirred and sprinkled on sand altar4 #d4 ,priest ascended ladder of the kiva and blew a yellow feather through a reed from the north paho-stand out of the hatch toward the north1 after which he blew a whistle pointing it the same way4 ,this was done in sequence to the west1 south1 and east1 taking objects from the altar each time4 #e4 ,priest ascended ladder with a black reed from north cluster1 and blew from it1 toward the north1 a small feather4 ,he then blew a feather in sequence from the four stones1 ascending the ladder each time4#bh ,he licked honey from the stones and spat to the four cardinal points4 #f4 ,couriers carried the clay balls to distant shrines1 and four priests bore the four paho-stands1 reeds1 and yellow balls to other shrines1 also at cardinal points4 ,while the above events were transpiring songs were sung by the assembled priests1 and at the close the quartz crystal on the ,sun picture was raised from the stand and handled by each priest1 who sucked it1 and pressed it to his heart4 #g4 ,ceremonial smoke4 #h4 ,prayers4 #i4 ,the sand gathered up and carried outside the kiva4 #aj4 ,feast4 ,the aim of the ceremony appears clear4 ,meal of all kinds of seed sprinkled on the ,sun typifies fructification of all ,hopi food plants4 ,water is poured on the meal as symbolic of the rains which the celebrants hope will increase their crops4 ,the details of the nine days' ceremonials of the ,powamu at ,oraibi need not be described here1 but it may be well to indicate their general character4#bi ,beans were planted in boxes in all the kivas on the day after ,powalawu 7,february #e1 #ahid7 and were forced to germinate in the heated rooms1 where they grew for #af days4 ,from ,february #ac 7the first day of the nine days' ceremony7 until the #agth1 ,siima1 the chief1 visited all these kivas1 and when not so employed passed his time in one of the rooms fasting1 or making prayer objects4 ,i am indebted to ,mr4 ,voth for my knowledge of the secret rites of the ,powamu at ,oraibi4 ,they supplement that which ,i have published elsewhere on the ,walpi representation1 from which1 however1 it differs very considerably4 7,see ,fifteenth ,ann4 ,rept41 ,bur4 ,amer4 ,ethnol42 also ,amer4 ,anthrop41 ,vol4 ,,vii1 ,no4 #a1 #ahid1 and ,int4 ,archiv fr ,ethnog41 ,band ,,viii1 #ahie47 ,the ,powamu altar was erected on ,february #ag1 and from that day until the ninth 7,february #ba7 daily songs of interesting character were sung about it4 ,many dolls1 bows and arrows#cj for children are likewise made in the kivas1 and the chiefs prepared prayer emblems and other ceremonial objects4 ,the culmination of ,powamu1 when we should expect the acme of the series of rites1 occurred on the afternoon of the ninth day 7,february #ba71 when the sprouting beans were pulled up1 and distributed with dolls and other presents1 and when certain personages of supernatural character brought significant gifts to the priests4 ,it is the last event to which ,i wish especially to call the reader's attention4 ,this episode1 which seems to me to bring out clearly the aim of the ,powamu ceremony1 may be called the advent and departure of ,hahaiwuqti#ca followed by the ,eototo and other supernaturals4 ,the main events of this episode were as follows3 ,the man who personified the 8,old ,woman0 7,hahaiwuqti7 having masked and otherwise arrayed himself at a shrine#cb outside the pueblo1 began to howl vigorously4 ,siima the chief of ,powamu1 made offerings at this shrine and drew on the ground1 with sacred meal1 several figures of rain clouds about #bj yards nearer the village4 ,hahaiwuqti1 as if tolled along by this mystic sign1 moved to it and again began to howl4 ,siima made another set of rain cloud figures1 again about #bj yards nearer the village1 and the howling ,hahaiwuqti advanced to the second meal figures4 ,halting thus at intervals1 and howling as she went1 the 8,old ,woman0 at last stood in the public plaza of ,oraibi1 and in answer to her cries people came to her1 sprinkled her with pinches of meal and took objects from the basket she bore4 ,she then sought the entrance to the kiva in which the priests were engaged in ceremonial smoking and singing4 ,she stood like a statue at the hatch1 howling as if to announce her coming to the priests within the room below4 ,they soon responded1 and came out of the kiva headed by ,siima with a bowl of medicine and an aspergill1 followed by a second priest with a reed cigarette and a coal of fire1 and others with bags of sacred meal4 ,hahaiwuqti was asperged1 smoked upon and sprinkled with meal1 and presented with a paho accompanied with a prayer1 after which the priests returned to their room and the 8,old ,woman0 went away to the west4 ,a few minutes later men disguised as ,eototo and ,ahul approached the kiva hatch near which some unknown ,katcina had made in meal on the ground a cross and rain cloud4 ,eototo rubbed meal on each of the four sides of the kiva hatchway#cc and poured water into the kiva entrance from the sides1 as ,i have described in my accounts of the ,walpi and ,cipaulovi ,niman ,katcina4 ,ahul followed his example1 whereupon the priests again emerged from the kiva and treated these two visitors in the same way they had used ,hahaiwuqti4 ,they received corn in return1 after which the visitors retired1 following the 8,old ,woman40 ,after their departure1 two 8mudheads0 7,koyimse7 and three ,katcinas1 two men wearing ,humis1 ,jemes1 ,katcina masks and one the maskette and apparel of the female ,humis1 approached the kiva entrance4#cd ,then came personifications of ,ana1 ,hehea1 and two ,tacab ,katcinas4 ,following these were three lame ,howaik ,katcinas1 masked as their predecessors1 and clearly designated by appropriate symbolism4 ,at each new arrival the priests in the kiva responded1 emerged from their room1 and treated these visitors as they had their leader1 ,hahaiwuqti4 ,as the masked personages left the village they passed westward4#ce ,when the priests had retired to their kiva for the last time they smoked on the presents left by their strange visitors1 and the chief divided the gift ,eototo had brought into #aj bundles1 and gave one package to each ,powamu priest4 ,then followed minor events1 as taking down the altar1 which do not now concern us4 ,the departure of ,hahaiwuqti and her band closed the main ceremony4#cf ,it certainly seems legitimate to conclude that this acme of the ,powamu is a dramatic representation embodying the aim of the whole ceremony4 ,it is a visit of ,hahaiwuqti in her disguise as known to ,katcinas1 followed by her children bringing gifts and receiving prayers4 ,what other prayers are more appropriate to ,hahaiwuqti than petitions for abundant crops1 or what gifts more desirable than those ,eototo#cg gave in a symbolic way1 viz3 water and sprouting vegetation8 ,the rejuvenescence of nature is always to a primitive mind akin to sorcery1 and believed to be brought about by the sorcerer's arts1 and hence this ceremony takes place in the ,powako-muyamuh1 or ,wizard ,moon1 which gives it its name by syncopation1 ,powamu4#ch ,,conclusions ,,regarding ,,the ,,place ,,of ,,katcinas ,,in ,,tusayan ,,worship ,we are justified in regarding the ,katcinas as spirits of the dead1 or divinized ancestors1 shades or breath-bodies of those who once lived1 as mortuary prayers clearly indicate4 ,the theory of ancestor worship gives us a ready explanation for the fact that ancestral spirits are represented by masked persons1 and as a corollary1 a suggestion regarding the significance of the different symbolism of those masks4 ,the ,hopi1 like many people1 look back to mythic times when they believe their ancestors lived in a 8paradise10 or state or place where food 7corn7 was plenty and rains abundant1 a world of perpetual summer and flowers4 ,their legends recount how1 when corn failed or rain ceased1 cultus heroes have sought these imaginary or ideal ancestral homes to learn the 8medicine10 songs1 prayers1 fetishes1 and charms efficacious to influence or control supernaturals1 which blessed these happy lands4 ,each sacerdotal society tells the story of its own hero bringing from that land a bride1 who transmitted to her son the knowledge of the altars1 songs1 and prayers1 which forced the crops to grow and the rains to fall in her native country4 ,to become thoroughly conversant with the rites he is said to marry the maid2 otherwise at his death they would be lost1 since knowledge of the 8medicine0 is believed to be transmitted1 not through his clan1 but that of his wife4 ,so the ,snake hero brought the ,snake-,maid 7corn-rain girl7 from the underworld2 the ,flute hero1 her sister1 the ,flute-,maid2 the ,little ,war ,god1 the ,lakonemana and other supernaturals4 ,a ,katcina hero in the old times1 8on a rabbit hunt came to a region where there was no snow4 ,there he saw other ,katcina people dancing amidst beautiful gardens4 ,he received melons from them and carrying them home told a strange story of the people who inhabited a country where there were flowering plants in midwinter4 ,the hero and a comrade were sent back1 and they stayed with their people1 returning home loaded with fruit in ,february4 ,they had learned the songs of those with whom they had lived1 and taught them in the kiva of their own people40#ci ,in the ceremonies with unmasked personifications1 or those celebrated yearly between ,july and ,january which are not ,katcinas1 an attempt is made to reproduce rites which legends declare the cultus or ancestral heroes saw in the lands they visited1 which lands are reputed to be variously situated1 but generally in the underworld1 to augment the efficacy of the ceremonies4 ,in the ceremonies between ,january and ,august1 or those called ,katcinas1 the same feeling is dominant4 ,each performance is an endeavor to reproduce a traditional ancestral ,katcina celebration4 ,the performers are masked because1 according to their stories1 the participants in those ancient rites are reputed to have had zoomorphic1 or at least only partially anthropomorphic forms4 ,the symbolism of the mask portrays the totems of those legendary participants1 and those of corn1 rain1 water-loving animals1 lightning and the like1 therefore predominate4 ,i have shown in preceding papers that both the symbols and figurines on ,katcina altars refer to the sun1 rain clouds1 and the fertilization1 growth and maturation of corn4 ,it has likewise been made evident that the ceremonial acts of the priests are employed to affect the supernaturals who control these elements or produce these necessities4 ,the priests strive to reproduce traditional ceremonials without innovations1 and are guided in their presentation by current legends4 ,masked personations of ancestral spirits are1 therefore1 introduced that the performance may be more realistic1 or closer to the reputed ancestral ceremony4 ,this feeling is at base the reason why the priests1 unable to explain why they perform certain rites in certain ways1 respond1 8we make our altars1 sing our songs1 and say our prayers in this way because our old people did so1 and surely they knew how to make the corn grow and the rains fall40 ,it appears from what is written above that the cosmic supernaturals which appear on the ,hopi ,katcina altars are the same as pointed out in the previous article1 the ,sun1 the ,sky1 ,earth1 ,fire1 ,ancestors1 and that idols are likewise prominent4 ,the ,hopi1 like all the pueblos1 are commonly called sun worshippers1 but the relations of the altars of the ,katcina cult to ,sky ,god 7,sun7 worship is very instructive4 ,in conclusion it should be said that1 although the ceremonial practices of the ,hopi ,katcinas appear very complicated1 they are in reality simpler than the literature of them would seem to indicate4 ,in the first place1 we must bear in mind that in the ,hopi religion the association of religion and ethics is very weak1 the duty of the priest being to perform his part of the ceremony as nearly as possible in the traditional way it was inherited from his ancestors4 ,secondly1 the rite and ceremony show that the main object desired is a material not a spiritual one1 primarily to fertilize ,indian corn1 his national food1 and incidentally to protect his own life and that of his family4 ,the objects of his worship form together a complex composed of closely allied elements in which the supernatural powers that control the food are preemiment4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 ,sitcomovi and ,hano have no ,niman ,katcina1 nor do they celebrate the ,tusayan ritual in its entirety4 ,the word ,katcina is used to designate both a dance and a participant in a dance4 ,between ,july and ,january there are no ,katcina rites in ,tusayan4 #b ,i have been interested to discover what proportion of the whole number of ,hopi ceremonials have been described1 and the results are such as to allay any conceit that we know much about the subject4 ,without considering the abbreviated ceremonials there are in the ritual #ab which are of nine days duration4 ,there are five variants of this ritual1 differing in altars1 paraphernalia1 and rites1 so that we may say there are performed in ,tusayan about #fj ceremonials1 each nine days long1 to be investigated4 ,of these there are #dj of which we know nothing1 save their existence2 #ae1 fragments of which have been described2 and #e which have been fairly well studied4 ,there are about #cj ,hopi altars which have never been figured or described1 or as far as ,i know seen by ethnologists4 ,it thus appears that there is plenty of material in this province to occupy the students of primitive ritual for some time to come4 ,an adequate comprehension of the ,hopi ,katcina ritual requires a consideration of five different modifications of the same altars4 #c ,the image of ,cotokinungwu in the ,oraibi flute altar 7q4 v47 has zigzag figures down the legs1 which would appear to associate this deity with lightning4 #d ,amer4 ,anthrop41 ,vol4 #e1 ,no4 #b1 ,april1 #ahib1 ,pl4 ,i1 fig4 #a2 ,pl4 ,,iii1 figs4 #a and #b4 #e ,the ,hopi1 ancient and modern1 were adepts in this craft of mosaic encrustations1 using for that purpose turquoises1 shells1 and other substances4 #f ,the chief who flogs the children in the initiation1 which occurs in ,powamu1 holds this object in his hand4 ,this flogging at ,walpi is performed by a man masked to represent ,tunwup4 ,int4 ,archiv fr ,ethnog41 ,band viii1 #ahie4 #aeth ,ann4 ,rep4 ,bur4 ,amer4 ,ethnol41 pp4 #bhc-bhd4 #g ,amer4 ,anthrop41 ,vol4 #e1 ,no4 #b1 ,april1 #ahib4 #h ,a great many observations remain to be made before any one can claim to know the exact meaning of pueblo rites1 but the material awaits investigation1 and can be obtained by persistent work in the field4 ,the time1 however1 is past when any compiler can write an account of the aboriginal religions of ,america and neglect the ,hopi for want of published material4 #i ,for ,niman altars of ,cipaulovi1 ,miconinovi1 and ,walpi1 see ,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #aj ,the character of the public ceremonials of the ,katcinas1 even when abbreviated1 as in the so-called rain dances1 justifies the theory that their main objects are the two above mentioned4 ,even the clowns1 a priesthood directly connected with ,katcinas and absent in all other ceremonies1 are concerned with the growth of seeds4 #aa ,it may be borne in mind that the same altar is made in ,powamu and ,niman1 and whether called by one or the other of these names it is the same thing--a ,katcina altar4 #ab ,journ4 ,amer4 ,folk-,lore1 ,vol4 ,,viii1 ,no4 ,,xxxi4 ,the conical prolongation of the head is also found in many figurines and images and while the similarity of symbolism would lead to the belief that the two supernaturals are identical1 the presence of two similar images on an altar indicates that they are distinct4 #ac ,in other secret rites1 not considered in this article1 the first method is employed as in ,powamu4 ,personifications in public dances are ordinarily masked1 and as a rule ,katcinas doff their masks when they dance in kivas4 ,in certain instances1 however1 the mask is worn in kiva ceremonials4 #ad ,i regard them as complicated symbols1 not intrinsically objects of worship4 #ae ,in the public dance she is represented by a girl1 but there is a beautiful instance in this ceremony where the third method is substituted for the first in the public dance4 ,for some reason unknown to me1 in the #ahia exhibit at ,walpi no girl performed this part1 but her place was taken by a participant in the dance who bore in her hands a flat board with a picture of the ,germ ,maid 7see ,mamzrauti1 ,amer4 ,anthrop41 ,vol4 ,v1 ,no4 #c1 #ahib1 ,pl4 ,,iv1 figs4 #i1 #aj74 ,the picture1 not the bearer1 represented the ,germ ,maid4 ,it is a remarkable confirmation of my theory that ,mamzraumana is the same personation as ,calakomana2 that this picture is identical in symbolism with pictures of the latter1 and was so called by the priests4 ,comparing the picture ,mamzraumana on the ,mamzrau altar and of the same on this tablet we see differences in old and new ,hopi art4 ,the picture publicly exhibited conforms to modern conception of her symbolism1 as shown in dolls1 etc42 that on the altar1 which the uninitiated can not see1 is the older form1 before innovations and modifications4 #af ,amer4 ,anthrop41 ,vol4 ,v1 ,no4 #c1 #ahib4 #ag ,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,iv4 #ah ,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii2 ,journ4 ,amer4 ,folk-,lore1 ,vol4 ,,viii1 ,no4 ,,xxxi2 ,vol4 ,,ix1 ,no4 ,,xxv4 #ai ,journ4 ,amer4 ,folk-,lore1 ,vol4 ,,vi1 ,no4 ,,xxiii4 #bj ,as maize is the most important food of the ,pueblo ,indians there is a tendency to make this name more specific1 8,corn ,maid40 ,this appears to be the name of the doll ,calakomana1 8,corn ,maid40 #ba ,the range of variation of the dolls of the ,calakomana may be seen by consultation of my memoir on ,tusayan ,dolls 7,int4 ,archiv fr ,ethnog41 ,band ,,vii1 pp4 #de-gd1 #ahid74 ,one of the strangest of these represents two ,germ ,maids1 one above the other1 surmounted by a male figurine1 ,hehea ,katcina1 which has lightning emblems on the cheeks and phallic symbols on the body4 #bb ,he is intimately connected with the 8flogging0 ceremony1 when children are 8introduced0 to the ,katcinas 7see ,fifteenth ,ann4 ,rep4 ,bur4 ,amer4 ,ethnol41 pp4 #bhc-bhd74 ,the radiating crown of feathers and the two horns on the head1 together with the symbol on the forehead1 ally him with ,calakotaka 7male ,calako7 whose kinship with the ,sun-bird is elsewhere referred to4 ,tunwup appears to be a local name of this worthy in ,walpi kivas4 #bc ,in the so-called 8screen drama0 of this ceremony1 we have pictures of the ,sun painted on disks4 ,on the theory that ,pallkonti is a fertilization ceremony1 it would be explained as referring to corn1 and the thrusting of the snake effigies through openings closed by ,sun-disk symbols connected with this event4 #bd ,in the same way that ,i have compared the ,little ,war ,gods and the ,germ ,maids of ,katcina altars we might also compare the male and female figures of the flute altars which we know from variants4 ,the same will be possible with the cultus hero and his female double of ,lalakontu1 ,mamzrauti1 etc4 ,there is a striking morphological identity in many altars of different societies4 #be ,a quartz crystal is used to deflect the light of the sun into the medicine bowl in ,niman ,katcina4 ,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a4 #bf ,similar projections at intervals a quadrant apart are common on symbols of the sun1 and ,i have found them on ancient pottery from ,homolobi4 ,the arrow-headed appendages are not1 as far as ,i know1 found in any other instance of palography4 #bg ,pikumi is a kind of hasty pudding1 a favorite dish in ceremonial feasts4 ,it is baked in small pits lined with corn husks1 which have previously been heated by building fires within them4 ,the coals are raked out1 the mush put in1 and a stone slab luted over the pit4 ,upon this a fire is maintained over night1 and on the morning of the final day of a great ceremonial they are opened4 ,the soft part is eaten immediately1 but the mush which has caked to the corn husks is reground and made into other forms of food4 ,the above-mentioned balls are made of the latter products4 #bh ,evidently this and the following acts are to bring the summer birds4 #bi ,the ,oraibi ,powalawu1 witnessed twice1 took place ,feb4 #d1 #ahid1 and ,jan4 #ad1 #ahif4 ,the chronology of the succeeding events in #ahid was as follows3 ,feb4 #e-i1 bean planting in all kivas4 ,feb4 #ac-ba1 nine active days of ,powamu ceremony1 q4 v4 ,the ,powamu1 according to my enumerations1 includes not only the nine active days but also several preceding in which the beans are planted1 beginning with ,powalawu1 and making a complete ceremony of #af days4 #cj ,these gifts for little girls were made in the ,niman ,powamu and ,pallkonti at ,walpi4 ,they were fashioned in the form of ,katcinas4 7,int4 ,archiv fr ,ethnog41 ,band ,,vii1 #ahid47 ,on the eighth pahos were made for ,hahaiwuqti and ,eototo1 who visit the kiva on the ninth day4 ,the former personage appears to be known by different names in ,oraibi and ,walpi1 but ,i believe the same personage is intended by both names4 #ca ,for a picture of ,hahaiwuqti1 see ,amer4 ,anthrop41 ,vol4 ,,vii1 ,no4 #a1 #ahid4 ,for symbolism of ,eototo1 see ,int4 ,archiv fr ,ethnog41 ,band ,,vii1 #ahid4 #cb ,in the shrine he put a paho1 several nakwakwocis1 and meal1 after which he took a little honey in his mouth and spat to the four cardinal points4 ,he gave a basket with a paho1 sprouted beans1 and other objects to ,hahaiwuqti after he left him at the second meal figures4 ,this method of tolling the gods is practiced in the march of the ,flute priests from the spring to the pueblo4 7,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii2 in ,lalakontu1 and in ,mamzrauti1 op4 cit47 ,the ,katcinas are tolled along by meal deposited on the trail by the priests4 ,a trail is closed by a line of meal at right angles to the same4 #cc ,those in one of the kivas received meal 7prayers7 and nakwakwocis 7personal prayers74 ,hahaiwuqti gave them the basket she bore and the objects remaining in it1 upon which at the close of the ceremony1 all the priests smoked 7prayed74 #cd ,from the belts of ,humis the priests took a sprig of spruce4 ,this is only customary after the ,humis ,katcina dance4 7,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a47 ,the ,humis 7humita1 corn7 wear terraced 7rain cloud7 tablets on the mask4 7,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a47 #ce ,for symbolism of their masks and dress see ,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a2 ,int4 ,archiv fr ,ethnog41 ,band ,,vii4 ,ana wears a long beard and is therefore called the bearded ,katcina4 ,hehea has zigzag marks on the cheeks4 ,the symbolism of ,tacab varies considerably1 but is readily recognized4 #cf ,a ,hopi prayer combines two elements of ceremony--prayer proper and sacrifice1 the former spoken or not1 the latter always expressed by symbols4 ,as they are an agricultural people1 their aboriginal wealth is an agricultural product1 as corn4 ,their poverty of corn and the requirement of their ritual necessitated sacrifices of meal1 a highly practical substitution4 ,so likewise tobacco smoke is a sacrifice1 the burning of rare herbs1 or the pine needles in the 8,new ,fire0 ceremony4 ,the act of sacrificing animals or human beings is not a part of their present ritual1 but a knowledge of its efficacy exists4 ,they have legends of human sacrifice on rare occasions in the past4 ,the killing of an animal and smearing the body of the man representing ,masawuh with its blood1 at the time of ,lieutenant ,brett's visit to ,oraibi in #ahia1 is an instance of animal sacrifice4 ,several survivals of animal sacrifices in warrior ceremonies might be quoted from legends4 #cg ,eototo is believed to be a god of metamorphism1 or growth1 intimately associated with germination1 a sacerdotal equivalent of ,masawuh1 as far as these functions are concerned4 #ch ,i have elsewhere called ,powamu a purification ceremony or lustral observance1 which it is in certain particulars1 but ,i am now convinced that its main object is to further the fructification of vegetation4 #ci ,journ4 ,amer4 ,ethnol4 and ,archol41 ,vol4 ,,ii1 ,no4 #a1 p4 #aeb4 ,the ,katcina hero in this story would appear not to have brought a wife from this people4 ,illustration3 ,decoration ,transcriber's ,notes pg #dgj ,changed3 pt1 ,guord 7netted7 for sacred water to3 pt1 ,gourd 7netted7 for sacred water pg #dga ,changed3 os as far as ,i know seen by ethnologists4 to3 or as far as ,i know seen by ethnologists4 pg #dga ,changed3 ,it thus appears that there it plenty to3 ,it thus appears that there is plenty pg #dgb ,captialized vol4 to ,vol4 7#b times in ,footnotes7 pg #dge ,changed3 recall the same symbols of the ,cipaulovi equivalent to3 recalling the same symbols of the ,cipaulovi equivalent pg #dgh ,changed3 ,in ,palulukonti#ai she is personated by to3 ,in ,pallkonti#ai she is personated by pg #dgi ,changed3 its popularly called the 8,bean ,planting10 to3 it's popularly called the 8,bean ,planting10 pg #dha ,changed3 also with a quarternary arrangement to3 also with a quaternary arrangement pg #dhd ,changed3 ,from the belts of ,humis the priets to3 ,from the belts of ,humis the priests pg #dhd ,changed3 a sacerdotal equivalent of ,masauwuh to3 a sacerdotal equivalent of ,masawuh