,,the ,,instinct ,,of ,,workmanship ,illustration ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,,new ,,york ,,boston ,,chicago ,,dallas ,,atlanta ,,san ,,francisco ,,macmillan ,,co41 ,,limited ,,london ,,bombay ,,calcutta ,,melbourne ,,the ,,macmillan ,,co4 ,,of ,,canada1 ,,ltd4 ,,toronto ,,the ,,instinct ,,of ,,workmanship ,,and ,,the ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,industrial ,,arts ,,by ,,thorstein ,,veblen ,,author ,,of 8,,the ,,theory ,,of ,,the ,,leisure ,,class0 ,new ,york ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company #aiad ,all rights reserved ,,copyright1 #aiad1 ,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,set up and electrotyped4 ,published ,march1 #aiad4 ,illustration ,,to ,b ,k ,n ,,preface ,the following essay attempts an analysis of such correlation as is visible between industrial use and wont and those other institutional facts that go to make up any given phase of civilisation4 ,it is assumed that in the growth of culture1 as in its current maintenance1 the facts of technological use and wont are fundamental and definitive1 in the sense that they underlie and condition the scope and method of civilisation in other than the technological respect1 but not in such a sense as to preclude or overlook the degree in which these other conventions of any given civilisation in their turn react on the state of the industrial arts4 ,the analysis proceeds on the materialistic assumptions of modern science1 but without prejudice to the underlying question as to the ulterior competency of this materialistic conception considered as a metaphysical tenet4 ,the inquiry simply accepts these mechanistic assumptions of material science for the purpose in hand1 since these afford the currently acceptable terms of solution for any scientific problem of the kind in the present state of preconceptions on this head4 ,as should appear from its slight bulk1 the essay is of the nature of a cursory survey rather than an exhaustive inquiry with full documentation4 ,the few references given and the authorities cited in the course of the argument are accordingly not to be taken as an inclusive presentation of the materials on which the inquiry rests4 ,it will also be remarked that where authoritative documents are cited the citation is general and extensive rather than specific and detailed4 ,wherever detailed references are given they will be found to bear on specific facts brought into the argument by way of illustrative detail4 ,,contents ,,chapter ,i ,,page ,,introductory #a ,,chapter ,,ii ,,contamination ,,of ,,instincts ,,in ,,primitive ,,technology #ch ,,chapter ,,iii ,,the ,,savage ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,industrial ,,arts #ajc ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,technology ,,of ,,the ,,predatory ,,culture #ach ,,chapter ,v ,,ownership ,,and ,,the ,,competitive ,,system #ahg ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,era ,,of ,,handicraft #bca ,,chapter ,,vii ,,the ,,machine ,,industry #bii ,,the ,,instinct ,,of ,,workmanship ,,chapter ,i ,,introductory ,for mankind as for the other higher animals1 the life of the species is conditioned by the complement of instinctive proclivities and tropismatic aptitudes with which the species is typically endowed4 ,not only is the continued life of the race dependent on the adequacy of its instinctive proclivities in this way1 but the routine and details of its life are also1 in the last resort1 determined by these instincts4 ,these are the prime movers in human behaviour1 as in the behaviour of all those animals that show self-direction or discretion4 ,human activity1 in so far as it can be spoken of as conduct1 can never exceed the scope of these instinctive dispositions1 by initiative of which man takes action4 ,nothing falls within the human scheme of things desirable to be done except what answers to these native proclivities of man4 ,these native proclivities alone make anything worth while1 and out of their working emerge not only the purpose and efficiency of life1 but its substantial pleasures and pains as well4 99 99 99 99 99 ,latterly the words 8instinct0 and 8instinctive0 are no longer well seen among students of those biological sciences where they once had a great vogue4 ,students who occupy themselves with the psychology of animal behaviour are cautiously avoiding these expressions1 and in this caution they are doubtless well advised4 ,for such use the word appears no longer to be serviceable as a technical term4 ,it has lost the requisite sharp definition and consistency of connotation1 apparently through disintegration under a more searching analysis than the phenomena comprised under this concept had previously been subjected to4 ,in these biological sciences interest is centering not on the question of what activities may be set down to innate propensity or predisposition at large1 but rather on the determination of the irreducible psychological--and1 indeed1 physiological--elements that go to make up animal behaviour4 ,for this purpose 8instinct0 is a concept of too lax and shifty a definition to meet the demands of exact biological science4 ,for the sciences that deal with the psychology of human conduct a similarly searching analysis of the elementary facts of behaviour is doubtless similarly desirable2 and under such closer scrutiny of these facts it will doubtless appear that here1 too1 the broad term 8instinct0 is of too unprecise a character to serve the needs of an exhaustive psychological analysis4 ,but the needs of an inquiry into the nature and causes of the growth of institutions are not precisely the same as those of such an exhaustive psychological analysis4 ,a genetic inquiry into institutions will address itself to the growth of habits and conventions1 as conditioned by the material environment and by the innate and persistent propensities of human nature2 and for these propensities1 as they take effect in the give and take of cultural growth1 no better designation than the time-worn 8instinct0 is available4 ,in the light of recent inquiries and speculations it is scarcely to be questioned that each of these distinguishable propensities may be analysed into simpler constituent elements1 of a quasi-tropismatic or physiological nature2#a but in the light of every-day experience and common notoriety it is at the same time not to be questioned that these simple and irreducible psychological elements of human behaviour fall into composite functional groups1 and so make up specific and determinate propensities1 proclivities1 aptitudes that are1 within the purview of the social sciences1 to be handled as irreducible traits of human nature4 ,indeed1 it would appear that it is in the particular grouping and concatenation of these ultimate psychological elements into characteristic lines of interest and propensity that the nature of man is finally to be distinguished from that of the lower animals4 ,these various native proclivities that are so classed together as 8instincts0 have the characteristic in common that they all and several1 more or less imperatively1 propose an objective end of endeavour4 ,on the other hand what distinguishes one instinct from another is that each sets up a characteristic purpose1 aim1 or object to be attained1 different from the objective end of any other instinct4 ,instinctive action is teleological1 consciously so1 and the teleological scope and aim of each instinctive propensity differs characteristically from all the rest4 ,the several instincts are teleological categories1 and are1 in colloquial usage1 distinguished and classed on the ground of their teleological content4 ,as the term is here used1 therefore1 and indeed as it is currently understood1 the instincts are to be defined or described neither in mechanical terms of those anatomical or physiological aptitudes that causally underlie them or that come into action in the functioning of any given instinct1 nor in terms of the movements of orientation or taxis involved in the functioning of each4 ,the distinctive feature by the mark of which any given instinct is identified is to be found in the particular character of the purpose to which it drives4#b 8,instinct10 as contra-distinguished from tropismatic action1 involves consciousness and adaptation to an end aimed at4 ,it is1 of course1 not hereby intended to set up or to prescribe a definition of 8instinct0 at large1 but only to indicate as closely as may be what sense is attached to the term as here used4 ,at the same time it is believed that this definition of the concept does violence neither to colloquial usage nor to the usage of such students as have employed the term in scientific discussion1 particularly in discussion of the instinctive proclivities of mankind4 ,but it is not to be overlooked that this definition of the term may be found inapplicable1 or at least of doubtful service1 when applied to those simpler and more immediate impulses that are sometimes by tradition spoken of as 8instinctive10 even in human behaviour1--impulses that might with better effect be designated 8tropismatic40 ,in animal behaviour1 for instance1 as well as in such direct and immediate impulsive human action as is fairly to be classed with animal behaviour1 it is often a matter of some perplexity to draw a line between tropismatic activity and instinct4 ,notoriously1 the activities commonly recognised as instinctive differ widely among themselves in respect of the degree of directness or immediacy with which the given response to stimulus takes place4 ,they range in this respect all the way from such reactions as are doubtfully to be distinguished from simple reflex action on the one hand1 to such as are doubtfully recognised as instinctive because of the extent to which reflection and deliberation enter into their execution on the other hand4 ,by insensible gradation the lower 7less complex and deliberate7 instinctive activities merge into the class of unmistakable tropismatic sensibilities1 without its being practicable to determine by any secure test where the one category should be declared to end and the other to begin4#c ,such quasi-tropismatic activities may be rated as purposeful by an observer1 in the sense that they are seen to further the life of the individual agent or of the species1 while there is no consciousness of purpose on the part of the agent under observation2 whereas 8instinct10 in the narrower and special sense to which it seems desirable to restrict the term for present use1 denotes the conscious pursuit of an objective end which the instinct in question makes worth while4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the ends of life1 then1 the purposes to be achieved1 are assigned by man's instinctive proclivities2 but the ways and means of accomplishing those things which the instinctive proclivities so make worth while are a matter of intelligence4 ,it is a distinctive mark of mankind that the working-out of the instinctive proclivities of the race is guided by intelligence to a degree not approached by the other animals4 ,but the dependence of the race on its endowment of instincts is no less absolute for this intervention of intelligence2 since it is only by the prompting of instinct that reflection and deliberation come to be so employed1 and since instinct also governs the scope and method of intelligence in all this employment of it4 ,men take thought1 but the human spirit1 that is to say the racial endowment of instinctive proclivities1 decides what they shall take thought of1 and how and to what effect4 ,yet the dependence of the scheme of life on the complement of instinctive proclivities hereby becomes less immediate1 since a more or less extended logic of ways and means comes to intervene between the instinctively given end and its realisation2 and the lines of relation between any given instinctive proclivity and any particular feature of human conduct are by so much the more devious and roundabout and the more difficult to trace4 ,the higher the degree of intelligence and the larger the available body of knowledge current in any given community1 the more extensive and elaborate will be the logic of ways and means interposed between these impulses and their realisation1 and the more multifarious and complicated will be the apparatus of expedients and resources employed to compass those ends that are instinctively worth while4 ,this apparatus of ways and means available for the pursuit of whatever may be worth seeking is1 substantially all1 a matter of tradition out of the past1 a legacy of habits of thought accumulated through the experience of past generations4 ,so that the manner1 and in a great degree the measure1 in which the instinctive ends of life are worked out under any given cultural situation is somewhat closely conditioned by these elements of habit1 which so fall into shape as an accepted scheme of life4 ,the instinctive proclivities are essentially simple and look directly to the attainment of some concrete objective end2 but in detail the ends so sought are many and diverse1 and the ways and means by which they may be sought are similarly diverse and various1 involving endless recourse to expedients1 adaptations1 and concessive adjustment between several proclivities that are all sufficiently urgent4 ,under the discipline of habituation this logic and apparatus of ways and means falls into conventional lines1 acquires the consistency of custom and prescription1 and so takes on an institutional character and force4 ,the accustomed ways of doing and thinking not only become an habitual matter of course1 easy and obvious1 but they come likewise to be sanctioned by social convention1 and so become right and proper and give rise to principles of conduct4 ,by use and wont they are incorporated into the current scheme of common sense4 ,a elements of the approved scheme of conduct and pursuit these conventional ways and means take their place as proximate ends of endeavour4 ,whence1 in the further course of unremitting habituation1 as the attention is habitually focussed on these proximate ends1 they occupy the interest to such an extent as commonly to throw their own ulterior purpose into the background and often let it be lost sight of2 as may happen1 for instance1 in the acquisition and use of money4 ,it follows that in much of human conduct these proximate ends alone are present in consciousness as the object of interest and the goal of endeavour1 and certain conventionally accepted ways and means come to be set up as definitive principles of what is right and good2 while the ulterior purpose of it all is only called to mind occasionally1 if at all1 as an afterthought1 by an effort of reflection4#d 99 99 99 99 99 ,among psychologists who have busied themselves with these questions there has hitherto been no large measure of agreement as to the number of specific instinctive proclivities that so are native to man2 nor is there any agreement as to the precise functional range and content ascribed to each4 ,in a loose way it is apparently taken for granted that these instincts are to be conceived as discrete and specific elements in human nature1 each working out its own determinate functional content without greatly blending with or being diverted by the working of its neighbours in that spiritual complex into which they all enter as constituent elements4#e ,for the purposes of an exhaustive psychological analysis it is doubtless expedient to make the most of such discreteness as is observable among the instinctive proclivities4 ,but for an inquiry into the scope and method of their working-out in the growth of institutions it is perhaps even more to the purpose to take note of how and with what effect the several instinctive proclivities cross1 blend1 overlap1 neutralise or renforce one another4 ,the most convincing genetic view of these phenomena throws the instinctive proclivities into close relation with the tropismatic sensibilities and brings them1 in the physiological respect1 into the same general class with the latter4#f ,if taken uncritically and in general terms this view would seem to carry the implication that the instincts should be discrete and discontinuous among themselves somewhat after the same fashion as the tropismatic sensibilities with which they are in great measure bound up2 but on closer scrutiny such a genetic theory of the instincts does not appear to enforce the view that they are to be conceived as effectually discontinuous or mutually exclusive1 though it may also not involve the contrary1--that they make a continuous or ambiguously segmented body of spiritual elements4 ,the recognised tropisms stand out1 to all appearance1 as sharply defined physiological traits1 transmissible by inheritance intact and unmodified1 separable and unblended1 in a manner suggestively like the 8unit characters0 spoken of in latter day theories of heredity4#g ,while the instinctive sensibilities may not be explained as derivatives of the tropisms1 there is enough of similarity in the working of the two to suggest that the two classes of phenomena must both be accounted for on somewhat similar physiological grounds4 ,the simple and more narrowly defined instinctive dispositions1 which have much of the appearance of immediate reflex nervous action and automatically defined response1 lend themselves passably to such an interpretation1--as1 for example1 the gregarious instinct1 or the instinct of repulsion with its accompanying emotion of disgust4 ,such as these are shared by mankind with the other higher animals on a fairly even footing2 and these are relatively simple1 immediate1 and not easily sophisticated or offset by habit4 ,these seem patently to be of much the same nature as the tropismatic sensibilities2 though even in these simpler instinctive dispositions the characteristic quasi-tropismatic sensibility distinctive of each appears to be complicated with obscure stimulations of the nerve centres arising out of the functioning of one or another of the viscera4 ,and what is true of the simpler instincts in this respect should apply to the vaguer and more complex instincts also1 but with a larger allowance for a more extensive complication of visceral and organic stimuli4 ,whether these subconscious stimulations of the nerve centres through the functioning of the viscera are to be conceived in terms of tropismatic reaction is a difficult question which has had little attention hitherto4 ,but in any case1 whatever the expert students of these phenomena may have to say of this matter1 the visceral or organic stimuli engaged in any one of the instinctive sensibilities are apparently always more than one and are usually somewhat complex4 ,indeed1 while it seems superficially an easy matter to refer any one of the simple instincts directly to some certain one of the viscera as the main or primary source from which its appropriate stimulation comes to the nerve centres1 it is by no means easy to decide what one or more of the viscera1 or of the other organs that are not commonly classed as viscera1 will have no part in the matter4 ,it results that1 on physiological grounds1 the common run of human instincts are not to be conceived as severally discrete and elementary proclivities4 ,the same physiological processes enter in some measure1 though in varying proportions1 into the functioning of each4 ,in instinctive action the individual acts as a whole1 and in the conduct which emerges under the driving force of these instinctive dispositions the part which each several instinct plays is a matter of more or less1 not of exclusive direction4 ,they must therefore incontinently touch1 blend1 overlap and interfere1 and can not be conceived as acting each and several in sheer isolation and independence of one another4 ,the relations of give and take among the several instinctive dispositions1 therefore--of inosculation1 8contamination0 and cross purposes--are presumably slighter and of less consequence for the simpler and more apparently tropismatic impulses while on the other hand the less specific and vaguer instinctive predispositions1 such as the parental bent or the proclivity to construction or acquisition1 will be so comprehensively and intricately bound in a web of correlation and inter-dependence--will so unremittingly contaminate1 offset or fortify one another1 and have each so large and yet so shifting a margin of common ground with all the rest--that hard and fast lines of demarcation can scarcely be drawn between them4 ,the best that can practically be had in the way of a secure definition will be a descriptive characterisation of each distinguishable propensity1 together with an indication of the more salient and consequential ramifications by which each contaminates or is contaminated by the working of other propensities that go to make up that complex of instinctive dispositions that constitutes the spiritual nature of the race4 ,so that the schemes of definition that have hitherto been worked out are in great part to be taken as arrangements of convenience1 serviceable apparatus for present use1 rather than distinctions enforced at all points by an equally sharp substantial discreteness of the facts4#h ,this fact1 that in some measure the several instincts spring from a common ground of sentient life1 that they each engage the individual as a whole1 has serious consequences in the domain of habit1 and therefore it counts for much in the growth of civilisation and in the everyday conduct of affairs4 ,the physiological apparatus engaged in the functioning of any given instinct enters in part1 though in varying measure1 into the working of some or of any other instinct2 whereby1 even on physiological grounds alone1 the habituation that touches the functioning of any given instinct must1 in a less degree but pervasively1 affect the habitual conduct of the same agent when driven by any other instinct4 ,so that on this view the scope of habit1 in so far as it bears on the instinctive activities1 is necessarily wider than the particular concrete line of conduct to which the habituation in question is due4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the instincts are hereditary traits4 ,in the current theories of heredity they would presumably be counted as secondary characteristics of the species1 as being in a sense by-products of the physiological activities that give the species its specific character2 since these theories in the last resort run in physiological terms4 ,so the instinctive dispositions would scarcely be accounted unit characters1 in the ,mendelian sense1 but would rather count as spiritual traits emerging from a certain concurrence of physiological unit characters and varying somewhat according to variations in the complement of unit characters to which the species or the individual may owe his constitution4 ,hence would arise variations of individuality among the members of the race1 resting in some such manner as has just been suggested on the varying endowment of instincts1 and running back through these finally to recondite differences of physiological function4 ,some such account of the instinctive dispositions and their relation to the physical individual seems necessary as a means of apprehending them and their work without assuming a sheer break between the physical and the immaterial phenomena of life4 99 99 99 99 99 ,characteristic of the race is a degree of vagueness or generality1 an absence of automatically determinate response1 a lack of concrete eventuality as it might be called1 in the common run of human instincts4 ,this vague and shifty character of the instincts1 or perhaps rather of the habitual response to their incitement1 is to be taken in connection with the breadth and variability of their physiological ground as spoken of above4 ,for the long-term success of the race it is manifestly of the highest value1 since it leaves a wide and facile margin of experimentation1 habituation1 invention and accommodation open to the sense of workmanship4 ,at the same time and by the same circumstance the scope and range of conventionalisation and sophistication are similarly flexible1 wide and consequential4 ,no doubt the several racial stocks differ very appreciably in this respect4 ,the complement of instinctive dispositions1 comprising under that term both the native propensity and its appropriate sentiment1 makes up what would be called the 8spiritual nature0 of man--often spoken of more simply as 8human nature40 ,without allowing it to imply anything like a dualism or dichotomy between material and immaterial phenomena1 the term 8spiritual0 may conveniently be so used in its colloquial sense4 ,so employed it commits the discussion to no attitude on the question of man's single or dual constitution1 but simply uses the conventional expression to designate that complement of functions which it has by current usage been employed to designate4 ,the human complement of instincts fluctuates from one individual to another in an apparently endless diversity1 varying both in the relative force of the several instinctive proclivities and in the scheme of co-ordination1 coalescence or interference that prevails among them4 ,this diversity of native character is noticeable among all peoples1 though some of the peoples of the lower cultures show a notable approach to uniformity of type1 both physical and spiritual4 ,the diversity is particularly marked among the civilised peoples1 and perhaps in a peculiar degree among the peoples of ,europe and her colonies4 ,the extreme diversity of native character1 both physical and spiritual1 noticeable in these communities is in all probability due to their being made up of a mixture of racial stocks4 ,in point of pedigree1 all individuals in the peoples of the ,western culture are hybrids1 and the greater number of individuals are a mixture of more than two racial stocks4 ,the proportions in which the several transmissible traits that go to make up the racial type enter into the composition of these hybrid individuals will accordingly vary endlessly4 ,the number of possible permutations will therefore be extremely large2 so that the resulting range of variation in the hybrids that so result from the crossing of these different racial stocks will be sufficiently large1 even when it plays within such limits as to leave the generic human type intact4 ,from time to time the variation may even exceed these limits of human normality and give a variant in which the relative emphasis on the several constituent instinctive elements is distributed after a scheme so far from the generically human type as to throw the given variant out of touch with the common run of humanity and mark him as of unsound mind or as disserviceable for the purposes of the community in which he occurs1 or even as disserviceable for life in any society4 ,yet1 even through these hybrid populations there runs a generically human type of spiritual endowment1 prevalent as a general average of human nature throughout1 and suitable to the continued life of mankind in society4 ,disserviceably wide departures from this generically human and serviceable type of spiritual endowment will tend constantly to be selectively eliminated from the race1 even where the variation arises from hybridism4 ,the like will hold true in a more radical fashion as applied to variants that may arise through a ,mendelian mutation4 ,so that the numerous racial types now existing represent only such mutants as lie within the limits of tolerance imposed by the situation under which any given mutant type has emerged and survived4 ,a surviving mutant type is necessarily suited more or less closely to the circumstances under which it emerged and first made good its survival1 and it is presumably less suited to any other situation4 ,with a change in the situation1 therefore1 such as may come with the migration of a given racial stock from one habitat to another1 or with an equivalent shifting growth of culture or change of climate1 the requirements of survival are likely to change4 ,indeed1 so grave are the alterations that may in this way supervene in the current requirements for survival1 that any given racial stock may dwindle and decay for no other reason than that the growth of its culture has come to subject the stock to methods of life widely different from those under which its type of man originated and made good its fitness to survive4 ,so1 in the mixture of races that make up the population of the ,western nations a competitive struggle for survival has apparently always been going on among the several racial stocks that enter into the hybrid mass1 with varying fortunes according as the shifting cultural demands and opportunities have favoured now one1 now another type of man4 ,these cultural conditions of survival in the racial struggle for existence have varied in the course of centuries1 and with grave consequences for the life-history of the race and of its culture2 and they are perhaps changing more substantially and rapidly in the immediate present than at any previous time within the historical period4 ,so that1 for instance1 the continued biological success of any given one of these stocks in the ,european racial mixture has within a moderate period of time shifted from the ground of fighting capacity1 and even in a measure from the ground of climatic fitness1 to that of spiritual fitness to survive under the conditions imposed by a new cultural situation1 by a scheme of institutions that is insensibly but incessantly changing as it runs4#i ,these unremitting changes and adaptations that go forward in the scheme of institutions1 legal and customary1 unremittingly induce new habits of work and of thought in the community1 and so they continually instil new principles of conduct2 with the outcome that the same range of instinctive dispositions innate in the population will work out to a different effect as regards the demands of race survival4 ,to all appearance1 what counts first in this connection toward the selective survival of the several ,european racial stocks is their relative fitness to meet the material requirements of life1--their economic fitness to live under the new cultural limitations and with the new training which this altered cultural situation gives4 ,but the fortunes of the ,western civilisation as a cultural scheme1 apart from the biological survival or success of any given racial constituent in the ,western peoples1 is likewise bound up with the viability of ,european mankind under these institutional changes1 and dependent on the spiritual fitness of inherited human nature successfully and enduringly to carry on the altered scheme of life so imposed on these peoples by the growth of their own culture4 ,such limitations imposed on cultural growth by native proclivities ill suited to civilised life are sufficiently visible in several directions and in all the nations of ,christendom4 99 99 99 99 99 ,what is known of heredity goes to say that the various racial types of man are stable2 so that during the life-history of any given racial stock1 it is held1 no heritable modification of its typical make-up1 whether spiritual or physical1 is to be looked for4 ,the typical human endowment of instincts1 as well as the typical make-up of the race in the physical respect1 has according to this current view been transmitted intact from the beginning of humanity1 that is to say from whatever point in the mutational development of the race it is seen fit to date humanity1--except so far as subsequent mutations have given rise to new racial stocks1 to and by which this human endowment of native proclivities has been transmitted in a typically modified form4 ,on the other hand the habitual elements of human life change unremittingly and cumulatively1 resulting in a continued proliferous growth of institutions4 ,changes in the institutional structure are continually taking place in response to the altered discipline of life under changing cultural conditions1 but human nature remains specifically the same4 ,the ways and means1 material and immaterial1 by which the native proclivities work out their ends1 therefore1 are forever in process of change1 being conditioned by the changes cumulatively going forward in the institutional fabric of habitual elements that governs the scheme of life4 ,but there is no warrant for assuming that each or any of these successive changes in the scheme of institutions affords successively readier1 surer or more facile ways and means for the instinctive proclivities to work out their ends1 or that the phase of habituation in force at any given point in this sequence of change is more suitable to the untroubled functioning of these instincts than any phase that has gone before4 ,indeed1 the presumption is the other way4 ,on grounds of selective survival it is reasonably to be presumed that any given racial type that has endured the test of selective elimination1 including the complement of instinctive dispositions by virtue of which it has endured the test1 will on its first emergence have been passably suited to the circumstances1 material and cultural1 under which the type emerged as a mutant and made good its survival2 and in so far as the subsequent growth of institutions has altered the available scope and method of instinctive action it is therefore to be presumed that any such subsequent change in the scheme of institutions will in some degree hinder or divert the free play of its instinctive proclivities and will thereby hinder the direct and unsophisticated working-out of the instinctive dispositions native to this given racial type4 ,what is known of the earlier phases of culture in the life-history of the existing races and peoples goes to say that the initial phase in the life of any given racial type1 the phase of culture which prevailed in its environment when it emerged1 and under which the stock first proved its fitness to survive1 was presumably some form of savagery4 ,therefore the fitness of any given type of human nature for life after the manner and under the conditions imposed by any later phase in the growth of culture is a matter of less and less secure presumption the farther the sequence of institutional change has departed from that form of savagery which marked the initial stage in the life-history of the given racial stock4 ,also1 presumably1 though by no means assuredly1 the younger stocks1 those which have emerged from later mutations of type1 have therefore initially fallen into and made good their survival under the conditions of a relatively advanced phase of savagery1--these younger races should therefore conform with greater facility and better effect to the requirements imposed by a still farther advance in that cumulative complication of institutions and intricacy of ways and means that is involved in cultural growth4 ,the older or more primitive stocks1 those which arose out of earlier mutations of type and made good their survival under a more elementary scheme of savage culture1 are presumably less capable of adaptation to an advanced cultural scheme4 ,but at the same time it is on the same grounds to be expected that in all races and peoples there should always persist an ineradicable sentimental disposition to take back to something like that scheme of savagery for which their particular type of human nature once proved its fitness during the initial phase of its life-history4 ,this seems to be what is commonly intended in the cry1 8,back to ,nature60 ,the older known racial stocks1 the offspring of earlier mutational departures from the initially generic human type1 will have been selectively adapted to more archaic forms of savagery1 and these show an appreciably more refractory penchant for elementary savage modes of life1 and conform to the demands and opportunities of a 8higher0 civilisation only with a relatively slight facility1 amounting in extreme cases to a practical unfitness for civilised life4 ,hence the 8,white ,man's burden0 and the many perplexities of the missionaries4 99 99 99 99 99 ,under the ,mendelian theories of heredity some qualification of these broad generalisations is called for4 ,as has already been noted above1 the peoples of ,europe1 each and several1 are hybrid mixtures made up of several racial stocks4 ,the like is true in some degree of most of the peoples outside of ,europe2 particularly of the more important and better known nationalities4 ,these various peoples show more or less distinct and recognisable national types of physique--or perhaps rather of physiognomy--and temperament1 and the lines of differentiation between these national types incontinently traverse the lines that divide the racial stocks4 ,at the same time these national types have some degree of permanence2 so much so that they are colloquially spoken of as types of race4 ,while no modern anthropologist would confuse nationality with race1 it is not to be overlooked that these national hybrid types are frequently so marked and characteristic as to simulate racial characters and perplex the student of race who is intent on identifying the racial stocks out of which any one of these hybrid populations has been compounded4 ,presumably these national and local types of physiognomy and temperament are to be rated as hybrid types that have been fixed by selective breeding1 and for an explanation of this phenomenon recourse is to be taken to the latterday theories of heredity4 ,to any student familiar with the simpler phenomena of hybridism it will be evident that under the ,mendelian rules of hybridisation the number of biologically successful--viable--hybrid forms arising from any cross between two or more forms may diverge very widely from one another and from either of the parent types4 ,the variation must be extreme both in the number of hybrid types so constructed and in the range over which the variation extends1--much greater in both respects than the range of fluctuating 7non-typical7 variations obtainable under any circumstances in a pure-bred race1 particularly in the remoter filial generations4 ,it is also well known1 by experiment1 that by selective breeding from among such hybrid forms it is possible to construct a composite type that will breed true in respect of the characters upon which the selection is directed1 and that such a 8pure line0 may be maintained indefinitely1 in spite of its hybrid origin1 so long as it is not crossed back on one or other of the parent stocks1 or on a hybrid stock that is not pure-bred in respect of the selected characters4 ,so1 if the conditions of life in any community consistently favour a given type of hybrid1 whether the favouring conditions are of a cultural or of a material nature1 something of a selective trend will take effect in such a community and set toward a hybrid type which shall meet these conditions4 ,the result will be the establishment of a composite pure line showing the advantageous traits of physique and temperament1 combined with a varying complement of other characters that have no such selective value4 ,traits that have no selective value in the given case will occur with fortuitous freedom1 combining in unconstrained diversity with the selectively decisive traits1 and so will mark the hybrid derivation of this provisionally established composite pure line4 ,with continued intercrossing within itself any given population of such hybrid origin as the ,european peoples1 would tend cumulatively to breed true to such a selectively favourable hybrid type1 rather than to any one of the ultimate racial types represented by the parent stocks out of which the hybrid population is ultimately made up4 ,so would emerge a national or local type1 which would show the selectively decisive traits with a great degree of consistency but would vary indefinitely in respect of the selectively idle traits comprised in the composite heredity of the population4 ,such a composite pure line would be provisionally stable only2 it should break down when crossed back on either of the parent stocks4 ,this 8provisionally stable composite pure line0 should disappear when crossed on pure-bred individuals of one or other of the parent stocks from which it is drawn1--pure-bred in respect of the allelomorphic characters which give the hybrid type its typical traits4 ,but whatever the degree of stability possessed by these hybrid national or local types1 the outcome for the present purpose is much the same2 the hybrid populations afford a greater scope and range of variation in their human nature than could be had within the limits of any pure-bred race4 ,yet1 for all the multifarious diversity of racial and national types1 early and late1 and for all the wide divergence of hybrid variants1 there is no difficulty about recognising a generical human type of spiritual endowment1 just as the zologists have no difficulty in referring the various races of mankind to a single species on the ground of their physical characters4 ,the distribution of emphasis among the several instinctive dispositions may vary appreciably from one race to another1 but the complement of instincts native to the several races is after all of much the same kind1 comprising substantially the same ends4 ,taken simply in their first incidence1 the racial variations of human nature are commonly not considerable2 but a slight bias of this kind1 distinctive of any given race1 may come to have decisive weight when it works out cumulatively through a system of institutions1 for such a system embodies the cumulative sophistications of untold generations during which the life of the community has been dominated by the same slight bias4#aj ,racial differences in respect of these hereditary spiritual traits count for much in the outcome1 because in the last resort any race is at the mercy of its instincts4 ,in the course of cultural growth most of those civilisations or peoples that have had a long history have from time to time been brought up against an imperative call to revise their scheme of institutions in the light of their native instincts1 on pain of collapse or decay2 and they have chosen variously1 and for the most part blindly1 to live or not to live1 according as their instinctive bias has driven them4 ,in the cases where it has happened that those instincts which make directly for the material welfare of the community1 such as the parental bent and the sense of workmanship1 have been present in such potent force1 or where the institutional elements at variance with the continued life-interests of the community or the civilisation in question have been in a sufficiently infirm state1 there the bonds of custom1 prescription1 principles1 precedent1 have been broken--or loosened or shifted so as to let the current of life and cultural growth go on1 with or without substantial retardation4 ,but history records more frequent and more spectacular instances of the triumph of imbecile institutions over life and culture than of peoples who have by force of instinctive insight saved themselves alive out of a desperately precarious institutional situation1 such1 for instance1 as now faces the peoples of ,christendom4 99 99 99 99 99 ,chief among those instinctive dispositions that conduce directly to the material well-being of the race1 and therefore to its biological success1 is perhaps the instinctive bias here spoken of as the sense of workmanship4 ,the only other instinctive factor of human nature that could with any likelihood dispute this primacy would be the parental bent4 ,indeed1 the two have much in common4 ,they spend themselves on much the same concrete objective ends1 and the mutual furtherance of each by the other is indeed so broad and intimate as often to leave it a matter of extreme difficulty to draw a line between them4 ,any discussion of either1 therefore1 must unavoidably draw the other into the inquiry to a greater or less extent1 and a characterisation of the one will involve some dealing with the other4 ,as the expression is here understood1 the 8,parental ,bent0 is an instinctive disposition of much larger scope than a mere proclivity to the achievement of children4#aa ,this latter is doubtless to be taken as a large and perhaps as a primary element in the practical working of the parental solicitude2 although1 even so1 it is in no degree to be confused with the quasi-tropismatic impulse to the procreation of offspring4 ,the parental solicitude in mankind has a much wider bearing than simply the welfare of one's own children4 ,this wider bearing is particularly evident in those lower cultures where the scheme of consanguinity and inheritance is not drawn on the same close family lines as among civilised peoples1 but it is also to be seen in good vigour in any civilised community4 ,so1 for instance1 what the phrase-makers have called 8race-suicide0 meets the instinctive and unsolicited reprobation of all men1 even of those who would not conceivably go the length of contributing in their own person to the incoming generation4 ,so also1 virtually all thoughtful persons1--that is to say all persons who hold an opinion in these premises1--will agree that it is a despicably inhuman thing for the current generation wilfully to make the way of life harder for the next generation1 whether through neglect of due provision for their subsistence and proper training or through wasting their heritage of resources and opportunity by improvident greed and indolence4 ,providence is a virtue only so far as its aim is provision for posterity4 ,it is difficult or impossible to say how far the current solicitude for the welfare of the race at large is to be credited to the parental bent1 but it is beyond question that this instinctive disposition has a large part in the sentimental concern entertained by nearly all persons for the life and comfort of the community at large1 and particularly for the community's future welfare4 ,doubtless this parental bent in its wider bearing greatly renforces that sentimental approval of economy and efficiency for the common good and disapproval of wasteful and useless living that prevails so generally throughout both the highest and the lowest cultures1 unless it should rather be said that this animus for economy and efficiency is a simple expression of the parental disposition itself4 ,it might on the other hand be maintained that such an animus of economy is an essential function of the instinct of workmanship1 which would then be held to be strongly sustained at1 this point by a parental solicitude for the common good4 ,in making use of the expression1 8instinct of workmanship0 or 8sense of workmanship10 it is not here intended to assume or to argue that the proclivity so designated is in the psychological respect a simple or irreducible element2 still less1 of course1 is there any intention to allege that it is to be traced back in the physiological respect to some one isolable tropismatic sensibility or some single enzymotic or visceral stimulus4 ,all that is matter for the attention of those whom it may concern4 ,the expression may as well be taken to signify a concurrence of several instinctive aptitudes1 each of which might or might not prove simple or irreducible when subjected to psychological or physiological analysis4 ,for the present inquiry it is enough to note that in human behaviour this disposition is effective in such consistent1 ubiquitous and resilient fashion that students of human culture will have to count with it as one of the integral hereditary traits of mankind4#ab ,as has already appeared1 neither this nor any other instinctive disposition works out its functional content in isolation from the instinctive endowment at large4 ,the instincts1 all and several1 though perhaps in varying degrees1 are so intimately engaged in a play of give and take that the work of any one has its consequences for all the rest1 though presumably not for all equally4 ,it is this endless#ac complication and contamination of instinctive elements in human conduct1 taken in conjunction with the pervading and cumulative effects of habit in this domain1 that makes most of the difficulty and much of the interest attaching to this line of inquiry4 ,there are few lines of instinctive proclivity that are not crossed and coloured by some ramification of the instinct of workmanship4 ,no doubt1 response to the direct call of such half-tropismatic1 half-instinctive impulses as hunger1 anger1 or the promptings of sex1 is little if at all troubled with any sentimental suffusion of workmanship2 but in the more complex and deliberate activities1 particularly where habit exerts an appreciable effect1 the impulse and sentiment of workmanship comes in for a large share in the outcome4 ,so much so1 indeed1 that1 for instance1 in the arts1 where the sense of beauty is the prime mover1 habitual attention to technique will often put the original1 and only ostensible1 motive in the background4 ,so1 again1 in the life of religious faith and observance it may happen now and again that theological niceties and ritual elaboration will successfully1 and in great measure satisfactorily1 substitute themselves for spiritual communion2 while in the courts of law a tenacious following out of legal technicalities will not infrequently defeat the ends of justice4 ,as the expression is here understood1 all instinctive action is intelligent in some degree2 though the degree in which intelligence is engaged may vary widely from one instinctive disposition to another1 and it may even fall into an extremely automatic shape in the case of some of the simpler instincts1 whose functional content is of a patently physiological character4 ,such approach to automatism is even more evident in some of the lower animals1 where1 as for instance in the case of some insects1 the response to the appropriate stimuli is so far uniform and mechanically determinate as to leave it doubtful whether the behaviour of the animal might not best be construed as tropismatic action simply4#ad ,such tropismatic directness of instinctive response is less characteristic of man even in the case of the simpler instinctive proclivities2 and the indirection which so characterises instinctive action in general1 and the higher instincts of man in particular1 and which marks off the instinctive dispositions from the tropisms1 is the indirection of intelligence4 ,it enters more largely in the discharge of some proclivities than of others2 but all instinctive action is intelligent in some degree4 ,this is what marks it off from the tropisms and takes it out of the category of automatism4#ae ,hence all instinctive action is teleological4 ,it involves holding to a purpose4 ,it aims to achieve some end and involves some degree of intelligent faculty to compass the instinctively given purpose1 under surveillance of the instinctive proclivity that prompts the action4 ,and it is in this surveillance and direction of the intellectual processes to the appointed end that the instinctive dispositions control and condition human conduct2 and in this work of direction the several instinctive proclivities may come to conflict and offset1 or to concur and renforce1 one another's action4 ,the position of the instinct of workmanship in this complex of teleological activities is somewhat peculiar1 in that its functional content is serviceability for the ends of life1 whatever these ends may be2 whereas these ends to be subserved are1 at least in the main1 appointed and made worth while by the various other instinctive dispositions4 ,so that this instinct may in some sense be said to be auxiliary to all the rest1 to be concerned with the ways and means of life rather than with any one given ulterior end4 ,it has essentially to do with proximate rather than ulterior ends4 ,yet workmanship is none the less an object of attention and sentiment in its own right4 ,efficient use of the means at hand and adequate management of the resources available for the purposes of life is itself an end of endeavour1 and accomplishment of this kind is a source of gratification4 ,all instinctive action is intelligent and teleological4 ,the generality of instinctive dispositions prompt simply to the direct and unambiguous attainment of their specific ends1 and in his dealings under their immediate guidance the agent goes as directly as may be to the end sought1--he is occupied with the objective end1 not with the choice of means to the end sought2 whereas under the impulse of workmanship the agent's interest and endeavour are taken up with the contriving of ways and means to the end sought4 ,the point of contrast may be unfamiliar1 and an illustration may be pertinent4 ,so1 in the instinct of pugnacity and its attendant sentiment of anger#af the primary impulse is doubtless to a direct frontal attack1 assault and battery pure and simple2 and the more highly charged the agent is with the combative impulse1 and the higher the pitch of animation to which he has been wrought up1 the less is he inclined or able to take thought of how he may shrewdly bring mechanical devices to bear on the object of his sentiment and compass his end with the largest result per unit of force expended4 ,it is only the well-trained fighter that will take without reflection to workmanlike ways and means at such a juncture2 and in case of extreme exasperation and urgency even such a one1 it is said1 may forget his workmanship in the premises and throw himself into the middle of things instead of resorting to the indirections and leverages to which his workmanlike training in the art of fighting has habituated him4 ,so1 again1 the immediate promptings of the parental bent urge to direct personal intervention and service in behalf of the object of solicitude4 ,in persons highly gifted in this respect the impulse asserts itself to succour the helpless with one's own hands1 to do for them in one's own person not what might on reflection approve itself as the most expedient line of conduct in the premises1 but what will throw the agent most personally into action in the case4 ,notoriously1 it is easier to move well-meaning people to unreflecting charity on an immediate and concrete appeal than it is to secure a sagacious1 well sustained and well organised concert of endeavour for the amelioration of the lot of the unfortunate4 ,indeed1 refinements of workmanlike calculation of causes and effects in such a case are instinctively felt to be out of touch with the spirit of the thing4 ,they are distasteful2 not only are they not part and parcel of the functional content of the generous impulse1 but an undue injection of these elements of workmanship into the case may even induce a revulsion of feeling and defeat its own intention4 ,the instinct of workmanship1 on the other hand1 occupies the interest with practical expedients1 ways and means1 devices and contrivances of efficiency and economy1 proficiency1 creative work and technological mastery of facts4 ,much of the functional content of the instinct of workmanship is a proclivity for taking pains4 ,the best or most finished outcome of this disposition is not had under stress of great excitement or under extreme urgency from any of the instinctive propensities with which its work is associated or whose ends it serves4 ,it shows at its best1 both in the individual workman's technological efficiency and in the growth of technological proficiency and insight in the community at large1 under circumstances of moderate exigence1 where there is work in hand and more of it in sight1 since it is initially a disposition to do the next thing and do it as well as may be2 whereas when interest falls off unduly through failure of provocation from the instinctive dispositions that afford an end to which to work1 the stimulus to workmanship is likely to fail1 and the outcome is as likely to be an endless fabrication of meaningless details and much ado about nothing4 ,on the other hand1 in seasons of great stress1 when the call to any one or more of the instinctive lines of conduct is urgent beyond measure1 there is likely to result a crudity of technique and presently a loss of proficiency and technological mastery4 ,it is1 further1 pertinent to note in this connection that the instinct of workmanship will commonly not run to passionate excesses2 that it does not1 under pressure1 tenaciously hold its place as a main interest in competition with the other1 more elemental instinctive proclivities2 but that it rather yields ground somewhat readily1 suffers repression and falls into abeyance1 only to reassert itself when the pressure of other1 urgent interests is relieved4 ,what was said above as to the paramount significance of the instinct of workmanship for the life of the race will of course suffer no abatement in so recognising its characteristically temperate urgency4 ,the grave importance that attaches to it is a matter of its ubiquitous subservience to the ends of life1 and not a matter of vehemence4 ,the sense of workmanship is also peculiarly subject to bias4 ,it does not commonly1 or normally1 work to an independent1 creative end of its own1 but is rather concerned with the ways and means whereby instinctively given purposes are to be accomplished4 ,according1 therefore1 as one or another of the instinctive dispositions is predominant in the community's scheme of life or in the individual's every-day interest1 the habitual trend of the sense of workmanship will be bent to one or another line of proficiency and technological mastery4 ,by cumulative habituation a bias of this character may come to have very substantial consequences for the range and scope of technological knowledge1 the state of the industrial arts1 and for the rate and direction of growth in workmanlike ideals4 99 99 99 99 99 ,changes are going forward constantly and incontinently in the institutional apparatus1 the habitual scheme of rules and principles that regulate the community's life1 and not least in the technological ways and means by which the life of the race and its state of culture are maintained2 but changes come rarely--in effect not at all--in the endowment of instincts whereby mankind is enabled to employ these means and to live under the institutions which its habits of life have cumulatively created4 ,in the case of hybrid populations1 such as the peoples of ,christendom1 some appreciable adaptation of this spiritual endowment to meet the changing requirements of civilisation may be counted on1 through the establishment of composite pure lines of a hybrid type more nearly answering to the later phases of culture than any one of the original racial types out of which the hybrid population is made up4 ,but in so slow-breeding a species as man1 and with changes in the conditions of life going forward at a visibly rapid pace1 the chance of an adequate adaptation of hybrid human nature to new conditions seems doubtful at the best4 ,it is also to be noted that the vague character of many of the human instincts1 and their consequent pliability under habituation1 affords an appreciable margin of adaptation within which human nature may adjust itself to new conditions of life4 ,but after all has been said it remains true that the margin within which the instinctive nature of the race can be effectively adapted to changing circumstances is relatively narrow--narrow as contrasted with the range of variation in institutions--and the limits of such adaptation are somewhat rigid4 ,as the matter stands1 the race is required to meet changing conditions of life to which its relatively unchanging endowment of instincts is presumably not wholly adapted1 and to meet these conditions by the use of technological ways and means widely different from those that were at the disposal of the race from the outset4 ,in the initial phases of the life-history of the race1 or of any given racial stock1 the exigencies to which its spiritual 7instinctive7 nature was selectively required to conform were those of the savage culture1 as has been indicated above1--presumably in all cases a somewhat 8low0 or elementary form of savagery4 ,this savage mode of life1 which was1 and is1 in a sense1 native to man1 would be characterised by a considerable group solidarity within a relatively small group1 living very near the soil1 and unremittingly dependent for their daily life on the workmanlike efficiency of all the members of the group4 ,the prime requisite for survival under these conditions would be a propensity unselfishly and impersonally to make the most of the material means at hand and a penchant for turning all resources of knowledge and material to account to sustain the life of the group4 ,at the outset1 therefore1 as it first comes into the life-history of any one or all of the racial stocks with which modern inquiry concerns itself1 this instinctive disposition will have borne directly on workmanlike efficiency in the simple and obvious sense of the word4 ,by virtue of the stability of the racial type1 such is still its character1 primarily and substantially1 apart from its sophistication by habit and tradition4 ,the instinct of workmanship brought the life of mankind from the brute to the human plane1 and in all the later growth of culture it has never ceased to pervade the works of man4 ,but the extensive complication of circumstances and the altered outlook of succeeding generations1 brought on by the growth of institutions and the accumulation of knowledge1 have led to an extension of its scope and of its canons and logic to activities and conjunctures that have little traceable bearing on the means of subsistence4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,contamination ,,of ,,instincts ,,in ,,primitive ,,technology ,all instinctive behaviour is subject to development and hence to modification by habit4#ag ,such impulsive action as is in no degree intelligent1 and so suffers no adaptation through habitual use1 is not properly to be called instinctive2 it is rather to be classed as tropismatic4 ,in human conduct the effects of habit in this respect are particularly far-reaching4 ,in man the instincts appoint less of a determinate sequence of action1 and so leave a more open field for adaptation of behaviour to the circumstances of the case4 ,when instinct enjoins little else than the end of endeavour1 leaving the sequence of acts by which this end is to be approached somewhat a matter of open alternatives1 the share of reflection1 discretion and deliberate adaptation will be correspondingly large4 ,the range and diversity of habituation is also correspondingly enlarged4 ,in man1 too1 by the same fact1 habit takes on more of a cumulative character1 in that the habitual acquirements of the race are handed on from one generation to the next1 by tradition1 training1 education1 or whatever general term may best designate that discipline of habituation by which the young acquire what the old have learned4 ,by similar means the like elements of habitual conduct are carried over from one community or one culture to another1 leading to further complications4 ,cumulatively1 therefore1 habit creates usages1 customs1 conventions1 preconceptions1 composite principles of conduct that run back only indirectly to the native predispositions of the race1 but that may affect the working-out of any given line of endeavour in much the same way as if these habitual elements were of the nature of a native bias4 ,along with this body of derivative standards and canons of conduct1 and handed on by the same discipline of habituation1 goes a cumulative body of knowledge1 made up in part of matter-of-fact acquaintance with phenomena and in greater part of conventional wisdom embodying certain acquired predilections and preconceptions current in the community4 ,workmanship proceeds on the accumulated knowledge so received and current1 and turns it to account in dealing with the material means of life4 ,whatever passes current in this way as knowledge of facts is turned to account as far as may be1 and so it is worked into a customary scheme of ways and means1 a system of technology1 into which new elements of information or acquaintance with the nature and use of things are incorporated1 assimilated as they come4 ,the scheme of technology so worked out and carried along in the routine of getting a living will be serviceable for current use and have a substantial value for a further advance in technological efficiency somewhat in proportion as the knowledge so embodied in technological practice is effectually of the nature of matter-of-fact4 ,much of the information derived from experience in industry is likely to be of this matter-of-fact nature2 but much of the knowledge made use of for the technological purpose is also of the nature of convention1 inference and authentic opinion1 arrived at on quite other grounds than workmanlike experience4 ,this alien body of information1 or pseudo-information1 goes into the grand total of human knowledge quite as freely as any matter of fact1 and it is therefore also necessarily taken up and assimilated in that technological equipment of knowledge and proficiency by use of which the work in hand is to be done4 ,but the experience which yields this useful and pseudo-useful knowledge is got under the impulsion and guidance of one and another of the instincts with which man is endowed1 and takes the shape and color given it by the instinctive bias in whose service it is acquired4 ,at the same time1 whatever its derivation1 the knowledge acquired goes into the aggregate of information drawn on for the ways and means of workmanship4 ,therefore the habits formed in any line of experience1 under the guidance of any given instinctive disposition1 will have their effect on the conduct and aims of the workman in all his work and play2 so that progress in technological matters is by no means an outcome of the sense of workmanship alone4 ,it follows that in all their working the human instincts are in this way incessantly subject to mutual 8contamination10 whereby the working of any one is incidentally affected by the bias and proclivities inherent in all the rest2 and in so far as these current habits and customs in this way come to renforce the predispositions comprised under any one instinct or any given group of instincts1 the bias so accentuated comes to pervade the habits of thought of all the members of the community and gives a corresponding obliquity to the technological groundwork of the community4 ,so1 for instance1 addiction to magical1 superstitious or religious conceptions will necessarily have its effect on the conceptions and logic employed in technological theory and practice1 and will impair its efficiency by that much4 ,a people much given to punctilios of rank and respect of persons will in some degree carry these habitual predilections over into the field of workmanship and will allow considerations of authenticity1 of personal weight and consequence1 to decide questions of technological expediency2 so that ideas which have none but a putative efficiency may in this way come in for a large share in the state of the industrial arts4 ,a people whose culture has for any reason taken on a pronounced coercive 7predatory7 character1 with rigorous class distinctions1 an arbitrary governmental control1 formidable gods and an authoritative priesthood1 will have its industrial organisation and its industrial arts fashioned to meet the demands and the logic of these institutions4 ,such an institutional situation exerts a great and pervasive constraint on the technological scheme in which workmanship takes effect under its rule1 both directly by prescribing the things to do and the time1 place and circumstance of doing them1 and indirectly through the habits of thought induced in the working population living under its rule4 ,innovation1 the utilisation of newly acquired technological insight1 is greatly hindered by such institutional requirements that are enforced by other impulses than the sense of workmanship4 ,in the known lower cultures such institutional complications as might be expected greatly to hinder or deflect the sense of workmanship are commonly neither large1 rigorous nor obvious4 ,something of the kind there apparently always is1 in the way1 for instance1 of the customary prerogatives and perquisites of the older men1 as well as their tutelary oversight of the younger generation and of the common interests of the group4#ah ,when this rule of seniority is elaborated into such set forms as the men's 7secret7 societies1 with exacting initiatory ceremonies and class tabus1#ai its effect on workday life is often very considerable1 even though the community may show little that can fairly be classed as autocracy1 chieftainship1 or even aristocratic government4 ,in many or all of these nave and early developments of authority1 and perhaps especially in those cultures where the control takes this inchoate form of a customary 8gerontocracy10#bj its immediate effect is that an abiding sense of authenticity comes to pervade the routine of daily life1 such as effectually to obstruct all innovation1 whether in the ways and means of work or in the conduct of life more at large4 ,control by a gerontocracy appears to reach its best development and to run with the fullest consistency and effect in communities where an appreciable degree of predatory exploit is habitual1 and the inference is ready1 and at least plausible1 that this institution is substantially of a predatory origin1 that the principles 7habits of thought7 on which it rests are an outgrowth of pugnacity1 self-aggrandisement and fear4 ,under favouring conditions of friction and jealousy between groups these propensities will settle into institutional habits of authority and deference1 and so long as the resultant exercise of control is vested by custom in the class of elders the direct consequence is a marked abatement of initiative throughout the community and a consequent appearance of conservatism and stagnation in its technological scheme as well as in the customary usages under whose guidance the community lives4#ba ,so these instinctive propensities which have no primary significance in the way of workmanship may come to count very materially in shaping the group's technological equipment of ideas and in deflecting the sense of workmanship from the nave pursuit of material efficiency4 ,the rule of the elders appears to have been extremely prevalent in the earlier phases of culture4 ,so much so that it may even be set down as the most characteristic trait of the upper savagery and of the lower barbarism2 whether it takes the elaborately institutionalised form of a settled gerontocracy1 as among the ,australian blacks1 with sharply defined class divisions and perquisites and a consistent subjection of women and children2 or the looser customary rule of the ,elders1 with a degree of deference and circumspection on the part of the younger generation and an uncertain conventional inferiority of women and children1 as seen among the pagans of the ,malay peninsula1#bb the ,eskimo of the ,arctic seaboard1#bc the ,mincopies of the ,andamans1#bd or1 on a somewhat higher level1 the ,pueblo ,indians of the ,american ,south-west4#be ,illustrative instances of such an inchoate organisation of authority are very widely distributed1 but the communities that follow such a nave scheme of life are commonly neither large1 powerful1 wealthy1 nor much in the public eye4 ,the presumption is that the sense of authenticity which pervades these and similar cultures1 amounting to a degree of tabu on innovation1 has had much to do with the notably slow advance of technology among savage peoples4 ,such appears presumably to have been the prevalent run of the facts throughout the stone age in all quarters of the ,earth4 ,it is not altogether plain just what are the innate predispositions chiefly involved in this primitive social control which at its untroubled best develops into a 8gerontocracy40 ,there can apparently be little question but that its prime motive force is the parental bent1 expressing itself in a nave impulsive surveillance of the common interests of the group and a tutelage of the incoming generation4 ,but here as in other social relations the self-regarding sentiments unavoidably come into play2 so that 7a7 the tutelage of the elders takes something of an authoritative tone and blends self-aggrandisement with their quasi-parental solicitude1 giving an institutional outcome which makes the young generation subservient to the elders1 ostensibly for the mutual and collective good of both parties to the relation2 7b7 if predatory or warlike exploit in any degree becomes habitual to the community the sentiment of self-aggrandisement gets the upper hand1 and subservience to the able-bodied elders becomes the dominant note in this relation of tutelage1 and their parental interest in the welfare of the incoming generation in a corresponding degree goes into abeyance under the pressure of the appropriate sentiments of pugnacity and self-seeking1 giving rise to a coercive rgime of a more or less ruthless character2 7c7 correlatively1 along with unwearying insistence on their own prerogatives and collective discretion1 on the part of the elders1 there goes1 on the part of the community at large1 a correspondingly habitual acceptance of their findings and the precedents they have established1 resulting in a universal addiction to the broad principles of unmitigated authenticity1 with no power anywhere capable of breaking across the accumulated precedents and tabus4 ,even the ruling class of elders1 being an unwieldy deliberative body or executive committee1 is held by parliamentary inertia1 as well as by a circumspect regard for their prescriptive rights1 to a due observance of the customary law4 ,the force of precedent is notoriously strong on the lower levels of culture4 ,under the rule of the elders deference to precedent grows into an inveterate habit in the young1 and when presently these come to take their turn as discretionary elders the habit of deference to the precedents established by those who have gone before still binds them1 and the life and thought of the community never escape the dead hand of the parent4 ,when worked out into an institution of control in this way1 and crossed with the other instinctive propensities that go to make governmental authority1 it is apparently unavoidable that the parental bent should suffer this curious inversion4 ,in the simplest and unsophisticated terms1 its functional content appears to be an unselfish solicitude for the well-being of the incoming generation--a bias for the highest efficiency and fullest volume of life in the group1 with a particular drift to the future2 so that1 under its rule1 contrary to the dictum of the economic theorists1 future goods are preferred to present goods#bf and the filial generation is given the preference over the parental generation in all that touches their material welfare4 ,but where the self-regarding sentiments1 self-complacency and self-abasement1 come largely into play1 as they are bound to do in any culture that partakes appreciably of a predatory or coercive character1 the prerogatives of the ruling class and the principles of authentic usage become canons of truth and right living and presently take precedence of workmanlike efficiency and the fulness of life of the group4 ,it results that conventional tests of validity presently accumulate and increasingly deflect and obstruct the nave pursuit of workmanlike efficiency1 in large part by obscuring those matters of fact that lend themselves to technological insight4 ,but like other innate predispositions the parental bent continually reasserts itself in its native and untaught character1 as an ever resilient solicitude for the welfare of the young and the prospective fortunes of the group4 ,as such it constantly comes in to renforce the instinct of workmanship and sustain interest in the direct pursuit of efficiency in the ways and means of life4 ,so closely in touch and so concurrent are the parental bent and the sense of workmanship in this quest of efficiency that it is commonly difficult to guess which of the two proclivities is to be credited with the larger or the leading part in any given line of conduct2 although taken by and large the two are after all fairly distinct in respect of their functional content4 ,this thorough and far-going concurrence of the two may perhaps be taken to mean that the instinct of workmanship is in the main a propensity to work out the ends which the parental bent makes worth while4 ,it seems to be these two predispositions in conjunction that have exercised the largest and most consistent control over that growth of custom and conventional principles that has standardised the life of mankind in society and so given rise to a system of institutions4 ,this control bears selectively on the whole range of institutions created by habitual response to the call of the other instincts and has the effect of a 8common-sense0 surveillance which prevents the scheme of life from running into an insufferable tangle of grotesque extravagances4 ,that their surveillance has not always been decisive need scarcely be specifically called to mind2 human culture in all ages presents too many imbecile usages and principles of conduct to let anyone overlook the fact that disserviceable institutions easily arise and continue to hold their place in spite of the disapproval of native common sense4 ,the selective control exercised over custom and usage by these instincts of serviceability is neither too close nor too insistent4 ,wide1 even extravagant1 departures from the simple dictates of this native common sense occur even within the narrow range of the domestic and minor civil institutions1 where these two common-sense predispositions should concur to create a prescriptive usage looking directly to the continuation and welfare of the race4 ,considerations1 or perhaps rather conventional preconceptions1 running on other grounds1 as1 for instance1 on grounds of superstition or religion1 of propriety and gentility1 of pecuniary or political expediency1 have come in for a large share in ordering the institutions of family and neighbourhood life4 ,yet doubtless it is the parental bent and the sense of workmanship in concurrence that have been the primary and persistent factors in 7selectively7 shaping the household organisation among all peoples1 however great may have been the force of other factors1 instinctive and habitual1 that have gone to diversify the variegated outcome4 ,it appears1 then1 that so long as the parental solicitude and the sense of workmanship do not lead men to take thought and correct the otherwise unguarded drift of things1 the growth of institutions--usage1 customs1 canons of conduct1 principles of right and propriety1 the course of cumulative habituation as it goes forward under the driving force of the several instincts native to man1--will commonly run at cross purposes with serviceability and the sense of workmanship4#bg ,that such should be the case lies in the nature of things1 as will readily appear on reflection4 ,under given circumstances and under the impulsion of a given instinctive propensity a given line of behaviour becomes habitual and so is installed by use and wont as a principle of conduct4 ,the principle or canon of conduct so gained takes its place among the habitual verities of life in the community and is handed on by tradition4 ,under further impulsion of the same and other instinctive propensities1 and under altered circumstances1 conduct in other1 unrelated lines will be referred to this received principle as a bench-mark by which its goodness is appraised and to which all conduct is accommodated1 giving a result which is related to the exigencies of the case only at the second remove and by channels of habit which have only a conventional relevancy to the case4 ,the farther this manner of crossing and grafting of habitual elements proceeds in the elaboration of principles and usage1 the larger will be the mass and the graver will be the complication of materially irrelevant considerations present in any given line of conduct1 the more extensive and fantastic will be the fabric of conventionalities which come to condition the response to any one of the innate human propensities1 and the more 8irrelevant1 incompetent and impertinent0 will be the line of conduct prescribed by use and wont4 ,except by recourse to the sense of workmanship there is no evading this complication of ineptitudes and irrelevancies1 and such recourse is not easily had4 ,for the bias of settled habit goes to sustain the institutional fabric of received sophistications1 and these sophistications are bound in such a network of give and take that a disturbance of the fabric at any point will involve more or less of a derangement throughout4 ,this body of habitual principles and preconceptions is at the same time the medium through which experience receives those elements of information and insight on which workmanship is able to draw in contriving ways and means and turning them to account for the uses of life4 ,and the conventional verities count in this connexion almost wholly as obstructions to workmanlike efficiency4 ,worldly wisdom1 insight into the proprieties and expediencies of human intercourse1 the scheme of tabus1 consanguinities1 and magical efficacies1 yields very little that can effectually be turned to account for technological ends4 ,the experience gained by habituation under the stress of these other proclivities and their derivative principles is necessarily made use of in workmanship1 and so enters into the texture of the technological system1 but a large part of it is of very doubtful value for the purpose4 ,much of this experience runs at cross purposes with workmanship1 not only in that the putative information which this experience brings home to men has none but a putative serviceability1 but also in that the habit of mind induced by its discipline obscures that insight into matter of fact that is indispensable to workmanlike efficiency4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but the most obstructive derangement that besets workmanship is what may be called the self-contamination of the sense of workmanship itself4 ,this applies in a peculiar degree to the earlier or more elementary phases of culture1 but it holds true only with lessening force throughout the later growth of civilisation4 ,the hindrance to technological efficiency from this source will often rise to large proportions even in advanced communities1 particularly where magical1 religious or other anthropomorphic habits of thought are prevalent4 ,the difficulty has been spoken of as anthropomorphism1 or animism1--which is only a more archaic anthropomorphism4 ,the essential trait of anthropomorphic conceptions1 so far as bears on the present argument1 is that conduct1 more or less fully after the human fashion of conduct1 is imputed to external objects2 whether these external objects are facts of observation or creatures of mythological fancy4 ,such anthropomorphism commonly means an interpretation of phenomena in terms of workmanship1 though it may also involve much more than this1 particularly in the higher reaches of myth-making4 ,but the simpler anthropomorphic or animistic beliefs that pervade men's every-day thinking commonly amount to little if anything more than the nave imputation of a workmanlike propensity in the observed facts4 ,external objects are believed to do things2 or rather it is believed that they are seen to do things4 ,the reason of this imputation of conduct to external things is simple1 obvious1 and intimate in all men's apprehension2 so much so1 indeed1 as not readily to permit its being seen in perspective and appreciated at anything like its effectual force4 ,all facts of observation are necessarily seen in the light of the observer's habits of thought1 and the most intimate and inveterate of his habits of thought is the experience of his own initiative and endeavours4 ,it is to this 8apperception mass0 that objects of apperception are finally referred1 and it is in terms of this experience that their measure is finally taken4 ,no psychological phenomenon is more familiar than this ubiquitous 8personal equation0 in men's apprehension of whatever facts come within their observation4 ,the sense of workmanship is like all human instincts in the respect that when the occasion offers1 the agent moved by its impulse not only runs through a sequence of actions suitable to the instinctive end1 but he is also given to dwelling1 more or less sentimentally1 on the objects and activities about which his attention is engaged by the promptings of this instinctive propensity4 ,in so far as he is moved by the instinct of workmanship man contemplates the objects with which he comes in contact from the point of view of their relevancy to ulterior results1 their aptitude for taking effect in a consequential outcome4 ,habitual occupation with workmanlike conceptions1--and in the lower cultures all men and women are habitually so occupied1 since there is no considerable class or season not engaged in the quest of a livelihood1--this occupation with workmanlike interests1 leaving the attention alert in the direction towards workmanlike phenomena1 carries with it habitual thinking in the terms in which the logic of workmanship runs4 ,the facts of observation are conceived as facts of workmanship1 and the logic of workmanship becomes the logic of events4 ,their apprehension in these terms is easy1 since it draws into action the faculties of apperception and reflection that are already alert and facile through habitual use1 and it assimilates the facts in an apperceptive system of relationships that is likewise ready and satisfactory1 convincing through habitual service and by native proclivity to this line of systematisation4 ,by instinct and habit observed phenomena are apprehended from this 7teleological7 point of view1 and they are construed1 by way of systematisation1 in terms of such an instinctive pursuit of some workmanlike end4 ,in latterday psychological jargon1 human knowledge is of a 8pragmatic0 character4 ,as all men habitually act under the guidance of instincts1 and therefore by force of sentiment instinctively look to some end in all activity1 so the objects with which the primitive workman has to do are also conceived as acting under impulse of an instinctive kind2 and a bent1 a teleological or pragmatic nature1 is in some degree imputed to them and comes as a matter of course to be accepted as a constituent element in their apprehended make-up4 ,a putative pragmatic bent innate in external things comes in this way to pass current as observed matter of fact4 ,by force of the sense of workmanship external objects are in great part apperceived in respect of what they will do2 and their most substantial characteristic therefore1 their intimate individual nature1 in so far as they are conceived as individual entities1 is that they will do things4 ,in the workmanlike apprehension of them the nature of things is twofold3 7a7 what can be done with them as raw material for use under the creative hand of the workman who makes things1 and 7b7 what they will do as entities acting in their own right and working out their own ends4 ,the former is matter of fact1 the latter matter of imputation2 but both alike1 and in the nave apprehension of uncritical men both equally1 are facts of observation and elements of objective knowledge4 ,the two are1 of course1 of very unequal value for the purposes of workmanship4 ,it should seem1 at least on first contact with the distinction1 that the former category alone can have effectually conduced or contributed to workmanlike efficiency1 and so it should be the only substantial factor in the growth of technological insight and proficiency3 while the latter category of knowledge should presumably have always been an unmitigated hindrance to effective work and to technological advance4 ,but such does not appear on closer scrutiny to have been the case in the past3 whether such sheer discrimination against the technological serviceability of all these putative facts would hold good in latterday civilisation is a question which may perhaps best be left to the parties in interest in 8pragmatic0 and theological controversy4 ,these two categories of knowledge1 or of cognoscenda1 are incongruous1 of course1 and they seem incompatible when applied to the same phenomena1 the same external objects4 ,but such incongruity does not disturb anyone who is at all content to take facts at their face value1--for both ways of apprehending the facts are equally given in the face value of the facts apprehended4 ,and on the known lower levels of culture it appears that in the workman's apprehension of the facts with which he has to do there is no evident strain due to this twofold nature and twofold interpretation of the objects of knowledge4 ,so1 for instance1 the ,pueblo potter 7woman7 may 7putatively7 be aware of certain inherent1 quasi-spiritual1 pragmatic qualities1 claims and proclivities personal to the clay beds from which her raw material is drawn3 different clay beds have1 no doubt1 a somewhat different quasi-personality1 which has1 among other things1 to do with the goodness of the raw material they afford4 ,even the clay in hand will have its pragmatic peculiarities and idiosyncracies which are duly to be respected2 and1 notably1 the finished pot is an entity with a life-history of its own and with temperament1 fortunes and fatalities that make up the substance of good and evil in its world4#bh ,but all that does not perceptibly affect the technology of the ,pueblo potter's art1 beyond carrying a sequence of ceremonial observance that may run along by the side of the technological process2 nor does it manifestly affect the workmanlike use of the pot during its lifetime1 except that the pragmatic nature of the given pot will decide1 on grounds of ceremonial competency1 to what use it may be put4#bi ,matter of fact and matter of imputation run along side by side in inextricable contact but with slight apparent mutual interference across the line4 ,the potter digs her clay as best she has learned how1 and it is a matter of workmanlike efficiency1 in which empirical knowledge of the mechanical qualities of the material is very efficiently combined with the potter's trained proficiency in the discretionary use of her tools2 the tools1 of course1 also have their 7putative7 temperamental idiosyncracies1 but they are employed in her hands in uncritical conformity with such matter-of-fact laws of physics as she has learned4 ,the clay is washed1 kneaded and tempered with the same circumspect regard to the opaque facts known about clay through long handling of it4 ,what and how much tempering material may best be used1 and how it is to be worked in1 may all have a recondite explanation in the subtler imputed traits of the clay2 a certain clay may have a putative quasi-spiritual affinity for certain tempering material2 but the work of selection and mixing is carried out with a watchful regard to the mechanical character of the materials and without doubt that the given materials will respond in definite1 empirically ascertained ways to the pressure brought on them by the potter's hands1 and without questioning the matter of fact that such and so much of manipulation will mix such and so much of tempering material with the given lot of clay4 ,the clay is 8as wax in her hands20 what comes of it is the product of her insight and proficiency4 ,still the pragmatic nature of all these materials viewed as distinct entities is never to be denied1 and in those respects in which she does not creatively design1 manipulate and construct the work of her hands1 its putative self-sufficiency of existence1 meaning and propensity goes on its own recognisances unshorn and inalienable4 ,technological efficiency rests on matter-of-fact knowledge1 as contrasted with knowledge of the traits imputed to external objects in making acquaintance with them4 ,therefore every substantial advance in technological mastery necessarily adds something to this body of opaque fact1 and with every such advance proportionably less of the behaviour of inanimate things will come to be construed in terms of an imputed workmanlike or teleological bent4 ,at the same time the imputation of a teleological meaning or workmanlike bent to the external facts that are made use of is likely to take a more circumspect1 ingenious and idealised form4 ,under the circumstances that condition an increasing technological mastery there is an ever-growing necessity to avoid conflict between the imputed traits of external objects and those facts of their behaviour that are constantly in evidence in their technological use4 ,in so far1 therefore1 as a simple and immediate imputation of workmanlike self-direction is seen manifestly to traverse the facts of daily use its place will be supplied by more shadowy anthropomorphic agencies that are assumed to carry on their life and work in some degree of detachment from the material objects in question1 and to these anthropomorphic agencies which so lie obscurely in the background of the observed facts will be assigned a larger and larger share of the required initiative and self-direction4 ,for so alien to mankind1 with its instinctive sense of workmanship1 is the mutilation of brute creation into mere opaque matter-of-fact1 and so indefeasibly does the 8consciousness of kind0 assert itself1 that each successive renunciation of such an imputed bias of workmanship in concrete objects is sought to be redeemed by pushing the imputation farther into the background of observed phenomena and running their putative workmanlike bias in more consummately anthropomorphic terms4 ,so an animistic conception#cj of things comes presently to supplement1 and in part supplant1 the more nave and immediate imputation of workmanship1 leading up to farther and more elaborate myth-making2 until in the course of elaboration and refinement there may emerge a monotheistic and providential ,creator seated in an infinitely remote but ubiquitous space of four dimensions4 ,this imputation of bias and initiative has doubtless lost ground among civilised communities1 as contrasted with the matter-of-fact apprehension of things1 so that where it once was the main body of knowledge it now is believed to live and move only within that margin of things not yet overtaken by matter-of-fact information1--at least so it is held in the vainglorious scepticism of the ,western culture4 ,meantime it is to be noted that the proclivity to impute a workmanlike bias to external facts has not been lost1 nor has it become inoperative even among the adepts of ,occidental scepticism4 ,on the one hand it still enables the modern scientist to generalise his observations in terms of causation1#ca and on the other hand it has preserved the life of ,god the ,father unto this day4 ,it is as the creative workman1 the ,great ,artificer1 that he has taken his last stand against the powers of spiritual twilight4 ,out of the simpler workday familiarity with the raw materials and processes employed in industry1 in the lower cultures1 there emerges no system of knowledge avowed as such2 although in all known instances of such lower cultures the industrial arts have taken on a systematic character1 such as often to give rise to definite1 extensive and elaborate technological processes as well as to manual and other technological training2 both of which will necessarily involve something like an elementary theory of mechanics systematised on grounds of matter-of-fact1 as well as a practical routine of empirical ways and means4 ,in the lower cultures the growth of this body of opaque facts and of its systematic coherence is simply the habitual growth of technological procedure4 ,considered as a knowledge of things it is prosy and unattractive2 it does not greatly appeal to men's curiosity1 being scarcely interesting in itself1 but only for the use to be made of it4 ,its facts are not lighted up with that spiritual fire of pragmatic initiative and propensity which animates the same phenomena when seen in the light of an imputed workmanlike behaviour and so construed in terms of conduct4 ,on the other hand1 when the phenomena are interpreted anthropomorphically they are indued with a 8human interest10 such as will draw the attention of all men in all ages1 as witness the worldwide penchant for myth-making4 ,such animistic imputation of end and endeavour to the facts of observation will in no case cover the whole of men's apprehension of the facts4 ,it is a matter of imputation1 not of direct observation2 and there is always a fringe of opaque matter-of-fact bound up with even the most animistically conceived object4 ,such is unavoidably the case4 ,the animistic conception imputes to its subject a workmanlike propensity to do things1 and such an imputation necessarily implies that1 as agent1 the object in question engages in something like a technological process1 a workmanlike manipulation wherein he has his will with the raw materials upon which his workmanlike force and proficiency spends itself4 ,workmanship involves raw material1 and in the respect in which this raw material is passively shaped to his purposes by the workman's manipulation it is not conceived to be actively seeking its own ends on its own initiative4 ,so that by force of the logic of workmanship the imputation of a workmanlike 7animistic7 propensity to brute facts1 itself involves the assumption of crude inanimate matter as a correlate of the putative workmanlike agent4 ,the anthropomorphic fancy of the primitive workman1 therefore1 can never carry the teleological interpretation of phenomena to such a finality but that there will always in his apprehension be an inert residue of matter-of-fact left over4 ,the material facts never cease to be1 within reasonable limits1 raw material2 though the limits may be somewhat vague and shifting4 ,and this residue of crude matter-of-fact grows and gathers consistency with experience and always remains ready to the hand of the workman for what it is worth1 unmagnified and unbeautified by anthropomorphic interpretation4 ,the animistic1 or better the anthropomorphic1 elements so comprised by imputation in the common-sense apprehension of things will pass in the main for facts of observation4 ,with the current of time and experience this may under favourable conditions grow into a developed animistic system and come to the dignity of myth1 and ultimately of theology4 ,but as it plays its part in the cruder uses of technology its common and most obstructive form is the inchoate animism or anthropomorphic bias spoken of above4 ,in its bearing on technological efficiency1 it commonly vitiates the available facts in a greater or less degree4 ,matter-of-fact knowledge alone will serve the uses of workmanship1 since workmanship is effective only in so far as its outcome is matter-of-fact work4 ,any higher and more subtle potencies found in or imputed to the facts about which the artificer is engaged can only serve to divert and defeat his efforts1 in that they lead him into methods and expedients that have only a putative effect4 99 99 99 99 99 ,this obstructive force of the anthropomorphic interpretation of phenomena is by no means the same in all lines of activity4 ,the difficulty1 at least in the earlier days1 seems to be greatest along those lines of craft where the workman has to do with the mechanical1 inanimate forces--the simplest in point of brute concreteness and the least amenable to a consistent interpretation in animistic terms4 ,while man is conventionally distinguished from brute creation as a 8tool-using animal10 his early progress in the devising and use of efficient tools1 taking the word in its native sense1 seems to have gone forward very slowly1 both absolutely and as contrasted with those lines of workmanship in which he could carry his point by manual dexterity unaided by cunningly devised implements and mechanical contrivances2#cb and still more striking is the contrast between the incredibly slow and blindfold advance of the savage culture shown in the sequence of those typical stone implements which serve conventionally as land-marks of the early technology1 on the one hand1 and the concomitant achievements of the same stone-age peoples in the domestication and use of plants and animals on the other hand4 ,no man can offer a confident conjecture as to how long a time and what a volume of experience was taken up in the growth of technological insight and proficiency up to the point when the neolithic period begins in ,european prehistory4 ,in point of duration it has been found convenient to count it up roughly in units of geologic time1 where a thousand years are as a day4 ,attempts to reduce it to such units as centuries or millennia have hitherto not come to anything appreciable4 ,in the present state of information on this head it is doubtless a safe conjecture that the interval between the beginning of the human era and the close of palolithic time1 say in ,europe or within the cultural sequence in which ,europe belongs1 is to be taken as some multiple of the interval that has elapsed from the beginning of the neolithic culture in ,europe to the present2#cc and the neolithic period itself was in its turn no doubt of longer duration than the history of ,europe since the bronze first came in4#cd ,the series of stone implements recovered from palolithic deposits show the utmost reach of palolithic technology on its mechanical side1 in the way of workmanlike mastery of brute matter simply2 for these implements are the tools of the tool-makers of that technological era4 ,they indicate the ultimate terms of the technological situation on the mechanical side1 for the craftsman working in more perishable materials could go no farther than these primary elements of the technological equipment would carry him4 ,the strict limitation imposed on the technology of any culture1 on its mechanical side1 by the 8state of the industrial arts0 in respect of the primary tools and materials available1 whether availability is a question of knowledge or of material environment1 is illustrated1 for instance1 by the case of the ,eskimo1 the ,north-west ,coast ,indians1 or some of the islands of the ,south ,sea4 ,in each of these cultures1 perhaps especially in that of the ,eskimo1 technological mastery had been carried as far as the circumstances of the case would permit1 and in each case the decisive circumstances that limit the scope and range of workmanship are the character of the primary tools of the tool-maker and the limits of his knowledge of the mechanical properties of the materials at his disposal for such use4 ,the ,eskimo culture1 for instance1 is complete after its kind1 worked out to the last degree of workmanlike mastery possible with the ,eskimo's knowledge of those materials on which he depended for his primary tools and on which he was able to draw for the raw materials of his industry4 ,at the same time the ,eskimo shows how considerable a superstructure of the secondary mechanic arts may be erected on a scant groundwork of the primary mechanical resources4#ce ,in the light of such a familiar instance as the ,eskimo or the ,polynesian culture it is evident that very much must be allowed1 in the case1 e4 g41 of the ,european stone age1 for work in perishable materials that have disappeared2 but after all allowance of this kind1 the showing for palolithic man is not remarkable1 considering the ample time allowed him1 and considering also that1 in ,europe at least1 he was by native gift nowise inferior to some of the racial elements that still survive in the existing population and that are not notoriously ill furnished either in the physical or the intellectual respect4 ,and what is true of palolithic times as regards the native character of this population is true in a more pronounced degree for later prehistoric times4#cf ,the very moderate pace of the technological advance in early times in the mechanic arts stands out more strikingly when it is contrasted with what was accomplished in those arts1 or rather in those occupations1 that have to do immediately with living matter4 ,some of the crop plants1 for instance1 and presently some of the domestic animals1 make their appearance in ,denmark late in the period of the kitchen middens2 which falls in the early stone age of the ,danish chronology1 that is to say in the early part of the neolithic period as counted in terms of the ,european chronology at large4 ,these1 then1 are improved breeds of plants and animals1 very appreciably different from their wild ancestors1 arguing not only a shrewd insight and consistent management in the breeding of these domesticated races but also a long continued and intelligent use of these items of technological equipment1 during which the nature and uses of the plants and animals taken into domestication must have been sufficiently understood and taken advantage of1 at the same time that a workmanlike selection and propagation of favourable variations was carried out4 ,some slight reflection on what is implied in the successful maintenance1 use and improvement of several races of crop plants and domestic animals will throw that side of the material achievements of the kitchen-midden peoples into sufficiently high contrast with their chipped flint implements and the degree of mechanical insight and proficiency which these implements indicate4 ,to this ,danish illustrative case it may of course be objected1 and with some apparent reason1 that these plants and animals which begin to come in evidence in a state of domestication in the kitchen middens1 and which presently afforded the chief means of life to the later stone-age population1 were introduced in a domestic state from outside2 and that this technological gain was the product of another and higher culture than that into which they were thus intruded4 ,the objection will have what force it may2 the facts are no doubt substantially as set forth4 ,however1 the domestication and use of these races of plants and animals embodied no less considerable a workmanlike mastery of its technological problem wherever it was worked out1 whether in ,denmark--as is at least highly improbable--or in ,turkestan1 as may well have been the case4 ,and the successful introduction of tillage and cattle-breeding among the kitchen-midden peoples from a higher culture1 without the concomitant introduction of a corresponding gain in the mechanic arts from the same source1 leaves the force of the argument about as it would be in the absence of this objection4 ,the comparative difficulty of acquiring the mechanic arts1 as compared with the arts of husbandry1 would appear in much the same light whether it were shown in the relatively slow acquirement of these arts through a home growth of technological mastery or in the relatively tardy and inept borrowing of them from outside4 ,so far as bears on the present question1 much the same habits of mind take effect in the acquirement of such a technological gain whether it takes place by home growth or by borrowing from without4 ,in either case the point is that the peoples of the kitchen-middens appear to have been less able to learn the use of serviceable mechanical expedients than to acquire the technology of tillage and cattle-breeding4 ,the appearance of tillage and cattle-breeding 78mixed farming07 at this period of ,danish prehistory1 without the concomitant appearance of anything like a similar technological gain in the mechanic arts1 argues either 7a7 that in the culture from which husbandry was ultimately borrowed and in which the domestication was achieved there was no similarly substantial gain made in the mechanic arts at the same time1 so that this culture from which the crop plants and animals originally came into the ,north of ,europe had no corresponding mechanical gain to offer along with husbandry2 or 7b7 that the kitchen-midden peoples1 and the other peoples through whose hands the arts of husbandry passed on their way to the ,north1 were unable to profit in a like degree by what was offered them in the primary mechanic arts4 ,the known evidence seems to say that the visible retardation in the mechanic arts1 as compared with husbandry1 in prehistoric ,denmark was due partly to the one1 partly to the other of these difficulties4 ,to avoid confusion and misconception it may be pertinent to recall that1 taken absolutely1 the rate and magnitude of advance in the primary mechanic arts in ,denmark at this time was very considerable2 so much so indeed that the visible absolute gain in this respect has so profoundly touched the imagination of the students of that culture as to let them overlook the disparity1 in point of the rate of gain1 between the mechanic arts and husbandry4 ,in the same connection it is also to be remarked that the entire neolithic culture of the kitchen-middens1 as well as their husbandry1 was introduced from outside of ,europe1 having been worked out in its early rudiments before the kitchen-midden peoples reached the ,baltic seaboard4 ,at the same time the raw materials for the mechanic arts of the neolithic culture were available to the kitchen-midden technologist in abundant quantity and unsurpassed quality2 while the raw material of husbandry1 the crop plants and domestic animals1 were exotics4 ,further1 in point of race1 and therefore presumably in point of native endowment1 the peoples of the ,baltic seaboard at that time were substantially the same mixture of stocks that has in modern times carried the technology of the mechanic arts in western ,europe and its colonies to a pitch of mastery never approached before or elsewhere4 ,and the retardation in the mechanic arts as contrasted with husbandry is no greater1 probably less1 in neolithic ,denmark than in any other culture on the same general level of efficiency4 ,wherever the move may have been made1 in one or in several places1 and whatever may have been the particular circumstances attending the domestication and early use of crop plants and animals1 the case sums up to about the same result4 ,through long ages of work and play men 7perhaps primarily women7 learned the difficult and delicate crafts of husbandry and carried their mastery of these pursuits to such a degree of proficiency1 and followed out the lead given by these callings with such effect1 that by the 7geologic7 date of early neolithic times in ,europe virtually all the species of domesticable animals in three continents had been brought in and had been bred into improved races4#cg ,at the same time the leading crop plants of the old world1 those on whose yield the life of the ,western peoples depends today1 had been brought under cultivation1 improved and specialised with such effect that all the advance that has been made in these respects since the early neolithic period is greatly less than what had been accomplished up to that time4 ,by early neolithic times as counted in ,west ,europe1 or by the early bronze age as counted in western ,asia1 the leading domestic animals had been distributed1 in domesticated and improved breeds1 throughout central and western ,asia and the inhabited regions of ,europe and ,north ,africa4 ,the like is true for the main crop plants that now feed the occidental peoples1 except that these1 in domesticated and specialised breeds1 were distributed through this entire cultural region at an appreciably earlier date1--earlier by some thousands of years4#ch ,in late modern times there have been added to the civilised world's complement of crop plants a very large and important contingent whose domestication and development was worked out in ,america and the regions of the ,pacific2 though most of these belong in the low latitudes and are on that account less available to the ,western culture than what has come down from the prehistoric cultures of the old world4 ,these are also the work of the stone age1 in large part no doubt dating back to palolithic times4 ,america1 with the ,polynesian and ,indonesian cultural regions1 shows the correlation and the systematic discrepancy in time between the rate1 range and magnitude of the advance in tillage on the one hand and of the primary mechanic arts on the other hand4 ,when this culture was interrupted it had1 in the mechanical respect1 reached an advanced neolithic phase at its best2 but its achievements in the crop plants are perhaps to be rated as unsurpassed by all that has been done elsewhere in all time4#ci ,in the primary mechanic arts this cultural region had in the same time reached a stage of perfection comparable at its best with pre-dynastic ,egypt1 or neolithic ,denmark1 or pre-,minoan ,crete4 ,the really great advance achieved was in the selection1 improvement1 use and cultivation of the crop plants2 and not in any appreciable degree even in the mechanical appliances employed in the cultivation and consumption of these crops2 though something considerable is to be noted in this latter respect in such inventions as the mandioca squeezer and the metate2 and great things were done in the way of irrigation and road building4#dj ,but the contrast1 for instance1 between the metate and the contrivances for making paper bread on the one side1 and the technologically consummate corn-plant 7maize7 on the other1 should be decisive for the point here in question4 ,the mechanic appliances of corn cultivation had not advanced beyond the digging stick1 a rude hoe and a rudimentary spade1 though here as well as in other similar connections the local use of well-devised irrigation works1 terraced fields1#da and graneries is not to be overlooked2 but the corn itself had been brought from its grass-like ancestral form to the maize of the present corn crop4 ,like most of the ,american crop plants the maize under selective cultivation had been carried so far from its wild form as no longer to stand a chance of survival in the wild state1 and indeed so far that it is still a matter of controversy what its wild ancestor may have been4 ,perhaps the races of this ,american-,polynesian region are gifted with some special degree of spiritual 7instinctive7 fitness for plant-breeding4 ,they seem to be endowed with a particular proclivity for sympathetically identifying themselves with and patiently waiting upon the course of natural phenomena1 perhaps especially the phenomena of animate nature1 which never seem alien or incomprehensible to the ,indian4 ,such at least is the consistent suggestion carried by their myths1 legends and symbolism4 ,the typical ,american cosmogony is a tissue of legends of fecundity and growth1 even more than appears to hold true of primitive cosmogonies elsewhere4#db ,and yet some caution in accepting such a generalisation is necessary in view1 for instance1 of the mythological output along similar lines on the ,mediterranean seaboard in early times4 ,by native gift the ,indian is a 8nature-faker10 given to unlimited anthropomorphism4 ,mechanical1 matter-of-fact appreciation of external and material phenomena seems to be in a peculiar degree difficult1 irrelevant and incongruous with the genius of the race4 ,but even if it should seem that this race1 or group of races1 is peculiarly given to such sympathetic interpretation of natural phenomena in terms of human instinct1 the difference between them and the typical racial stocks of the old world in this respect is after all a difference in degree1 not in kind4 ,the like proclivity is in good evidence throughout1 wherever any race of men have endeavoured to put their acquaintance with natural phenomena into systematic form4 ,the bond of combination in the making of systems1 whether cosmologic1 mythic1 philosophic or scientific1 has been some putative human trait or traits4 ,it may be that in their appreciation of facts and their making of systems the ,american races have by some peculiar native gift been inclined to an interpretation in terms of fertility1 growth1 nurture and life-cycles4 99 99 99 99 99 ,any predisposition freely to accept and use the deliverances of sensible perception on their own recognisances simply1 in the terms in which they come1 and to connect them up in a system of knowledge in their own terms1 without imputation of a spiritual 7anthropomorphic7 substratum1--for the purposes of workmanship such a predisposition should be of the first importance for effective work in the mechanic arts2 and a strong instinctive bias to the contrary should be correspondingly pernicious4 ,any instinctive bias to colour1 distort and derange the facts by imputing elements of human nature will unavoidably act to hinder and deflect the agent from an effectual pursuit of mechanical design4 ,but the like is not true in the same degree as regards men's dealings with animate nature4 ,anthropomorphic interpretation is more at home and less disserviceable here4 ,with less serious derangement in the objective results1 plants and animals may be construed to have a conscious purpose in life and to pursue their ends somewhat after the human fashion2 witness the facility with which the story-tellers recount plausible episodes 7feigned or real7 from the life of animals and plants1 and the readiness with which such tales get a hearing4 ,readers and hearers find no great difficulty1 if any1 in giving make-believe credence to the tales so long as they recount only such adventures as are physically possible to the animals of which 7whom87 they are told2 the hearers are always ready to go with the story-teller down this highway of make-believe into the subhuman fairy land4 ,mechanical phenomena1 happenings in the mechanic arts1 characteristics of the existence of inanimate objects and the changes which they undergo1 lend themselves with much less happy effect to the anthropomorphic story-teller's make-believe4 ,episodes from the feigned life-history of tools1 machines and raw materials are not drawn on with anything like the same frequency1 nor do the tales that recount them meet with the same untiring attention4 ,there is always an unreality about them which even the most robust make-believe can overcome only for a short and doubtful interval4 ,witness the relative barrenness of primitive folk-tales on this inanimate side1 as compared with the exuberance of the myths and legends that interpret the life of plants and animals2 and where inanimate phenomena are drawn into the net of personation it happens almost unavoidably that a feigned person is thrown into the foreground of the tale plausibly to take the part of bearer1 controller or intrigant in the episodes related4#dc ,even more to the same purpose1 as showing the same insidious facility of anthropomorphic interpretation1 are the bona-fide constructions of scientists and pseudo-scientists running on the imputation of purpose and deliberation to explain the behaviour of animals4 ,indeed1 at the worst1 and still in good faith1 it may go so far as to impute some sort of quasi-conscious striving on the part of plants4#dd ,as good and temperate an instance as may be had of such anthropomorphic imputation of workmanlike gifts is afforded1 for instance1 by the work of ,romanes on the behaviour of animals4#de ,it goes to show how very plausibly some of the lower animals may be credited with these spiritual aptitudes and how far and well the imputation may be made to serve the scientist's end4 ,so plausible1 indeed1 is this anthropomorphism as to disarm even the scepticism of the trained sceptic4 ,it will also appear in the later course of this inquiry that anthropomorphism1 and especially the imputation of workmanship1 has borne a much greater part in the work of the scientists than the members of that craft would like to avow2 so that the scientific use of the anthropomorphic fancy is by no means a unique distinction of ,romanes and the large group or school of biologists of which his work is typical2 nor does the presence of this bias in their work by any means strip it of scientific value4 ,in point of fact1 it seems to touch the substance of their objective results much less seriously than might be apprehended4 ,the modern scientist's watchward is scepticism and caution2 and what he may be led to do concessively1 in spite of himself1 by too broad a consciousness of kind1 the savage does joyously and with conviction4 ,his measure of what he sees about him is himself1 and his apprehension of what takes place is a comprehension of how such things would be done in the course of human conduct if they were physically possible to man4 ,the man 7more often perhaps the woman7 who busies himself with the beginnings of plant and animal-breeding will sympathetically put himself in touch with their inclinations and aptitudes with a degree of intimacy and assurance never approached by the followers of ,romanes4 ,it is for him to use common sense and fall in with the drift and idiosyncracies of these others who are1 mysteriously1 denied the gift of speech4 ,by the unambiguous leading of the anthropomorphic fancy he puts himself in the place of his ward1 his animal or vegetable friend and cousin1 and can so learn something of what is going on in the putative vegetable or animal mind1 through patient observation of what comes to light in response to his attentions in the course of his joint life with them4 ,the plant or animal manifestly does things1 and the question follows1 ,why do these speechless others do those things which they are seen to do8--things which often do not lie within the range of things desirable to be accomplished1 humanly speaking4 ,manifestly these non-human others seek other ends and seek them in other ways than man4 ,some of the objective results which it lies in their nature to accomplish in so working out their scheme of life are useful to their human cousins2 and it stands to reason that when they are dealt kindly with1 when man takes pains to further their ends in life1 they will take thought and respond somewhat in kind4 ,to turn the proposition about1 those things which men find1 by trial and error1 to bring a good and kindly return from the speechless others are manifestly well received by them and must obviously be of a kind to fall in with their bent and minister to their inclinations2 and prudence and fellow-feeling combine to lead men farther along the way so indicated at each move in the propitious direction4 ,to the unsophisticated--and even to the sophisticated sceptic--it is manifest that animate objects do things4 ,what they aim to do1 as well as the logic of their conduct in carrying out their designs1 are not precisely the same as in the case of man4 ,but by staying by and learning what they are bent on doing1 and observing how they go about it1 any peculiarity in the nature of their needs1 spiritual and physical1 and in their manner of approaching their ends1 may be learned and assimilated2 and their life-work can be furthered and amplified by judiciously ministering to their ascertained needs and making the way smooth for them in what they undertake1 so long as their undertakings are such as man is interested in bringing to a successful issue4 ,of course they work toward ends that are good in their sight1 though not always such as men would seek2 but that is their affair and is not to be pried into beyond the bounds of a decent neighbourly interest4 ,and they work by methods in some degree other1 often wiser1 than those of men1 and these it is man's place to learn if he would profit by their companionship4 ,much of the scheme of life of these speechless others is a scheme of fecundity1 growth and nurture1 and all these matters are natural to women rather than to men2 and so in the early stages of culture the consciousness of kind and congruity has made it plain to all the parties in interest that the care of crops and animals belongs in the fitness of things to women4 ,indeed there is such a spiritual 7magical7 community between women and the fecundity of animate things that any intrusion of the men in the affairs of growth and fertility may by force of contrast come to be viewed with the liveliest apprehension4 ,since the life of plants and animals is primarily of a spiritual nature1 since the initiative and trend of vegetable and animal life is of this character1 it follows that some sort of propitious spiritual contact and communion should be maintained between mankind and that world of fertility and growth in which these animate things live and move4 ,so a line of communication1 of a spiritual kind1 is kept open with the realm of the speechless ones by means of a sign-language systematised into ritual1 and by a symbolism of amity renforced with gifts and professions of good-will4 ,hence a growth of occult meanings and ceremonial procedure1 to which the argument will have to return presently4#df ,by this indirect1 animistic and magical1 line of approach the matter-of-fact requirements of tillage and cattle-breeding can be determined and fulfilled in a very passable fashion1 given only the necessary time and tranquillity4 ,time is by common consent allowed the stone-age culture in abundant measure2 and common consent is coming1 through one consideration and another1 to admit that the requisite conditions of peace and quiet industry are also a characteristic feature of that early time4 ,the fact1 broad and profound1 that the known crop plants and animals were for the most part domesticated in that time is perhaps in itself the most persuasive argument for the prevalence of peaceful conditions among those peoples1 whoever they may have been1 to whose efforts1 or rather to whose routine of genial superstition1 this domestication is to be credited4 ,this domestication and use of plants and animals was of course not a mere blindfold diversion4 ,here as ever the instinct of workmanship was present with its prompting to make the most of what comes to hand2 and the technology of husbandry1 like the technology of any other industrial enterprise1 has been the outcome of men's abiding penchant for making things useful4 ,the peculiar advantage of tillage and cattle-breeding over the primary mechanic arts1 that by which the former arts gained and kept their lead1 seems to have been the simple circumstance that the propensity of workmanlike men to impute a workmanlike 7teleological7 nature to phenomena does not leave the resulting knowledge of these phenomena so wide of the mark in the case of animate nature as in that of brute matter4 ,it will probably not do to say that the anthropomorphic imputation has been directly serviceable to the technological end in the case of tillage and cattle-breeding2 it is rather that the disadvantage or disserviceability of such an interpretation of facts has been greater in the mechanic arts in early times4 ,the instinct of workmanship1 through the sentimental propensity to impute workmanlike qualities and conduct to external facts1 has defeated itself more effectually in the mechanic arts4 ,and as in the course of time1 under favourable local conditions1 the habitual imputation of teleological capacities has in some measure fallen into disuse1 the mechanic arts have gained2 and every such gain has in its turn1 as conditions permitted1 acted cumulatively toward the discredit and disuse of the teleological method of knowledge1 and therefore toward an acceleration of technological gain in this field4 ,the inanimate factors which early man has to turn to account as a condition precedent to any appreciable advance in the industrial arts1 outside of husbandry and of the use of fruits and fibres associated with it1 do not lend themselves to an effectual approximation from the anthropomorphic side4 ,flint and similar minerals are refractory1 they have no spiritual nature and no scheme or cycle of life that can be interpreted in some passable fashion as the outcome of instinctive propensities and workmanlike management4 ,anthropomorphic insight does not penetrate into the secret ways of brute matter1 for all the reasonable concession to idiosyncracies1 to recondite conceits1 occult means and devious methods1 with which unsophisticated man stands ready to meet them4 ,he can see as far into a millstone as anyone along that line2 but that is not far enough to be of any use1 and he is debarred by his workmanlike common sense from systematically looking into the matter along any other line4 ,it is only the blindfold1 unsystematic accretions of opaque fact coming in1 disjointed and unsympathetic1 from the inhuman side of his technological experience that can help him out here4 ,and experience of that kind can come upon him only inadvertently1 for he has no basis on which to systematise these facts as they come1 and so he has no means of intelligently seeking them4 ,his intelligent endeavours to get at the nature of things will perforce go on the mass of knowledge which his intelligence has already comprehended1 which is a knowledge of human conduct4 ,anthropomorphism is almost wholly obstructive in this field of brute matter1 and in early times1 before much in the way of accumulated matter-of-fact knowledge had forced itself upon men1 the propensity to a teleological interpretation seems to have been nearly decisive against technological progress in the primary and indispensable mechanic arts4 ,and in later phases of culture1 where anthropomorphic interpretations of workmanship have been worked out into a rounded system of magic and religion1 they have at times brought the technological advance to a full stop1 particularly on the mechanical side1 and have even led to the cancelment of gains that should have seemed secure4 ,it is likewise a notable fact that1 as already intimated above1 myth and legend have found this brute matter as refractory in their service as the instinct of workmanship has found it in the genesis of technology2 and for the good reason that the same human penchant for teleological insight and elaboration has ruled in the one as in the other4 ,inanimate matter and the phenomena in which inanimate matter manifests its nature and force have1 of course1 taken a large place in folk-lore2 but the folk-lore1 whether myth1 legend or magic1 in which inanimate matter is conceived as speaking in its own right and working out its own spiritual content is relatively very scant4 ,in magic it commonly plays a part as an instrumentality only1 and indeed as an instrument which owes its magical efficacy to some efficacious circumstance external to it4 ,it has most frequently an induced rather than intrinsic efficacy1 being the vehicle whereby the worker of magic materialises and conveys his design to its execution4 ,it is susceptible of magical use1 rather than creative of magical effects4#dg ,no doubt this characterisation of the magical offices of inert matter applies to early and primitive times and situations rather than to the high-wrought later systems of occult science and alchemical lore that are built on some appreciable knowledge of metallurgy and chemical reactions4 ,so likewise early myth and legend have had to take recourse to the intervention of personal1 or at least animate agents1 to make headway in the domain of brute matter1 which figures commonly as means in the hands of manlike agents of some sort1 rather than as a self-directing agent with initiative and a natural bent of its own4 ,the phenomena of inanimate nature are likely to be thrown into the hands of such putative agents1 who are then conceived to control them and turn them to account for ulterior ends not given in the native character of the inanimate objects themselves4#dh ,even so exceptionally available a range of phenomena as those of fire have not escaped this inglorious eventuality4 ,in the mythical legends of fire it will be found that the fire and all its works come into the plot of the story only as secondary elements1 and the interest centres about the fortunes of some manlike agency to whose initiative and exploits all the phenomena of fire are referred as their cause or occasion4#di ,the legends of fire have commonly become legends of a fire-bringer1 etc41#ej and have come to turn about the plots and counterplots of anthropomorphic beasts and divinities who are conceived to have wrestled for1 with and about the use of fire4 ,so1 on the other hand1 as an illustration from the side of technology1 to show how matters stood in this connection through the best days of anthropomorphism1 fire had been in daily and indispensable use through an indefinite series of millennia before men1 in the early modern times of ,occidental civilisation1 learned the use of a chimney4 ,and all that hindered the discovery of this simple mechanical expedient seems to have been the fatal propensity of men to impute a teleological nature and workmanlike design to this phenomenon with which no truce or working arrangement can be negotiated in spiritual terms4#ea 99 99 99 99 99 ,a doubt may plausibly suggest itself as to the competency of such an explanation of these phenomena4 ,it would seem scarcely to lie in the nature of an instinct of workmanship to enlist the workman in the acquisition of knowledge which he cannot use1 and guide him in elaborating it into a system which will defeat his own ends2 to build up obstructions to its own working1 and yet in the long run to overcome them4 ,in part this discrepancy in the outcome arises from the fact that the sense of workmanship affords a norm of systematisation for the facts that come into knowledge4 ,this leads to something like a dramatisation of the facts1 whereby they fall into some sort of a sequence of conduct among themselves1 become personalised1 are conceived as gifted with discrimination1 inclinations1 preferences and initiative2 and in so far as the facts are conceived to be involved in immaterial or hyperphysical relations of this character they cannot effectually be made use of for the purposes of technology4 ,all conceptions that exceed the scope of material fact are useless for technology1 and in so far as such conceptions are intruded into the body of information drawn on by the workman they become obstructive4 ,but in good part the discrepancies of the outcome are due to complications with an instinctive curiosity1 the presence of which has tacitly been assumed throughout the argument1--an 8idle0 curiosity by force of which men1 more or less insistently1 want to know things1 when graver interests do not engross their attention4 ,comparatively little has been made of this instinctive propensity by the students of culture1 though the fact of its presence in human nature is broadly recognised by psychologists1#eb and the like penchant comes in evidence among the lower animals1 as appears in many investigations of animal behaviour4#ec ,indeed1 it has been taken somewhat lightly1 in a general way1 as being a genial infirmity of human nature rather than a creative factor in civilisation4 ,and the reason of its being dealt with in so slight a manner is probably to be found in the nature of the instinct itself4 ,with the instinct of workmanship it shares that character of pliancy and tractability common in some degree to the whole range of instincts1 and especially characteristic of those instinctive predispositions that distinguish human nature from the simpler and more refractory spiritual endowment of the lower animals4 ,like the other instinctive propensities1 it is to be presumed1 the idle curiosity takes effect only within the bounds of that metabolic margin of surplus energy that comes in evidence in all animal life1 but that appears in larger proportions in the 8higher0 animals and in a peculiarly obtrusive manner in the life of man4 ,it seems to be only after the demands of the simpler1 more immediately organic functions1 such as nutrition1 growth and reproduction1 have been met in some passably sufficient measure that this vaguer range of instincts which constitutes the spiritual predispositions of man can effectually draw on the energies of the organism and so can go into effect in what is recognised as human conduct4 ,the wider the margin of disposable energy1 therefore1 the more freely should the characteristically human predispositions assert their sway1 and the more nearly this metabolic margin is drained by the elemental needs of the organism the less chance should there be that conduct will be guided by what may properly be called the spiritual needs of man4 ,it is accordingly characteristic of this whole range of vaguer and less automatically determinate predispositions that they transiently yield somewhat easily to the pressure of circumstances4 ,this is eminently true of the idle curiosity1 as it is also true in a somewhat comparable degree of the sense of workmanship4 ,but these instincts at the same time1 and perhaps by the same fact1 have also the other concomitant and characteristically human trait of a ubiquitous resiliency whenever and in so far as there is nothing to hinder4 ,their staying power is1 in a way1 very great1 though their driving force is neither massive nor intractable4 ,so that even though the idle curiosity1 like the sense of workmanship1 may be momentarily thrust aside by more urgent interests1 yet its long-term effects in human culture are very considerable4 ,men will commonly make easy terms with their curiosity when there is a call to action under the spur of a more elemental need1 and even when circumstances appear to be favourable to its untroubled functioning a sustained and consistent response to its incitement is by no means an assured consequence4 ,the common man does not eagerly pursue the quest of the idle curiosity1 and neither its guidance nor its award of fact is mandatory on him4#ed ,sporadic individuals who are endowed with this supererogatory gift largely in excess of the common run1 or who yield to its enticements with very exceptional abandon1 are accounted dreamers1 or in extreme cases their more sensible neighbours may even rate them as of unsound mind4 ,but the long-term consequences of the common run of curiosity1 helped out by such sporadic individuals in whom the idle curiosity runs at a higher tension1 counts up finally1 because cumulatively1 into the most substantial cultural achievement of the race1--its systematised knowledge and quasi-knowledge of things4 ,this instinctive curiosity1 then1 comes in now and again serviceably to accelerate the gain in technological insight by bringing in material information that may be turned to account1 as well as by persistently disturbing the habitual body of knowledge on which workmanship draws4 ,human curiosity is doubtless an 8idle0 propensity1 in the sense that no utilitarian aim enters in its habitual exercise2 but the material information which is by this means drawn into the agent's available knowledge may none the less come to serve the ends of workmanship4 ,a good share of the facts taken cognisance of under the spur of curiosity is of no effect for workmanship or for technological insight1 and that any of it should be found serviceable is substantially a fortuitous circumstance4 ,this character of 8idleness10 the absence of a utilitarian aim or utilitarian sentiment in the impulse of curiosity1 is doubtless a great part of the reason for its having received such scant and rather slighting treatment at the hands of the psychologists and of the students of civilisation alike4 ,of the material so offered as knowledge1 or fact1 workmanship makes use of whatever is available4 ,in ways already indicated this utilisation of ascertained 8facts0 is both furthered and hindered by the fact that the information which comes to hand through the restless curiosity of man is reduced to systematic shape1 for the most part or wholly1 under canons of workmanship4 ,for the large generality of human knowledge this will mean that the raw material of observed fact is selectively worked over1 connected up and accumulated on lines of a putative teleological order of things1 cast in something like a dramatic form4 ,from which it follows that the knowledge so gained is held and carried over from generation to generation in a form which lends itself with facility to a workmanlike manipulation2 it is already digested for assimilation in a scheme of teleology that instinctively commends itself to the workmanlike sense of fitness4 ,but it also follows that in so far as the personalised1 teleological1 or dramatic order so imputed to the facts does not1 by chance1 faithfully reflect the causal relations subsisting among these facts1 the utilisation of them as technological elements will amount to a borrowing of trouble4 ,so that the concurrence of curiosity and workmanship in the assimilation of facts in this way may1 and in early culture must1 result in a retardation of the technological advance1 as contrasted with what might conceivably have been the outcome of this work of the idle curiosity if it had not been congenitally contaminated with the sense of workmanship and thereby lent itself to conceptions of magical efficacy rather than to mechanical efficiency4#ee 99 99 99 99 99 ,the further bearing of the parental bent on the early growth of technology also merits attention in this connection4 ,this instinct and the sentiments that arise out of its promptings will have had wide and free play in early times1 when the common good of the group was still perforce the chief economic interest in the habitual view of all its members4 ,it will have had an immediate effect on the routine of life and work1 presumably far beyond what is to be looked for at any later stage4 ,in the time when pecuniary competition had not yet become an institution1 grounded in the ownership of goods in severalty and on their competitive consumption1 the promptings of this instinct will have been more insistent and will have met with a more unguarded response than later on1 after these institutional changes have taken effect4 ,a manifest and inveterate distaste of waste1 in great part traceable on analysis to this instinct1 still persistently comes in evidence in all communities1 although it is greatly disguised and distorted by the principles of conspicuous waste#ef among all those peoples that have adopted private ownership of goods2 and serviceability to the common good likewise never ceases to command at least a genial1 speculative approval from the common run of men1 though this1 too1 may often take some grotesque or nugatory form due to preconceptions of a pecuniary kind4 ,this bias for serviceability and against waste falls in directly with the promptings of the instinct of workmanship1 so that these two instinctive predispositions will renforce one another in conducing to an impersonally economical use of materials and resources as well as to the full use of workmanlike capacities1 and to an endless taking of pains4 ,some reference has also been made already to the technological value of those kindly1 8humane0 sentiments that are bound up with the parental bent1--if they may not rather be said substantially to constitute the parental bent4 ,it is of course in the non-mechanical arts of plant and animal breeding that these humane extensions of the parental instinct have their chief if not their only industrial value1 both in furthering the day's work and in contributing to the advance of technology4 ,in the primary mechanic arts1 e4 g41 an affectionate disposition of this kind toward the inanimate appliances with which their work is occupied does no doubt still1 as ever1 to some extent animate the workmen as well as those who may have the remoter oversight of the work4 ,but the part played by such humane sentiments is after all relatively slight in men's dealings with brute matter1 nor do they invariably conduce to expeditious work or to a hard-headed insight into the mechanics of those things with which this work has to do4 ,in fact such tender emotions so placed may somewhat easily become a source of mischief1 in a manner similar to the mischievous technological consequences of anthropomorphism already spoken of4 ,it is otherwise with the bearing of the parental bent on the arts of tillage and cattle-breeding4 ,here its promptings are almost wholly serviceable to technological gain as well as to assiduous workmanship4 ,the kindly sentiments intrinsic to the parental bent are admirably in place in the care of plants and animals1 and their good effects in so giving a propitious turn to the technology of early tillage and cattle-breeding are only re-enforced by the parental and workmanlike inclination to husband resources and make the most of what comes to hand4 ,the particular turn given to the anthropomorphic bias by this line of preconceptions also is rather favourable than otherwise to a working insight into the requirements of the art4 ,and it has had certain specific consequences for the early technology of husbandry1 as well as for the early culture in which husbandry was the chief material factor1 such as to call for a more circumstantial account4 ,under the canons of workmanship a teleological animus--an instinctive or 8spiritual0 nature--is imputed to the plants and animals brought into domestication4 ,the art of husbandry proceeds on the apprehended needs and proclivities so imputed1 and the technology of the craft therefore takes the form of a 8tendance0 designed to further these quasi-animistically conceived beings in whatever ends they have at heart by virtue of their natural bent1 and to so direct this tendance upon them as will conduce to shaping their scheme of life in ways advantageous to man4 ,like other sentient beings1 as is known to shrewd and unsophisticated man1 they have spiritual needs as well as material needs1 and they are putatively to be influenced by the attitude of their human cousins towards them and their conduct1 interests1 and adventures4 ,further1 their life and comfort are manifestly conditioned by the run of the seasons and of the weather2 various inclemencies are discouraging and discomforting to them1 as to mankind1 and other vicissitudes of rain and shine and tempest are of the gravest consequence to them for good or ill4 ,under these delicate circumstances it is incumbent on the keepers of crops and flocks to walk circumspectly and cultivate the good-will not only of their crops and flocks but also of the natural phenomena that count for so much in the life of the crops and flocks4 ,these natural phenomena are of course also conceived anthropomorphically1 in the sense that they too are seen to follow their natural bent and do what they will1--or perhaps more commonly what the personal agents will1 in whose keeping these natural phenomena are conceived to lie2 for unsophisticated man has no other available terms in which to conceive them and their behaviour than the terms of initiative1 design and endeavour immediately given in his own conscious action4 ,now1 as has already been said1 the scheme of life of the crops and flocks is1 at least in the main1 and particularly in so far as it vitally and always interests their keepers1 a scheme of fecundity1 fertility and growth4 ,but these matters1 visibly and by conscious sentiment1 pertain in a peculiarly intimate sense to the women4 ,they are matters in which the sympathetic insight and fellow-feeling of womankind should in the nature of things come very felicitously to further the propitious course of things4 ,besides which the life of the women falls in these same lines of fecundity1 nurture and growth1 so that their association and attendance on the flocks and crops should further the propitious course of things also by the subtler means of sympathetic suggestion4 ,there is a magical congruity of great force as between womankind and the propagation of growing things4 ,and these subtler ways of influencing events are especially to the point in all contact with these non-human sentient beings1 since they are speechless and must therefore in the main be led by living example rather than by precept and expostulation4 ,and1 again1 being sentient1 somewhat after the fashion of mankind1 it is not to be believed that they have not the gift visibly common to mankind and many animals1 of following their leader by force of sympathetic imitation4 ,it may not be easy to say how far this instinctive impulse of imitation1 necessarily credited to all phenomena to which anthropomorphic traits are imputed1 is to be accounted the ground of all sympathetic magic2 but it is at least to be accepted as sufficient to account for much of what is done to induce fertility in flocks and crops4 ,so that on many accounts it is evident that in the nature of things1 the care of flocks and crops is the women's affair1 and it follows that all intercourse with the flocks and crops in the early days had best be conducted by the women1 who alone may be presumed intuitively to apprehend what is timely1 due and permissible in these premises4 ,it is all the more evident that communion with these wordless others should fall to the women1 since the like wordless communion with their own young is perhaps the most notable and engaging trait of their own motherhood4 ,the parental bent also throws a stress of sentiment on this simple and obvious phase of motherhood1 such as has made it in all men's apprehension the type of all kindly and unselfish tendance2 at the same time this ubiquitous parental instinct tends constantly to place motherhood in the foreground in all that concerns the common good1 in as much as all that is worth while1 humanly speaking1 has its beginning here4 ,in that early phase of culture in which the beginnings of tillage and cattle-breeding were made and in which the common good of the group was still the chief daily interest about which men's solicitude and forethought are habitually engaged1 motherhood will always have been the central fact in the scheme of human things4 ,so that in this cultural phase the parental bent and the sense of workmanship will have worked together to bring the women into the chief place in the technological scheme2 and the sense of imitative propriety1 as well as the recognised constraining force exercised by example and mimetic representation through the impulse of imitation1 will have guided workmanship shrewdly to play up womankind and motherhood in an ever-growing scheme of magical observances designed to further the natural increase of flocks and crops4 ,where anthropomorphic imputation runs free and with conviction1 such observances1 designed to act sympathetically on the natural course of phenomena1 unavoidably become an integral feature of the technological scheme1 no less indispensable and putatively no less efficacious to this end than the mechanical operations with which these observances are associated4 ,there is no practicable line of division to be drawn between sympathetic magic and anthropomorphic technology2 and in the known cultures of this early type it is for the most part an open question whether the magical observances are to be accounted an adjunct to what we would recognise as the technological routine of the art1 or conversely4 ,the two are not commonly held apart as distinct categories1 and both are efficacious and indispensable2 and in both the felt efficacy runs on much the same grounds of imputed anthropomorphic traits4#eg ,on grounds of magical-technological expediency1 then1 as well as by force of the sense of intrinsic propriety1 women come to take the leading rle in the industrial community of the early time1 and the community's material interests come to centre about them and their relation to the natural products of the fields2 and since this interest bears immediately on the fecundity of the flocks and crops1 it is particularly in their character of motherhood that the women come most vitally into the case4 ,the natural produce on which the life of the group depends1 therefore1 will appertain to the women1 in some intimate sense of congruity1 so that in the fitness of things this produce will properly come to the good of the community through their hands and will logically be dispensed somewhat at their discretion4 ,so great is the reach of this logic of congruity that in the known cultures which show much reminiscence of this early technological phase it is commonly possible to detect some remnant of such discretionary control of the natural produce by the women4 ,and modern students1 imbued with modern preconceptions of ownership and predaceous mastery1 have even found themselves constrained by this evidence to discover a system of matriarchy and maternal ownership in these usages that antedate the institution of ownership4 ,conceivably1 the usages growing out of this preferential position of women in the technology and ritual of early husbandry will1 now and again1 by the uniform drift of habituation have attained such a degree of consistency1 been wrought into so rigid a form of institutions1 as to have been carried over into a later phase of culture in which the ownership of goods is of the essence of the scheme2 and in such case these usages may then have come to be reconstrued in terms of ownership1 to the effect that the ownership of agricultural products vests of right in the woman1 the mother of the household4 ,but if the magical-technological fitness and efficacy of women has led to the growth of institutions vesting the disposal of the produce in the women1 in a more or less discretionary way1 the like effect has been even more pronounced1 comprehensive and lasting as regards the immaterial developments of the case4 ,with great uniformity the evidence from the earlier peaceable agricultural civilisations runs to the effect that the primitive ritual of husbandry1 chiefly of a magical character1 is in the hands of the women and is made up of observances presumed to be particularly consonant with the phenomena of motherhood4#eh ,and presently1 when the more elaborate phases of these magical rites of husbandry come1 by further superinduction of anthropomorphism1 to grow into religious observances and mythological tenets1 the greater daimones and divinities that emerge in the shuffle are women1 and again it is the motherhood of women that is in evidence4 ,the deities1 great and small1 are prevailingly females2 and the great ones among them seem invariably to have set out with being mothers4 ,in the creation of female and maternal divinities the parental instinct has doubtless greatly re-enforced the drift of the instinct of workmanship in the same direction4 ,the female deities have two main attributes or characteristics because of which they came to hold their high place2 they are goddesses of fertility in one way or another1 and they are mothers of the people4 ,it is perhaps unnecessary to hold these two concomitant attributions apart1 as many if not most of the great deities claim precedence on both grounds4 ,but the lower orders of female divinities in the matriarchal scheme of things divine will much more commonly specialise in fertility of crops than in maternity of the people4 ,the number of divinities that have mainly or solely to do with fertility is greater than that of those which figure as mothers of the people1 either locally or generally4 ,and perhaps in the majority of cases there is some suggestive evidence that the great female deities have primarily been goddesses of fertility having to do with the growth of crops--and1 usually in the second place1 of animals--rather than primarily mothers of the tribe2#ei which would suggest that their genesis and character is due to the canons of the sense of workmanship more than to the parental bent1 although the latter seems to have had its part in shaping many of them if not all4 ,the female divinities belong characteristically to the early or simpler agricultural civilisation1 and what has been said goes to argue that they rest on technological grounds in the main2 indeed1 in their genesis and early growth1 they are in good part of the nature of technological expedients4 ,they are at home with the female technology of early tillage especially1 and perhaps only in the second place do they serve the magical and religious needs of peoples given mainly to breeding flocks and herds2 although it is to be noted that most of the greater known goddesses of the ancient ,western world1 as well as many of the minor ones1 are also found to be closely related to various of the domestic animals4 ,in ,america and the ,far ,east1 of course1 any connection with the domestication of animals would appear improbable4 ,with a change of base1 from this early husbandry to a civilisation in which the main habitual interest is of another kind1 and in which the habitual outlook of men is less closely limited by the same anthropomorphic conceptions of nurture and growth1 the goddesses begin to lose their preferential claim on men's regard and fall into place as adjuncts or consorts of male divinities designed on other lines and built out of different materials and serving new ends4#fj ,but the hegemony of the mother goddesses has unquestionably been very wide-reaching and very enduring1 as it should be to answer to the extent in time and space of the civilisation of tillage as well as to its paramount importance in the life of mankind1 and as it is shown to have been by the archological and ethnological evidence4 ,a further concomitant variation in the cultural scheme1 associated with and presumably traceable to the same technological ground1 is maternal descent1 the counting of relationship primarily or solely in the female line4 ,in the present state of the evidence on this head it would probably be too broad a proposition to say that the counting of relationship by the mother's side is due wholly to preconceptions arising out of the technology of fertility and growth and that it so is remotely a creature of the instinct of workmanship2 but it is at least equally probable that that ancient conceit must be abandoned according to which the system of maternal descent arises out of an habitual doubt of paternity4 ,the mere obvious congruity of the cognatic system as contrasted with the agnatic1 has presumably had as much to do with the matter as anything1 and under the rule of the primitive technology of tillage and cattle-breeding this obvious congruity of the cognate relationship will have been very materially re-enforced by the current preconceptions regarding the preferential importance of the female line for the welfare of the household and the community4 ,and so long as that technological era lasted1 and until the more strenuous culture of predation and coercion came on and threw the male element in the community into the place of first consequence1 maternal descent as well as the mother goddess appear to have held their own4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it will have been noticed that through all this argument runs the presumption that the culture which included the beginnings and early growth of tillage and cattle-breeding was substantially a peaceable culture4 ,this presumption is somewhat at variance with the traditional view1 particularly with the position taken as a matter of course by earlier students of ethnology in the nineteenth century4 ,still it is probably not subject to very serious question today4 ,as the evidence has accumulated it has grown increasingly manifest that the ancient assumption of a primitive state of nature after the school of ,hobbes cannot be accepted4 ,the evidence from contemporary sources1 as to the state of things in this respect among savages and many of the lower barbarians1 points rather to peace than to war as the habitual situation1 although this evidence is by no means unequivocal2 besides which1 the evidence from these contemporary lower cultures bears only equivocally on the point of first interest here1--viz41 the antecedents of the ,western civilisation4 ,what is more to the point1 though harder to get at in any definitive way1 is the prehistory of this civilisation4 ,here the inquiry will perforce go on survivals and reminiscences and on the implications of known facts of antiquity as well as of certain features still extant in the current cultural scheme4 ,it seems antecedently improbable that the domestication of the crop plants and animals could have been effected at all except among peoples leading a passably peaceable1 and presently a sedentary life4 ,and the length of time required for what was achieved in remote antiquity in this respect speaks for the prevalence of 7passably7 peaceable conditions over intervals of time and space that overpass all convenient bounds of chronology and localisation4 ,evidence of maternal descent1 maternal religious practices and maternal discretion in the disposal of goods meet the inquiry in ever increasing force as soon as it begins to penetrate back of the conventionally accepted dawn of history2 and survivals and reminiscences of such institutions appear here and there within the historical period with increasing frequency the more painstaking the inquiry becomes4 ,and that institutions of this character require a peaceable situation for their genesis as well as for their survival is not only antecedently probable on grounds of congruity1 but it is evidenced by the way in which they incontinently decay and presently disappear wherever the cultural situation takes on a predatory character or develops a large-scale civilisation1 with a coercive government1 differentiation of classes--especially in the pecuniary respect--warlike ideals and ambitions1 and a considerable accumulation of wealth4 ,some further discussion of this early peaceable situation will necessarily come up in connection with the technological grounds of its disappearance at the transition to that predatory culture which has displaced it in all cases where an appreciably advanced phase of civilisation has been reached4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,the ,,savage ,,state ,,of ,,the ,,industrial ,,arts ,technological knowledge is of the nature of a common stock1 held and carried forward collectively by the community1 which is in this relation to be conceived as a going concern4 ,the state of the industrial arts is a fact of group life1 not of individual or private initiative or innovation4 ,it is an affair of the collectivity1 not a creative achievement of individuals working self-sufficiently in severalty or in isolation4 ,in the main1 the state of the industrial arts is always a heritage out of the past2 it is always in process of change1 perhaps1 but the substantial body of it is knowledge that has come down from earlier generations4 ,new elements of insight and proficiency are continually being added and worked into this common stock by the experience and initiative of the current generation1 but such novel elements are always and everywhere slight and inconsequential in comparison with the body of technology that has been carried over from the past4 ,each successive move in advance1 every new wrinkle of novelty1 improvement1 invention1 adaptation1 every further detail of workmanlike innovation1 is of course made by individuals and comes out of individual experience and initiative1 since the generations of mankind live only in individuals4 ,but each move so made is necessarily made by individuals immersed in the community and exposed to the discipline of group life as it runs in the community1 since all life is necessarily group life4 ,the phenomena of human life occur only in this form4 ,it is only as an outcome of this discipline that comes with the routine of group life1 and by help of the commonplace knowledge diffused through the community1 that any of its members are enabled to make any new move that may in this way be traceable to their individual initiative4 ,any new technological departure necessarily takes its rise in the workmanlike endeavours of given individuals1 but it can do so only by force of their familiarity with the body of knowledge which the group already has in hand4 ,a new departure is always and necessarily an improvement on or alteration in that state of the industrial arts that is already in the keeping of the group at large2 and every expedient or innovation1 great or small1 that so is hit upon goes into effect by going into the common stock of technological resources carried by the group4 ,it can take effect only in this way4 ,such group solidarity is a necessity of the case1 both for the acquirement and use of this immaterial equipment that is spoken of as the state of the industrial arts and for its custody and transmission from generation to generation4 ,within this common stock of technology some special branch or line of proficiency1 bearing on some special craft or trade1 may be held in a degree of isolation by some caste-like group within the community1 limited by consanguinity1 initiation1 and the like1 and so it may be held somewhat out of the common stock and transmitted in some degree of segregation4 ,in the lower cultures the elements of technology that are so engrossed by a fraction of the community and held out of the common stock are most commonly of a magical or ceremonial nature1 rather than effective elements of workmanship2 since any such matters of ritual observance lend themselves with greater facility to exclusive use and transmission within lines of class limitation than do the matter-of-fact devices of actual workmanship4 ,in the lower cultures the exclusive training and information so held and transmitted in segregation by various secret organisations appear in the main to be of this magical or ceremonial character2#fa although there is no reason to doubt that this technological make-believe is taken quite seriously and counts as a substantial asset in the apprehension of its possessors4 ,in a more advanced state of the industrial arts1 where ownership and the specialisation of industry have had their effect1 trade secrets1 patent and copyrights are often of substantial value1 and these are held in segregation from the common stock of technology4 ,but it is evident without argument that facts of this class are after all of no grave or enduring consequence in comparison with the great commonplace body of knowledge and skill current in the community4 ,at the same time1 any such segregated line of technological gain and transmission1 if it has any appreciable significance for the state of the industrial arts and is not wholly made up of ritual observances1 leans so greatly on the technological equipment at large that its isolation is at the most partial and one-sided2 it takes effect only by the free use of the general body of knowledge which is not so engrossed1 and it has also in all cases been acquired and elaborated only by the free use of that commonplace knowledge that is held in no man's exclusive possession4 ,such is more particularly the case in all but those latest phases of the industrial development in which the volume of the technology and the consequent specialisation of occupations have been carried very far4 ,in the earlier1 or rather in all but the late phases of culture and technology1 this immaterial equipment at large is accessible to all members of the community as a matter of course through the unavoidable discipline that comes with the workday routine of getting along4 ,few1 if any1 can avoid acquiring the essential elements of the industrial scheme by use of which the community lives1 although they need not each gain any degree of proficiency in all the manual operations or industrial processes in which this technological scheme goes into effect1 and few can avoid being so trained into the logic of the current scheme that their habitual thinking will in all these bearings run within the bounds of experience embodied in this general scheme4 ,all have free access to this common stock of immaterial equipment1 but in all known cultures there is also found some degree of special training and some appreciable specialisation of knowledge and occupations2 which is carried forward by expert workmen whose peculiar and exceptional proficiency is confined to some one or a few distinct lines of craft4 ,and in all1 or at least in all but the lowest known cultures1 the available evidence goes to say that this joint stock of technological mastery can be maintained and carried forward only by way of some such specialisation of training and differentiation of employments4 ,no one is competent to acquire such mastery of all the lines of industry included in the general scheme as would enable him 7or her7 to transmit the state of the industrial arts to succeeding generations unimpaired at all points4 ,some degree of specialisation there always is1 even where there appears to be no urgent technological need of it4 ,the circumstances of their life differ sufficiently for different individuals1 so that a certain individuation in workmanship will result from commonplace experience1 even apart from any deliberate specialisation of occupations4 ,and with any considerable increase in the size of the group a more or less deliberate specialisation of occupations will also set in4 ,individuals who are in this way occupied wholly or mainly with some one particular line of work will carry proficiency in this line to a higher pitch than the generality of workmen and will bring out details of technological procedure that may never fully become the common possession of the group at large1 that may not in all details become part of the commonplace technological information current in the community4 ,there seems1 in fact1 never to have been a time when the industrial scheme was so slight and narrow that all members of the community could master it in the greatest feasible degree of proficiency at every point4 ,but at the same time it holds true for all the more archaic phases of the development that all members of the community appear always to have had a comprehensive and passably exhaustive acquaintance with the technique of all industries practised in their time4 ,this necessary specialisation and detail training has large consequences for the growth of technology as well as for its custody and transmission4 ,it follows that a large and widely diversified industrial scheme is impossible except in a community of some size1--large enough to support a number and variety of special occupations4 ,in effect1 substantial gains in industrial insight and proficiency can apparently be worked out only through such close and sustained attention to a given line of work as can be given only within the lines of a specialised occupation4 ,at the same time the industrial community must comprise a full complement of such specialised occupations1 and must also be bound together in a system of communication sufficiently close and facile to allow the technological contents of all these occupations to be readily assimilated into a systematic whole4 ,the industrial system so worked out need not be of the same extent as any one local group of the people who get their living by its use2 but it seems to be required that if several local groups are effectively to be comprised in a single industrial system conditions of peace must prevail among them4 ,community of language seems also to be nearly necessary to the maintenance of such a system4 ,where the various local groups are on hostile terms1 each will tend to have an industrial system of its own1 with a technological character somewhat distinct from its neighbours4#fb ,if the degree of isolation is pronounced1 so that traffic and communication do not run freely between groups1 the size of the local group will limit the state of the industrial arts somewhat rigidly2 and on the other hand a marked advance in the industrial arts1 such as the domestication of crop plants or animals or the introduction of metals1 is likely to bring about such a redistribution of population and industry as to increase the effective size of the community4#fc ,among the peoples on the lower levels of culture there prevails commonly a considerable degree of isolation1 or even of estrangement4 ,in a great degree each community is thrown on its own resources1 and under these circumstances the size of the community may become a matter of decisive importance for the industrial arts4 ,where a serious decline in the numbers of any of these savage or barbarous peoples is recorded it is also commonly noted that they have suffered a concomitant decay in their technological knowledge and workmanship4#fd ,in view of these considerations it is probably safe to say that under settled conditions any community is1 commonly1 no larger than is required to keep up and carry forward the state of the industrial arts as it runs4 ,the known evidence appears to warrant the generalisation that the state of the industrial arts is limited by the size of the industrial community1 and that whenever a given community is broken up or suffers a serious diminution of numbers its technological heritage will deteriorate and dwindle even though it may apparently have been meagre enough before4 ,the considerations recited above are matters of commonplace observation and might fairly be taken for granted without argument4 ,but so much of current and recent theoretical speculation proceeds on tacit assumptions at variance with these commonplaces that it seems pertinent to recall them1 particularly since they will come in as premises in later passages of the inquiry4 99 99 99 99 99 ,given the material environment1 the rate and character of the technological gains made in any community will depend on the initiative and application of its members1 in so far as the growth of institutions has not seriously diverted the genius of the race from its natural bent2 it will depend immediately and obviously on individual talent for workmanship--on the workmanlike bent and capacity of the individual members of the community4 ,therefore any difference of native endowment in this respect between the several races will show itself in the character of their technological achievements as well as in the rate of gain4 ,races differ among themselves in this matter1 both as to the kind and as to the degree of technological proficiency of which they are capable4#fe ,it is perhaps as needless to insist on this spiritual difference between the various racial stocks as it would be difficult to determine the specific differences that are known to exist1 or to exhibit them convincingly in detail4 ,to some such ground much of the distinctive character of different peoples is no doubt to be assigned1 though much also may as well be traceable to local peculiarities of environment and of institutional circumstances4 ,something of the kind1 a specific difference in the genius of the people1 is by common consent assigned1 for instance1 in explanation of the pervasive difference in technology and workmanship between the ,western culture and the ,far ,east4 ,the like difference in 8genius0 is still more convincingly shown where different races have long been living near one another under settled cultural conditions4#ff ,it should be noted in the same connection that hybrid peoples1 such as those of ,europe or of ,japan1 where somewhat widely distinct racial stocks are mingled1 should afford a great variety and wide individual variation of native gifts1 in workmanship as in other respects4 ,hybrid stocks1 indeed1 have a wider range of usual variability than the combined extreme limits of the racial types that enter into the composition of the hybrid4 ,so that a great variety1 even aberration and eccentricity1 of native gifts is to be looked for in such cases1 and this wide range of variation in workmanlike initiative should show itself in the technology of any such peoples4 ,yet there may still prevail a strikingly determinate difference between any two such hybrid populations1 both in the characteristic features of their technology and in their routine workmanship2 as is illustrated in the contrast between ,japan and the ,western nations4 ,these racial differences in point of endowment may be slight in the first instance1 but as they work cumulatively their ulterior effect may still be very marked2 and they may result in marked differences not only in respect of the character of the technological situation at a given point of time but also in the rate of advance and the direction taken by the technological advance4 ,so in the case of the ,far ,east1 as contrasted with the ,occidental peoples1 the genius of the races engaged has prevailingly taken the direction of proficiency in handicraft1 rather than that somewhat crude but efficient recourse to mechanical expedients which chiefly distinguishes the technology of the ,west4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the stability of racial types makes it possible to study the innate characters of the existing population under less complex and confusing circumstances than those of the cultural situation in which this population is now found4 ,by going back into the earlier phases of the ,western culture the scrutiny of the living population of ,europe and its colonies can1 in effect1 be pushed back in a fragmentary way over an interval of some thousands of years4 ,such acquaintance as may in this way be gained with the spiritual make-up of the peoples of the ,western culture at any point in its past history and prehistory should bear immediately and without serious abatement on the native character of the generation in whose hands the fortunes of that culture now rest2 provided only that the inquiry assures itself of the racial continuity1 racial identity1 of these peoples through this period of time4 ,this question of race identity is no longer a matter of serious debate so far as concerns the peoples of northern and western ,europe1 within the effective bounds of the ,occidental civilisation and as far back as the beginning of the neolithic period4 ,assuredly there is debate and uncertainty as to local details of racial mixture in nearly all parts of this cultural area at some point in past time1 but these uncertainties of detail are not of such a nature or such magnitude as to vitiate the data for an inquiry into the general characteristics of the races concerned4 ,by and large1 the mixture of races in north ,europe has apparently not varied greatly since early neolithic times1 and the changes that have taken place are known with some confidence1 in the main4 ,much the same holds true for the ,mediterranean seaboard1 although the changes in that region appear to have been more considerable and are perhaps less readily traceable4 ,for northern and western ,europe taken together1 in spite of considerable local fluctuations1 the variations in the general racial composition of the peoples has1 on the whole1 not been extensive or extremely serious since the latter part of the stone age4 ,the three great racial stocks#fg of ,western civilisation have apparently shared their joint dominance in this culture among themselves since about the time when the use of bronze first came into ,europe1 which should be before the close of the stone age4 ,and these three stocks are not greatly alien to one another2 two of them1 the ,mediterranean and the blond1 being apparently somewhat closely related in point of descent and therefore presumably in point of spiritual make-up4 ,it is with less confidence that any student of these modern cultures can test his case by evidence drawn from existing or historical communities living on the savage or lower barbarian plane and not closely related1 racially1 to the peoples of ,western ,europe4 ,the discrepancies in such a case are of two kinds3 7a7 ,the racial type1 and therefore the spiritual 7instinctive7 make-up of these alien savages or barbarians1 is not the same as that of the modern ,europeans2 hence the culture worked out under the control of their somewhat different endowment of instincts should come to a different result1 particularly since any such racial discrepancy in the matter of instincts should be expected to work cumulatively to a different cultural outcome4 ,these alien communities of the lower cultures can therefore not be accepted off-hand as representing an earlier phase of ,occidental civilisation4 ,this infirmity attaches to any recourse to an existing savage or barbarian community for object-lessons to illustrate the working of ,european human nature in similarly primitive circumstances1 in the degree in which the community in question may be remote from the ,europeans in point of racial type2 which reduces itself to a difficult question as to the point in the family-tree of the races of man from which the two contrasted races have diverged1 and of the number1 character1 and magnitude of the racial mutations that may have intervened between the presumed point of divergence and the existing racial types so contrasted4 7b7 ,it is commonly said1 and it is presumably true enough1 that all known communities on the lower levels of culture are far from a state of primitive savagery2 that they are not to be taken as genuinely archaic1 but are the result either of a comparatively late reversion1 under special circumstances1 from a past higher stage1 or they are peoples which have undergone so protracted an experience in savagery that their present state is one of extreme sophistification in all 8the beastly devices of the heathen10 rather than substantially an early or archaic type of culture1 such as would have marked a transient stage in the development of those peoples that have attained civilised life4 ,no doubt there is some substance to these objections1 but they contain rather a modicum of truth than an inclusive presentation of the facts relevant to the case4 ,as to 7a71 the races of man are1 after all1 more alike than unlike1 and the evidence drawn from the experience of any one racial stock or mixture is not to be disregarded as having no significance for the probable course of things experienced by any other racial stock during a corresponding interval in its life-history4 ,yet there is doubtless a wide and debatable margin of error to be allowed for in the use of all evidence of this class4 ,as to 7b71 by virtue of the stability of racial types the populations of existing communities of the lower cultures should be today what they were at the outset1 in respect of the most substantial factor in their present situation1 their spiritual 7instinctive7 make-up2 and this unaltered complement of instincts should1 under similar circumstances and with a moderate allowance of time1 work out substantially the same general run of cultural results whether the resulting phase of culture were reached by approach from a near and untroubled beginning or by regression from a 8higher plane40 ,so that the existing communities of savages or lower barbarians should present a passably competent object lesson in archaic savagery and barbarism whether their past has been higher1 lower1 or simply more of the same4 ,all this1 of course1 assumes the stability of racial types4 ,but since1 tacitly1 that assumption is habitually made by ethnologists1 all that calls for apology or explanation here is the avowal of it4 ,the greater proportion of ethnological generalisations on this range of questions would be quite impotent without that assumption as their major premise4 ,what has not commonly been assumed or admitted1 except by subconscious implication1 is the necessary corollary that these stable types with which ethnologists and anthropologists busy themselves must have arisen by mutation from previously existing types1 rather than by a long continued and divergent accumulation of insensible variations4 ,a result of avowing such a view of the genesis of races will be that the various races cannot be regarded as being all of the same date and racial maturity1 or of the same significance for any discussion bearing on the higher cultures4 ,the races engaged in the ,western culture will presumably be found to be of relatively late date1 as having arisen out of relatively late mutational departures1 as rated in terms of the aggregate life-history of mankind4 ,presumably also many of the other races will be found to be somewhat widely out of touch with the members of this ,occidental aggregation of racial stocks2 some more1 others less remotely related to them1 according as their mutational pedigree may be found to indicate4 ,an advantage derivable from such an avowal of the stability of types1 as against its covert assumption and overt disavowal1 is that it enables the student to look for the beginning1 in time and space1 of any given racial stock with which his inquiry is concerned1 and to handle it as a unit throughout its life-history4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in all probability each of the leading racial stocks of ,europe began its life-history on what would currently be accounted a low level of savagery4 ,and yet this phase of savagery1 whatever it may have been like1 will have been removed from the first beginnings of human culture by a long series of thousands of years4 ,that such was the case1 for instance1 with the ,european blond is scarcely to be questioned2#fh and it is at least highly probable that the other stocks now associated with the blond1 though probably older1 must also have come into being relatively late in the life-history of the species4 ,vague as this dating may be1 it signifies that the initial phase in the life-history of at least one1 and presumably of all1 of the leading races of ,europe falls in a savage culture of a relatively advanced kind as compared with the rudest human beginnings4 ,therefore when these stocks began life1 and so were required to make good their survival1 the selective conditions imposed on them1 and to which they were required to conform on pain of extinction1 were the conditions of a savage culture which had already made some appreciable advance in the arts of life4 ,they had not to meet brute nature in the helpless nakedness of those remote ancestors in whom humanity first began4 ,mutationally speaking1 the stock was born to the use of tools and to the facile mastery of a relatively advanced technology4 ,and conversely it is a fair inference that these stocks that have peopled ,europe would have been unfit to survive if they had come into the world before some appreciable advance in technology had been made4 ,that is to say1 these stocks could not by native gift have been fit for a wild life1 in the unqualified sense of the term2 nor have they ever lived a life of nature in any such sense4 ,they came into the savage world after the race had lived through many thousand years of technological experience and 7presumably7 many successive mutational alterations of racial type1 and they were fitted to the exigencies of the savage world into which they came rather than those of any earlier phase of savagery4 ,the youngest of them1 the latest mutant1 emerged in early neolithic times1 and since he eminently made good his fitness to survive under those conditions he presumably emerged with such an endowment of traits1 physical and spiritual1 as those conditions called for2 and also presumably with no appreciable burden of aptitudes1 propensities1 instincts1 capacities that would be disserviceable1 or perhaps even that would be wholly unserviceable1 in the circumstances in which he was placed4 ,and since the other racial elements of the ,european population1 at least the two main ones1 do not differ at all radically from the blond in their native capacities1 it is likewise to be presumed that they also emerged from a mutation under circumstances of culture1 and especially of technology1 not radically different in degree from those that first surrounded the blond4 ,the difference between these three racial stocks is much more evident in their physical traits than in their instinctive gifts or their intellectual capacity2 and yet the similarity of the three is so great and distinctive even on the physical side that anthropologists are inclined to class the three together as all and several distinctively typical of a 8white0 or 8caucasic0 race1 to which they are held collectively to belong4 ,something to the like effect seems to hold true for the distinctive groups of racial stocks that have made the characteristic civilisations of the ,far ,east on the one hand and of southern ,asia on the other hand2 and something similar might1 again1 be said for the group of stocks that were concerned in the ancient civilisations of ,america4 ,it may be pertinent to add that1 except for a long antecedent growth of technology1 that is to say a long continued cumulative experience in workmanship1 with the resultant accumulated knowledge of the ways and means of life1 none of the characteristic races of ,europe could have survived4 ,in the absence of these antecedent technological gains1 together with the associated growth of institutions1 such mutants1 with their characteristic gifts and limitations1 must have perished4 99 99 99 99 99 ,on that level of savagery on which these ,european stocks began1 and to which the several ,european racial types with their typical endowment of instincts are presumably adapted1 men appear to have lived a fairly peaceable1 though by no means an indolent life2 in relatively small groups or communities2 without any of the more useful domestic animals1 though probably with some domestic plants2 and busied with getting their living by daily work4 ,since they survived under the conditions offered them it is to be presumed that these men and women1 say of the early neolithic time1 took instinctively and kindly to those activities and mutual relations that would further the life of the group2 and that1 on the whole1 they took less kindly and instinctively to such activities as would bring damage and discomfort on their neighbours and themselves4#fi ,any racial type of which this had not been true1 under the conditions known then to have prevailed in their habitat1 must have presently disappeared from the face of the land1 and the later advance of the ,western culture would not have known their breed4 ,some other racial type1 temperamentally so constituted as better to meet these requirements of survival under neolithic conditions1 would have taken their place and would have left their own offspring to populate the region4#gj ,what is known of the conditions of life in early neolithic times#ga indicates that the first requisite of competitive survival was a more or less close attention to the business in hand1 the providing of subsistence for the group and the rearing of offspring--a closer attention1 for instance1 than was given to this business by those other rival stocks whom the successful ones displaced2 all of which throws into the foreground as indispensable native traits of the successful race the parental bent and the sense of workmanship1 rather than those instinctive traits that make for disturbance of the peace4#gb ,but through it all the suggestion insinuates itself that the latest1 or youngest1 of the three main ,european stocks1 the blond1 has more rather than less of the pugnacious and predatory temper than the other two1 and that this stock made its way to the front in spite of1 if not by force of these traits4 ,the advantage of the blond as a fighter seems to have been due in part to an adventurous and pugnacious temper1 but also in part to a superior physique1--superior for the purpose of fighting hand to hand or with the implements chiefly used in warfare and piracy down to a date within the nineteenth century4 ,the same physical traits of mass1 stature and katabolism will likewise have been of great advantage in the quest of a livelihood under the conditions that prevailed in the ,north-sea region1 the habitat of the dolicho-blond1 in the stone age4 ,something to the same effect is true of the spiritual traits which are said to characterise the blond1--a certain canny temerity and unrest4#gc ,so that the point is left somewhat in doubt2 the traits which presently made the northern blond the most formidable disturber of the peace of ,europe and kept him so for many centuries may at the outset have been chiefly conducive to the survival of the type by their serviceability for industrial purposes under the peculiar circumstances of climate and topography in which the race first came up and made good its survival4 ,in modern speculations on the origins of culture and the early history of mankind it has until recently been usual to assume1 uncritically1 that human communities have from the outset of the race been entangled in an inextricable web of mutual hostilities and beset with an all-pervading sentiment of fear2 that the 8state of nature0 was a state of blood and wounds1 expressing itself in universal malevolence and suspicion4 ,latterly1 students of primitive culture1 and more especially those engaged at first hand in field work1 who come in contact with peoples of the lower culture1 have been coming to realise that the facts do not greatly support such a presumption1 and that a community which has to make its own living by the help of a rudimentary technological equipment can not afford to be habitually occupied with annoying its neighbours1 particularly so long as its neighbours have not accumulated a store of portable wealth which will make raiding worth while4 ,no doubt1 many savage and barbarian peoples live in a state of conventional feud or habitual1 even if intermittent1 war and predation1 without substantial inducement in the way of booty4 ,but such communities commonly are either so placed that an easy livelihood affords them a material basis for following after these higher things out of mere fancy2#gd or they are peoples living precariously hand-to-mouth and fighting for their lives1 in great part from a fancied impossibility of coming to terms with their alien and unnaturally cruel neighbours4#ge ,communities of the latter class are often living in a state of squalor and discomfort1 with a population far short of what their environment would best support even with their inefficient industrial organisation and equipment1 and their technology is usually ill-suited to a settled life and unpromising for any possible advance to a higher culture4 ,there is no urgent reason for assuming that the races which have made their way to a greater technological efficiency1 with settled life and a large population1 must have come up from this particular phase of civilisation as their starting point1 or that such a culture should have been favourable to the survival and increase of the leading racial stocks of ,europe1 since it does not appear to be especially favourable to the success of the communities known to be now living after that fashion4#gf ,the preconception that early culture must have been warlike has not yet disappeared even among students of these phenomena1 though it is losing their respect2 but a derivative of it still has much currency1 to the effect that all savage peoples1 as also the peoples of the lower barbarism1 live in a state of universal and unremitting fear1 particularly fear of the unknown4 ,this chronic fear is presumed to show itself chiefly in religion and other superstitious practices1 where it is held to explain many things that are otherwise obscure4 ,there is not a little evidence from extant savage communities looking in this direction1 and more from the lower barbarian cultures that are characteristically warlike4#gg ,wherever this animus is found its effect is to waste effort and divert it to religious and magical practices and so to hinder the free unfolding of workmanship by enjoining a cumbersome routine of ritual and by warning the technologist off forbidden ground4 ,but it is doubtless a hasty generalisation to carry all this over uncritically and make it apply to all peoples of the lower culture1 past and present4 ,it is known not to be true of many existing communities1#gh and the evidence of it in some ancient cultures is very dubious4 ,such a characterisation of the neolithic culture of ,europe1 whether north-,european or gean1 finds no appreciable support in the archological evidence4 ,these two regions are the most significant for the neolithic period in ,europe1 and the material from both is relatively very poor in weapons1 as contrasted with tools1 on the one hand1 and there is at the same time little or nothing to indicate the prevalence of superstitious practices based on fear4 ,indeed1 the material is surprisingly poor in elements of any kind that can safely be set down to the account of religion or magic1 whether as inspired by fear or by more genial sentiments4 ,it is one of the puzzles that beset any student who insists on finding everywhere a certain normal course of cultural sequence1 which should in the early times include1 among other things1 a fearsome religion1 a wide fabric of magical practices1 and an irrepressible craving for manslaughter4 ,and when1 presently1 something of a symbolism and apparatus of superstition comes into view1 in the late neolithic and bronze ages1 the common run of it is by no means suggestive of superstitious fear and religious atrocities4 ,the most common and characteristic objects of this class are certain figurines and certain symbolical elements suggestive of fecundity1 such as might be looked for in a peaceable1 sedentary1 agricultural culture on a small scale4#gi ,a culture virtually without weapons1 whose gods are mothers and whose religious observances are a ritual of fecundity1 can scarcely be a culture of dread and of derring-do4 ,with the fighting barbarians1 on the other hand1 male deities commonly take the first rank1 and their ritual symbolises the mastery of the god and the servitude of the worshipper4 ,it is true1 of course1 that both of weapons and of cult objects far the greater number that were once in use will have disappeared1 since most of the implements and utensils of stone-age cultures are1 notoriously1 made of wood or similar perishable materials4#hj ,so that the finds give no complete series of the appliances in use in their time2 whole series of objects that were of first-rate importance in that culture having probably disappeared without leaving a trace4 ,but what is true in this respect of weapons and cult objects should be equally true of tools1 or nearly so4 ,so that the inference to be drawn from the available material would be that the early neolithic culture of north ,europe1 the gean1 and other explored localities presumed to belong in the same racial and cultural complex1 must have been of a prevailingly peaceable complexion4 ,with the advance in technology and in the elaboration and abundance of objects that comes into sight progressively through the later neolithic period1 down to its close1 this disproportion between tools and weapons 7and cult objects7 grows more impressive and more surprising4 ,hitherto this disproportion has been more in evidence in the ,scandinavian finds than in the other related fields of stone-age culture1 unless an exception should be made in favour of the late neolithic sites explored at ,anau4#ha ,but this archological outcome1 setting off the ,baltic stone age as peculiarly scant of weapons and peculiarly rich in tools1 may be provisional only1 and may be due to the more exhaustive exploration of the ,scandinavian countries and the uncommonly abundant material from that region4 ,in the later 7mainly ,scandinavian7 neolithic material1 where the weapons are to be counted by dozens the tools are to be counted by hundreds1 according to a scheme of classification in which everything that can be construed as a weapon is so classed1 and there are many more hundreds of the one class than there are dozens of the other4#hb ,as near as can be made out1 cult objects are similarly infrequent among these materials even after some appreciable work in pottery comes in evidence4 ,what has just been said is after all of a negative character4 ,it says that nothing like a warlike1 predatory1 or fearsome origin can be proven from the archological material for the neolithic culture of those racial stocks that have counted for most in the early periods of ,europe4 ,the presumption raised by this evidence1 however1 is fairly strong4 ,and considerations of the material circumstances in which this early culture was placed1 as well as of the spiritual traits characteristically required by these circumstances and shown by the races in question1 point to a similar conclusion4 ,the proclivity to unreasoning fear that is visible in the superstitious practices of so many savage communities and counts for so much in the routine of their daily life1#hc is to all appearance not so considerable an element in the make-up of the chief ,european stocks4 ,perhaps it enters in a less degree in the spiritual nature of the ,european blond than in that of any other race2 that race--or its hybrid offspring--has at any rate proved less amenable to religious control than any other1 and has also shown less hesitation in the face of unknown contingencies4 ,and the circumstances of the presumed initial phase of the life-history of this race would appear not to have favoured a spiritual 7instinctive7 type largely biassed by an alert and powerful sentiment of unreasoning fear4 ,so also an aggressive humanitarian sentiment is as well at home in the habits of thought of the north-,european peoples as in any other1 such as sorts ill with a native predatory animus4 ,if it be assumed1 as seems probable1 that the situation which selectively tested the fitness of this stock to survive was that of the early post-glacial time1 when its habitat in ,europe was slowly being cleared of the ice-sheet1 it would appear antecedently probable that the new 7mutant7 type1 which made good its survival in following up the retreating fringe of the ice-sheet and populating the land so made available1 will not have been a people peculiarly given to fear or to predation4 ,a great facility of this kind1 with its concomitants of caution1 conservatism1 suspicion and cruelty1 would not be serviceable for a race so placed4#hd 99 99 99 99 99 ,even if it were a possible undertaking it would not be much to the present purpose to trace out in detail the many slow and fumbling moves by which any given race or people1 in ,europe or elsewhere1 have worked out the technological particulars that have led from the beginnings down through the primitive and later growth of culture4 ,such a work belongs to the ethnologists and archologists2 and it is summed up in the proposition that men have applied common sense1 more or less hesitatingly and with more or less refractory limitations1 to the facts with which they have had to deal2 that they have accumulated a knowledge of technological expedients and processes from generation to generation1 always going on what had already been achieved in ways and means1 and gradually discarding or losing such elements of the growing technological scheme as seemed no longer to be worth while1#he and carrying along a good many elements that were of no material effect but were imposed by the logic of the scheme or of its underlying principles 7habits of thought74 99 99 99 99 99 ,of the early technological development in ,europe1 so far as it is genetically connected with the later ,western civilisation1 the culture of the ,baltic region affords as good and illustrative an object lesson as may be had2 its course is relatively well known1 simple and unbroken4 ,palolithic times do not count in this development1 as the neolithic culture begins with a new break in ,europe4 ,it is known1 then1 that by early neolithic times on the narrow ,scandinavian waters men had learned to make and use certain rude stone and bone implements found in the kitchen-middens 7refuse heaps1 shell-mounds of ,denmark71 that they had ways and appliances 7the nature of which is not known7 for collecting certain shellfish and for catching such game and fish as their habitat afforded1 and that they presently1 if not from the outset1 had acquired the use of certain crop plants and had learned to make pottery of a crude kind4 ,from this as a point of departure in the period of the kitchen-middens the stone implements were presently improved and multiplied1 the methods of working the material 7flint7 and of using the products of the flint industry were gradually improved and extended1 until in the long course of time the utmost that has anywhere been achieved in that class of industry was reached4 ,domestic animals began to be added to the equipment relatively early1#hf though at a long interval from the neolithic beginnings as counted in absolute time4 ,improvement and extension in all lines of stone-working and wood-working industry went forward3 except that stone-dressing and masonry are typically absent1 owing1 no doubt1 to the extensive use of woodwork instead4#hg ,along with this advance in the mechanic arts goes a growing density of population and a wide extension of tillage2 until1 at the coming of bronze1 the evidence shows that these communities were populous1 prosperous1 and highly skilled in those industrial arts that lay within their technological range4 ,apart from the pottery1 which may have some merit as an art product1 there is very little left to show what may have been their proficiency in the decorative arts1 or what was their social organisation or their religious life4 ,the evidences of warlike enterprise and religious practices are surprisingly scanty1 being chiefly the doubtful evidence of many and somewhat elaborate tombs4 ,from the tombs 7mounds and barrows7 and their distribution something may be inferred as to the social organisation2 and the evidence on this head seems to indicate a widespread agricultural population1 living 7probably7 in small communities1 without much centralised or authoritative control1 but with some appreciable class differences in the distribution of wealth in the later phases of the period4 ,with interruptions1 more or less serious1 from time to time1 and with increasing evidence of a penchant for warlike or predatory enterprise on the one hand and of class distinctions on the other hand1 much the same story runs on through the ages of bronze and early iron4 ,evidences of borrowing from outside1 mainly the borrowing of decorative technique and technological elements1 are scattered through the course of this development from very early times1 showing that there was always some intercourse1 perhaps constant intercourse1 with other peoples more or less distant4 ,so that in time1 by the beginning of the bronze age1 there is evidence of settled trade relations with peoples as remote as the ,mediterranean seaboard4 ,in many of its details this prehistoric culture shows something of the same facility in the use of mechanical expedients as has come so notably forward again in the late development of the industrial arts of western ,europe4 ,it is in its mechanical efficiency that the technology of the latterday ,western culture stands out preminent1 and it is similarly its easy command of the mechanical factors with which it deals that chiefly distinguishes the prehistoric technology of ,north ,europe4 ,in other respects the prehistoric material from this region does not argue a high level of civilisation4 ,there are no ornate or stupendous structures2 what there is of the kind is mounds and barrows of moderately great size and using only undressed stone where any is used1 but making a mechanically effective use of this4 ,there is1 indeed1 nothing from the stone age in the way of edifices1 fabrics or decorative work that is to be classed1 in point of excellence in design or execution1 with the polished-flint woodworking axe or chisel of that time4 ,from the bronze age at its best there is much excellent bronze work of great merit both in workmanship and in decorative effect2 but the artistic merit of this work 7from the middle and early half of the bronze age7 lies almost wholly in its workmanlike execution and in the freedom and adequacy with which very simple mechanical elements of decoration are employed4 ,it is an art which appeals to the sense of beauty chiefly through the sense of workmanship1 shown both in the choice of materials and decorative elements and in the use made of them4 ,when this art aspires to more ambitious decorative effects or to representation of life forms1 or indeed to any representation that has not been conventionalised almost past recognition1 as it does in the later periods of the bronze age1 the result is that it can be commended for its workmanship alone1 and so far as regards artistic effect it is mainly misspent workmanship4#hh ,the same workmanlike insight and facility comes in evidence in the matter of borrowing1 already spoken of4 ,borrowing goes on throughout this prehistoric culture1 and the borrowed elements are assimilated with such despatch and effect as to make them seem home-bred almost from the start4 ,it is a borrowing of technological elements1 which are rarely employed except in full and competent adaptation to the uses to which they are turned2 so much so that the archologists find it exceptionally difficult to trace the borrowed elements to specific sources1 in spite of the great volume and frequency of this borrowing4 ,there is a further and obscurer aspect to this facile borrowing4 ,in the cultures where the technological and decorative elements are first invented1 or acquired at first-hand by slow habituation1 there will in the nature of the case come in with them into the scheme of technology or of art more or less1 but presumably a good deal1 of extraneous or extrinsic by-products of their acquirement1 in the way of magical or symbolic efficacy imputed and adhering to them in the habits of thought of their makers and users4 ,something of this kind has already been set out in some detail as regards the domestication and early use of the crop plants and animals2 and the like is currently held to be true1 perhaps in a higher degree1 for the beginnings of art1 both representative and decorative1 by the latterday students of that subject2 the beginnings of art being held to have been magical and symbolic in the main1 so far as regards the prime motives to its inception and its initial principles4#hi ,in the origination and indigenous working-out of any given technological factor1 e4 g41 such as the use of the crop plants or the domestic animals1 elements of imputed anthropomorphism are likely to be comprised in the habitual apprehension of the nature of these factors1 and so find lodgment in the technological routine that has to do with them2 the result being1 chiefly1 a limitation on their uses and on the ways and means by which they are utilised1 together with a margin of lost motion in the way of magical and religious observances presumed to be intrinsic to the due working of such factors4 ,the ritual connected with tillage and cattle-breeding shows this magical side of a home-bred technology perhaps as felicitously as anything2 but similar phenomena are by no means infrequent in the mechanic arts1 and in the fine arts these principles of symbolism and the like are commonly present in such force as to afford ground for distinguishing one school or epoch of art from another4 ,now1 when any given technological or decorative element crosses the frontier between one culture and another1 in the course of borrowing1 it is likely to happen that it will come into the new culture stripped of most or all of its anthropomorphic or spiritual virtues and limitations1 more particularly1 of course1 if the cultural frontier in question is at the same time a linguistic frontier2 since the borrowing is likely to be made from motives of workmanlike expediency1 and the putative spiritual attributes of the facts involved are not obvious to men who have not been trained to impute them4 ,the chief exception to such a rule would be any borrowing that takes effect on religious grounds1 in which case1 of course1 the magical or symbolic efficacy of the borrowed elements are the substance that is sought in the borrowing4 ,herein1 presumably1 lies much of the distinctive character of the north-,european prehistoric culture1 which was in an eminent degree built up out of borrowed elements1 so far as concerns both its technology and its art4 ,and to this free and voluminous borrowing may likewise be due the apparent poverty of this early culture in religious or magical elements4 ,a further effect follows4 ,the borrowing being 7relatively7 unencumbered with ritual restrictions and magical exactions attached to their employment1 they would fall into the scheme of things as mere matter-of-fact1 to be handled with the same freedom and unhindered sagacity with which a workman makes use of his own hands1 and could1 without reservation1 be turned to any use for which they were mechanically suited4 ,something of symbolism and superstition might1 of course1 be carried over in the borrowing1 and something more would unavoidably be bred into the borrowed elements in the course of their use2 but the free start would always count for something in the outcome1 both as regards the rate of progress made in the exploitation of the expedients acquired by borrowing and in the character of the technological system at large into which they had been introduced4 ,both the relative freedom from magical restraint and the growth of home-made anthropomorphic imputations may easily be detected in the course of this northern culture and in its outcome in modern times4 ,cattle1 for instance1 are a borrowed technological fact in the ,baltic and ,north-,sea region1 but superstitious practices seem never to have attached to cattle-breeding in that region in such volume and rigorous exaction as may be found nearer the original home of the domesticated species2 and yet the volume of folk-lore1 mostly of a genial and relatively unobstructive character1 that has in later times grown up about the care of cattle in the ,scandinavian countries is by no means inconsiderable4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,technology ,,of ,,the ,,predatory ,,culture ,the scheme of technological insight and proficiency current in any given culture is manifestly a product of group life and is held as a common stock1 and as manifestly the individual workman is helpless without access to it4 ,it is none too broad to say that he is a workman only because and so far as he effectually shares in this common stock of technological equipment4 ,he may be gifted in a special degree with workmanlike aptitudes1 may by nature be stout or dextrous or keen-sighted or quick-witted or sagacious or industrious beyond his fellows2 but with all these gifts1 so long as he has assimilated none of this common stock of workmanlike knowledge he remains simply an admirable parcel of human raw material2 he is of no effect in industry4 ,with such special gifts or with special training based on this common stock an individual may stand out among his fellows as a workman of exceptional merit and value1 and without the common run of workmanlike aptitudes he may come to nothing worth while as a workman even with the largest opportunities and most sedulous training4 ,it is the two together that make the working force of the community2 and in both respects1 both in his inherited and in his acquired traits1 the individual is a product of group life4 ,using the term in a sufficiently free sense1 pedigree is no less and no more requisite to the workman's effectual equipment than the common stock of technological mastery which the community offers him4 ,but his pedigree is a group pedigree1 just as his technology is a group technology4 ,as is sometimes said to the same effect1 the individual is a creature of heredity and circumstances4 ,and heredity is always group heredity1#ij perhaps peculiarly so in the human species4 ,the promptings of invidious self-respect commonly lead men to evade or deny something of the breadth of their inheritance in respect of human nature4 8,i am not as the publican yonder10 whether ,i have the grace to thank ,god for this invidious distinction or more simply charge it to the account of my reputable ancestors in the male line4 ,with a change of venue by which the cause is taken out of the jurisdiction of interested parties1 its complexion changes4 ,so evident is the fact of group heredity in the lower animals1 for instance1 that biologists have no inclination to deny its pervading force1 apart from any conceivably parthenogenetic lines of descent1--and1 to the inconvenience of the eugenic pharisee1 parthenogenetic descent never runs in the male line1 besides being of extremely rare occurrence in the human species4 ,as a matter of course the ,darwinian biologists have the habit of appealing to group heredity as the main factor in the stability of species1 and they are very curious about the special circumstances of any given case in which it may appear not to be fully operative3 and they have1 on the other hand1 even looked hopefully to fortuitous isolation of particular lines of descent as a possible factor in the differentiation and fixation of specific types1 being at a loss to account for such differentiation or fixation so long as no insuperable mechanical obstacle stands in the way of persistent crossing4 ,the like force of group heredity is visible in the characteristic differences of race4 ,the heredity of any given race of mankind is always sufficiently homogeneous to allow all its individuals to be classed under the race4 ,and when an individual comes to light in a fairly pure-bred community who shows physical traits that vary obviously from the common racial type of the community1 the question which suggests itself to the anthropologists is not1 ,how does this individual differ from others of the same breed8 but1 ,what is the alien strain1 and how has it come in8 ,and what is true of the physical characters of the race in this respect is only less obviously true of its spiritual traits4 ,in a culture where all individuals are hybrids1 in point of pedigree1 as is the case with all the leading peoples of ,christendom1 the ways of this group heredity are particularly devious1 and the fortunes of the individual in this respect are in a peculiar degree exposed to the caprice of ,mendelian contingencies2 so that his make-up1 physical and spiritual1 is1 humanly speaking1 in the main a chapter of accidents4 ,where each individual draws for his hereditary traits on a wide ancestry of unstable hybrids1 as all civilised men do1 his chances are always those of the common lot1 with some slight antecedent probability of his resembling the nearer ones among his variegated ancestry4 ,but he has also and everywhere in this hybrid panmixis an excellent chance of being allotted something more accentuated1 for good or ill1 in the way of hereditary traits than anything shown by his varied assortment of ancestors4 ,it commonly happens in such a hybrid community that in the new crossing of hybrids that takes place at every marriage1 some new idiosyncracy1 slight or considerable1 comes to light in the offspring1 beyond anything visible in the parents or the remoter pedigree2 for in the crossing of what may be called multiple-hybrid parents1 complementary characters that may have been dormant or recessive in the parents will come in from both sides1 combine1 re-enforce one another1 and cumulatively give an unlooked-for result4 ,so that in a hybrid community the fortunes of all individuals are somewhat precarious in respect of heredity4 ,such are the conditions which have prevailed among the peoples of ,europe since the first beginnings of that culture that has led up to the ,western civilisation as known to history4 ,in these circumstances any individual1 therefore1 owes to the group not only his share of that certain typical complement of traits that characterise the common run1 but usually something more than is coming to him in the way of individual qualities and infirmities if he is in any way distinguishable from the common run1 as well as a blind chance of transmitting almost any traits that he is not possessed of4#ia ,in the lower cultures1 where the division of labour is slight and the diversity of occupations is mainly such as marks the changes of the seasons1 the common stock of technological knowledge and proficiency is not so extensive or so recondite but that the common man may compass it in some fashion1 and in its essentials it is accessible to all members of the community by common notoriety1 and the training required by the state of the industrial arts comes to everyone as a matter of course in the routine of daily life4 ,the necessary material equipment of tools and appliances is slight and the acquisition of it is a simple matter that also arranges itself as an incident in the routine of daily life4 ,given the common run of aptitude for the industrial pursuits incumbent on the members of such a community1 the material equipment needful to find a livelihood or to put forth the ordinary productive effort and turn out the ordinary industrial output can be compassed without strain by any individual in the course of his work as he goes along4 ,the material equipment1 the tools1 implements1 contrivances necessary and conducive to productive industry1 is incidental to the day's work2 in much the same way but in a more unqualified degree than the like is true as to the technological knowledge and skill required to make use of this equipment4#ib ,as determined by the state of the industrial arts in such a culture1 the members of the community co-operate in much of their work1 to the common gain and to no one's detriment1 since there is substantially no individual1 or private1 gain to be sought4 ,there is substantially no bartering or hiring1 though there is a recognised obligation in all members to lend a hand2 and there is of course no price1 as there is no property and no ownership1 for the sufficient reason that the habits of life under these circumstances do not provoke such a habit of thought4 ,doubtless1 it is a matter of course that articles of use and adornment pertain to their makers or users in an intimate and personal way2 which will come to be construed into ownership when in the experience of the community an occasion for such a concept as ownership arises and persists in sufficient force to shape the current habits of thought to that effect4 ,there is also more or less of reciprocal service and assistance1 with a sufficient sense of mutuality to establish a customary scheme of claims and obligations in that respect4 ,so also it is true that such a community holds certain lands and customary usufructs and that any trespass on these customary holdings is resented4 ,but it would be a vicious misapprehension to read ideas and rights of ownership into these practices1 although where civilised men have come to deal with instances of the kind they have commonly been unable to put any other construction on the customs governing the case2 for the reason that civilised men's relations with these peoples of the lower culture have been of a pecuniary kind and for a pecuniary purpose1 and they have brought no other than pecuniary conceptions from home4#ic ,there being little in hand worth owning and little purpose to be served by its ownership1 the habits of thought which go to make the institution of ownership and property rights have not taken shape4 ,the slight facts which would lend themselves to ownership are not of sufficient magnitude or urgency to call the institution into effect and are better handled under customs which do not yet take cognisance of property rights4 ,naturally1 in such a cultural situation there is no appreciable accumulation of wealth and no inducement to it2 the nearest approach being an accumulation of trinkets and personal belongings1 among which should1 at least in some cases1 be included certain weapons and perhaps tools4#id ,these things belong to their owner or bearer in much the same sense as his name1 which was not held on tenure of ownership or as a pecuniary asset before the use of trade-marks and merchantable good-will4 ,the workman--more typically perhaps the workwoman--in such a culture1 as indeed in any other1 is a 8productive agent0 in the manner and degree determined by the state of the industrial arts4 ,what is obvious in this respect here holds only less visibly for any other1 more complicated and technologically full-charged cultural situation1 such as has come on with the growth of population and wealth among the more advanced peoples4 ,he or she1 or rather they--for there is substantially no industry carried on in strict severalty in these communities--are productive factors or industrial agents1 in the sense that they will on occasion turn out a surplus above their necessary current consumption1 only because and so far as the state of the industrial arts enables them to do so4 ,as workman1 labourer1 producer1 breadwinner1 the individual is a creature of the technological scheme2 which in turn is a creation of the group life of the community4 ,apart from the common stock of knowledge and training the individual members of the community have no industrial effect4 ,indeed1 except by grace of this common technological equipment no individual and no family group in any of the known communities of mankind could support their own life2 for in the long course of mankind's life-history1 since the human plane was first reached1 the early mutants which were fit to survive in a ferine state without tools and without technology have selectively disappeared1 as being unfit to survive under the conditions of domesticity imposed by so highly developed a state of the industrial arts as any of the savage cultures now extant4#ie ,the ,homo ,javensis and his like are gone1 because there is technologically no place for them between the anthropoids to the one side and the extant types of man on the other4 ,and never since the brave days when ,homo ,javensis took up the 8white man's burden0 for the better regulation of his anthropoid neighbours has the technological scheme admitted of any individual's carrying on his life in severalty4 ,so that industrial efficiency1 whether of an individual workman or of the community at large1 is a function of the state of the industrial arts4#if ,the simple and obvious industrial system of this archaic plan leaves the individuals1 or rather the domestic groups1 that make up the community1 economically independent of one another and of the community at large1 except that they depend on the common technological stock for the immaterial equipment by means of which to get their living4 ,this is of course not felt by them as a relation of dependence2 though there seems commonly to be some sense of indebtedness on part of the young1 and of responsibility on part of the older generation1 for the proper transmission of the recognised elements of technological proficiency4 ,it is impossible to say just at what point in the growth and complication of technology this simple industrial scheme will begin to give way to new exigencies and give occasion to a new scheme of institutions governing the economic relations of men2 such that the men's powers and functions in the industrial community come to be decided on other grounds than workmanlike aptitude and special training4 ,in the nature of things there can be no hard and fast limit to this phase of industrial organisation4 ,its disappearance or supersession in any culture appears always to have been brought on by the growth of property1 but the institution of property need by no means come in abruptly at any determinate juncture in the sequence of technological development4 ,so that this archaic phase of culture in which industry is organised on the ground of workmanship alone may come very extensively to overlap and blend with the succeeding phase in which property relations chiefly decide the details of the industrial organisation1--as is shown in varying detail by the known lower cultures4 ,the forces which may bring about such a transition are often complex and recondite1 and they are seldom just the same in any given two instances4 ,neither the material situation nor the human raw material involved are precisely the same in all or several instances1 and there is no coercively normal course of things that will constrain the growth of institutions to take a particular typical form or to follow a particular typical sequence in all cases4 ,yet1 in a general way such a supersession of free workmanship by a pecuniary control of industry appears to have been necessarily involved in any considerable growth of culture4 ,indeed1 at least in the economic respect1 it appears to have been the most universal and most radical mutation which human culture has undergone in its advance from savagery to civilisation2 and the causes of it should be of a similarly universal and intrinsic character4 ,it may be taken as a generalisation grounded in the instinctive endowment of mankind that the human sense of workmanship will unavoidably go on turning to account what there is in hand of technological knowledge1 and so will in the course of time1 by insensible gains perhaps1 gradually change the technological scheme1 and therefore also the scheme of customary canons of conduct answering to it2 and in the absence of overmastering circumstances this sequence of change must1 in a general way1 set in the direction of great technological mastery4 ,something in the way of an 8advance0 in workmanlike mastery is to be looked for1 in the absence of inexorable limitations of environment4 ,the limitations may be set by the material circumstances or by circumstances of the institutional situation1 but on the lower levels of culture the insurmountable obstacles to such an advance appear to have been those imposed by the material circumstances2 although institutional factors have doubtless greatly retarded the advance in most cases1 and may well have defeated it in many4 ,in some of the known lower cultures such an impassable conjuncture in the affairs of technology has apparently been reached now and again1 resulting in a 8stationary state0 of the industrial arts and of social arrangements1 economic and otherwise4 ,such an instance of 8arrested development0 is afforded by the ,eskimo1 who have to all appearance reached the bounds of technological mastery possible in the material circumstances in which they have been placed and with the technological antecedents which they have had to go on4 ,at the other extreme of the ,american continent the ,fuegians and ,patagonians may similarly have reached at least a provisional limit of the same nature2 though such a statement is less secure in their case1 owing to the scant and fragmentary character of the available evidence4 ,so also the ,bushmen1 the ,ainu1 various representative communities of the ,negrito and perhaps of the ,dravidian stocks1 appear to have reached a provisional limit--barring intervention from without4 ,in these latter instances the decisive obstacles1 if they are to be accepted as such1 seem to lie in the human-nature of the case rather than in the material circumstances4 ,in these latter instances the sense of workmanship1 though visibly alert and active1 appears to have been inadequate to carry out the technological scheme into further new ramifications for want of the requisite intellectual aptitudes1--a failure of aptitudes not in degree but in kind4 ,the manner in which increasing technological mastery has led over from the savage plan of free workmanship to the barbarian system of industry under pecuniary control is perhaps a hazardous topic of speculation2 but the known facts of primitive culture appear to admit at least a few general propositions of a broad and provisional character4 ,it seems reasonably safe to say that the archaic savage plan of free workmanship will commonly have persisted through the palolithic period of technology1 and indeed somewhat beyond the transition to the neolithic4 ,this is fairly borne out by the contemporary evidence from savage cultures4 ,in the prehistory of the north-,european culture there is also reason to assume that the beginnings of a pecuniary control fall in the early half of the neolithic period4#ig ,there seems to be no sharply definable point in the technological advance that can be said of itself to bring on this revolutionary change in the institutions governing economic life4 ,it appears to be loosely correlated with technological improvement1 so that it sets in when a sufficient ground for it is afforded by the state of the industrial arts1 but what constitutes a sufficient ground can apparently not be stated in terms of the industrial arts alone4 ,among the early consequences of an advance in technology beyond the state of the industrial arts schematically indicated above1 and coinciding roughly with the palolithic stage1 is on the one hand an appreciable resort to 8indirect methods of production01 involving a systematic cultivation of the soil1 domestication of plants and animals2 or an appreciable equipment of industrial appliances1 such as will in either case require a deliberate expenditure of labour and will give the holders of the equipment something more than a momentary advantage in the quest of a livelihood4 ,on the other hand it leads also to an accumulation of wealth beyond the current necessaries of subsistence and beyond that slight parcel of personal effects that have no value to anyone but their savage bearer4 ,hereby the technological basis for a pecuniary control of industry is given1 in that the 8roundabout process of production0 yields an income above the subsistence of the workmen engaged in it1 and the material equipment of appliances 7crops1 fruit-trees1 live stock1 mechanical contrivances7 binds this roundabout process of industry to a more or less determinate place and routine1 such as to make surveillance and control possible4 ,so far as the workman under the new phase of technology is dependent for his living on the apparatus and the orderly sequence of the 8roundabout process0 his work may be controlled and the surplus yielded by his industry may be turned to account2 it becomes worth while to own the material means of industry1 and ownership of the material means in such a situation carries with it the usufruct of the community's immaterial equipment of technological proficiency4 ,the substantial fact upon which the strategy of ownership converges is this usufruct of the industrial arts1 and the tangible items of property to which the claims of ownership come to attach will accordingly vary from time to time1 according as the state of the industrial arts will best afford an effectual exploitation of this usufruct through the tenure of one or another of the material items requisite to the pursuit of industry4 ,the chief subject of ownership may accordingly be the cultivated trees1 as in some of the ,south ,sea islands2 or the tillable land1 as happens in many of the agricultural communities2 or fish weirs and their location1 as on some of the salmon streams of the ,american north-west coast2 or domestic animals1 as is typical of the pastoral culture2 or it may be the persons of the workmen1 as happens under divers circumstances both in pastoral and in agricultural communities2 or1 with an advance in technology of such a nature as to place the mechanical appliances of industry in a peculiarly advantageous position for engrossing the roundabout processes of production1 as in the latterday machine industry1 these mechanical appliances may become the typical category of industrial wealth and so come to be accounted 8productive goods0 in some eminent sense4 ,the institutional change by which a pecuniary regulation of industry comes into effect may take one form or another1 but its outcome has commonly been some form of ownership of tangible goods4 ,particularly has that been the outcome in the course of development that has led on to those great pecuniary cultures of which ,occidental civilisation is the most perfect example4 ,but just in what form the move will be made1 if at all1 from free workmanship to pecuniary industry and ownership1 is in good part a question of what the material situation of the community will permit4 ,in some instances the circumstances have apparently not permitted the move to be made at all4 ,the ,eskimo culture is perhaps an extreme case of this kind4 ,the state of the industrial arts among them has apparently gone appreciably beyond the technological juncture indicated above as critical in this respect4 ,it involves a considerable specialisation and accumulation of appliances1 such as boats1 sleds1 dogs1 harness1 various special forms of nets1 harpoons and spears1 and an elaborate line of minor apparatus necessary to the day's work and embodying a minutely standardised technique4 ,at the same time these articles of use1 together with their household and personal effects1 represent something appreciable in the way of portable wealth4 ,yet in their economic 7pecuniary and industrial71 domestic1 social1 or religious institutions the ,eskimo have substantially not gone beyond the point of customary regulation commonly associated with the simpler1 hand-to-mouth state of the industrial arts typical of the palolithic savage culture4 ,and this archaic ,eskimo culture1 with its highly elaborated technology1 is apparently of untold antiquity2 it is even believed by competent students of antiquity to have stood over without serious advance or decline since ,european palolithic times--a period of not less than ten thousand years4#ih ,the causes conditioning this 8backward0 type of culture among the ,eskimo1 coupled with a relatively advanced and extremely complete technological system1 are presumed to lie in their material surroundings2 which on the one hand do not permit a congestion of people within a small area or enable the organisation and control of a compact community of any considerable size2 while on the other hand they exact a large degree of co-operation and common interest1 on pain of extreme hardship if not of extinction4 ,more perplexing at first sight is the case of such sedentary agricultural communities as the ,pueblo ,indians1 who have also not advanced very materially beyond the simpler cultural scheme of savage life1 and have not taken seriously to a system of property and a pecuniary control of industry1 in spite of their having achieved a very considerable advance in the industrial arts1 particularly in agriculture1 such as would appear to entitle them to something 8higher0 than that state of peaceable1 non-coercive social organisation1 in which they were found on their first contact with civilised men1 with maternal descent and mother-goddesses1 and without much property rights1 accumulated wealth or pecuniary distinction of classes4 ,again an explanation is probably to be sought in special circumstances of environment1 perhaps re-enforced by peculiarities of the racial endowment2 though the latter point seems doubtful1 since both linguistically and anthropometrically the ,pueblos are found to belong to two or three distinct stocks1 at the same time that their culture is notably uniform throughout the ,pueblo region1 both on the technological and on the institutional side4 ,the peculiar material circumstances that appear to have conditioned the ,pueblo culture are 7a7 a habitat which favours agricultural settlement only at isolated and widely separated spots1 7b7 sites for habitation 7on detached mesas or on other difficult hills or in isolated valleys or canyons7 easily secured against aggression from without and not affording notable differential advantages or admitting segregation of the population within the pueblo1 7c7 the absence of beasts of burden1 such as have enabled the inhabitants of analogous regions of the old world effectually to cover long distances and make raiding a lucrative1 or at least an attractive enterprise4 ,these1 and other peculiar instances of what may perhaps be called cultural retardation1 indicate by way of exception what may have been the ruling causes that have governed in the advance to a higher culture under more ordinary circumstances1--by 8ordinary0 being intended such circumstances as have apparently led to a different and1 it would be held1 a more normal result in the old world1 and particularly in the region of the ,western civilisation4 ,in the ordinary course1 it should seem1 such an advance in the industrial arts as will result in an accumulation of wealth1 a considerable and efficient industrial equipment1 or in a systematic and permanent cultivation of the soil or an extensive breeding of herds or flocks1 will also bring on ownership and property rights bearing on these valuable goods1 or on the workmen1 or on the land employed in their production4 ,what has seemed the most natural and obvious beginnings of property rights1 in the view of those economists who have taken an interest in the matter1 is the storing up of valuables by such of the ancient workmen as were enabled1 by efficiency1 diligence or fortuitous gains1 to produce somewhat more than their current consumption4 ,there are difficulties1 though perhaps not insuperable1 in the way of such a genesis of property rights and pecuniary differentiation within any given community4 ,the temper of the people bred in the ways of the simpler plan of hand-to-mouth and common interest does not readily bend itself to such an institutional innovation1 even though the self-regarding impulses of particular members of the community may set in such a direction as would give the alleged result4#ii ,there are other and more natural ways of reaching the same results1 ways more consonant with that archaic scheme of usages on which the new institution of property is to be grafted4 7a7 ,in the known cultures of this simpler plan there are usually1 or at least frequently1 present a class of magicians 7shamans1 medicine men1 angekut71 an inchoate priestly class1 who get their living in part 8by their wits10 half parasitically1 by some sort of tithe levied on their fellow members for supernatural ministrations and exploits of faith that are worth as much as they will bring4#ajj ,as the industrial efficiency of the community increases with the technological gain1 and an increasing disposable output is at hand1 it should naturally follow1 human nature being what it is1 that the services of the priests or magicians should suffer an advance in value and so enable the priests to lay something by1 to acquire a special claim to certain parcels of land or cultivated trees or crops or first-fruits or labour to be performed by their parishioners4 ,there is no limit to the value of such ministrations except the limit of tolerance1 8what the traffic will bear40 ,and much may be done in this way1 which is in close touch with the accustomed ways of life among known savages and lower barbarians4 ,to the extent to which such a move is successful it will alter the economic situation of the community by making the lay members1 in so far1 subject to the priestly class1 and will gather wealth and power in the hands of the priests2 so introducing a relation of master and servant1 together with class differences in wealth1 the practice of exclusive ownership1 and pecuniary obligations4 7b7 ,with an accumulation of wealth1 whether in portable form or in the form of plantations and tillage1 there comes the inducement to aggression1 predation1 by whatever name it may be known4 ,such aggression is an easy matter in the common run of lower cultures1 since relations are habitually strained between these savage and barbarian communities4 ,there is commonly a state of estrangement between them amounting to constructive feud1 though the feud is apt to lie dormant under a modus vivendi so long as there is no adequate inducement to open hostilities1 in the way of booty4 ,given a sufficiently wealthy enemy who is sufficiently ill prepared for hostilities to afford a fighting chance of taking over this wealth by way of booty or tribute1 with no obvious chance of due reprisals1 and the opening of hostilities will commonly arrange itself4 ,the communities mutually concerned so pass from the more or less precarious peaceful customs and animus common to the indigent lower cultures1 to a more or less habitual attitude of predatory exploit4 ,with the advent of warfare comes the war chief1 into whose hands authority and pecuniary emoluments gather somewhat in proportion as warlike exploits and ideals become habitual in the community4#aja ,more or less of loot falls into the hands of the victors in any raid4 ,the loot may be goods1 cattle if any1 or men1 women and children2 any or all of which may become 7private7 property and be accumulated in sufficient mass to make a difference between rich and poor4 ,captives may fall into some form of servitude1 and in an agricultural community may easily become the chief item of wealth4 ,at the same time an entire community may be reduced to servitude1 so falling into the possession of an absentee owner 7master71 or under resident masters coming in from the victorious enemy4 ,in any or all of these ways the institution of ownership is likely to arise so soon as there is provocation for it1 and in all cases it is a consequence of an appreciable advance in the industrial arts4 ,yet in a number of recorded cases a sufficient advance in technology does not appear to have been followed by so prompt an introduction of ownership1 at least not in the fully developed form1 as the surface facts would seem to have called for4 ,custom in the lower cultures is extremely tenacious1 and what might seem an excessive allowance of time appears to be needed for so radical an innovation in the habitual scheme of things as is involved in the installation of rights of ownership4 ,there are cases of a fairly advanced barbarian culture1 with sufficiently coercive government control1 an authoritative priesthood1 and well-marked class distinctions which hold good both in economic and social relations1 and yet where the line of demarcation between ownership and mastery is not drawn in any unambiguous fashion--where it is perhaps as accurate a statement as the case permits1 to say that this distinction has not yet been made1 and so would1 if applied1 mark a difference that does not yet exist4#ajb ,so long as overt predatory conditions continue to rule the case1--e4 g41 so long as the community in question continues1 in a sense1 under martial law1 8in a state of seige10 where the holders of the economic advantage hold it on a tenure of prowess or by way of delegated power and prerogative from a superior of warlike antecedents and dynastic right1--so long the rights of ownership are not likely to be well differentiated from those of mastery4 ,much the same characterisation of such a state of things is conveyed in the current phrase that 8the rights of person and property are not secure40 ,the very wide prevalence in the barbarian cultures of some such state of things argues that the genesis of property rights is likely to have been something of this kind in the common run1 though it does not in other cases preclude a different and more peaceable development out of workmanlike or priestly economies4 ,but even if it should be found1 when the matter has been sifted1 that the genesis of ownership is of the latter kind1 it would also in all probability be found that among the peoples whose institutional growth has a serious genetic bearing on the ,western culture the holding of property has1 late or early1 passed through a phase of predatory tenure in which the distinction between ownership and mastery has so far fallen into abeyance as to have had but a slight effect on the further development4 ,where1 as appears frequently to have been the case both in ,europe and elsewhere1 the kingship and temporal power has arisen out of the priestly office and spiritual power--or perhaps better where the inchoate kingship was in its origins chiefly of a priestly complexion1 with a gradual shifting of kingly power and prerogative to a temporal basis1#ajc--there the transition from a creation of property and mastery rights by priestly economies 7fraud87 to a tenure of wealth and authority by royal prerogative 7force87 will have so blended the two methods of genesis as to leave the attempt at a hard fast discrimination between them somewhat idle4 ,but whatever may be conceived to have been the genesis of ownership1 the institution is commonly found1 in the barbarian culture1 to be tempered with a large infusion of predatory concepts1 of status1 prerogative1 differential respect of persons and economic classes1 and a corresponding differential respect of occupations4 ,whether property provokes to predation or predation initiates ownership1 the situation that results in early phases of the pecuniary culture is much the same2 and the causal relation in which this situation stands to the advance in workmanship is also much the same4 ,this relation between workmanship and the pecuniary culture brought on with the advent of ownership is a twofold one1 or1 perhaps better1 it is a relation of mutual give and take4 ,the increase in industrial efficiency due to a sufficient advance in the industrial arts gives rise to the ownership of property and to pecuniary appreciations of men and things1 occupations and products1 habits1 customs1 usages1 observances1 services and goods4 ,at the same time1 since predation and warlike exploit are intimately associated with the facts of ownership through its early history 7perhaps throughout its history71 there results a marked accentuation of the self-regarding sentiments2 with the economically important consequence that self-interest displaces the common good in men's ideals and aspirations4 ,the animus entailed by predatory exploit is one of self-interest1 a seeking of one's own advantage at the cost of the enemy1 which frequently1 in the poetically ideal case1 takes such an extreme form as to prefer the enemy's loss to one's own gain4 ,and in the emulation which the predatory life and its distinctions of wealth introduce into the community1 the end of endeavour is likely to become the differential advantage of the individual as against his neighbours rather than the undifferentiated advantage of the group as a whole1 in contrast with alien or hostile groups4 ,the members of the community come to work each for his own interest in severalty1 rather than for an undivided interest in the common lot4 ,such sentiment of group solidarity as there may remain falls also into the invidious and emulative form2 whereby the fighting patriot becomes the type and exemplar of the public spirited citizen1 whose ideal then is to follow his leader and humble the pride of those whom the chances of contention have thrown in with the other side of the game4 ,the sentiment of common interest1 itself in good part a diffuse working-out of the parental instinct1 comes at the best to converge on the glory of the flag instead of the fulness of life of the community at large1 or more commonly it comes to be centred in loyalty1 that is to say in subservience1 to the common war-chief and his dynastic successors4 ,in the shifting of activities1 ideals and aims so brought in with the advent of wealth and ownership1 the part of the priests and their divinities is not to be overlooked1 for herein lies one of the greater cultural gains brought on by the technological advance at this juncture4 ,the margin of service and produce available for consumption in the cult increases1 and by easy consequence the spiritual prestige and the temporal power and prerogatives of the priesthood grow greater4 ,the jurisdiction of the gods of the victors is extended2 through the vicarious power of the priests1 over the subject peoples1 and as the temporal dominion is enlarged and an increasing measure of coercion is employed in controlling these dominions1 so also in the affairs of the gods and their priests there is an accession of power and dignity4 ,it commonly happens where predatory enterprise comes to be habitual and successful that the temporal power tends to centre in an autocratic and arbitrary ruler2 and in this as in so much else1 spiritual affairs are likely to take their complexion from the temporal1 resulting in a strong drift toward an autocratic monotheism1 which in the finished case comes to a climax in an omnipotent1 omniscient deity of very exalted dignity and very exacting temper4 ,for the habits of thought enforced in the affairs of daily life are carried over into men's sense of what is right and good in the life of the gods as well4 ,if there is any choice among the gods under whose auspices a people has successfully entered on a career of predation1 so that some of the gods have more of a reputation for rapacity and inhumanity than others1 the most atrocious among them is likely1 other things being equal1 to become the war-god of the conquering host1 and so eventually to be exalted to the suzerainty among the gods1 and even in time to become the one and only incumbent of the divine czardom4 ,should it happen that a relatively humane1 tolerant and tractable deity comes in for exaltation to the divine suzerainty1 as well may be if such a one has already a good prior claim standing over from the more peaceable past1 he will readily acquire the due princely arrogance and irresponsibility that vests the typical heavenly king4 ,it may be added that as a matter of course no degree of imputed inhumanity in the most high ,god will stand in the way of a god-fearing and astute priesthood volubly ascribing to him all the good qualities that should grace an elderly patriarchal gentleman of the old school2 so that even his most infamous atrocities become ineffably meritorious and are dispensed of his mercy4#ajd ,with the terrors of a jealous and almighty ,god behind them1 and with faith in their own mission and sagacity in its administration1 the priesthood are in a position to make the affairs of the heavenly king count for much in the affairs of men2 more particularly since this spiritual power enters into working arrangements with the temporal power2 so that in the outcome these institutions which in their origins have grown out of a precarious margin of product above subsistence come to possess themselves of the output at large and leave a precarious margin of subsistence to the community at large4#aje ,these further matters of 8natural law in the spiritual world0 are not in themselves of direct interest to the present inquiry1 and they are also matters of somewhat tedious commonplace4 ,yet this run of things has grave consequences in the further working-out of the technological situation as well as in the course of material welfare for the community on whom it is incumbent to turn the technological knowledge to account1 to conserve or improve and transmit it1 and for this reason it has seemed necessary summarily to recall those general features of the cultural scheme that are inherently associated with the earlier pecuniary culture1--the full-blown barbarian culture4 ,and it seems pertinent also to add something further in the same connection before leaving this aspect of the case4 ,it is necessary to hark back to what was said in an earlier chapter1 of the relations of tillage and cattle-breeding to the instinct of workmanship and the course of technological advance4 ,both the technological and the institutional bearing of cattle-breeding is particularly notable in this connection4 ,as already spoken of in what has gone before1 cattle-breeding has the technological peculiarity that it may be successfully entered on and carried forward with a larger admixture of anthropomorphic concepts than the mechanic arts1 or even than the domestication and care of the crop plants4 ,it is perhaps not to be admitted that the penchant of early man to take an anthropomorphic view of the lower animals and impute to them the common traits of human nature has directly conduced to their successful domestication1 but it should be within the mark to say that this penchant may have been primarily responsible for the course of conduct that led to the domestication of animals1#ajf and that it has apparently never been a serious drawback to any pastoral culture4 ,now1 wealth in flocks and herds is peculiar not only in being eminently portable1 even to the extent that in the usual course of this industry it is necessary for a pastoral community to migrate1 or to go over an extended itinerary with the changing seasons1 but it has also the peculiar quality of multiplying spontaneously1 given only a degree of surveillance and a sufficient range of pasture lands4 ,it follows that cattle are easy and tempting to acquire by predation1 will accumulate through natural increase without notable exertion on the part of their owners1 and will multiply beyond the bearing capacity of any disposable range4 ,hence a pastoral people1 or a people given in great part to pastoral pursuits1 will somewhat readily take to a predatory life2 will have to be organised for defence 7and offence7 against raids or encroachments from its neighbours engaged in the same pursuits2 will find itself short of range lands through the natural increase of its flocks or herds1 and so will even involuntarily be brought into feud with neighbouring herdsmen through mutual trespass4 ,further1 the work of herding1 on the scale imposed by the open continental cattle and sheep ranges1 is man's work1 as is also the incidental fighting1 raiding1 and cattle-lifting4 ,the effects of these technological conditions on the general culture of a pastoral people are such as are set forth in their most favourable light in the early historical books of the ,old ,testament1 or such conditions as may be found today on the great cattle ranges of west and north-central ,asia4 ,the community falls necessarily into a patriarchal rgime2 with considerable concentration of wealth in individual hands2 great disparity in wealth and social standing1 commonly involving both chattel slavery and serfdom2 a fighting organisation under patriarchal-despotic leadership1 which serves both for civil1 political and religious purposes2 domestic institutions of the same cast1 involving a degree of subjection of women and children and commonly polygamy for the patriarchal upper or ruling class2 a religious system of a monotheistic or monarchical complexion and drawn on lines of patriarchal despotism2 with the priestly office vested in the patriarchal head of the community 7the eldest male of the eldest male line7 if the group is small enough to admit the administration of both the temporal and spiritual power at the hands of one man--as ,israel at the time of the earlier sojourn in ,canaan--or vested in a specialised priesthood if the group is of great size--as ,israel on their return to ,palestine4 ,such a culture is manifestly fit to succeed both in avowedly predatory enterprise and in pecuniary enterprise of a more peaceable sort1 so long as range lands are at its disposal or so long as it can find a sufficiently large and compact agricultural community to reduce to servitude1 or so long as it can find ways and means of commercial enterprise while still occupying a position defensible against all comers4 ,its population is organised for offence and defence and trained in the habits of subordination necessary to any successful war1 and the patriarchal authority and pecuniary ideals inbred in them give them facility in co-operation against aliens1 as well as the due temper for successful bargaining4 ,such a culture has the elements of national strength and solidarity1 given only some adequate means of subsistence while still retaining its militant patriarchal organisation4 ,not least among its elements of national strength is its religion1 which fosters the national pride of a people chosen by the ,most ,high1 at the same time that it trains the population in habits of subordination and loyalty1 as well as in patient submission to exactions4 ,but it is essentially a parasitic culture1 despotic1 and1 with due training1 highly superstitious or religious4 ,what a people of these antecedents is capable of is shown by the ,assyrians1 ,babylonians1 ,medes1 ,persians1 the ,hindu invaders of ,india1 the ,hyksos invaders of ,egypt1 and in another line by ,israel and the ,phnicians1 and in a lesser degree by the ,huns1 ,mongols1 ,tatars1 ,arabs and ,turks4 ,it is from peoples of this culture that the great religions of the old world have come1 near or remote1 but it is not easy to find any substantial contribution to human culture drawn indubitably from this source apart from religious creed1 cult and poetry4 ,the domestication of animals1 for instance1 is not due to them2 with the possible exception of the horse and the dog1 that work had to be done in peaceable1 sedentary communities1 from whom the pastoral nomads will have taken over the stock and the industry and carried it out on a scale and with cultural consequences which do not follow from cattle-breeding under sedentary conditions4 ,their religion1 on the other hand1 seems in no case to have been carried up to the consummate stage of despotic monotheism during the nomadic-pastoral phase of their experience1 but to have been worked out to a finished product presently after they had engaged on a career of conquest and had some protracted experience of warfare and despotism on a relatively large scale4 ,the history of these great civilisations with pastoral antecedents appears to run somewhat uniformly to the effect that they collapsed as soon as they had eaten their host into a collapse4 ,the incidents along the way between their beginning in conquest and their collapse in exhaustion are commonly no more edifying and of no more lasting significance to human culture than those which have similarly marked the course of the ,turk4 ,these great monarchies were organised by and for an intrusive dynasty and ruling class1 of pastoral antecedents1 and they drew their subsistence and their means of oppression from a subjugated agricultural population4 ,in the course of this further elaboration of a predatory civilisation1 the institutions proper to a large scale and to a powerful despotism and nobility resting on a servile people1 were developed into a finished system2 in which the final arbiter is always irresponsible force and in which the all-pervading social relation is personal subservience and personal authority4 ,the mechanic arts make little if any progress under such a discipline of personalities1 even the arts of war1 and there is little if any evidence of sensible gain in any branch of husbandry4 ,there were great palaces and cities built by slave labour and corve1 embodying untold misery in conspicuously wasteful and tasteless show1 and great monarchs whose boast it was that they were each and several the best friend or nearest relative of some irresponsible and supreme god1 and whose dearest claim to pre-eminence was that they 8walked on the faces of the black-head race40 ,seen in perspective and rated in any terms that have a workmanlike significance1 these stupendous dynastic fabrics are as insignificant as they are large1 and none of them is worth the least of the fussy little communities that came in time to make up the ,hellenic world and its petty squabbles4 ,in their general traits these various civilisations founded 7in conquest7 by the pastoral peoples are of the same character as is the pecuniary culture as found elsewhere1 but they have certain special features which set them off somewhat in a class by themselves4 ,they are predatory in a peculiarly overt and accentuated degree1 so that their institutions foster the invidious sentiments1 the self-regarding animus of servility and of arrogance1 beyond what commonly happens in the pecuniary culture at large2 and they carry a large content of peculiarly high-wrought religious superstitions and fear of the supernatural1 which likewise works out from and into an animus of servility and arrogance4 ,in these cultures it is true1 even beyond the great significance which the proposition has in the barbarian culture elsewhere1 that the fear of ,god is the beginning of wisdom4 ,the discipline of life in such a culture1 therefore1 is consistently unfavourable to any technological gain2 the instinct of workmanship is constantly dominated by prevalent habits of thought that are worse than useless for any technological purpose4 ,much the same1 of course1 is true for any civilisation founded on personal government of the coercive kind1 whatever may be the remoter antecedents of the dynastic and ruling classes2 but these other cultures have not the same secure and ancient patriarchal foundation1 ready to hand1 and so they are constrained to build their institutions of coercion1 domestic1 civil1 political and military1 more slowly and with a more doubtful outcome2 nor does their religious system so readily work out in a monarchical theology with an omnipotent sovereign and in all-pervading fear of ,god4 ,a home-bred despotism in an agricultural community that has set out with maternal descent1 a matriarchal clan system1 and mother goddesses1 is hampered both on the temporal and the spiritual side by ancient and inbred usage and preconceptions that can be effectually overcome only in the long course of time4 ,the civilisations of ,asia-,minor and the gean region1 and even of ,egypt and ,rome1 however much of pastoral and patriarchal elements may have been infused into them in the course of time1 show their shortcomings in this respect to the last2 perhaps in their religions more than in any other one cultural trait1 since religion is after all an epigenetic feature and follows rather than leads in the unfolding of the cultural scheme4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but these great civilisations dominated by pastoral antecedents have no grave significance for the modern culture1 except as drawbacks1 and none at all for modern technology or for that matter-of-fact knowledge on which modern technology runs4 ,the ,western peoples1 whose cultural past is of more immediate interest1 have also had their warlike experience1 late and early1 but it seems never to have reached the consummate outcome to be seen in the ,east4 ,neither as regards the scale on which dynastic organisation has been carried out nor as regards the thoroughness with which their institutions have been permeated by predatory preconceptions have the ,western peoples in their earlier history approached the standard of the oriental despotisms4 ,even now1 it may be remarked1 advocates of war and armaments commonly speak 7doubtless disingenuously7 for the predatory rgime as being a necessity of defence rather than something to be desired on its own merits4 ,not that the predatory rgime has not been a sufficiently grave fact in the history of occidental civilisation2 to take such a view of history one would have to overlook the ,roman ,empire1 the barbarian invasions1 the feudal system1 the ,catholic church1 the ,era of statemaking1 and the existing armed neutrality of the powers2 but these have1 all but the last1 proved to be episodes on a grand scale rather than such an historical finality as any one of the successive monarchies in the ,mesopotamian-,chaldan country1--the test being that occidental civilisation has not died of any one of these maladies1 though it has come through more than one critical period4 ,western civilisation has gone through these eras of accentuated predation and has at all times shown an appreciable admixture of predatory conceptions in its scheme of institutions and ideals1 in its domestic institutions and its public affairs1 in its art and religion1 but it is after all within the mark to say that1 at least since the close of the ,dark ,ages1 a distinctive characteristic that sets off this civilisation in contradistinction from any definitively predatory phase of the pecuniary culture1 has been a pertinacious pursuit of the arts of peace1 to which those peoples that have led in this civilisation have ever returned at every respite4 ,for an appreciation of the relations subsisting between the sense of workmanship and the discipline of habituation in the modern culture1 therefore1 the phenomena of peaceful ownership are of greater1 or at least of more vivid interest than those of the predatory phase of the pecuniary culture4 ,modern civilisation1 and indeed all history for that matter1 lies within the pecuniary culture as a whole2 but the ,western culture of modern times belongs1 perhaps somewhat precariously1 to the secondary or peaceable phase of this pecuniary culture1 rather than to that predatory phase with which the pecuniary scheme of life began somewhere in the lower barbarism1 and that has repeatedly closed its life cycle in the collapse of one and another of the great dynastic empires of the old world4 ,as in the predatory phase1 so also in the peaceable pecuniary culture1 the dominant note is given by the self-regarding impulses2 and the sense of workmanship is therefore characteristically hedged about and guided by the institutional exigencies and preconceptions incident to life under the circumstances imposed by ownership1--in a situation where the economic interest1 the interest in those material means of life with which workmanship has to deal1 converges on property rights4 ,ownership is self-regarding1 of course1 and the rights of ownership are of a personal1 invidious1 differential1 emulative nature2 although in the peaceable phase of the civilisation of ownership1 force and fraud are1 in theory1 barred out of the game of acquisition1--wherein this differs from the predatory phase proper4 ,an obvious consequence following immediately on the emergence of ownership in any community is an increased application to work4 ,this has been taken as a matter of course in theoretical speculations and is borne out by the observation of peoples among whom trade relations have been introduced in recent times4 ,an immediate result is greater diligence1 accompanied apparently in all cases1 if the reports of observers are to be accepted1 by an increase in contention1 distrust and chicanery#ajg and an increasingly wasteful consumption of goods4 ,the diligence so fostered by emulative self-interest is directed to the acquisition of property1 in great part to the acquisition of more than is possessed by those others with whom the invidious comparison in ownership is made2 and under the spur of ownership simply1 it is only secondarily1 as a means to the emulative end of acquisition1 that productive work1 and therefore workmanship in its nave sense1 comes into the case at all4 ,ownership conduces to diligence in acquisition and therefore indirectly to diligence in work1 if no more expeditious means of acquiring wealth can be devised4 ,in its first incidence the incentive to diligence afforded by ownership is a proposition in business not in workmanship4 ,its effects on workmanship1 industry and technology1 therefore1 are necessarily somewhat uncertain and uneven4 ,apparently from the start there is some appreciable resort to fraudulent thrift1 to the production of spurious or inferior goods4#ajh ,this of course very presently is corrected in the increased astuteness and vigilance exercised in men's dealings with one another1 whereby an appreciable portion of energy goes to defeat these artifices of disingenuous worldly wisdom4 ,it should be added that the pecuniary incentive to work takes the direction of making the most of the means at hand1 considered as means of pecuniary gain rather than as means of serviceability1 and that it conduces therefore to the fullest 7pecuniary7 exploitation of the standard accepted ways and means of industry rather than to the improvement of these ways and means beyond the conjuncture at hand4 ,further1 though this is also somewhat of a tedious commonplace1 since the only authentic end of work under the pecuniary dispensation is the acquisition of wealth2 since the possession of wealth in so far exempts its possessor from productive work2 and since such exemption is a mark of wealth and therefore of superiority over those who have nothing and therefore must work2 it follows that addiction to work becomes a mark of inferiority and therefore discreditable4 ,whereby work becomes distasteful to all men instructed in the proprieties of the pecuniary culture2 and it has even become so irksome to men trained in the punctilios of the servile1 predatory1 phase of this culture that it was once credibly proclaimed by a shrewd priesthood as the most calamitous curse laid on mankind by a vindictive ,god4 ,also1 since wealth affords means for a free consumption of goods1 the conspicuous consumption of goods becomes a mark of pecuniary excellence1 and so it becomes an element of respectability in any pecuniary culture1 and presently becomes a meritorious act and even a requirement of pecuniary decency4 ,the outcome is conspicuous wastefulness of consumption1 the limits of which1 if any1 have apparently not been approached hitherto4#aji ,the bearings of this pecuniary culture on workmanship and technology are wide and diverse4 ,most immediate and perhaps most notable is the conventional disesteem of labour spoken of above1 which seems to follow as a necessary consequence from the institution of ownership in all cases where distinctions of wealth are at all considerable or where property rights are associated with facts of mastery and prestige4 ,the pecuniary disrepute of labour acts to discourage industry1 but this may be offset1 at least in part1 by the incentive given to emulation by the good repute attaching to acquisition4 ,the wasteful expenditure of goods and services enjoined by the pecuniary canons of conspicuous consumption gives an economically untoward direction to industry1 at the same time that it greatly increases the hardships and curtails the amenities of life4 ,so also1 estrangement and distrust between persons1 classes and nations necessarily pervades this cultural era1 due to the incessant gnawing of incompatible pecuniary interests2 and this state of affairs appreciably lowers the aggregate efficiency of human industry and sets up bootless obstacles to be overcome and irrelevant asperities to be put up with4 ,these and the like consequences of pecuniary emulation are simple1 direct and obvious2 but the discipline of the pecuniary culture bears on workmanship also in a more subtle way1 indirect and less evident at first sight4 ,the discipline of daily life imparts its own bent to the sense of workmanship through habituation of the workman to that scheme and logic of things that rules this pecuniary culture4 ,the outcome as concerns industry is somewhat equivocal2 the discipline of self-seeking at some points favours workmanship and at others not4 ,at one period or phase of the pecuniary culture1 generally speaking an early or crude phase1 the bent so given to workmanship and technology seems necessarily to be conducive to inefficiency2 at another 7later or maturer7 phase the contrary is likely to be true4 ,the pecuniary discipline of invidious emulation takes effect on the state of the industrial arts chiefly and most pervasively through the bias which it gives to the knowledge on which workmanship proceeds4 ,it may be called to mind that the body of knowledge 7facts7 turned to account in workmanship1 the facts made use of in devising technological processes and appliances1 are of the nature of habits of thought4 ,this is particularly applicable to those 7tactical7 principles under whose control the information in hand is construed and connected up into a system of uses1 agencies and instrumentalities4 ,these habits of thought1 elements of knowledge1 items of information1 accepted facts1 principles of reality1 in part represent the mechanical behaviour of objects1 the brute nature of brute matter1 and in part they stand for qualities1 aptitudes and proclivities imputed to external objects and their behaviour and so infused into the facts and the generalisations based on them4 ,the sense of workmanship has much to do with this imputation of traits to the phenomena of observation1 perhaps more than any other of the proclivities native to man4 ,the traits so imputed to the facts are in the main such as will be consonant with the sense of workmanship and will lend themselves to a concatenation in its terms4 ,but this infusion of traits into the facts of observation1 whether it takes effect at the instance of the sense of workmanship1 or conceivably on impulse not to be identified with this instinct1 is a logical process and is carried out by an intelligence whose logical processes have in all cases been profoundly biassed by habituation4 ,so that the habits of life of the individual1 and therefore of the community made up of such individuals1 will pervasively and unremittingly bend this work of imputation with the set of their own current1 and will accordingly involve incoming elements of knowledge in a putative system of relations consistent with these habits of life4 ,this comprehensive scheme of habitual apprehensions and appreciations is what is called the 8genius10 spirit1 or character of any given culture4 ,in all this range of habitual preconceptions touching the nature of things there prevails a degree of solidarity1 of mutual support and re-enforcement among the several lines of habitual activity comprised in the current scheme of life2 so that a certain characteristic tone or bias runs through the whole1--in so far as the cultural situation has attained that degree of maturity or assimilation that will allow it to be spoken of as a distinctive whole1 standing out as a determinate and coherent phase in the life-history of the race4 ,to this bias of scope and method in the current scheme of life1 intellectual and sentimental1 any new element or item must be assimilated if it is not to be rejected as alien and unreal or to fall through by neglect4 ,all this bears on the scope and method of knowledge1 and therefore on the facts made use of in the industrial arts1 just as it bears on any other feature of human life that is of the nature of habit4 ,and the immediate question is as to the bias or drift of the pecuniary culture as it affects the apprehension of facts serviceable for technological ends4 ,this pecuniary bias or bent may be described as invidious1 personal1 emulative1 looking to differential values in respect of personal force or competitive success1 looking to gradations in respect of comparative potency1 validity1 authenticity1 propriety1 reputability1 decency4 ,the canons of pecuniary repute preclude the well-to-do1 who have leisure for such things1 from inquiring narrowly into the facts of technology1 since these things are beneath their dignity1 conventionally distasteful2 familiarity with such matters can not with propriety be avowed1 nor can they without offence and humiliation be canvassed at all intimately among the better class4 ,at the same time pecuniary competition1 when carried to its ideal pitch1 works the lower industrial classes to exhaustion and allows them no appreciable leisure or energy for indulging any possible curiosity of this kind on their part4 ,the habitual 7ideal7 frame of mind is that of invidious self-interest on the one hand1 due to the imperative and ubiquitous need of gain in wealth or in rank1 and on the other hand class discrimination due to the ubiquitous prevalence of distinctions in prerogatives and authentic standing4 ,the discipline of the pecuniary religions1 or of the religious tenets and observances proper to the pecuniary culture1 runs to a similar effect2 more decisively so in the earlier1 or distinctively predatory1 phases of this culture than in the peaceable or commercial phase4 ,the vulgar facts of industry are beneath the dignity of a feudalistic deity or of his priesthood2 at the same time that the overmastering need of standing well in the graces of an all-powerful1 exacting and irresponsible ,god throws a deeper shadow of ignobility over the material side of life1 and makes any workmanlike preoccupation with industrial efficiency presumptively sinful as well as indecorous4 ,the pecuniary culture is not singular in this matter4 ,always and everywhere the acquirement of knowledge is a matter of observation guided and filled out by the imputation of qualities1 relations and aptitudes to the observed phenomena4 ,without this putative content of active presence and potency the phenomena would lack reality2 they could not be assimilated in the scheme of things human4 ,it is only a commonplace of the logic of apperception that the substantial traits of objective facts are a figment of the brain4 ,under the discipline of this pecuniary phase of culture the requisite imputation of character to facts runs1 as ever1 in anthropomorphic terms2 but it is an anthropomorphism which by habit conforms to the predatory-pecuniary scheme of preconceptions1 such as the routine of life has made ready and convincing to men living under the discipline of emulation1 invidious distinctions and authentic pecuniary decorum4 ,under these circumstances it is not in the anthropomorphism of nave workmanship that the putative reality of facts is to be sought1 but in their conformity to the conventionally definitive preconceptions of invidious merit1 authentic excellence1 force of character1 mastery1 complaisance1 congruity with the run of the established institutional values and the ordinances of the ,most ,high4 ,the canons of reality1 under which sense impressions are reduced to objective fact and so become available for use1 and under which1 again1 facts are put in practice and turned to technological account1 are the same canons of invidious distinction that rule in the world of property and among men occupied with predatory and pecuniary precedence4 ,in effect men and things come to be rated in terms of what they 7putatively7 are--their intrinsic character--rather than in terms of what they 7empirically7 will do4 ,without pursuing the question farther at this point1 it should be evident that the bias of the pecuniary culture must on the whole act with pervasive force so to bend men's knowledge of the things with which they have to do as to lessen its serviceability for technological ends4 ,the result is a deflection from matter-of-fact to matter of imputation1 and the imputation is of the personal character here spoken of4 ,the dominant note appears to be a differential rating in respect of aggressive self-assertion1 whether in human or non-human agents4 ,theological preconceptions are commonly strong in the pecuniary culture1 and under their rule this differential rating developes into a scheme of graded powers and efficacies vested in the phenomena of external nature by delegation from an overruling personal authority4 ,such a bent is necessarily prejudicial to workmanship1 and it may seem that the ubiquitous repressive force of this metaphysics of authority and authenticity should serve the same disserviceable end for workmanship as the more genial and diffuse anthropomorphism of the lower cultures1 but with more decisive effect since it runs in a more competently organised1 compact and prescriptive fashion4 ,where the pecuniary culture has been carried through consistently on the predatory plan1 without being diverted to that commercial phase current in the latterday ,western civilisation1 the conclusion of the matter has been decay of the industrial arts and effectual dissipation of that system of matter-of-fact knowledge on which technological efficiency rests4 ,in the ,west1 where the predatory phase proper has eventually given place to a commercial phase of the same pecuniary culture1 the general run of events in this bearing has been a decline of knowledge1 technology and workmanship1 running on so long as the predatory 7coercive7 rule prevailed unbroken1 but followed presently by a slow recovery and advance in technological efficiency and scientific insight2 somewhat in proportion as the commercialisation of this culture has gained ground1 and therefore correlated also in a general way with the decline of religious fear4 ,this run of events may tempt to the inference that while the predatory phase proper of this pecuniary civilisation is inimical to matter-of-fact knowledge and to technological insight1 the rule of commercial ideas and ideals characteristic of its subsequent peaceable phase acts to propagate these material elements of culture4 ,but what has already appeared in the course of the inquiry into that still earlier cultural phase that went before the coercive and invidious rgime of predation suggests that the case is not so simple nor so flattering to our latterday self-complacency4 ,the self-regarding sentiments of arrogance and abasement1 out of whose free habitual exercise the pecuniary culture1 with its institutions of prerogative and differential advantage1 has been built up1 are not the spiritual source from which such an outcome is to be looked for4 ,these sentiments and the instinctive proclivities of which these sentiments are the emotional expression are presumed to have remained unchanged in force and character through that long course of cumulative habituation that has given them their ascendency in the institutions of the pecuniary culture1 and of their own motion they will yield now results of the same kind as ever4 ,but the like is true also for those other instincts out of whose working came the earlier gains made in knowledge and workmanship under the savage culture1 before the self-regarding sentiments underlying the pecuniary culture took the upper hand4 ,the parental bent and the instincts of workmanship and of curiosity will have been overborne by cumulative habituation to the rule of the self-regarding proclivities that triumphed in the culture of predation1 and whose dominion has subsequently suffered some impairment in the later substitution of property rights for tenure by prowess1 but these instincts that make for workmanship remain as intrinsic to human nature as the others4 ,what is to be said for the current commercial scheme of life1 therefore1 appears to be that it is only less inimical to the functioning of those instinctive propensities that serve the common interest4 ,hence1 gradually1 these instincts and the non-invidious interests which they engender have been coming effectually into bearing again as fast as the stern repression of them exercised by the full-charged predatory scheme of life has weakened into a less and less effectual inhibition1 under the discipline of compromise and mitigated self-aggrandisement embodied in the rights of property4 ,that authentication of ownership out of which the sacred rights of property have apparently grown may well have arisen as a sort of mutual insurance among owners as against the disaffection of the dispossessed2 which would presently give rise to a sentiment of solidarity within the class of owners1 would acquire prescriptive force through habitual enforcement1 become a matter of customary right to be consistently respected under the institutional forms of property1 and eventuate in that highly moralised expression of self-aggrandisement which it is today4 ,but with the putting-away of fancy-free predation1 as being a conventionally disallowed means of self-aggrandisement1 sentiments of equity and solidarity would presently come in--perhaps at the outset by way of disingenuous make-believe--and so the way would be made easier under the shelter of this range of conceptions for a rehabilitation of the primordial parental instinct and its penchant for the common good4 ,and when ownership has once been institutionalised in this impersonal and quasi-dispassionate form it will lend but a decreasingly urgent bias to the cultural scheme in the direction of differential respect of persons and a differential rating of natural phenomena in respect of the occult potencies and efficacies imputed to them4 ,as the institutional ground has shifted from free-swung predation to a progressively more covert rgime of self-aggrandisement and differential gain1 the instinct of workmanship has progressively found freer range and readier access to its raw material4 ,the differential good repute of wealth and rank has of course continued to be of much the same nature in the later 7commercial7 stages of the pecuniary culture as in the earlier 7predatory7 stages4 ,an aristocratic 7or servile7 scheme of life must necessarily run in invidious terms1 since that is the whole meaning of the phenomenon2 and resting as any such scheme does on pecuniary distinctions1 whether direct or through the intermediary term of predatory exploit1 it will necessarily involve the corollary that wealth and exemption from work 7otium cum dignitate7 is honourable and that poverty and work is dishonourable4 ,but with the progressive commercialisation of gain and ownership it also comes to pass that peaceable application to the business in hand may have much to do with the acquirement of a reputable standing2 and so long as work is of a visibly pecuniary kind and is sagaciously and visibly directed to the acquisition of wealth1 the disrepute intrinsically attaching to it is greatly offset by its meritorious purpose4 ,so much so1 indeed1 that there has even grown up something of a class feeling1 among the class who have come by their wealth through industry and shrewd dealing1 to the effect that peaceable diligence and thrift are meritorious traits4 ,this is 8middle-class0 sentiment of course4 ,the aristocratic contempt for the tradesman and all his works has not suffered serious mitigation through all this growth of new methods of reputability4 ,the three conventionally recognised classes1 upper1 middle1 and lower1 are all and several pecuniary categories2 the upper being typically that 7aristocratic7 class which is possessed of wealth without having worked or bargained for it2 while the middle class have come by their holdings through some form of commercial 7business7 traffic2 and the lower class gets what it has by workmanship4 ,it is a gradation of 7a7 predation1 7b7 business1 7c7 industry2 the former being disserviceable and gainful1 the second gainful1 and the third serviceable4 ,and no modern civilised man is so innocent of the canons of reputability as not to recognise off-hand that the first category is meritorious and the last discreditable1 whatever his individual prejudices may lead him to think of the second4 ,aristocracy without unearned wealth1 or without predatory antecedents1 is a misnomer4 ,when an aristocratic class loses its pecuniary advantage it becomes questionable4 ,a poverty-stricken aristocrat is a 8decayed gentleman20 and 8the nobility of labour0 is a disingenuous figure of speech4 ,the transition from the original predatory phase of the pecuniary culture to the succeeding commercial phase signifies the emergence of a middle class in such force as presently to recast the working arrangements of the cultural scheme and make peaceable business 7gainful traffic7 the ruling interest of the community4 ,with the same movement emerges a situation which is progressively more favourable to the intellectual animus required for workmanship and an advance in technology4 ,the state of the industrial arts advances1 and with its advance the accumulation of wealth is accelerated1 the gainfulness of business traffic increases1 and the middle 7business7 class grows along with it4 ,it is in the conscious interest of this class to further the gainfulness of industry1 and as this end is correlated with the productiveness of industry it is also1 though less directly1 correlated with improvements in technology4 ,with the transition from a navely predatory scheme to a commercial one1 the 8competitive system0 takes the place of the coercive methods previously employed1 and pecuniary gain becomes the incentive to industry4 ,at least superficially1 or ephemerally1 the workman's income under this pecuniary rgime is in some proportion to his product4 ,hence there results a voluntary application to steady work and an inclination to find and to employ improvements in the methods and appliances of industry4 ,at the same time commercial conceptions come progressively to supplant conceptions of status and personal consequence as the primary and most familiar among the habits of thought entailed by the routine of daily life4 ,this will be true especially for the common man1 as contrasted with the aristocratic classes1 although it is not to be overlooked that the standards of propriety imposed on the community by the better classes will have a considerably corrective effect on the frame of mind of the common man in this respect as in others1 and so will act to maintain an effective currency of predatory ideals and preconceptions after the economic situation at large has taken on a good deal of a commercial complexion4 ,the accountancy of price and ownership throws personal prestige and consequence notably less into the foreground than does the rating in terms of prowess and gentle birth that characterises the predatory scheme of life4 ,and in proportion as such pecuniary accountancy comes to pervade men's relations1 correspondingly impersonal terms of rating and appreciation will make their way also throughout men's habitual apprehension of external facts1 giving the whole an increasingly impersonal complexion4 ,so far as this effect is had1 the facts of observation will lend themselves with correspondingly increased facility and effect to the purposes of technology4 ,so that the commercial phase of culture should be favourable to advance in the industrial arts1 at least as regards the immediate incidence of its discipline4 ,,chapter ,v ,,ownership ,,and ,,the ,,competitive ,,system ,i4 ,peaceable ,ownership ,the pecuniary system of social organisation that so results has grave and lasting consequences for the welfare of society4 ,it brings class divergence of material interests1 class prerogative and differential hardship1 and an accentuated class disparity in the consumption of goods1 involving a very extensive resort to the conspicuous waste of goods and services as an evidence of wealth4 ,these consequences of the pecuniary economy may be interesting enough in themselves1 even to the theoretician1 but they need not be pursued here except in so far as they have an appreciable bearing on the community's workmanlike efficiency and the further development of technology4#aaj ,but the more direct and immediate technological consequences of this move from a predatory to a peaceable or quasi-peaceable economic system are also sufficiently grave--partly favourable to workmanship and partly otherwise--and these it is necessary for the purposes of this inquiry to follow up in some detail4 ,the interest and attention of the two typical pecuniary classes between whom the affairs of industry now come to lie1 presently part company and enter on a course of progressive differentiation along two divergent lines4 ,the workmen1 labourers1 operatives1 technologists1--whatever term may best designate that general category of human material through which the community's technological proficiency functions directly to an industrial effect1--these have to do with the work1 whereby they get their livelihood1 and their interest as well as the discipline of their workday life converges1 in effect on a technologically competent apprehension of material facts4 ,in this respect the free workmen under this peaceable rgime of property are very differently placed from the servile workman of the predatory rgime of mastery and servitude4 ,the latter has little if any interest in the efficiency of the industrial processes in which he is engaged1 less so the more widely his status differs from that of the free workman4 ,his case is analogous to that of the tenant at will1 who has nothing to gain from permanent improvement of the land which he cultivates4 ,whereas the free workman is1 at least immediately and transiently1 and particularly in his own current apprehension of the matter1 quite intimately dependent on his own technological proficiency and vitally interested in any available technological expedient that promises to heighten his efficiency4 ,such is particularly the case during the earlier phases of the rgime of peaceable ownership1 so long as the free workman is in the typical case working at his own discretion and disposes of his own product in a limited market4 ,and such continues to be the case1 on the whole1 under the wage system so long as the large-scale production and investment have not put an end to the employer's intimate supervision of his employs4 ,indeed1 under the driving exigencies of the competitive wage system the workmen are somewhat strenuously held to such a workmanlike apprehension of things1 even though they may no longer have the same intimate concern in their own current efficiency as in the earlier days of handicraft4 ,the severe pressure of competitive wages and large organisation1 it might well be thought1 should logically offset the slighter attraction which work as such has for the hired workman as contrasted with the man occupied with his own work4 ,the effect of this rgime of free labour should logically be1 as it apparently has in great part been1 a close and progressively searching recourse to the logic of matter-of-fact in all the workmen's habitual thinking1 and in all their outlook on matters of interest1 whether in industry or in the other concerns of life that may conceivably be of more capital interest4 ,on the other hand the owners under this rgime of peaceable ownership have to do with the pecuniary management1 the gainful manipulation of property4 ,in the transitional beginnings of this system of peaceable ownership and free workmen the owners are in the typical case owners of land or similar natural resources2 but in due course of time there arises a class of owners holding property in the material equipment of industry and deriving their gains and livelihood from a businesslike management of this property1 at the same time that the landlords also fall into more businesslike relations with their tenants on the one hand and with the industrial community that supplies their wants on the other hand4 ,these owners1 investors1 masters1 employers1 undertakers1 businessmen1 have to do with the negotiation of advantageous bargains2 it is by bargaining that their discretionary control of property takes effect1 and in one way or another their attention centres on the quest of profits4 ,the training afforded by these occupations and requisite to their effectual pursuit runs in terms of pecuniary management and insight1 pecuniary gain1 price1 price-cost1 price-profit and price-loss2 and these men are held to an ever more exacting recourse to the logic of the price system1 and so are trained to the apprehension of men and things in terms which count toward a gainful margin on investments and business undertakings2 that is to say in terms of the self-regarding propensities and sentiments comprised in human nature1 and perhaps especially in terms of human infirmity4 ,this last point in the characterisation may seem unwarranted1 and may even strike unreflecting persons as derogatory4 ,it is1 of course1 not so intended2 and any degree of reflection will bring out its simple bearing on the facts of business4 ,as is well and obviously known1 the sole end of business as such is pecuniary gain1 gain in terms of price4 ,it need not be held1 as has sometimes been argued1 that one businessman's gain is necessarily another's loss2 although that principle was once taken for granted1 as the foundation of the ,mercantilist policies of ,europe1 and is still acted on uncritically by the generality of statesmen4 ,but it is at any rate true1 because it is contained in the terms employed1 that a successful business negotiation is more successful in proportion as the party of the second part is less competent to take care of his own pecuniary interest1 whether through native or acquired incapacity for pecuniary discretion or from pecuniary inability to stand out for such terms as he otherwise might conceivably exact4 ,a shrewd businessman can1 notoriously1 negotiate advantageous terms with an inexperienced minor or a necessitous customer or employ4 ,pecuniary gain is a differential gain and business is a negotiation of such differential gains2 not necessarily a differential of one businessman as against or at the cost of another2 but more commonly1 and more typical of the competitive system1 it is a differential as between the businessman's outlay and his returns1--that is to say1 as between the businessman and the unbusinesslike generality of persons with whom directly or indirectly he deals as customers1 employs1 and the like4 ,for the purposes of such a negotiation of differentials the weakness of one party 7in the pecuniary respect7 is as much to the point as the strength of the other1--the two being substantially the same fact4 ,the discipline of the business occupations should accordingly run to the habitual rating of men1 things and affairs in terms of emulative human nature and of precautionary wisdom in respect of pecuniary expediency4 ,instead of workmanlike or technological insight1 this discipline conduces to worldly wisdom4#aaa ,but the disparity between the discipline of the business occupations and that of industry is by no means so sheer as this contrast in their main characteristics would imply1 nor do the men engaged in these two divergent lines of work differ so widely in their habitual outlook on affairs or their insight into facts4 ,such is particularly the case in the earlier and simpler phases of the rgime1 before the specialisation of occupations had gone so far as to divide the working community in any consistent fashion into the two contrasted classes of businessmen on the one side and workmen on the other4 ,as this modern rgime of peaceable ownership and pecuniary organisation has advanced and its peculiar features of organisation and workmanship have reached a sharper definition1 the division between the two contrasted kinds of endeavour--business and workmanship--has grown wider and the disparity in the distinctive range of habits engendered by each has grown more marked4 ,so that something of a marked and pervading contrast should logically be found between the habitual attitude taken by members of the business community on the one hand and that of the body of workmen on the other hand2 and this contrast should1 logically1 go on increasing with each successive move in advance along this line of specialisation of occupations and 8division of labour40 ,some such result has apparently followed2 but neither has the specialisation been complete and consistent1 nor has the resulting differentiation in respect of their intellectual and spiritual attitude set the two contrasted classes of persons apart in so definitive a fashion as a first and elementary consideration of the causes at work might lead one to infer4 ,businessmen have to do with industry2 more or less remotely perhaps1 but often at near hand1 for it is out of industry that their business gains come2 and they are also subject to the routine of living imposed by the use of the particular range of industrial appliances and processes available for that use4 ,the workmen on the other hand have also to do with pecuniary matters1 for they are forever in contact with the market in one way and another1 and it is in pecuniary terms that the livelihood comes to them for which they are set to work4 ,and both businessmen and workmen enter on their two divergent lines of training with much the same endowment of propensities and aptitudes4 ,yet it appears that the training in pecuniary wisdom that makes up the career of the typical businessman is after all of little avail in the way of technological insight or efficiency1 as witness the ubiquitous mismanagement of industry at the hands of businessmen who are1 presumably1 doing their best to enhance the efficiency of the industries under their control with a view to the largest net gain from the output4#aab ,if the 8efficiency engineers0 are to be credited1 it is probably within the mark to say that the net aggregate gains from industry fall short of what they might be by some fifty per cent1 owing to the trained inability of the businessmen in control to appreciate and give effect to the visible technological requirements of the industries from which they draw their gains4 ,to appreciate the kind and degree of this commonplace mismanagement of industry it is only necessary to contrast the facility1 circumspection1 shrewd strategy and close economy shown by these same businessmen in the organisation and management of their pecuniary1 fiscal and monetary operations1 as against the waste of time1 labour and materials that abounds in the industries under their control4 ,but for the workmen likewise1 their daily work and their insight into its requirements and possibilities are1 by more than half1 a 8business proposition10 a proposition in the pecuniary calculus of how to get the most in price for the least return in weight and tale4 ,these various considerations1 taken crudely in their first incidence1 would seem to preclude any technological advance under this quasi-peaceable rgime of business4 ,business principles and pecuniary distinctions rule the familiar routine of life1 and even the common welfare is conceived in terms of price1 and so of differential advantage2 and under such a system there should apparently be little chance of the dispassionate pursuit of such a non-invidious interest as that of workmanship4 ,the prime mover in this cultural scheme appears to be invidious self-aggrandisement1 without fear or favour2 and its goal appears to be the conspicuous waste of goods and services4 ,yet in point of fact the technological advance under these modern conditions has been larger and more rapid than in any other cultural situation4 ,therefore the circumstances under which these modern gains in technology have been made will merit somewhat more detailed attention2 as also the cultural consequences that have followed from this technological advance or been conditioned by it4 ,and at the risk of some tedious repetition it seems pertinent summarily to recall these peculiar circumstances that have conditioned the modern culture and have presumably shaped its technological output4 ,by and large this modern technological era runs its course within the frontiers of ,occidental civilisation1 and in the period subsequent to the feudal age4 ,roughly1 its centre of diffusion is the region of the ,north ,sea1 and its placement in point of time is in that period of comparative peace spoken of as 8modern times40 ,such of the peoples comprised within this ,western culture as have continued to be actively occupied with fighting during this modern period have had no creative share in this technological era1 and indeed they have had little share of any kind4 ,the broad centre of diffusion of this technology coincides in a curious way with that of the singularly competent and singularly matter-of-fact neolithic culture of northern ,europe2 and the racial elements that have been engaged in this modern technological advance are still substantially the same1 and mixed in substantially the same proportions1 as during that prehistoric technological era of the lower barbarism or the higher savagery4 ,this implies1 of course1 that the spiritual 7instinctive7 endowment of the peoples that have made the modern technological era is still substantially the same as was that of their forebears of the ,danish stone age4 ,the peoples that have taken the lead in this cultural growth1 and more particularly in the technological advance1 have never lived under a full grown and consistently worked out patriarchal system1 nor have they1 therefore1 ever fully assimilated that peculiarly personal and arbitrarily authoritative scheme of anthropomorphic beliefs that commonly goes with the patriarchal system4 ,in the earlier phases of their cultural experience1 and until recently1 they have lived in small communities1 under more or less of local self-government1 and have in great part shown some degree of religious scepticism and insubordination4 ,they have had some experience of the sea and of that impersonal run of phenomena which the sea offers2 which call on those who have to do with the sea for patient observation of how such impersonal forces work1 and which constrain them to learn by trial and error how these forces may be turned to account4 ,latterly1 in the days of their most pronounced technological advance1 these peoples have had experience of an economic and industrial system organised on an unexampled scale1 such as to constitute a very wide and inclusive industrial community within which intercourse has been increasingly easy and effective4 ,these circumstances have determined the range of their habituation in its larger features2 and these peoples have come under the discipline of this situation with a spiritual endowment apparently differing in some degree from what any other group of peoples has ever brought to a similar task4 ,how much of the outcome1 cultural and technological1 is to be set down navely and directly to a peculiar temperamental bent in this human raw material would be hazardous to conjecture4 ,something seems fairly to be credited to that score4 ,the particular mixture of hybrids that goes to make up these peoples1 and in which the dolicho-blond enters more or less ubiquitously1 appears to lack a certain degree of subtlety1 such as seems native to many other peoples that have created civilisations of a different complexion1--a subtlety that shows itself in a readiness for intrigue and farsighted appreciation of the springs of human nature1 and which often shows itself also in high-wrought and stupendous constructions of anthropomorphic myth and theology1 religion and magic1 as well as in such large and fertile systems of creative art as will commonly accompany these anthropomorphic creations4 ,those peoples that are infused with an appreciable blond admixture have on the other hand1 not commonly excelled in the farther reaches of the spiritual life1 particularly not in the refinements of a sustained and finished anthropomorphism4 ,their best efficiency has rather run to those bull-headed deeds of force and those mechanic arts that touch closely on the domain of the inorganic forces4 ,of such a character is also this modern technological era4 ,it is in the mechanic arts dealing with brute matter that the modern technology holds over all else1 in matter-of-fact insight1 in the navet of the questions with which its adepts search the facts of observation1 and in the crudity 7anthropomorphically speaking7 of the answers with which they are content to go back to their work4 ,outside of the mechanic arts this technology must be rated lower than second best4 ,in subtlety of craftsmanlike insight and contrivance or in delicacy of manipulation and adroit use of man's physical aptitudes the peoples of this ,western culture are not now and never have been equal to the best4 ,such a characterisation of the modern technology may seem too broad and too schematic1--that it overlooks features of the case that are sufficiently large and distinctive to call for their recognition even in the most general characterisation4 ,so1 e4 g41 in the light of what has been noted above in speaking of the domestication of the crop plants and animals1 the question may well suggest itself3 ,is not the patent success of these modern industrial peoples in the use and improvement of crops and cattle to be accepted as evidence of a genial anthropomorphic bent1 of the same kind and degree as took effect in the original domestication of plants and animals8 ,for some two hundred years past1 it is true1 very substantial advances have been made in tillage and breeding1 and this is at the same time the peculiar domain in which the anthropomorphic savages of the stone age once achieved those things which have made civilisation physically possible2 but the modern gains made in these lines have1 in the main if not altogether1 been technologically of the same mechanistic character as the rest of the modern advance in the industrial arts1 with little help or hindrance due to any such anthropomorphic bias as guided the savage ancients4 ,it is rather by virtue of their having come competently to apprehend these facts of animate nature in substantially inanimate terms1 mechanistic and chemical terms1 that the modern technological adepts in tillage and cattle-breeding have successfully carried this line of workmanship forward at a rate and with an effect not approached before4 ,the livestock expert is soberly learning by trial and error what to attempt and how to go about it in his breeding experiments1 and he deals as callously as any mechanical engineer with the chemistry of stock foods and the use and abuse of ferments1 germs and enzymes4 ,the soil specialist talks1 thinks and acts in terms of salts1 acids1 alkalies1 stratifications1 #bjj-mesh siftings1 and nitrogen-fixing organisms4 ,the crop-plant expert looks to handmade cross-fertilisation and to the ,mendelian calculus of hybridisation1 with no more imputation of anthropomorphic traits than the metallurgist who analyses fuels and fluxes1 mixes ores1 and with goggled eye scrutinises the shifting tints of the incandescent gases in the open hearth4 ,it is from such facts so construed that modern technology is made up1 and it is by such channels that the sense of workmanship has gone to the making of it4 ,so the question recurs1 ,how has it come about that this pecuniary culture--with its institutions drawn in terms of differential advantage and moved by sentiments that converge on emulative gain and the invidiously conspicuous waste of goods--has yet furthered the growth of such a technology1 even permissively8 ,in its direct incidence1 the discipline of this pecuniary culture is doubtless inimical to any advance in workmanlike insight or any matter-of-fact apprehension and use of objective phenomena4 ,it is a civilisation whose substantial core is of a subjective kind1 in the narrowly subjective1 personal1 individualistic sense given by the self-regarding sentiments of emulous rivalry4#aac ,but when all is said it is after all a peaceable culture1 on the whole2 and indeed the rules of the business game of profit and loss1 forfeit and sequestration1 require it to be so4 ,it has at least that much1 and perhaps much else1 in common with the great technological era of the north-,european neolithic age4 ,the discipline to which its peoples are subject may be exacting enough1 and its exactions may run to worldly wisdom rather than to matter-of-fact2 but its invidious distinctions run in terms of price1 that is to say in terms of an objective1 impersonal money unit1 in the last resort a metallic weight2 and the traffic of daily life under this price system affords an unremitting exercise in the exact science of making change1 large and small4 ,even the daydreams of the pecuniary day-dreamer take shape as a calculus of profit and loss computed in standard units of an impersonal magnitude1 even though the magnitude of these standard units may on analysis prove to be of a largely putative character4 ,the imputation under the price system is of an impersonal kind4 ,in the current apprehension of the pecuniary devotee these magnitudes are wholly objective1 so that in effect the training that comes of busying himself with them is after all a training in the accurate appreciation of brute fact4 ,at the same time1 the instinct of workmanship1 being not an acquired trait1 has not been got rid of by disuse2 and when the occasion offers1 under the relatively tranquil conditions of this peaceable or quasi-peaceable pecuniary rgime1 the ancient proclivity asserts itself in its ancient force1 uneager and asthenic perhaps1 but pervasive and resilient4 ,and when this instinct works out through the ,botic genius of the north-,european hybrid there is a good chance that the outcome of such observation and reflection will fall into terms of matter-of-fact1 of such close-shorn navet1 indeed1 as to afford very passable material for the material sciences and the machine technology4 ,so also1 the ancient and time-worn civil institutions of the north-,european peoples have apparently not been of the high-wrought invidious character that comes of long and strenuous training in the practices and ideals of the patriarchal system2 nor are their prevailing religious conceits extremely drastic1 theatrical or ceremonious1 as compared with what is to be found in the cults of the great dynastic civilisations of the ,east4 ,on the whole1 it is only through the ,middle ,ages that these peoples have been subject to the rigorous servile discipline that characterises a dynastic despotism1 secular or religious2 and much of the ancient1 pagan and prehistoric preconceptions on civil and religious matters appear to have stood over in the habits of thought of the common people even through that interval of submergence under aristocratic and patriarchal rule4 ,in the same connection it may be remarked that the blond-hybrid peoples of ,christendom were the last to accept the patriarchal mythology of the ,semites and have also been the first and readiest to shuffle out of it in the sequel2 which suggests the inference that they have never fully assimilated its spirit2 perhaps for lack of a sufficiently strict and protracted discipline in its ways and ideals1 perhaps for lack of a suitable temperamental ground4 ,there is1 indeed1 a curiously pervasive concomitance1 in point of time1 place1 and race1 between the modern machine technology1 the material sciences1 religious scepticism1 and that spirit of insubordination that makes the substance of what are called free or popular institutions4 ,on none of these heads is the concomitance so close or consistent as to warrant the conclusion that race and topography alone have made this modern cultural outcome4 ,the exceptions and side issues are too broad and too numerous for that2 but it is after all a concomitance of such breadth and scope that it can also not be overlooked4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the course of mutations that has brought on this modern technological episode may be conceived to have run somewhat in the following manner4 ,for lack of sufficient training in predatory habits of thought 7as shown1 e4 g41 in the incomplete patriarchalism of the north-,europeans7 the predatory culture failed to reach what may be called a normal maturity in the feudal system of ,europe1 particularly in the ,north and ,west1 where the blond admixture is stronger2 by 8normal0 being here intended that sequence of growth1 institutionalisation1 and decay shown typically by the great dynastic civilisations erected by ,semitic invaders in the ,east4 ,in the full-charged predatory culture1 in its earlier phases1 there appear typically to be present two somewhat divergent economic principles 7habits of thought7 both of which have something of an institutional force3 7a7 ,the warrant of seizure by prowess1#aad which commonly comes to vest in the dynastic head in case a despotic state is established2 and 7b7 the prescriptive tenure of whatever one has acquired4 ,these two institutional factors are at variance1 and according as one or the other of the two finally takes precedence and rules out or masters its rival postulate1 the predatory culture continues on lines of coercive exploitation1 as in these ,asiatic monarchies2 or it passes into the quasi-peaceable phase marked by secure prescriptive tenure of property and a settled nobility1 and presently into a commercialised industrial situation4 ,either line of development may1 of course1 be broken off without having reached a consummation4 ,within the region of the ,western ,civilisation1 both in north ,europe and repeatedly in the gean1 the course of events has fallen out in the line of the latter alternative2 the growth of institutions has shifted from the footing of prowess to that of prescriptive ownership4 ,so soon as this shift has securely been made1 the development of trade1 industry and a technological system has come into the foreground1 and these habitual interests have then reacted on the character of the institutions in force1 thereby accelerating the growth of conditions favourable to their own further advance4 ,there is1 of course1 no marked point of conjuncture in the cultural sequence at which this transition may definitely be said to have been effected1 but in a general way it may be held that the point of transition has been passed so soon as the current political and economic speculations uncritically give precedence to the 8commonweal0 as against the fiscal interests of the crown or the 8state10 whereby the crown and its officers come1 in theory and public pronouncement1 to be rated as guardians of the community's material welfare rather than autocratic exploiters of the community's productive capacity4 ,roughly from the same period there will duly set in something of an acceleration in rate of improvement in the state of the mechanic arts4 ,this movement seems plainly to come on the initiative of the lower or industrial classes and to be carried by their genius1 rather than by that of the ruling classes1 whether secular or spiritual4 ,it shows itself1 typically1 in a growth of handicraft and petty trade4 ,so the sense of workmanship and its associated sentiments again come1 by insensible degrees1 to take the first place among the factors that determine the run of habituation and therefore the character of the resulting culture1--so making the transition from barbarism to civilisation1 in the narrower sense of the term2 which is accordingly to be characterised1 in contrast with the predatory barbarian culture1 as a qualified or mitigated 7sophisticated7 return to the spirit of savagery1 or at least as a spiritual reversion looking in that direction1 though by no means abruptly reaching the savage plane4 ,the new phase has this in common with the typical savage culture that workmanship rather than prowess again becomes the chief or primary norm of habituation1 and therefore of the growth of institutions2 and that there results1 therefore1 a peaceable bent in the ideals and endeavours of the community4 ,but it is workmanship combined and compounded with ownership2 that is to say workmanship coupled with an invidious emulation and consequently with a system of institutions embodying a range of prescriptive differential benefits4 ,,ii4 ,the ,competitive ,system ,dominated by the tradition handed down from the beginning of the nineteenth century1 current economic theory has habitually made much of accumulated goods as the prime requisite of industry4 ,in industrial enterprise as it was then carried on the prevailing unit of organisation was the private firm1 with partnership concerns making up a secondary and less commonplace element in the business community4 ,ordinarily and typically these private firms and partnerships owned a certain material equipment employed in industry1 and they took the initiative in industrial enterprise on the ground of this ownership2 hiring the workmen1 buying materials and supplies1 and selling the products of the establishment4 ,credit relations1 such as go to the creation and conduct of a modern corporation1 were still of secondary consequence1 being resorted to rather as an expedient in emergencies than as the initial move and the substantial ground of business organisation2 the measure of the concern's magnitude and consequence was still 7typically7 its unencumbered ownership of the material equipment1 the size of the plant and the numbers of its hired workmen4 ,it follows by easy consequence that in the practical business conceptions of that time the equipment of material means1 which embodies the concern's assets and affords the ground of its initiative and its rating in the business community1 should commonly be rated as the prime mover in industry and the chief productive factor4 ,so1 also1 the theoretical speculation that drew on that business traffic for its working concepts came unavoidably to accept these tangible assets1 the community's material equipment1--implements1 livestock1 raw materials1 means of subsistence1--as the prime agency in the community's economic life4 ,as is true for the working conceptions and principles of industrial business1 so also in the theoretical formulations of the economists1 the community's immaterial equipment of technological proficiency is taken for granted as a circumstance of the environment conditioning the community's economic life1--the state of the industrial arts and the current workmanlike aptitudes and efficiency4 ,as the phrase runs1 8given the state of the industrial arts40 ,this is good1 homely1 traditional common sense2 it reflects the habitual practical run of affairs in the industrial community of that recent past4 ,such was the attitude of practical men toward industrial matters at the time when the current economic situation took its rise4 ,but such a conception is no longer so true to the practical exigencies of the immediate present1 nor do the men of affairs today habitually see these matters in just this light2 although the principles of the law that govern industrial enterprise still continue to embody these time-worn conceptions1 to which the economists also continue to yield allegiance4 ,like other elements of habitual knowledge this conception of things is drawn from past experience--chiefly from a past not too remote for ready comprehension--and it carries over the frame of mind out of which it arose4 ,in the earlier days of the machine industry1 then1--say1 in the closing quarter of the eighteenth century1--the conduct of industrial affairs was in the hands of business men who owned the material equipment and who directed the use of this equipment and turned it to account for their own gain1 on the prescriptive ground of such ownership4 ,discretion and initiative vested in the capitalist-employer1 who at that time1 7typically7 combined ownership of the plant with a somewhat immediate supervision and control of the industrial processes4 ,the directive control of industry1 covering both the volume and the character of the processes and output1 was in the typical case directly bound up with the ownership of the material equipment as such1--as tangible assets1 not as corporation stock-holdings4 ,since then changes have come over the business situation1 particularly through an extensive recourse to credit1 such that this time-worn conception will no longer answer the run of current business practice1 particularly not as touches that large-scale enterprise that now rules industrial affairs and that is currently accepted as the type of modern business enterprise4 ,among the assumptions of a hundred years ago was the premise1 self-evident to that generation of thoughtful men1 that the phase of commercialised economic life then prevailing was the immutably normal order of things4 ,and the assumptions surrounding that preconception were good and competent for a formulation of economic theory that takes such an institutional situation for granted and assumes it to be unchanging1 or to be a terminus ad quem4 ,but for anything like a genetic account of economic life1 early or late1 capitalistic or otherwise1 such assumptions and the theoretical propositions and analyses that follow from them are defective in that they take for granted what requires to be accounted for4 ,theoretical speculation that presupposes the 7somewhat old-fashioned7 institutions formerly governing ownership and business traffic1 and assumes them to have the immutable character and indefeasible force de facto which is assigned them de jure1 and that likewise assumes as immutable a passing phase in the 8state of the industrial arts10 may serve passably for a theory of how business affairs should properly arrange themselves to fit the conditions so assumed2 and such1 indeed1 has commonly been the character of theoretical formulations touching industry and business4 ,and as should fairly be expected1 in the speculations of the economists1 these theoretical formulations have also commonly been accompanied by a parallel line of remedial advice designed to show what preventive measures should be applied to prevent the run of business practice from doing violence to these assumed conditions that are held to be immutably normal and indefeasibly right4 ,now1 since in the received theories the accumulated 8productive goods0 are conceived to be the most consequential factor in industry1 and therefore in the community's material welfare and in the fortunes of individuals1 it logically follows that the discretionary ownership of them has come to be accounted the most important relation in which men may stand to the production of wealth and to the community's livelihood2 and the pecuniary transactions whereby this ownership is arranged1 manipulated and redistributed are held to be industrially the most productive of all human activities4 ,it is only during the nineteenth century that this doctrine of pecuniary productivity has been worked out into finished shape and has found secure lodgment in the systematic structure of economic theory--in the current theory of 8the ,function of the ,entrepreneur20#aae but it is also only during this period that business enterprise 7pecuniary management7 has come to dominate the economic situation in a substantially unmitigated degree1 so that the material fortunes of the community have come to depend on these pecuniary negotiations into which its 8captains of industry0 enter for their own gain4#aaf ,in the sense that no other line of activity stands in anything like an equally decisive relation of initiative or discretion to the industrial process1 or bears with a like weight on the material welfare of the community1 these business negotiations in ownership are unquestionably the prime factor in modern industry4 ,but that such is the case is due to the peculiar institutions of modern times and to the peculiar current state of the industrial arts2 and the former of these peculiar circumstances is conditioned by the latter4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it is not practicable to assign a hard and fast date from which this modern era began1 with its peculiar scheme of economic life and the economic conceptions that characterise it4 ,the date will vary from one country to another1 and even from one industrial class to another within the same country4 ,but it can be said that historically the modern era begins with the rise of handicraft2 it is along the line of growth marked out by the development of handicraft that the modern technology has emerged1 together with that industrial organisation and those pecuniary conceptions of economic efficiency and serviceability that have gradually come to their current state of maturity on the ground afforded by this technology4 ,what historically lies back of the era of handicraft is not of a piece with the economic situation of modern times2 nor is it characteristic of the ,western civilisation1 as contrasted with the agricultural and predatory civilisations of antiquity4 ,as indicated in an earlier chapter1 in speaking of the decay of the predatory 7feudalistic7 rgime and its servile agricultural organisation of industry1 when peace and order supervene the instinct of workmanship by insensible degrees and in an uncertain measure supplants the invidious self-regarding sentiments that actuate the life of prowess and servility characteristic of that culture2 so that workmanship comes again into the foreground among the instinctive propensities that shape the community's habitual interest and so bend the course of its institutional growth and determine the bias of its common sense4 ,the habitual outlook and the bias given by the handicraft system are of a twofold character--technological and pecuniary4 ,the craftsman was an artificer engaged in mechanical operations1 working with tools of which he had the mastery1 and employing mechanical processes the mysteries of which were familiar to his everyday habits of thought2 but from the beginning of the era of handicraft and throughout his industrial life he was also more or less of a trader4 ,he stood in close relation with some form of market1 and his proficiency as a craftsman was brought to a daily practical test in the sale of his wares or services1 no less than in the workmanlike fashioning of them4 ,also1 the price as well as the workmanlike quality of the goods presently became subject of regulation under the rules of the crafts2 and the petty trade which grew up as an occupation accessory to the handicraft industry was itself organised on lines analogous to the crafts proper and was regulated by similar principles2 the trader's work being accounted serviceable1 or productive1 in the same general sense as that of any other craftsman and being recognised as equitably entitling those who pursued it to a fair livelihood4 ,the handicraft system was an organised and regulated system of workmanship and self-help2 and under the conditions imposed by its technology proficiency in the latter respect was no less indispensable and no less to the purpose than in the former4 ,both counted equally and in combination toward the successful working of the system1 which is a practicable plan of economic life only so long as the craftsmen combine both of these capacities in good force and only so long as the technological exigencies admit the exercise of both in conjunction4 ,the system broke down so soon as the state of the industrial arts no longer enabled the workmen to acquire the necessary technological proficiency and do the required work at the same time that they each and several were able to oversee and pursue their individual pecuniary interests4 ,with the coming on of a wider and more extensively differentiated technological scheme1 and with wider and remoter market relations1 due in the main to increased facilities of transportation1 these necessary conditions of a practicable handicraft economy gradually failed1 and the practice of industrial investments and the larger commerce then gradually supplanted it4 ,the discipline of everyday life under the handicraft economy was a discipline in pecuniary self-help as well as in workmanship4 ,in the popular ideal as well as in point of practical fact the complete craftsman stood shrewdly on his individual proficiency in maintaining his own pecuniary advantage1 as well as on his trained workmanship2 and the gilds were organised to maintain the craft's advantages in the market1 as well as to regulate the quality of the output4 ,the craft rules governing the quality of the output of goods were in the main enforced with a view to the maintenance of price1 and so with a view to securing an adequate livelihood for the craftsmen4 ,efficiency in the crafts came in this way presently to be counted very much as the modern 8efficiency engineers0 would count it1--proximately in terms of mechanical performance1 ultimately in terms of price1 and more particularly in terms of net gain4 ,so that the habits of life ingrained in the gildsman1 and in the community at large where the gild system prevailed1 comprised as a main fact a meticulous regard for details of ownership and for pecuniary claims and obligations4 ,it is out of this insistent1 pervasive1 and minutely concrete discipline in the practice and logic of pecuniary detail that there have arisen those 8natural rights0 of property and those 8business principles0 that have been taken over by the later era of the machine industry and capitalistic investment4 ,the rules of the gild1 as well as the larger legislative provisions that had to do with gild regulations1 were avowedly drawn with a view to securing the gildsman in a fair customary livelihood1 and the measures logically adopted to this end were designed to secure him in the enjoyment and disposal of the returns of his work as well as in his right to pursue his trade within the rules laid down for the collective welfare by the gild4 ,with due training in this logic of the handicraft system it became a plain matter of common sense that the craftsman should equitably be entitled to whatever he can get for his work under the conventionally settled rules of the trade1 and should be free to make the most of his capacities in all that pertains to his pursuit of a livelihood2 and the like principles 7habits of thought7 apply to the traffic of the petty trade2 which1 being presently interpreted in terms of contract and investment1 has come to mean the right to do business and to enjoy and dispose of the returns from all bargains made in due form4 ,presently1 as the technological situation gradually changed its character through extensions and specialisation in appliances and processes--perhaps especially through changes in the means of communication and in the density of population--the handicraft system with its petty trade outgrew itself and broke down in a new phase of the pecuniary culture4 ,the increasingly wide differentiation between workmanship and salesmanship grew into a 8division of labour0 between industry and business1 between industrial and pecuniary occupations1--a disjunction of ownership and its peculiar cares1 privileges and proficiency from workmanship4 ,by this division of labour1 or divergence of function1 a fraction of the community came to specialise in ownership and pecuniary traffic1 and so came to constitute a business community occupied with pecuniary affairs1 running along beside the industrial community proper1 with a development of practices and usages peculiar to its own needs and bearing only indirectly on the further development of the industrial system or on the state of the industrial arts4 ,master-workmen with means would employ other workmen without means1 and might or might not themselves continue to work at the trade4 ,petty traders or hucksters1 nominally members of some craft gild1 would grow wealthy with the increasing volume of traffic and would organise a more and more extensive household 7sweatshop7 industry to meet the increasing demands of their market2 or they might become jobbers1 carry on more far-reaching trade operations over a longer term1 withdraw more distantly from the actual work of the craft1 and in the course of a generation or two 7as1 e4 g41 the ,fuggers7 would grow into merchant princes and financiers who maintained but a remote and impersonal relation to the crafts4 ,or1 again1 the associated merchants 7as1 e4 g41 those of the ,hansa7 would establish depots and agents1 8factories10 that would gradually assemble something of a working force of craftsmen to sort1 warehouse and finish the products which they handled1 at the same time that they would exercise an increasingly close and extensive oversight of the industries from which these products were derived2 until these depots1 under the management of the factors1 in some cases grew into factories in somewhat the modern acceptance of the term4 ,in one way and another this trading or huckstering traffic1 which had been intimately associated with the handicraft industry and gild life1 branched off in the course of time as the industries advanced to a larger scale and a more extensive specialisation2 and this increasing 8division of labour0 between workmanship and salesmanship led presently to such a segregation of the traders out of the body of craftsmen as to give rise to a business community devoted to pecuniary management alone4 ,but the principles on which the new and larger business was conducted were the same as those on which the earlier petty trade had been carried on1 and therefore the same in point of derivation and tenor as had been worked out by long experience within the handicraft system proper4 ,business traffic was an outgrowth of the handicraft system1 and it was in as secure a position in respect of legitimacy and legal and customary guaranty as the industrial system from which its principles were derived and from which its gains were drawn4 ,the source from which the new line of businessmen drew the accumulations of wealth by force of which they were enabled to do business is somewhat in dispute2 but however interesting a question that may be in its own right1 it does not particularly concern the present inquiry1 and the like is true for the still more interesting and spectacular phenomena that marked the growth and decline of that early business era that ran its course within the life-history of the handicraft system4#aag ,throughout that great period of business activity on the continent of ,europe that gathered head in the sixteenth century and that closed in decay and collapse in the seventeenth1 the principles 7habits of thought7 which underlay1 authenticated and animated the business community and its pecuniary traffic continued to be much the same as animated the body of craftsmen in their pecuniary relations from the beginning of the era of handicraft to its close4 ,such1 in its turn1 was also the case with the later business era that set in with the great industrial advance of ,england in the ,eighteenth ,century1 and such continued to be the case through the greater part of its life-history in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,of the latterday and latest developments in business practice and principles the like cannot unhesitatingly be said1 but this too is a matter that does not immediately concern the inquiry at this point4 ,but the principles of the new and larger business were the same as had been slowly worked out under the system of petty trade4 ,these business principles have proved to be very tenacious and stable1 even in the face of apparently adverse technological circumstances1 coming as they do out of a long and rigorous habituation of very wide sweep and having acquired the authenticity due to formal recognition in legal decisions and to the painstaking definition given them in the course of a protracted and exacting struggle against the institutional remnants of the feudal system4 ,these circumstances attending the genesis and growth of modern business principles have led to their being formulated in a well-defined conceptual scheme of customary right and also to their embodiment in statutory form4 ,to this1 perhaps1 they owe much of their tenacious resistance to latterday exigencies that have tended to modify or abrogate them4 ,in their elements1 of course1 these business principles are even older than the era of handicraft1 being substantially of the same nature as that sentimental impulse to self-aggrandisement that lies at the root of the predatory culture and so makes the substantial core of all pecuniary civilisations4 ,the distinguishing mark of any business era1 as contrasted with the handicraft economy1 is the supreme dominance of pecuniary principles1 both as standards of efficiency and as canons of conduct4 ,in such a businesslike community efficiency is rated in terms of pecuniary gain2 and in so far as business principles rule1 efficiency in any other direction than business traffic can claim recognition only in the measure in which it may be reduced to terms of pecuniary gain4 ,workmanship1 therefore1 comes to be rated in terms of salesmanship4 ,and the canons of workmanship1 and even of technological efficiency1 fall more and more into pecuniary lines and allow pecuniary tests to decide on points of serviceability4 ,the instinct of workmanship is accordingly contaminated with ideals of self-aggrandisement and the canons of invidious emulation1 so that even the serviceability of any given action or policy for the common good comes to be rated in terms of the pecuniary gain which such conduct will bring to its author4 ,any pecuniary strategist--8captain of industry0--who manages to engross appreciably more than an even share of the community's wealth is therefore likely to be rated as a benefactor of the community at large and an exemplar of the social virtues2 whereas the man who works and does not manage to divert something more from the aggregate product to his own use than what one man's work may contribute to it is visited not only with dispraise for having fallen short of a decent measure of efficiency but also with moral reprobation for shiftlessness and wasted opportunities4 ,so also1 to the current common sense in a community trained to pecuniary rather than to workmanlike discrimination between articles of use1 those articles which serve their material use in a conspicuously wasteful manner commend themselves as more serviceable1 nobler and more beautiful than such goods as do not embody such a margin of waste4#aah ,under this system of business principles1 in one way and another1 the sense of workmanship is contaminated in all its ramifications by preconceptions of pecuniary merit and invidious distinction4 ,but what is here immediately in question is its deflection into the channels of gainful business1 together with the more obvious consequences that follow directly from the substitution of differential gain in the place of material serviceability as the end to which the instinctive propensity of workmanship so comes to drive men's ideals and efforts under the discipline of the pecuniary culture4 99 99 99 99 99 ,for the purposes of a genetic inquiry into this modern business situation and its bearing on the sense of workmanship and on the technological phenomena in which that instinct comes to an expression1 it is necessary summarily to recall certain current facts pertinent to the case3 7a7 ,it is a competitive system2 that is to say it is a system of pecuniary rivalry and contention which proceeds on stable institutions of property and contract1 under conditions of peace and order4 7b7 ,it is a price system1 i4 e41 the competition runs in terms of money1 and the money unit is the standard measure of efficiency and achievement2 hence competition and efficiency are subject to a rigorous accountancy in terms of a 7putatively7 stable money unit1 which is in all business traffic assumed to be invariable4 7c7 ,technologically this situation is dominated by the mechanical industries2 so much so that even the arts of husbandry have latterly taken on much of the character of the mechanic arts4 ,hence a somewhat thoroughgoing standardisation of processes and products in mechanical terms2 which for business purposes has with a fair degree of success been made convertible into terms of price1 and so made subject to accountancy in terms of price4 7d7 ,hence consumption is also standardised1 proximately in mechanical terms of consumable products but finally1 through the mechanism of the market1 in terms of price1 and like other price phenomena consumption also is competitively subject to and enforced by the like accountancy in terms of the money unit4 7e7 ,the typical industries1 which set the pace for productive work1 for competitive gains1 and through the standard rates of gain ultimately also for competitive consumption1 are industries carried on on a large scale2 that is to say they are such as to require a large material equipment1 a wide recourse to technological insight and proficiency1 and a large draught on the material resources of the community4 7f7 ,this material equipment--industrial plant and natural resources--is held in private ownership1 with negligible exceptions2 the noteworthy exceptions to this rule1 as e4 g41 harbours1 highways1 and the like1 serving chiefly as accessory means of industry and so come in chiefly as a gratuitous supplement to the industrial equipment held in private ownership and used for competitive gain4 7g7 ,technological knowledge and proficiency is in the main held and transmitted pervasively by the community at large1 but it is also held in part--more obviously because exceptionally--by specially trained classes and individual workmen4 ,relatively little1 in effect a negligible proportion1 of this technological knowledge and skill is in any special sense held by the owners of the industrial equipment1 more particularly not by the owners of the typical large-scale industries4 ,that is to say1 the technologically proficient workmen do not in the typical case own or control any appreciable proportion of the material equipment or of the natural resources to which this technological knowledge and skill applies and in the use of which it takes effect4 7h7 ,it results that the owners of this large material equipment1 including the natural resources1 have a discretionary control of the technological proficiency of the community at large1 as well as of those special lines of insight and skill that are vested in these specially trained expert men in whom a specialised proficiency is added to the general proficiency that is diffused through the community at large4 7i7 ,in effect1 therefore1 the owners of the necessary material equipment own also the working capacity of the community and the usufruct of the state of the industrial arts4 ,except for their effective ownership of these elements of productive efficiency their ownership of the material equipment of industry would be of no effect4 ,but the usufruct of this productive capacity of the community and its trained workmen vests in the owners of the material equipment only with the contingent qualification that if the community does this work it must be allowed a livelihood1 whereby the gross returns that go in the first instance to these owners suffer abatement by that much4 ,this required livelihood is adjusted to a conventional standard of living which1 under the current circumstances of pecuniary emulation1 is in great part--perhaps chiefly--a standardised schedule of conspicuous waste4 ,in what has just been said above1 the view is implied that the owners of the material means1 who are in great part also the employers of workmen and are sentimentally spoken of as 8captains of industry10 have1 in effect and commonly1 but a relatively loose grasp of the technological facts1 possibilities1 and requirements of modern industry1 and that by virtue of their business training they are able to make but a scant and uncertain use of such loose ideas as they have on these heads4 ,to anyone imbued with the commonplaces of current economic theory it may seem that exception should dutifully be taken to this view1 as being an understatement of the businessmen's technological merits4 ,in current theoretical formulations the businessman is discussed under the caption of 8entrepreneur10 8undertaker10 etc41 and his gains are spoken of as 8wages of superintendence10 8wages of management10 and the like4 ,he is conceived as an expert workman in charge of the works1 a superior foreman of the shop1 and his gains are accounted a remuneration for his creative contribution to the process of production1 due to his superior insight and initiative in technological matters4 ,this conception of the businessman and his relation to industry has stood over from an earlier period1 the period of the small-scale industry of handicraft and petty trade1 when it still was true that the owner-employer1 in the typical case1 kept a personal oversight of his workmen and their work1 and so filled the place of master-workman as well as that of buyer and seller of materials and finished goods4 ,and such a characterisation of the businessman and his work will still hold true in the modern situation in so far as he still is occupied with industry conducted on the same small scale and continues to fill the place of a foreman of the shop4 ,but under current conditions--the conditions of the past half century--and more particularly under the conditions of that large-scale industry that is currently accounted the type of modern industry1 the businessman has ceased to be foreman of the shop1 and his surveillance of industry has ceased effectually to comprise a technological management of its details2 and in corresponding measure this traditional theoretical conception of the businessman has ceased to apply4 ,the view here spoken for1 that the modern businessman is necessarily out of effectual touch with the affairs of technology as such and incompetent to exercise an effectual surveillance of the processes of industry1 is not a matter of bias or of vague opinion2 it has in fact become a matter of statistical demonstration4 ,even a cursory survey of the current achievements of these great modern industries as managed by businessmen1 taken in contrast with the opportunities offered them1 should convince anyone of the technological unfitness of this business management of industry4 ,indeed1 the captains of industry have themselves latterly begun to recognise their own inefficiency in this respect1 and even to appreciate that a businessman's management of industrial processes is not good even for the business purpose--the net pecuniary gain4 ,and it is all the more ineffectual for the purposes of workmanship as distinct from the businessmen's gains4 ,so1 a professional class of 8efficiency engineers0 is coming into action1 whose duty it is to take invoice of the preventable wastes and inefficiencies due to the business management of industry and to present the case in such concrete and obvious terms of price and percentage as the businessmen in charge will be able to comprehend4 ,these men1 in a way1 take over the functions assigned in economic theory to the 8entrepreneur20 in that they are men of general technological training and insight1 who go into their inquiry on the ground of workmanship1 take their data in terms of workmanship and convert them into terms of business expediency1 somewhat to the same purpose as the like work of conversion was done by the owner-employers under that small-scale system of industrial enterprise from which the current theoretical concept of the 8entrepreneur0 was derived4 ,it is then the duty of these efficiency engineers to present the results so obtained1 for the conviction and guidance of the businessmen in charge1 who thereupon1 if their business training has left them enough of a sense of workmanship1 will give permissive instructions to the expert workmen in direct charge of the industrial processes to put these statistically indicated changes into effect4 ,it is the testimony of these efficiency engineers that relatively few pecuniary captains in command of industrial enterprises have a sufficient comprehension of the technological facts to understand and accept the findings of the technological experts who so argue for the elimination of preventable wastes1 even when the issue is presented statistically in terms of price4 ,these men go about their work of ascertaining the efficiency1 actual and potential1 of any given plant1 process1 working force1 or parcel of material resources1 by the methods of precise physical measurement familiar to mechanical engineers1 and as an outcome they have no hesitation in speaking of preventable wastes amounting to ten1 twenty1 fifty1 or even ninety per-cent1 in the common run of ,american industries4#aai ,the work of the efficiency engineers being always done in the service of business and with a view to business expediency1 their findings bear directly on the business exigencies of the case alone1 and give definitive results only in terms of price and profits4 ,how much greater the ascertained discrepancies in the case would appear if these findings could be reduced to terms of serviceability to the community at large1 there is no means of forming a secure conjecture4 ,that the discrepancy would in such case prove to be appreciably greater than that shown by the price rating is not doubtful4 ,under such an appraisal1 where the given industrial enterprises would be brought to the test of net serviceability to the community instead of the net gain of the interested businessmen1 many industrial enterprises would doubtless show a waste of appreciably more than one hundred per cent of their current output1 being rather disserviceable to the community's material welfare than otherwise4 ,that the business community is so permeated with incapacity and lack of insight in technological matters is doubtless due proximately to the fact that their attention is habitually directed to the pecuniary issue of industrial enterprise2 but more fundamentally and unavoidably it is due to the large volume and intricate complications of the current technological scheme1 which will not permit any man to become a competent specialist in an alien and exacting field of endeavour1 such as business enterprise1 and still acquire and maintain an effectual working acquaintance with the state of the industrial arts4 ,the current technological scheme cannot be mastered as a matter of commonplace information or a by-occupation incidental to another pursuit4 ,the same advance to a large and exhaustive technological system1 in the machine industry1 that has thrown the direction of industrial affairs into the hands of men primarily occupied with pecuniary management has also made it impossible for men so circumstanced at all adequately to exercise the oversight and direction of industry thereby required at their hands4 ,and the ancient principles of self-help and pecuniary gain by virtue of which these men are held to their work of business enterprise make it also impossible for them adequately to surrender the discretionary care of the industrial processes to other hands or to permit the management of industry to proceed on other than these same business principles4 ,this technological infirmity of the businessmen assuredly does not arise from a lack of interest in industry1 since it is only out of the net product of industry that the business community's gains are drawn--except so far as they are substantially gains of accountancy merely1 due to an inflation of values4 ,perhaps no class of men have ever been more keenly alert in their interest in industrial matters than the modern businessmen2 and this interest extends not only to the industrial ventures in which they may for the time be pecuniarily 8interested10 but also and necessarily to other lines of industry that are more or less closely correlated with the one in which the given businessman's fortunes are embarked2 for under modern market conditions any given line of industrial enterprise is bound in endless relations of give and take with all the rest4 ,but this unremitting attention of businessmen to the affairs of industry is a business attention1 and1 so far as may be1 it touches nothing but the pecuniary phenomena connected with the ownership of industry2 so that it comes rather to a training in the art of keeping in touch with the pecuniary run of business affairs while avoiding all undue intimacy with the technological facts of industry1--undue in the sense of being in excess of what may serve the needs of a comprehensive short-term outlook over market relations1 and which would therefore divert attention from this main interest and befog the pecuniary logic by which businessmen are governed4 ,probably1 also1 no class of men have ever bent more unremittingly to their work than the modern business community4 ,within the business community there is properly speaking no leisure class1 or at least no idle class4 ,in this respect there is a notable contrast between the business community and the landed interest4 ,what there is to be found in this modern culture in the way of an idle class1 considered as an institution1 runs back for its origins and its specific traits to a more archaic cultural scheme2 it is a survival from an earlier 7predatory7 phase of the pecuniary culture4 ,in the nature of things an idle life of fashion is an affair of the nobility 7gentry71 of predatory antecedents and1 under current conditions1 of predatory-parasitic habits2 and as regards those modern rich men who withdraw from the business community and fall into a state of otium cum dignitate1 it is commonly their fortune to be assimilated by a more or less ceremonial induction into the body of this quasi-predatory gentry or nobility and so assume an imitative colouring of archaism4 ,the business community is hard at work1 and there is no place in it for anyone who is unable or unwilling to work at the high tension of the average2 and since this close application to pecuniary work is of a competitive nature it leaves no chance for any of the competitors to apply himself at all effectually to other than pecuniary work4 ,this high tension of work is felt to be very meritorious in all modern communities1 somewhat in proportion as they are modern2 as is necessarily the case in any work that is substantially of an emulative character4 ,it spends itself on salesmanship1 not on workmanship in the nave sense2 although the all-pervading preoccupation with pecuniary matters in modern times has led to its being accounted the type of workmanlike endeavour4 ,it concerns itself ultimately with the pecuniary manipulation of the material equipment of industry1 though there is much of it that does not bear immediately on that point4 ,the exceptions under this broad proposition are more apparent than real1 although there doubtless are exceptions actual as well as apparent4 ,in such a case the business transactions in question are likely to bear on the ownership of certain specific elements of the immaterial technological equipment1 as e4 g41 habits of thought covered by parent-right or mechanical expedients covered by franchise4 ,beyond these there are elements of 8good-will0 that are subject of traffic and that consist in preferential advantages in respect of purely pecuniary transactions having to do not with the material equipment but with the right to deal with it and its management1 as e4 g41 in banking1 underwriting1 insurance1 and the phenomena of the money market at large4 99 99 99 99 99 ,but the mature business situation as it runs today is a complex affair1 large and intricate1 wherein the effective relations in which business traffic stands to workmanship and to the community's immaterial equipment of technological knowledge at large are greatly obscured by their own convolutions and by the institutional arrangements and convictions to which this traffic has given rise4 ,so that the matter is best approached by way of a genetic exposition that shall take as its point of departure that simpler business enterprise of early modern times out of which the larger development of the present has grown by insensible accretions and displacements4 ,business enterprise came in the course of time to take over the affairs of industry and so to withdraw these affairs from the tutelage of the gilds4 ,this shifting of the effectual discretion in the management of industrial affairs came on gradually and in varying fashion and degree over a considerable interval of time4 ,but the decisive general circumstance that enforced this move into the modern way of doing was an advance in the scope and method of workmanship4#abj ,what threw the fortunes of the industrial community into the hands of the owners of accumulated wealth was essentially a technological change1 or rather a complex of technological changes1 which so enlarged the requirements in respect of material equipment that the impecunious workmen could no longer carry on their trade except by a working arrangement with the owners of this equipment2 whereby the discretionary control of industry was shifted from the craftsmen's technological mastery of the ways of industry to the owner's pecuniary mastery of the material means4 ,in the change that so took place to a larger technological scale much was doubtless due to the extension of trade1 itself in great part an outcome of technological changes1 directly and indirectly4 ,for the craftsmen and their work the outcome was that recourse must be had to the material equipment owned by those who owned it1 and on such terms as would content the owners2 whereby the usufruct of the workmen's proficiency and of the state of the industrial arts fell to the owners of the material equipment1 on such terms as might be had4#aba ,so it fell to these owners of the material means and of the products of industry to turn this technological situation to account for their own gain1 with as little abatement as might be1 and at the same time it became incumbent on them each and several competitively to divert as large a share of the community's productive efficiency to his own profit as the circumstances would permit4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,the ,,era ,,of ,,handicraft#abb ,owing1 probably1 to the peculiar topography of ,europe1 small-scale and broken1 the pastoral-predatory culture has never been fully developed or naturalised in this region2 nor has a monarchy of the great type characteristic of western ,asia ever run its course in ,europe4 ,the nearest approach to such a despotic state would be the ,roman ,empire2 which was after all essentially ,mediterranean1 largely ,levantine1 rather than peculiarly ,european4 ,and owing probably to the same conditioning limitations of topography the subsequent sequence of institutional phenomena have also been characteristically different in this ,european region from that in the large and fertile lands of the near ,east4 ,it is necessarily this run of events in the ,western culture that is of chief interest to the present inquiry2 which will therefore most conveniently follow the historical outlines of this culture in its later phases1 in so far as these outlines are to be drawn in economic terms of a large generality4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in a passably successful fashion the peoples of ,christendom made the transition from a frankly predatory and servile establishment1 in the ,dark ,ages1 to a settled1 quasi-peaceable situation resting on fairly secure property rights1 chiefly in land1 by the close of the ,middle ,ages4 ,this transition was accompanied by a growth of handicraft1 itinerant merchandising and industrial towns1 so massive as to outlive and displace the feudal system under whose tutelage it took its rise1 and of so marked a technological character as to have passed into history as the 8era of handicraft40 ,technologically1 this era is marked by an ever advancing growth of craftsmanship2 until it passes over into the rgime of the machine industry when its technology had finally outgrown those limitations of handicraft and petty trade that gave it its character as a distinct phase of economic history4 ,in its beginning the handicraft system was made up of impecunious craftsmen1 working in severalty and working for a livelihood1 and the rules of the craft-gilds that presently took shape and exercised control were drawn on that principle4#abc ,the petty trade which characteristically runs along with the development of handicraft was carried on after the same detail fashion and was presently organised on lines afforded by the same principle of work for a livelihood4 ,presently1 however1 in early modern times1 larger holdings of property came to be employed in the itinerant trade1 and investment for a profit found its way into this trade as also into the handicraft system proper4 ,the processes of industry grew more extensive and roundabout1 the specialisation of occupations 78division of labour07 increased1 the scale of organisation grew larger1 and the practice of employing impecunious workmen in organised bodies under the direction of wealthier masters came to be the prevailing form taken by the industry of the time4 ,from near the beginnings of the handicraft system1 and throughout the period of its flourishing1 the output of the industry was habitually sold at a price1 in terms of money4 ,in the earlier days the price was regulated on the basis of labour cost1 on the principle that a competent craftsman must be allowed a fair livelihood1 and much thought and management was spent on the determination and maintenance of such a 8just price40 ,but in the course of generations1 with further development of trade and markets1 this conception of price by degrees gave way to or passed over into the modern presumption that any article of value is worth what it will bring2 until1 when the era of handicraft and petty trade merges in the late-modern rgime of investment and machine industry1 it has become the central principle of pecuniary relations that price is a matter to be arranged freely between buyer and seller on the basis of bargain and sale4 ,the characteristic traits of this era are the handicraft industry and the petty trade which handled the output of that industry1 with the trade gradually coming into a position of discretionary management1 and even dominating the industry of the craftsmen to such an extent that by the date when the technology of handicraft begins to give way to the factory organisation and the machine industry the workmen are already somewhat fully under the control of the businessmen4 ,visibly1 the ruling cause of this change in the relations between the craftsmen on the one hand and the traders and master-employers on the other hand was the increasing magnitude of the material means necessary to the pursuit of industry1 due to such a growth of technology as required an ever larger1 more finished and more costly complement of appliances4 ,so that in the course of the era of handicraft the ancient relation between owners and workmen gradually re-established itself within the framework of the new technology2 with the difference that the owners in whose hands the discretion now lay1 and to whose gain the net output of industry now inured1 were the businessmen1 investors1 the owners of the industrial plant and of the apparatus of trade1 instead of as formerly the owners of the soil4 99 99 99 99 99 ,under the handicraft system1 and to the extent to which that system shaped the situation1 the instinct of workmanship again came into a dominant position among the factors that made up the discipline of daily life and so gave their characteristic bent to men's habits of thought4 ,in the technology of handicraft the central fact is always the individual workman1 whether in the crafts proper or in the petty trade4 ,in that era industry is conceived in terms of the skill1 initiative and application of the trained individual1 and human relations outside of the workshop tend also by force of habit to be conceived in similar terms of self-sufficient individuals1 each working out his own ends in severalty4 ,the position of the craftsman in the economy of that time is peculiarly suited to induce a conception of the individual workman as a creative agent standing on his own bottom1 and as an ultimate1 irreducible factor in the community's make-up4 ,he draws on the resources of his own person alone2 neither his ancestry nor the favour of his neighbours have visibly yielded him anything beyond an equivalent for work done2 he owes nothing to inherited wealth or prerogative1 and he is bound in no relation of landlord or tenant to the soil4 ,with his slight outfit of tools he is ready and competent of his own motion to do the work that lies before him1 and he asks nothing but an even chance to do what he is fit to do4 ,even the training which has given him his finished skill he has come by through no special favour or advantage1 having given an equivalent for it all in the work done during his apprenticeship and so having to all appearance acquired it by his own force and diligence4 ,the common stock of technological knowledge underlying all special training was at that time still a sufficiently simple and obvious matter1 so that it was readily acquired in the routine of work1 without formal application to the learning of it2 and any indebtedness to the community at large or to past generations for such common stock of information would therefore not be sufficiently apparent to admit of its disturbing the craftsman's nave appraisal of his productive capacity in the simple and complacent terms of his own person4 ,the man who does things1 who is creatively occupied with fashioning things for use1 is the central fact in the scheme of things under the handicraft system1 and the range of concepts by use of which the technological problems of that era are worked out is limited by the habit of mind so induced in those who have the work in hand and in those who see it done4 ,the discipline of the crafts inculcates the apprehension of mechanical facts and processes in terms of workmanlike endeavour and achievement2 so that questions as to what forces are available for use1 and of how to turn them to account1 present themselves in terms of muscular force and manual dexterity4 ,mechanical appliances for use in industry are designed and worked out as contrivances to facilitate or to abridge manual labour1 and it is in terms of labour that the whole industrial system is conceived and its incidence1 value and output rated4 ,such a fashion of conceiving the operations and appliances of industry seems at the same time to fall in closely with men's natural bent as given by the native instinct of workmanship2 and fostered by the consistent drift of daily routine under the handicraft system this attitude grew into matter of course1 and has continued to direct men's thinking on industrial matters even long after the era of handicraft has passed and given place to the factory system and the large machine industry4 ,so much so that throughout the nineteenth century1 in economic speculations as well as in popular speech1 the mechanical plant employed in industry has habitually been spoken of as 8labour saving devices20 even such palpable departures from the manual workmanship of handicraft as the power loom1 the smelting furnace1 artificial waterways and highways1 the steam engine and telegraphic apparatus1 have been so classed4 ,there need be no question but that these phenomena of the machine era will bear such an interpretation2 the point of interest here is that such an interpretation should have been resorted to and should have commended itself as adequate and satisfactory when applied to these mechanical facts whose effective place in technology and in its bearing on the economy of human life has turned out to be so widely different from that range of manual operations with which it is so sought to assimilate them4#abd ,the discipline of the handicraft industry enforces an habitual apprehension of mechanical forces and processes in terms of manual workmanship1--muscular force and craftsmanlike manipulation4 ,this discipline touches first1 and most intimately and coercively1 the classes engaged in the manual work of industry1 but it also necessarily pervades the community at large and gathers in its net all individuals and classes who have to do with the facts of industry1 near or remote4 ,it gives its specific character to the habits of life of the community that lives under its dispensation and by its means1 and so it acts as an overruling formative guide in shaping the current habits of thought4 ,the consequences of this habitual attitude1 for the technology of the machine era that presently follows1 are worth noting4 ,the mechanical inventions and expedients that lead over from the era of handicraft1 through what has been called the industrial revolution1 to the later system of large industry1 bear the marks of their handicraft origin4 ,the early devices of the machine industry are uniformly contrivances for performing by mechanical means the same motions which the craftsmen in the given industries performed by hand and by man power2 in great part1 indeed1 they set out with being contrivances to enable the workmen to perform the same manual operation in duplicate or multiple--7as in the early spinning and weaving machinery7 or to perform a given operation with larger effect than was possible to the unaided muscular work 7as in the beginnings of steam power74 ,in their beginnings the new mechanical appliances are conceived as improved tools1 which extend the reach and power of the workman or which facilitate or lighten the manual operations in which he spends himself4 ,they are1 as they aim to be1 labour saving devices1 designed to further the workmanlike efficiency of the men in whose hands they are placed4 ,the early history of steam power shows how closely this workmanlike conception limited the range of invention4 ,it was first employed to pump water out of mines4 ,in this use the pressure of the air on a piston1 in a low-pressure cylinder1 was brought to bear on a lever so suspended as to yield formally the same motion as a like lever previously moved by human muscle4 ,after a long interval1 sufficiently long to make the use of this intermittent pressure and the resulting reciprocating motion familiar and impersonal in men's habitual apprehension1 the reciprocating motion was turned to use to produce a rotary motion1--after the fashion suggested by the treadle of a lathe or spinning wheel1 which was already familiar enough to have been divested of something of that fog of personality that had doubtless surrounded it at its first invention4#abe ,the next serious move in the development of the steam engine is the invention of the automatic valves1 for admission and escape of steam from the cylinder4 ,according to the ancient myth1 a boy whose work it was to shift the valves by hand1 contrived to connect them by cords with the moving parts of the machine in such a way as to lift them at the proper moment by the motion of the machine itself2 so making the machine perform what had in the original concept of the valve mechanism been a manual operation4 ,later still1 after the due interval for externalisation and assimilation of this mechanical valve movement as an impersonal fact of the machine process1 further improvement and elaboration of the elements so gained has worked out in the highly finished mechanism familiar to later times4 ,detail scrutiny of any one of the greater mechanical inventions1 or series of inventions1 will bring out something of the same character as is seen in the sequence of successive gains that make up the history of the steam engine4 ,it is to be noted in this connection that time appears to be of the essence of the process of mechanical invention in any field2 so much so1 indeed1 that it will commonly be found that any single inventor contributes but one radical innovation in any one particular connection2 which may then presently be taken up again as a securely objective element by a later inventor and pushed forward by a new move as radical as that to which this original invention owed its origin4 ,this time interval which plays such a part in mechanical inventions appears necessary only as an interval of habituation1 for the due externalisation of the element1 to relieve it1 by neglect1 of the personal equation with which it is contaminated as it first comes into use1 and so to leave it such an objective concept as may be turned to account as mere technological raw material4 ,it appears1 then1 that the accumulation of technological experience is not of itself sufficient to bring out a consecutive improvement of the industrial arts1 particularly not such an advance in the industrial arts as is embodied in the machine technology of late-modern times4 ,in this modern machine technology the ruling norm is the highly impersonal1 not to say brutal1 concept of mechanical process1 blind and irresponsible4 ,the logic of this technology1 accordingly1 is the logic of the machine process1--a logic of masses1 velocities1 strains and thrusts1 not of personal dexterity1 tact1 training1 and routine4 ,in the degree in which the information that comes to hand comes encumbered with a teleological bias1 a connotation of personal bent1 it is unavailable or refractory under this logic4 ,but all new information is infused with such an anthropomorphic colouring of personality2 which may presently decay and give place to a more objective habitual apprehension of the facts in case use and wont play up the mechanical character and bearing of these facts in subsequent experience of them2 or which may on the other hand end by giving its definitive character and value to the acquired information in case it should happen that the facts of experience are by use and wont bent to an habitual anthropomorphic rating and employment4 ,to serve the needs of this machine technology1 therefore1 the information which accumulates must in some measure be divested of its nave personal colouring by use and wont2 and the degree in which this effect is had is a measure of the degree of availability of the resulting facts for the uses of the machine technology4 ,the larger the available body of information of this character1 and the more comprehensive and unremitting the share taken by the discipline of the machine process in the routine of daily life1 therefore1 the greater1 other things equal1 will be the rate of advance in the technological mastery of mechanical facts4 ,but much else goes to the make-up of use and wont besides the routine of industry and the utilisation of those mechanical processes and that output of goods which the modern machine industry places at men's disposal4 ,to put the same thing in terms already employed in another connection1 the sense of workmanship is still subject to contamination with other impulsive elements of human nature working under the constraining limitations imposed by divers conventional canons and principles of conduct2 besides being constantly subject to self-contamination in the way of an anthropomorphic interpretation that construes the facts of experience in terms of a craftsmanlike bent4 ,as bearing on the effectual reach of this self-contamination of the sense of workmanship it is pertinent to recall that craftsmanship ran within a class1 and so had the benefit of that accentuated sentiment of self-complacency that comes of class consciousness4 ,from its beginnings down to the period of its dissolution the handicraft industry is an affair of the lower classes2 and1 as is well known1 class feeling runs strong throughout the era1 particularly through the centuries of its best development4 ,whether their conceit is wholly a nave self-complacency or partly a product of affectation1 the sentiment is well in evidence and marks the attitude of the handicraft community with a characteristic bias4 ,the craftsmen habitually rate themselves as serviceable members of the community and contrast themselves in this respect with the other orders of society who are not occupied with the production of things serviceable for human use4 ,to the creative workman who makes things with his hands belongs an efficiency and a merit of a peculiarly substantial and definitive kind1 he is the type and embodiment of efficiency and serviceability4 ,the other orders of society and other employments of time and effort may of course be well enough in their way1 but they lack that substantial ground of finality which the craftsman in his genial conceit arrogates to himself and his work4 ,and so good a case does the craftsman make out on this head1 and so convincingly evident is the efficiency of the skilled workman1 and so patent is his primacy in the industrial community1 that by the close of the era much the same view has been accepted by all orders of society4 ,such a bias pervading the industrial community must greatly fortify the native bent to construe all facts of observation in anthropomorphic terms4 ,but the training given by the petty trade of the handicraft era1 on the other hand1 is not altogether of this character4 ,the itinerant merchant's huckstering1 as well as the buying and selling in which all members of the community were concerned1 would doubtless throw the personal strain into the foreground and would act to keep the self-regarding sentiments alert and active and accentuate an individualistic appreciation of men and things4 ,but the habit of rating things in terms of price has no such tendency1 and the price concept gains ground throughout the period4 ,wherever the handicraft system reaches a fair degree of development the daily life of the community comes to centre about the market and to take on the character given by market relations4 ,the volume of trade grows greater1 and purchase and sale enter more thoroughly into the details of the work to be done and of the livelihood to be got by this work4 ,the price system comes into the foreground4 ,with the increase of traffic1 book-keeping comes into use among the merchants2 and as fast as the practice of habitual recourse to the market grows general1 the uncommercial classes also become familiar with the rudimentary conceptions of book-keeping1 even if they do not make much use of formal accounts in their own daily affairs4#abf ,the logic and concepts of accountancy are wholly impersonal and dispassionate2 and whether men's use of its logic and concepts takes the elaborate form of a set of books or the looser fashion of an habitual rating of gains1 losses1 income1 and outgo in terms of price1 its effect is unavoidably in some degree to induce a statistical habit of mind4 ,it makes immediately for an exact quantitative apprehension of all things and relations that have a pecuniary bearing2 and more remotely1 by force of the pervasive effect of habituation1 it makes for a greater readiness to apprehend all facts in a similarly objective and statistical fashion1 in so far as the facts admit of a quantitative rating4 ,accountancy is the beginning of statistics1 and the price concept is a type of the objective impersonal1 quantitative apprehension of things4 ,coincidently1 because they do not lend themselves to this facile rating1 facts that will not admit of a quantitative statement and statistical handling decline in men's esteem1 considered as facts1 and tend in some degree to lose the cogency which belongs to empirical reality4 ,they may even come to be discounted as being of a lower order of reality1 or may even be denied factual value4 ,doubtless1 the price system had much to do with the rise of the machine technology in modern times2 not only in that the accountancy of price offered a practical form and method of statistical computation1 such as is indispensable to anything that may fairly be classed as engineering1 but also and immediately and substantially in that its discipline has greatly conduced to the apprehension of mechanical facts in terms not coloured by an imputed anthropomorphic bent4 ,it has probably been the most powerful factor acting positively in early modern times to divest mechanical facts of that imputed workmanlike bent given them by habits of thought induced by the handicrafts4 ,this reduction of the facts of observation to quantitative and objective terms is perhaps most visible not in the changes that come over the technology of industry directly1 in early modern times1 but rather in that growth of material science that runs along as a concomitant of the expansion of the mechanical industry during the later era of handicraft4 ,the material sciences1 particularly those occupied with mechanical phenomena1 are closely related to the technology of the mechanical industries1 both in their subject matter and in the scope and method of the systematisation of knowledge at which they aim2 and it is in these material sciences that the concomitance is best seen1 at the same time that it is the advance achieved in these sciences that most unequivocally marks the transition from medival to modern habits of thought4 ,this modern interest in matter-of-fact knowledge and the consequent achievements in material science1 comes to an effectual head wherever and so soon1 as the handicraft industry has made a considerable advance1 in volume and in technological mastery1 sufficient to support a fair volume of trade and make thoughtful men passably familiar with the statistical conceptions of the price system4 ,it is accordingly in the commercial republics of ,italy that the modern growth of material science takes its first start1 about the point of time when industry and commerce had reached their most flourishing state on the ,mediterranean seaboard and when the attention of these communities was already swinging off from these material interests to high-handed politics and religious reaction4 ,the higher interests of church and state came to the front1 and science1 industry1 and presently commerce dwindled and decayed in the land that had promised so handsomely to lead ,western civilisation out of the underbrush of piety and princely intrigue4 ,next followed the ,low ,countries1 with the south ,german industrial centres1 where again industry of the handicraft order grew great1 gave rise to trade on a rapidly increasing scale1 and presently to an era of business enterprise of unprecedented spirit and scope4 ,but the age of the ,fuggers closed in bankruptcy and industrial collapse when the princely wrangles of the era of statemaking had used up the resources of the industrial community and exhausted the credit of that generation of captains of industry4 ,here too religious contention came in for its share in the set-back of industry and commerce4 ,in their economic outlines the two cases are very much of the same kind4 ,central ,europe ran through much the same cycle of industrial growth1 commercial enterprise1 princely ambitions1 dynastic wars1 religious fanaticism1 exhaustion and insecurity1 and industrial collapse and decay1--substantially repeating1 on an enlarged scale and with much added detail1 the sequence that had brought ,south ,europe into arrears4 ,meantime the material sciences had come forward again in the ,west1 and flourished at the hands of the ,netherlanders1 ,south ,germans and ,french scholars1 who under the favouring discipline of this new advance in industry and commerce had slowly come abreast of the same matter-of-fact conceptions that had once made ,italy the home of modern science4 ,and here again1 as before1 princely politics1 with the attendant war1 exactions and insecurity1 followed presently by religious controversies and persecutions1 not only put an end to the advance of industry and business but also checked the attendant development of science nearly to a standstill4 ,so that when a further move of the kind is presently made it is the ,british community that takes the lead4 ,great ,britain had been in arrears in all those respects that make up civilisation of the ,occidental kind1 and not least in the material respect2 until the time when the peoples of the ,continent by their own act fell into the rear in respect of those material interests--technology and business enterprise--which afford the material ground out of which the ,occidental type of civilisation has grown4 ,in ,great ,britain the sequence of these cultural phenomena has not been substantially different1 taken by and large1 from that which had previously been run through by the ,continental communities2 except that the same outcome was not reached1 apparently because the sequence was not interrupted by collapse at the same critical point in the development4 ,the run of events under the handicraft system in ,england differs in certain consequential features from that among the ,continental peoples1--consequential for the purposes of this inquiry1 whether of similarly grave consequence from the point of view given by any other and larger interest4 ,these peculiar traits of the ,british era of handicraft yield a side light on the methods and reach of the handicraft discipline as a factor in civilisation at large1 at the same time that a consideration of them should go to show how slender an initial difference may come to be decisive of the outcome in case circumstances give this initial difference a cumulative effect4 ,as regards the ultimately substantial grounds of the ,british situation1 in the way of racial make-up1 natural resources1 and cultural antecedents1 the ,british community has no singular advantage or disadvantage as against its ,continental competitors4 ,what is true of ,england in respect of peculiarly favourable natural resources later on1 about and after the close of the era of handicraft1 does not hold for the beginnings or the best days of that era4 ,racially there is no appreciable difference between the ,english population of that time and the population of the ,low ,countries1 of the ,scandinavian peninsulas1 or even of the nearer lying ,german territories2 and no markedly characteristic national type of temperament had at that time been developed in ,great ,britain1 as against the temperamental make-up of its ,continental neighbours1--whatever may be conceived to have become the case in the nearer past4 ,the characteristic1 and apparently decisive1 peculiarities of the ,british situation may all confidently be traced to the insular position of the country4 ,owing to the isolation so given to the ,island the ,british community was notably in arrears in early modern times1 as contrasted with the more cultured1 populous and wealthier peoples of the ,continent2 and this backward state of ,england in the earlier period of the era of handicraft is no less marked in respect of technology than in any other4 ,as is well known1 ,england borrowed extensively and persistently from its ,continental neighbours throughout the era1 and it was only by help of these borrowed elements that the ,english were able to overtake and finally to take the lead of their competitors4 ,similarly1 the ,british commercial development also comes on late as compared with the ,continent2 so much so that the ,british had substantially no share in the great expansion of business enterprise that has been called the ,age of the ,fuggers4 ,this late start of the ,english1 coupled with their peculiar advantage in being able to borrow what their neighbours had worked out1 conduced to a more rapid rate and shorter run of industrial advance and expansion in the ,island1 and so1 among other consequences1 hindered the rounded system of handicraft1 industrial towns1 and gild organisation from attaining the same degree of finality1 and ultimately of obstructive inertia1 that resulted in many of the ,continental countries4 ,again1 owing to the same geographic isolation that long held ,england culturally in arrears1 the ,english community lay1 in great measure1 outside of that political 8concert of nations0 that worked out the exhaustion and collapse of industry and business on the ,continent4 ,not that the ,english took no interest in the grand whirl of politics and princely war that occupied the main body of ,christendom in that time4 ,the ,english crown1 or to use a foreign expression1 the ,english ,state1 was deeply enough implicated in the political intrigues of late medival and early modern ,europe2 but as modern time has advanced the ,english community has visibly hung back with an ever growing reluctance4 ,and whatever may be conceived to be the share of the ,english crown in the political complications of the ,continent1 it remains true that the ,english community at large1 during the mature and concluding phases of the era of handicraft1 stood mainly and habitually outside of these princely concerns4#abg ,in effect1 after the handicraft era was well under way1 ,england is never for long or primarily engaged in international war1 nor1 except for the civil war of the ,commonwealth period1 in destructive war of any kind4 ,hence the era runs to a different outcome in ,england from what it does elsewhere4 ,it ends not in the exhaustion of politics1 but in the industrial revolution4 ,the close of the handicraft system in ,england comes by way of a technological revolution1 not by collapse4 ,to this attempted explanation of the ,english case1 as due to its geographic isolation1 the objection may well suggest itself that other cases which parallel the ,british in this respect do not show like results4 ,so1 for instance1 the ,scandinavian countries enjoyed an isolation nearly if not quite as effective as that of ,great ,britain during this period of history2 whereas the outcome in these countries is notoriously not the same4 ,the ,scandinavian case1 however1 differs in at least one essential respect1 which seems decisive even apart from secondary circumstances4 ,these countries were too small to make up a self-supporting community under the conditions required by the system of handicraft4 ,they had neither the population nor the natural resources on such a scale as a passably full development of the handicraft system required4 ,at any advanced stage of its growth the system can work out into a self-balanced technological organisation1 with full specialisation of labour and local differentiation of industry1 only in a community of a certain 7considerable7 size4 ,this condition was not met by the ,scandinavian countries4 ,hence they remained in a relatively backward state1 on the whole1 through the handicraft era1 and never reached anything like an independent position in the industrial world of that time1 either technologically or in point of commercial development2 hence also they failed to achieve or maintain that degree of independence1 or isolation1 in their political relations that left ,england free to pursue a self-directed course of material development4 ,at an earlier period1 as1 for instance1 from neolithic times down to the close of paganism1 under the slighter1 less differentiated1 less complex technological conditions of a more primitive state of the industrial arts1 the ,scandinavian countries had1 each and several1 proved large enough for a very efficient industrial organisation2 and1 again1 during the early historical period they had also proved to be of a sufficient and suitable size to make up national units of a thoroughly competent sort1 autonomous politically as well as industrially and working out their own fortunes in severalty1--very much as the ,british community does later on1 in the days of the later handicraft era and the early growth of the machine industry4 ,but during the era of handicraft1 and indeed somewhat in a progressive fashion as the technology of that era grew to a fuller development and required larger territorial dimensions1 the ,scandinavian countries lost ground1 relatively to the larger communities of ,great ,britain and the ,continent2 in a degree they progressively lost autonomy both in the political and the industrial respect1 and much the same is to be said for their position in point of general culture4 ,this falling into arrears and dependence is least marked in the case of ,sweden1 the largest and still passably isolated community among them2 and it is most marked in the case of ,norway and ,iceland1 the most isolated but at the same time the least sizable units of the ,scandinavian group4 ,in material sciences1 that most characteristic trait of the ,western culture1 the case of these peoples is much the same as in the matter of technology and cultural autonomy at large2 the largest of them has the most to show4 ,great ,britain1 on the other hand1 fulfilled the conditions of size and isolation demanded in order to a free development of the industrial arts during this era1 when the traffic in dynastic politics stood ready to absorb all accessible resources of industry and sentiment4 ,and ,england accordingly takes the lead when the era of handicraft goes out and that of the new technology comes in4 99 99 99 99 99 ,material science of the modern sort has been drawn into the discussion as a cultural phenomenon closely bound up with the state of the industrial arts under the handicraft system4 ,this modern science may1 indeed1 be taken as the freest manifestation of that habit of mind that comes to its more concrete expression in the technology of the time4 ,to show the pertinency of such a recourse to the state of science as an outcome of the discipline exercised by the routine of life in the era of handicraft some further detail touching the state and progress of scientific inquiry during that period will be in place4 ,in its beginnings1 the theoretical postulates and preconceptions of modern science are drawn from the scholastic speculations of the late ,middle ,ages2 the problems which the new science undertook to handle1 on the other hand1 were1 by and large1 such concrete and material questions as the current difficulties of technology brought to the notice of the investigators4 ,these traditional postulates1 preconceptions1 canons1 and logical methods that stood over from the past were essentially of a theological complexion1 and were the outcome of much time1 attention and insight spent on the systematisation of knowledge in a cultural situation whose substantial core was the relation of master and servant1 and under the guidance of a theological bias worked out on the same ground4 ,the postulates of this speculative body of knowledge and the preconceptions with which the scholastic speculators went to their work of systematisation1 accordingly1 are of a highly anthropomorphic character2 but it is not the anthropomorphism of workmanship1 at least not in the nave form which the sense of workmanship gives to anthropomorphic interpretation among more primitive peoples4#abh ,it may be taken as a matter of course that the sense of workmanship is present in its native1 direct presentment throughout the intellectual life of the middle ages1 as it necessarily is under all the permutations of human culture2 but it is equally a matter of course that the promptings of an unsophisticated sense of workmanship do not afford the final test of what is right and good in a cultural situation drawn on rigid lines of mastery and submission4 ,during the middle ages the faith had taken on an extremely authoritative and coercive character1 to answer to the similar principles of organisation and control that ruled in secular affairs2 so that at the transition to modern times the religious cult of ,christendom was substantially a cult of fearsome subjection and arbitrary authority4 ,much else1 of a more genial character1 was of course comprised in the principles of the faith of that time1 but when all is said the fact remains that even in its genial traits it was a cult of irresponsible authority and abject submission1--a cult of the pastoral-predatory type1 adapted and perfected to answer the circumstances of feudal ,europe1 and so embodying the principles 7habits of thought7 that characterised the feudal system4 ,notoriously1 the fashions of religious faith change tardily4 ,such change is always of the nature of concession4 ,and since the conceptions of the cult are of no material consequence1 taken by themselves and in their direct incidence1 they are subject1 as such1 to no direct or deliberate control or correction in behalf of the community's material interests or its technological requirements4 ,it is almost if not altogether by force of their consonance or dissonance with the prevailing habits of thought inculcated by the routine of life that any given run of religious verities find acceptance1 command general adherence to their teaching1 or become outworn and are discarded2 and such lack of consonance must become very pronounced before a radical change of the kind in question will take effect4 ,barring conversion to a new faith1 it is commonly by insensible shifts of adaptation and reconstruction that any wide-reaching change is worked out in these fundamental conceptions4 ,such was the character of the move by which the ,medival cult merged in the modernised theological concepts of a later age4 ,gradually1 by force of unremitting habituation to a new scheme of life1 and marked by long-drawn theological polemics1 a change passed over the spirit of theological speculation1 whereby the fundamentals of the faith were infused with the spirit of the handicraft system1 and the preconceptions of workmanship insensibly supplanted those of mastery and subservience in the working concepts of devout ,christendom4 ,meantime1 while the routine of the era of handicraft was slowly reconstructing the current conceptions of divinity on lines consonant with the habit of mind of workmanship1 the ancient conceptions continued with gradually abating force to assert their prescriptive dominion over men's habitual thinking4 ,this gradually loosening hold of the ancient conceptions is best seen in the speculations of the philosophers and in the higher generalisations of scientific inquiry in early modern times4 ,in the medival speculations whether theological1 philosophical or scientific1 the search for truth runs back to the authentic ground of the religious verities1--largely to revealed truth2 and these religious verities run back to the question1 8,what hath ,god ordained80 ,in the course of the era of handicraft this ultimate question of knowledge came to take the form1 8,what hath ,god wrought80 ,not that the creative office of ,god in the divine economy was overlooked or in any degree intentionally made light of by the earlier speculators2 nor that the sovereignty of ,god was denied or in any degree questioned by those devout inquirers who carried forward the work in later time4 ,but in that earlier phase of faith and inquiry it is distinctly the suzerainty of ,god1 and ,his ordinances1 that afford the ground of finality on which all inquiry touching the economy of this world ultimately come to rest2 and in the later phase1 as seen at the close of the era of handicraft1 it is as distinctly ,his creative office and the logic of ,his creative design that fill the place of an ultimate term in human inquiry--as that inquiry conventionally runs within the spiritual frontiers of ,christendom4 ,god had not ceased to be the ,heavenly ,king1 and had not ceased to be glorified with the traditional phrases of homage as the ,most ,high1 the ,lord of ,hosts etc41 but somewhat incongruously ,he had also come to be exalted as the ,great ,artificer--the preternatural craftsman4 ,the vulgar habits of thought bred in the workday populace by the routine of the workshop and the market place had stolen their way into the sanctuary and the counsels of divinity4 ,similarly1 in the best days of scholastic learning scientific inquiry ran back for a secure foundation to the authentic ordinances of the ,heavenly ,king2 under the discipline of the era of handicraft it learned instead to push its inquiries to the ground of efficient cause1 ultimately of course1 in the philosophical liquidation of accounts in that devout age1 to the creative efficiency of the ,first ,cause4 ,in the scientific inquiries of the earlier age the test of truth was the test of authenticity1 and the logic of systematisation by use of which knowledge in that time was digested and stored away was essentially a logic of subsumption under securely authentic categories that could be run back at need to the ascertained requirements of the glory of ,god4 ,the canon of truth is that of the revealed word1 renforced and filled out with the quasi-divine ,aristotelian scheme of things4 ,it is a logic of hierarchical congruity in respect of potencies and qualities1 suggestively resembling the devolution of powers and dignities under the finished scheme of feudalism4 ,in the later age the good of man gradually1 insensibly supplants the glory of ,god as the ultimate ground of systematisation4 ,the sentimental ground of conviction comes to be the recognised serviceability of the ascertained facts for human use1 rather than their conformity with the putative exigencies of a self-centred divine will4 ,the ,providential ,order that means so much in the scheme of knowledge in the mature years of the era of handicraft is an order imposed by a providentially beneficent ,creator who looks to the good of man2 as it has been expressed1 it is a scheme of 8humanism40 ,by the close of the era this beneficent providential order had worked out in an ,order of ,nature1 indued with the same meliorative trend2 and in the sentimental conviction of the inquiring spirits of that age it lay in the nature of this beneficent order of the universe that in the end1 in the finished product of its working1 it would bring about the highest practicable state of well-being for man1--very much as any skilled workman of sound sense and a good heart would turn out good and serviceable goods4 ,and in this ,order of ,nature1 as it runs in the matter-of-course convictions of thoughtful men at the close of the era1 the person of the deity1 even as a workmanlike creative ,providence1 had fallen into the background4 ,the ,order of ,nature1 with its scheme of ,natural ,law1 is felt as the work of a consummately skilful and ingenious workmanlike agency that looks to a serviceable end to be accomplished2 and the profoundly thoughtful scientific inquiry of that time harbours no doubt that this workmanlike agency of ,nature at large rules the world of visible fact and will achieve its good work in good time4 ,but this quasi-personal ,nature is not reverenced for anything but its workmanlike qualities2 the awe which it inspires is not the fear of ,god1 such as that fear has played its part under the feudalistic rule of the church and sent men hunting cover from the imminent wrath to come4 ,as he stands in the presence of this eighteenth-century ,nature1 man is not primarily a sinner seeking a remission of penalties at all costs1 but rather a focus of workmanlike attention upon whose welfare all the forces of the visible universe beneficently converge4 ,how this workmanlike ,nature goes about her#abi work is no more plain to the casual spectator than are the recondite processes of high-wrought handicraft to the uninstructed4 ,but ,nature after all accomplishes her ends in a workmanlike fashion1 and by staying by and patiently watching the operations of ,nature and construing the facts of observation by the sympathetic use of a rational common sense men may learn much of the methods of her manipulation as well as of the rules of procedure under whose guidance the works of ,nature are accomplished4 ,for it is a matter of course to that generation that ,nature is essentially rational in her aims and logic as well as in the technology of her work2 very much after the fashion of the master craftsman1 who goes to his work with an intelligent oversight of the available means and the purpose to be wrought out1 as well as with a firm and facile touch on all that passes under his trained hand4 ,like the perfect craftsman1 8,nature never makes mistakes10 8never makes a jump10 8never does anything in vain10 8never turns out anything but perfect work40 ,the means whereby this work of ,nature is brought to its consummate issue are forces of ,nature working under her ,laws by the method of cause and effect4 ,the principle1 or 8law10 of causation is a metaphysical postulate2 in the sense that such a fact as causation is unproved and unprovable4 ,no man has ever observed a case of causation1 as is a commonplace with the latterday psychologists4 ,but such a doubt does not present itself seriously in the days of handicraft2 it would be out of touch with the spirit of the time and the discipline of that craftsmanship out of which the spirit of the time arises4 ,to the inquiring minds of that era it is a matter of course and of common sense that the forces of ,nature are seen to work out the effects which emerge before their eyes4 ,what they see in fact may be1 as the modern psychologists would perhaps say1 a certain concomitance and sequence in the observed phenomena2 but what those observers see in effect is always a certain cause working out a certain effect4 ,the imputation of causal efficiency to the observed phenomena is so thoroughly a matter of course that there is no sense of imputation in the observer's mind4 ,observation simply1 without imputation of anthropomorphic qualities and efficacies1 should yield nothing more to the purpose than idle concomitance and sequence of phenomena1 but there is1 in effect1 none of this early scientific work done in terms of simple concomitance or sequence alone2 nor for that matter1 has any of the effective 7theoretical7 work of modern science been carried to an issue by the use of such objective terms of concomitance and sequence alone1 whether in that or in a later age1 without the help of a putative causal nexus4 ,through the early modern scientific period there runs an increasingly free and frequent recourse to statistical argument1--in the material sciences a recourse to punctilious measurement1 enumeration and instruments of precision2 but it is of the essence of the case that the phenomenal facts which so are subjected to measurement and statistical computation are facts selected for the purpose on the strength of their 7putatively7 known causal implication in the problem whose solution is sought1 and that the facts which emerge from these measurements1 computations1 and instruments of precision1 are turned to account in an argument of cause and effect2 they have served their purpose only when and in so far as they enable the inquirer to determine the course of efficient transition from a putative cause to a putative effect1 or conversely4 ,the relation of cause and effect1 as commonly conceived by the vulgar and as commonly employed by the scientist1 is a putative relation between phenomena which can not be said to stand in any observed relation of efficiency to one another4 ,efficiency1 as understood in this connection1 is not a fact of observation1 but of imputation2 and efficiency1 performance of work1 is the substance of the causal relation as that concept is universally employed in modern science4 ,it may well be said that this recourse to the concept of efficient cause--a metaphysical postulate touching a putative fact--is the distinguishing characteristic of modern science as contrasted with any other scheme of systematised knowledge4#acj ,not only does the development of modern science rest on this postulate of causality1 but the concept of causation which so characterises the modern sciences is of a particular and restricted kind4 ,at least on the face of things it seems unquestionable that the peculiar temper and limitations of this modern ,european concept of causation are to be credited to the habits wrought out by a life under the handicraft system4 ,it has been noted already that the ubiquitous prevalence of trade and of the price system in modern times has given to the modern apprehension of facts a certain objectivity1 a degree of impersonality1 which is at least a characteristic of modern knowledge1 whether scientific or commonplace1 even if it cannot be said to be a unique distinction of modern science as contrasted with other deliberate systems of knowledge4 ,but it is the unique distinction of modern science1 particularly as it comes into view in its early phases1 that its concept of causality is drawn not simply in terms of workmanship but specifically in terms of craftsmanship4 ,there need probably be no argument spent on the thesis that the sense of causality is1 by and large1 a particular manifestation of the sense of workmanship4 ,but the sense of workmanship in its native scope apparently covers something more than the manual efficiency of the skilled workman simply4 ,and in other times and under other cultural 7technological7 circumstances the sense of workmanship has apparently given rise to concepts of causation of a wider1 or at least of a looser1 scope4 ,in the nave rating of savage peoples workmanship appears to cover1 perhaps uncertainly1 notions of generation1 nurture1 tendance1 and the like1 without any sharp line being drawn between these various lines of effective endeavour on the one side and manual efficiency on the other4 ,and so1 on the other hand1 in the cosmological knowledge 7or quasi-knowledge7 current among these peoples explanation in terms of generation and growth are accepted as final along with explanations in terms of what the modern man would conceive to be the stricter sense of cause and effect4 ,even in the speculations of the sages of classical antiquity1 and again in the cosmologies and natural history of the far-,oriental peoples1 many questions of cause and effect are found to be sufficiently disposed of when worked out in the like terms of generation1 growth and quasi-physiological mutation4 ,to modern inquiry explanations in these terms1 other than those of physically effective work1 are provisional at the best1 and are held to only as awaiting a final solution in a materially1 mechanistically competent way4 ,and what is alone materially competent in the modern scientific apprehension is such an explanation as will make things plain in terms of matter and motion1 working a change in the constitution of things by displacement through contact and pressure4 ,causation is conceived as manual work1--to use a ,french term1 it is a remaniement of raw materials at hand4 ,physiological or chemical explanations must finally be recast in terms of physics1 to satisfy the modern scientist's sense of finality1 and physics must be made to run in terms of impact1 pressure1 displacement in space1 regrouping of material particles1 cordinated movements and a shifting of equilibrium4 ,through all this runs the concomitant requirement of quantivalence1 statable in statistical form4 ,the scientist's results are not finally merchantable1 on the scientific exchange1 until they have been reduced to such terms of accountancy as would be comprehensible to the man trained in the merchandising traffic of the petty trade1 for whose conviction things must be punctiliously rated in exchange value4 ,but1 as has been noted above1 it is only as an expedient of scientific accountancy that the facts under inquiry are kept account of in an itemised bill of values4 ,this meticulous statistical accountancy is necessary to safeguard the accuracy of the work done and its conformity with the facts in hand2 but the work so done handles these facts as active factors which go efficiently to the production of the results observed4 ,the cause is conceived to produce the effect1 somewhat after the fashion in which a skilled workman produces a finished article of trade4 ,but when the scientist has set forth the operations and working conditions that have brought forth the effects which he is engaged in explaining1 he must also1 in order to the conviction of his fellow craftsmen1 show a statistically itemised statement of receipts and expenditures covering the facts engaged1--in quantitative values he must show that the costs are balanced by the values that emerge in the finished product of that workmanlike process of causation whose recondite nature and course he has so laid bare to the light of understanding4 ,this attempted characterisation of modern scientific inquiry and its working concepts applies immediately to the earlier phases and down to a date well past the advent of the machine industry1--so far past that date as to allow time and experience to work the new habits of thought peculiar to the machine technology into the texture of men's preconceptions4 ,in time1 but tardily1 as is the case with the pervasive effects of any new line of habituation1 the discipline of the machine has wrought a further1 though1 hitherto less profound and decisive1 change in the aims and methods of science2 a discussion of which is deferred until it comes up again in its connection with the new technology4 ,less cogently and with qualifications1 however1 the above characterisation will apply to the later phases of modern science1 as well as to that initial stage that marks the era of handicraft4 99 99 99 99 99 ,something further is due to be said of the cultural consequences of this discipline in workmanship during the era of handicraft1 besides its guidance in the growth of technology and the related field of material science4 ,as has been intimated above1 habituation to the working conceptions of handicraft had much to do with that revision of the religious cult and its theological tenets that has shaped the spiritual life of modern times in contrast with the medieval life of faith4 ,but it is an ungrateful1 perhaps ungraceful1 office to turn the dry light of matter-of-fact on the sacred verities1 and a degree of parsimony will best be observed in any layman's discussion of these intimate movements of the spirit4 ,yet it seems necessary to call to mind at least one point of singular concomitance between the state of the industrial arts and fortunes of the ,christian faith4 ,characteristic of modern times has been the ,protestant rehabilitation of the cult and its tenets4 ,in this rehabilitation1 which has not been without effect even within the ,catholic church1 much of the ancient spirit of subjection has been lost1 replaced in part with a certain attitude of self-help and autonomy on the part of the laity4 ,there is a degree of democratic initiative and a gild-like spirit of lay discretion in spiritual affairs4 ,as already noted above1 the tenets of the faith have also in some degree been revised and reconstructed in terms consonant with the workmanlike conceptions of the handicraft system4 ,such a protestant or quasi-protestant reconstruction of the cult and its tenets set in1 as is well known1 successively in the several leading countries of ,europe1 somewhat in the same order as these several countries successively advanced to a high level of technological and commercial enterprise4 ,as noted above1 in the south in the so-called ,latin countries1 this era of industrial and commercial enterprise was presently checked2 the like being true in a less pronounced fashion for the peoples of ,central ,europe4 ,wherever the advance was seriously checked1 so that the era of handicraft closed in collapse or reaction on its secular side1 there the reconstruction of the religious cult also came to an incomplete issue at the most4 ,so that by the definitive close of the era of handicraft those peoples of ,christendom that had maintained the advance achieved in this secular respect were also the ones that had accepted and continued to hold the revised form of the faith4 ,where this era of industrial and business enterprise closed in exhaustion and collapse1 there the ancient form of the faith also triumphed over the heretics4 ,it is1 indeed1 to be remarked as a sufficiently striking coincidence that even now the centre of diffusion of the modern industry is at the same time the centre of diffusion of religious protestantism and heresy4 ,and the antique forms and fervour of the faith are found in better preservation progressively outward from this centre of diffusion2 and even in somewhat minute detail it appears to hold true not only that the more advanced industrial peoples are the less amenable to religious control and less given to superstitious observances of the archaic sort1 but also that within these industrial countries the industrial centres in the narrower sense of the word are less devout1 or devout in a less archaic fashion1 than the non-industrial population at large4 ,something of the kind1 indeed1 has been visibly true ever since a relatively early phase of the handicraft system2 though nothing like undevoutness can be alleged of the industrial town population during the handicraft era proper4 ,the handicraft population was devout1 but not consistently orthodox2 and the industrial towns of that time were devout enough in their way1 but it was in a way obnoxious to the received dogmas of the church4 ,they were centres of devout heresy4 ,it is only in late modern times that the malady has progressed so far that it may fairly be called a degree of apostacy4 ,this concomitance between technological mastery and religious dissent is doubtless susceptible of a good and serviceable explanation at the hands of the religious experts2 it is here cited without prejudice as having at least a negative bearing on the question of how the discipline of the handicraft industry may be conceived to affect men's spiritual attitude in a field so remote as that of the life of faith4#aca 99 99 99 99 99 ,what is known to economic history as the era of handicraft is for the purposes of the political historian spoken of as the era of statemaking4 ,the two designations may not cover precisely the same interval1 but they coincide in a general way in point of dates1 and the phenomena which have given rise to the two designations have much more than an accidental connection4 ,it is not simply that the development of handicraft happens to fall in the same general period of history that is characterised by the dynastic wars that went to the making of the larger states4 ,the growth of handicraft had much to do with making the large states practicable and with supplying the material means of large-scale warfare2 while the traffic of dynastic politics in that time had in its turn very much to do with bringing that era of industrial and commercial enterprise to an inglorious close4 ,the new industry supplied the sinews of war1 and the wars ate up the substance of the industrial community4 ,the new industry gave rise to a growth of industrial towns and commercial centres1 primarily occupied by the traffic of the itinerant traders4 ,one of the immediate consequences of this extension of merchandising enterprise was the improvement of means of communication1 both in the way of an extension and improvement of shipping--itself a technological fact--and in the way of improved routes of communication4 ,a secondary consequence was a growth of population1 coupled with its concentration in urban centres1 together with a growth of wealth1 in good part drawn together in the same centres4 ,these changes enabled the powers in control to extend an effectual coercion over larger distances and over larger aggregations of population and wealth2 it became practicable1 mechanically1 to swing a larger political aggregation and to hold it together in closer cordination than before4 ,the physical conditions requisite to the formation and enduring maintenance of large political organisations were in this way supplied by the new industrial era as an incidental result of its technological efficiency4 ,more direct and obvious1 though of no graver importance1 is the contribution made by the new technology to the means of coercion placed at the disposal of the warlords1 in the way of improved weapons and armour1 defences and warlike appliances4 ,the improvements worked out in the means of warfare during the early half of the era of handicraft exceed in material effect and in boldness of conception all the traceable improvements wrought in that line by all the warlike peoples of classical antiquity and all the fighting aggregations of ,asia and ,africa1 from the beginning of the bronze age down to modern times4 ,the craftsmen spent their best endeavours and their most brilliant ingenuity on this production of arms and munitions1 with the result that these articles still lie over in the modern collections as the most finished productions of workmanship which that era has to show4 ,the 7unintended7 result at large was that these improved appliances enabled the warlords and their fighting men to control the industrial classes for their own ends and to levy exactions on trade and industry up to the limit of what the traffic would bear1 or perhaps more commonly somewhat over that limit4 ,it was1 in this way1 their own technological mastery that furnished the means of their own undoing1 directly 7mechanically speaking7 and indirectly 7in the resulting growth of warlike sentiment74 ,that the craftsmen went so diligently into this production of ways and means for their own discomfort and abiding defeat is due not to any innately perverse bent of the sense of workmanship as it comes to expression in the spirit of the handicraft community1 but rather to the exigencies created by the price system1 with its principles of self-help1--a secondary1 conventional product of the handicraft industry4 ,as has been noted already1 with perhaps tedious iteration1 there runs through the handicraft community a high-wrought spirit of individual self-sufficiency4 ,so soon as the petty trade has grown to effective dimensions the individual workman comes into somewhat direct relations with the market1 and except for the collective interest and action embodied in the gild organisations the craftsmen stand in little else than a pecuniary relation to one another and bear little else than a pecuniary responsibility to their fellow craftsmen or to the community4 ,it is the place of each to gain a livelihood by honest work through his own individual skill and enterprise4 ,notoriously1 the craftsmen were in effect lacking in that sense of solidarity that makes an efficient organisation for defence or offence2 concerted action1 outside the regulative activity of the gild1 was to be had only with extreme difficulty on any other basis than individual pecuniary advantage4 ,each worked for himself1 with an eye steadily to the main chance4 ,and the main chance1 from an early date in this era1 meant gain in terms of price4 ,so the craftsman worked for such customers as would pay his price1 and he spent his skill and ingenuity on such goods as were in demand4 ,the trade in arms and weapons was good at that time4 ,these appliances were a means of livelihood to the men at arms and a means of income and prestige to their princely employers4 ,so the traffic went busily on1 and the individual craftsmen put forth their best efforts toward enhancing the efficiency of the ruling and fighting classes1 whose endeavours1 without much collusion but by the inevitable drift of circumstance1 converged on the subjection of the community of craftsmen at large and on the exhaustion of the community's resources4 ,through its side issue in the commercial enterprise which it fostered the handicraft industry brought to the hands of the politicians a further means of trouble4 ,the trade brought on the price system1 and so made it possible for ambitious princes to buy what they needed in their warlike negotiations2 with funds in hand stores and munitions could be bought where they were needed1 so enabling warlike operations to be carried on with greater facility at a greater distance than was feasible under the earlier rule of contributions in kind4 ,the price system also enabled the warlords to hire mercenaries1 and so to organise and maintain a standing force of skilled fighting men1 mobile and irresponsible4 ,but to hold one's own in the competitive use of this new arm the prince must have funds2 which led incontinently to all available manner of exactions on trade and commerce1 since it was from these sources almost solely that funds could be had4 ,but it led also and equally to an increasing traffic between the princes and the captains of industry1 for the use of funds4 ,funds had become the sinews of war1 since the handicraft industry had come to turn out goods for sale and the merchandising trade had made funds accessible in sufficient volume to be worth while4 ,so the princes dealt with the captains of industry1 selling what they could and hypothecating what they could not sell1 in a competitive struggle to outdo one another at war and diplomacy4 ,the game was then as always an emulative one1 in which any advantage was a differential advantage only4 ,hence the princes engaged1 each and several1 needed all the funds they could get the use of1 and their need was ever present1 not to be deferred4 ,hence they borrowed what they could and where they could1 their borrowings being floated by the help of all manner of expedients4 ,some of these fiscal expedients brought monopolistic advantage to the captains of industry1 and so contributed to their further gain and to the concentration of wealth in fewer hands4 ,meantime1 the princely chancelries1 being in debt as far as possible1 extorted further loans from the captains by seizure and by threats of bankruptcy2 and whatever was borrowed was expeditiously used up in the destruction of property1 population1 industrial plant and international commerce4 ,so1 when all available resources of revenue and credit1 present and prospective1 had been exhausted1 and all the accessible material had been consumed1 the princely fisc went into bankruptcy1 followed by its creditors1 the captains of industry1 followed by the business community at large with whose funds they had operated and by the industrial community1 whose stock of goods and appliances was exhausted1 whose trade connections were broken and whose working population had been debauched1 scattered and reduced to poverty and subjection by the wars1 revenue collectors and forced contributions4 ,meantime1 too1 habituation to the sentiments1 ideals1 standards and manner of life suitable to a state of predation had swamped the handicraft spirit and put abnegation and dependence on arbitrary power in the place of that initiative and pertinacious self-reliance that had made the era of handicraft4 ,it was from this eventuality that ,england in great measure escaped by favour of her insular position and the inability of her princes to draw a reluctant industrial community into the traffic of dynastic intrigue that filled the ,continent4 ,it will have been remarked that one of the essential moves in this sequence of events1 from the beginnings of handicraft in impecunious and self-reliant workmanship to its eventual collapse in exhaustion1 is the gradual accumulation of commercial and industrial wealth in relatively few hands4 ,this accumulation of wealth1 or rather its segregation in few hands1 appears1 as already indicated1 to have entered as a potent factor in the course of things that lead the system of handicraft through maturity to collapse1 as on the ,continent1 or to decay1 as in ,england4 ,it will accordingly be in place to go somewhat more narrowly into the circumstances of its beginnings and growth and the manner in which it plays its part in the organisation of the handicraft industry4 ,it appears that this uneven distribution of wealth arises out of the technological exigencies of handicraft and of the petty trade which characteristically runs along with the handicraft industry in its early stages4#acb ,in its earliest1 impecunious beginnings1 handicraft as known in medival ,europe was like its congener1 the manual arts of the savage and lower barbarian peoples1 in that the whole material equipment requisite to its pursuit consisted of a skilled workman and an extremely slender kit of tools4 ,the tradition countenanced by historical students says that the beginnings of the handicraft system1 with its specialised industry and trained workmanship1 is due to such workmen1 possessed of substantially nothing but their own persons1 who escaped in one way and another from the bonds of the manorial system1 or its equivalent1 and found shelter on sufferance near some feudal protector or religious corporation that found some advantage in this novel arrangement4#acc ,on looking into this inchoate working arrangement between these masterless workmen and their patrons1 and generalising the run of facts as may be permitted an inquiry that aims at theoretical presentation rather than historical description1 the probable causal relation running through these obscure events will appear somewhat as follows4 ,it happened in ,europe1 as it has happened now and again elsewhere1 that the ownership of the soil in advanced feudal times took shape as a ,landed ,interest living at peace and under settled relations with the community from which they drew their livelihood and their means of controlling the community4 ,under these circumstances there grew up an ever-widening industrial system1 under manorial auspices1 in which the foremost place is taken by the mechanic arts1 in the way of specialised crafts and mechanical processes and appliances4 ,the tranquil conditions that prevail under such a settled1 pacific or sub-predatory scheme of control bring out an increased volume of consumable products1 particularly since these same settled conditions admit a larger and more economical use of all industrial appliances4 ,the immediate consequence is that an increased net product accrues to the propertied class2 which calls them to an intensified consumption of goods2 which requires increased elaboration and diversity of products2 which calls for an increasing diversity and volume of appliances and more prolonged and elaborate technological processes4 ,the needs of the propertied class1 particularly in the way of superfluities1 reach such a degree of diversity that it is no longer practicable to supply these needs by specialised work within the industrial framework of the manor or its equivalent4 ,the itinerant trade comes in to help out in this difficult passage by bringing exotic luxuries1 curious articles of great price2 but that is not sufficient to cover the requirements of the case1 since there is much needed work of elaboration that cannot be taken care of by way of an importation of finished goods4 ,here comes the opportunity of the skilled masterless workman4 ,the growth of wealth has provided a place for him in the economy of the time1 and having once got a foothold he and his followers congregate in industrial towns and find a living by the work of their hands4 ,the point should be kept in mind in any consideration of the era of handicraft that its beginnings are made by these 8masterless men10 who broke away 7or were broken out7 from the bonds of that organisation in which the arbitrary power of the landed interest held dominion4 ,by tenacious assertion of the personal rights which they so arrogated to themselves1 and at great cost and risk1 they made good in time their claim to stand as a class apart1 a class of ungraded free men among whom self-help and individual workmanlike efficiency were the accepted grounds of repute and of livelihood4 ,this tradition never dies out among the organised craftsmen until the industrial system which had so been inaugurated went under in the turmoil of politics and finance or was supplanted by the machine era that grew out of it4 ,with this class-tradition of initiative and democratic autonomy is associated1 as an integral fact in the system1 the concomitant tradition that work is a means of livelihood4 ,in these early phases of the system the individual workman is 7typically7 competent to work out his livelihood with the use of such a slight equipment of tools as could readily be acquired in the course of his employment4 ,in great part1 indeed1 the craftsman of the early days made his tools and appliances as he went along4 ,but it follows necessarily that further training in the skilled manipulations of the crafts led to the use of improved and specialised tools as well as to the use of larger appliances useful in the technological processes employed1 such as could scarcely be called tools in the simpler sense of the word but would rather be classed as industrial plant4 ,with the advance of technology the material equipment so requisite to the pursuit of industry in the crafts increases in volume1 cost and elaboration1 and the processes of industry grow extensive and complex2 until it presently becomes a matter of serious difficulty for any workman single-handed to supply the complement of tools1 appliances and materials with which his work is to be done4 ,it then also becomes a matter of some moment to own such wealth4 ,as under any earlier and simpler industrial rgime1 so in this early-advanced phase of the handicraft system the workman must also have command of that immaterial equipment of technological information at large that is current in the community1 in so far as it affects his particular occupation2 and he must in addition acquire the special trained skill necessary in his own branch of craft4 ,the former he will1 at that stage of technological growth1 still come by without particular deliberate application1 in the ordinary routine of life2 it is made up of general information and familiarity with current ways of doing1 simply1 and on the level of general information which then prevailed no special training or schooling seems to have been needed to place the young man abreast of his time4 ,in other words1 the common stock of technological knowledge had not by that time grown so unwieldy as to require special pains to assimilate it4 ,as for the latter1 the special skill which would make him a craftsman1 that was also accessible at the cost of some application2 but under the rules of handicraft the early apprentice gained this trained skill at no cost beyond application to the work in hand4 ,but the like does not continue to hold true of the material equipment2 which presently was no longer to be compassed as a matter of course and of routine application to the work in hand4 ,it was becoming increasingly important and increasingly difficult to be provided with these means with which to go to work1 and the ownership of such means gave an increasingly decisive advantage to their owner4 ,what adds further force to this position of affair is the fact that in many of the crafts the work could no longer be carried on to full advantage in strict severalty2 the best approved processes required a gang or corps of workmen in coperation1 and required also something in the way of a 8plant0 suitable for the employment of such a corps rather than of a single individual4 ,such a condition1 of course1 came on earlier and more urgently in some crafts1 as1 e4 g41 in tanning1 or brewing1 or some of the metal-working trades1 than in others1 as1 e4 g41 the building trades1 locksmithing1 cobbling1 etc4 ,but an advance of this kind1 and the exigencies which such an advance brings1 came on gradually and with such a measure of general prevalence through the crafts that the general statement made above may fairly stand as a free characterisation of the state of the industrial arts in the crafts at large at the period in question4 ,the growing resort to working methods requiring organised groups of workmen together with something in the way of collective industrial plant would greatly hasten the concentration of the ownership of the material equipment4 ,ownership in all ages is individual ownership2 and then as ever any single item of property1 such as a workshop and its appliances1 would presently fall into the possession of an individual owner4 ,the owners of the plant became employers of their impecunious fellow craftsmen and so came into a position to dispose of their working capacity and their product4 ,when and in so far as the advanced state of the industrial arts1 therefore1 made it impracticable for the individual craftsman readily to acquire the material means for work in his craft1 any proficiency in the craft would be of no effect except by arrangement with some one who could supply these material means4 ,the possession of the material equipment1 therefore1 placed in the discretion of its owners the utilisation of such technological knowledge and skill as the members of the given crafts might possess4 ,the usufruct of the handicraft community's technological proficiency in this way came to vest in the owners of the plant1 in the same measure as this plant was necessary to the pursuit of industry under the technological scheme then in force4 ,this effect would be had so soon and in such measure as it became a matter of appreciable difficulty to acquire and maintain the material equipment requisite to the workmanlike pursuit of industry2 and it would become generally decisive of the relation between master and workman so soon as the outfit of material means required for effective work had grown larger than the common run of workmen could acquire in the course of such training as would fit them to do the work in the particular branch of industry in which they engaged4 ,the change brought on in this way by the growth of technology was neither abrupt nor sharply defined4 ,like other changes in the technological scheme it was an outgrowth of the knowledge and methods already previously current1 and it took effect in detail and in a very concrete way1 leading on through fluctuating usage to a gradually settled general practice which came at length to differ substantially from the situation out of which it had grown4 ,by insensible gradations it came into such general prevalence and everyday recognition1 and established such stable methods of procedure1 as presently left it standing as an established institutional fact4 ,it grew into the prevalent habits of thought without a visible break1 and made its way more or less thoroughly in the several branches of industry which it touched1 until it came to be accepted as the type of handicraft organisation to which other1 outlying branches of industry would then also tend to conform1 even when there was no direct provocation for these outlying members of the industrial system to take on the typical form so given4 ,but given the tranquil conditions necessary to the accumulation of such industrial appliances and to the invention and employment of long and roundabout processes in industry1 and the resulting change that sets in will be of a cumulative character1 affecting an ever increasing proportion of the industrial arts1 and permeating the industrial system at large in a progressive fashion4 ,under these circumstances1 and in proportion as these technological exigencies take effect in one branch of industry and another1 the usufruct of the industrial community's current productive efficiency comes to vest effectually in those who own the material means of industry4 ,their effectual exploitation of the community's industrial efficiency will extend to such industries1 and with such a degree of thoroughness and security1 as the state of the industrial arts may decide4 ,this effectual engrossing of the technological heritage by the owners will extend to any branch of the industrial arts in which so considerable a material equipment is required1 in appliances and raw materials1 that the workmen who go into this given line of employment cannot practically create or acquire it as they go along4 ,in an uncertain measure1 therefore1 and varying in degree somewhat from one industry to another1 the owner of the plant becomes in effect the owner of the community's technological knowledge and workmanlike skill1 and thereby the owner of the workman's productive capacity4 ,in the small beginnings of the handicraft industry the craftsman typically passed by a simple routine from the status of apprentice to that of master1 picking up the slight necessary outfit as he went along2 in the closing phases of the era handicraft methods had reached a high degree of specialisation and made use of extensive processes and appliances1 and it was then only by exception that any craftsman could pass from apprenticeship through the intervening stages to the position of a working master1 without the help of inherited means or special favour4 ,toward the close of the era the masters were1 typically1 employers of skilled labour and foremen in their own shop1 except in the frequent case where they altogether ceased to work at the trade and gave their whole attention to the business side of the industry4 ,many of these nominal master craftsmen were in fact mere traders1 captains of industry1 businessmen1 who never came in manual contact with the work4#acd ,so capitalism emerged from the working of the handicraft system1 through the increasing scale and efficiency of technology4 ,and on the ground afforded by this capitalistic phase of the system arose that era of business enterprise that ruled the economic fortunes of ,europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries1 with its captains of industry and great financial houses4 ,whether the large means with which these captains of industry operated were primarily drawn from the gains of the petty trade that had gone before1 or were drawn into this field of business from outside1 is a debated question which need not detain the present inquiry4 ,the fact remains that1 by whatever means1 this development of the situation comes out of that growth of handicraft whereby the ownership and control of the industrial plant passed out of the hands of the body of working craftsmen4 ,when this business situation collapsed1 therefore1 as already spoken of above1 the handicraft industry at its best was organised on capitalistic lines and managed for capitalistic ends1--with a view to profits on investment1 not primarily with a view to the livelihood of the working craftsmen4 ,the new situation which then presented itself1 as a consequence of the collapse of the business community1 was industrially and commercially better suited to the simpler and ruder methods of handicraft that had succeeded in the early days of the system2 but the current preconceptions and trade relations that actually ruled at the time were of a capitalistic kind1 and the current state of the industrial arts1 even where industry had fallen into a fragmentary state1 was such as technologically required the large-scale organisation in order to its due working4 ,between the impossibility of going forward on the accustomed lines and the impracticability of an effectual rehabilitation of more primitive methods1 there resulted a period of poverty and confusion1 helped out by the continued mismanagement of the dynastic politicians2 so that the industrial situation of the ,continent never recovered until it was overtaken by the new era of the machine industry inaugurated by the ,english4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the circumstances of life for the common man underwent more than one substantial change during the era of handicraft1 and these changes were not all in the same sense4 ,the dominant note changes from workmanship in the earlier phases of the era to pecuniary competition and political anxiety toward the close1 particularly as regards the industrial communities of the ,continent4 ,the era is a long period of history1 all told1 running over some five or six centuries1 from an advanced stage of the feudal age to the eighteenth century1 or to various earlier dates in those countries where the handicraft system came to a provisional close in the era of statemaking2 and the discipline of life does not run to the same effect in the earlier of these phases of the development as in the later4 ,not that handicraft ceased to be the prevailing method in the mechanical industries of these countries when the reaction overtook them1 but the technological advance had been seriously checked1 and such handicraft industry as still went on had ceased to dominate the economic situation and no longer held the primacy among the factors that shaped the life of the communities in question4 ,its place as a dominant force was taken by the new political interests and by such commercial enterprise as still went on4 ,but through the centuries of its earlier growth the handicraft industry1 simply as a routine of workmanship1 shaped the conditions of life for the common people more pervasively and consistently than any other one factor4 ,its discipline1 therefore1 was of protracted duration and touched the current habits of thought in an intimate and enduring fashion2 so as to leave a large and enduring effect on the institutions of the peoples among whom it prevailed4 ,the ,english-speaking community shows these effects in a larger measure and a more evident manner than any other1--visible only in a less degree in the ,low ,countries1 and more equivocally in the ,scandinavian countries4 ,these peoples had not been subjected to the handicraft discipline for a longer time or in a more exacting fashion than their ,continental neighbours1 but they had on the other hand escaped the full measure of the political activity of the era of statemaking that did so much to neutralise the effects of the handicraft system in the larger ,continental countries4 99 99 99 99 99 ,something has been said above of the way in which the discipline of life under the rule of handicraft shaped and coloured men's thinking in those materialistic sciences whose early growth runs parallel with the technological advance in modern times4 ,it has also been evident that this training in the manner of conceiving things for the purposes of technology wrought certain broad changes in the theological and philosophical conceptions that guided the inquiring spirits of the same and subsequent generations4 ,this effect wrought by the routine of life under the handicraft system on scientific and philosophical conceptions is of a very pervasive character1 being of the nature of an habitual bent1 an attitude or frame of mind1 whose characteristic mark is the acceptance of creative workmanship as a finality4 ,it became an element of common sense in the apprehension of thoughtful men whose frame of mind was formed under the traditions of that era that creative workmanship is an ultimate1 irreducible factor in the constitution of things1 accepted as a matter of course and used unsparingly and with ever-growing conviction as a terminus a quo and ad quem4#ace ,creative workmanship1 fortified in ever-growing measure by the conception of serviceability to human use1 works its way gradually into the central place in the theoretical speculations of the time1 so that by the close of the era it dominates all intellectual enterprise in the thoughtful portions of ,christendom4 ,hence it becomes not only the instrument of inquiry in the sciences1 but a major premise in all work of innovation and reconstruction of the scheme of institutions4 ,in that extensive revision of the institutional framework that characterises modern times it is the life of the common people1 their rights and obligations1 that is forever in view1 and their life is conceived in terms of craftsmanlike industry and the petty trade4 ,by and large1 the outcome of this revision of civil and legal matters under handicraft auspices is the system of ,natural ,rights1 including the concept of ,natural ,liberty4 ,the whole scheme so worked out is manifestly of the same piece with that ,order of ,nature and ,natural ,law that dominated the inquiries of the scientists and the speculations of the philosophers4 ,it lies in the nature of the case that the ,english-speaking community should take the lead in the final advance in all these matters and should work out the most finished1 secure and enduring results within these premises1 both in the field of scientific inquiry and in that of the theory of institutions4 ,it lies in the nature of the case because the ,english-speaking community had the benefit of the technological gains made before their time1 because they had a long and passably uneventful experience of the handicraft routine in industry and in the workday life to whose wants the handicraft industry ministered1 and because the discipline of the handicraft era was not in their case neutralised in its closing phase by the turmoil1 insecurity and civic debaucheries of an epoch of war and political intrigue4 ,and here again the neighbouring peoples come into the case as copartners in this work with ,england in much the same measure in which their experience through this period was of the same general nature4 ,the scheme of ,natural ,rights1 and of ,natural ,liberty1 which so emerges is of a pronounced individualistic tenor1 as it should be to answer to the scheme of experience embodied in the system of handicraft4 ,in the crafts1 particularly during the protracted early phases of the system1 it is the individual workman1 working for a livelihood by use of his own personal force1 dexterity and diligence1 that stands out as the main fact2 so much so1 indeed1 that he appears to have stood1 in the apprehension of his time1 as the sole substantial factor in the industrial organisation4 ,similarly under the canon of ,natural ,liberty the individual is thrown on his own devices for his life1 liberty and pursuit of happiness4 ,the craftsman by immemorial custom traditionally disposed of his work and its product as he chose1 under the rules of his gild4 ,he was by prescription in full possession of what he made1 subject only to the gild regulations imposed for the good of his neighbours who were similarly placed4 ,the most sacred right included in the scheme of ,natural ,rights is that of property in whatever wealth has been honestly acquired1 subject only to the qualification that it must not be turned to the detriment of one's fellows4 ,in the days of the typical handicraft system the petty trade runs along with the handicraft industry1 in such a way that every master craftsman is more or less of a trader1 disposing of his goods or services in plenary discretion1 and even the apprentices and journeymen similarly bargain for their terms of work and at times for the disposal of their product2 while the professional itinerant trader is a member of this industrial community on much the same footing as the craftsmen proper4 ,so it is a secure item in the scheme of ,natural ,rights that all persons not under tutelage have an indefeasible right to dispose by purchase and sale not only of products of their own hands but of whatever items they have come by through alienation by its producer or lawful owner4 ,and ownership is in natural-rights theory always to be traced back to the creative workmanship of its first possessor4#acf ,in the sequel this natural right freely to dispose of one's person and work1 when it had found lodgment among the principles of civil rights in the eighteenth century1 contributed substantially to the dissolution of that organ of surveillance and control that the craftsmen of an earlier generation had instituted in the gild system4 ,the case is but an instance of what is continually happening and bound to happen in the field of institutional growth4 ,institutional principles1 such as this item of civil rights1 emerge from use and wont1 resulting as a settled line of convention from usage and custom that grow out of the exigencies of life at the time4 ,but use and wont is a matter of time4 ,it takes time for habituation to attain that secure degree of conventional recognition and authenticity that will enable it to stand as an indefeasible principle of conduct1 and by the time this consummation is achieved it commonly happens that the exigencies which enforced the given line of use and wont have ceased to be operative1 or at least to be so imperative as in their earlier incidence4 ,the control which the gilds were initially designed to exercise was a control that should leave the gildsmen free in the pursuit of their work1 subject only to a salutary surveillance and standardisation of the output1 such as would maintain the prestige of their workmanship and facilitate the disposal of the goods produced4 ,the initial purpose seems1 in modern phrase1 to have been a creation of intangible assets for the benefits of the body of gildmen4 ,under the new conditions that came to prevail when capitalistic management took over the direction of industry these gild regulations no longer served their purpose1 but they seem on the contrary to have become an obstacle to the free employment of skilled workmen4 ,a similar fortune was about the same time beginning to overtake this principle of ,natural ,liberty itself1 and that even in the particular bearing which seems at the outset to have been its primary and most substantial aim4 ,initially1 it seems1 the point of interest1 and indeed of contention1 was the freedom of the masterless workman to dispose of his person and workmanship as he saw fit and as he best could and would1--to take care of his life1 liberty and pursuit of happiness without let or hindrance from persons vested with authority or prerogative4 ,with the passage of time1 use and wont erected this conventional rule into an inalienable right4 ,but included with it1 as an integral extension of the powers which this inalienable right safeguarded1 was the right of purchase and sale1 touching both work and its product1 the right freely to hold and dispose of property4 ,presently1 toward the close of the handicraft era1 or more specifically in the late eighteenth century in ,england1 industry fell under capitalistic management4 ,when this change had taken passably full effect the workman was already secure in his civil 7natural7 right to dispose of his workmanship as he thought best1 but the circumstances of employment under capitalistic management made it impossible for him in fact to dispose of his work except to these employers1 and very much on their terms1 or to dispose of his person except where the exigencies of their business might require him4 ,and the similarly inalienable right of ownership1 which had similarly emerged from use and wont under the handicraft system1 but which now in effect secured the capitalist-employer in his control of the material means of industry1--this sacred right of property now barred out any move that might be designed to reinstate the workman in his effective freedom to work as he chose or to dispose of his person and product as he saw fit4 ,the connection so shown between the growth of handicraft and the system of ,natural ,rights does not purport to be a complete account of the rise of that system1 even in outline4 ,the more usual account traces this system to the concept of jus naturale1 of the late ,roman jurists4 ,there is assuredly no call here to question or disparage the work of those jurists and scholars who have busied themselves with authenticating the system of ,natural ,rights by showing it to be founded in the jus gentium and the jus naturale of the ,latin ,codes4 ,their work is doubtless historically exact and competent4 ,but as is commonly the case with such work at the hands of jurists and scholars1 especially in that past age1 it contents itself with tracing an authentic pedigree1 rather than go into questions of the causes that led to the vogue of these concepts at the time of their acceptance or the circumstances which gave these ,natural ,rights that particular scope and content which they have assumed in modern theory of law and civil relations4 ,the thesis which is here offered is to the effect that the habituation of use and wont under the handicraft system installed these rights1 in an inchoate fashion1 in the current preconceptions of the community1 and that this habituation is traceable1 causally rather than by process of ratiocination1 to the sense of workmanship as it took form and went into action under the particular conventional circumstances of the early era of handicraft2 that the preconceptions that so went into effect determined the current attitude of thoughtful men toward questions of civil rights and legal principle2 and that the jurists who had occasion to take notice of these current preconceptions touching human rights found themselves constrained to deal with them as elementary facts in the situation as it lay before them1 and therefore to find a ground for them in the accepted canons1 such as would satisfy the legal mind of their authenticity by ancient prescription1 or such as should determine the scope of their application in conformity with legal principles having a prior claim and authoritative sanction4 ,the thesis1 therefore1 is not that the jurists founded these modern principles of legal theory on the popular prejudices current in their time and due in point of habituation to the routine of handicraft1 nor that they stretched the ancient principles of jus naturale to meet the demands of popular prejudice1 but that on prompting of legal exigencies to which the practical acceptance of these principles had given rise1 the jurists found in the capitularies of the code what was necessary to authenticate these principles of legal theory and give them the sanction of authority1--a work of reasoning all the more congenial and convincing to the jurists since they in common with the rest of their generation were by habit and tradition imbued with the penchant to find these principles right and good1 and consequently to find none other in the codes that might fatally traverse those whose authentication was due4 ,but these are matters of pedigree1 and this work of the great jurists and philosophers is in great part of the nature of accessory after the fact1 so far as bears on that sweeping acceptance of these principles and that incontestable efficiency that marks the course of their life-history in modern times4 ,the jurists and philosophers have sought and shown the sufficient reason for accepting this scheme of principles1 as well as for the particular fashion in which they have been formulated2 but the insensible growth of habits of thought induced by the conditions of life in 7early7 modern times must be allowed to stand as the efficient cause of their dominant control over modern practice1 speculation1 and sentiment touching all those relations that have been standardised in their terms4 ,by use and wont the range of conventional elements included in the scheme had become eternal and indubitable principles of right reason1 ingrained in the intellectual texture of the jurists as well as in their lay contemporaries2 and the task of the jurists therefore was to work out their authentication in terms of sufficient reason2 it was not for them to trouble with any question of the causes to which these principles owed their eternal fitness in the scheme of ,nature at that particular time4 ,the ,natural ,rights which so found authentication at the hands of the jurists were of the individualistic kind which the discipline of the handicraft system had inculcated1 and the authentication found in the jus naturale does not range much beyond the individualistic bounds so prescribed1 nor are other lines of ancient prescription1 at variance with these rights1 brought at all prominently into the light by the legal inquiries of the jurists4 ,whereas it is no matter of serious question that the chief bearing of the ancient findings embodied in the code is not of this individualistic character4 ,the causes which brought on the modern acceptance of this scheme of ,natural ,rights are a matter of use and wont1 quite distinct from that line of argument by which the jurists established them on grounds of sufficient reason resting on ancient prescription4 ,the extreme tenacity of life shown by the system of ,natural ,rights may raise a reasonable doubt as to the adequacy of any account that assigns their derivation to the discipline of use and wont peculiar to any particular cultural era1 even when the era in question is of so consistent a character and such protracted duration as the era of handicraft4 ,what adds force to such a question is the fact that something like these preconceptions of natural right is not uncommon in the lower cultures4 ,so that on the face of the returns there appears to be good ground in the nature of things for designating these conventional rights 8natural40 ,something of the kind is current in an obvious fashion among the peaceable communities on the lower levels of culture1 among whom the scheme of accepted rights and obligations bears more than a distant resemblance to the ,natural ,rights of the eighteenth century4 ,but something of the kind will also be found among peoples on a higher level1 both peaceable and predatory2 though departing more notably in point of contents from the eighteenth-century system4 ,the point of similarity1 or of identity1 among all these systems of conventionally fundamental and eternal human rights is to be found in their intrinsic sanction--they are all and several right and good as a matter of course and of common sense2 the point of divergence or dissimilarity is to be found in the contents of the code1 which are not nearly the same in all cases4 ,in the medival natural common-sense scheme of rights1 prerogative1 personal and class exemption1 is of the essence of the canon2 but the scheme is none the less intrinsically mandatory on those who had been bred into a matter-of-course acceptance of it by the routine of life in that age4 ,differential rights1 duties and privilege give the point of departure in this medival system of civil relations2 whereas in the system worked out under the auspices of the handicraft industry the denial of differential advantage1 whether class or individual1 is the beginning of wisdom and the substance of common sense as applied to civil relations4 ,the one of these schemes comes out of an economic situation drawn on lines of predation1 ancient1 prescriptive and settled1 and its first principle is that of master and servant2 the other comes of a situation grounded in workmanlike efficiency1 and its first principle is that of an equitable livelihood for work done4 ,that some of the working systems of civil rights in customary force among the peaceable communities of the lower culture have more in common with modern ,natural ,rights than this medival scheme1 should logically be due to a similarity in the conditions of life out of which they have arisen4 ,in these savage or lower barbarian communities1 too1 the principle of organization is work for a livelihood1 and the conventional ground of economic relations is that of workmanship1 as it is under the early handicraft system2 but with the difference that whereas the technology of handicraft throws the skilled workman into perspective as a self-sufficient individual1 and so throws self-help into the foreground as the principle of economic equity1 among these savages and lower barbarians living by means of a technology of a less highly specialised character1 with a material situation not admitting of the same degree of severalty in work or livelihood1 the prime requisite in the relations governing the rights and duties of the members of the group is not the individual livelihood of the skilled workman but that of the group at large4 ,the individual's personal claims come in only as secondary and subservient to the needs of the group at large2 rights of ownership are loose and vague1 and they lack that tenacity of life that characterises the like rights under the handicraft system4 ,it is true1 the product of industry belongs primarily to the producer of it1 it is his in some sense that might pass into ownership if the technological situation admitted of work for a livelihood in strict and consistent severalty2 but in the actual case as found on these lower levels the product commonly escapes somewhat easily from his individual possession and comes to inure to the use of the group4 ,except for such articles as continue to pertain to him by virtue of intimate and daily use1 the producer's possessive control of his product is likely at the best to be transient and dubious1 readily giving way before any urgent call for its use by other members of the group4#acg ,a fact of some incisive effect in this connection is doubtless the characteristic trait of handicraft that1 in its early phases wholly and obviously and in its later development also somewhat evidently1 it was the affair of a class2 whereas in the savage communities with which it is here compared1 the technology and the livelihood in question are those of the community at large1 not of a class that stands in contrast and in some degree of competition with the community at large4 ,the craftsmen were a fraction of the community by work for whose needs they got their livelihood1 even though1 in the course of time1 they became the dominant element within the local community 7municipality7 whose fortunes they shared4 ,and as between this fraction of the population and outside classes with whom they carried on their traffic1 particularly the well-to-do and land-holding classes1 there could be no constraining sense of a solidarity of interest4 ,the ancient bond of master and servant had been broken by something like an overt act of class secession on the part of the craftsmen1 and nothing like a bond of fellowship had taken its place4 ,the fellowship ran within the lines of craftsmanship1 while the traffic of each craftsman typically ran across the line that divided the craftsman from the old order and population outside of this industrial system4 ,that the eighteenth-century system of ,natural ,rights shows such a degree of approximation to the scheme of rights and obligations observed among many primitive peoples need flutter no one's sense of cultural consistency4 ,return to ,nature was more or less of a password in the closing period of the era of handicraft and after1 and in respect of this system of civil relations it appears that the popular attitude of that time was in effect something of a reversion to primitive habits of thought2 though it was at best a partial return to a 8state of nature0 in the sense of a state of peace and industry rather than a return to the unsophisticated beginnings of society4 ,that such a partial reversion takes effect in the habits of thought of the time appears to be due to a similarly partial return to somewhat analogous habits of life4 ,the correspondence in the habits of thought is no greater than that in the habits of life out of which these habits of thought emerged4 ,the primitive peoples that show this suggestive resemblance to the system of ,natural ,rights typically are living under a routine of workmanship and in a state of habitual peace1--in these respects being placed somewhat similarly to the handicraft community4 ,the handicraft system comes true to the same characterisation in so far that it was dominated by a routine of workmanship and so far as1 in effect1 its life-history falls in an era of prevailingly peaceable conditions2 and such a characterisation holds true of the industrial community proper through the period during which handicraft is the ruling factor in the community's habitual range of interest4 ,it is not that the era of handicraft was an era of reversion to savagery1 but only that the tone-giving factor in the community of that time reverted1 by force of the state of the industrial arts1 to habits of peace and industry1 in which direct and detailed manual work takes a leading place4 ,there is also the further point of economic contact with the savage state that in the handicraft community distinctions of wealth are neither large nor of decisive consequence during the long period of habituation that brought the preconceptions of that era into the settled shape that gave them the character of a finished and balanced system of principles4 ,it may be added1 at the risk of tedious repetition1 that the habits of life characteristic of the era1 as well as the frame of mind suited to this characteristic routine of life1 seem peculiarly suited to the native endowment of the ,european peoples1--perhaps in an especial degree suited to the native bent of those sections of the population in which there is an appreciable admixture of the dolicho-blond stock4 ,that such may be the case is at least strongly suggested by the tenacious hold which this system of ,rights apparently still has on the sentimental allegiance of these ,western peoples1 after the conditions to which these ,rights owe their rise1 and to which they are suited1 have in the main ceased to exist2 as well as by the somewhat blind fervour with which these peoples1 and more especially the ,english-speaking section of them1 go about the idyllic enterprise of rehabilitating that obsolescent 8competitive system0 that embodied the system of ,natural ,rights1 and that came up with the era of handicraft and went under in its dissolution4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,the ,,machine ,,industry ,the era of the machine industry has been designated variously1 to answer to the varying point of view from which it has been considered by divers writers4 ,as an historical era it shows divers traits1 more or less characteristic1 and it has been designated by one or another of these traits according to the particular line of interest that may have directed the attention of those who have had occasion to name it4 ,it is spoken of as the era of the factory system1 of large-scale industry1 as the age of ,capitalism or of free competition1 or again as an era of the credit economy4 ,but as seen from the point of view of technology1 and more specifically from that of workmanship as it underlies the technological system1 it is best characterised as the era of the machine industry1 or of the machine process4 ,as a technological period it is commonly conceived to take its rise in the ,british industrial community about the third quarter of the eighteenth century1 the conventional date of the ,industrial ,revolution1--those who have a taste for precise dates assigning it more specifically to the sixties of that century1 to coincide with the earliest practical use of certain large mechanical inventions of that age4#ach ,such a precise date is scarcely serviceable for any other than a mnemonic purpose4 ,if the matter is taken in historical perspective the era of the machine process will be seen to have been coming on in ,england through the earlier years of the century1 and even from before that time2 whereas notable mechanical inventions1 and engineering exploits of the like general bearing in technology1 had begun to affect the industrial situation in some of the ,continental countries at an appreciably earlier period4 ,so1 e4 g41 practical improvements had gone into effect in water-wheels1 pumps and wind mills1 in the use of sails and the designs of shipping1 in wheeled vehicles 7though the early modern improvements in this particular may easily be over-rated7 and in such appliances as chimneys2 and1 again1 there is the peculiar but highly instructive field of applied mechanics represented by the invention and improvement of firearms4 ,such engineering enterprises as the drainage systems of ,holland also belong here and are to be counted among the notable achievements in applied mechanics4 ,even the most casual review of the technological situation in ,europe1 say in the seventeenth century1 will bring out characteristic features that cannot be denied honourable mention as applications of mechanical science1 although the reserve caution is immediately to be entered that these early mechanical expedients and their employment stand out as sporadic facts of mechanical contrivance in an age of manual work1 rather than as characteristic traits of the industrial system in which they are found4 ,the beginnings of the machine industry are of this sporadic character4 ,they come up as an outgrowth of the handicraft technology1 particularly at conjunctures where that technology is called on to deal with such large mechanical problems as exceed the force of manual labour or that elude the reach of the craftsman's tools4 ,so1 e4 g41 in ,england1 say from the sixteenth century onward1 there are improvements in highways and waterways and in the drainage of agricultural lands2 and1 as an instance more obviously related to the machine industry as commonly apprehended1 there comes early in the eighteenth century the 8horse-hoing cultivation0 on which ,jethro ,tull spent his enthusiasm4 ,along with this obviously mechanical line of endeavour and innovation is also to be noted the deliberate efforts to improve the races of sheep and cattle that were in progress about the same time4 ,these are perhaps not to be rated as mechanical inventions in the simple and obvious sense of the phrase1 but they have this trait in common with the inventions of the machine era that they turn ascertained facts of brute nature to account for human use by a logic that has much of that character of impersonal incidence that marks the machine technology4 ,the machine industry comes on gradually2 its initial stages are visible in the early eighteenth century1 but it is only toward the close of that century that its effects on the industrial system become so pronounced that the era of the machine technology may fairly be said to have set in2 and it is only in ,great ,britain that it can be said to prevail at that period4 ,of the other features above alluded to as characteristic of this period of history none are of so substantial a character or so distinctive of this particular period as its technological peculiarities4 ,free competition1 e4 g41 belongs as much to the era of handicraft as to that of the machine1 having prevailed--more extensively in theory than in practice--under the former rgime as under the latter2 and in point of fact it gradually falls under increasing restrictions as the machine age advances1 until in the more highly developed phases of the current situation it has largely ceased to be a practicable line of policy in industrial business4 ,so1 also1 ,capitalism did not take its rise coincident with the industrial revolution1 although its best development and largest expansion may lie within the machine age4 ,it had its beginnings in the prosperous days of handicraft1 and one capitalistic era had already run its course1 on the ,continent1 before the machine industry came in4 ,the 8credit economy10 associated with the capitalistic management of industry1 is also of older growth1 so far as regards the days of its early vigour1 although the larger and more far-reaching developments of credit come effectually into play only in the later decades of the machine age4 ,much the same is true of the so-called large-scale organisation of industry and the factory system4 ,its highest development comes with the advanced stages of the machine technology and is manifestly conditioned by the latter1 but it was already a force to be counted with at the time of the industrial revolution4 ,the large-scale industry contemplated1 with a degree of apprehension1 by ,adam ,smith1 e4 g41 was not based on the machine technology but on handicraft with an extensive division of labour1 and on the 8household industry0 as that was gaining ground in his time4 ,the latter was1 in form1 what has since come to be known as the 8sweatshop0 industry4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in this new era technology comes into close touch with science2 both the science and the technology of the new age being of a matter-of-fact character1 beyond all precedent4 ,so much so that by contrast1 the technology of handicraft would appear to have stood in no close or consistent relation with the avowed science of its time4 ,not that anthropomorphic imputation is altogether wanting or inoperative in this latterday scientific inquiry1 or in the technological utilisation of the facts in hand2 but in the later conceptions anthropomorphism has at the best been repressed and sterilised in an unprecedented degree4 ,and it holds true for the machine technology beyond any other state of the industrial arts that the facts of observation can effectually be turned to account only in so far as they are apprehended in a matter-of-fact way4 ,the logic of this technology1 by which its problems are to be worked out1 is the logic of a mechanical process in which no personal or teleological factors enter4 ,the engineer or inventor who designs processes1 appliances and expedients within these premises is required to apprehend and appreciate the working facts after that dispassionate1 opaque1 unteleological fashion in which the phenomena of brute matter occur2 and he must learn to work out their uses by the logic of brute matter instead of construing them by imputation and by analogy with the manifestations of human workmanship4 ,less imperatively1 but still in a marked degree1 the same spirit must be found in the workmen under whose tendance these processes and appliances are to work out the designed results4 ,under the simpler technology of more primitive industrial systems recourse to anthropomorphic imputation has also always been a hindrance to workmanlike mastery1 more particularly in the mechanic arts proper1 and only less pronounced in those industrial arts1 like husbandry1 that have to do immediately with plants and animals4 ,knowledge of brute facts as interpreted in terms of human nature appears never to have been serviceable in full proportion to their content4 ,but in these more primitive industrial systems--as also in the better days of handicraft--the workman is forever in instant control of his tools and materials2 the movements made use of in the work are essentially of the nature of manipulation1 in which the workman adroitly coerces the materials into shapes and relations that will answer his purpose1 and in which also nothing 7typically7 takes place beyond the manual reach of the workman as extended by the tools which his hands make use of4 ,under these conditions it is a matter of relatively slight effect whether the workman does or does not rate the objects which he uses as tools and materials in quasi-personal terms or imputes to them a degree of self-direction1 since they are at no point allowed to escape his manual reach and are by direct communication of his force1 dexterity and judgment coerced into the forms1 motions and spatial dispositions aimed at by him4 ,his imputing some bias1 bent1 initiative or spiritual force or infirmity to brute matter will doubtless incapacitate him by so much for efficiently designing processes and uses for the available material facts2 his creative imagination proceeds on mistaken premises and goes wrong in so far2 and so this anthropomorphic interpretation must always count as a material drawback to technological mastery of the available resources and in some degree retard the possible advance in the industrial arts4 ,but within the premises given by the industrial arts as they stand1 he may still do effective work as a mechanic skilled in the manual operations prescribed by the given state of the arts4 ,for in the mechanic industries of all these other and more archaic industrial systems the workman does the work2 it may be by use of tools1 and even by help of more or less extended processes in which natural forces of growth1 fermentation1 decay1 and the like1 play a material part2 but the decisive fact remains that the motions and operations of such manual industry take effect at his hands and by way of his muscular force and manual reach4 ,where natural processes1 as those of growth1 fermentation or combustion1 are drawn into the routine of industry1 they lie1 as natural processes1 beyond his discretionary control2 at the most he puts them in train and lets them run1 with some hedging and shifting as they go on1 to bring them to bear in such a way as shall suit his ends2 he takes his precautions with them and then he takes the chance of their coming to the desired issue4 ,they are not1 and as he sees the work and its conditions they need not be1 within his control in anything like the fashion in which he controls his tools and the materials employed in his manual operations2 they work well or ill1 and what comes of it is in some degree a matter of his fortune of success or failure1 such as comes to the man who has done his best under ,providence4 ,in case of a striking outcome for good or ill from the operation of such natural processes the devout craftsman is inclined to rate it as the act of ,god2 very much as does the devout husbandman who depends on rain rather than on irrigation4 ,it is the part of the wise workman in such a case to take what comes1 without elation or repining1 in so far as these factors of success and failure are not comprised in his presumed workmanlike proficiency4 ,the matter lies differently in the machine industry4 ,the mechanical processes here engaged are calculable1 measurable1 and contain no mysterious element of providential ambiguity4 ,in proportion as they work to the best effect1 they are capable of theoretical statement1 not merely approachable by rule of thumb4 ,the designing engineer takes his measures on the basis of ascertained quantitative fact4 ,he knows the forces employed1 and1 indeed1 he can employ only such as he knows and only so far as he knows them2 and he arranges for the processes that are to do the work1 with only such calculable margin of error as is due to the ascertained average infirmity of the available materials4 ,he deals with forces and effects standardised in the same opaque terms4 ,he will be proficient in his craft in much the same degree in which he is master of the matter-of-fact logic involved in mechanical processes of pressure1 velocity1 displacement and the like2 not in proportion as he can adroitly impart to the available materials the workmanlike turn of his own manual force and dexterity1 nor in the degree in which he may be able shrewdly to guess the run of the season or the variations of temperature and moisture that condition the effectual serviceability of natural processes in handicraft4 ,the share of the operative workman in the machine industry is 7typically7 that of an attendant1 an assistant1 whose duty it is to keep pace with the machine process and to help out with workmanlike manipulation at points where the machine process engaged is incomplete4#aci ,his work supplements the machine process1 rather than makes use of it4 ,on the contrary the machine process makes use of the workman4 ,the ideal mechanical contrivance in this technological system is the automatic machine4 ,perfection in the machine technology is attained in the degree in which the given process can dispense with manual labour2 whereas perfection in the handicraft system means perfection of manual workmanship4 ,it is the part of the workman to know the working of the mechanism with which he is associated and to adapt his movements with mechanical accuracy to its requirement4 ,this demands a degree of intelligence1 and much of this work calls for a good deal of special training besides2 so that it is still true that the workman is useful somewhat in proportion as he is skilled in the occupation to which the machine industry calls him4 ,in the new era the stress falls rather more decidedly on general intelligence and information1 as contrasted with detail mastery of the minuti of a trade2 so that familiarity with the commonplace technological knowledge of the time is rather more imperative a requirement under the machine technology than under that of handicraft4 ,at the same time this common stock of technological information is greatly larger in the current state of the industrial arts2 so much larger in volume1 and at the same time so much more exacting in point of accuracy and detail1 that this commonplace information that is requisite to any of the skilled occupations can no longer be acquired in the mere workday routine of industry1 but is to be had only at the cost of deliberate application and with the help of schools4 ,on this head1 as regards the requirements of industry in the way of general information on the part of the skilled workmen1 the contrast is sufficiently marked1 e4 g41 between ,elizabethan times and the ,victorian age4 ,at the earlier period illiteracy was no obstacle to adequate training in the skilled trades4 ,in the seventeenth century ,thomas ,mun includes among the peculiar and extraordinary acquirements necessary to eminent success in commerce1 matters that are now easily comprised in the ordinary common-school instruction2 and in so doing he plainly shows that these acquirements were over and above what was usual or would be thought useful for the common man4 ,even ,adam ,smith1 in the latter half of the eighteenth century1 shrewd observer as he was1 does not include any degree of schooling or any similar pursuit of general information among the requisites essential to the efficiency of skilled labour4 ,even at that date it appears still to have been true that the commonplace information and the general training necessary to a mastery of any one of the crafts lay within so narrow a range that what was needful could all be acquired by hearsay and as an incident to the discipline of apprenticeship4 ,within a century after the first inception of the machine industry illiteracy had come to be a serious handicap to any skilled mechanic2 the range of commonplace information that must habitually be drawn on in the skilled trades had widened to such an extent1 and comprised so large a volume of recondite facts1 that the ability to read came to have an industrial value2 the higher proficiency in any branch of the mechanic arts presumed such an acquaintance with fact and theory as could neither be gained nor maintained without habitual recourse to printed matter4 ,and this line of requirements has been constantly increasing in volume and urgency1 as well as in the range of employments to which the demand applies1 until it has become a commonplace that no one can now hope to compete for proficiency in the skilled occupations without such schooling as will carry him very appreciably beyond the three ,r's that made up the complement of necessary learning for the common man half a century ago4 ,it follows as a consequence of these large and increasing requirements enforced by the machine technology that the period of preliminary training is necessarily longer1 and the schooling demanded for general preparation grows unremittingly more exacting4 ,so that1 apart from all question of humanitarian sentiment or of popular fitness for democratic citizenship1 it has become a matter of economic expediency1 simply as a proposition in technological efficiency at large1 to enforce the exemption of children from industrial employment until a later date and to extend their effective school age appreciably beyond what would once have been sufficient to meet all the commonplace requirements of skilled workmanship4#adj ,the knowledge so required as a general and commonplace equipment requisite for the pursuit of these modern skilled occupations is of the general nature of applied mechanics1 in which the essence of the undertaking is a ready apprehension of opaque facts1 in passably exact quantitative terms4 ,this class of knowledge presumes a certain intellectual or spiritual attitude on the part of the workman1 such an attitude and animus as will readily apprehend and appreciate matter of fact and will guard against the suffusion of this knowledge with putative animistic or anthropomorphic subtleties1 quasi-personal interpretations of the observed phenomena and of their relations to one another4 ,the norm of systematisation is that given by the logic of the machine process1 and the scope of it is that inculcated by statistical computation and the principle of material cause and effect4 ,in some degree the routine of the machine industry necessarily induces such an animus in its employees1 since such is the scope and method of its own working2 and the closer and more exacting the application to work of this kind1 the more thorough-going should be the effects of its discipline4 ,but this routine and its discipline extend beyond the mechanical occupations as such1 so as in great part to determine the habits of all members of the modern community4 ,this proposition holds true more broadly for the current state of the industrial arts than any similar statement would hold1 e4 g41 for the handicraft system4 ,the ordinary routine of life is more widely and pervasively determined by the machine industry and by machine-like industrial processes today1 and this determination is at the same time more rigorous1 than any analogous effect that was had under the handicraft system4 ,within the effective bounds of modern ,christendom no one can wholly escape or in any sensible degree deflect the sweep of the machine's routine4 ,modern life goes by clockwork4 ,so much so that no modern household can dispense with a mechanical timepiece2 which may be more or less accurate1 it is true1 but which commonly marks the passage of time with a degree of exactness that would have seemed divertingly supererogatory to the common man of the high tide of handicraft4#ada ,latterly the time so indicated1 it should be called to mind1 is 8standard time10 standardised to coincide over wide areas and to vary only by large and standard units4 ,it brings the routine of life to a nicely uniform schedule of hours throughout a population which exceeds by many fold the size of those communities that once got along contentedly enough without such an expedient under the rgime of handicraft4 ,in this matter the demands of the machine have even brought on a revision of the time schedule imposed by the mechanism of the heavenly bodies1 so that not only 8solar time10 but even the 8mean solar time0 that once was considered to be a sufficient improvement on the ways of ,nature1 has been superseded by the schedule imposed by the railway system4 ,the discipline of the timepiece is sufficiently characteristic of the discipline exercised by the machine process at large in modern life1 and as a cultural factor1 as a factor in shaping the habits of thought of the modern peoples1 it is itself moreover a fact of the first importance4 ,of the standardisation of the time schedule just spoken of1 the earlier1 the adoption of 8mean solar time10 was due immediately to the exigencies of the machine process as such1 which would not tolerate the seasonal fluctuations of 8apparent0 solar time4 ,this epithet 8apparent10 by the way1 carries a suggestion that the time schedule so designated is less true to the actualities of the case than the one which superseded it4 ,and so it is if the actualities to which regard is had are those of the machine process2 whereas the contrary is true if the actualities that are to decide are those of the seasons1 as they were under the earlier dispensation4 8,standard time0 has gone into effect primarily through the necessities of railway communication1--itself a dominant item in the mechanical routine of life2 but it is only in a less degree a requirement of the other activities that go to make up the traffic of modern life4 ,the railway is one of the larger mechanical contrivances of the machine age1 and its exigencies in this respect are typical of what holds true at large4 ,communication of whatever kind1 as well as the supply of other necessaries1 is standardised in terms of time1 space1 quantity1 frequency1 and indeed in all measurable dimensions2 and the 8consumer10 as the denizens of these machine-made communities are called1 is required to conform to this network of standardisations in his demand and uses of them1 on pain of 8getting left40 ,to 8get left0 is a colloquialism of the machine era and describes the commonest form of privation under the rgime of the machine process4 ,it is already a time-worn colloquialism1 inasmuch as it is now already some time since the ubiquitous routine of the machine process first impressed on the common man the sinister eventuality covered by the phrase4 ,the relation in which the consumer1 the common man1 stands to the mechanical routine of life at large is of much the same nature as that in which the modern skilled workman stands to that detail machine process into which he is dovetailed in the industrial system4 ,to take effectual advantage of what is offered as the wheels of routine go round1 in the way of work and play1 livelihood and recreation1 he must know by facile habituation what is going on and how and in what quantities and at what price and where and when1 and for the best effect he must adapt his movements with skilled exactitude and a cool mechanical insight to the nicely balanced moving equilibrium of the mechanical processes engaged4 ,to live--not to say at ease--under the exigencies of this machine-made routine requires a measure of consistent training in the mechanical apprehension of things4 ,the mere mechanics of conformity to the schedule of living implies a degree of trained insight and a facile strategy in all manner of quantitative adjustments and adaptations1 particularly at the larger centres of population1 where the routine is more comprehensive and elaborate4 ,and here and now1 as always and everywhere1 invention is the mother of necessity4 ,the complex of technological ways and means grows by increments that come into the scheme by way of improvements1 innovations1 expedients designed to facilitate1 abridge or enhance the work to be done4 ,any such innovation that fits workably into the technological scheme1 and that in any appreciable degree accelerates the pace of that scheme at any point1 will presently make its way into general and imperative use1 regardless of whether its net ulterior effect is an increase or a diminution of material comfort or industrial efficiency4 ,such is particularly the case under the current pecuniary scheme of life if the new expedient lends itself to the service of competitive gain or competitive spending2 its general adoption then peremptorily takes effect on pain of damage and discomfort to all those who fail to strike the new pace4 ,each new expedient added to and incorporated in the system offers not only a new means of keeping up with the run of things at an accelerated pace1 but also a new chance of getting left out of the running4 ,the point is well seen1 e4 g41 in the current competitive armaments1 where equipment is subject to constant depreciation and obsolescence1 not through decline or decay1 but by virtue of new improvements4 ,so also in the increase and acceleration of advertising that has been going on during the past quarter of a century1 due to increased facilities and improved methods in printing1 paper-making1 and the other industrial arts that contribute to the appliances of publicity4 ,it is of course not hereby intended to imply that these modern inventions meet no wants but such as they themselves create4 ,it is beyond dispute that such mechanical contrivances1 for instance1 as the telephone1 the typewriter1 and the automobile are not only great and creditable technological achievements1 but they are also of substantial service4 ,at the same time it is at least doubtful if these inventions have not wasted more effort and substance than they have saved1--that they are to be credited with an appreciable net loss4 ,they are designed to facilitate travel and communication1 and such is doubtless their first and obvious effect4 ,but the net result of their introduction need by no means be the same4 ,their chief use is in the service of business1 not of industry1 and their great further use is in the furtherance1 or rather the acceleration1 of obligatory social amenities4 ,as contrivances for the expedition of traffic both in business and in social intercourse their use is chiefly1 almost wholly1 of a competitive nature2 and in the competitive equipment and manuvres of business and of gentility the same broad principle will be found to apply as applies to competitive armaments and improvements in the technology of warfare4 ,any technological advantage gained by one competitor forthwith becomes a necessity to all the rest1 on pain of defeat4 ,the typewriter is1 no doubt1 a good and serviceable contrivance for the expedition of a voluminous correspondence1 but there is also no reasonable doubt but its introduction has appreciably more than doubled the volume of correspondence necessary to carry on a given volume of business1 or that it has quadrupled the necessary cost of such correspondence4 ,and the expedition of correspondence by stenographer and typewriter has at the same time become obligatory on all business firms1 on pain of losing caste and so of losing the confidence of their correspondents4 ,of the telephone much the same is to be said1 with the addition that its use involves a very appreciable nervous strain and its ubiquitous presence conduces to an unremitting nervous tension and unrest wherever it goes4 ,the largest secure result of these various modern contrivances designed to facilitate and abridge travel and communication appears to be an increase of the volume of traffic per unit of outcome1 acceleration of the pace and heightening of the tension at which the traffic is carried on1 and a consequent increase of nervous disorders and shortening of the effective working life of those engaged in this traffic4 ,but in these matters invention is the mother of necessity1 and within the scope of these contrivances for facilitating and abridging labour there is no alternative1 and life is not offered on any other terms4#adb ,other kinds of routine1 standardised and elaborate1 have been or still are in force1 besides this machine-like process of living as carried on under modern technological conditions2 and one and another of these will at times rise to a degree of exigence quite comparable with that of the machine process4 ,but these others are of a different character in that their demands are not enforced by sanctions of an unmediated mechanical kind2 they do not fall on the delinquent with a direct mechanical impact1 and the penalties of non-conformity are of a conventional nature4 ,so1 e4 g41 the punctilios of religious observance may come to a very rigid routine1 to be observed on pain of sufficiently grave consequences2 but in so far as these eventual 7eschatological7 consequences are statable in terms of material incidence 7of fire1 sulphur1 or the like7 the mechanically trained modern consumer will incline to hold that they are of a putative character only4 ,so1 again1 in the matter of fashion and decorum the schedule of observances may be sufficiently rigorous1 but here too failure to articulate with the sweep of a punctilious routine with all the sure and firm touch of the expert is not checked with an immediate disastrous impact of mechanical shock4 ,conformity in the technological respect with the routine of living under other technological systems than that of the machine process had also something of this character of conventional prescription2 and the discipline exercised by the routine of living in these more archaic technological eras was also something more in the nature of a training in conventional expedients4 ,the resulting growth of habits of thought in such a community should then also differ in a similar way from what comes in sight in the present4 99 99 99 99 99 ,both in its incidence on the workman and on the members of the community at large1 therefore1 the training given by this current state of the industrial arts is a training in the impersonal1 quantitative apprehension and appreciation of things1 and it tends strongly to inhibit and discredit all imputation of spiritual traits to the facts of observation4 ,it is a training in matter-of-fact2 more specifically it is a training in the logic of the machine process4 ,its outcome should obviously be an unqualified materialistic and mechanical animus in all orders of society1 most pronounced in the working classes1 since they are most immediately and consistently exposed to the discipline of the machine process4 ,but such an animus as best comports with the logic of the machine process does not1 it appears1 for good or ill1 best comport with the native strain of human nature in those peoples that are subject to its discipline4 ,in all the various peoples of ,christendom there is a visible straining against the drift of the machine's teaching1 rising at time and in given classes of the population to the pitch of revulsion4 ,it is apparently among the moderately well-to-do1 the half-idle classes1 that such a revulsion chiefly has its way2 leading now and again to fantastic1 archaising cults and beliefs and to make-believe credence in occult insights and powers4 ,at the same time1 and with the like tincture of affectation and make-believe1 there runs through much of the community a feeling of maladjustment and discomfort1 that seeks a remedy in a 8return to ,nature0 in one way or another2 some sort of a return to 8the simple life10 which shall in some fashion afford an escape from the unending 8grind0 of living from day to day by the machine method and shall so put behind us for a season the burdensome futilities by help of which alone life can be carried on under the routine of the machine process4 ,all this uneasy revulsion may not be taken at its face value2 there is doubtless a variable but fairly large element of affectation that comes to expression in all this talk about the simple life2 but when all due abatement has been allowed there remains a substantial residue of unaffected protest4 ,the pitch and volume of this protest against 8artificial0 and 8futile0 ways of life is greatest in the advanced industrial countries1 and it has been growing greater concomitantly with the advance of the machine era4 ,what is perhaps more significant of actualities than these well-bred professions of discomfort and discontent is the 8vacation10 being a more tangible phenomenon and statable in quantitative terms4 ,the custom of 8taking a vacation0 has been on the increase for some time1 and the avowed need of a yearly or seasonal holiday greatly exceeds the practice of it in nearly all callings4 ,this growing recourse to vacations should be passably conclusive evidence to the effect that neither the manner of life enforced by the machine system1 nor the occupations of those who are in close contact with this technology and its due habits of thought1 can be 8natural0 to the common run of civilised mankind4 ,according to accepted theories of heredity1#adc civilised mankind should by native endowment be best fit to live under conditions of a moderately advanced savagery1 such as the machine technology will not permit4#add ,neither in the physical conditions which it imposes1 therefore1 nor in the habitual ways of observation and reasoning which it requires in the work to be done1 is the machine age adapted to the current native endowment of the race4 ,and these various movements of unrest and revulsion are evidence1 for as much as they are worth1 that such is the case4 ,not least convincing is the fact that a considerable proportion of those who are held unremittingly to the service of the machine process 8break down10 fall into premature decay4 ,physically and spiritually these modern peoples are better adapted to life under conditions radically different from those imposed by this modern technology4#ade ,all of which goes to show1 what is the point here in question1 that however exacting and however pervasive the discipline of the machine process may be1 it can not1 after all1 achieve its perfect work in the way of habituation in the population of ,christendom as it stands4 ,the limit of tolerance native to the race1 physically and spiritually1 is short of that unmitigated materialism and unremitting mechanical routine to which the machine technology incontinently drives4 99 99 99 99 99 ,for anything like a comprehensive view of the effects which the machine technology has had on the scope and method of knowledge in modern times it is necessary to turn back to its beginnings4 ,historically the machine age succeeds the era of handicraft1 but the two overlap very extensively4 ,so much so that while the era of the machine technology is commonly held to have set in something like a century and a half ago it is still too early to assert that the industrial system has cleared itself of the remnants of handicraft or that the habits of thought suitable to the days of handicraft are no longer decisive in the current legal and popular apprehension of industrial relations4 ,the discipline of the machine process has not yet had time1 nor has it had a clear field4 ,the best that can be looked for1 therefore1 in the way of habits of thought conforming to the ways and means of the machine process should be something of a progressive approximation2 and the considerations recited in the last few paragraphs should leave it doubtful whether anything more than an imperfect approximation to the logic of the machine process can be achieved1 through any length of training1 by the peoples among whom the greatest advance in that direction has already been made4 ,the material sciences early show the bias of the machine technology1 as is fairly to be expected1 since these sciences stand in a peculiarly close relation to the technological side of industry1--almost a relation of affiliation4 ,at no earlier period has the correlation between science and technology been so close4 ,and the response in respect of the scope and method of these sciences to any notable advance in technology has been sufficiently striking4 ,as has already been indicated above1 modern science at large takes to the use of statistical methods and precise mechanical measurements1 and in this matter scientific inquiry has grown continually more confident and more meticulous at the same time that this mechanistic procedure is continually being applied more extensively as the technological advance goes forward4 ,how far this statistical-mechanistic bias of modern inquiry is to be set down to the account of the drift of technology toward mechanical engineering1 and how far it may be due to an ever increasing familiarity with conceptions of accountancy enforced by the price system and the time schedule in daily life1 may be left an open question4 ,the main fact remains1 that in much the same degree as niceties of calculation have come to dominate current technological methods and devices the like insistence on extreme niceties of mechanical measurement and statistical accuracy has also become imperative in scientific inquiry2 until it may fairly be said that such meticulous scrutiny of quantitative relations as would have seemed foolish in the early days of the machine era has become the chief characteristic of scientific inquiry today4#adf ,it is of course not overlooked that in this matter of quantitative scruple the relation between current technology and the sciences is a relation of mutual give and take2 but this fact can scarcely be urged as an objection to the view that these two lines of expression of the modern habit of mind are closely bound together1 since it is precisely such a bond of continuity between the two that is here spoken for4 ,as shown in the foregoing chapter1 in the course of the transition to modern times and modern ways of thinking the principle of efficient cause gradually replaced that of sufficient reason as the final ground of certitude in conclusions of a theoretical nature4 ,this shifting of the metaphysical footing of knowledge from a subjective ground to an objective one first and most unreservedly affects the material sciences1 as it should if it is at all to be construed as an outcome of the discipline exercised by the then current technology of handicraft4 ,but the like effect is presently1 though tardily1 had in other lines of systematic knowledge that lie farther from the immediate incidence of technology and secular traffic4 ,so that by the time of the industrial revolution the like mechanistic animus had come to pervade even the philosophical and theological speculations current in those communities that were most intimately and unreservedly touched by the discipline of craftsmanship and the petty trade4#adg ,by this time1--the latter part of the eighteenth century1--the material sciences 7overtly7 admit no principle of systematisation within their own jurisdiction other than that of efficient cause4 ,but at that date the concept of causation still has much of the content given it by the technology of handicraft4 ,the efficient cause is still conceived after an individualistic fashion2 without grave exaggeration it might even be said that the concept of cause as currently employed in the scientific speculations of that time had something of a quasi-personal complexion4 ,the inquiry habitually looked to some one efficient cause1 engaged as creatively dominant in the case and working to its end under conditioning circumstances that might greatly affect the outcome but that were not felt 7or avowed7 to enter into the case with the same aggressive thrust of causality that belonged to the efficient cause proper4 ,the 8contributory circumstances0 were conceived rather extrinsically as accessory to the event2 8accessory before the fact10 perhaps1 but none the less accessory4 ,and scientific research took the form of an inquiry into the causal nexus between an antecedent 7a cause or complex of causes7 and its outcome in an event4 ,the inquiry looked to the beginning and end of an episode of activity1 the outcome of which would be a finished product1 somewhat after the fashion in which a finished piece of work leaves the craftsman's hands4 ,the craftsman is the agency productively engaged in the case1 while his tools and materials are accessories to his force and skill1 and the finished goods leave his hands as an end achieved2 and so an episode of creative efficiency is rounded off4 ,from an early period in the machine era a new attitude toward questions of causation comes in evidence in scientific inquiry4 ,the obvious change is perhaps the larger scale on which the sequence of cause and effect is conceived4 ,it is no longer predominantly a question of episodes of causal efficiency1 detached and rounded off4 ,such detail episodes still continue to occupy the routine of investigation2 necessarily so1 since these empirical sciences proceed step by step in the determination of the phenomena with which they are occupied4 ,but in an increasing degree these detached phenomena are sought to be worked into a theoretical structure of larger scope1 and this larger structure of theory falls into shape as a self-determining sequence of cumulative change4 ,the same concept of process that rules in the machine technology invades the speculations of the scientists and results in theories of cumulative sequence1 in which the point of departure as well as the objective end of the sequence of causation gradually come to have less and less of a determinative significance for the course of the inquiry and for its results4 ,in theoretical speculations based on the data of the empirical sciences1 interest and attention come progressively to centre on this process of cumulative causation1 so that the interest in the productive efficiency of consummation ceases gradually to be of decisive moment in the formulations of theory2 which comes in this way to be an account of an unfolding process rather than a checking up of individual effects against individual causes4 ,what once were ultimate questions have in modern science become ulterior questions and have lost their preferential place in the inquiry4 ,neither the seat of efficient initiative1 that would be presumed to give this unfolding process of cumulative change its content and direction1 nor its eventual goal1 wherein it would be presumed to come to rest when the initial impulse has spent itself and its end has been compassed1--neither of these ultimates holds the attention or guides the inquiry of modern science4 ,it is only gradually1 concomitant with the gradual maturing of the machine technology1 that the systematisation of knowledge in scientific theory has come by common consent to converge on formulations of a genetic process of cumulative change4 ,this science of the machine age is 8evolutionary0 in a peculiarly impersonal1 indeed in a mechanistic sense of the term4 ,in the consummate form1 as it stands at the transition to the twentieth century1 this evolutionary conception of genetic process is1 at least ideally1 void of all teleological elements and of all personality--except as personality may be concessively admitted as a by-product of the mechanistic sweep of the blind motions of brute matter4 ,neither the name nor the notion of a genetic evolution is peculiar to the machine age2 but this current1 impersonal1 unteleological1 mechanistic conception of an evolutionary process is peculiar to the late modern fashion of apprehending things4 ,it goes without saying that this mechanistic conception of process has worked clear of personation and teleological bias only gradually1 by insensible decay and progressive elimination of those preconceptions of personal force and teleological fitness that ruled all theoretical knowledge in the days when the principle of sufficient reason held over that of efficient cause2 and it should likewise be a matter of course that this shift to the mechanistic footing is by no means yet complete1 that scientific inquiry is not yet clear of all contamination with animistic1 anthropomorphic1 or teleological elements2 since the change is of the nature of habit1 which takes time1 and since the discipline of modern life to which the mechanistic habit of mind is traceable is by no means wholly consistent or unqualified in its mechanistic drift4 ,yet so far has the habituation to mechanistic ways of thinking taken effect1 and so comprehensive and thorough has the discipline of the machine process been1 that a mechanistic1 unteleological notion of evolution is today a commonplace preconception both with scientists and laymen2 whereas a hundred years ago such a conceit had intimately touched the imagination of but very few1 if any1 among the scientific adepts of the new era4 ,to what effect ,lucretius and his like in classical antiquity1 e4 g41 may have speculated and tried to speak in these premises is by no means easy to make out2 nor does it concern the present inquiry1 since no vital connection or continuity of habit is traceable between their achievements in this respect and the theoretical preconceptions of modern science or of the machine technology4 ,in the course of modern times conceptions of an evolutionary sequence of creation or of genesis come up with increasing frequency1 and from an early period in the machine age these conceptions take on more and more of a mechanistic character1 but it is not until ,darwin that such a genetic process of evolution is conceived in terms of blind mechanical forces alone1 without the help of imputed teleological bias or personalised initiative4 ,it may perhaps be an open question whether the ,darwinian conception of evolution is in no degree contaminated with teleological fancies1 but however that may be it remains true that a purely mechanistic conception of a genetic process in nature had found no lodgment in scientific theory up to the middle of the nineteenth century4 ,with varying success this conception has since been assimilated by the adepts of all the material sciences1 and it may even be said to stand as a tacitly postulated commonplace underlying all modern scientific theory1 whether in the material or the social sciences4 ,it is accepted by common consent as a matter of course1 although doubtless much antique detail at variance with it stands over both in the theoretical formulations of the adepts and in popular thought1 and must continue to stand over until the course of habituation may conceivably in time enforce the sole competency of this mechanistic conception as the definitive norm of systematic knowledge4 ,whether such an eventuality is to overtake the scope and method of knowledge in ,western civilisation should apparently be a question of how protracted1 consistent1 unmitigated1 and how far congruous with their native bent the discipline of the machine process may prove in the further history of these peoples4 99 99 99 99 99 ,as has been shown above1 in its beginnings the machine technology took over the working concepts of handicraft1 and it has gradually shifted from the ground of manual operation so afforded to the ground of impersonal mechanical process2 but this shifting of base in respect of the elementary technological preconceptions has not hitherto been complete1 much of the personal attitude of craftsmanship toward mechanical forces and structures being still visible in the work of modern technologists4 ,in like manner1 and concomitant with the transition to the machine industry1 there has gone forward a like shifting in respect of the point of view and the elementary preconceptions of science4 ,this has taken effect most largely and gone farthest in the material sciences1 as should be expected from the close connection that subsists between these sciences and the technology of the machine industry2 but here again the elimination of craftsmanlike conceptions has hitherto not been complete4 ,and1 what is more instructive as to the part played by technological discipline in the growth of science1 the character of this change in scientific scope1 method and preconceptions is somewhat obviously such as would be given by habituation to the working of the machine process4 ,where later scientific inquiry has departed from or overpassed the limitations imposed by the habits of thought peculiar to craftsmanship the movement has taken the direction enforced by the machine technology4 ,so1 e4 g41 while the elements made use of by the machine technology1 and characteristic of its work1 are conceptions of mass1 velocity1 pressure1 stress1 vibration1 displacement1 and the like1 these elements are made use of only under the rule that action in any of these bearings takes effect only by impact1 by contact directly or through a continuum4 ,the mathematical computations and elucidations that are one main instrumentality employed by the technologist do not and can not include this underlying postulate of contact1 since it is an assumption extraneous to those magnitudes of quantity in terms of which this technology does its work4 ,how far this preconception that action can take place only by contact is to be rated as an elementary concept carried over from handicraft1 where it is obviously at home and fundamental in all work of manipulation1 may perhaps be an idle question4 ,in any case the machine technology is at one with craftsmanship on this head1 even though there are many features in modern industrial processes that do not involve action by contact in any such obvious fashion as to suggest its necessary assumption1 as1 e4 g41 in processes involving the use of light1 heat or electricity4 ,yet it remains true that1 by and large1 the technology of the machine process is a technology of action by contact2 and1 apparently under stress of this wide though not necessarily universal application of the principle1 the trained technologist does not rest content until he has in some tenable fashion construed any apparent exception as a special instance under the rule4 ,so also in modern scientific inquiry4 ,the conceptual elements with which the scientist is content to work are precisely those that have commended themselves as competent in their technological use4 ,since action by contact is1 on the whole1 the working principle in the machine process1 it is also accepted as the prime postulate in the formulation of all exact knowledge of impersonal facts4 ,there is1 of course1 no inclination here to criticise or take exception to this characteristic habit of thought that pervades modern scientific inquiry4 ,it has done good service1 and to this generation1 trained in the enexorably efficient ways of the machine process1 the fact that it works is conclusive of its truth4#adh ,yet the further fact is not to be overlooked that adherence to this principle is not due to unsophisticated observation simply4 ,it is a principle1 a habit of thought1 not a fact of simple observation4 ,doubtless it is a fact of observation1 direct and unambiguous1 in respect of our own manual operations2 and doubtless also it is a matter of such ready inference in respect of many external phenomena as to do duty as a fact of observation in good faith2 but doubtless also there are many of these external phenomena that have to be somewhat painstakingly construed to bring them under the rule4 ,conceivably1 even if such a habit of thought had not been handed down from the experience of handicraft it might have been induced by the discipline of the machine process1 and might even have been ingrained in men exposed to this discipline in sufficiently rigorous fashion to serve as a prime postulate of scientific inquiry2 the machine process doubtless bears out such a principle in the main1 and very rigorously4 ,but in point of historical fact it is quite unnecessary to suppose this principle of action by contact to be a product de novo of the discipline of the machine1 since it is older than the advent of the machine industry and is also quite consonant with the habits of work enforced by the technology of handicraft1 more so indeed than with the technology of the machine industry4 ,it appears fairly indubitable that this principle is a legacy taken over from the experience of life in the days of craftsmanship4 ,and it may even be an open question whether the machine technology would not today be of an appreciably different complexion if it had1 as it conceivably might have1 developed without the hard and fast limitations imposed by this postulate4 ,doubtless1 scientific inquiry1 and the theoretical formulations reached by such inquiry1 would differ somewhat notably from what they currently are if the scientists had gone to their work without such a postulate1 or holding it in a qualified sense1 as a principle of limited scope1 as applying only within a limited range of phenomena1 only so far as empirical evidence might enforce it in detail4 ,if1 as seems at least presumably true1 this principle of action by contact owes its origin to habits induced by manipulation1 it will be seen to be of an anthropomorphic derivation4 ,and if it further owes its acceptance as a principle universally applicable to material phenomena to the protracted discipline of life under the technology of handicraft1 its universality must also take rank as an anthropomorphic imputation enforced by long habit4 ,it is of the nature of habit1 and moreover of workmanlike habit4 ,casting back into the past history of civilisation and into the contemporary lower cultures1 it will appear that the principle 7habit of thought7 in question is prevalent everywhere and presumably through all human time2 as it should be if it is traceable to so ubiquitous an experience as manipulation4 ,but it will also appear that1 except within the bounds1 in time and space1 of the high tide of craftsmanship and the machine technology1 this principle does not arrogate to itself universal mandatory authority in the domain of external phenomena4 ,not only are the tenets of magic and theology at variance with the proposition that action can take place only by mechanical contact2 but in the nave thinking of commonplace humanity outside this machine-made ,western civilisation1 action at a distance is patently neither imbecile nor incomprehensible as a familiar trait of external objects in their everyday behaviour4 ,nor is it by any means a grateful work of spontaneous predilection1 all this mechanistic mutilation of objective reality into mere inert dimensions and resistance to pressure2 as witness the widely prevalent revulsion1 chronic or intermittent1 against its acceptance as a final term of knowledge4 ,laymen seek respite in the fog of occult and esoteric faiths and cults1 and so fall back on the will to believe things of which the senses transmit no evidence2 while the learned and studious are1 by stress of the same 8aching void10 drawn into speculative tenets of ostensible knowledge that purport to go nearer to the heart of reality1 and that elude all mechanistic proof or disproof4 ,this revulsion against thinking in uncoloured mechanistic terms alone runs suggestively parallel with that other revulsion1 already spoken of1 against the geometrically adjusted routine of conduct imposed on modern life by the machine process2 the two are in great part coincident1 or concomitant1 both in point of the class of persons affected by each and in point of the uncertain measure of finality attending the move so made in either case4 ,neither the manner of life imposed by the machine process1 nor the manner of thought inculcated by habituation to its logic1 will fall in with the free movement of the human spirit1 born1 as it is1 to fit the conditions of savage life4 ,so there comes an irrepressible--in a sense1 congenital--recrudescence of magic1 occult science1 telepathy1 spiritualism1 vitalism1 pragmatism4#adi ,it was noted above that action by contact is not included1 except by subsumption1 in the mathematical formulations of technology or science4 ,it should now be added that in all the concomitance and sequence with which the mathematical formulations of mechanical phenomena are occupied1 the assumption of concomitance or sequence at a distance will fill the requirements of the formul quite as convincingly and commonly more simply than the assumption of concomitance by contact only4 ,to realise the difficulties which beset this postulate of action by mechanical continuity solely1 as well as the prima facie imbecility of the principle itself1 it is only necessary to call to mind the tortuous theories of gravitation designed to keep it intact1 and the prodigy of incongruous intangibilities known as the ether1--a rigid and imponderable fluid4 ,associated with the principle of action by mechanical continuity alone is a second metaphysical postulate of science1--the conservation of energy1 or persistence of quantity4 ,like its fellow it does not admit of empirical proof2 yet it is likewise held to be of universal application4 ,this principle1 that the quantity of matter or of energy does not increase or diminish1 or1 perhaps better1 that the quantity of mechanical fact at large is invariable1 has a better presumptive claim to rank as a by-product of the machine technology2 although such a claim could doubtless be allowed only with broad qualifications4 ,not that the principle was not known or not formally accepted prior to the machine age2 long ago the ,roman scholar and the scholastic philosophers after him declared ex nihilo nihil1 in nihilum nil posse reverti4 ,but throughout the era of handicraft there continued also to be devoutly held the postulate that the material universe had a beginning in an act of creation1 as also that it would some day come to an end1 a quantitative collapse4 ,as the era of handicraft advanced and1 apparently1 as the discipline of life under that technology enforced the habitual acceptance of the proposition that the quantity of material fact is constant1 much ingenuity and much ambiguous speech was spent in an endeavour to reconcile the mechanical efficiency of the creative fiat with the dictum1 ex nihilo nihil fit4 ,but down to the close of that era it remains true that1 by and large1 the peoples of ,christendom continued to believe in the mechanically creative efficiency of the ,great ,artificer2 although1 it must be admitted1 with an ever growing apprehension that in this tenet of the faith they were face to face with a divine mystery4 ,the eighteenth-century scientists1 and many even in the nineteenth century1 continued to profess belief in a creative origin of material things1 as well as also in a providential guidance of material events1--which latter must have been conceived to be exerted by some other means than action through mechanical contact1 since one term of the relation was conceived not to be of a mechanical nature4 ,it is not until the machine age is well under way and the machine technology has come to occupy the land1 that faith in the theorem of the conservation of energy has grown robust enough to let the scientists lose interest in all questions of creation4 ,the tenet has died by neglect1 not by confutation4 ,that it has done so among the adepts of the material sciences1 and that it is doing so among the lay population at large in the modern industrial communities1 is probably to be credited to the discipline of the machine process and the technological conceptions to which that discipline conduces4 ,it conduces to this outcome in more than one way4 ,this modern technology is a technology of mechanical process2 it looks to and takes care of a sequence of mechanical action1 rather than to the conditions of its inception or the sequel of its conclusion4 ,a mind imbued with the logic of this machine process does not by habitual proclivity or with incisive effect attend to these alien matters that have no meaning within the horizon of that logic4 ,the creative augmentation of material objects is a matter lying without the scope of the machine's logic4 ,as has already been remarked1 the principle 7habit of thought7 that the quantity of material fact is constant is necessarily of ancient derivation and long growth4 ,taken in a presumptive sense1 and held loosely as a commonplace of experience1 it must have come up and attained some force very early in the workmanlike experience of the race4 ,and the closer the application to the work in hand1 the more consistently would this principle of common sense approve itself2 so that it should1 as indeed is sufficiently evident1 be well at home among the habitual generalisations current in the days of handicraft2 although it does not seem to have been generally accepted at that time as a principle necessarily having a universal application1--as witness the ready credence then given to theological dogmas of creation and the like4 ,the habits of accountancy that came on under the price system1 as the scope of the market grew larger with the growth and diversification of handicraft1 seem to have had a great effect in extending and confirming the habitual acceptance of such a theorem4 ,a strict balance1 a running equilibrium of the quantitative items involved1 is the central fact of the accountant's occupation4 ,and this habit of scrutiny and balancing of quantities1 and a meticulous tracing out and accounting for any apparent excess or deficiency in the sums handled1 pervades the community at large1 though in a less pronounced fashion1 as well as that fraction of the population employed in trade4 ,the discipline of the handicraft system in this respect gains incontinently in scope and vigour as the growth of that technological system1 with its characteristic business management1 goes forward4 ,when presently the machine technology comes forward this habitual preconception touching the invariability of material quantity finds new applications and new refinements of application1 with the outcome that its guidance of men's thinking grows ever more inclusive and more peremptory4 ,but it is not until half a century after the ,industrial ,revolution that the principle may be said finally to have gained unquestioning acceptance as a theorem universally binding on material phenomena4 ,by that time--about the second quarter of the nineteenth century--the unqualified validity of this theorem had become so unmitigated a matter of course as to have fairly shifted from the ground of empirical generalisation to that of metaphysical thesis4 ,men of science then quite ingenuously set about proving the law of the ,conservation of ,energy by appeal to experiments and reasoning that proceeded with absolute navet on the tacit assumption of the theorem to be proven4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in its bearing on the growth of institutions the machine technology has yet scarcely had time to make its mark4 ,such institutional factors as1 e4 g41 the common law are necessarily of slow growth4 ,a system of civil rights is not only a balanced scheme of habitual responses to those stimuli at whose impact they take effect2 it is at the same time a scheme which has the sanction of avowed common consent1 such as will express itself in rating these institutional elements as facts of immemorial usage or as integrally inherent in the nature of things from the beginning4 ,such civil institutions take shape as prescriptive custom1 and matters of habit which so are supported by broad grounds of authenticity and correlation with other elements of a prescriptive scheme of things will adapt themselves only tardily to any change in the situation or to any new bias in the drift of discipline4 ,what happened in the matter of civil rights under the system of handicraft is an illustration in point4 ,there need be little question but the eighteenth century scheme of ,natural ,rights was an outcome of the protracted discipline characteristic of the era of handicraft1 and an adaptation to the exigencies of daily life under that system4 ,the scheme of ,natural ,rights1 with its principles of ,natural ,liberty and its insistence on individual self-help1 was well adapted to the requirements of handicraft and the petty trade1 whose spirit it reflects with admirable faithfulness4 ,but it was of slow growth1 as any scheme of institutions must be1 in the nature of things4 ,so much so that handicraft and the petty trade had been in effectual operation some half-a-dozen centuries1 in ever increasing force1 before the corresponding system of civil rights and moral obligations made good its pretensions to rule the economic affairs of the community4 ,indeed1 it is only by the latter half of the eighteenth century that the system of ,natural ,rights came to passable maturity and finally took rank as a secure principle of enlightened common sense2 and by that time the handicraft system was giving way to the machine industry4 ,and even then this result was reached only in the most advanced industrial community of ,europe1 where the discipline of handicraft and trade had had the freest scope to work out its natural bent1 with the least hindrance from other dominant interests at variance with its schooling4#aej ,so it has come about that while the system of ,natural ,rights is an institutional by-product of workmanship under the handicraft system and is adapted to the exigencies of craftsmanship and the petty trade1 it never fully took effect in the shaping of institutions until that phase of economic life was substantially past1 or until the new era1 of the machine industry and the large business brought on by the new technology1 had come to rule the economic situation4 ,so that hitherto the work of the machine industry has been organised and conducted under a code of legal rights and business principles adapted to the state of the industrial arts which the machine industry has displaced4 ,latterly1 it is true1 the requirements of the machine technology1 in the way of large-scale organisation1 continuity of operation1 and interstitial balance of the industrial system1 have begun to show themselves so patently at variance with these business principles engendered by the era of handicraft as to throw a shadow of doubt on the adequacy of these 8,natural0 metaphysics of natural liberty1 self-help1 free competition1 individual initiative1 and the like4 ,but1 harsh as has been the discrepancy between the received system of economic institutions on the one side and the working of the machine technology on the other1 its effect in reshaping current habits of thought in these premises has hitherto come to nothing more definitive than an uneasy conviction that 8,something will have to be done about it40 ,indeed1 so far is the machine process from having yet recast the principles of industrial management1 as distinct from technological procedure1 that the efforts inspired in responsible public officials and public-spirited citizens by this patent discrepancy have hitherto been directed wholly to regulating industry into consonance with the antiquated scheme of business principles1 rather than to take thought of how best to conduct industrial affairs and the distribution of livelihood in consonance with the technological requirements of the machine industry4 ,it is true1 among the workmen1 and particularly among those skilled workmen who have been trained in the machine technology and are exposed to the full impact of the machine's discipline1 uncritical habitual faith in this institutional scheme is beginning to crumble1 so far as regards that principle of ,natural ,rights that vests unlimited discretion in the owner of property1 and so far as regards property in the material equipment of industry4 ,but this is about as broad a proposition of such a kind as current facts of opinion and agitation will bear out1 and this inchoate break with the received habitual views touching the dues and obligations of discretion in industrial matters is extremely vague and almost wholly negative4 ,even in those members of the community who are most directly and rigorously exposed to its discipline the machine process has hitherto wrought no such definite bias1 no such positive habitual attitude of workmanlike initiative towards the conventions of industrial management as to result in a constructive deviation from the received principles4#aea ,on the other hand the business principles engendered by the habit of mind that gave rise to the system of ,natural ,rights has had grave consequences for workmanship under the conditions imposed by the machine industry4 ,as has been shown in some detail in the foregoing chapter1 the individualistic organisation of the work1 coupled with the personal incidence of the handicraft technology1 and the stress thrown on price rating and self-help by the ever increasing recourse to bargain and sale 78free contract07 under that system1 led in the end to the habitual rating of workmanship in terms of the price it would bring4 ,then as always workmanlike efficiency commanded the approval of thoughtful men1 as being serviceable to the common good and as a substantial manifestation of human excellence2 and at the same time1 then as ever1 efficient work was a source of comfort and complacency to the workman4 ,but under the teaching of the price system efficiency came to be rated in terms of the pecuniary gain4 ,with the advent of the machine industry this pecuniary rating of efficiency gained a new impetus and brought new consequences for technology as well as for business enterprise4 ,typically1 the machine industry runs on a large scale1 as contrasted with handicraft1 and it involves a relatively wide and exacting division of labour between workmanship and salesmanship4 ,under the conditions of large ownership implied in this modern industrial system the workmen no longer have1 or can have1 the responsibility of the pecuniary management of the industrial concern2 on the other hand the same conditions of large ownership and extensive business connections require the businessmen in charge to delegate the immediate oversight of the plant and its technological processes to other hands1 and to devote their own energies to the pecuniary management of the concern and its transactions4 ,hence it follows that as the machine system and the highly specialised business enterprise that goes with it reach a larger scale and a higher degree of elaboration the businessmen in charge are1 by training and by progressive limitation of interest1 less and less competent to take care of the technological exigencies of the machine system4 ,but at the same time the discretion in technological matters still rests in their hands by force of their ownership4 ,so that1 while the responsibility of technological discretion still rests on them1 and cannot be fully delegated to other hands1 the exigencies of business enterprise and of the training which it involves will no longer permit them to meet this responsibility in a competent fashion4 ,the businessmen in control of large industrial enterprises are beginning to appreciate something of their own unfitness to direct or oversee1 or even to control1 technological matters1 and so they have1 in a tentative way1 taken to employing experts to do the work for them4 ,such experts are known colloquially as 8efficiency engineers0 and are presumed to combine the qualifications of technologist and accountant4 ,in point of fact it is as accountants1 capable of applying the tests of accountancy in a new field1 that these experts commend themselves to the businessmen in control1 and the 8efficiency0 which they look to is an efficiency counted in terms of net pecuniary gain4 8,efficiency0 in these premises means pecuniary efficiency1 and only incidentally or in a subsidiary sense does it mean industrial efficiency1--only in so far as industrial efficiency conduces to the largest net pecuniary gain4 ,all the while the businessmen retain the decisive superior discretion in their own incompetent hands1 since all the while the whole matter remains a business proposition4 ,the 8staff organisation10 in which vests the superior control of these technological affairs1 consistently remains an organisation of worldly wisdom1 business enterprise--not of technological proficiency1--a state of things not to be remedied so long as industry is carried on for business profits4 ,meantime the workmen of all kinds and grades--labourers1 mechanics1 operatives1 engineers1 experts--all imbued with the same pecuniary principles of efficiency1 go about their work with more than half an eye to the pecuniary advantage of what they have in hand4 ,the attitude of the trades-unions towards their work and towards the industrial concerns in whose employ their work is done illustrates something of the habitual frame of mind of these men1 who are avowed experts in the matter of workmanship4 ,latterly many inconveniences have beset the community at large as well as particular sections and classes of the industrial community1 due in the main to a consistent adherence to these business principles in the management of industrial affairs4 ,the capitalist-employers1 on the one hand1 have gone on the full powers with which the modern institution of ownership and its broad implications has vested them2 with the result that the public at large1 investors1 consumers of industrial products1 users of 8public utility0 agencies serving such needs as light1 fuel1 transportation1 communication1 amusement1 etc41 feel very much aggrieved2 as do also and more particularly the workmen with whom the capitalist-employers do business on the lines laid down by the authentic business principles involved in the discretionary ownership of the industrial plant and resources4 ,on the other hand the workmen1 resting their case on the same common-sense view that the individual is a self-sufficient economic unit who owes nothing to the community at large beyond what he may freely undertake 8for a good and valuable consideration in hand paid10--the workmen stand likewise on the full powers given them by the current institutions of ownership and contractual discretion1 and so work what mischief they can to their employers and to the public at large1 always blamelessly within the rules of the game as laid down of old on the pecuniary principles of business discretion1 and in the light of such sense as their training has given them with regard to efficiency in the industries that have fallen into their hands4 ,and then the 8money power0 comes in as a third pecuniarily trained factor1 with ever increasing force and incisiveness1 to muddle the whole situation mysteriously and irretrievably by looking after their own pecuniary interests in a fashion even more soberly legitimate and authentic1 if possible1 than the workmen's management of their own affairs4 ,of course1 all this working at cross purposes is not altogether due to trained incapacity on the part of the several contestants to appreciate the large and general requirements of the industrial situation2 perhaps it is not even chiefly due to such inability1 but rather to an habitual1 and conventionally rightful1 disregard of other than pecuniary considerations4 ,it would doubtless appear that a trained inability to apprehend any other than the immediate pecuniary bearing of their manuvres accounts for a larger share in the conduct of the businessmen who control industrial affairs than it does in that of their workmen1 since the habitual employment of the former holds them more rigorously and consistently to the pecuniary valuation of whatever passes under their hands2 and the like should be true only in a higher degree of those who have to do exclusively with the financial side of business4 ,the state of the industrial arts requires that these several factors should coperate intelligently and without reservation1 with an eye single to the exigencies of this modern wide-sweeping technological system2 but their habitual addiction to pecuniary rather than technological standards and considerations leaves them working at cross purposes4 ,so also their 7pecuniary7 interests are at cross purposes2 and since these interests necessarily rule in any pecuniary culture1 they must decide the line of conduct for each of the several factors engaged4 ,these discrepancies1 obstructive tactics and disserviceable practices are commonly deplored and are presumably deplorable1 and they doubtless merit extensive discussion on these grounds1 but their merits in this bearing do not properly come into consideration here4 ,the matter has been brought in here not with any view of defence1 denunciation or remedy1 but because it is a matter of grave consequence as regards the training given by business experience to these men in whose hands the current scheme of institutions has placed the technological fortunes of the community4 ,and whether these pecuniary tactics and practices that fill so large a place in the attention and sentiments of this generation come chiefly of a lack of insight into current technological exigencies1 or of a deliberate choice of evils enforced by the pecuniary necessities of the case1 still their disciplinary value as bearing on the sense of workmanship taken in its larger scope will be much the same in either case4 ,habituation to bargaining and to the competitive principles of business necessarily brings it about that pecuniary standards of efficiency invade 7contaminate7 the sense of workmanship2 so that work1 workmen1 equipment and products come to be rated on a scale of money values1 which has only a circuitous and often only a putative relation to their workmanlike efficiency or their serviceability4 ,those occupations and those aptitudes that yield good returns in terms of price are reputed valuable and commendable1--the accepted test of success1 and even of serviceability1 being the gains acquired4 ,workmanship comes to be confused with salesmanship1 until tact1 effrontery and prevarication have come to serve as a standard of efficiency1 and unearned gain is accepted as the measure of productiveness4 ,efficiency conduces to the common good1 and is also a meritorious and commendable trait in the person who exercises it4 ,but under the canons of self-help and pecuniary valuation the test of efficiency in economic matters has come to be1 not technological mastery and productive effect1 but proficiency in pecuniary management and the acquisition of wealth4 ,both in his own estimation and in the eyes of his fellows1 the man who gains much does well2 he is conceived to do well both as a matter of personal efficiency and in point of serviceability to the common good4 ,to 8do well0 in modern phrase means to engross something appreciably more of the community's wealth than falls to the common run4 ,but since gains1 and hence efficiency1 are conceived in terms of price1 it follows that the man1 workman or businessman1 who can induce his fellows to pay him well for his services or his goods is accounted efficient and serviceable2 from which it follows that under this canon of pecuniary efficiency men are conceived to serve the common good somewhat in proportion as they are able to induce the community to pay more for their services than they are worth4 ,the businessman who gains much at little cost1 who gets something for nothing1 is rated1 in his own as well as in his neighbours' esteem1 as a public benefactor indispensable to the community's welfare1 and as contributing to the common good in direct proportion to the amount which he has been able to draw out of the aggregate product4 ,it is perhaps needless to call to mind that of this character are the main facts in the history of all the great fortunes2#aeb although the current accounts of their accumulation1 being governed by pecuniary standards of efficiency and serviceability1 dwell mainly on the services that have inured to the community from the traffic with which the great captains have interfered in their quest of gain4 ,the prevalence of salesmanship1 that is to say of business enterprise1 and the consequent high repute of the salesmanlike activities and aptitudes in any community that is organised on a price system1 is perhaps the most serious obstacle which the pecuniary culture opposes to the advance in workmanship4 ,it intrudes into the most intimate and secret workings of the human spirit and contaminates the sense of workmanship in its initial move1 and sets both the proclivity to efficient work and the penchant for serviceability at cross purposes with the common good4 ,but under the conditions engendered by the machine technology the scope of this pecuniary standard of workmanship has been greatly enlarged4 ,on the whole the machine industry calls for a large-scale organisation1 increasingly so as time has passed and the machine process has come more fully to dominate the industrial situation4 ,by the same move initiative and discretion have come to vest in those who can claim ownership of the large material equipment so required1 and the exercise of such initiative and discretion by these owners is loosely proportioned to the magnitude of their holdings4 ,smaller owners have the same freedom of initiative and discretion1 in point of legal and conventional competency1--such freedom and equality between persons being of the essence of ,natural ,rights2 but in point of practical fact1 as determined by technological and business exigencies1 there is but small discretion left such smaller holders4 ,initiative and discretion in modern industrial matters vest in the owners of the industrial plant1 or in such moneyed concerns as may stand in an underwriting relation to the owners of the plant2 such discretion is exercised through pecuniary transactions2 and these pecuniary transactions whereby the conduct of industry is guided and controlled are entered into with a view to gain in terms of price4 ,it is but a slight exaggeration to say that such transactions1 which govern the course of industry1 are carried out with an eye single to pecuniary gain1--the industrial consequences1 and their bearing on the community's welfare1 being matters incidental to the transaction of business4 ,in every-day phrase1 under the rule of the current technology and business principles1 industry is managed by businessmen for business ends1 not by technological experts or for the material advantage of the community4 ,and in this control of industrial affairs the smaller businessmen are in great part subject to the discretion of the larger4#aec ,by ancient habit1 handed down from the days of handicraft and petty trade1 this pecuniary management is conventionally conceived to be directed to the production of goods and services1 and the businessman is still conventionally rated as a producer and his gains accepted as a measure of his productive efficiency4 ,in conventional speech 8producer0 means the owner of industrial plant1 not the workmen employed nor the mechanical apparatus about which they are employed4#aed ,the 8producers10 8manufacturers10 8captains of industry10 whose interests are safeguarded by current legislation and by the guardians of law and order are the businessmen who have a pecuniary interest in industrial affairs2 and it is their pecuniary interests that are so safeguarded1 in the nave faith that the material interests of the community at large coincide with the opportunities for gain so secured to the businessmen4 ,it has already been spoken of above that the processes of industry are bound in a comprehensive system of give and take1 in such a manner that no considerable fraction of this industrial system functions independently of the rest4 ,the industrial system at large may be conceived as a comprehensive machine process1 the several sub-processes of which technologically inosculate and ramify in what may be conceived as a network of elements working in a moving equilibrium1 none of which can go on at its full productive efficiency except in duly balanced correlation with all the rest4 ,this characterisation will strictly apply only so far as the machine technology has taken over the various branches of industry1 but it applies in a loose though by no means idle fashion also as regards those elements of the industrial system in which the machine technology has not yet become dominant4 ,in so far as the industrial system is of this character it will also hold that the business management of any one branch or line or parcel of industries will have its effect on the rest1 primarily and proximately on those other branches or lines with which the given parcel stands in immediate relations of give and take1 through the market or more directly through technological correlation1--as1 e4 g41 in the transportation system4 ,business management which affects a large section of this balanced system will necessarily have a wide-reaching effect on the working of the system at large4 ,such business control of industry1 as has just been remarked above1 is exercised with a view to pecuniary gain2 but pecuniary gain in these premises comes from changes1 and apprehended changes1 in the efficiency of the various industrial processes that are touched by such control1 rather than from the workday functioning of the several items of equipment involved4 ,the changes which so bring gain to these larger businessmen may be favourable to the effective working of industry1 but they may also be unfavourable2 and the opportunities for gain which they afford the larger businessmen may be equally profitable whether the disturbance in question is favourable or unfavourable to industrial efficiency4 ,the gains to be derived from such disturbance are proportioned to the magnitude of the disturbance rather than to its industrial productiveness4 ,it should follow1 of course1 that if the machine technology should come so to dominate the industrial situation as to bind all industry in a rigorously comprehensive balanced process1 the material fortunes of the community would come to rest unreservedly and in all details in the hands of those larger businessmen who hold the final pecuniary discretion4 ,in qualification of this broad proposition it is to be noted that1 while the gains of the superior rank of businessmen accrue in the manner indicated1--by means of disturbances which may indifferently be favourable or unfavourable to industry1--yet in the long run it is necessarily true that the gains which so inure to the pecuniary magnates must be derived from the net product of industry and will in the long run be larger in the aggregate the more productive the community's industry is4 ,what makes business profitable to the businessmen is1 after all1 their usufruct of the community's industrial efficiency4 ,in the long run nothing can accrue as income to the pecuniary magnates more than the surplus product of industry above the subsistence of the industrial community at large4 ,but so long as the magnates have not come to a working arrangement on this basis and 8pooled their interests0 the proposition as formulated above appears to be adequate to the facts1--that the gains of these larger businessmen are a function of the magnitude of the disturbances which they create rather than of their productive effect4 ,it should also follow1 and so far as the above characterisation holds it does follow1 that the current pecuniary organisation of industry vests the usufruct of the community's industrial proficiency in the owners of the industrial equipment4 ,proximately this usufruct of the industrial community's technological knowledge and working capacity vests in the detail owners of the equipment1 but only proximately4 ,at the further remove it vests only in the businessmen whose command of large means enables them to create and control those pecuniary conjunctures of industry that bring about changes in the market value and ownership of the equipment4 ,,footnotes #a ,cf4 ,jacques ,loeb1 ,comparative ,physiology of the ,brain and ,comparative ,psychology1 ch4 i4 #b ,cf4 ,w4 ,james1 ,principles of ,psychology1 ch4 xxiv and xxv1 where1 however1 the difference between tropism and instinct is not kept well in hand1--the tropisms having at that date not been subjected to inquiry and definition as has been true since then2 ,william ,mc,dougall1 ,introduction to ,social ,psychology1 ch4 i4 #c ,loeb1 ,comparative ,physiology of the ,brain1 pp4 #agg-agh4 #d ,cf4 ,graham ,wallas1 ,human ,nature in ,politics1 especially ch4 i4 #e ,cf41 e4 g41 ,james1 ,principles of ,psychology1 ch4 xxiv2 ,william ,mc,dougall1 ,introduction to ,social ,psychology1 ch4 iii4 #f ,loeb1 ,comparative ,physiology of the ,brain1 especially ch4 xiii4 #g ,it is of course only as physiological traits that the tropisms are conceived not to overlap1 blend or interfere1 and it is likewise only in respect of their physiological discontinuity that the like argument would bear on the instincts4 ,in respect of their expression1 in the way of orientation1 movement1 growth1 secretion1 and the like1 the tropismatic response to dissimilar stimuli is often so apparently identical that expert investigators have at times been at a loss to decide to which one of two or several recognised tropismatic sensibilities a given motor response should be ascribed4 ,but in respect of their ultimate physiological character1 the intimate physiological process by which the given sensibility takes effect1 the response due to different tropismatic sensibilities appears in each case to be distinctive and not to blend with any other response to a different stimulus1 with which it may happen to synchronise4 #h ,cf41 e4 g41 ,mc,dougall1 ,introduction to ,social ,psychology1 ch4 i-iii4 #i ,cf41 e4 g41 ,otto ,ammon1 ,die ,gesellschaftsordnung2 ,g4 ,vacher de ,lapouge1 ,les slections sociales1 and ,race et milieu social1 especially 8,lois fondamentales de l',anthroposociologie40 #aj ,the all-pervading modern institution of private property appears to have been of such an origin1 having cumulatively grown out of the self-regarding bias of men in their oversight of the community's material interests4 #aa ,cf4 ,mc,dougall1 ,social ,psychology1 ch4 x4 #ab ,latterly the question of instincts has been a subject of somewhat extensive discussion among students of animal behaviour1 and throughout this discussion the argument has commonly been conducted on neurological1 or at the most on physiological ground4 ,this line of argument is well and lucidly presented in a volume recently published 7,the ,science of ,human ,behavior1 ,new ,york1 #aiac7 by ,mr4 ,maurice ,parmalee4 ,the book offers an incisive critical discussion of the ,nature of ,instinct 7ch4 xi7 with a specific reference to the instinct of workmanship 7p4 #beb74 ,the discussion runs1 faithfully and competently1 on neurological ground and reaches the outcome to be expected in an endeavour to reduce instinct to neurological 7or physiological7 terms4 ,as has commonly been true of similar endeavours1 the outcome is essentially negative1 in that 8instinct0 is not so much explained as explained away4 ,the reason of this outcome is sufficiently evident2 8instinct10 being not a neurological or physiological concept1 is not statable in neurological or physiological terms4 ,the instinct of workmanship no more than any other instinctive proclivity is an isolable1 discrete neural function2 which1 however1 does not touch the question of its status as a psychological element4 ,the effect of such an analysis as is offered by ,mr4 ,parmalee is not to give terminological precision to the concept of 8instinct0 in the sense assigned it in current usage1 but to dispense with it2 which is an untoward move in that it deprives the student of the free use of this familiar term in its familiar sense and therefore constrains him to bring the indispensable concept of instinct in again surreptitiously under cover of some unfamiliar term or some terminological circumlocution4 ,the current mechanistic analyses of animal behaviour are of great and undoubted value to any inquiry into human conduct1 but their value does not lie in an attempt to make them supersede those psychological phenomena which it is their purpose to explain4 ,that such supersession of psychological phenomena by the mechanistic formulations need nowise follow and need not be entertained appears1 e4 g41 in such work as that of ,mr4 ,loeb1 referred to above1 ,comparative ,physiology of the ,brain and ,comparative ,psychology4 #ac ,endless in the sense that the effects of such concatenation do not run to a final term in any direction4 #ad ,many students of animal behaviour are still1 as psychologists generally once were1 inclined to contrast instinct with intelligence1 and to confine the term typically to such automatically determinate action as takes effect without deliberation or intelligent oversight4 ,this view would appear to be a remnant of an earlier theoretical position1 according to which all the functions of intelligence were referred to a distinct immaterial entity1 entelechy1 associated in symbiosis with the physical organism4 ,if all such preconceptions of a substantial dichotomy between physiological and psychological activity be abandoned it becomes a matter of course that intellectual functions themselves take effect only on the initiative of the instinctive dispositions and under their surveillance1 and the antithesis between instinct and intelligence will consequently fall away4 ,what expedients of terminology and discrimination may then be resorted to in the study of those animal instincts that involve a minimum of intellect is of course a question for the comparative psychologists4 ,cf41 for instance1 ,c4 ,lloyd ,morgan1 ,introduction to ,comparative ,psychology 7#bnd edition1 #aijf7 ch4 xii1 especially pp4 #bjf-bji1 and ,habit and ,instinct1 ch4 i and vi4 #ae ,cf4 ,h4 ,s4 ,jennings1 ,behavior of the ,lower ,animals1 ch4 xii1 xx1 xxi4 #af ,see ,mc,dougall1 ,introduction to ,social ,psychology1 ch4 iii and x4 #ag ,cf4 ,m4 ,f4 ,washburn1 ,the ,animal ,mind1 ch4 x1 xi1 where the simpler facts of habituation are suggestively presented in conformity with current views of empirical psychology4 #ah ,cf41 e4 g41 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,native ,tribes of ,central ,australia2 ,seligmann1 ,the ,veddas4 #ai ,hutton ,webster1 ,primitive ,secret ,societies1 especially ch4 iii and iv4 #bj ,j4 ,g4 ,frazer1 ,early ,history of the ,kingship1 ch4 iv1 p4 #ajg4 #ba ,e4 g41 some native tribes of ,australia2 cf4 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,the ,native ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 especially ch4 i4 #bb ,skeat and ,blagden1 ,pagan ,races of the ,malay ,peninsula4 #bc ,j4 ,murdoch1 8,the ,point ,barrow ,eskimo10 ,report of the ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology1 #ahhg-ahhh2 ,f4 ,boas1 8,the ,central ,eskimo10 ,ibid1 #ahhd-ahhe4 #bd ,e4 ,h4 ,man1 8,on the ,aboriginal ,inhabitants of the ,andaman ,islands10 ,j4 ,a4 ,i41 vol4 xii4 #be ,reports1 ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology1 numerous papers by different writers1 perhaps especially ,mrs4 ,stevenson1 8,the ,sia10 #aath ,report 7#ahhi-ahij74 #bf ,current economic theory commonly proceeds on the 8hedonistic calculus01 so called1 7cf4 ,jeremy ,bentham1 ,introduction to the ,principles of ,morals and ,legislation7 or the 8hedonic principle01 as it has also been called1 7cf4 ,pantaleoni1 ,pure ,economics1 ch4 i74 ,this 8principle0 affords the major premise of current theory4 ,it postulates that individual self-seeking is the prime mover of all economic conduct4 ,there is some uncertainty and disagreement among latterday economists as to the precise terms proper to be employed to designate this principle of conduct and its working-out2 in the apprehension of later speculators ,bentham's 8pleasure and pain0 has seemed too bald and materialistic1 and they have had recourse to such less precise and definable terms as 8gratification10 8satisfactions10 8sacrifice10 8utility0 and 8disutility10 8psychic income10 etc41 but hitherto without any conclusive revision of the terminology4 ,these differences and suggested innovations do not touch the substance of the ancient postulate4 ,proceeding on this postulate the theoreticians have laid down the broad proposition that 8present goods are preferred to future goods02 from which arise many meticulous difficulties of theory1 particularly in any attempt to make the deliverances of theory square with workday facts4 ,the modicum of truth contained in this proposition would appear to be better expressed in the formula3 8,prospective security is preferred to prospective risk20 which seems to be nearly all that is required either as a generalisation of the human motives in the case or as a premise for the theoretical refinements aimed at1 whereas the dictum that 8present goods are preferred to future goods0 must1 on reflection1 commend itself as substantially false4 ,by and large1 of course1 goods are not wanted except for prospective use--beyond the measure of that urgent current consumption that plays no part in the theoretical refinements for which the dictum is invoked4 ,it will immediately be apparent on reflection that even for the individual's own advantage 8present goods are preferred to future goods0 only where and in so far as property rights are secure1 and then only for future use4 ,it is for productive use in the future1 or more particularly for the sake of prospective revenue to be drawn from wealth so held1 by lending or investing it1 that such a preference becomes effective4 ,apart from this pecuniary advantage that attaches to property held over from the present to the future there appears to be no such preference even as a matter of individual self-seeking1 and where such pecuniary considerations are not dominant there is no such preference for 8present goods40 ,it is present 8wealth10 not present 8goods10 that is the object of desire2 and present wealth is desired mainly for its prospective advantage4 ,it is well known that in communities where there are habitually no businesslike credit extensions or investments for profit1 savings take the form of hoarding1 that is1 accumulation for future use in preference to present consumption4 ,there might be some division of opinion as to the character of the prospective use for which goods are sought1 but there can be little question that much1 if not most1 of this prospective use is not of a self-regarding character and is not sought from motives of sensuous gain4 #bg ,traditionally a theoretical presumption has been held to the contrary4 ,it has been taken for granted that the institutional outcome of men's native dispositions will be sound and salutary2 but this presumption overlooks the effects of complication and deflection among instincts1 due to cumulative habit4 ,the tradition has come down as an article of uncritical faith from the historic belief in a beneficent ,order of ,nature2 which in turn runs back to the early-modern religious conception of a ,providential ,order instituted by a shrewd and benevolent ,creator2 which rests on an anthropomorphic imputation of parental solicitude and workmanship to an assumed metaphysical substratum of things4 ,this traditional view therefore is substantially theological and has that degree of validity that may be derived from the putative characteristics of any anthropomorphic divinity4 #bh ,cf4 e4 g41 ,f4 ,h4 ,cushing1 8,a ,study of ,pueblo ,pottery as illustrative of ,zui ,culture ,growth10 ,report1 ,bureau of ,ethnology1 #ahhb-ahhc 7vol4 iv72 ,j4 ,w4 ,fewkes1 8,archeological ,expedition to ,arizona in #ahie10 sections on 8,pottery0 and 8,paleography of the ,pottery10 ibid1 #ahif-ahig 7vol4 xviii72 ,w4 ,h4 ,holmes1 8,the ,ancient ,art of ,chiriqui10 ibid1 #ahhd-ahhe 7vol4 vi74 #bi ,the restrictions in this respect are mainly those which devote the 8sacred0 vessels1 distinguished by peculiar shapes and decorations1 to particular ceremonial uses4 #cj ,cf4 ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 especially ch4 xvii4 #ca ,cf4 8,the ,evolution of the ,scientific ,point of ,view10 ,university of ,california ,chronicle1 ,oct41 #aijh4 #cb ,so1 e4 g41 the proficiency of ,bushmen1 ,veddas1 ,australians1 ,american ,indians1 and other peoples of a low technological plane1 in tracking game has been remarked on with great admiration by all observers2 and the efficiency of these and others of their like is no less admirable as regards swimming1 boating1 riding1 climbing1 stalking1 etc4 #cc ,cf4 ,g4 and ,a4 de ,mortillet1 ,le ,prhistorique1 especially the chapter 8,donnes chronologiques10 pp4 #ffb-ffd2 ,w4 ,g4 ,sollas1 ,ancient ,hunters1 ch4 i and xiv4 #cd ,cf4 ,sophus ,mller1 ,l',europe ,prhistorique4 #ce ,cf41 e4 g41 ,report of ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology1 #ahhd-ahhe1 ,franz ,boas1 8,the ,central ,eskimo20 ibid1 #ahhg-ahhh1 ,john ,murdoch1 8,the ,point ,barrow ,eskimo40 #cf ,what is assumed here is what is commonly held1 viz4 that the racial stocks that made up the late palolithic population of ,europe are still represented in a moderate way in the racial mixture that fills ,europe today1 and that these older racial types not only recur sporadically in the ,european population at large but are also present locally in sufficient force to give a particular character to the population of given localities4 7,see ,g4 de ,mortillet1 ,formation de la nation franaise1 #dme partie1 and ,conclusions1 pp4 #bge-cbi47 ,great changes took place in the racial complexion of ,europe in the beginning and early phases of the neolithic period1 but since then no intrusion of new stocks has seriously disturbed the mixture of races1 except in isolated areas1 of secondary consequence to the cultural situation at large4 ,see also ,w4 ,g4 ,sollas1 ,ancient ,hunters and their ,modern ,representatives4 #cg ,these improved races are commonly1 if not always1 a product of hybridisation1 though it is conceivable that such a race might arise as a 8sport10 a ,mendelian mutant4 ,to establish such a race or 8composite pure line0 of hybrids and to propagate and improve it in the course of further breeding demands a degree of patient attention and consistent aim4 #ch ,the late neolithic1 or 8neolithic10 culture brought to light by ,pumpelly at ,anau in ,transcaspia shows the synchronism of advance between the technology of the mechanic arts on the one hand and of tillage and cattle-breeding on the other hand in a remarkably lucid way4 ,the site is held to date back to some #hjjj ,b4 ,c4 or earlier and shows continuous occupation through a period of several thousand years4 ,the settlers at ,anau brought cereals 7barley and wheat7 when the settlement was made2 so that the cultivation of these grains must date back some considerable distance farther into the stone age of ,asia4 ,in succeeding ages the people of ,anau made some further advance in the use of crop plants2 whether by improvement and innovation at home or by borrowing has not been determined4 ,presently1 in the course of the next few thousand years1 they brought into domestication and adapted to domestic use by selective breeding the greater number of those species of animals that have since made up the complement of live stock in the ,western culture4 ,in the mechanic arts the visible advance is slight as compared with the work in cattle-breeding1 though it cannot be called insignificant taken by itself4 ,the more notable improvements in this direction are believed to be due to borrowing4 ,perhaps the most characteristic trait of the mechanic technology at ,anau is the total absence of weapons in the lower half of the deposits4--,raphael ,pumpelly1 ,explorations in ,turkestan3 ,prehistoric ,civilizations of ,anau4 7,carnegie ,publication ,no4 #gc47 ,washington1 #aijh4 #ci ,cf4 ,o4 ,f4 ,cook1 8,food ,plants of ,ancient ,america40 ,report of ,smithsonian ,institution1 #aijc4 ,e4 ,j4 ,payne1 ,history of the ,new ,world ,called ,america1 vol4 i1 7#ahib71 pp4 #ccf-dbg4 #dj ,cf4 ,e4 ,j4 ,payne1 as above4 #da ,cf41 e4 g41 ,lumholtz1 ,unknown ,mexico1 vol4 i1 ch4 vi4 #db ,cf41 e4 g41 ,j4 ,w4 ,powell1 8,mythology of the ,north ,american ,indians10 ,report1 ,bureau of ,eth41 #ahgi-ahhj 7vol4 i72 ,f4 ,h4 ,cushing1 8,outlines of ,zui ,creation ,myths10 ibid1 #ahia-ahib2 ,j4 ,o4 ,dorsey1 8,a ,study of ,siouan ,cults10 ibid1 #ahhi-ahij4 #dc ,witness1 again1 the tales collected under the caption of ,the ,day's ,work1 where the anthropomorphic romance of mechanics is made the most of by the same master who told the tales of the ,jungle ,book and of 8,the ,cat that ,walked40 #dd ,cf4 ,presidential ,address by ,francis ,darwin at the ,dublin meeting of the ,british ,association for the ,advancement of ,science2 cf4 also ,h4 ,bergson1 volution cratrice1 and particularly passages that deal with the lan de la vie4 #de ,cf4 ,g4 ,j4 ,romanes1 ,animal ,intelligence1 especially the ,introduction4 #df ,cf4 ,jane ,e4 ,harrison1 ,prolegomena to the ,study of ,greek ,religion1 especially ch4 iv2 ,the same1 ,themis1 especially ch4 i1 ii1 iii and ix2 with which compare the ,pueblo cults referred to above4 #dg ,cf41 e4 g41 ,skeat1 ,malay ,magic1 perhaps especially ch4 v1 section on the cultivation of rice4 #dh ,hence animism1 which applies its conceptions to inanimate rather than animate objects4 #di ,the like applies in the case of the seasonal and meteorological myths2 where it happens rarely if at all that the phenomena of the seasons or the forces that come in evidence in meteorological changes are personified directly or unambiguously4 ,it is always some god or dmon that controls or uses the wind and the weather1 some indwelling sprite or manlike giant that inhabits and watches over the hill or spring or river1 and it is always the interests of the indwelling personality rather than that of the tangible objects in the case that are to be safeguarded by the superstitious practices with which the myth surrounds men's intercourse with these features of the landscape4 #ej ,as in the legends of ,prometheus2 compare legends and ritual of fire from various cultures in ,l4 ,frobenius1 ,the ,childhood of ,man1 ch4 xxv-xxvii4 #ea ,for an interesting illustration of this point see a paper by ,duncan ,mackenzie on 8,cretan ,palaces0 in the ,annual of the ,british ,school at ,athens for #aijg-aijh1 where the whole discussion hangs on the fact1 unquestioned by any one of the disputants in a wide and warm controversy1 that during some centuries of unwholesome nuisance from smoky fires in draughty rooms the great civilisation of the ,mediterranean seaboard never hit on the ready solution of the difficulty by putting in a chimney4 #eb ,cf41 e4 g41 ,w4 ,james1 ,principles of ,psychology1 ch4 xxiv2 ,mc,dougall1 ,social ,psychology1 ch4 iii4 #ec ,cf41 e4 g41 ,m4 ,f4 ,washburn1 ,the ,animal ,mind1 ch4 xii1 xiii4 #ed ,for illustrations see ,dudley ,kidd1 ,the ,essential ,kafir1 especially ch4 ii1 on 8,native ,beliefs40 #ee ,cf4 8,the ,place of ,science in ,modern ,civilisation10 ,journal of ,sociology1 ,march1 #aijf1 pp4 #ehe-fji2 8,the ,evolution of the ,scientific ,point of ,view10 ,university of ,california ,chronicle1 vol4 x1 pp4 #cif-dae4 #ef ,cf4 ,theory of the ,leisure ,class1 ch4 iv1 v4 #eg ,this technological blend of manual labour with magical practice is well seen1 for instance1 in the ,malay ritual of rice culture4--,w4 ,w4 ,skeat1 ,malay ,magic1 various passages dealing with the ceremonial of the planting1 growth and harvesting of the rice-crop4 #eh ,cf4 ,j4 ,e4 ,harrison1 ,prolegomena to the ,study of ,greek ,religion1 especially ch4 iv2 ,j4 ,g4 ,frazer1 ,adonis1 ,attis1 ,osiris1 bk4 i1 ch4 iii4 #ei ,such seems to be the evidence1 for instance1 for ,cybele1 ,astarte 7,aphrodite1 ,ishtar71 ,mylitta1 ,isis1 ,demeter 7,ceres71 ,artemis1 and for such doubtfully late characters as ,hera 7,juno71--see ,harrison1 ,prolegomena to the ,study of ,greek ,religion2 ,frazer1 ,adonis1 ,attis1 ,osiris1 and ,the ,golden ,bough4 ,quanon may be a doubtful case1 as possibly also ,amaterazu4 ,the evidence from such ,american instances as the great mother goddesses of the ,pueblos and other ,indian tribes runs perhaps the other way1 or at the best it may leave the point in doubt4 ,see1 for instance1 ,matilda ,c4 ,stevenson1 8,the ,zui ,indians10 ,report ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology1 #aija-aijb1 section on 8,mythology20 ,the same1 ibid1 #ahhi-ahij1 8,the ,sia20 ,frank ,h4 ,cushing1 ibid1 #ahia-ahib1 8,zui ,creation ,myths40 #fj ,cf41 e4 g41 ,frazer1 ,adonis1 ,attis1 ,osiris1 bk4 ii1 ch4 iii1 bk4 iii1 ch4 vi and xi4 #fa ,cf41 e4 g41 ,hutton ,webster1 ,primitive ,secret ,societies1 especially ch4 iii1 iv1 v2 ,spencer and ,gillen1 ,native ,tribes of ,central ,australia1 ch4 vii1 viii1 ix1 xvi4 #fb ,cf4 for instance1 ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians2 ,seligmann1 ,the ,melanesians of ,british ,new ,guinea4 #fc ,these considerations may of course imply nothing1 directly1 as to the size of the political organisation or of the national territory or population2 though national boundaries are likely both to affect and to be affected by such changes in the industrial system4 ,a community may be small1 relatively to the industrial system in and by which it lives1 and may yet1 if conditions of peace permit it1 stand in such a relation of complement or supplement to a larger complex of industrial groups as to make it in effect an integral part of a larger community1 so far as regards its technology4 ,so1 for instance1 ,switzerland and ,denmark are an integral part of the cultural and industrial community of the ,western civilisation as effectually as they might be with an area and population equal to those of the ,united ,kingdom or the ,german ,empire1 and they are doubtless each a more essential part in this community than ,russia4 ,at the same time1 as things go within this ,western culture1 national boundaries have a very considerable obstructive effect in industrial affairs and in the growth of technology4 ,it will probably be conceded on the one hand that any appreciable decline in the aggregate population of ,christendom would result in some curtailment or retardation of the technological advance in which these peoples are jointly and severally engaged2 and it is likewise to be conceded on the other hand that the like effect would follow on any marked degree of success from the efforts of those patriotic and dynastic statesmen who are endeavouring to set these peoples asunder in an armed estrangement and neutrality4 #fd ,cf41 as an extreme case1 ,matilda ,c4 ,stevenson1 8,the ,sia10 ,report ,bur4 ,eth41 xi 7#ahhi-ahij74 ,the like decline is known to have occurred in many parts of ,europe consequent on the decline of population due to the ,black ,death and the ,plague4 #fe ,on such native differences between the leading races of ,europe1 cf41 e4 g41 ,g4 ,v4 de ,lapouge1 ,les ,slections ,sociales2 and l',aryen2 ,o4 ,ammon1 ,die ,gesellschaftsordnung2 ,g4 ,sergi1 ,arii e ,italici4 #ff ,for instance1 the ,japanese and the ,ainu1 the ,polynesians and the ,melanesians1 the ,cinghalese and the ,veddas4 ,on the last named1 cf4 ,seligmann1 ,the ,veddas4 #fg ,cf4 ,w4 ,z4 ,ripley1 ,the ,races of ,europe2 ,g4 ,sergi1 ,the ,mediterranean ,race2 ,v4 de ,lapouge1 ,l',aryen2 cf4 also1 ,j4 ,deniker1 ,les races europennes1 and 8,les six races composant la population de l',europe10 ,journal ,anthropological ,institute1 vol4 #cd4 #fh ,the available evidence indicates that the dolicho-blond race of northern ,europe probably originated in a mutation 7from the ,mediterranean as its parent stock87 during the early neolithic period1 that is to say about at the beginning of the neolithic in western ,europe4 ,there is less secure ground for conjecture as to the date and circumstances under which any one of the other ,european races originated1 but the date and place of their origin seems to lie outside of ,europe and earlier than the ,european neolithic period4 ,unfortunately there has been little direct or succinct discussion of this matter among anthropologists hitherto4--,cf4 8,the ,mutation ,theory and the ,blond ,race10 ,journal of ,race ,development1 ,april1 #aiac4 #fi ,the ,melanesians may be contrasted with the ,baltic peoples in this respect1 though the comparison is perhaps rather suggestive than convincing4 ,the ,melanesians are apparently endowed with a very respectable capacity for workmanship1 as regards both insight and application1 and with a relatively high sense of economic expediency4 ,they are also possessed of an alert and enduring group solidarity4 ,but they apparently lack that reasonable degree of 8humanity0 and congenital tolerance that has on the whole kept the peoples of the ,baltic region from fatal extravagances of cruelty and sustained hatred between groups4 ,not that any excess of humanity has marked the course of culture in ,north ,europe4 ,but it seems at least admissible to say that mutual hatred1 distrust and disparagement falls more readily into abeyance among these peoples than among the ,melanesians2 particularly when and in so far as the material interest of the several groups visibly suffers from a continued free run of extravagant animosity4 ,the difference in point of native propensity may not be very marked1 but such degree of it as there is has apparently thrown the balance in such a way that the ,baltic peoples have1 technologically1 had the advantage of a wide and relatively easy contact and communication2 whereas the ,melanesians have during an equally protracted experience spent themselves largely on interstitial animosities--,cf4 ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians2 ,seligmann1 ,the ,melanesians of ,british ,new ,guinea4 #gj ,these considerations apparently apply with peculiar force to the blond race1 in that the evidence of early times goes to argue that this stock never lived in isolation from other1 rival stocks4 ,it began presumably as a small minority in a community made up chiefly of a different racial type1 its parent stock1 and in an environment at large in which at least one rival stock was present in force from near the outset2 so that race competition1 that is to say competition in terms of births and deaths1 was instant and unremitting4 ,and this competition the given conditions enforced in terms of group subsistence4 #ga ,cf41 e4 g41 ,sophus ,mller1 ,vor ,oldtid1 8,stenalderen40 #gb ,it has not commonly been noted1 though it will scarcely be questioned1 that fighting capacity and the propensity to fight have rarely1 if ever1 been successful in the struggle between races and peoples when brought into competition with a diligent growing of crops and children1 if success be counted in terms of race survival4 #gc ,it is apparently an open question whether these spiritual traits are properly to be ascribed to the dolicho-blond as traits of that type taken by itself1 rather than traits characteristic of the hybrid offspring of the blond stock crossed on one or other of the racial stocks associated with it in the populations of ,europe4 ,the evidence at large seems rather to bear out the view that any hybrid population is likely to be endowed with an exceptional degree of that restlessness and discontent that go to make up what is spoken of as a 8spirit of enterprise0 in the race4 #gd ,as1 e4 g41 the inhabitants of many ,polynesian islands at the time of their discovery4 ,see1 also1 ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians4 #ge ,not an unusual state of things among the ,melanesians and ,micronesians1 and in a degree among the ,australians4 #gf ,see note1 p4 #abj4 #gg ,e4 g41 some ,australian natives and some of the lower ,malay cultures4 #gh ,e4 g41 the ,pueblo and the ,eskimo4 #gi ,indeed1 such as very suggestively to recall the ritual objects and observances of the ,pueblo ,indians4 #hj ,for an extreme case of this among living communities1 see ,skeat and ,blagden1 ,pagan ,races of the ,malay ,peninsula1 vol4 i1 pp4 #bdb-bej1 where the generalisation is set down 7p4 #bdh7 that 8the rudimentary stage of culture through which these tribes have passed1 and in some cases are still passing1 may perhaps be more accurately described as a wood and bone age than as an age of stone10 in as much as the evidence goes to show that before they began to get metals from the ,malays their only implements of a more durable material were 8the anvil and hammer 7unwrought7 4441 the whetstone1 chips or flakes used as knives1 and cooking stones40 ,from the different character of their environment this recourse to wood and bone could scarcely have been carried to such an extreme by the savages of the ,baltic region4 #ha ,cf4 ,pumpelly1 ,explorations in ,turkestan4 #hb ,a casual visit to the ,scandinavian museums will scarcely convey this impression4 ,to meet the prepossessions of the public1 and perhaps of the experts1 the weapons are made much of in the showcases1 as is to be expected2 but they are relatively scarce in the store-rooms1 where the tools on the other hand are rather to be estimated by the cubic yard than counted by the piece4 #hc ,seen1 e4 g41 in the observance and sanction of tabu in many of the lower cultures4 #hd ,the ,eskimo are placed in circumstances that are in some respects similar to those presumed to have conditioned the life of the blond race and its hybrids during the early phases of its life-history1 and among the traits that have made for the survival of the ,eskimo is undoubtedly to be counted the somewhat genial good-fellowship of that race1 coupled as it is with a notable disinclination to hostilities4 ,so also the ,indians of the ,north-,west ,coast1 whose situation perhaps parallels that of the neolithic ,baltic culture more closely even than the ,eskimo1 are not among the notably warlike peoples of the earth1 although they undoubtedly show more of a predatory animus than their northern neighbours4 ,in this case it is probably safe to say that their technological achievements have in no degree been furthered by such warlike enterprise as they have shown1 and that their comfort and success as a race would have been even more marked if they had been gifted with less of the warlike spirit and had kept the peace more consistently throughout their habitat than they have done4--,cf4 ,franz ,boas1 8,the ,central ,eskimo10 ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology1 ,report1 #ahhd-ahhe2 ,the same1 8,the ,secret ,societies and ,social ,organisation of the ,kwakiutl ,indians10 ,report1 ,national ,museum1 #ahie2 ,a4 ,p4 ,niblack1 8,coast ,indians of ,southern ,alaska and ,northern ,british ,columbia10 ibid1 #ahhh4 #he ,such loss by neglect of technological elements that have been superseded may have serious consequences in case a people of somewhat advanced attainments suffers a material set-back either in its industrial circumstances or in its cultural situation more at large1--as happened1 e4 g41 in the ,dark ,ages of ,europe4 ,in such case it is likely to result that the community will be unable to fall back on a state of the industrial arts suited to the reduced circumstances into which it finds itself thrown1 having lost the use of many of the technological elements familiar to earlier generations that lived under similar circumstances1 and so the industrial community finds itself in many respects driven to make a virtually new beginning1 from a more rudimentary starting point than the situation might otherwise call for4 ,this in turn acts to throw the people back to a more archaic phase of technology and of institutions than the initial cultural loss sustained by the community would of itself appear to warrant4 #hf ,sophus ,mller1 ,vor ,oldtid1 8,stenalderen10 sec4 iii1 8,tidsforhold i den ldre ,stenalder20 ,o4 ,montelius1 ,les temps prhistoriques en ,sude1 ch4 i1 p4 #bj4 #hg ,compare the case of the ,indians of the ,north-,west ,coast1 who have occupied a region comparable to the neolithic ,baltic area in the distribution of land and water as well as in the abundance of good timber4 #hh ,sophus ,mller1 ,vor ,oldtid1 8,bronzealderen10 secs4 xiii1 xiv2 ,montelius1 ,les temps prhistoriques en ,sude1 ch4 ii4 #hi ,cf41 e4 g41 ,c4 ,a4 ,haddon1 ,evolution in ,art1 section on 8,magic and ,religion40 #ij ,except for species that habitually breed by parthenogenesis4 #ia ,the caution is perhaps unnecessary that it is not hereby intended to suggest a doubt of ,mr4 ,galton's researches or to question the proposals of the ,eugenicals1 whose labours are no doubt to be taken for all they are worth4 #ib ,see1 e4 g41 ,skeat and ,blagden1 ,pagan ,races of the ,malay ,peninsula1 vol4 ii1 part ii2 ,report1 ,bureau of ,american ,ethnology1 #ahhd-ahhe1 ,f4 ,boas1 8,the ,central ,eskimo40 #ic ,cf4 ,basil ,thomson1 ,the ,diversions of a ,prime ,minister1 and ,the ,figians4 #id ,the extent of this 8quasi-personal fringe0 of objects of intimate use varies considerably from one culture to another4 ,it may often be inferred from the range of articles buried or destroyed with the dead among peoples on this level of culture4 #ie ,a doubt may suggest itself in this connection touching such cultures and peoples as the pagan races of the ,malay peninsula1 the ,mincopies of the ,andaman ,islands1 or 7possibly7 the ,negritos of ,luzon1 but these conceivable exceptions to the rule evidently do not lessen its force4 #if ,it may be pertinent to take note of the bearing of these considerations on certain dogmatic concepts that have played a part in the theoretical and controversial speculations of the last century4 ,much importance has been given by economists of one school and another to the 8productivity of labour10 particularly as affording a basis for a just and equitable distribution of the product2 one school of controversialists having gone so far against the current of received economic doctrine as to allege that labour is the sole productive factor in industry and that the ,labourer is on this ground entitled1 in equity1 to 8the full product of his labor40 ,it is of course not conceived that the considerations here set forth will dispose of these doctrinal contentions2 but they make it at least appear that the productivity of labor1 or of any other conceivable factor in industry1 is an imputed productivity--imputed on grounds of convention afforded by institutions that have grown up in the course of technological development and that have consequently only such validity as attaches to habits of thought induced by any given phase of collective life4 ,these habits of thought 7institutions and principles7 are themselves the indirect product of the technological scheme4 ,the controversy as to the productivity of labor should accordingly shift its ground from 8the nature of things0 to the exigencies of ingrained preconceptions1 principles and expediencies as seen in the light of current technological requirements and the current drift of habituation4 #ig ,see ,sophus ,mller1 ,vor ,oldtid1 8,stenalderen10 and ,aarbger for nordisk ,oldkyndighed1 #aijf4 #ih ,cf4 ,w4 ,g4 ,sollas1 ,ancient ,hunters4 #ii ,see1 e4 g41 ,basil ,thomson1 ,the ,figians1 especially ch4 iv1 xiv1 xxviii1 xxxi4 #ajj ,the ,pueblos offer a curious exception to this common rule of a parasitic priesthood4 ,while they are much given to religious observances and have an extensive priestly organisation1 comprising divers orders and sub-orders1 this priesthood appears commonly to derive no income1 or even appreciable perquisites1 from their office4 #aja ,the difference in importance and powers between the war chief of the peaceable ,pueblos on the one hand and of the predatory ,aztecs on the other hand shows how such an official's status may change de facto without a notable change de jure4--,cf4 also ,basil ,thomson1 ,the ,figians1 ch4 iv1 xxxi1 on 8,constitution of ,society10 and 8,the ,tenure of ,land10 where the growth of custom is shown to throw pecuniary prerogative and control into the hands of the successful war chief4 #ajb ,for instance1 somewhat generally in the island states of ,polynesia4 ,something suggestively reminiscent of such a condition of things is visible in early feudal ,europe1 where feudal holdings changed hands with a change in the status of their holders in a way that suggests that ownership was in great measure a corollary following from the tenure of certain civil powers4 ,so1 also1 in ecclesiastical holdings of the same period and later4 ,and1 again1 in the doubtful and changing status of the servile classes of feudal ,europe1 where the distinction between mastery and ownership often seems something of a legal fiction or a distinction without a difference4 ,feudal ,japan affords evidence to much the same effect4 #ajc ,cf4 ,j4 ,g4 ,frazer1 ,lectures on the ,early ,history of the ,kingship4 ,the drift of evidence for the ,north-,european cultures of pagan antiquity appears to set strongly in this direction1 though the term 8priestly10 as applied to these pagan kings1 is likely to convey too broad an implication of solemnity and vicariously divine power4 #ajd ,witness the alleged dealings of ,jahve with his chosen people and the laudation bestowed on ,him by ,his priests for 8conduct unbecoming a gentleman40 #aje ,as witness ,pharaonic ,egypt1 ,ancient ,peru1 ,babylon1 ,assyria1 ,israel under ,solomon and his nearer successors4 #ajf ,see ,f4 ,b4 ,jevons1 ,introduction to the ,history of ,religion1 ch4 x4 #ajg ,cf41 e4 g41 ,basil ,thomson1 ,the ,figians1 ch4 iv4 #ajh ,as shown1 for instance1 by the pottery and baskets made for trade by the ,american ,indians where they come in trade contact with civilised men4 #aji ,for a more detailed discussion of these secondary consequences of the institution of ownership1 the irksomeness of labour and the conspicuous waste of goods1 which cannot be pursued here1 see ,the ,theory of the ,leisure ,class1 ch4 ii-vi4 #aaj ,for some further analysis of the relation between ownership1 earnings and the material equipment see ,quarterly ,journal of ,economics1 ,august1 #aijh1 8,on the ,nature of ,capital20 as also a paper by ,h4 ,j4 ,davenport in the same ,journal for ,november1 #aiaj1 on 8,social ,productivity versus ,private ,acquisition40 #aaa ,for a more detailed discussion of this disciplinary disparity between business and industrial occupations1 cf4 ,the ,theory of ,business ,enterprise1 ch4 iv1 viii and ix4 #aab ,cf41 e4 g41 ,harrington ,emerson1 ,efficiency as a ,basis for ,operation and ,wages1 ch4 i1 iv4 #aac ,such is tacitly assumed to be the nature of modern economic life in the current theoretical formulations of the economists1 who make the theory of exchange value the central and controlling doctrine in their theoretical systems1 and who with easy conviction trace this value back to an individualistic ground in the doctrines of differential utility--8marginal utility40 #aad ,apart from scattered and progressively inconsequential manifestations of this canon of pecuniary equity in the ,european community at large1 there occurs a quaint and well-defined application of it in the practice of 8hlmgangr0 in late pagan and early ,christian times among the ,scandinavian peoples4 ,the 8wager of battle0 is probably of the same derivation1 at least in part4 #aae ,cf4 ,frederic ,barnard ,hawley1 ,enterprise and the ,productive ,process1 for an extreme1 mature and consistent development of this tenet4 #aaf ,see ,the ,theory of ,business ,enterprise1 ch4 iv1 vi1 vii1 for a more detailed discussion of this business traffic and the working principles which govern it4 ,see also ,h4 ,j4 ,davenport1 ,the ,economics of ,enterprise 7,new ,york1 #aiac74 #aag ,cf41 e4 g41 ,ehrenberg1 ,das ,zeitalter der ,fugger2 ,sombart1 ,der ,moderne ,kapitalismus1 bk4 i4 #aah ,cf4 ,the ,theory of the ,leisure ,class1 ch4 iv1 v1 vi4 #aai ,cf4 ,harrington ,emerson1 ,efficiency as a ,basis for ,operation and ,wages4 #abj ,cf41 e4 g41 ,karl ,bcher1 ,die ,entstehung der ,volkswirtschaft1 7#c;d ed471 ch4 iv1 8,die gewerblichen ,betriebssysteme10 ch4 v4 8,der ,niedergang des ,handwerks20 ,w4 ,j4 ,ashley1 ,english ,economic ,history and ,theory1 part ii1 ch4 i1 sec4 #be1 ch4 iii1 especially sec4 #dd2 ,w4 ,cunningham1 ,the ,growth of ,english ,industry and ,commerce1 vol4 ii1 ,introduction2 ,werner ,sombart1 ,der ,moderne ,kapitalismus1 bk4 i1 especially ch4 iv-xii4 #aba ,to complete the sketch at this point1 even in outline1 it would be necessary to go extensively into the relations of ownership and control 7largely indirect7 in which the owners of land and natural resources1 the ,landed ,interest1 had stood to the industrial community of craftsmen before this transition to the business era got under way1 as also into the further mutual relations subsisting between the landed interest1 the craftsmen and the business community during this transition to a business rgime4 ,in the most summary terms the pertinent circumstances appear to have been that from the beginning of its technological era the handicraft community1 with its workmanship and its technological attainments1 was in an uncertain measure at the discretionary call of the landed interest1 largely in an impersonal way through channels of trade and on the whole with decreasingly exacting effect as time went on2 and the industrial community at large had by no means emancipated themselves from this control when the era of business enterprise set in2 for the landed interest continued to draw its livelihood from the mixed agricultural and handicraft community1 and the products of handicraft still continued to go chiefly as supplies to the landed interest in return for the means of subsistence controlled by the latter2 and long after the businessmen had taken over the direction of industry the claims of the landed interest still continued paramount in the economic situation1 and industry still continued to be carried on largely with a view to meeting the requirements of the landed interest4 #abb 8,handwerk 7im engeren ,sinne7 ist diejenige ,wirtschaftsform1 die hervorwchst aus dem streben eines gewerblichen ,arbeiters seine zwischen ,kunst und gewhnlicher ,handarbeit die ,mitte haltende ,fertigkeit zur ,herrichtung oder ,bearbeitung gewerblicher ,gebrauchsgegenstnde in der ,weise zu vertreten1 dass er sich durch ,austausch seiner ,leistungen oder ,erzeugnisse gegen entsprechende quivalente seinen ,lebensunterhalt verschafft40--,sombart1 ,moderne ,kapitalismus1 bk4 i1 ch4 iv4 #abc ,cf4 ,sombart1 ,der ,moderne ,kapitalismus1 bk4 i2 ,w4 ,j4 ,ashley1 ,english ,economic ,history and ,theory1 bk4 i1 especially ch4 iii2 ,karl ,bcher1 die ,entstehung der ,volkswirtschaft1 ch4 iv1 v4 #abd ,a classic passage of ,adam ,smith shows this handicraft conception of the mechanics of industry3 8,the annual labour of every nation is the fund which originally supplies it with all the necessaries and conveniencies of life which it annually consumes44440 8,but this proportion of the produce to the consumers must in every nation be regulated by two different circumstances2 first1 by the skill1 dexterity1 and judgment with which its labour is generally applied2 and1 secondly1 by the proportion between the number of those who are employed in useful labour1 and that of those who are not so employed40--,wealth of ,nations1 ,introduction1 p4 #a4 ,adam ,smith consistently speaks of industry in terms of manual workmanship1 as the traditions and the continued habitual outlook of that generation unavoidably led him to do2 and the sweeping way in which his interpretation of economic life finds acceptance with his contemporaries shows that in so doing he is speaking in full consonance with the prevailing conceptions of his time4 ,he writes during the opening passages of the machine era1 but he speaks in terms of the past industrial era1 from which his outlook on the economic situation and his conception of normal economic relations had been derived4 ,it may be added that his conception of natural liberty in economic matters is similarly derived from the traditional situation1 whose discipline during the later phases of the handicraft era inculcated freedom of ownership as applied to the workman's product and freedom of bargain and sale as touches the traffic of the typical petty trader4 ,and so thoroughly had this manner of conceiving industry and the economic situation been worked into the texture of men's thinking1 that the same line of interpretation continues to satisfy economic theory for a hundred years after ,adam ,smith had formulated this canon of economic doctrine1 and after the situation to which it would apply had been put out by the machine industry and large business management4 #abe ,the case of the treadle applied to the production of rotary motion is typical of what happens to a technological element of the general class here under discussion4 ,such a new technological expedient appears at the outset to be apprehended in terms of manual workmanship2 but presently it comes1 through habitual use1 to take its place as a mechanical functioning of the tools in whose use it takes effect1--to be associated in current apprehension with the mechanical appliances employed in its production and1 by so much1 dissociated from the person of the workman4 ,in a measure1 therefore1 it falls into the category of impersonal facts that are available as technological raw material with which to go about the work in hand4 ,with further use1 and particularly with the interjection of further mechanical expedients between the workman and this given technological element1 it will be conceived in progressively more objective fashion1 as a fact of the mechanics of brute matter rather than an extension of the workman's manual reach2 until it passes finally into the category of mechanical fact simply1 obvious and commonplace through routine use2 in which there remains but a vanishing residue of imputed personality1 such as attaches to all conceptions of action4 ,the given technological element in this way may be said to pass by degrees out of the workman's 8quasi-personal fringe0 of manual effects1 into the domain of raw material available for use in workmanship2 where it will1 in apprehension1 be possessed of only such imputed quasi-personal or anthropomorphic characteristics as are necessarily imputed to external facts at large4 ,concretely1 the concept of the treadle seems in its beginnings to be a variant of the same conception that leads to the use of the bow-drill4 ,both inventions comprise at least two distinct forms4 ,in each the simpler and presumably more primitive form converts a reciprocating longitudinal motion into a reciprocating rotary motion2 and it is apparently only after an interval of familiarity and externalisation of this mechanical achievement that the next move takes place in the direction of the perfected treadle1 which converts a reciprocating longitudinal into a continuous rotary motion4 #abf ,cf4 ,sombart1 ,moderne ,kapitalismus1 bk4 i1 ,exkurs zu ,kapitel #g1 bk4 ii1 ch4 xv4 #abg ,the adventures of ,charles ,i and ,james ,,ii sufficiently illustrate this insular temper of the industrial and commercial community as contrasted with the crown and the court party4 #abh ,see ch4 ii and iii1 above4 #abi ,the imputation of the feminine in this personification of ,nature is probably nothing more than a carrying over of the ,latin gender of the word1 but there is commonly involved in this quasi-personal conception of ,nature a notable imputation of kindliness and gentle solicitude that well comports with her putative womanhood4 ,by extraordinarily easy gradation ,natura naturans passes over into ,mother ,nature4 ,the contrast in this respect1 simply on its sentimental side1 between the conception of ,nature1 say in the eighteenth century1 on the one hand1 and the patriarchal ,heavenly ,king1 remote and austere1 of the ,medival cult on the other hand is striking enough4 ,in point of sentimental content this conception of ,nature is more nearly in touch with the medival ,mother of ,god than with the ,heavenly ,king4 #acj ,this1 of course1 does not overlook the fact that in the course of scientific inquiry there has been an increasing use of statistical methods and results1 and that this recourse to statistics has been of an increasingly objective character1 both in its methods and in the items handled4 ,it is also to be noted that from time to time serious and consequential attempts have been made to reduce scientific argument at large to similarly objective terms of quantity1 quantivalence and concomitance4 ,karl ,pearson's ,grammar of ,science1 for instance is a shrewd and somewhat popularly known endeavour of this kind4 ,so1 again1 the philosophical views associated with the names of ,leibnitz and of ,berkely are of this nature1 and there is not a little of the same line of scepticism in the speculations of ,hume4 ,but it is equally to be noted that except on the remote plane of generality that belongs to philosophical speculation1 and except in the works of pure mathematics1 this method of handling facts has not proved available for scientific ends4 ,the 8idle curiosity0 which finds employment in scientific inquiry is not content with the vacant relation of concomitance alone among the facts which it seeks and systematises4 ,in scientific theory no headway has been made hitherto without the use of this indispensable imputation of causality4--,in this connection cf4 a paper on 8,the ,evolution of the ,scientific ,point of ,view10 ,university of ,california ,chronicle1 ,november1 #aijh1 especially footnote1 p4 #cif4 #aca ,in this connection it is worth noting1 for what it may be worth1 that there is a similarly rough concomitance between the diffusion of the blond racial stock in ,europe and the modern forms of protestantism and religious heresy4 ,whether this fact strengthens or weakens any argument that may be drawn from the concomitance of heresy and industry cited above may perhaps best be left an open question4 #acb ,see chapter v1 above4 #acc ,cf4 ,ashley1 ,english ,economic ,history and ,theory1 bk4 i1 ch4 i2 ,karl ,bcher1 ,entstehung der ,volkswirtschaft1 ch4 iii4 #acd ,cf4 ,r4 ,ehrenberg1 ,das ,zeitalter der ,fugger4 #ace ,seen1 as indicated above1 in the matter-of-course resort of the scientists to the conception of efficient cause as a solvent of problems touching material phenomena1 as well as in the theologians' and philosophers' resistless drift toward creative efficiency as the ultimate term of their speculations4 #acf ,cf4 ,locke1 ,of ,civil ,government1 ch4 v1 8,though the earth and all inferior creatures be common to all men1 yet every man has a property in his own person2 this nobody has a right to but himself4 ,the labour of his body and the work of his hands we may say are properly his4 ,whatsoever1 then1 he removes out of the state that ,nature hath provided and left it in1 he hath mixed his labour with1 and joined to it something that is his own1 and thereby makes it his property40 #acg ,illustrative instances of such a customary code of 8natural0 rights and obligations are numerous in the late literature of ethnology4 ,good illustrations are afforded by various papers in the ,reports of the ,am4 ,bureau of ,ethnology1 on the culture of the ,pueblos1 ,eskimo1 and the ,indians of the ,north-,west ,coast2 so also in ,skeat and ,blagden1 ,pagan ,races of the ,malay ,peninsula1 or in ,seligmann1 ,the ,veddas4 #ach ,cf41 e4 g41 ,c4 ,beard1 ,the ,industrial ,revolution1 ch4 ii2 ,spencer ,walpole1 ,history of ,england from #ahae1 vol4 i2 ,c4 ,w4 ,taylor1 ,the ,modern ,factory ,system1 ch4 i1 ii4 #aci ,in a general way1 the relation in which the skilled workman in the large industries stands to the machine process is analogous to that in which the primitive herdsman1 shepherd or dairymaid stand to the domestic animals under their care1 rather than to the relation of the craftsman to his tools4 ,it is a work of attendance1 furtherance and skilled interference rather than a forceful and dexterous use of an implement4 #adj ,it follows also1 among other secondary consequences1 that the effective industrial life of the skilled workman will1 in order to the best average effect1 begin at an appreciably more advanced age1 and will therefore be shortened by that much4 ,the period of preparation becomes more protracted1 more exacting and more costly1 and the effective life cycle of the workman grows shorter4 ,although it does not1 perhaps1 belong in precisely this connection1 it may not be out of place to recall that the increasingly exacting requirements of the machine industry1 particularly in the way of accurate1 alert and facile conformity to the requirements of the machine process1 interrupt the industrial life of the skilled workman at an earlier point in the course of senile decay4 ,so that the industrial life-cycle of the workman is shortened both at its beginning and at its close1 at the same time that the commonplace preparation for work grows more costly and exacting4 ,child labour1 which once may1 industrially speaking1 have been an economical method of consuming the available human material1 is no longer compatible with the highest industrial efficiency1 even apart from any question of hardship or deterioration incident to an excessive or abusive recourse to child labour2 it is incompatible with the community's material interests4 ,therefore the business community--the body of businessmen at large--for whose behoof the industries of the country are carried on1 have a direct interest not only in extending the age of exemption from industrial employment but also in procuring an adequate schooling of the incoming generation of workmen4 ,the business community is evidently coming to appreciate this state of the case1 at least in some degree1 as is evidenced by their inclination to favour instruction in the 8practical0 branches in the public schools1 at the public expense1 as well as by the wide-reaching movement that aims to equip private and state schools that shall prepare the youth for work in the various lines of industrial employment4 #ada ,cf41 e4 g41 ,adam ,smith's reflections on the uses of an accurate watch1 ,theory of the ,moral ,sentiments1 part iv1 ch4 #b4 #adb ,on the other hand the aphorism often cited1 that 8,necessity is the ,mother of ,invention10 appears to be nothing better than a fragment of uncritical rationalism4 ,it offers a rationalised1 ex post facto account of changes that take place1 and reflects that ancient preconception by help of which the spokesmen of edification were enabled to interpret all change as an improvement due to the achievement of some definitely foreknown end4 ,it appears also to be consistently untrue1 except so far as 8invention0 is to be taken as a euphemistic synonym for 8prevarication40 ,doubtless1 the felt need of ways and means has brought on many changes in technology1 but doubtless also the ulterior consequences of any one of the greater mechanical inventions have in the main been neither foreseen nor intended in the designing of them4 ,the more serious consequences1 especially such as have an institutional bearing1 have been enforced by the inventions rather than designed by the inventors4 #adc ,see pp4 #ah-ba1 above4 #add ,cf41 however1 what has been said above 7pp4 #ba-bc7 of the variability and adaptability of a hybrid population and the possible selective establishment of a hybrid type more suitable to current conditions of life than any one of the racial stocks out of which the hybrid population is made up4 #ade ,so1 e4 g41 the modern technology has1 directly and indirectly1 brought on the growth of large cities and industrial towns1 as well as an increasing density of population at large4 ,this modern state of the industrial arts is a creation of the ,european community of nations1 with the blond-hybrid populations leading4 ,the population of these countries is drifting into these machine-made cities and towns1 and this drift affects the blond-hybrids in a more pronounced degree than any other similarly distinguishable element in the population4 ,at the same time the birth-rate is lower and the death-rate higher in these modern urban communities than in the open country1 in spite of the fact that more attention is given to preventive sanitation in the urban than in the rural communities1 and it is in the urban communities that medical attendance is most available at the same time that its most efficient practitioners congregate there4 ,this accelerated death-rate strikes the blond-hybrids of the towns in an eminent degree2 and infant mortality in the towns1 particularly1 runs at such a figure as to be viewed with the liveliest apprehension4 ,in its summary effects on the viability of the modern peoples this modern technology appears to be as untoward as would their removal to an unsuitable climate4 ,indeed the hygienic measures that are taken or advocated as a remedy for these machine-made conditions of urban life are of much the same character and require much the same degree of meticulous attention to details that are required to preserve the life of ,europeans under the precarious climatic conditions of the low latitudes4 ,so that1 for these ,europeans at least1 the hygienic situation created by their own technology has much of that character of a comprehensive clinic that attaches to the ,british occupation of ,india or the later ,european occupation of ,west ,africa or the ,philippines4 #adf ,the statisticians of a hundred years ago1 e4 g41 were content to work in round percentages where their latterday successors are doubtfully content with three-place decimals4 #adg ,an eminently illustrative instance of the mechanistic bias in the moral sciences is afforded by the hedonistic conceptions of the early nineteenth century2 and the deistic theology of that period and earlier is no less characteristic a symptom of the same animus4 ,cf4 also1 for a view running to a conclusion opposed to that spoken for above1 ,h4 ,bergson1 ,creative ,evolution 7translation by ,arthur ,mitchell1 ,new ,york1 #aiaa71 ch4 i1 especially pp4 #af-bc2 where the mechanistic conception is construed as an instinctive metaphysical norm and contrasted with the deliverances of reason and experience1 which are then held to inculcate an anthropomorphic interpretation of the same facts4 #adh 8,pragmatism0 is the term that has been elected to cover this metaphysical postulate of efficiency conceived as the bench mark of actuality4 #adi ,of all these latterday revulsionary schemes of surcease from the void and irritation of the mechanistic conception1 that spoken for by ,m4 ,h4 ,bergson is doubtless the most felicitous1 at the same time that it is1 in its elements1 the most engagingly nave4 ,apart from1 and without prejudice to1 the 7doubtless very substantial7 merits of this system of speculative tenets1 the vogue which it has achieved appears to be due in good part to its consonance with this archaic bent of civilised human nature1 already spoken of4 ,the immanent1 or rather intrinsically dominant1 creative bent inherent in matter and not objectively distinguishable from it1 is sufficiently suggestive of that praeter-mechanical efficacy that seems so easy of comprehension to many of the peoples on the lower levels of culture1 and that affords the substantial ground of magical practices and finds untroubled expression in the more nave of their theoretical speculations4 ,it would be a work of extreme difficulty1 e4 g41 to set up a consistently tenable distinction between ,m4 ,bergson's lan de la vie1 on the one hand1 and the mana of the ,melanesians 7,cf4 ,codrington1 ,the ,melanesians1 esp4 ch4 vii and xii71 the wakonda of the ,sioux 7,cf4 ,a4 ,c4 ,fletcher and ,f4 la ,flesche1 8,the ,omaha ,tribe10 ,bureau of ,ethnology1 ,report xxvii 7#aije-aijf71 esp4 pp4 #eig-eii71 or even the hamingia of ,scandinavian paganism1 on the other hand4 ,in fact1 the point of departure and support for ,m4 ,bergson's speculations appears to be nothing else than a projection1 into objective reality1 of the same human trait that has here been spoken of as the instinct of workmanship2 this norm of initiative and efficiency which so is imposed on objective facts being then worked out with great subtlety and sympathetic insight1 to make a comprehensive1 cosmological scheme4 ,the like projection of workmanlike initiative and efficiency1 and its imputation to objective reality1 both at large--as with ,m4 ,bergson--and in concrete detail1 with more or less of personalisation1 is one of the main1 though frequently misunderstood1 factors in the cosmologies that do duty as a body of science and philosophy among savages and the lower barbarians4 ,that the roots of this speculative scheme of 8creative evolution0 should reach so far into the background of human culture and draw on sources so close to the undisciplined prime-movers of human nature is1 of course1 in no degree derogatory to this system of theory2 nor does it raise any presumption of unsoundness in the tenets that so are1 in the course of elaboration1 built up out of this metaphysical postulate4 ,in point of fact1 the characterisation here offered places ,m4 ,bergson's thesis1 and therefore his system1 precisely where he has been at pains to explain that he wishes to take his initial position in advocating his view1--at an even break with the mechanistic conception2 the merits of which1 as contrasted with his own thesis1 will then be made to appear in the course of the further argument that is to decide between their rival claims to primacy4 ,in point of formal and provisional legitimation1 such an imputation of workmanlike efficacy at large rests on ground precisely even with that on which the mechanistic conception also rests1--viz4 imputation by force of metaphysical necessity1 that is to say by force of an instinctive impulse4 ,the main theorem of causation1 as well as its several mechanistic corollaries1 are1 in the last resort1 putative traits of matter only1 not facts of observation2 and the like is true--in ,m4 ,bergson's argument admittedly so--of the lan de la vie as well4 ,so far1 therefore1 as regards the formally determinable antecedent probability of the two rival conceptions1 the one is as good as the other2 but ,m4 ,bergson's argument1 running on ground of circumstantial evidence in the main1 makes out at least a cogently attractive likelihood that the conception for which he speaks is to be accepted as the more fundamental1 underlying the mechanistic conception1 conditioning it and on occasion overruling its findings in matters that lie beyond its ascertained competence4 ,which would come1 in a different phrasing1 to saying that the imputation of creatively workmanlike efficiency rests on instinctive ground more indefeasibly intrinsic to human nature2 presumably in virtue of its embodying the functioning of an instinctive proclivity less sophisticated and narrowed by special habituation1 such special habituation1 e4 g41 as that exercised by the technology of handicraft and the machine process in recent times4 #aej ,all this1 of course1 neither ignores nor denies the substantial part which the jus gentium and the jus naturale of the ,roman jurists and their commentators have played in the formulation of the system of ,natural ,rights4 ,in point of pedigree the line of derivation of these legal principles is doubtless substantially as set forth authentically by the jurists who have spent their competent endeavors on that matter4 ,so far as regards the ,english-speaking communities this pedigree runs back to ,locke1 and through ,locke to the line of jurists and philosophers on whom that great scholar has drawn2 while for the promulgation of the like system of principles more at large the names of ,grotius1 ,pufendorf1 ,althusius doubtless have all the significance commonly assigned them4 ,see pp4 #bij-bic above4 #aea ,unless the 8,syndicalist0 movement is to be taken as something sufficiently definite in its principles to make it an exception to the rule4 #aeb ,cf41 e4 g41 ,anna ,youngman1 ,the ,economic ,causes of ,great ,fortunes1 especially ch4 vi2 ,r4 ,ehrenburg1 ,grosse ,vermgen2 ,ida ,tarbell1 ,history of the ,standard ,oil ,company4 #aec ,cf4 a paper 8,on the ,nature of ,capital0 in the ,quarterly ,journal of ,economics1 ,november1 #aijh4 #aed ,as late as ,adam ,smith's time 8manufacturer0 still retained its etymological value and designated the workman who made the goods4 ,but from about that time1 that is to say since the machine process and the business control of industry have thoroughly taken effect1 the term no longer has a technological connotation but has taken on a pecuniary 7business7 signification wholly2 so that the term now designates a businessman who stands in none but a pecuniary relation to the processes of industry4 ,the following pages contain advertisements of books by the same author or on kindred subjects ,by the ,same ,author ,the ,theory of the ,leisure ,class ,an ,economic ,study of ,institutions ,cloth1 #abmo1 #b4jj net ,macmillan ,standard ,library ,edition1 #j4ej net ,,extract ,,from ,,preface ,it is the purpose of this inquiry to discuss the place and value of the leisure class as an economic factor in modern life1 but it has been found impracticable to confine the discussion strictly within the limits so marked out4 ,some attention is perforce given to the origin and the line of derivation of the institution1 as well as to features of social life that are not commonly classed as economic4 ,,table ,,of ,,contents ,chapter ,i4 ,introduction4 ,chapter ,,ii4 ,pecuniary ,emulation4 ,chapter ,,iii4 ,conspicuous ,leisure4 ,chapter ,,iv4 ,conspicuous ,consumption4 ,chapter ,v4 ,the ,pecuniary ,standard of ,living4 ,chapter ,,vi4 ,pecuniary ,canons of ,taste4 ,chapter ,,vii4 ,dress as an ,expression of the ,pecuniary ,culture4 ,chapter ,,viii4 ,industrial ,exemption and ,conservation4 ,chapter ,,ix4 ,the ,conservation of ,archaic ,traits4 ,chapter ,x4 ,modern ,survivals of ,prowess4 ,chapter ,,xi4 ,the ,belief in ,luck4 ,chapter ,,xii4 ,devout ,observances4 ,chapter ,,xiii4 ,survivals of the ,non-,invidious ,interest4 ,chapter ,,xiv4 ,the ,higher ,learning as an ,expression of the ,pecuniary ,culture4 8,the study is a thoughtful and interesting one and is couched in clear and straightforward ,english40--,minneapolis ,journal4 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,publishers #fd-ff ,fifth ,avenue ,new ,york ,two ,new ,books of ,related ,interest ,work and ,wealth3 ,a ,human ,valuation ,,by ,j4 ,a4 ,,hobson1 ,m4,a41 ,author of 8,industrial ,society10 8,john ,ruskin1 ,social ,reformer10 etc4 ,cloth1 #hvo1 #b4jj net ,mr4 ,hobson is an economist of established reputation whose writings have for years been eagerly read by his fellow-economists4 ,the purpose of this1 his latest work1 is to present a just and formal exposure of the inhumanity and vital waste of modern industries by the close application of the best approved formulas of individual1 and social welfare and to indicate the most hopeful measures of remedy for a society sufficiently intelligent1 courageous and self-governing to apply them4 ,the wholly satisfying fashion in which the author has achieved this purpose results in a suggestive and stimulating review from a novel standpoint of problems in which all students of economy are interested4 ,not only is the book an important contribution to the literature of its field2 it is no less valuable in its bearing on general questions of the day with which other than purely professional economists are concerned4 ,violence and the ,labor ,movement ,,by ,,robert ,,hunter1 ,author of 8,poverty10 8,socialists at ,work10 etc4 ,cloth1 #abmo1 #a4ej net ,this book deals with the mighty conflict that raged throughout the latter part of the last century for possession of the soul of labor4 ,it tells of the doctrines and deeds of ,bakounin1 ,netchayeff1 ,kropotkin1 ,ravachol1 ,henry1 ,most and ,caserio4 ,it seeks the causes of such outbursts of rage as occurred at the ,haymarket in ,chicago in #ahhf and are now being much discussed as ,syndicalism1 ,haywoodism and ,larkinism4 ,it is a dramatic1 historical narrative in which terrorism1 anarchism1 syndicalism and socialism are passionately voiced by their greatest advocates as they battle over programs1 tactics and philosophies4 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,publishers #fd-ff ,fifth ,avenue ,new ,york ,two ,important ,interpretations of ,present ,movements ,progressive ,democracy ,,by ,,herbert ,,croly1 ,author of 8,the ,promise of ,american ,life40 ,cloth1 #hvo1 #b4jj net ,the object of the author in this book is three-fold4 ,he has in the first place analyzed the modern progressive democratic movement in this country in order to separate its essential from its non-essential ingredients to discover whether there is any real issue between ,american progressivism and ,american conservatism4 ,in the second place he has tried to reconstruct the historical background of progressivism to see what roots or lack of roots it has in the ,american political and economic tradition4 ,and finally he has attempted to trace what we may reasonably expect from the progressive movement1 to show what tools it must use in order to carry out its program and what claims it has on the support of patriotic ,americans4 ,the work seeks1 therefore1 to express for the first time a consistently educational theory of democracy4 ,progressivism and ,after ,,by ,,william ,,english ,,walling1 ,author of 8,the ,larger ,aspects of ,socialism10 8,socialism ,as ,it ,is10 etc4 ,cloth1 #abmo1 #a4ej net ,this is a book which every thoughtful socialist1 social reformer and those to whom social reform makes any appeal1 ought to read4 ,mr4 ,walling views social and economic questions as a thinker and student1 never merely as a theorist or partisan4 ,in the political events of the last few years ,mr4 ,walling sees much that is significant not only for the present but for the future4 ,what the progress of affairs in the next generation is to be he outlines in this work in a fashion that is as convincing as it is unusual from the socialistic standpoint4 ,of particular interest are his analyses of ,president ,wilson1 ,colonel ,roosevelt and other prominent leaders1 while his description of that which has been and that which is to come is trenchant and keen4 ,whether one agrees with his predictions or not the force and clearness with which the issues are indicated distinguish the volume for all kinds of readers4 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,publishers #fd-ff ,fifth ,avenue ,new ,york ,american ,syndicalism--,the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 ,,by ,,john ,,graham ,,brooks ,author of 8,as ,others ,see ,us10 8,the ,social ,unrest10 etc4 ,cloth1 #a4be net2 postpaid1 #a4cf 8,mr4 ,brooks's book is a careful1 sympathetic1 and critical study of ,american syndicalism as represented in the order named the ,industrial ,workers of ,world4 8,the theory1 or #8philosophy1' of this syndicalism is given1 a review made of the practical experiences of the movement as it has expressed itself here in the last few years1 and a view sought of its possible destinies in the ,united ,states4 ,mr4 ,brooks says3 8#8,in it and through it is something as sacred as the best of the great dreamers have ever brought us4 ,in the total of this movement1 the deeper1 inner fact seems to be its nearness to and sympathy with that most heavy laden and long enduring mass of common toilers4 ,alike to our peril and to our loss shall we ignore this fact4'0--,new ,york ,tribune4 ,the ,social ,unrest ,studies in ,labor and ,social ,movements ,,by ,,john ,,graham ,,brooks ,cloth1 #abmo1 #cid pages1 #a4ej net 8,the author1 ,mr4 ,john ,graham ,brooks1 takes up and discusses through nearly four hundred pages the economic significance of the social questions of the hour1 the master passions at work among us1 men versus machinery1 and the solution of our present ills in a better concurrence than at present exists--an organization whereby every advantage of cheaper service and cheaper product shall go direct to the whole body of the people4444 ,nothing upon his subject so comprehensive and at the same time popular in treatment as this book has been issued in our country4 ,it is a volume with live knowledge--not only for workman but for capitalist1 and the student of the body politic--for every one who lives--and who does not8--upon the product of labor40--,the ,outlook4 ,mr4 ,bliss ,perry1 the editor of ,the ,atlantic ,monthly1 says of it3 8,a fascinating book--to me the clearest1 sanest1 most helpful discussion of economic and human problems ,i have read for years40 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,publishers #fd-ff ,fifth ,avenue ,new ,york ,by ,,william ,,english ,,walling ,the ,larger ,aspects of ,socialism ,cloth1 #a4ej net2 postpaid1 #a4fc 8,for the second time ,william ,english ,walling has made a notable contribution to the literature of ,socialism40--,mary ,brown ,sumner in ,the ,survey4 8,your two books1 together and separately1 constituted the supreme ,english contribution to ,socialism40--,professor ,george ,d4 ,herron4 8,this book is exceptionally suggestive and interesting4444 ,it is to be hoped that ,mr4 ,walling will continue to give us such careful and suggestive analyses of socialistic thought40--,alexander ,fleisher in ,the ,annals of the ,american ,academy4 8,the author has earned a right to a front-rank place among the ,american ,socialist #8intellectuals4'444 ,a clear-sighted observer1 and a reporter honest with himself and the public40--,the ,nation4 8,you are certainly one of those exasperating men who must be counted with4 ,i have gone over your first book with admiration and extreme disapprobation4 ,there is no book with which ,i have any acquaintance which is so truthful in telling what a considerable body of our countrymen are thinking about40--,professor ,albert ,bushnell ,hart4 ,socialism ,as ,it ,is ,a ,survey of the ,world-,wide ,revolutionary ,movement ,cloth1 #abmo1 #b4jj net2 postpaid1 #b4ab ,a ,,new ,,departure ,,in ,,socialist ,,books 8,can be most highly recommended as a sane and clear exposition and is not a rehash of the various volumes that have been already published on the subject1 but is a contribution from a distinct and new point of view40--,the ,new ,york ,times4 8,the best and most scholarly presentation of the subject that has yet fallen into my hands4 ,it gave me an insight into the situation1 for which ,i longed but to which ,i could not find any access40--,professor ,jacques ,loeb4 8,you certainly give a wonderful insight into ,socialism as it is and getting to be--and it is an insight that every citizen ought to have40--,professor ,john ,r4 ,commons4 8,i have been reading your book with great interest4 ,the great contribution1 it seems to me1 is the clear contrast between ,state ,socialism and revolutionary socialism40--,professor ,simon ,n4 ,patten4 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,publishers #fd-ff ,fifth ,avenue ,new ,york ,the ,theory of ,social ,revolutions ,,by ,,brooks ,,adams ,author of 8,the ,law of ,civilization and ,decay10 8,the ,new ,empire10 etc4 ,cloth1 #abmo1 #a4be net 8,a remarkable work40--,the ,argonaut4 8,a cleverly written book by a clever man4 ,the argument is that the existing social system will soon be changed and that the courts have become political and not judicial40--,pittsburgh ,post4 8,no one interested in either history or politics can afford to neglect ,mr4 ,adams' views40--,newark ,evening ,news4 8444 no more fascinating study of a topic so grave is often printed40--,new ,york ,world4 8444 there has not appeared in recent years so calm and determined an attack upon judicial legislation40--,la ,follette's ,magazine4 8,a very stimulating study40--,review of ,reviews4 ,labor and ,administration ,,by ,,john ,r4 ,,commons ,,professor ,,of ,,political ,,economy ,,in ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,wisconsin ,cloth1 #abmo1 #a4fj net ,the history of labor laws and strikes has this in common to both--laws become dead letters2 the victories of strikes are nibbled away4 ,some philosophers fall back on the individual's moral character4 ,little1 they think1 can be done by law or unions4 ,there are others who inquire how to draft and enforce the laws1 how to keep the winnings of strikes--in short1 how to connect ideals with efficiency4 ,these are the awakening questions of the past decade1 and the subject of this book4 ,here is a field for the student and economist--not the 8friend of labor0 who paints an abstract working-man1 but the utilitarian idealist1 who sees them all as they are2 not the curious collector of facts and statistics but the one who measures the facts and builds them into a foundation and structure4 ,his constructive problem is not so much the law and its abstract rights1 as administration and its concrete results4 ,,published ,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,publishers #fd-ff ,fifth ,avenue ,new ,york ,transcriber's ,notes ,punctuation1 hyphenation1 and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in the original book2 otherwise they were not changed4 ,some apparent errors are noted below4 ,simple typographical errors were corrected2 unbalanced quotation marks were remedied when the change was obvious1 and otherwise left unbalanced4 ,page #gb3 8graneries0 was printed that way4 ,page #gf3 8watchward0 was printed that way4 ,page #aeh3 8seige0 was printed that way4 ,page #bfb3 8,berkely0 was printed that way2 may be a reference to the ,irish philosopher ,george 8,berkeley40 ,footnotes1 originally at the bottoms of pages1 have been collected1 sequentially renumbered1 and repositioned after the main text of the book1 just before the advertisements4