,,the ,,citizen',s ,,library ,,of ,,economics1 ,,politics1 ,,and ,,sociology ,,edited ,,by ,,richard ,t4 ,,ely1 ,,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,d4 ,,professor ,,of ,,political ,,economy1 ,,university ,,of ,,wisconsin ,,newer ,,ideals ,,of ,,peace ,,the ,,citizen',s ,,library ,,of ,,economics1 ,,politics1 ,,and ,,sociology #abmo4 ,half ,leather #a4be net1 each ,,monopolies ,,and ,,trusts4 ,by ,,richard ,t4 ,,ely1 ,,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,d4 ,,the ,,economics ,,of ,,distribution4 ,by ,,john ,a4 ,,hobson4 ,,world ,,politics4 ,by ,,paul ,s4 ,,reinsch1 ,,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,b4 ,,economic ,,crises4 ,by ,,edward ,d4 ,,jones1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,outlines ,,of ,,economics4 ,by ,,richard ,t4 ,,ely4 ,,government ,,in ,,switzerland4 ,,by ,,john ,,martin ,,vincent1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,essays ,,on ,,the ,,monetary ,,history ,,of ,,the ,,united ,,states4 ,by ,,charles ,j4 ,,bullock1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,social ,,control4 ,by ,,edward ,a4 ,,ross1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,history ,,of ,,political ,,parties ,,in ,,the ,,united ,,states4 ,by ,,jesse ,,macy1 ,,ll4,d4 ,,municipal ,,engineering ,,and ,,sanitation4 ,by ,m4 ,n4 ,,baker1 ,,ph4,b4 ,,democracy ,,and ,,social ,,ethics4 ,by ,,jane ,,addams1 ,,ll4,d4 ,,colonial ,,government4 ,by ,,paul ,s4 ,,reinsch1 ,,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,b4 ,,american ,,municipal ,,progress4 ,by ,,charles ,,zueblin1 ,b4,d4 ,,irrigation ,,institutions4 ,by ,,elwood ,,mead1 ,c4,e41 ,m4,s4 ,,railway ,,legislation ,,in ,,the ,,united ,,states4 ,by ,,balthasar ,h4 ,,meyer1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,studies ,,in ,,the ,,evolution ,,of ,,industrial ,,society4 ,by ,,richard ,t4 ,,ely1 ,,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,d4 ,,the ,,american ,,city4 ,by ,,delos ,f4 ,,wilcox1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,money4 ,by ,,david ,,kinley1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,the ,,foundations ,,of ,,sociology4 ,by ,,edward ,a4 ,,ross4 ,,the ,,elements ,,of ,,sociology4 ,by ,,frank ,w4 ,,blackmar1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,colonial ,,administration4 ,by ,,paul ,s4 ,,reinsch1 ,,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,b4 ,,an ,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,study ,,of ,,agricultural ,,economics4 ,by ,,henry ,c4 ,,taylor1 ,m4,s4,,agr41 ,,ph4,d4 ,,some ,,ethical ,,gains ,,through ,,legislation4 ,by ,,florence ,,kelley4 ,,introduction ,,to ,,business ,,organization4 ,by ,,samuel ,e4 ,,sparling1 ,,ph4,d4 ,,the ,,newer ,,ideals ,,of ,,peace4 ,by ,,jane ,,addams1 ,,ll4,d4 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company #fd-ff ,,fifth ,,avenue ,,new ,,york ,,the ,,citizen',s ,,library ,newer ,ideals of ,peace ,,by ,,jane ,,addams ,,hull-,,house1 ,,chicago1 ,,author ,,of 8,,democracy ,,and ,,social ,,ethics10 ,,etc4 ,new ,york ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,,london3 ,,macmillan ,,co41 ,,ltd4 #aijf ,all rights reserved ,copyrighted #aijf ,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,set up1 electrotyped4 ,printed ,december1 #aijf ,,the ,,mason-,,henry ,,press ,,syracuse1 ,,new ,,york ,,to ,hull-,house ,,and its ,neighbors ,,prefatory ,,note ,these studies in the gradual development of the moral substitutes for war have been made in the industrial quarter of a cosmopolitan city where the morality exhibits marked social and international aspects4 ,parts of two chapters have been published before in the form of addresses1 and two others as articles in the ,north ,american ,review and in the ,american ,journal of ,sociology4 ,all of them however are held together by a conviction that has been maturing through many years4 ,hull-,house1 ,chicago4 ,,contents ,,chapter ,i ,,introduction ,newer ideals of peace are dynamic2 if made operative will do away with war as a natural process #c ,of the older ideals the appeal to pity is dogmatic #d ,the appeal to the sense of prudence also dogmatic and at this moment seems impotent #e ,outlook for universal peace by international arbitration #f ,primitive and profound impulses operate against impulse to war #h ,appeal to pity and prudence unnecessary if the cosmopolitan interest in human affairs is utilized #i ,social morality originates in social affections #aa ,emotion determines social relations in the poorer quarters of a cosmopolitan city #ac ,new immigrants develop phenomenal powers of association #ad ,their ideal of government includes kindliness as well as protection #ae ,crowded city quarters the focal point of governmental progress #af ,life at these points must shape itself with reference to the demands of social justice #ag ,simple foundations laid there for an international order #ah ,ideals formed 8in the depth of anonymous life0 make for realization #bj ,impulses toward compassionate conduct imperative #ba ,the internationalism of good will foreseen by the philosopher #bc ,a quickening concern for human welfare2 international aspects illustrated by world-wide efforts to eradicate tuberculosis1 first signs of the substitution of nurture for warfare #be ,this substitution will be a natural process #bf ,our very hope for it1 a surrender to the ideals of the humble #bg ,accounting must be taken between survivals of militarism and manifestations of newer humanitarianism #bh ,tendency to idealization marked eighteenth-century humanitarian #bi ,newer ideals of this century sustained only by knowledge and companionship #cj ,,chapter ,,ii ,,survivals ,,of ,,militarism ,,in ,,city ,,government ,american ,republic founded under the influence of doctrinaire eighteenth-century ideals4 ,failure in municipal administration largely due to their inadequacy #ca ,modern substitutes of the evolutionary conception of progress for eighteenth-century idealism #cb ,failure of adjustment between the old form of government and present condition results in reversion to military and legal type #cd ,national governmental machinery provides no vehicle for organized expression of popular will #ce ,historic governments dependent upon force of arms #cf ,founders placed too exclusive a value upon the principles defended by the ,war of the ,revolution4 ,example of the overestimation of the spoils of war #cg ,immigration problem an illustration of the failure to treat our growing ,republic in a spirit of progressive and developing democracy #ci ,present immigration due partly to the philosophic dogmas of the eighteenth-century4 ,theory of naturalization still rests upon those dogmas #dj ,no adequate formulization of newer philosophy although immigration situation has become much more industrial than political #db ,exploitation of immigrants carried on under guise of preparation for citizenship #df ,failure to develop a government fitted to varied peoples #dh ,attitude of contempt for immigrant survival of a spirit of conqueror toward inferior people #di ,contempt reflected by children toward immigrant parents #ej ,universal franchise implies a recognition of social needs and ideals #eb ,difficulties of administering repressive government in a democracy #ed ,the attempt inevitably develops the corrupt politician as a friend of the vicious #ef ,he must be followed by successive reformers who represent the righteous and protect tax interests #eg ,illustration from the point of view of humble people #eh ,dramatic see-saw must continue until we attain the ideals of an evolutionary democracy #ei ,community divided into repressive and repressed1 representing conqueror and conquered #fj ,,chapter ,,iii ,,failure ,,to ,,utilize ,,immigrants ,,in ,,city ,,government ,democratic governments must reckon with the unsuccessful if only because they represent majority of citizens #fb ,to demand protection from unsuccessful is to fail in self-government #fc ,study of immigrants might develop result in revived enthusiasm for human possibilities reacting upon ideals of government #fd ,social resources of immigrants wasted through want of recognition of old habits #fe ,illustrated by ,south ,italians' ability to combine community life with agricultural occupations1 which is disregarded #ff ,anglo-,saxon distrust of experiments with land tenure and taxation illustrated by ,doukhobors #fg ,immigrant's contribution to city life #fi ,military ideals blind statesmen to connection between social life and government #gj ,corrupt politician who sees the connection often first friend of immigrant #ga ,real statesmen would work out scheme of naturalization founded upon social needs #gb ,intelligent co-operation of immigrants necessary for advancing social legislation #gd ,daily experience of immigrants not to be ignored as basis of patriotism #ge ,lack of cosmopolitan standard widens gulf between immigrant parents and children #gh ,government is developing most rapidly in its relation to the young criminal and to the poor and dependent #gi ,denver ,juvenile ,court is significant in its attitude toward repressive government #ha ,good education in reform schools indicates compunction on the part of the ,state #hc ,government functions extended to care of defectives and dependents #hd ,ignores normal needs of every citizen #he ,socialists would meet the needs of workingmen by socialized legislation1 but refuse to deal with the present state #hf ,at present radical changes must come from forces outside life of the people #hg ,imperial governments are now concerning themselves with primitive essential needs of workingmen #hh ,republics restrict functions of the government #ij ,is ,america1 in clinging to eighteenth-century traditions1 losing its belief in the average man8 #ia ,,chapter ,,iv ,,militarism ,,and ,,industrial ,,legislation ,american cities slow to consider immigration in relation to industry #ic ,workingmen alone must regard them in relation to industrial situations #id ,assimilation of immigrants by workingman due both to economic pressure and to idealism #ie ,illustrated by ,stock ,yards ,strike #if ,and by the strike in ,anthracite ,coal ,fields #ig ,in the latter aroused public opinion forced ,federal ,government to deal with industrial conditions #ih ,in complicated modern society not always easy to see where social order lies #aja ,chicago ,stock ,yards ,strike illustrates such a situation #ajd ,government should have gained the enthusiasm immigrants gave to union #ajg ,war element an essential part of strike #aji ,appeal to loyalty the nearest approach to a moral appeal #aaj ,reluctance of ,united ,states ,government to recognize matters of industry as germane to government #aab ,resulting neglect of civic duty #aac ,the workingman's attitude toward war as expressed by his international organization #aad ,commerce the modern representative of conquest #aaf ,standard of life should be the test of a nation's prosperity1 so recognized by workingmen #aag ,social amelioration undertaken by those in closest contact with social maladjustments #aah ,present difficulties in social reform will continue until class interests are subordinated to a broader conception of social progress #aai ,if self-government were inaugurated by advanced thinkers now1 they would make research into early forms of industrial governments #aba ,autocratic ,european governments have recognized workingman's need of protection #abb ,has ,democracy a right to refuse this protection8 #abc ,,chapter ,v ,,group ,,morality ,,in ,,the ,,labor ,,movement ,industrial changes which belong to the community as a whole have unfortunately divided it into two camps #abd ,these are typified by ,employers' ,associations and ,trades ,unions each developing a group morality #abe ,trade ,unions at present illustrate the eternal compromise between the inner concept and the outer act #abg ,present moment one of crisis in ,trades ,union development #abh ,newly organized unions in war state of development responsible for serious mistakes #acj ,tacit admission that a strike is war made during the ,teamsters' ,strike in ,chicago in #aije #acb ,temporary loss of belief in industrial arbitration #acd ,teamsters' ,strike not adjudicated in court threw the entire city into state of warfare #acf ,new organizations of employers exhibit traits of militant youth #ach ,public although powerless to intervene1 sees grave social consequences #adj ,division of community into classes2 increase of race animosity2 spirit of materialism #ada ,class prejudice created among children still another social consequence #adb ,disastrous effect of prolonged warfare upon the labor movement itself #add ,real effort of trades unions at present is for recognition of the principle of collective bargaining #ade ,trades unions are forced to correct industrial ills inherent in the factory system itself #adf ,illustration from limitation of output #adg ,illustration from attitude towards improved machinery #adh ,disregard of the machine as a social product makes for group morality on the part of the owner and employees #adi ,contempt resulting from group morality justifies method of warfare #aej ,,chapter ,,vi ,,protection ,,of ,,children ,,for ,,industrial ,,efficiency ,deficiency in protective legislation #aea ,contempt for immigrant because of his economic standing #aeb ,national indifference to condition of working children #aed ,temptation to use child labor peculiar to this industrial epoch #aee ,our sensibilities deadened by familiarity #aee ,protection of the young the concern of government #aef ,effect of premature labor on the child #aeh ,effect of child labor on the family #afa ,effect on the industrial product #afb ,effect on civilization #afc ,intelligent labor the most valuable asset of our industrial prosperity #afd ,results of ,england's foreign commercial policy #afe ,lack of consistency in the relation of the state to the child in the ,united ,states #aff ,failure of public school system to connect with present industrial development #afg ,correlation of new education with industrial situation #afh ,child labor legislation will secure to child its proper play period #afi ,power of association developed through play #aga ,co-operation1 not coercion1 the ideal factory discipline #agc ,actual factory system divorced from the instinct of workmanship #agd ,the activity of youth should be valuable assets for citizenship as well as industry #age ,military survivals in city government destroys this asset #agf ,the gang a training school for group morality #agg ,concern of modern government in the development of its citizens #agi ,,chapter ,,vii ,,utilization ,,of ,,women ,,in ,,city ,,government ,the modern city founded upon military ideals #ahj ,early franchise justly given to grown men on basis of military duty #aha ,this early test no longer fitted to the modern city whose problems are internal #ahb ,women's experience in household details valuable to civic housekeeping4 ,no method of making it available #ahd ,municipal suffrage to be regarded not as a right or a privilege1 but as a piece of governmental machinery #ahg ,franchise not only valuable as exercised by educated women1 matters to be decided upon too basic to be influenced by modern education #ahh ,census of #aijj shows greater increase of workingwomen than of men and increasing youth of working women #ahi ,concerted action of women necessary to bring about industrial protection #aia ,women can control surroundings of their work only by means of franchise #aib ,unfair to put task of industrial protection upon women's trades unions as it often confuses issues #aid ,closer connection between industry and government would result if working women were enfranchised #aif ,failure to educate women to industrial life disastrous to industry itself and to women as employers #aig ,situation must be viewed in relation to recent immigration and in connection with present stage of factory system in ,america #aii ,,newer ,,ideals ,,of ,,peace ,,chapter ,i ,,introduction ,the following pages present the claims of the newer1 more aggressive ideals of peace1 as over against the older dovelike ideal4 ,these newer ideals are active and dynamic1 and it is believed that if their forces were made really operative upon society1 they would1 in the end1 quite as a natural process1 do away with war4 ,the older ideals have required fostering and recruiting1 and have been held and promulgated on the basis of a creed4 ,their propaganda has been carried forward during the last century in nearly all civilized countries by a small body of men who have never ceased to cry out against war and its iniquities and who have preached the doctrines of peace along two great lines4 ,the first has been the appeal to the higher imaginative pity1 as it is found in the modern1 moralized man4 ,this line has been most effectively followed by two ,russians1 ,count ,tolstoy in his earlier writings and ,verestchagin in his paintings4 ,with his relentless power of reducing all life to personal experience ,count ,tolstoy drags us through the campaign of the common soldier in its sordidness and meanness and constant sense of perplexity4 ,we see nothing of the glories we have associated with warfare1 but learn of it as it appears to the untutored peasant who goes forth at the mandate of his superior to suffer hunger1 cold1 and death for issues which he does not understand1 which1 indeed1 can have no moral significance to him4 ,verestchagin covers his canvas with thousands of wretched wounded and neglected dead1 with the waste1 cruelty1 and squalor of war1 until he forces us to question whether a moral issue can ever be subserved by such brutal methods4 ,high and searching as is the preaching of these two great ,russians who hold their art of no account save as it serves moral ends1 it is still the appeal of dogma1 and may be reduced to a command to cease from evil4 ,and when this same line of appeal is presented by less gifted men1 it often results in mere sentimentality1 totally unenforced by a call to righteousness4 ,the second line followed by the advocates of peace in all countries has been the appeal to the sense of prudence1 and this again has found its ablest exponent in a ,russian subject1 the economist and banker1 ,jean de ,bloch4 ,he sets forth the cost of warfare with pitiless accuracy1 and demonstrates that even the present armed peace is so costly that the burdens of it threaten social revolution in almost every country in ,europe4 ,long before the reader comes to the end of de ,bloch's elaborate computation he is ready to cry out on the inanity of the proposition that the only way to secure eternal peace is to waste so much valuable energy and treasure in preparing for war that war becomes impossible4 ,certainly no theory could be devised which is more cumbersome1 more roundabout1 more extravagant1 than the reductio ad absurdum of the peace-secured-by-the-preparation-for-war theory4 ,this appeal to prudence was constantly emphasized at the first ,hague ,conference and was shortly afterward demonstrated by ,great ,britain when she went to war in ,south ,africa1 where she was fined one hundred million pounds and lost ten thousand lives4 ,the fact that ,russia also1 and the very ,czar who invited the ,conference1 disregarded the conclusions of the ,hague ,tribunal makes this line of appeal at least for the moment seem impotent to influence empires which command enormous resources and which lodge the power of expenditure in officials who have nothing to do with accumulating the treasure they vote to expend4 ,it would1 however1 be the height of folly for responsible statesmen to ignore the sane methods of international discussion and concession which have been evolved largely as a result of these appeals4 ,the ,interparliamentary ,union for ,international ,arbitration and the ,institute of ,international ,law represent the untiring efforts of the advocates of peace through many years4 ,nevertheless universal peace1 viewed from the point of the ,world's ,sovereignty or of the ,counsel of ,nations1 is discouraging even when stated by the most ardent promoters of the peace society4 ,here it is quite possible that the mistake is being repeated which the old annalists of history made when they never failed to chronicle the wars and calamities which harassed their contemporaries1 although1 while the few indulged in fighting1 the mass of them peacefully prosecuted their daily toil and followed their own conceptions of kindliness and equity4 ,an ,english writer#a has recently bidden us to look at the actual state of affairs existing at the present moment4 ,he says1 8,universal and permanent peace may be a vision2 but the gradual change whereby war1 as a normal state of international relations1 has given place to peace as the normal state1 is no vision1 but an actual process of history palpably forwarded in our own day by the development of international law and of morals1 and voluntary arbitration based thereon40 ,he insists that it is the function of international lawyers merely to give coherent expression to the best principles which the common moral sense of civilized ,governments recognizes2 in other words1 that international law should be like primitive law within the nation1 a formal expression of custom resting on the sense of a reciprocal restraint which has been found to be necessary for the common good4 ,assuming that the two lines of appeal--the one to sensibility and the other to prudence--will persist1 and that the international lawyers1 in spite of the fact that they have no court before which to plead and no executive to enforce their findings1 will continue to formulate into codes the growing moral sense of the nations1 the following pages hope not only to make clear the contention that these forces within society are so dynamic and vigorous that the impulses to war seem by comparison cumbersome and mechanical1 but also to point out the development of those newer social forces which it is believed will at last prove a 8sovereign intervention0 by extinguishing the possibility of battle at its very source4 ,it is difficult to formulate the newer dynamic peace1 embodying the later humanism1 as over against the old dogmatic peace4 ,the word 8non-resistance0 is misleading1 because it is much too feeble and inadequate4 ,it suggests passivity1 the goody-goody attitude of ineffectiveness4 ,the words 8overcoming10 8substituting10 8re-creating10 8readjusting moral values10 8forming new centres of spiritual energy0 carry much more of the meaning implied4 ,for it is not merely the desire for a conscience at rest1 for a sense of justice no longer outraged1 that would pull us into new paths where there would be no more war nor preparations for war4 ,there are still more strenuous forces at work reaching down to impulses and experiences as primitive and profound as are those of struggle itself4 ,that 8ancient kindliness which sat beside the cradle of the race10 and which is ever ready to assert itself against ambition and greed and the desire for achievement1 is manifesting itself now with unusual force1 and for the first time presents international aspects4 ,moralists agree that it is not so much by the teaching of moral theorems that virtue is to be promoted as by the direct expression of social sentiments and by the cultivation of practical habits2 that in the progress of society sentiments and opinions have come first1 then habits of action and lastly moral codes and institutions4 ,little is gained by creating the latter prematurely1 but much may be accomplished to the utilization of human interests and affections4 ,the ,advocates of ,peace would find the appeal both to ,pity and ,prudence totally unnecessary1 could they utilize the cosmopolitan interest in human affairs with the resultant social sympathy that at the present moment is developing among all the nations of the earth4 ,by way of illustration1 ,i may be permitted to cite the ,london showman who used to exhibit two skulls of ,shakespeare--one when he was a youth and went poaching1 another when he was a man and wrote plays4 ,there was such a striking difference between the roystering boy indulging in illicit sport and the mature man who peopled the ,london stage with all the world1 that the showman grew confused and considered two separate acts of creation less improbable than that such an amazing change should have taken place4 ,we can easily imagine the gifted youth in the little group of rustics at ,stratford-on-,avon finding no adequate outlet for his powers save in a series of break-neck adventures4 ,his only alternative was to sit by the fire with the village cronies1 drinking ale so long as his shillings held out4 ,but if we follow him up to ,london1 through all the charm and wonder of the stage which represented his unfolding mind1 if we can imagine his delight as he gradually gained the freedom1 not only of that big town1 but of the human city as well1 we can easily see that illicit sport could no longer attract him4 ,to have told the great dramatist the night ,hamlet first stepped upon the boards that it was a wicked thing to poach1 to have cautioned him that he must consider the cost of preserving the forest and of raising the deer1 or to have made an appeal to his pity on behalf of the wounded creatures1 would have been the height of folly1 because totally unnecessary4 ,all desire1 almost all memory of those days1 had dropped from him1 through his absorption in the great and exciting drama of life4 ,his effort to understand it1 to portray it1 had utilized and drained his every power4 ,it is equally true of our contemporaries1 as it was of the great play-wright1 that the attainment of this all-absorbing passion for multiform life1 with the desire to understand its mysteries and to free its capacities1 is gradually displacing the juvenile propensities to warfare4 ,from this standpoint the advocates of the newer ,ideals of ,peace would have little to do but to insist that the social point of view be kept paramount1 realizing at the same time that the social sentiments are as blind as the egoistic sentiments and must be enlightened1 disciplined and directed by the fullest knowledge4 ,the modern students of human morality have told us that primitive man1 by the very necessities of his hard struggle for life1 came at last to identify his own existence with that of his tribe4 ,tribal life then made room within itself for the development of that compassion which is the first step towards sensibility and higher moral sentiment4 ,if we accept this statement then we must assume that the new social morality1 which we so sadly need1 will of necessity have its origin in the social affections--we must search in the dim borderland between compassion and morality for the beginnings of that cosmopolitan affection1 as it is prematurely called4 ,the life of the tribal man inevitably divided into two sets of actions1 which appeared under two different ethical aspects3 the relation within the tribe and the relation with outsiders1 the double conception of morality maintaining itself until now4 ,but the tribal law differed no more widely from inter-tribal law than our common law does from our international law4 ,until society manages to combine the two we shall make no headway toward the ,newer ,ideals of ,peace4 ,if we would institute an intelligent search for the social conditions which make possible this combination we should naturally seek for them in the poorer quarters of a cosmopolitan city where we have1 as nowhere else1 the conditions for breaking into this double development2 for making a fresh start1 as it were1 toward a synthesis upon a higher moral line which shall include both4 ,there is every opportunity and necessity for compassion and kindliness such as the tribe itself afforded1 and there is in addition1 because of the many nationalities which are gathered there from all parts of the world1 the opportunity and necessity for breaking through the tribal bond4 ,early associations and affections were not based so much on ties of blood as upon that necessity for defense against the hostile world outside which made the life of every man in a tribe valuable to every other man4 ,the fact of blood was1 so to speak1 an accident4 ,the moral code grew out of solidarity of emotion and action essential to the life of all4 ,in the midst of the modern city which1 at moments1 seems to stand only for the triumph of the strongest1 the successful exploitation of the weak1 the ruthlessness and hidden crime which follow in the wake of the struggle for existence on its lowest terms1 there come daily--at least to ,american cities--accretions of simple people1 who carry in their hearts a desire for mere goodness4 ,they regularly deplete their scanty livelihood in response to a primitive pity1 and1 independent of the religions they have professed1 of the wrongs they have suffered1 and of the fixed morality they have been taught1 have an unquenchable desire that charity and simple justice shall regulate men's relations4 ,it seems sometimes1 to one who knows them1 as if they continually sought for an outlet for more kindliness1 and that they are not only willing and eager to do a favor for a friend1 but that their kindheartedness lies in ambush1 as it were1 for a chance to incorporate itself in our larger relations1 that they persistently expect that it shall be given some form of governmental expression4 ,this is doubtless due partly to the fact that emotional pity and kindness are always found in greatest degree among the unsuccessful4 ,we are told that unsuccessful struggle breeds emotion1 not strength2 that the hard-pressed races are the emotional races2 and that wherever struggle has long prevailed emotion becomes the dominant force in fixing social relations4 ,is it surprising1 therefore1 that among this huge mass of the unsuccessful1 to be found in certain quarters of the modern city1 we should have the 8medium10 in which the first growth of the new compassion is taking place8 ,in addition to this compassion always found among the unsuccessful1 emotional sentiment runs high among the newly arrived immigrants as a result of the emotional experiences of parting from home and kindred1 to which he has been so recently subjected4 ,an unusual mental alertness and power of perception also results from the upheaval4 ,the multitudes of immigrants flooding the ,american cities have many times sundered social habits cherished through a hundred generations1 and have renounced customs that may be traced to the habits of primitive man4 ,these old habits and customs have a much more powerful hold than have mere racial or national ties4 ,in seeking companionship in the new world1 all the immigrants are reduced to the fundamental equalities and universal necessities of human life itself1 and they inevitably develop the power of association which comes from daily contact with those who are unlike each other in all save the universal characteristics of man4 ,when looked at too closely1 this nascent morality disappears1 and one can count over only a thousand kindly acts and neighborly offices4 ,but when meditated upon in the whole1 there at once emerge again those vast and dominant suggestions of a new peace and holiness4 ,it would seem as if our final help and healing were about to issue forth from broken human nature itself1 out of the pathetic striving of ordinary men1 who make up the common substance of life3 from those who have been driven by economic pressure or governmental oppression out of a score of nations4 ,these various peoples who are gathered together in the immigrant quarters of a cosmopolitan city worship goodness for its own value1 and do not associate it with success any more than they associate success with themselves2 they literally 8serve ,god for nought40 ,if we would adduce evidence that we are emerging from a period of industrialism into a period of humanitarianism1 it is to such quarters that we must betake ourselves4 ,these are the places in which it is easiest to study the newer manifestations of government1 in which personal welfare is considered a legitimate object2 for a new history of government begins with an attempt to make life possible and human in large cities1 in those crowded quarters which exhibit such an undoubted tendency to barbarism and degeneracy when the better human qualities are not nourished4 ,public baths and gymnasiums1 parks and libraries1 are provided first for those who are without the security for bare subsistence1 and it does not seem strange to them that it should be so4 ,such a community is made up of men who will continue to dream of ,utopian ,governments until the democratic government about them expresses kindliness with protection4 ,such men will continue to rely upon neighborly friendliness until organized charity is able to identify impulsive pity with well-considered relief4 ,they will navely long for an education for their children that will fit them to earn money until public education shall come to consider industrial efficiency4 ,as their hopes and dreams are a prophecy of the future development in city government1 in charity1 in education1 so their daily lives are a forecast of coming international relations4 ,our attention has lately been drawn to the fact that it is logical that the most vigorous efforts in governmental reform1 as well as the most generous experiments in ministering to social needs1 have come from the larger cities and that it is inevitable that they should be to-day 8the centers of radicalism10 as they have been traditionally the 8cradles of liberty40#b ,if we once admit the human dynamic character of progress1 then it is easy to understand why the crowded city quarters become focal points of that progress4 ,a deeper and more thorough-going unity is required in a community made up of highly differentiated peoples than in a more settled and stratified one1 and it may be logical that we should find in this commingling of many peoples a certain balance and concord of opposing and contending forces2 a gravitation toward the universal4 ,because of their difference in all external matters1 in all of the non-essentials of life1 the people in a cosmopolitan city are forced to found their community of interests upon the basic and essential likenesses of their common human nature2 for1 after all1 the things that make men alike are stronger and more primitive than the things that separate them4 ,it is natural that this synthesis of the varying nations should be made first at the points of the greatest congestion1 quite as we find that selfishness is first curbed and social feeling created at the points where the conflict of individual interests is sharpest4 ,one dares not grow too certain as to the wells of moral healing which lie under the surface of the sullen work-driven life which the industrial quarters of the modern city present4 ,they fascinate us by their mere size and diversity1 as does the city itself2 but certain it is1 that these quarters continually confound us by their manifestations of altruism4 ,it may be that we are surprised simply because we fail to comprehend that the individual1 under such pressure1 must shape his life with some reference to the demands of social justice1 not only to avoid crushing the little folk about him1 but in order to save himself from death by crushing4 ,it is an instance of the irresistible coalescing of the altruistic and egoistic impulse which is the strength of social morality4 ,we are often told that men under this pressure of life become calloused and cynical1 whereas anyone who lives with them knows that they are sentimental and compassionate4 ,it is possible that we shall be saved from warfare by the 8fighting rabble0 itself1 by the 8quarrelsome mob0 turned into kindly citizens of the world through the pressure of a cosmopolitan neighborhood4 ,it is not that they are shouting for peace--on the contrary1 if they shout at all1 they will continue to shout for war--but that they are really attaining cosmopolitan relations through daily experience4 ,they will probably believe for a long time that war is noble and necessary both to engender and cherish patriotism2 and yet all of the time1 below their shouting1 they are living in the kingdom of human kindness4 ,they are laying the simple and inevitable foundations for an international order as the foundations of tribal and national morality have already been laid4 ,they are developing the only sort of patriotism consistent with the intermingling of the nations2 for the citizens of a cosmopolitan quarter find an insuperable difficulty when they attempt to hem in their conception of patriotism either to the 8old country0 or to their adopted one4 ,there arises the hope that when this newer patriotism becomes large enough1 it will overcome arbitrary boundaries and soak up the notion of nationalism4 ,we may then give up war1 because we shall find it as difficult to make war upon a nation at the other side of the globe as upon our next-door neighbor4 ,these humble harbingers of the ,newer ,ideals of ,peace1 venturing themselves upon a larger relationship1 are most touching2 and while the success of their efforts can never be guaranteed or spoken of too confidently1 they stir us with a strange hope1 as if new vistas of life were opening before us--vistas not illuminated with the glare of war1 but with a mellowed glow of their own4 ,these paths are seen distinctly only as we ascend to a more enveloping point of view and obtain a larger and bulkier sense of the growing sentiment which rejects the old and negative bonds of discipline and coercion and insists upon vital and fraternal relationship1 subordinating the lower to the higher4 ,to make this hope valid and intelligible1 is indeed the task before these humble brethren of ours and of those who would help them4 ,they encourage us to hope for the discovery of a new vital relation--that of the individual to the race--which may lay the foundation for a new religious bond adequate to the modern situation2 and we almost come to believe that such a foundation is1 in fact1 being laid now--not in speculation1 but in action4 ,that which secured for the early ,hebrew shepherd his health1 his peace of mind1 and his sense of connection with the ,unseen1 became the basis for the most wonderful and widespread religion the world has ever known4 ,perhaps1 at this moment1 we need to find that which will secure the health1 the peace of mind1 and the opportunity for normal occupation and spiritual growth to the humblest industrial worker1 as the foundation for a rational conduct of life adapted to an industrial and cosmopolitan era4 ,even now we only dimly comprehend the strength and irresistible power of those 8universal and imperious ideals which are formed in the depths of anonymous life10 and which the people insist shall come to realization1 not because they have been tested by logic or history1 but because the mass of men are eager that they should be tried as a living experience4 ,according to our different methods of viewing society1 we express this newer ideal which is after all so old as to have been engendered in the tribe itself4 ,he who makes the study of society a mere corollary of biology1 speaks of the 8theory of the unspecialized10 that the simple cell develops much more rapidly when new tissue is needed than the more highly developed one2 he who views society from the economic standpoint and finds hope only in a changed industrial order1 talks of the 8man at the bottom of society10 of the proletarian who shall eventually come into his own2 he who believes that a wiser and a saner education will cure our social ill1 speaks ever and again of 8the wisdom of the little child0 and of the necessity to reveal and explore his capacity2 while he who keeps close to the historic deductions upon which the study of society is chiefly founded1 uses the old religious phrase1 8the counsel of imperfection10 and bids us concern ourselves with 8the least of these40 ,the ,french have a phrase l'imperieuse bont by which they designate those impulses towards compassionate conduct which will not be denied1 because they are as imperative in their demand for expression as is the impulse to make music or to soften life by poesy and decoration4 ,according to this definition1 ,st4 ,francis was a genius in exactly the same sense as was ,dante or ,raphael1 and he revealed quite as they did1 possibilities and reaches of the human soul hitherto unsuspected4 ,this genius for goodness has in the past largely expressed itself through individuals and groups1 but it may be that we are approaching a period which shall give it collective expression1 and shall unite into one all those private and parochial efforts4 ,it would be no more strange than was that marvelous coming together of the artists and the people in the thirteenth century which resulted in the building of the ,gothic cathedrals4 ,we may be waiting for a religious enthusiasm1 for a divine fire to fuse together the partial and feeble efforts at 8doing good0 into a transfigured whole which shall take on international proportions as naturally as the cathedrals towered into unheard-of heights4 ,the ,gothic cathedrals were glorious beyond the dreams of artists1 notwithstanding that they were built by unknown men1 or rather by so many men that it was a matter of indifference to record their names4 ,could we compare the present humanitarian efforts to the building of a spiritual cathedral1 it would seem that the gargoyles had been made first1 that the ground is now strewn with efforts to 8do good0 which have developed a diabolical capacity for doing harm4 ,but even these may fall into place4 ,the old cathedral-builders fearlessly portrayed all of life1 its inveterate tendency to deride as well as to bless2 its trickery as well as its beauty4 ,their art was catholic enough to portray all1 and the cathedral was huge enough to mellow all they portrayed into a flowing and inspired whole4 ,at the present moment it requires the philosopher to unify these spiritual efforts of the common man into the internationalism of good will1 as in the past it was natural that the philosophers1 the men who looked at life as a whole1 should have been the first to sigh for negative peace which they declared would be 8eternal40 ,speculative writers1 such as ,kant1 ,bentham1 and ,buckle1 long ago pointed out that the subsidence of war was inevitable as society progressed4 ,they contended that every stage of human progress is marked by a further curtailment of brute force1 a limitation of the area in which it is permitted4 ,at the bottom is the small savage community in a perpetual state of warfare2 at the top an orderly society stimulated and controlled by recognized ideals of social justice4 ,in proportion as the savage society comes under the dominion of a common moral consciousness1 it moves up1 and in proportion as the civilized society reverts to the use of brute force1 it goes down4 ,reversion to that brute struggle may at any moment cost the destruction of the painfully acquired bonds of equity1 the ties of mutual principle1 which are wrought with such effort and loosed with such ease4 ,but these earlier philosophers could not possibly have foreseen the tremendous growth of industry and commerce with their inevitable cosmopolitanism which has so recently taken place1 nor without knowledge of this could they possibly have prognosticated the leap forward and the aggressive character which the concern for human welfare has latterly evinced4 ,the speculative writers among our contemporaries are naturally the only ones who formulate this new development1 or rather bid us heed its presence among us4 ,an ,american philosopher#c has lately reminded us of the need to 8discover in the social realm the moral equivalent for war--something heroic that will speak to men as universally as war has done1 and yet will be as compatible with their spiritual natures as war has proved itself to be incompatible40 ,it may be true that we are even now discovering these moral substitutes1 although we find it so difficult to formulate them4 ,perhaps our very hope that these substitutes may be discovered has become the custodian of a secret change that is going on all about us4 ,we care less each day for the heroism connected with warfare and destruction1 and constantly admire more that which pertains to labor and the nourishing of human life4 ,the new heroism manifests itself at the present moment in a universal determination to abolish poverty and disease1 a manifestation so widespread that it may justly be called international4 ,in illustration of this new determination one immediately thinks of the international effort to rid the face of the earth of tuberculosis1 in which ,germany1 ,italy1 ,france1 ,england and ,america are engaged with such enthusiasm4 ,this movement has its international congresses1 its discoverers and veterans1 also its decorations and rewards for bravery4 ,its discipline is severe2 it requires self-control1 endurance1 self-sacrifice and constant watchfulness4 ,its leaders devote hours to careful teaching and demonstration1 they reclaim acres of bad houses1 and make over the food supply of huge cities4 ,one could instance the determination to do away with neglected old age1 which finds expression in the ,old ,age ,pension ,acts of ,germany and ,australia1 in the ,state ,savings ,banks of ,belgium and ,france1 in the enormous number of ,mutual ,benefit ,societies in ,england and ,america4 ,in such undertakings as these1 with their spontaneous and universal manifestations1 are we beginning to see the first timid forward reach of one of those instinctive movements which carry onward the progressive goodness of the race4 ,it is possible that this substitution of nurture for warfare is analogous to that world-wide effort to put a limit to revenge which one nation after another essayed as each reached a certain stage of development4 ,to compel the avenger to accept blood-money in lieu of the blood of his enemy may have been but a short step in morals1 but at least it destroyed the stimulus to further shedding of blood which each avenged death had afforded1 and it laid the foundations for court adjudications4 ,the newer humanitarianism is more aggressive and substitutes emotional stimuli as well as codes of conduct4 ,we may predict that each nation quite as a natural process will reach the moment when virile good-will will be substituted for the spirit of warfare4 ,the process of extinguishing war1 however1 compared to the limiting of revenge1 will be amazingly accelerated4 ,owing to the modern conditions of intercourse1 each nation will respond1 not to an isolated impulse1 but will be caught in the current of a world-wide process4 ,we are much too timid and apologetic in regard to this newer humanitarianism1 and do not yet realize what it may do for us in the way of courage and endurance4 ,we continue to defend war on the ground that it stirs the nobler blood and the higher imagination of the nation1 and thus frees it from moral stagnation and the bonds of commercialism4 ,we do not see that this is to borrow our virtues from a former age and to fail to utilize our own4 ,we find ourselves in this plight because our modern morality has lacked fibre1 because our humanitarianism has been much too soft and literary1 and has given itself over to unreal and high-sounding phrases4 ,it appears that our only hope for a genuine adjustment of our morality and courage to our present social and industrial developments1 lies in a patient effort to work it out by daily experience4 ,we must be willing to surrender ourselves to those ideals of the humble1 which all religious teachers unite in declaring to be the foundations of a sincere moral life4 ,the following pages attempt to uncover these newer ideals as we may daily experience them in the modern city4 ,it may be found that certain survivals of militarism in municipal government are responsible for much of the failure in the working of democratic institutions4 ,we may discover that the survivals of warfare in the labor movement and all the other dangers of class morality rest largely upon an appeal to loyalties which are essentially a survival of the virtues of a warlike period4 ,the more aggressive aspects of the newer humanitarianism may be traced in the movement for social amelioration and in the protective legislation which regards the weakest citizen as a valuable asset4 ,the same spirit which protests against the social waste of child labor also demands that the traditional activity of woman shall be utilized in civic life4 ,when the ,state protects its civic resources1 as it formerly defended its citizens in time of war1 industrialism versus militarism comes to be nurture versus conquest4 ,in order to trace the displacement of the military ideals of patriotism by those of a rising concern for human welfare1 we must take an accounting between those forms of governmental machinery and social organization which are the historic outgrowth of conquest and repression and the newer forms arising in their midst which embody the social energy instantly recognizable as contemporaneous with our sincerest moral life4 ,to follow this newer humanitarianism even through its obvious manifestations requires at the very outset a definite abandonment of the eighteenth-century philosophy upon which so much of our present democratic theory and philanthropic activity depends4 ,it is necessary from the very beginning to substitute the scientific method of research for the a priori method of the school men if we would deal with real people and obtain a sense of participation with our fellows4 ,the eighteenth-century humanitarian hotly insisted upon 8the rights of man10 but he loved the people without really knowing them1 which is by no means an impossible achievement4 8,the love of those whom a man does not know is quite as elemental a sentiment as the love of those whom a man does know10 but with this difference1 that he shuts himself away from the opportunity of being caught and carried forward in the stream of their hopes and aspirations1 a bigger and warmer current than he dreams of4 ,the eighteenth-century humanitarian substituted his enthusiastic concept of 8the natural man0 for the warmth which this stream might have given him1 and so long as he dealt with political concepts it answered his purpose4 ,mazzini made a most significant step between the eighteenth-century morality and our own by appealing beyond 8the rights of man0 to the 8duties to humanity20 but although an impassioned democrat1 he was still a moralist of the earlier type4 ,he realized with them that the appeal to humanity would evoke a finer and deeper response than that to patriotism or to any sectional morality2 but he shared the eighteenth-century tendency to idealization4 ,it remained for the moralist of this generation to dissolve 8humanity0 into its component parts of men1 women1 and children and to serve their humblest needs with an enthusiasm which1 so far from being dependent upon glamour1 can be sustained only by daily knowledge and constant companionship4 ,it is no easy task to detect and to follow the tiny paths of progress which the unencumbered proletarian with nothing but his life and capacity for labor1 is pointing out for us4 ,these paths lead to a type of government founded upon peace and fellowship as contrasted with restraint and defence4 ,they can never be discovered with the eyes of the doctrinaire4 ,from the nature of the case1 he who would walk these paths must walk with the poor and oppressed1 and can only approach them through affection and understanding4 ,the ideals of militarism would forever shut him out from this new fellowship4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,l4 ,t4 ,hobhouse1 ,democracy and ,reaction1 page #aig4 #b ,the ,growth of ,cities in the ,nineteenth ,century4 ,a4 ,t4 ,weber1 page #dcb4 #c ,william ,james1 ,professor of ,philosophy at ,harvard ,university4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,survivals ,,of ,,militarism ,,in ,,civil ,,government ,we are accustomed to say that the machinery of government incorporated in the charters of the early ,american cities1 as in the ,federal and ,state constitutions1 was worked out by men who were strongly under the influence of the historians and doctrinaires of the eighteenth century4 ,the most significant representative of these men is ,thomas ,jefferson1 and their most telling phrase1 the familiar opening that 8all men are created free and equal40 ,we are only now beginning to suspect that the present admitted failure in municipal administration1 the so-called 8shame of ,american cities10 may be largely due to the inadequacy of those eighteenth-century ideals1 with the breakdown of the machinery which they provided4 ,we recognize the weakness inherent in the historic and doctrinaire method when it attempts to deal with growing and human institutions4 ,while these men were strongly under the influence of peace ideals which were earnestly advocated1 both in ,france and in ,america1 even in the midst of their revolutionary periods1 and while they read the burning poets and philosophers of their remarkable century1 their idealism1 after all1 was largely founded upon theories concerning 8the natural man10 a creature of their sympathetic imaginations4 ,because their idealism was of the type that is afraid of experience1 these founders refused to look at the difficulties and blunders which a self-governing people were sure to encounter1 and insisted that1 if only the people had freedom1 they would walk continuously in the paths of justice and righteousness4 ,it was inevitable1 therefore1 that they should have remained quite untouched by that worldly wisdom which counsels us to know life as it is1 and by that very modern belief that if the world is ever to go right at all1 it must go right in its own way4 ,a man of this generation easily discerns the crudeness of 8that eighteenth-century conception of essentially unprogressive human nature in all the empty dignity of its #8inborn rights4'0#d ,because he has grown familiar with a more passionate human creed1 with the modern evolutionary conception of the slowly advancing race whose rights are not 8inalienable10 but hard-won in the tragic processes of experience1 he realizes that these painfully acquired rights must be carefully cherished or they may at any moment slip out of our hands4 ,we know better in ,america than anywhere else that civilization is not a broad road1 with mile-stones indicating how far each nation has proceeded upon it1 but a complex struggle forward1 each race and nation contributing its quota2 that the variety and continuity of this commingled life afford its charm and value4 ,we would not1 if we could1 conform them to one standard4 ,but this modern attitude1 which may even now easily subside into negative tolerance1 did not exist among the founders of the ,republic1 who1 with all their fine talk of the 8natural man0 and what he would accomplish when he obtained freedom and equality1 did not really trust the people after all4 ,they timidly took the ,english law as their prototype1 8whose very root is in the relation between sovereign and subject1 between lawmaker and those whom the law restrains10 which has traditionally concerned itself more with the guarding of prerogative and with the rights of property than with the spontaneous life of the people4 ,they serenely incorporated laws and survivals which registered the successful struggle of the barons against the aggressions of the sovereign1 although the new country lacked both nobles and kings4 ,misled by the name of government1 they founded their new government by an involuntary reference to a lower social state than that which they actually saw about them4 ,they depended upon penalties1 coercion1 compulsion1 remnants of military codes1 to hold the community together2 and it may be possible to trace much of the maladministration of our cities to these survivals1 to the fact that our early democracy was a moral romanticism1 rather than a well-grounded belief in social capacity and in the efficiency of the popular will4 ,it has further happened that as the machinery1 groaning under the pressure of new social demands put upon it1 has broken down that from time to time1 we have mended it by giving more power to administrative officers1 because we still distrusted the will of the people4 ,we are willing to cut off the dislocated part or to tighten the gearing1 but are afraid to substitute a machine of newer invention and greater capacity4 ,in the hour of danger we revert to the military and legal type although they become less and less appropriate to city life in proportion as the city grows more complex1 more varied in resource and more highly organized1 and is1 therefore1 in greater need of a more diffused local autonomy4 ,a little examination will easily show that in spite of the fine phrases of the founders1 the ,government became an entity by itself away from the daily life of the people4 ,there was no intention to ignore them nor to oppress them4 ,but simply because its machinery was so largely copied from the traditional ,european ,governments which did distrust the people1 the founders failed to provide the vehicle for a vital and genuinely organized expression of the popular will4 ,the founders carefully defined what was germane to government and what was quite outside its realm1 whereas the very crux of local self-government1 as has been well said1 is involved in the 8right to locally determine the scope of the local government10 in response to the needs as they arise4 ,they were anxious to keep the reins of government in the hands of the good and professedly public-spirited1 because1 having staked so much upon the people whom they really knew so little1 they became eager that they should appear well1 and should not be given enough power to enable them really to betray their weaknesses4 ,this was done in the same spirit in which a kind lady permits herself to give a tramp five cents1 believing that1 although he may spend it for drink1 he cannot get very drunk upon so small a sum4 ,in spite of a vague desire to trust the people1 the founders meant to fall back in every crisis upon the old restraints which government has traditionally enlisted in its behalf1 and were1 perhaps1 inevitably influenced by the experiences of the ,revolutionary ,war4 ,having looked to the sword for independence from oppressive governmental control1 they came to regard the sword as an essential part of the government they had succeeded in establishing4 ,regarded from the traditional standpoint1 government has always needed this force of arms4 ,the king1 attempting to control the growing power of the barons as they wrested one privilege after another from him1 was obliged to use it constantly2 the barons later successfully established themselves in power only to be encroached upon by the growing strength and capital of the merchant class4 ,these are now1 in turn1 calling upon the troops and militia for aid1 as they are shorn of a pittance here and there by the rising power of the proletariat4 ,the imperial1 the feudal1 the capitalistic forms of society each created by revolt against oppression from above1 preserved their own forms of government only by carefully guarding their hardly won charters and constitutions4 ,but in the very countries where these successive social forms have developed1 full of survivals of the past1 some beneficent and some detrimental1 governments are becoming modified more rapidly than in this democracy where we ostensibly threw off traditional governmental oppression only to encase ourselves in a theory of virtuous revolt against oppressive government1 which in many instances has proved more binding than the actual oppression itself4 ,did the founders cling too hard to that which they had won through persecution1 hardship1 and finally through a war of revolution8 ,did these doctrines seem so precious to them that they were determined to tie men up to them as long as possible1 and allow them no chance to go on to new devices of government1 lest they slight these that had been so hardly won8 ,did they estimate1 not too highly1 but by too exclusive a valuation1 that which they had secured through the shedding of blood8 ,man has ever overestimated the spoils of war1 and tended to lose his sense of proportion in regard to their value4 ,he has ever surrounded them with a glamour beyond their deserts4 ,this is quite harmless when the booty is an enemy's sword hung over a household fire1 or a battered flag decorating a city hall1 but when the spoil of war is an idea which is bound on the forehead of the victor until it cramps his growth1 a theory which he cherishes in his bosom until it grows so large and near that it afflicts its possessor with a sort of disease of responsibility for its preservation1 it may easily overshadow the very people for whose cause the warrior issued forth4 ,was this overestimation of the founders the cause of our subsequent failures8 or rather did not the fault lie with their successors1 and does it not now rest with us1 that we have wrapped our inheritance in a napkin and refused to add thereto8 ,the founders fearlessly took the noblest word of their century and incorporated it into a public document4 ,they ventured their fortunes and the future of their children upon its truth4 ,we1 with the belief of a progressive1 developing human life1 apparently accomplish less than they with their insistence upon rights and liberties which they so vigorously opposed to mediaeval restrictions and obligations4 ,we are in that first period of conversion when we hold a creed which forecasts newer and larger possibilities for governmental development1 without in the least understanding its spiritual implications4 ,although we have scrupulously extended the franchise to the varied immigrants among us1 we have not yet admitted them into real political fellowship4 ,it is easy to demonstrate that we consider our social and political problems almost wholly in the light of one wise group whom we call native ,americans1 legislating for the members of humbler groups whom we call immigrants4 ,the first embodies the attitude of contempt or1 at best1 the patronage of the successful towards those who have as yet failed to succeed4 ,we may consider the so-called immigration situation as an illustration of our failure to treat our growing ,republic in the spirit of a progressive and developing democracy4 ,the statement is made many times that we1 as a nation1 are rapidly reaching the limit of our powers of assimilation1 that we receive further masses of immigrants at the risk of blurring those traits and characteristics which we are pleased to call ,american1 with its corollary that the national standard of living is in danger of permanent debasement4 ,were we not in the midst of a certain intellectual dearth and apathy1 of a skepticism in regard to the ideals of self-government which have ceased to charm men1 we would see that we are testing our national life by a tradition too provincial and limited to meet its present motley and cosmopolitan character2 that we lack mental energy1 adequate knowledge1 and a sense of the youth of the earth4 ,the constant cry that ,american institutions are in danger betrays a spiritual waste1 not due to our infidelity to national ideals1 but arising from the fact that we fail to enlarge those ideals in accord with our faithful experience of life4 ,our political machinery devised for quite other conditions1 has not been readjusted and adapted to the successive changes resulting from our development4 ,the clamor for the town meeting1 for the colonial and early century ideals of government is in itself significant1 for we are apt to cling to the past through a very paucity of ideas4 ,in a sense the enormous and unprecedented moving about over the face of the earth on the part of all nations is in itself the result of philosophic dogma of the eighteenth century--of the creed of individual liberty4 ,the modern system of industry and commerce presupposes freedom of occupation1 of travel1 and residence2 even more1 it unhappily rests in a large measure upon the assumption of a body of the unemployed and the unskilled1 ready to be absorbed or dropped according to the demands of production3 but back of that1 or certainly preceding its later developments1 lies 8the natural rights0 doctrine of the eighteenth century4 ,even so late as #ahib an official treaty of the ,united ,states referred to the 8inalienable rights of man to change his residence and religion40 ,this dogma of the schoolmen1 dramatized in ,france and penetrating under a thousand forms into the most backward ,european ,states1 is still operating as an obscure force in sending emigrants to ,america and in our receiving them here4 ,but in the second century of its existence it has become too barren and chilly to induce any really zealous or beneficent activity on behalf of the immigrants after they arrive4 ,on the other hand those things which we do believe--the convictions which might be formulated to the immeasurable benefit of the immigrants1 and to the everlasting good of our national life1 have not yet been satisfactorily stated1 nor apparently apprehended by us1 in relation to this field4 ,we have no method by which to discover men1 to spiritualize1 to understand1 to hold intercourse with aliens and to receive of what they bring4 ,a century-old abstraction breaks down before this vigorous test of concrete cases and their demand for sympathetic interpretation4 ,when we are confronted by the ,italian lazzaroni1 the peasants from the ,carpathian foothills1 and the proscribed traders from ,galatia1 we have no national ideality founded upon realism and tested by our growing experience with which to meet them1 but only the platitudes of our crudest youth4 ,the philosophers and statesmen of the eighteenth century believed that the universal franchise would cure all ills2 that liberty and equality rested only upon constitutional rights and privileges2 that to obtain these two and to throw off all governmental oppression constituted the full duty of the progressive patriot4 ,we still keep to this formalization because the philosophers of this generation give us nothing newer4 ,we ignore the fact that world-wide problems can no longer be solved by a political constitution assuring us against opposition1 but that we must frankly face the proposition that the whole situation is more industrial than political4 ,did we apprehend this1 we might then realize that the officers of the ,government who are dealing with naturalization papers and testing the knowledge of the immigrants concerning the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 are only playing with counters representing the beliefs of a century ago1 while the real issues are being settled by the great industrial and commercial interests which are at once the products and the masters of our contemporary life4 ,as children who are allowed to amuse themselves with poker chips pay no attention to the real game which their elders play with the genuine cards in their hands1 so we shut our eyes to the exploitation and industrial debasement of the immigrant1 and say1 with placid contentment1 that he has been given the rights of an ,american citizen1 and that1 therefore1 all our obligations have been fulfilled4 ,it is as if we should undertake to cure the contemporary political corruption founded upon a disregard of the ,inter-,state ,commerce ,acts1 by requiring the recreant citizens to repeat the ,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,as yet no vigorous effort is made to discover how far our present system of naturalization1 largely resting upon laws enacted in #ahjb1 is inadequate1 although it may have met the requirements of 8the fathers40 ,these processes were devised to test new citizens who had immigrated to the ,united ,states from political rather than from economic pressure1 although these two have always been in a certain sense coextensive4 ,yet the early ,irish came to ,america to seek an opportunity for self-government1 denied them at home2 the ,germans and ,italians started to come in largest numbers after the absorption of their smaller ,states into the larger nations2 and the immigrants from ,russia are the conquered ,poles1 ,lithuanians1 ,finns1 and ,jews4 ,on some such obscure notion the processes of naturalization were worked out1 and1 with a certain degree of logic1 the first immigrants were presented with the ,constitution of the ,united ,states as a type and epitome of that which they had come to seek4 ,so far as they now come in search of political liberty1 as many of them do every day1 the test is still valid1 but1 in the meantime1 we cannot ignore those significant figures which show emigration to rise with periods of depression in given countries1 and immigration to be checked by periods of depression in ,america1 and we refuse to see how largely the question has become an economic one4 ,at the present moment1 as we know1 the actual importing of immigrants is left largely to the energy of steamship companies and to those agents for contract labor who are keen enough to avoid the restrictive laws4 ,the business man is here again in the saddle1 as he so largely is in ,american affairs4 ,from the time that the immigrants first make the acquaintance of the steamship agent in their own villages1 at least until a grandchild is born on the new soil1 they are subjected to various processes of exploitation from purely commercial and self-seeking interests4 ,it begins with the representatives of the transatlantic lines and their allies1 who convert the peasant holdings into money1 and provide the prospective emigrants with needless supplies1 such as cartridge belts and bowie knives4 ,the brokers1 in manufactured passports1 send their clients by successive stages for a thousand miles to a port suiting their purposes4 ,on the way the emigrants' eyes are treated that they may pass the physical test2 they are taught to read sufficiently well to meet the literacy test2 they are lent enough money to escape the pauper test1 and by the time they have reached ,america1 they are so hopelessly in debt that it requires months of work to repay all they have received4 ,during this time they are completely under the control of the last broker in the line1 who has his dingy office in an ,american city4 ,the exploitation continues under the employment agency whose operations verge into those of the politician1 through the naturalization henchman1 the petty lawyers who foment their quarrels and grievances by the statement that in a free country everybody 8goes to law10 by the liquor dealers who stimulate a lively trade among them1 and1 finally1 by the lodging-house keepers and the landlords who are not obliged to give them the housing which the ,american tenant demands4 ,it is a long dreary road1 and the immigrant is successfully exploited at each turn4 ,at moments one looking on is driven to quote the ,titanic plaint of ,walt ,whitman3 8,as ,i stand aloof and look1 there is to me something profoundly affecting in large masses of men following the lead of those who do not believe in men40 ,the sinister aspect of this exploitation lies in the fact that it is carried on by agents whose stock in trade are the counters and terms of citizenship4 ,it is said that at the present moment there are more of these agents in ,palermo than perhaps in any other ,european port1 and that those politicians who have found it impossible to stay even in that corrupt city are engaged in the brokerage of naturalization papers in the ,united ,states4 ,certainly one effect of the stringent contract labor laws has been to make the padrones more powerful because 8smuggled alien labor0 has become more valuable to ,american corporations1 and also to make simpler the delivery of immigrant votes according to the dictates of commercial interests4 ,it becomes a veritable system of poisoning the notions of decent government2 but because the entire process is carried on in political terms1 because the poker chips are colored red1 white1 and blue1 we are childishly indifferent to it4 ,an elaborate avoidance of restrictions quickly adapts itself to changes either in legislation here or at the points of departure1 because none of the legislation is founded upon a real analysis of the situation4 ,for instance1 a new type of broker in ,russia during the ,russian-,japanese ,war made use of the situation in the interests of young ,russian ,jews4 ,if one of these men leaves the country ordinarily1 his family is obliged to pay three hundred rubles to the ,government1 but if he first joins the army1 his family is free from this obligation for he has passed into the keeping of his sergeant4 ,out of four hundred ,russian ,jews who1 during three months1 were drafted into the army at a given recruiting station1 only ten reported1 the rest having escaped through immigration4 ,of course the entire undertaking is much more hazardous1 because the man is a deserter from the army in addition to his other disabilities2 but the brokers merely put up the price of their services and continue their undertakings4 ,all these evasions of immigration laws and regulations are simply possible because the governmental tests do not belong to the current situation1 and because our political ideas are inherited from governmental conditions not our own4 ,in our refusal to face the situation1 we have persistently ignored the political ideals of the ,celtic1 ,germanic1 ,latin1 and ,slavic immigrants who have successively come to us2 and in our overwhelming ambition to remain ,anglo-,saxon1 we have fallen into the ,anglo-,saxon temptation of governing all peoples by one standard4 ,we have failed to work out a democratic government which should include the experiences and hopes of all the varied peoples among us4 ,we justify the situation by some such process as that employed by each ,english elector who casts a vote for seventy-five subjects besides himself4 ,he indirectly determines--although he may be a narrow-minded tradesman or a country squire interested only in his hounds and horses--the colonial policy1 which shall in turn control the destinies of the ,egyptian child toiling in the cotton factory in ,alexandria1 and of the half-starved ,parsee working the opium fields of ,north ,india4 ,yet he cannot1 in the nature of the case1 be informed of the needs of these far-away people and he would venture to attempt it only in regard to people whom he considered 8inferior40 ,pending a recent election1 a ,chicago reformer begged his hearers to throw away all selfish thoughts of themselves when they went to the polls and to vote in behalf of the poor and ignorant foreigners of the city4 ,it would be difficult to suggest anything which would result in a more serious confusion than to have each man1 without personal knowledge and experiences1 consider the interests of the newly arrived immigrant4 ,the voter would have to give himself over to a veritable debauch of altruism in order to persuade himself that his vote would be of the least value to those men of whom he knew so little1 and whom he considered so remote and alien to himself4 ,in truth the attitude of the advising reformer was in reality so contemptuous that he had never considered the immigrants really partakers and molders of the political life of his country4 ,this attitude of contempt1 of provincialism1 this survival of the spirit of the conqueror toward an inferior people1 has many manifestations1 but none so harmful as when it becomes absorbed and imitated and is finally evinced by the children of the foreigners toward their own parents4 ,we are constantly told of the increase of criminals in the second generation of immigrants1 and1 day after day1 one sees lads of twelve and fourteen throwing off the restraint of family life and striking out for themselves4 ,the break has come thus early1 partly from the forced development of the child under city conditions1 partly because the parents have had no chance of following1 even remotely1 this development1 but largely because the ,americanized child has copied the contemptuous attitude towards the foreigner which he sees all about him4 ,the revolt has in it something of the city impatience of country standards1 but much more of ,america against ,poland or ,italy4 ,it is all wretchedly sordid with bitterness on the part of the parents1 and hardhearted indifference and recklessness on the part of the boy4 ,only occasionally can the latter be appealed to by filial affection after the first break has once been thoroughly made2 and yet1 sometimes1 even these lads see the pathos of the situation4 ,a probation officer from ,hull-,house one day surprised three truants who were sitting by a bonfire which they had built near the river4 ,sheltered by an empty freight car1 the officer was able to listen to their conversation4 ,the ,pole1 the ,italian1 and the ,bohemian boys who had broken the law by staying away from school1 by building a fire in dangerous proximity to freight cars1 and by 8swiping0 the potatoes which they were roasting1 seemed to have settled down into an almost halcyon moment of gentleness and reminiscence4 ,the ,italian boy commiserated his parents because they hated the cold and the snow and 8couldn't seem to get used to it20 the ,pole said that his father missed seeing folks that he knew and was 8sore on this country20 the ,bohemian lad really grew quite tender about his old grandmother and the 8stacks of relations0 who came to see her every ,sunday in the old country1 where1 in contrast to her loneliness here1 she evidently had been a person of consequence4 ,all of them felt the pathos of the situation1 but the predominant note was the cheap contempt of the new ,american for foreigners1 even though they are of his own blood4 ,the weakening of the tie which connects one generation with another may be called the domestic results of the contemptuous attitude4 ,but the social results of the contemptuous attitude are even more serious and nowhere so grave as in the modern city4 ,men are there brought together by multitudes in response to the concentration of industry and commerce without bringing with them the natural social and family ties or the guild relationships which distinguished the mediaeval cities and held even so late as the eighteenth century1 when the country people came to town in response to the normal and slowly formed ties of domestic service1 family affection1 and apprenticeship4 ,men who come to a modern city by immigration break all these older ties and the national bond in addition4 ,there is all the more necessity to develop that cosmopolitan bond which forms their substitute4 ,the immigrants will be ready to adapt themselves to a new and vigorous civic life founded upon the recognition of their needs if the ,government which is at present administered in our cities1 will only admit that these needs are germane to its functions4 ,the framers of the carefully prepared charters1 upon which the cities are founded1 did not foresee that after the universal franchise had once been granted1 social needs and ideals were bound to enter in as legitimate objects of political action4 ,neither did these framers realize1 on the other hand1 that the only people in a democracy who can legitimately become the objects of repressive government1 are those people who are too undeveloped to use their liberty or those who have forfeited their right to full citizenship4 ,we have1 therefore1 a municipal administration in ,america which concerns itself only grudgingly with the social needs of the people1 and is largely reduced to the administration of restrictive measures4 ,the people who come most directly in contact with the executive officials1 who are the legitimate objects of their control1 are the vicious1 who need to be repressed2 and the semi-dependent poor1 who appeal to them in their dire need2 or1 for quite the reverse reason1 those who are trying to avoid an undue taxation1 resenting the fact that they should be made to support a government which1 from the nature of the case1 is too barren to excite their real enthusiasm4 ,the instinctive protest against this mechanical method of civic control1 with the lack of adjustment between the natural democratic impulse and the fixed external condition1 inevitably produces the indifferent citizen1 and the so-called 8professional politician40 ,the first1 because he is not vicious1 feels that the real processes of government do not concern him and wishes only to be let alone4 ,the latter easily adapts himself to an illegal avoidance of the external fixed conditions by assuming that these conditions have been settled by doctrinaires who did not in the least understand the people1 while he1 the politician1 makes his appeal beyond the conditions to the real desires of the people themselves4 ,he is thus not only 8the people's friend10 but their interpreter4 ,it is interesting to note how often simple people refer to 8them10 meaning the good and great who govern but do not understand1 and to 8him10 meaning the alderman1 who represents them in these incomprehensible halls of ,state1 as an ambassador to a foreign country to whose borders they themselves could not possibly penetrate1 and whose language they do not speak4 ,in addition to this difficulty inherent in the difference between the traditional and actual situation1 there is another1 which constantly arises on the purely administrative side4 ,the traditional governments which the founders had copied1 in proceeding by fixed standards to separate the vicious from the good1 and then to legislate against the vicious1 had enforced these restrictive measures by trained officials1 usually with a military background4 ,in a democracy1 however1 the officers entrusted with the enforcement of this restrictive legislation1 if not actually elected by the people themselves1 are still the appointments of those thus elected and are1 therefore1 good-natured men who have made friends by their kindness and social qualities4 ,this is only decreasingly true even in those cities where appointments are made by civil service examinations4 ,the carrying out of repressive legislation1 the remnant of a military state of society1 in a democracy is at last put into the hands of men who have attained office because of political pull4 ,the repressive measures must be enforced by those sympathizing with the people and belonging to those against whom the measures operate4 ,this anomalous situation produces almost inevitably one result3 that the police authorities themselves are turned into allies of vice and crime4 ,this may be illustrated from almost any of the large ,american cities in the relation existing between the police force and the gambling and other illicit life4 ,the officers are often flatly told that the enforcement of an ordinance which the better element of the city has insisted upon passing1 is impossible2 that they are expected to control only the robbery and crime that so often associate themselves with vice4 ,as ,mr4 ,wilcox#e has recently pointed out1 public sentiment itself assumes a certain hypocrisy1 and in the end we have 8the abnormal conditions which are created when vice is protected by the authorities10 and in the very worst cases there develops a sort of municipal blackmail in which the administration itself profits by the violation of law4 ,the very governmental agencies which were designed to protect the citizen from vice1 foster and protect him in its pursuance because everybody involved is thoroughly confused by the human element in the situation4 ,further than this1 the officer's very kindness and human understanding is that which leads to his downfall1 for he is forced to uphold the remnant of a military discipline in a self-governing community4 ,it is not remarkable1 perhaps1 that the police department1 the most vigorous survival of militarism to be found in ,american cities1 has always been responsible for the most exaggerated types of civic corruption4 ,it is sad1 however1 that this corruption has largely been due to the kindliness of the officers and to their lack of military training4 ,there is no doubt that the reasonableness of keeping the saloons in lower ,new ,york open on ,sunday was apparent to the policemen of the ,east ,side force long before it dawned upon the reform administration2 and yet1 that the policemen allowed themselves to connive at law-breaking1 was the beginning of their disgraceful downfall4 ,because kindness to an enemy may mean death or the annihilation of the army which he guards1 all kindness is illicit on the part of the military sentinel on duty2 but to bring that code over bodily into a peaceful social state is to break down the morals of both sides1 of the enforcer of the ill-adapted law1 as well as of those against whom it is so maladroitly directed4 ,in order to meet this situation1 there is almost inevitably developed a politician of the corrupt type so familiar in ,american cities1 the politician who has become successful because he has made friends with the vicious4 ,the semi-criminal1 who are constantly brought in contact with administrative government are naturally much interested in its operations4 ,having much at stake1 as a matter of course1 they attend the primaries and all the other election processes which so quickly tire the good citizens whose interest in the government is a self-imposed duty4 ,to illustrate3 it is a matter of much moment to a gambler whether there is to be a 8wide-open town0 or not2 it means the success or failure of his business2 it involves1 not only the pleasure1 but the livelihood1 of all his friends4 ,he naturally attends to the election of the alderman1 to the appointment and retention of the policeman4 ,he is found at the caucus 8every time10 and would be much amused if he were praised for the performance of his civic duty2 but1 because he and the others who are concerned in semi-illicit business do attend the primaries1 the corrupt politician is nominated over and over again4 ,as this type of politician is successful from his alliance with crime1 there also inevitably arises from time to time a so-called reformer who is shocked to discover the state of affairs1 the easy partnership between vice and administrative government4 ,he dramatically uncovers the situation and arouses great indignation against it on the part of good citizens4 ,if this indignation is enough1 he creates a political fervor which is translated into a claim upon public gratitude4 ,in portraying the evil he is fighting1 he does not recognize1 or at least does not make clear1 all the human kindness upon which it has grown4 ,in his speeches he inevitably offends a popular audience1 who know that the evil of corruption exists in all degrees and forms of human weakness1 but who also know that these evils are by no means always hideous1 and sometimes even are lovable4 ,they resent his over-drawn pictures of vice and of the life of the vicious2 their sense of fair play1 their deep-rooted desire for charity and justice1 are all outraged4 ,to illustrate from a personal experience3 ,some years ago a famous ,new ,york reformer came to ,chicago to tell us of his phenomenal success1 his trenchant methods of dealing with the city 8gambling-hells10 as he chose to call them4 ,he proceeded to describe the criminals of lower ,new ,york in terms and phrases which struck at least one of his auditors as sheer blasphemy against our common human nature4 ,i thought of the criminals whom ,i knew1 of the gambler for whom each ,saturday ,i regularly collected his weekly wage of #bd4jj1 keeping #ah4jj for his wife and children and giving him #f4jj on ,monday morning4 ,his despairing statement1 8the thing is growing on me1 and ,i can never give it up10 was certainly not the cry of a man living in hell1 but of him who1 through much tribulation had at least kept the loyal intention4 ,i remembered the three girls who had come to me with a paltry sum of money collected from the pawn and sale of their tawdry finery in order that one of their number might be spared a death in the almshouse and that she might have the wretched comfort during the closing weeks of her life of knowing that1 although she was an outcast1 she was not a pauper4 ,i recalled the first murderer whom ,i had ever known1 a young man who was singing his baby to sleep and stopped to lay it in its cradle before he rushed downstairs into his father's saloon to scatter the gang of boys who were teasing the old man by giving him ,english orders4 ,the old man could not understand ,english and the boys were refusing to pay for the drinks they had consumed1 but technically had not ordered4 ,for one short moment ,i saw the situation from the point of view of humbler people1 who sin often through weakness and passion1 but seldom through hardness of heart1 and ,i felt that in a democratic community such sweeping condemnations and conclusions as the speaker was pouring forth could never be accounted for righteousness4 ,as the policeman who makes terms with vice1 and almost inevitably slides into making gain from vice1 merely represents the type of politician who is living off the weakness of his fellows1 so the over-zealous reformer who exaggerates vice until the public is scared and awestruck1 represents the type of politician who is living off the timidity of his fellows4 ,with the lack of civic machinery for simple democratic expression1 for a direct dealing with human nature as it is1 we seem doomed to one type or the other--corruptionists or anti-crime committees4 ,and one sort or the other we will continue to have so long as we distrust the very energy of existence1 the craving for enjoyment1 the pushing of vital forces1 the very right of every citizen to be what he is without pretense or assumption of virtue4 ,too often he does not really admire these virtues1 but he imagines them somewhere as a standard adopted by the virtuous whom he does not know4 ,that old ,frankenstein1 the ideal man of the eighteenth century1 is still haunting us1 although he never existed save in the brain of the doctrinaire4 ,this dramatic and feverish triumph of the self-seeker1 see-sawing with that of the interested reformer1 does more than anything else1 perhaps1 to keep the ,american citizen away from the ideals of genuine evolutionary democracy4 ,whereas repressive government1 from the nature of the case1 has to do with the wicked who are happily always in a minority in the community1 a normal democratic government would naturally have to do with the great majority of the population in their normal relations to each other4 ,after all1 the so-called 8slum politician0 ventures his success upon an appeal to human sentiment and generosity4 ,this venture often results in an alliance between the popular politician and the humblest citizens1 quite as naturally as the reformer who stands for honest business administration usually becomes allied with the type of business man whose chief concern it is to guard his treasure and to prevent a rise in taxation4 ,the community is again insensibly divided into two camps1 the repressed1 who is dimly conscious that he has no adequate outlet for his normal life and the repressive1 represented by the cautious1 careful citizen holding fast to his own1--once more the conqueror and his humble people4 ,,footnotes3 #d 8,the ,spirit of ,modern ,philosophy10 ,josiah ,royce1 page #bge4 #e ,the ,american ,city1 ,dr4 ,delos ,f4 ,wilcox1 page #bjj4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,failure ,,to ,,utilize ,,immigrants ,,in ,,city ,,government ,we do much loose talking in regard to ,american immigration2 we use the phrase1 8the scum of ,europe10 and other unwarranted words without realizing that the unsuccessful man1 the undeveloped peasant1 may be much more valuable to us here than the more highly developed1 but also more highly specialized1 town dweller1 who may much less readily acquire the characteristics which the new environment demands4 ,if successful struggle ends in the survival of the few1 in blatant and tangible success for the few only1 government will have to reckon most largely with the men who have been beaten in the struggle1 with the effect upon them of the contest and the defeat2 for1 after all1 the unsuccessful will always represent the majority of the citizens1 and it is with the large majority that self-government must eventually deal whatever course of action other governments may legitimately determine for themselves4 ,to demand to be protected from the many unsuccessful among us1 who are supposed to issue forth from the shallows of our city life and seize upon the treasure of the citizens as the barbarians of old came from outside the city walls1 is of course not to have read the first lesson of self-government in the light of evolutionary science4 ,it is to forget that a revival in self-government1 an awakening of its original motive power and raison d'tre1 can come only from a genuine desire to increase its scope1 and to adapt it to new and strenuous conditions4 ,in this way science revived and leaped forward under the pressure of the enlarged demand of manufacture and commerce put upon it during the industrial decades just passed4 ,we would ask the moralists and statesmen of this dawning century1 equipped as they are1 with the historic method1 to save our contemporaries from skepticism in regard to self-government by revealing to them its adaptability to the needs of the humblest man who is so sorely pressed in this industrial age4 ,the statesman who would fill his countrymen with enthusiasm for democratic government must not only possess a genuine understanding of the needs of the simplest citizens1 but he must know how to reveal their capacities and powers4 ,he must needs go man-hunting into those curious groups we call newly arrived immigrants1 and do for them what the scholar has done in pointing out to us the sweetness and charm which inhere in primitive domestic customs and in showing us the curious pivot these customs make for religious and tribal beliefs4 ,the scholar who has surrounded the simplest action of women grinding millet or corn with a penetrating reminiscence1 sweeter than the chant they sing1 may reveal something of the same reminiscence and charm among many of the immigrants4 ,in the midst of crowded city streets one stumbles upon an old ,italian peasant with her distaff against her withered face and her pathetic hands patiently 8holding the thread10 as has been done by myriads of women since children needed to be clad2 or one sees an old ,german potter1 misshapen by years1 his sensitive hands nevertheless fairly alive with skill and delicacy1 and his life at least illumined with the artist's prerogative of direct creation4 ,could we take these primitive habits as they are to be found every day in ,american cities and give them their significance and place1 they would be a wonderful factor for poetry in cities frankly given over to industrialism and absorbed in its activities4 ,as a ,mc,andrews' hymn expresses the frantic rush of the industrial river1 so these primitive customs could give us something of the mysticism and charm of the industrial springs1 a suggestion of source1 a touch of the refinement which adheres to simple things4 ,this study of origins1 of survivals1 of paths of least resistance--refining an industrial age through the people and experiences which really belong to it and do not need to be brought in from the outside--would surely result in a revived enthusiasm for human life and its possibilities which would in turn react upon the ideals of government4 ,the present lack of understanding of simple people and the dearth of the illumination which knowledge of them would give1 can be traced not only in the social and political maladjustment of the immigrant in municipal centres1 but is felt in so-called 8practical affairs0 of national magnitude4 ,regret is many times expressed that1 notwithstanding the fact that nine out of every ten immigrants are of rural birth and are fitted to undertake that painstaking method of cultivating the soil which ,american farmers despise1 they nevertheless all tend to congregate in cities where their inherited and elaborate knowledge of agricultural processes is unutilized4 ,but it is characteristic of ,american complacency when any assisted removal to agricultural regions is contemplated1 that we utterly ignore the past experiences of the immigrant and always assume that each family will be content to live in the middle of its own piece of ground1 although there are few peoples on the face of the earth who have ever tried isolating a family on one hundred and sixty acres or on eighty1 or even on forty4 ,but this is the ,american way--a survival of our pioneer days--and we refuse to modify it1 even in regard to ,south ,italians1 although from the day of mediaeval incursions they have lived in compact villages with an intense and elaborated social life1 so much of it out of doors and interdependent that it has affected almost every domestic habit4 ,italian women knead their own bread1 but depend on the village oven for its baking1 and the men would rather walk for miles to their fields each day than to face an evening of companionship limited to the family4 ,nothing could afford a better check to the constant removal to the cities of the farming population all over the ,united ,states than the possibility of combining community life with agricultural occupation4 ,this combination would afford that development of civilization which1 curiously enough1 density alone brings and for which even a free system of rural delivery is not an adequate substitute4 ,much of the significance and charm of rural life in ,south ,italy lies in its village companionship1 quite as the dreariness of the ,american farm life inheres in its unnecessary solitude4 ,but we totally disregard the solution which the old agricultural community offers1 and our utter lack of adaptability has something to do with the fact that the ,south ,italian remains in the city where he soon forgets his cunning in regard to silk worms and olive trees1 but continues his old social habits to the extent of filling an entire tenement house with the people from one village4 ,we also exhibit all the ,anglo-,saxon distrust of any experiment with land tenure or method of taxation1 although our single-tax advocates do not fail to tell us daily of the stupidity of the present arrangement4 ,it might1 indeed1 be well to make a few experiments upon an historic basis before their enthusiasm converts us all4 ,for centuries in ,russia the ,slavic village1 the mir system of land occupation1 has been in successful operation1 training men within its narrow limits to community administration4 ,yet when a persecuted sect from ,russia wishes to find refuge in ,america1 we insist that seven thousand people shall give up all at once a system of land ownership in which they are experts4 ,americans declare the system to be impracticable1 although it is singularly like that in vogue in ,palestine during the period of its highest prosperity4 ,we cannot receive them in the ,united ,states1 because our laws have no way of dealing with such cases4 ,and in ,canada1 where they are finally settled1 the unimaginative ,dominion officials are driven to the verge of distraction concerning registration of deeds and the collection of taxes from men who do not claim acres in their own names1 but in the name of the village4 ,the official distraction is reflected and intensified among the people themselves1 to the point of driving them into the mediaeval 8marching mania10 in the hope of finding a land in the south where they may carry out their inoffensive 8mir0 system4 ,the entire situation might prove that an unbending theory of individualism may become as fixed as status itself1 although there are certainly other factors in the ,doukhobor situation--religious bigotry1 and the self-seeking of leadership4 ,in spite of the fact that the ,canadian officials have in other matters exhibited much of the adaptability which distinguishes the ,british colonial policy1 they are completely stranded on the rock of ,anglo-,saxon individualistic ownership1 and assume that any other system of land tenure is subversive of government1 forgetting that ,russia manages to exert a fair amount of governmental control over thousands of acres held under the system which they so detest4 ,in our eagerness to reproach the immigrants for not going upon the land we almost overlook the contributions to city life which those of them1 who were adapted to it in ,europe1 are making to our cities here4 ,from dingy little eating-houses in lower ,new ,york1 performing a function somewhat between the eighteenth-century coffee-house and the ,parisian caf1 is issuing at the present moment perhaps the sturdiest realistic drama that is being produced on ,american soil4 ,late into the night speculation is carried forward--not on the nice questions of the ,talmud and on quibbles of logic2 but minds long trained on these seriously discuss the need of a readjustment of the industrial machine in order that the primitive sense of justice and righteousness may secure larger play in our social organization4 ,and yet a ,russian in ,chicago who used to believe that ,americans cared first and foremost for political liberty and that they would certainly admire those who had suffered in its cause1 finds no one interested in his story of six years' banishment beyond the ,antarctic circle4 ,he is really listened to only when he tells the tale to a sportsman of the fish he had caught during the six weeks of summer when the rivers were open4 8,lively work then1 but plenty of time to eat them dried or frozen through the rest of the year10 is the most sympathetic comment he has yet received upon an experience which1 at least to him1 held the bittersweet of martyrdom4 ,among the colonies of the most recently immigrated ,jews1 who still carry out their orthodox customs and a ritual preserved through centuries in the ,ghetto1 one constantly feels during a season of religious observance1 a refreshing insistence upon the reality of the inner life1 and upon the dignity of its expression in inherited form4 ,perhaps the most striking reproach to the materialism of ,chicago is the sight on a solemn ,jewish holiday of a ,chicago ,river bridge lined with men and women oblivious of the noisy traffic and sordid surroundings1 casting their sins upon the waters that they may be carried far away4 ,the scene is a clear statement that1 after all1 life does not consist in wealth1 in learning1 in enterprise1 in energy1 in success1 not even in that modern fetich1 culture1 but in an inner equilibrium1 in 8the agreement of soul40 ,it is a relief to see even this exaggerated and grotesque presentation of spiritual values4 ,but the statesman shuts himself away from the possibility of using these great reservoirs of human ability and motive power because he considers it patriotic to hold to governmental lines and ideals laid down a century and a quarter ago4 ,because of a military inheritance1 we as a nation stoutly contend that all this varied and suggestive life has nothing to do with government nor patriotism1 and that we perform the full duty of ,american citizens when the provisions of the statutes on naturalization are carried out4 ,in the meantime1 in the interests of our theory that commercial and governmental powers should have no connection with each other1 we carefully ignore the one million false naturalization papers in the ,united ,states issued and concealed by commercialized politics4 ,although we have an uneasy knowledge that these powers are curiously allied1 we profess that the latter has no connection with the former and no control over it4 ,we steadily refuse to recognize the fact that our age is swayed by industrial forces4 ,fortunately1 life is much bigger and finer than our theories about it1 and1 among all the immigrants in the great cities1 there is slowly developing the beginnings of self-government on the lines of their daily experiences4 ,the man who really knows immigrants and undertakes to naturalize them1 makes no pretense of the lack of connection between their desire to earn their daily bread and their citizenship4 ,the petty and often corrupt politician who is first kind to immigrants1 realizes perfectly well that the force pushing them to this country has been industrial need and that recognition of this need is legitimate4 ,he follows the natural course of events when he promises to get the immigrant 8a job10 for that is undoubtedly what the immigrant most needs in all the world4 ,if the politician nearest to him were really interested in the immigrant and were to work out a scheme of naturalization fitted to the situation1 the immigrant would proceed from the street-cleaning and sewer-digging in which he first engages1 to an understanding of the relation of these simple offices to city government4 ,through them he would understand the obligation of his alderman to secure cleanliness for the streets in which his children play and for the tenement in which he lives4 ,the notion of representative government could be made quite clear and concrete to him4 ,he could demand his rights and use his vote in order to secure them4 ,his very nave demands might easily become a restraint1 a purifying check upon the alderman1 instead of a source of constant corruption and exploitation4 ,but when the politician attempts to naturalize the bewildered immigrant1 he must perforce accept the doctrinaire standard imposed by men who held a theory totally unattached to experience1 and he must1 therefore1 begin with the remote ,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,at the ,cook ,county ,court-,house only a short time ago a candidate for naturalization1 who was asked the usual question as to what the ,constitution of the ,united ,states was1 replied3 8,the ,illinois ,central40 ,his mind naturally turned to his work1 to the one bit of contribution he had genuinely made to the new country1 and his reply might well offer a valuable suggestion to the student of educational method4 ,some of our most advanced schools are even now making industrial construction and evolution a natural basis for all future acquisition of knowledge1 and they claim that anything less vital and creative is inadequate4 ,it is surprising how a simple experience1 if it be but genuine1 gives an opening into citizenship altogether lacking to the more grandiose attempts4 ,a ,greek-,american1 slaughtering sheep in a tenement-house yard1 reminiscent of the ,homeric tradition1 can be made to see the effect of the improvised shambles on his neighbor's health and the right of the city to prohibit the slaughtering1 only as he perceives the development of city government upon its most modern basis4 ,the enforcement of adequate child labor laws offers unending opportunity to better citizenship founded1 not upon theory but on action1 as does the compulsory education law1 which makes clear that education is a matter of vital importance to the ,american city and to the ,state which has enacted definite1 well-considered legislation in regard to it4 ,some of the most enthusiastic supporters of child-labor legislation and of compulsory education laws are those parents who sacrifice old-world tradition1 as well as the much-needed earnings of their young children1 because of loyalty to the laws of their adopted country4 ,certainly genuine sacrifice for the nation's law is a good foundation for patriotism1 and as this again is not a doctrinaire question1 women are not debarred1 and mothers who wash and scrub for the meagre support of their children say1 sturdily1 sometimes3 8,it will be a year before he can go to work without breaking the law1 but we came to this country to give the young ones a chance1 and we are not going to begin by having them do what's not right40 ,upon some such basis as this the ,hebrew ,alliance and the ,charity ,organization of ,new ,york1 which are putting forth desperate energy in the enormous task of ministering to the suffering which immigration entails1 are developing understanding and respect for the alien through their mutual efforts to secure more adequate tenement-house regulation and to control the spread of tuberculosis2 both these undertakings being perfectly hopeless without the intelligent co-operation of the immigrants themselves4 ,through such humble doors1 perchance1 the immigrant will at last enter into his heritage in a new nation4 ,democratic government has ever been the result of spiritual travail and moral effort4 ,apparently1 even here1 the immigrant must pay the old cost1 and he seems to represent the group and type which is making the most genuine contribution to the present growth in governmental functions1 with its constant demand for increasing adaptations4 ,in the induction of the adult immigrant into practical citizenship1 we constantly ignore his daily experience4 ,we also assume in our formal attempts to teach patriotism to him and to his children1 that experience and traditions have no value1 and that a new sentiment must be put into aliens by some external process4 ,some years ago1 a public-spirited organization engaged a number of speakers to go to the various city schools in order to instruct the children in the significance of ,decoration ,day and to foster patriotism among the foreign born1 by descriptions of the ,civil ,war4 ,in one of the schools1 filled with ,italian children1 an old soldier1 a veteran in years and experience1 gave a description of a battle in ,tennessee1 and of his personal adventures in using a pile of brush as an ambuscade and a fortification4 ,coming from the schoolhouse1 an eager young ,italian broke out1 with characteristic vividness1 into a description of his father's campaigning under the leadership of ,garibaldi1 possibly from some obscure notion that that1 too1 was a civil war fought from principle1 but more likely because the description of one battle had roused in his mind the memory of another such description4 ,the lecturer1 whose sympathies happened to be on the other side of the ,garibaldian conflict1 somewhat sharply told him that he must forget all that2 that he was no longer an ,italian1 but an ,american4 ,the natural growth of patriotism based upon respect for the achievements of one's fathers1 the bringing together of the past with the present1 the significance of the almost world-wide effort at a higher standard of political freedom which swept over all ,europe and ,america between #ahdh and #ahgb could1 of course1 have no place in the boy's mind because it had none in the mind of the instructor whose patriotism apparently tried to purify itself by the ,american process of elimination4 ,how far a certain cosmopolitan humanitarianism ignoring national differences1 is either possible or desirable1 it is difficult to state2 but certain it is that the old type of patriotism1 founded upon a common national history and land occupation1 becomes to many of the immigrants who bring it with them a veritable stumbling-block and impediment4 ,many ,greeks whom ,i know are fairly besotted with a consciousness of their national importance1 and the achievements of their glorious past4 ,among them the usual effort to found a new patriotism upon ,american history is often an absurd undertaking2 for instance1 on the night of one ,thanksgiving ,day1 ,i spent some time and zeal in a description of the ,pilgrim ,fathers1 and the motives which had driven them across the sea1 while the experiences of the ,plymouth colony were illustrated by stereopticon slides and little dramatic scenes4 ,the audience of ,greeks listened respectfully1 although ,i was uneasily conscious of the somewhat feeble attempt to boast of ,anglo-,saxon achievement in hardihood and privation1 to men whose powers of admiration were absorbed in their ,greek background of philosophy and beauty4 ,at any rate1 after the lecture was over1 one of the ,greeks said to me1 quite simply1 8,i wish ,i could describe my ancestors to you2 they were very different from yours40 ,his further remarks were translated by a little ,irish boy of eleven1 who speaks modern ,greek with facility and turns many an honest penny by translating1 into the somewhat pert statement3 8,he says if that is what your ancestors are like1 that his could beat them out40 ,it is a good illustration of our faculty for ignoring the past1 and of our failure to understand the immigrant's estimation of ourselves4 ,this lack of a more cosmopolitan standard1 of a consciousness of kind founded upon creative imagination and historic knowledge is apparent in many directions1 and cruelly widens the gulf between immigrant fathers and their children who are 8,americans in process40 ,a hideous story comes from ,new ,york of a young ,russian ,jewess who was employed as a stenographer in a down-town office1 where she became engaged to be married to a young man of ,jewish-,american parentage4 ,she felt keenly the difference between him and her newly immigrated parents1 and on the night when he was to be presented to them she went home early to make every possible preparation for his coming4 ,her efforts to make the mnage presentable were so discouraging1 the whole situation filled her with such chagrin1 that an hour before his expected arrival1 she ended her life4 ,although the father was a ,talmud scholar of standing in his native ,russian town1 and the lover was a clerk of very superficial attainments1 she possessed no standard by which to judge the two men4 ,this lack of standard must be charged to the entire community2 for why should we expect an untrained girl to be able to do for herself what the community so pitifully fails to accomplish8 ,all the members of the community are equally stupid in throwing away the immigrant revelation of social customs and inherited energy4 ,we continually allow this valuable human experience to go to waste although we have reached the stage of humanitarianism when no infant may be wantonly allowed to die1 no man be permitted to freeze or starve1 if the ,state can prevent it4 ,we may truthfully boast that the primitive1 wasteful struggle of physical existence is practically over1 but no such statement can be made in regard to spiritual life4 ,students of social conditions recognize the fact that modern charity constantly grows more democratic and constructive1 and daily more concerned for preventive measures1 but to admit frankly similar aims as matters for municipal government as yet seems impossible4 ,in this country it seems to be only the politician at the bottom1 the man nearest the people1 who understands that there is a growing disinterestedness taking hold of men's hopes and imaginations in every direction4 ,he often plays upon it and betrays it2 but he at least knows it is there4 ,the two points at which government is developing most rapidly at the present moment are naturally the two where it of necessity exercises functions of nurture and protection3 first1 in relation to the young criminal1 second1 in relation to the poor and dependent4 ,one of the latest developments is the ,juvenile ,courts which the large cities are inaugurating4 ,only fifteen years ago when ,i first went to live in an industrial district of ,chicago1 if a boy was arrested on some trifling charge--and dozens of them were thus arrested each month--the only possible way to secure another chance for him by restoring him to his home with an opportunity to become a law-abiding citizen1 was through the alderman of the ward4 ,upon the request of a distracted relative or the precinct captain1 the alderman would 8speak to the judge0 and secure the release of the boy4 ,the kindness of the alderman was genuine1 as was the gratitude of all concerned2 but the inevitable impression remained that government was harsh1 and naturally dealt out policemen and prisons1 and that the political friend alone stood for kindness4 ,that this kindness was in a measure illicit and mysterious in its workings made it all the more impressive4 ,but so much advance has been made in so short a time as fifteen years1 toward incorporating kindly concern for the young and a desire to keep them in the path of rectitude within the process of government itself1 that in ,chicago alone twenty-four probation officers1 as they are called1 are paid from the public funds4 ,the wayward boy is committed to one of these for another chance as a part of the procedure of the court4 ,he is not merely released by an act of clemency so magnificent and irrelevant as to dazzle him with a sense of the aldermanic power1 but he is put under the actual care of a probation officer that he may do better4 ,he is assisted to keep permanently away from the police courts and their allied penal institutions4 ,in one of the most successful of these courts1 that of ,denver1 the ,judge who can point to a remarkable record with the bad boys of the city1 plays a veritable game with them against the police force1 he and the boys undertaking to be good without the help of repression1 and in spite of the machinations of the police4 ,for instance1 if the boys who have been sentenced to the ,state ,reform ,school at ,golden1 deliver themselves without the aid of the ,sheriff whose duty it is to take them there1 they not only vindicate their manliness and readiness 8to take their medicine10 but they beat the sheriff who belongs to the penal machinery out of his five-dollar fee4 ,over this fact they openly triumph--a simple example1 perhaps1 but significant of the attitude of the well-intentioned toward repressive government4 ,the ,juvenile ,courts are beginning to take a really parental attitude towards all dependent children1 although for years only those orphans who had inherited at least a meagre property were handed over to a public guardian4 ,those whose parents had left them absolutely nothing were allowed to care for themselves--as if the whole body of doctrine contained in the phrase1 8there is no wealth but life10 had never entered into the mind of man4 ,because these courts are dealing with the children in their social and everyday relations they have made the astounding discovery that even a penniless child needs the care and defense of the ,state4 ,the schools for ,reform are those which are inaugurating the most advanced education in agriculture and manual arts4 ,a bewildered foreign parent comes from time to time to ,hull-,house1 asking that his boy be sent to a school to learn farming1 basing his request upon the fact that his neighbor's boy has been sent to 8a nice green1 country-place40 ,it is carefully explained that the neighbor's boy was bad1 and was arrested and sent away because of his badness4 ,after much conversation1 the disappointed parent sometimes understands1 but he often goes away shaking his head1 and some such words as these issue3 8,i have been in this country for five years1 and have never gotten anything yet40 ,at other times it is successfully explained to the man that the city assumes that he is looking out for himself and taking care of his own boy1 but it ought to be possible to make him to see that if he feels that his son needs the education of a farm school1 that it lies with him to agitate the subject and to vote for the man who will secure such schools4 ,he might well look amazed1 were this advice tendered him1 for these questions have never been presented to him to vote upon4 ,because he does not eagerly discuss the tariff or other remote subjects which the political parties present to him from time to time we assume that he is not to be trusted to vote on the education of his child1 although there is no doubt that the one thing his ancestors decided upon1 from the days of bows and arrows1 was the sort of training each one should give his son4 ,the fine education that is given to a juvenile offender may indicate a certain compunction on the part of the ,state4 ,quite as men formerly gloried in warfare and now apologize for it1 as they formerly went out to spoil their enemies and now go to civilize them1 so civil governments1 while continuing to maintain prisons1 have become more or less ashamed of them1 and are already experimenting in better ways to elevate and reform criminals than by the way of violence and imprisonment4 ,we have already said in ,america that neither a gallows nor an unmitigated prison shall ever exist for a child4 ,in the matter of public charities1 also1 we are not timid as to extending the function of the government4 ,we build enormous city hospitals and almhouses2 we care with tenderness for the defective and the dependent2 but for that great mass of people just beyond the line1 from whom they are constantly recruited1 we do practically nothing4 ,it has been said that if a workingman in ,new ,york falls a victim to pneumonia1 he is taken to a hospital and given skilled treatment2 if it leaves him tubercular the city will have a care over him1 and valiantly will stand by1 putting him into a public sanatorium1 providing him with nutritious food and fresh air until his recovery4 ,but if he is turned away from the hospital without tuberculosis1 merely too depleted and wretched to go back to his regular employment1 then the city can do nothing for him unless he be ready to call himself an out-and-out pauper4 ,we are afraid of the notion of governmental function which would minister to the primitive needs of the mass of the people1 although we are quite ready to care for him whom misfortune or disease has made the exception4 ,it is really the rank and file1 the average citizen1 who is ignored by the government1 while he works out his real problems through other agencies1 although he is scolded for staying at home on election day1 and for refusing to be interested in issues which really do not concern him4 ,it is comparatively easy to understand the punitive point of view which seeks to suppress1 or the philanthropic which seeks to palliate2 but it is much more difficult to formulate that city government which is adapted to our present normal living4 ,as over against the survivals of the first two1 excellent and necessary as they are1 we have but the few public parks and baths1 the few band concerts and recreation piers--always excepting1 of course1 the public schools and the social activities slowly centering around them2 for public education has long been a passion in ,america1 and we seem to have been willing to make that an exception to our general theory of government4 ,while governmental functions have shown this remarkable adaptation and growth in relation to the youth1 whether he be in the public schools1 in the ,juvenile ,court or in the reformatory1 we hesitate to assume toward the adult this temper of the educator who humbly follows and at the same confidently leads the little child4 ,while the ,state spends millions of dollars and employs thousands of servants to nurture and heal the sick and defective1 it steadfastly refuses to extend its kindliness to the normal working man4 ,the ,socialists alone constantly appeal for this extension4 ,they refuse1 however1 to deal with the present ,state and constantly take refuge in the formulae of a new scholasticism4 ,their orators are busily engaged in establishing two substitutes for human nature which they call 8proletarian0 and 8capitalist40 ,they ignore the fact that varying1 imperfect human nature is incalculable1 and that to eliminate its varied and constantly changing elements is to face all the mistakes and miscalculations which gathered around the 8fallen man10 or the 8economic man10 or any other of the fixed norms which have from time to time been substituted for expanding and developing human life4 ,in time 8the proletarian0 and 8the capitalist0 will become the impedimenta which it will be necessary to clear away in order to make room for the mass of living and breathing citizens with whom self-government must eventually deal4 ,there is no doubt that the existence of the mass1 the mere size of the modern city1 increases the difficulty of the situation4 ,charles ,booth's maps portraying the standard of living for the people of ,london afford almost the only attempt at a general social survey of a modern city1 at least so far as it may be predetermined from the standard of income4 ,from his accompanying twelve volumes may be deduced the occupations of the people with their real wages1 their family budget and their culture level1 and1 to a certain extent1 their recreations and spiritual life4 ,if one gives one's self over to a moment of musing on this mass of information1 so huge and so accurate1 one is almost instinctively aware that any radical changes1 so much needed in the blackest districts1 must largely come from forces outside the life of the people4 ,an enlarged mental life must come from the educationalist1 increased wages from the business interests1 alleviation of suffering from the philanthropists4 ,what vehicle of correction is provided for the people themselves1 what device has been invented for loosing that kindliness and mutual aid which is the marvel of all charity visitors8 ,what broad basis has been laid down for a modification of their most genuine and pressing needs through their own initiative8 ,the traditional ,government expresses its activity in keeping the streets clean and the district lighted and policed4 ,it is only during the last quarter of a century that the ,london ,county ,council has erected decent houses1 public baths1 and many other devices for the purer social life of the people4 ,american cities have gone no further1 although they presumably started at workingmen's representation a hundred years ago1 so completely were the founders misled by the name of government1 and the temptation to substitute the form of political democracy for real self-government dealing with advancing social ideals4 ,even now ,london has twenty-eight ,borough ,councils1 in addition to the ,london ,county ,council itself1 fifteen hundred direct representatives of the people1 as over against seventy in ,chicago although the latter city has a population one-half as large4 ,paris has twenty ,mayors1 with corresponding machinery for local government1 as over against the ,new ,york concentration in one huge ,city ,hall1 too often corrupt4 ,in ,germany1 perhaps more than anywhere else1 the government has come to concern itself with the primitive essential needs of its working-people4 ,in their behalf1 the ,government has forced industry1 in the person of the large manufacturers1 to make an alliance with it4 ,the manufacturers are taxed for accident insurance of workingmen1 for old-age pensions and sick benefits2 and a project is being formed in which they shall bear the large share of insurance against non-employment when it has been made clear that non-employment is the result of an economic crisis brought about through the maladministration of finance4 ,germany proposes to regulate the maximum amount of rent which landlords of certain types of houses may be permitted to require1 quite as the usury laws limit the maximum amount of interest which may be demanded4 ,and yet industry in ,germany has flourished1 and this control on behalf of the normal workingman as he faces life in his daily vocation has apparently not checked its systematic growth1 nor limited its place in the world's market4 ,as a result of this constant supervision of industry1 the ,german police although a part of a military government1 are constantly employed in the regulation of social affairs2 and in these branches of government it is remarked that they are dropping their military tone and assuming toward the people the attitude of helpers and protectors4 ,the police force in ,germany is the lowest executive organ of the interior government and there are1 therefore1 as many kinds of police departments as there are different departments in this interior government4 ,they follow the ,government inspectors of the forest1 the railways1 the fields and roads1 to see that their instructions are obeyed4 ,in the ,department of ,public ,health it is the police officers who finally enforce instructions in regard to vaccination1 meat inspection1 sale of food-stuffs1 and the transportation of animals2 in the department of factory inspection the police not only enforce the provisions of the factory laws1 but they are responsible for the books in which the wages paid to minors are recorded2 and it is from the police stations that the cards of the ,government insurance for working-people are issued4 ,any special investigation ordered by the legislature is1 as a matter of course1 undertaken by the police4 ,these varied activities1 of course1 require men of education and ability1 and the very extension of function has broken down the military ideal in the country where that ideal is most firmly intrenched4 ,but in a ,republic founded upon a revulsion from oppressive government we still keep the police close to their negative rle of preserving order and arresting the criminal4 ,the varied functions they perform in ,germany would be impossible in ,america1 because it would be hotly resented by the ,american business man who will not brook any governmental interference in industrial affairs4 ,the inherited instinct that government is naturally oppressive1 and that its inroads must be checked1 has made it a matter of principle and patriotism to keep the functions of government more restricted and more military than has become true in military countries4 ,almost every ,sunday in the ,italian quarter in which ,i live various mutual benefit societies march with fife and drum and with a brave showing of banners1 celebrating their achievement in having surrounded themselves by at least a thin wall of protection against disaster1 upon having set up their mutual good will against the day of misfortune4 ,these parades have all the emblems of patriotism2 indeed1 the associations present the primitive core of patriotism1 brothers standing by each other against hostile forces from without4 ,i assure you that no ,fourth of ,july celebration1 no rejoicing over the birth of an heir to the ,italian throne1 equals in heartiness and sincerity these simple celebrations4 ,again one longs to pour into the government of their adopted country all this affection and zeal1 this real patriotism4 ,a system of ,state insurance would be a very simple device and secure a large return4 ,are we in ,america retaining eighteenth-century traditions1 while ,germany is gradually evolving into a ,government logically fitted to cope with the industrial situation of the twentieth century8 ,do we so fail to apprehend what democracy is1 that we are really afraid to extend the functions of municipal administration8 ,have we lost that most conservative of all beliefs--the belief in the average man1 and thereby forfeited ,aristotle's ideal of a city 8where men live a common life for noble ends08 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,militarism ,,and ,,industrial ,,legislation ,american cities have been slow to consider industrial questions as germane to government1 and the ,federal authorities have persistently treated the millions of immigrants who arrive every year upon a political theory and method adopted a century ago1 because both of them ignore the fact that the organization of industry has completed a revolution during that period4 ,the gigantic task of standardizing the successive nations of immigrants throughout the country has fallen upon workmen because they alone cannot ignore the actual industrial situation4 ,to thousands of workmen the immigration problem is a question of holding a job against a constantly lowering standard of living1 and to withstand this stream of 8raw labor0 means to them the maintenance of industrial efficiency and of life itself4 ,workingmen are engaged in a desperate struggle to maintain a standard of wages against the constant arrival of unskilled immigrants at the rate of three-quarters of a million a year1 at the very period when the elaboration of machinery permits the largest use of unskilled men4 ,it may be owing to the fact that the workingman is brought into direct contact with the situation as a desperate problem of a living wage against starvation2 it may be that wisdom is at her old trick of residing in the hearts of the simple1 or that this new idealism1 which is that of a reasonable life and labor1 must1 from the very nature of things1 proceed from those who labor2 or possibly it may be because amelioration arises whence it is so sorely needed2 but certainly it is true1 that1 while the rest of the country talks of assimilation as if it were a huge digestive apparatus1 the man with whom the immigrant has come most sharply into competition1 has been forced into fraternal relations with him4 ,curiously enough1 however1 as soon as the immigrant situation is frankly regarded as an industrial one1 as these men must regard it1 the political aspects of the industrial situation is revealed in the fact that trade organizations which openly concern themselves with the immigration problem on its industrial side1 quickly take on the paraphernalia and machinery which have hitherto associated themselves only with governmental life and control4 ,the trades unions have worked out all over again local autonomy1 with central councils and national representative bodies and the use of the referendum vote2 and they also exhibit many of the features of political corruption and manipulation4 ,the first real lesson in self-government to many immigrants has come through the organization of labor unions1 and it could come in no other way1 for the union alone has appealed to their necessities4 ,one sees the first indication of an idealism arising out of these primal necessities1 and at moments one dares to hope that it may be sturdy enough and sufficiently founded upon experience to make some impression upon the tremendous immigration situation4 ,the movements embodying a new idealism have traditionally sought refuge with those who are near to starvation4 ,although the spiritual struggle is associated with the solitary garret of the impassioned dreamer1 it may be that the idealism fitted to our industrial democracy will be evolved in crowded sewer ditches and in noisy factories4 ,it may be contended that this remarkable coming together of the workingman and the immigrant has been the result of an economic pressure1 and is without merit or idealism1 and that the trades union record on ,chinese exclusion and negro discrimination has been damaging4 ,be that as it may1 this assimilation between the immigrant and the workingman has exhibited amazing strength1 which may be illustrated from two careful studies made in two different parts of the country4 ,to quote first from a study made from the ,university of ,wisconsin of the stock yards strike which took place in ,chicago in #aijdf3 8,perhaps the fact of the greatest social significance is that this was not merely a strike of skilled labor for the unskilled1 but was a strike of ,americanized ,irish1 ,germans1 and ,bohemians1 in behalf of ,slovaks1 ,poles1 and ,lithuanians4444 ,this substitution of races in the stock yards has been a continuing process for twenty years4 ,the older nationalities have already disappeared from the unskilled occupations1 and the substitution of races has evidently run along the line of lower standard of living4 ,the latest arrivals1 the ,lithuanians and ,slovaks1 are probably the most oppressed of the peasants of ,europe40 ,the visitors who attended the crowded meetings of the strikers during the summer of #aijd and heard the same address successively translated by interpreters into six or eight languages1 who saw the respect shown to the most uncouth of the speakers by the skilled ,american men representing a distinctly superior standard of life and thought1 could never doubt the power of the labor organizations for amalgamation1 whatever opinion they might hold concerning their other values4 ,this may be said in spite of the fact that great industrial disturbances have arisen from the under-cutting of wages by the lowering of racial standard4 ,certainly the most notable of these have taken place in those industries and at those places in which the importation of immigrants has been deliberately fostered as a wage-lowering weapon2 and even in those disturbances and under the shock and strain of a long strike1 disintegration did not come along the line of race cleavage4 ,the other study was made in the anthracite coal fields1 and was undertaken from the ,university of ,pennsylvania#g3 8,the ,united ,mine ,workers of ,america is taking men of a score of nationalities1 ,english-speaking and ,slav1 men of widely different creeds1 languages1 and customs1 and of varying powers of industrial competition1 and is welding them into an industrial brotherhood1 each part of which can at least understand of the others that they are working for one great and common end4 ,this bond of unionism is stronger than one can readily imagine who has not seen its mysterious workings or who has not been a victim of its members' newly found enthusiasm4 ,it is to-day the strongest tie that can bind together #adg1jjj mine workers and the thousands dependent upon them4 ,it is more than religion1 more than the social ties which hold together members of the same community40 ,it was during a remarkable struggle on the part of this amalgamation of men from all countries1 that the ,united ,states government1 in spite of itself1 was driven to take a hand in an industrial situation1 owing to the long strain and the intolerable suffering entailed upon the whole country4 ,even then1 however1 the ,government endeavored to confine its investigation to the mere commercial questions of tonnage and freight rates with their political implications1 and it was only when an aroused and moralized public opinion insisted upon it that the national commission was driven to consider the human aspects of the case4 ,because of this public opinion1 columns of newspapers and days of investigation were given to the discussion of the deeds of violence1 discussions having nothing to do with the original demands of the strikers and entering only into the value set upon human life by each of the contesting parties4 ,did the union encourage violence against non-union men1 or did it really do everything to suppress violence8 ,did it live up to its creed which was to maintain a standard of living that families might be properly housed and protected from debilitating toil and disease1 and that children might be nurtured into ,american citizenship8 ,did the operators protect their men as far as possible from mine damp1 from length of hours proven by experience to be exhausting8 ,did they pay a wage to the mine laborer sufficient to allow him to send his children to school8 ,questions such as these1 a study of the human problem1 invaded the commission day after day during the sitting4 ,one felt for the moment the first wave of a rising tide of humanitarianism1 until the normal ideals of the laborer to secure food and shelter for his family1 a security for his own old age1 and a larger opportunity for his children became the ideals of democratic government4 ,let us imagine the result if1 during the long anthracite strike1 the humane instinct had so over-mastered the minds of the strikers1 and so exalted their passions that they had lifted a hand against no man1 even though he seemed to be endangering their cause before their eyes4 ,such a result might have come about1 partly because the destruction of life had become abhorrent and impossible to them engaged as they were in the endeavor to raise life in the coal regions to a higher level1 and partly because they would have scorned to destroy an enemy in order to achieve a mere negative result when the power lay within themselves to convert him into an ally1 when they might have made him a source of help and power1 a comrade of the same undertaking4 ,if the element of battle1 of mere self-seeking1 could be eliminated from strikes1 if they could remain a sheer uprising of the oppressed and underpaid to a self-conscious recognition of their condition1 so unified1 so irresistible as to sweep all the needy within its flood1 we should have a tide rising1 not to destruction1 but to beneficence4 ,let us imagine the state of public feeling if there had been absolutely no act of violence traceable1 directly or indirectly1 to the union miners2 if during the long months of the strike the great body of miners could have added the sanction of sustained conduct to their creed4 ,public sympathy would have led to an understanding of the need these miners were trying to meet1 and the ,american nation itself might have been ready to ask for legislation concerning the minimum wage1 and for protection to life and limb1 equal to the legislation of ,new ,zealand or ,germany4 ,but because the element of warfare unhappily did exist1 government got back to its old business of repression4 ,to preserve law and order is obviously the function of government everywhere2 and yet in our complicated modern society1 especially as thousands of varied peoples are crowded into cities1 it is not always easy to see just where real social order lies4 ,the officials themselves are sometimes perplexed1 and at other times deliberately use the devices of government for their own ends4 ,we may take once more in illustration the great strike in the ,chicago stock-yards4 ,the immediate object of the strike was the protection of the wages of the unskilled men from a cut of one cent per hour1 although1 of course1 the unions of skilled men felt that this first invasion of the wages increased through the efforts of the union1 would be but the entering wedge of an attempt to cut wages in all the trades represented in the stock-yards4 ,owing to the refusal on the part of the unions to accept arbitration offered by the packers at an embarrassing moment1 and because of the failure of the unions to carry out the terms of a contract1 the strike in its early stages completely lost the sympathy of that large part of the public dominated by ideals of business honor and fair dealing4 ,it lost1 too1 the sympathy of that growing body of organized labor which is steadily advancing in a regard for the validity of the contract1 and is faithfully cherishing the hope that in time the trades unions may universally attain an accredited business standing4 ,the leaders after the first ten days were1 therefore1 forced to make the most of the purely human appeal which lay in the situation itself1 that #cj1jjj men1 including the allied trades1 were losing weeks of wages1 with a possible chance of the destruction of their unions on behalf of the unskilled who were the newly arrived ,poles and ,lithuanians1 unable as yet to look out for themselves4 ,owing to the irregular and limited hours of work--a condition quite like that prevailing on the ,london docks before the great strike of the dockers--the weekly wage of these unskilled men was exceptionally low1 and the plea of the strikers was based upon the duty of the strong to the weak4 ,a chivalric call was issued that the standard of life might be raised to that designated as ,american1 and that this mass of unskilled men might secure an education for their children4 ,of course no appeal could have been so strong as this purely human one which united for weeks thousands of men of a score of nationalities into that solidarity which only comes through a self-sacrificing devotion to an absorbing cause4 ,the strike involved much suffering and many unforeseen complications4 ,at the end of eight weeks the union leaders made the best terms possible4 ,through these terms the skilled workers were guaranteed against a reduction in wages1 but no provision was made for the unskilled in whose behalf the strike had at first been undertaken4 ,although the hard-pressed leaders were willing to make this concession1 the politicians in the meanwhile had seen the great value of the human sentiment which bases its appeal on the need of the under dog and which had successfully united this mass of workingmen into a new comradeship with the immigrants4 ,the appeal was infinitely more valuable than any merely political cry1 and the fact that the final terms of settlement were submitted to a referendum vote at once gave the local politicians a chance to avail themselves of this big1 loosely defined sympathy4 ,they did avail themselves of this in so dramatic a manner that they almost succeeded1 solely upon that appeal1 in taking the strike out of the hands of the legitimate officers and placing it in their own hands for their own political ends4 ,the situation was a typical one1 exemplifying the real aim of popular government with its concern for primitive needs1 forced to seek expression outside of the organized channels of government4 ,if the militia could have been called in1 government would have been placed even more dramatically in the position of the oppressor of popular self-government4 ,the phenomenal good order1 the comparative lack of violence on the part of the striking workmen1 gave no chance for the bringing in of the militia4 ,the city politician was of course very much disappointed1 for it would have afforded him an opening to put the odium of this traditional opposition of government1 an opposition which has always been most dramatically embodied in the soldier1 upon the political party dominating the ,state but not the city4 ,it would have given the city politician an excellent opportunity to show the concern of himself and his party for the real people1 as over against the attitude of the party dominating the ,state4 ,but because the militia was not called1 his scheme failed1 and the legitimate strike leaders who1 although they passed through much tribulation because of this political interference1 did not eventually lose control4 ,the situation in the ,chicago stock-yards also afforded an excellent epitome of the fact that government so often finds itself1 not only in opposition to the expressed will of the people making the demand at the moment1 but apparently against the best instincts of the mass of the citizens as a whole4 ,for years the city administration had so protected the property interests invested in the stock-yards1 that none of the sanitary ordinances had ever been properly enforced4 ,the sickening stench and the scum on the branch of the river known as ,bubbly ,creek at times made that section of the city unendurable4 ,the smoke ordinances were openly ignored1 nor did the meat inspector ever seriously interfere with business1 being quite willing to have meat sold in ,chicago which had not passed the inspection for foreign markets4 ,the water steals1 too1 for which the stock-yards were at one time notorious1 must have been more or less known to certain officials4 ,but all this merely corrupted a limited number of inspectors1 and although their corruption was complete and involved entire administrations1 it did not actually touch large numbers of persons4 ,during the strike of #aijd1 however1 #a1bjj policemen1 actual men possessed of human sensibilities1 were called upon to patrol the yards inside and out4 ,there is no doubt that the police inspector of the district thoroughly represented the alliance of the ,city ,hall with the business interests1 that he did not mean to discover anything which was derogatory to the packers nor to embarrass them in any way during the conduct of the strike4 ,had these #a1bjj men1 more than a regiment in numbers1 been a regiment in training and tradition1 they1 too1 would have seen nothing1 and would have been content at heart1 as they were obliged to be in conduct1 to have arrested the strikers on the slightest provocation1 and to have protected the strike-breakers4 ,but they were1 in point of fact1 called upon to face a very peculiar situation1 because of the type of men and women who formed the bulk of the strike-breakers1 and because1 during the first weeks of the strike1 these men and women were kept constantly inside the yards1 day and night4 ,in order to hold them at all1 discipline outside of working hours was thoroughly relaxed1 and the policemen in charge of the yards1 while there ostensibly to enforce law and order1 were obliged every night to connive at prize-fighting1 at open gambling1 and at prostitution4 ,they were there1 not to enforce law and order as it defines itself in the minds of the bulk of healthy-minded citizens1 but only to keep the strikers from molesting the non-union workers4 ,this was certainly commendable1 but1 after all1 only part of their real duty4 ,because they were normal men living in the midst of normal life and not in barracks1 they were shocked by the law-breaking which they were ordered to protect1 and much drawn in sympathy to the strikers whom they were supposed to regard as public enemies4 ,an investigator who interviewed one hundred policemen found only one who did not frankly extol the virtues of the strikers as over against the shocking vices of the imported men4 ,this1 of course1 was an extreme case brought about by the unusual and peculiar type of the imported strike-breakers4 ,there is1 however1 trustworthy evidence incorporated in affidavits which were at the time submitted to the ,mayor of ,chicago1 concerning the unlawful conduct of the men who were under the protection of the city police4 ,it was hard for a patriot not to feel jealous of the union and of the enthusiasm of those newly emigrated citizens4 ,they poured out their gratitude and affection upon this first big friendly force which had offered them help in their desperate struggle in the ,new ,world4 ,this devotion1 this comradeship1 and this fine esprit de corps should have been won by the ,government itself from these newly arrived1 scared1 and untrained citizens4 ,the union was that which had concerned itself with the real struggle for life1 shelter1 a chance to work1 and bread for their children4 ,it had come to them in a language they could understand1 through men with interests akin to their own1 and it gave them both their first chance to express themselves through a democratic vote1 and an opportunity to register by a ballot their real opinion upon a very important matter4 ,they used the referendum votes1 the latest and perhaps the most clever device of democratic government1 and yet they used it to decide a question which the government supposed to be quite outside its realm4 ,when they left the old country1 the government of ,america held their deepest hopes1 and represented that which they believed would obtain for them the fullness of life denied them in the lands of oppressive governments4 ,it is a curious commentary on the fact that we have not yet attained self-government when the real and legitimate objects of men's desires must still be incorporated in those voluntary groups for which the government1 when it does its best1 can only afford protection from interference4 ,as the religious revivalist looks with longing upon the fervor of a single-tax meeting1 as the orthodox ,jew sees his son stay away from ,yom ,kippur service in order to pour all his religious fervor1 his precious zeal for righteousness which has been gathered through the centuries1 into the ,socialist ,labor ,party--so a patriot finds himself exclaiming to the immigrant1 like another ,andrea del ,sarto to his wife1 8,oh1 but what do they--what do they to please you more80 ,the stock-yards strike afforded an example of the national appeal subordinated to an appeal made in the name of labor4 ,during the early stages of the strike it was discovered that newly arrived ,macedonians were taking many of the places vacated by the strikers4 ,one of the most touching scenes during the strike was the groups of ,macedonians who would sit together in the twilight playing on primitive pipes singularly like the one which is associated with the great god ,pan4 ,the slender song would carry amazingly in the smoke-bedimmed air1 affecting the spectator with a curious sense of incongruity4 ,when the organized labor of ,chicago discovered that the strikers' places were taken by ,greeks1 the unions threatened1 unless the ,greeks were 8called off10 to boycott the ,greek fruit-dealers all over the city1 who with their street stands are singularly dependent upon the patronage of workingmen4 ,the fact that the strike-breakers were ,macedonians1 as it happened1 was an additional advantage at the moment2 for the ,greeks have been much concerned to make it clear that ,macedonia belongs to ,greece1 and have hotly resented the efforts of ,bulgaria to establish a protectorate over the country4 ,they therefore responded at once to this acknowledgment of their claim1 and1 partly to show that the ,macedonians and ,greeks were countrymen1 partly because they resented the implication that a ,greek could act a cowardly part in any situation1 and also1 doubtless1 because they were merchants threatened with loss of trade1 they made superhuman efforts to clear the yards of ,macedonians4 ,this they accomplished in a remarkably short time4 ,so reckless were they in the methods they used that it was common gossip throughout the ,greek colony that strike-breakers would be refused the comforts of religion by the ,greek priests in the city1 although doubtless this rumor was unfounded4 ,this utter recklessness of method1 this determination to deter strike-breaking at any cost1 is1 of course1 a revelation of the war element which is an essential part of any strike4 ,the appeal to 8loyalty0 is the nearest approach to a moral appeal which can be safely made in the midst of a war of any sort4 ,during a long strike one result of the non-moral appeal is to confuse the situation so that it becomes utterly impossible to tell how many men refuse to become strike-breakers because they are terrorized and how many stay away from conviction4 ,the non-moral appeal not only sins against the principles advocated by trades unionists1 but it contradicts itself and brings great confusion into the situation1 as war ideals always do when thrust into a peaceful society4 ,it was1 for instance1 quite impossible to tell whether the lowering in the type of man who was willing to take a striker's place1 so that at last only very ignorant men from the southern plantations could be induced to work1 was due to a species of class consciousness1 a response to the demand felt so strongly by labor men--8,thou shalt not take thy neighbor's job0--or whether workingmen are becoming so afraid to take striker's places that these places must at last be given to men who have come from such remote parts of the country that 8they do not know enough to be afraid40 ,the unions themselves could take no accounting of their real strength because of the terrorism which had become thrust into the situation4 ,and yet all that the stock-yards workers were demanding through this long and disastrous strike1 was the minimum wage which has been guaranteed by conservative governments elsewhere1 and is recognized even in the ,united ,states in much governmental work under the contracts of civil or ,federal authorities4 ,so timid are ,american cities1 however1 in dealing with this perfectly reasonable subject of wages in its relation to municipal employees1 that when they do prescribe a minimum wage for city contract work1 they allow it to fall into the hands of the petty politician and to become part of a political game1 making no effort to give it a dignified treatment in relation to the cost of living and to the margin of leisure4 ,in this the ,english cities have anticipated us1 both as to time and legitimate procedure4 ,have ,americans formed a sort of 8imperialism of virtue10 holding on to preconceived ideals of government and insisting that they must fit all the people who come to our shores1 even though they crush the most promising bits of self-expression in the process8 ,is the ,american attitude toward self-government like that of the ,anglo-,saxon towards civilization1 save that he goes forth to rule all the nations of the earth by one pattern1 while we remain at home and bid them to rule themselves by one pattern8 ,we firmly decline not only to consider matters of industry and commerce as germane to government1 but we also decline to bring men together upon that most natural and inevitable of all foundations1 their industrial needs4 ,the government which refuses to consider matters of this sort1 or at least waits until their neglect becomes a scandal before it consents to deal with them1 as a result of this caution forces the most patriotic citizens to ignore the ,government and to embody their scruples and hopes of progress in voluntary organizations4 ,to be afraid to extend the functions of government may be to lose what we have4 ,a government has always received feeble support from its constituents as soon as its demands appeared childish or remote4 ,citizens inevitably neglect or abandon civic duty1 when their government no longer embodies their genuine desires4 ,it is useless to hypnotize ourselves by unreal talk of colonial ideas1 and of our patriotic duty towards immigrants as though the situation was one demanding the passage of a set of resolutions when we fail to realize that the nation can be saved only by patriots who are possessed of a contemporaneous knowledge4 ,as industrial relations imply peaceful relations1 under a certain rough reorganization and reconstruction of governmental functions which the association of labor presents1 it is inevitable that in its international aspects the association should formally advocate universal peace4 ,workmen have always realized1 however feebly and vaguely they may have expressed it1 that it is they who in all ages have borne the heaviest burden of privation and suffering imposed on the world by the military spirit4 ,the first international organization founded1 not to promote a colorless peace1 but to advance and develop the common life of all nations1 was founded in ,london in #ahfd by workingmen1 and was called simply 8,the ,international ,association of ,workingmen40 ,they recognized that a supreme interest raised all workingmen above the prejudice of race1 and united them by wider and deeper principles than those by which they were separated into nations4 ,they hoped that as religion1 science1 art1 had become international1 so now at last labor might take its place as an international interest4 ,a few years later1 at its third congress in ,brussels they recommended that in case of war a universal strike be declared4 ,there is a growing conviction among workingmen of all countries that1 whatever may be accomplished by a national war1 however moral the supposed aim of such a war1 there is one inevitable result--an increased standing army1 the soldiers of which are non-producers1 and must be fed by the workers4 ,the surprising growth of ,socialism1 at the moment1 is due largely to the fact that it is the only political party upon an international basis1 and also that it frankly ventures its future upon a better industrial organization4 ,these two aspects have had much more to do with its hold in industrial neighborhoods than have its philosophic tenets or the impassioned appeal of its propagandists4 ,the ,socialists are making almost the sole attempt to preach a morality sufficiently all-embracing and international to keep pace with even that material internationalism which has standarized the threads of screws and the size of bolts1 so that machines may become interchangeable from one country to another4 ,it is the same sort of internationalism which ,mazzini preached when distracted ,italy was making her desperate struggle for a unified and national life4 ,he issued his remarkable address to her workingmen and solemnly told them that the life of the nation could not be made secure until her patriots were ready to die for human issues4 ,he saw1 earlier than most men1 that the desire to be at unity with all human beings1 to claim the sense of a universal affection is a force not to be ignored4 ,he believed that it might even then be strong enough to devour the flimsy stuff called national honor1 glory1 and prestige1 which incite to war and induce workingmen to trample over each other's fields and to destroy the results of each other's labor4 ,workingmen dream of an industrialism which shall be the handmaid of a commerce ministering to an increased power of consumption among the producers of the world1 binding them together in a genuine internationalism4 ,existing commerce has long ago reached its international stage1 but it has been the result of business aggression and constantly appeals for military defense and for the forcing of new markets4 ,in so far as commerce has rested upon the successful capture of the resources of the workers1 it has been a relic of the mediaeval baron issuing forth to seize the merchants' boats as they passed his castle on the ,rhine4 ,it has logically lent itself to warfare1 and is1 indeed1 the modern representative of conquest4 ,as its prototype rested upon slavery and vassalage1 so this commerce is founded upon a contempt for the worker and believes that he can live on low wages4 ,it assumes that his legitimate wants are the animal ones comprising merely food and shelter and the cost of replacement4 ,the industrialism of which this commerce is a part1 exhibits this same contemptuous attitude1 but it is more easily extended to immigrants than to any other sort of workmen because they seem further away from a common standard of life4 ,this attitude toward the immigrant simply illustrates once more that it is around the deeply significant idea of the standard of life that our industrial problems of to-day centre4 ,the desire for a higher standard of living in reality forms the base of all the forward movements of the working class4 8,the significance of the standard of life lies not so much in the fact that for each of us it is different1 as that for all of us it is progressive10#h constantly invading new realms4 ,to imagine that for immigrants it is merely a question of tin cups and plates stored in a bunk versus a white cloth and a cottage table1 and that all goes well if sewing-machines and cottage-organs reach the first generation of immigrants1 and fashionable dressmakers and pianos the second1 is of course a most untutored interpretation4 ,until the standard of life is apprehended in its real significance and made the crux of the immigrant situation1 as recent economists are making the power of consumption the test of a nation's prosperity1 we shall continue to ignore the most obvious and natural basis for understanding and mutual citizenship4 ,because workmen have been forced to consider this standard of living in regard to immigrants as well as themselves1 they have made genuine efforts toward amalgamation4 ,this is perhaps easily explained1 for1 after all1 the man in this country who realizes human equality is not he who repeats the formula of the eighteenth century1 but he who has learned that the 8idea of equality is an outgrowth of man's primary relations with nature4 ,birth1 growth1 nutrition1 reproduction1 death1 are the great levelers that remind us of the essential equality of human life4 ,it is with the guarantee of equal opportunities to play our parts well in these primary processes that government is chiefly concerned0#i and not merely with the repression of the vicious1 nor with guarding the rights of property4 ,all that devotion of the trades union for the real issues and trials of life could1 of course1 easily be turned into a passion for self-government and for the development of the national life if we were really democratic from the modern evolutionary standpoint1 and held our town-meetings upon the topics of vital concern4 ,so long1 however1 as the ,government declines to concern itself with these deeper issues involved in the standard of life and the industrial status of thousands of its citizens1 we must lose it4 ,if progress were inaugurated by those members of the community who possess the widest knowledge and superior moral insight1 then social amelioration might be brought about without the bungling and mistakes which so distress us all4 ,but1 over and over again1 salutary changes are projected and carried through by men of even less than the average ethical development1 because their positions in life have brought them in contact with the ills of existing arrangements4 ,to quote from ,john ,morley3 8,in matters of social improvement1 the most common reason why one hits upon a point of progress and not another1 is that one happens to be more directly touched than the other by the unimproved practice40#aj ,perhaps this is a sufficient explanation of the fact that untrained workmen are entrusted with the difficult task of industrial amelioration and adjustment1 while the rest of the community often seems ignorant of the truth that institutions which do not march with the extension of human needs and relationships are dead1 and may easily become a deterrent to social progress4 ,unless we subordinate class interests and class feeling to a broader conception of social progress1 unless we take pains to come in contact with the surging and diverse peoples who make up the nation1 we cannot hope to attain a sane social development4 ,we need rigid enforcement of the existing laws1 while at the same time1 we frankly admit the inadequacy of these laws1 and work without stint for progressive regulations better fitted to the newer issues among which our lot is cast2 for1 unless the growing conscience is successfully embodied in legal enactment1 men lose the habit of turning to the law for guidance and redress4 ,i recall1 in illustration of this1 an instance which took place fifteen years ago4 ,i had newly come to ,chicago1 fresh from the country1 and had little idea of the social and industrial conditions in which ,i found myself on ,halsted ,street1 when a dozen girls came from a neighboring factory with a grievance in regard to their wages4 ,the affair could hardly have been called a labor difficulty4 ,the girls had never heard of a trades union1 and were totally unaccustomed to acting together4 ,it was more in the nature of a 8scrap0 between themselves and their foreman4 ,in the effort toward adjustment1 there remains vividly in my memory a conversation ,i had with a leading judge who arbitrated the difficulty4 ,he expressed his belief in the capacity of the common law to meet all legitimate labor difficulties as they arise4 ,he trusted its remarkable adaptability to changing conditions under the decisions of wise and progressive judges4 ,he contended1 however1 that1 in order to adjust it to our industrial affairs1 it must be interpreted1 not so much in relation to precedents established under a judicial order which belongs to the past1 but in reference to that newer sense of justice which this generation is seeking to embody in industrial relations4 ,he foresaw something of the stress and storm of the industrial conflicts which have occurred in ,chicago since then1 and he expressed the hope that the ,bench of ,cook ,county might seize the opportunity1 in this new and difficult situation1 of dealing with labor difficulties in a judicial spirit4 ,what a difference it would have made in the history of ,chicago during the last fifteen years if more men had been possessed of this temper and wisdom1 and had refused to countenance the use of force4 ,if more men had been able to see the situation through a fresher medium2 to apprehend that the old legal enactments were too individualistic and narrow2 that a difference in degree may make a difference in kind2 if they had realized that they were the first generation of ,american jurists who had to deal with a situation made novel by the fact that it was brought about by the coming together of two millions of people largely on an industrial basis6 ,our constitutions were constructed by the advanced men of the eighteenth century1 who had studied the works of the most radical thinkers of that century4 ,radicalism then meant a more democratic political organization1 and in its defence1 they fearlessly quoted the ,greek city and the ,roman ,forum4 ,but we have come to admit that our present difficulties are connected with our industrial organization and with the lack of connection between that organization and our inherited democratic form of government4 ,if self-government were to be inaugurated by the advanced men of the present moment1 they would make a most careful research into those early organizations of village communities1 folk-motes1 and mirs1 those primary cells of both industrial and political organizations1 where the people knew no difference between the two1 but1 quite simply1 met to consider in common discussion all that concerned their common life4 ,they would investigate the crafts1 guilds1 and artels1 which combine government with daily occupations1 as did the self-governing university and free town4 ,they would seek for the connection between the liberty-loving mediaeval city and its free creative architecture1 that art which combines the greatest variety of artists and artisans4 ,they would not altogether ignore the 8compulsion of origins0 and the fact that our present civilization is most emphatically an industrial one4 ,in ,germany1 when the ,social ,democratic party first vigorously asserted the economic basis of society and laid the emphasis upon its industrial aspect1 the ,government itself1 in a series of legislative measures1 designated 8the ,socialism of ,bismarck10 found itself dealing directly with industry1 through a sheer effort to give itself a touch of reality4 ,the ,government of ,russia1 in the first year of the ,japanese ,war1 made an effort to relieve the needs of the people4 ,the bureaucracy itself organized the workmen into a species of trades unions through which the ,russian ,government promised to protect the proletarian from the aggressions of capital4 ,the entire incident was suggestive of the protection afforded by the central ,state to the slowly emancipated serfs of central ,europe when the barons1 reluctant to give up their rights and privileges1 so unjustly oppressed them4 ,shall a democracy be slower than these old ,powers to protect its humblest citizen1 and shall it see them slowly deteriorating because1 according to democratic theory1 they do not need protection8 ,,footnotes3 #f ,trade ,unionism and ,labor ,problems1 by ,john ,r4 ,commons1 page #bdh4 #g 8,the ,slav ,invasion10 by ,f4 ,j4 ,warne1 pages #aah1 #aai4 #h ,the ,standard of ,life1 by ,mrs4 ,bernard ,bosanquet1 page #d4 #i ,the ,american ,city4 ,delos ,f4 ,wilcox1 page #bjj4 #aj ,compromise1 ,john ,morley1 page #bac4 ,,chapter ,v ,,group ,,morality ,,in ,,the ,,labor ,,movement ,this generation is constantly confronted by radical industrial changes1 from which the community as a whole profits1 but which must inevitably bring difficulty of adjustment and disaster to men of certain trades4 ,in all fairness1 these difficulties should be distributed and should not be allowed to fall completely upon the group of working-people whose labor is displaced as a result of the changes and who are obliged to learn anew their method of work and mode of life4 ,if the great industrial changes could be considered as belonging to the community as a whole and could be reasonably dealt with1 the situation would then be difficult enough1 but it is enormously complicated by the fact that society has become divided into camps in relation to the industrial system and that many times the factions break out into active hostility4 ,these two camps inevitably develop group morality--the employers tending toward the legal and contractual development of morality1 the workingmen toward the sympathetic and human4 ,among our contemporaries1 these two are typified by the employers associations and the trades unions4 ,it is always difficult to judge a contemporaneous movement with any degree of fairness1 and it is perennially perplexing to distinguish what is merely adventitious and temporary from that which represents essential and permanent tendencies4 ,this discrimination is made much more difficult when a movement exhibits various stages of development contemporaneously1 when a dozen historic phases are going on at the same time4 ,yet every historic movement towards democracy1 which constantly gathers to itself large bodies of raw recruits while the older groups are moving on1 presents this peculiar difficulty4 ,in the case of trades unions1 certain groups are marked by lawlessness and disorder1 others by most decorous business methods1 and still others are fairly decadent in their desire for monopolistic control4 ,it is a long cry from the ,chartists of #ahci1 burning hayricks1 to ,john ,burns of #aijb1 pleading in the ,house of ,commons with well-reasoned eloquence for an extension of the workingmen's franchise4 ,nevertheless they are both manifestations of the same movement towards universal suffrage and show no greater difference than that between the ,chicago teamsters1 who were blocking commerce and almost barricading the streets in #aijb when at the same moment ,john ,mitchell made his well-considered statement that he would rather lose the coal strike1 with all that that loss implied1 than gain it at the cost of violence4 ,students of industrial history will point out the sequence and development of the political movement from the ,chartist to the ,independent ,labor party4 ,they will tell us that the same desire burned in the hearts of the ignorant farmers which fired the distinguished parliamentarian1 but they give no help to our bewildered minds when we would fain discover some order and sequence between the widely separated events of the contemporaneous labor movement4 ,we must first get down to the question1 ,in what does 8the inevitably destined rise of the men of labor0 consist8 ,what are we trying to solve in this 8most hazardous problem of the age08 ,is progress in the labor movement to come1 as we are told progress comes in the non-moral world1 by the blind1 brute struggle of individual interests2 or is it to come1 as its earlier leaders believed1 through the operation of the human will8 ,is it a question of morals which must depend upon educators and apostles2 or is it merely a conflict of opposing rights which may legitimately use coercion8 ,the question1 from the very nature of the case1 is confusing2 for1 of necessity1 the labor movement has perfectly legitimate economic and business aspects1 which loom large and easily overshadow the ethical4 ,we would all agree that only when men have education1 a margin of leisure1 and a decent home can they find room to develop the moral life4 ,before that1 there are too many chances that it will be crushed out by ignorance1 by grinding weariness1 and by indecency4 ,but the danger lies in the conviction that these advantages are to be secured by any means1 moral or non-moral1 and in holding them paramount to the inner life which they are supposed to nourish4 ,the labor movement is confronted by that inevitable problem which confronts every movement and every individual4 ,how far shall the compromise be made between the inner concept and the outer act8 ,how may we concede what it is necessary to concede1 without conceding all8 ,we constantly forget that1 in the last analysis1 the spiritual growth of one social group is conditioned by the reaction of other social groups upon it4 ,we ignore the fact that the worship of success1 so long dominant in ,america1 has taught the majority of our citizens to count only accomplishment and to make little inquiry concerning methods4 ,success has become the sole standard in regard to business enterprises and political parties1 but it is evident that the public intends to call a halt before it is willing to apply the same standard to labor organizations4 ,it is clear that the present moment is one of unusual crisis--that many of the trades unions of ,america have reached a transitional period1 when they can no longer be mere propagandists1 but are called upon to deal with concrete and difficult situations4 ,when they were small and persecuted1 they held to the faith and its implication of idealism4 ,as they become larger and more powerful1 they make terms with the life about them1 and compromise as best they may with actual conditions4 ,the older unions1 which have reached the second stage that may be described as that of business dealing1 are constantly hampered and harassed by the actions of the younger unions which are still in the enthusiastic stage4 ,this embarrassment is especially notable just now1 for1 during this last period of prosperity1 trades unions have increased enormously in numbers2 the ,state ,federation of ,minnesota1 for instance1 reported an increase of six hundred per cent4 in one year4 ,nearly all the well-established unions have been flooded by new members who are not yet assimilated and disciplined4 ,during this period of extraordinary growth1 the labor movement has naturally attracted to itself hundreds of organizations which are yet in their infancy and exhibit all the weakness of 8group morality40 ,this doubtless tends to a conception of moral life which is as primitive as that which controlled the beginnings of patriotism1 when the members of the newly conscious nation considered all those who were outside as possible oppressors and enemies1 and were loyal only towards those whom their imagination included as belonging to the national life4 ,they gave much1 and demanded much1 in the name of blood brothers1 but were merciless to the rest of the world4 ,in addition to its belligerent youth and its primitive morality1 the newer union is prone to declare a strike1 simply because the members have long suffered what they consider to be grievances1 and the accumulated sense of unredressed wrong makes them eager for a chance to 8fight for their rights40 ,at the same time1 the employer always attempts his most vigorous attack upon a new union1 both because he does not wish organized labor to obtain a foothold in his factory1 and because his chances for success are greater before his employees are well disciplined in unionism4 ,nevertheless in actual conflict a young union will often make a more reckless fight than an older one1 like the rough rider in contrast with the disciplined soldier4 ,the members of a newly organized group naturally respond first to a sense of loyalty to each other as against their employers1 and then to the wider consciousness of organized labor as against capital4 ,this stage of trades unionism is full of war phraseology1 with its 8pickets0 and 8battle-grounds10 and is responsible for the most serious mistakes of the movement4 ,the sense of group loyalty holds trades unionists longer than is normal to other groups1 doubtless because of the constant accessions of those who are newly conscious of its claims4 ,those ,chicago strikes1 which1 during the last few years1 have been most notably characterized by disorder and the necessity for police interference1 have almost universally been inaugurated by the newly organized unions4 ,they have called to their aid the older organizations1 and the latter have entered into the struggle many times under protest and most obviously against their best interests4 ,the ,chicago ,federation of ,labor has often given its official indorsement to hot-headed strikes on the part of 8baby unions0 because the delegates from the newly organized or freshly recruited unions had the larger vote1 and the appeal to loyalty and to fraternity carried the meeting against the judgment of the delegates from the older unions4 ,the members of newly organized unions more readily respond to the appeal to strike1 in that it stirs memory of their 8organization night10 when they were admitted after solemn ceremonies into the ,american ,federation of ,labor4 ,at the same time1 the organizers themselves often hold out too large promises1 on the sordid side1 of what organization will be able to accomplish4 ,they tell the newly initiated what other unions have done1 without telling at the same time how long they have been organized and how steadily they have paid dues4 ,several years ago1 when there seemed to be a veritable 8strike fever0 in ,chicago among the younger trades unions1 it was suggested in the ,federation of ,labor that no union be authorized to declare a strike until it had been organized for at least two years4 ,the regulation was backed by some of the strongest and wisest trades unionists1 but it failed to pass because the organizers were convinced that it would cripple them in forming new unions4 ,they would be obliged to point to many months of patient payment of dues and humdrum meetings before any real gain could be secured4 ,the organizers1 in fact1 are in the position of a recruiting officer who is obliged to tell his raw material of all the glories of war1 but at the same time bid them remember that warfare is always inexpedient4 ,he must advise them to take a long and tedious training in the arts of diplomacy and in the most advanced methods of averting war before any action can possibly be considered4 ,in point of fact the organizers do not do this1 and many men join unions expecting that a strike will be speedily declared which will settle all the difficulties of modern industrialism4 ,it is1 therefore1 not so remarkable that strikes should occur often and should exhibit warlike features4 ,what is remarkable is the attitude of the public which has certainly eliminated the tactics of war in other civil relations4 ,a tacit admission that a strike is war and that all the methods of warfare are permissible was made in ,chicago during the teamsters' strike of #aije1 when there was little protest against the war method of conducting a struggle between two private organizations1 one of employer and one of employed4 ,why should the principles of legal adjustment have been thus complacently flung to the winds by the two millions of citizens who had no direct interest in this struggle1 but whose pursuits in business were interfered with1 whose safety on the streets was imperiled1 and whose moral sensibilities were outraged8 ,how did the public become hypnotized into a passive endurance of a street warfare in which two associations were engaged1 like feudal chiefs with their recalcitrant retainers8 ,in those similar cases1 when blood grew too hot on both sides1 the mediaeval emperor intervened and compelled peace4 ,general public opinion is our hard-won substitute for the emperor's personal will4 ,public opinion1 however1 did not assert itself and interfere--on the contrary1 the entire town acquiesced in the statement of the contestants that this method of warfare was the only one possible1 and thereupon yielded to a tendency to overvalue physical force and to ignore the subtler and less obvious conditions on which the public welfare rests4 ,at that time all methods of arbitration and legal redress were completely set aside4 ,there is no doubt but that ideas and words which at one time fill a community with enthusiasm may1 after a few years1 cease to be a moving force1 apparently from no other reason than that they are spent and no longer fit into the temper of the hour4 ,such a fate has evidently befallen the word 8arbitration10 at least in ,chicago1 as it is applied to industrial struggles4 ,almost immediately following the labor disturbances of #ahid in ,chicago1 the agitation was begun for a ,state ,board of ,arbitration1 resulting in legislation and the appointment of the ,illinois ,board4 ,at that time the public believed that arbitration would go far towards securing industrial peace1 or at least that it would provide the device through which labor troubles could be speedily adjusted1 and during that period there was much talk concerning compulsory arbitration with reference to the successful attempts in ,new ,zealand4 ,during the industrial struggles of later years1 however1 not only are the services of the ,state ,board rejected1 but voluntary bodies constantly find their efforts less satisfactory4 ,employers contend that arbitration implies the yielding of points on both sides4 ,since1 however1 most boards of arbitration provide that grievances must be submitted to them before the strike occurs1 and the men are thus kept at work while the grievances are being considered1 the men therefore have virtually nothing to lose by declaring a strike4 ,they are subjected to a temptation to constantly formulate new demands1 because1 without losing time or pay1 they are almost certain to secure some concession1 however small1 in their favor4 ,the employers in the teamsters' strike thus explained their position when they declared that there was nothing which could be submitted to arbitration4 ,these employers also contended that the ordinary court has no precedent for dealing with questions of hours and wages1 of shop rules1 and many other causes of trade-union disputes1 because all these matters are new as questions of law and can be satisfactorily adjusted only through industrial courts in which tradition and precedent bearing upon modern industrial conditions have been accumulated4 ,the rise and fall of wages affect not one firm only1 but a national industry1 and even the currents of international trade1 so that it is impossible to treat of them as matters in equity4 ,with this explanation1 the ,chicago public rested content during the long weeks of the teamsters' strike1 for no one pointed out that these arguments did not apply to this particular situation1 so accustomed have we grown in ,chicago to warfare as a method of settling labor disputes4 ,the charges of the ,employers' ,association against the teamsters did not involve any points demanding adjustment through industrial courts4 ,the charges the ,employers' ,association made were those of broken contracts1 of blackmail1 and of conspiracy1 all of them points which are constantly adjudicated in ,cook ,county courts4 ,it was constantly asserted that officers of the ,teamsters' ,union demanded money from employers in the height of the busy season in order to avert threatened strikes2 that there was a disgraceful alliance between certain members of the ,team ,owners' ,association and officers of the ,teamsters' ,union4 ,it would1 of course1 have been impossible to prove blackmail and the charges of 8graft10 unless the employers themselves or their representatives had borne testimony1 which would inevitably have implicated themselves4 ,during the first weeks of the strike1 these charges were freely made1 definite sums were named1 and dates were given4 ,there was also an offer on the part of various managers to make affidavits1 but later they shrank from the publicity1 and refused to give them1 preferring apparently to throw the whole town into disorder rather than to 8stand up0 to the consequences of their own acts and to acknowledge the bribery to which they claim they were forced to resort4 ,they demonstrated once more that a show of manliness and an appeal to arms may many times hide cowardice4 ,to throw affairs into a state of warfare is to put them where the moral aspect will not be scrutinized and where the mere interest of the game and a desire to watch it will be paramount4 ,the vicious combination represented by certain men in the ,team ,owners' ,association and in the ,teamsters' ,union1 8the labor and capital hunting together0 kind1 is a public menace which can be abolished only by a combined effort on the part of the best employers and the best labor men4 ,the 8better element0 certainly were in a majority1 for the most dangerous members of this sinister combination were at last reduced to fifteen or twenty men4 ,these very men1 however1 after a prolonged strike1 became either victors or martyrs1 and in either case were firmly established in power and influence for the succeeding two years4 ,why should an entire city of two million people have been put to such an amazing amount of inconvenience and financial loss1 with their characters brutalized as well1 in order to accomplish this8 ,the traditional burning of the house in order to roast the pig is quite outdone by this overturning of a city in order to catch a 8score of rascals10 for in the end the rascals are not caught1 and it is as if the house were burned and the pig had escaped4 ,was it not the result of acting under military fervor8 ,over and over again it has been found that organizations based upon a mutual sense of grievance or of outrage have always been militant1 for while men cannot be formed permanently into associations whose chief bond is a sense of exasperation and wrong dealing1 during the time they are thus held together they are committed to aggressive action4 ,moral rights and duties formed upon the relations of man to man are applicable to all situations1 and to deny this applicability to a difficult case1 is to beg the entire question4 ,the consequences do not stop there1 for we all know that to deny the validity of the moral principle in one relation is to sap its strength in all relations4 ,employers often resent being obliged to have business relations with workingmen1 although they no longer say that they will refuse to deal with them1 as a woman still permits herself to say that she 8will not argue with a servant40 ,they nevertheless contend that the men are unreasonable1 and that because it is impossible to establish contractual relations with them1 they must be coerced4 ,this contention goes far toward legitimatizing terrorism4 ,it therefore seems to them defensible to refuse to go into the courts and to insist upon war because they do it from a consciousness of rectitude1 although this insensibly slips into a consciousness of power1 as self-righteousness is so prone to do4 ,but these are all the traits of militant youth1 which in the teamsters' strike was indeed borne out by the facts in the case4 ,the ,employers' ,association of ,chicago was largely composed of merchants whose experience with trades unionism was almost limited to the ,teamsters' ,union which has been in existence for only five years and1 from the first1 has been truculent and difficult4 ,had the employers involved been manufacturers instead of merchants1 they would have had years of experience with unions of skilled men1 and they would have more nearly learned to adjust their personal and business relations to trades unionism4 ,when an entire class in a community confess that without an appeal to arms they cannot deal with trades unions1 who1 after all1 represent a national and international movement a hundred years old1 they practically admit that they cannot manage their business under the existing conditions of modern life4 ,to a very great extent it is a confession of weakness1 to a very great extent a confession of frailty of temper4 ,to make the adjustment to the peculiar problems of one's own surroundings is the crux of life's difficulties4 8,new organizations0 and 8new experiments in living0 would not arise if there were not a certain inadequateness in existing organizations and ways of living4 ,the new organizations and experiments may not point to the right mode of meeting the situation1 but they do point to the existence of inadequateness and the need of readjustment4 ,changes in business methods have been multiform during the past fifteen years1 and ,chicago business men who have made those other adjustments would certainly be able to deal with labor in its present organized form if they were not inhibited by certain concepts of their 8group morality40 ,in the meantime the public1 which has been powerless to interfere1 can only point to the consequences of grave social import which are sure to result from a prolonged period of disturbance4 ,first1 there is the sharp division of the community into classes1 with its inevitable hostility and misunderstanding4 ,capital lines up on one side1 and labor on the other1 until the 8fair-minded public0 disappears and ,chicago loses her democratic spirit which has always been her most precious possession4 ,in its place is substituted loyalty to the side to which each man belongs1 irrespective of the merits of the case--the 8my country right or wrong0 sentiment which we call patriotism only in war times1 the blind adherence by which a man is attached against his will1 as it were1 to the blunders of 8his own kind40 ,during the first week of the strike1 ,i talked with labor men who were willing to admit that there were grounds for indictment against at least two of the officers in the teamsters' locals4 ,during the third week of the strike all that was swept aside1 and one heard only that the situation must be taken quite by itself1 with no references to the first causes1 that it was a strike of organized capital against organized labor1 and that we could have no peace in ,chicago until it was 8fought to a finish40 ,second1 there is an enormous increase in the feeling of race animosity1 beginning with the imported negro strike-breakers1 and easily extending to 8,dagoes0 and all other distinct nationalities4 ,the principle of racial and class equality is at the basis of ,american political life1 and to wantonly destroy it is one of the gravest outrages against the ,republic4 ,chicago is preminently a city of mixed nationalities4 ,it is our problem to learn to live together in forbearance and understanding and to fuse all the nations of men into the newest and1 perhaps1 the highest type of citizenship4 ,to accept this responsibility may constitute our finest contribution to the problems of ,american life1 but we may also wantonly and easily throw away such an opportunity by the stirring up of race and national animosity which is so easily aroused and so reluctantly subsides4 ,third1 there is the spirit of materialism which controls the city and confirms the belief that1 after all1 brute force1 a trial of physical strength1 is all that counts and the only thing worthy of admiration4 ,any check on the moral consciousness is paralyzed when the belief is once established that success is its own justification4 ,when the stream of this belief joins the current of class interest1 the spirit of the prize fighters' ring which cheers the best round and worships the winner1 becomes paramount4 ,it is exactly that which appeals to the so-called 8hoodlum10 and his sudden appearance upon the street at such times and in such surprising numbers demonstrates that he realizes that he has come to his own4 ,at the moment we all forget that the determination to sacrifice all higher considerations to business efficiency1 to make the machine move smoothly at any cost1 8to stick at nothing10 may easily make a breach in the ethical constitution of society which can be made good only by years of painful reparation4 ,fourth1 there is the effect upon the children and the youth of the entire city1 for the furrow of class prejudice1 which is so easily run through a plastic mind1 often leaves a life-long mark4 ,each morning during the long weeks of the strike1 thousands of children at the more comfortable breakfast tables learned to regard labor unions as the inciters of riot and the instruments of evil1 thousands of children at the less comfortable breakfast tables shared the impotent rage of their parents that 8law is always on the side of capital10 and both sets of children added to the horrors of ,manchuria and ,warsaw1 which were then taking place1 the pleasurable excitement that war had become domesticated upon their own streets4 ,we may well believe that these impressions and emotions will be kept by these children as part of their equipment in life and that their moral conceptions will permanently tend toward group moralities and will be cast into a coarser mold4 ,in illustration of this point ,i may1 perhaps1 cite my experience during the ,spanish ,war4 ,for ten years ,i had lived in a neighborhood which is by no means criminal1 and yet during ,october and ,november of #ahih we were startled by seven murders within a radius of ten blocks4 ,a little investigation of details and motives1 the accident of a personal acquaintance with two of the criminals1 made it not in the least difficult to trace the murders back to the influence of the war4 ,simple people who read of carnage and bloodshed easily receive suggestions4 ,habits of self-control which have been but slowly and imperfectly acquired quickly break down when such a stress is put upon them4 ,psychologists intimate that action is determined by the selection of the subject upon which the attention is habitually fixed4 ,the newspapers1 the theatrical posters1 the street conversations for weeks1 had to do with war and bloodshed4 ,day after day1 the little children on the street played at war and at killing ,spaniards4 ,the humane instinct1 which keeps in abeyance the tendency to cruelty1 as well as the growing belief that the life of each human being1 however hopeless or degraded1 is still sacred1 gives way1 and the more primitive instinct asserts itself4 ,there is much the same social result during a strike1 in addition to the fact that the effect of the prolonged warfare upon the labor movement itself is most disastrous4 ,the unions at such times easily raise into power the unscrupulous 8leader10 so-called4 ,in times of tumult1 the aggressive man1 the one who is of bellicose temper1 and is reckless in his statements1 is the one who becomes a leader4 ,it is a vicious circle--the more warlike the times1 the more reckless the leader who is demanded1 and his reckless course prolongs the struggle4 ,such men make their appeal to loyalty for the union1 to hatred and to contempt for the 8non-union0 man4 ,mutual hate towards a non-unionist may have in it the mere beginnings of fellowship1 the protoplasm of tribal fealty1 but no more4 ,when it is carried over into civilized life it becomes a social deterrent and an actual menace to social relations4 ,in a sense it is fair to hold every institution responsible for the type of man whom it tends to bring to the front1 and the type of organization which clings to war methods must1 of course1 consider it nobler to yield to force than to justice4 ,the earlier struggle of democracy was for its recognition as a possible form of government and the struggle is now on to prove democracy an efficient form of government4 ,so the earlier struggles of trades unions were for mere existence1 and the struggle has now passed into one for a recognition of contractual relations and collective bargaining which will make trades unions an effective industrial instrument4 ,it is much less justifiable of course in the later effort than it was in the earlier to carry on the methods of primitive warfare4 ,this new effort1 however1 from the very nature of things1 is bringing another type of union man into office and is modifying the entire situation4 ,the old-time agitator is no longer useful and a cooler man is needed for collective bargaining4 ,at the same time the employers must put forth a more democratic and a more reasonable type of man if they would bear their side of this new bargaining1 so that it has come about quite recently that the first attempts have been made in ,chicago towards controlling in the interests of business itself this natural tendency of group morality4 ,it may offer another example of business and commerce1 affording us a larger morality than that which the moralists themselves teach4 ,certain it is that the industrial problems engendered by the industrial revolutions of the last century1 and flung upon this century for solution1 can never be solved by class warfare nor yet by ignoring their existence in the optimism of ignorance4 ,america is only beginning to realize1 and has not yet formulated1 all the implications of the factory system and of the conditions of living which this well-established system imposes upon the workers4 ,as we feel it closing down upon us1 moments of restlessness and resentment seize us all4 ,the protest against ,john ,mitchell's statement#aa that the ,american workingman has recognized that he is destined to remain a workingman1 is a case in point4 ,in their attempt to formulate and correct various industrial ills1 trades unions are often blamed for what is inherent in the factory system itself and for those evils which can be cured only through a modification of that system4 ,for instance1 factory workers in general have for years exhibited a tendency to regulate the output of each worker to a certain amount which they consider a fair day's work1 although to many a worker such a restricted output may prove to be less than a fair day's work4 ,the result is1 of course1 disastrous to the workers themselves as well as to the factory management1 for it doubtless is quite as injurious to a man's nervous system to retard his natural pace as it is to unduly accelerate it4 ,the real trouble1 which this 8limitation0 is an awkward attempt to correct1 is involved in the fact that the intricate subdivision of factory work1 and the lack of understanding on the part of employees of the finished product1 has made an unnatural situation1 in which the worker has no normal interest in his work and no direct relation to it4 ,in the various makeshifts on the part of the manufacturer to supply motives which shall take the place of the natural ones so obviously missing1 many devices have been resorted to1 such as 8speeding up0 machinery1 8setting the pace10 and substituting 8piece work0 for day work4 ,the manufacturers may justly say that they have been driven to these various expedients1 not only by the factory conditions1 but by the natural laziness of men4 ,nevertheless reaction from such a course is inevitably an uncompromising attempt on the part of the workers to protect themselves from overexertion and to regulate the output4 ,the worst cases ,i have ever known have occurred in unorganized shops and have been unregulated and unaided by any trades union4 ,the 8pace setter0 in such a shop is often driven out and treated with the same animosity which the 8scab0 receives in a union shop4 ,in the same spirit we blame trades unionists for that disgraceful attitude which they have from time to time taken against the introduction of improved machinery--a small group blindly attempting to defend what they consider their only chance to work4 ,the economists have done surprisingly little to shed light upon this difficulty2 indeed1 they are somewhat responsible for its exaggeration4 ,their old theory of a 8wage fund0 which did not reach the rank and file of trades unionists until at least in its first form it had been abandoned by the leading economists1 has been responsible both for much disorder along this line1 and for the other mistaken attempt 8to make work for more men40 ,a society which made some effort to secure an equitable distribution of the leisure and increased ease which new inventions imply would remove the temptations as well as the odium of such action from the men who are blinded by what they consider an infringement of their rights4 ,if the wonderful inventions of machinery1 as they came along during the last century1 could have been regarded as in some sense social possessions1 the worst evils attending the factory system of production--starvation wages1 exhausting hours1 unnecessary monotony1 child labor1 and all the rest of the wretched list--might have been avoided in the interest of society itself4 ,all this would have come about had human welfare been earlier regarded as a legitimate object of social interest4 ,but no such ethics had been developed in the beginning of this century4 ,society regarded machinery as the absolute possession of the man who owned it at the moment it became a finished product1 quite irrespective of the long line of inventors and workmen who represented its gradual growth and development4 ,society was1 therefore1 destined to all the maladjustment which this century has encountered4 ,is it the militant spirit once more as over against the newer humanitarianism8 ,the possessor of the machine1 like the possessor of arms who preceded him1 regards it as a legitimate weapon for exploitation1 as the former held his sword4 ,one of the exhibits in the ,paris ,exposition of #aijj presented a contrast between a mediaeval drawing of a castle towering above the hamlets of its protected serfs1 and a modern photograph of the same hill covered with a huge factory which overlooked the villages of its dependent workmen4 ,the two pictures of the same hill and of the same plain bore more than a geographic resemblance4 ,this suggestion of modern exploitation would be impossible had we learned the first lessons which an enlarged industrialism might teach us4 ,class and group divisions with their divergent moralities become most dangerous when their members believe that the inferior group or class cannot be appealed to by reason and fair dealing1 but must be treated upon a lower plane4 ,terrorism is considered necessary and legitimate that they may be inhibited by fear from committing certain acts4 ,so far as employers exhibit this spirit toward workmen1 or trades unionists toward non-unionists1 they inevitably revert to the use of brute force--to the methods of warfare4 ,,footnotes3 #aa ,organized ,labor1 ,john ,mitchell4 ,preface4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,protection ,,of ,,children ,,for ,,industrial ,,efficiency ,in the previous chapters it was stated that the ,united ,states1 compared to the most advanced ,european nations1 is deficient in protective legislation4 ,this1 as has been said1 is the result of the emphasis placed upon personal liberty at the date of the first constitutional conventions and of the inherited belief in ,america that government is of necessity oppressive1 and its functions not to be lightly extended4 ,it is also possible that this protection of the humblest citizen has been pushed forward in those countries of a homogeneous population more rapidly than in ,america1 because of that unconscious attitude of contempt which the nationality at the moment representing economic success always takes toward the weaker and less capable4 ,there is no doubt that we all despise our immigrants a little because of their economic standing4 ,the newly arrived immigrant goes very largely into unskilled work2 he builds the railroads1 digs the sewers1 he does the sort of labor the ,english-speaking ,american soon gets rid of2 and then1 because he is in this lowest economic class1 he falls into need1 and we complain that in ,america the immigrant makes the largest claim upon charitable funds4 ,yet in ,england1 where immigration has counted for very little2 in ,germany1 where it has counted almost not at all1 we find the same claim made upon the public funds by people who do the same unskilled work1 who are paid the same irregular and low wages4 ,in ,germany1 where this matter is approached1 not from the charitable1 but from the patriotic side1 there is a tremendous code of legislation for the protection of the men who hold to life by the most uncertain economic tenure4 ,in ,england there exists an elaborated code of labor laws1 protecting the laborer at all times from accidents1 in ways unknown in ,america4 ,here we have only the beginning of all that legislation1 partly because we have not yet broken through the belief that the man who does this casual work is not yet quite one of ourselves4 ,we do not consider him entitled to the protective legislation which is secured for him in other countries where he is quite simply a fellow-citizen1 humble it may be1 but still bound to the governing class by ties of blood and homogeneity4 ,our moral attitude toward one group in the community is a determining factor of our moral attitude toward other groups1 and this relation of kindly contempt1 of charitable rather than democratic obligation1 may lend some explanation to the fact that the ,united ,states1 as a nation1 is sadly in arrears in the legislation designed for the protection of children4 ,in the ,southern ,states1 where a contemptuous attitude towards a weaker people has had the most marked effect upon public feeling1 we have not only the largest number of unprotected working children1 but the largest number of illiterate children as well4 ,there are1 in the ,united ,states1 according to the latest census#ab #ehj1jjj children between the ages of ten and fourteen years1 who cannot read nor write4 ,they are not the immigrant children4 ,they are our own native-born children4 ,of these #egj1jjj are in the ,southern ,states and ten thousand of them are scattered over the rest of the ,republic4 ,the same thing is true of our children at work4 ,we have two millions of them1 according to the census of #aijj--;children under the age of sixteen years who are earning their own livings4 ,legislation of the ,states south of ,maryland for the children is like the legislation of ,england in #ahdd4 ,we are sixty-two years behind ,england in caring for the children of the textile industries4 ,may we not also trace some of this national indifference to the disposition of the past century to love children without really knowing them8 ,we refuse to recognize them as the great national asset and are content to surround them with a glamour of innocence and charm4 ,we put them prematurely to work1 ignorant of the havoc it brings1 because no really careful study has been made of their capacities and possibilities--that is1 no study really fitted to the industrial conditions in which they live4 ,each age has1 of course1 its own temptations and above all its own peculiar industrial temptations and needs to see them not only in the light of the increased sensibility and higher ethical standards of its contemporaries1 but also in relation to its peculiar industrial development4 ,when we ask why it is that child-labor has been given to us to discuss and to rectify1 rather than to the people who lived before us1 we need only to remember that1 for the first time in industrial history1 the labor of the little child has in many industries become as valuable as that of a man or woman4 ,the old-fashioned weaver was obliged to possess skill and strength to pull his beam back and forth4 ,it is only through the elaborated inventions of our own age that skill as well as strength has been so largely eliminated that1 for example1 a little child may 8tend the thread0 in a textile mill almost as well as an adult4 ,this is true of so many industries that the temptation to exploit premature labor has become peculiar to this industrial epoch and we are tempted as never before to use the labor of little children4 ,what1 then1 are we going to do about it8 ,how deeply are we concerned that this labor shall not result to the detriment of the child1 and what excuses are we making to ourselves for thus prematurely using up the strength which really belongs to the next generation8 ,of course1 it is always difficult to see the wrong in a familiar thing2 it is almost a test of moral insight to be able to see that an affair of familiar intercourse and daily living may also be wrong4 ,i have taken a ,chicago street-car on a night in ,december at ten o'clock1 when dozens of little girls who had worked in the department stores all day were also boarding the cars4 ,i know1 as many others do1 that these children will not get into their beds before midnight1 and that they will have to be up again early in the morning to go to their daily work4 ,and yet because ,i have seen it many times ,i take my car almost placidly--,i am happy to say1 not quite placidly4 ,almost every day at six o'clock ,i see certain factories pouring out a stream of men and women and boys and girls4 ,the boys and girls have a peculiar hue--a color so distinctive that one meeting them on the street1 even on ,sunday when they are in their best clothes and mingled with other children who go to school and play out of doors1 can distinguish them in an instant1 and there is on their faces a premature anxiety and sense of responsibility1 which we should declare pathetic if we were not used to it4 ,how far are we responsible when we allow custom to blind our eyes to the things that are wrong8 ,in spite of the enormous growth in charitable and correctional agencies designed for children1 are we really so lacking in moral insight and vigor that we fail even to perceive the real temptation of our age and totally fail to grapple with it8 ,an enlightened ,state which regarded the industrial situation seriously would wish to conserve the ability of its youth1 to give them valuable training in relation to industry1 quite as the old-fashioned ,state carefully calculated the years which were the most valuable for military training4 ,the latter1 looking only toward the preservation of the ,state1 took infinite pains1 while we are careless in regard to the much greater task which has to do with its upbuilding and extension4 ,we conscientiously ignore industry in relation to government and because we assume that its regulation is unnecessary1 so we conclude that the protection of the young from premature participation in its mighty operations is not the concern of the ,government4 ,the municipal lodging-house in ,chicago in addition to housing vagrants1 makes an intelligent effort to put them into regular industry4 ,a physician in attendance makes a careful examination of each man who comes to the lodging-house1 and one winter we tried to see what connection could be genuinely established between premature labor and worn-out men4 ,it is surprising to find how many of them are tired to death of monotonous labor1 and begin to tramp in order to get away from it--as a business man goes to the woods because he is worn out with the stress of business life4 ,this inordinate desire to get away from work seems to be connected with the fact that the men started to work very early1 before they had the physique to stand up to it1 or the mental vigor with which to overcome its difficulties1 or the moral stamina which makes a man stick to his work whether he likes it or not4 ,but we cannot demand any of these things from the growing boy4 ,they are all traits of the adult4 ,a boy is naturally restless1 his determination easily breaks down1 and he runs away4 ,at least this seems to be true of many of the men who come to the lodging-house4 ,i recall a man who had begun to work in a textile mill quite below the present legal age in ,new ,england1 and who had worked hard for sixteen years4 ,he told his tale with all simplicity2 and1 as he made a motion with his hand1 he said1 8,i done that for sixteen years40 ,i give the words as he gave them4 8,at last ,i was sick in bed for two or three weeks with a fever1 and when ,i crawled out1 ,i made up my mind that ,i would rather go to hell than to go back to that mill40 ,whether he considered ,chicago as equivalent to that1 ,i do not know2 but he certainly tramped to ,chicago1 and has been tramping for four years4 ,he does not steal4 ,he works in a lumber camp occasionally1 and wanders about the rest of the time getting odd jobs when he can2 but the suggestion of a factory throws him into a panic1 and causes him quickly to disappear from the lodging-house4 ,the physician has made a diagnosis of general debility4 ,the man is not fit for steady work4 ,he has been whipped in the battle of life1 and is spent prematurely because he began prematurely4 ,yet the state makes no careful study as to the effect upon children of the subdivided labor which many of them perform in factories4 ,a child who remains year after year in a spinning room gets no instruction--merely a dull distaste for work4 ,often he cannot stand up to the grind of factory life1 and he breaks down under it4 ,what does this mean8 ,that we have no right to increase the list of paupers--of those who must be cared for by municipal and ,state agencies because when they were still immature and undeveloped1 they were subjected to a tremendous pressure4 ,i recall one family of five children which1 upon the death of the energetic mother who had provided for it by means of a little dress-making establishment1 was left to the care of a feeble old grandmother4 ,the father was a drunkard who had never supported his family1 and at this time he definitely disappeared4 ,the oldest boy was almost twelve years old--a fine1 manly little fellow1 who felt keenly his obligation to care for the family4 ,we found him a place as cash-boy in a department store for two dollars a week4 ,he held it for three years1 although his enthusiasm failed somewhat as the months went by1 and he gradually discovered how little help his wages were to the family exchequer after his carfare1 decent clothes and unending pairs of shoes were paid for4 ,before the end of the third year he had become listless and indifferent to his work1 in spite of the increase of fifty cents a week4 ,in the hope that a change would be good for him1 a place as elevator-boy was secured4 ,this he was unable to keep1 and then one situation after another slipped through his grasp1 until a typhoid fever which he developed at the age of fifteen1 seemed to explain his apathy4 ,after a long illness and a poor recovery1 he worked less well4 ,finally1 at the age of sixteen1 when he should have been able really to help the little family and perhaps be its main support1 he had become a professional tramp1 and eventually dropped completely from our knowledge4 ,it was through such bitter lessons as these we learned that good intentions and the charitable impulse do not always work for righteousness2 that to force the moral nature of a child and to put tasks upon him beyond his normal growth1 is quite as cruel and disastrous as to expect his undeveloped muscle to lift huge weights4 ,adolescence is filled with strange pauses of listlessness and dreaminess4 ,at that period the human will is perhaps further away from the desire of definite achievement than it ever is again4 ,to work ten hours a day for six days in a week in order to buy himself a pair of stout boots1 that he may be properly shod to go to work some more1 is the very last thing which really appeals to a boy of thirteen or fourteen4 ,if he is forced to such a course too often1 his cheated nature later re-asserts itself in all sorts of decadent and abnormal ways4 ,an enlightened state would also concern itself with the effect of child labor upon the parents4 ,we have in ,chicago a great many ,european immigrants1 people who have come from country life in ,bohemia or the south of ,italy1 hoping that their children will have a better chance here than at home4 ,in the old country these immigrants worked on farms which provided a very normal activity for a young boy or girl4 ,when they come to ,chicago1 they see no reason why their children should not go to work1 because they see no difference between the normal activity of their own youth and the grinding life1 to which they subject their children4 ,it is difficult for a man who has grown up in outdoor life to adapt himself to the factory4 ,the same experience is found in the ,south with the men who come to the textile towns from the little farms4 ,they resent monotonous petty work1 and get away from it2 they will in preference take more poorly paid work1 care of horses or janitor service--work which has some similarity to that to which they have been accustomed4 ,so the parents drop out1 and the children1 making the adaptation1 remain1 and the curious result ensues of the head of the household becoming dependent upon the earnings of the child4 ,you will hear a child say1 8,my mother can't say nothing to me4 ,i pay the rent20 or1 8,i can do what ,i please1 because ,i bring home the biggest wages40 ,all this tends to break down the normal relation between parents and children4 ,the ,italian men who work on the railroads in the summer find it a great temptation to settle down in the winter upon the wages of their children4 ,a young man from the south of ,italy was mourning the death of his little girl of twelve2 in his grief he said1 quite simply1 8,she was my oldest kid4 ,in two years she could have supported me1 and now ,i shall have to work five or six years longer until the next one can do it40 ,he expected to retire permanently at thirty-four4 ,that breaking down of the normal relation of parent and child1 and the tendency to demoralize the parent1 is something we have no right to subject him to4 ,we ought to hold the parent up to the obligation which he would have fulfilled had he remained in his early environment4 ,a modern state might rightly concern itself with the effect of child labor upon industry itself4 ,there has been for many years an increasing criticism of the modern factory system1 not only from the point of view of the worker1 but from the point of view of the product itself4 ,it has been said many times that we can not secure good workmanship nor turn out a satisfactory product unless men and women have some sort of interest in their work1 and some way of expressing that interest in relation to it4 ,the system which makes no demand upon originality1 upon invention1 upon self-direction1 works automatically1 as it were1 towards an unintelligent producer and towards an uninteresting product4 ,this was said at first only by such artists and social reformers as ,morris and ,ruskin2 but it is being gradually admitted by men of affairs and may at last incorporate itself into actual factory management1 in which case the factory itself will favor child labor legislation or any other measure which increases the free and full development of the individual1 because he thereby becomes a more valuable producer4 ,we may gradually discover that in the interests of this industrial society of ours it becomes a distinct loss to put large numbers of producers prematurely at work1 not only because the community inevitably loses their mature working power1 but also because their 8free labor quality10 which is so valuable1 is permanently destroyed4 ,exercise of the instinct of workmanship not only affords great satisfaction to the producer1 but also to the consumer1 if he be possessed of any critical faculty1 or have developed genuine powers of appreciation4 ,added to the conscience which protests against the social waste of child labor1 we have the taste that revolts against a product totally without the charm which pleasure in work creates4 ,we may at last discover that we are imperiling our civilization at the moment of its marked materialism1 by wantonly sacrificing to that materialism the eternal spirit of youth1 the power of variation1 which alone is able to prevent it from degenerating into a mere mechanism4 ,it would be easy to produce many illustrations to demonstrate that in the leading industrial countries a belief is slowly developing that the workman himself is the chief asset1 and that the intelligent interest of skilled men1 the power of self-direction and co-operation which is only possible among the free-born and educated1 is exactly the only thing which will hold out in the markets of the world4 ,as the foremen of factories testify again and again1 factory discipline is valuable only up to a certain point1 after which something else must be depended on if the best results are to be achieved4 ,monopoly of both the raw material and the newly-opened markets is certainly a valuable factor in a nation's industrial prosperity2 but while we spend blood and treasure to protect one and secure the other1 we wantonly destroy the most valuable factor of all1 intelligent labor4 ,nothing can help us here save the rising tide of humanitarianism1 which is not only emotional enough to regret the pitiless and stupid waste of this power but also intelligent enough to perceive what might be accomplished by its utilization4 ,we are told that the ,german products hold a foremost place in the markets of the world because of ,germany's fine educational system1 which includes training in trade-schools for so many young men4 ,we know1 too1 that there is at the present moment a strong party in ,germany opposing militarism1 not from the 8peace society0 point of view1 but because it withdraws all the young men from the industrial life for the best part of three years during which their activity is merely disciplinary1 with no relation to the industrial life of the nation4 ,this anti-military party insists that the loss of the three years is a serious matter1 and that one nation cannot successfully hold its advance position if it must compete with other nations which are also establishing trade-schools but which do not thus withdraw their youth from continuous training at the period of their greatest docility and aptitude4 ,england is discovering that the cheap markets afforded by semi-savage peoples1 which she has thrown open to her manufacturers1 are now reacting in the debasement of her products and her factory workers4 ,the manufacturer produces the cheap and inferior articles which he imagines the new commerce will demand4 ,the result upon the workers in the factories producing these unworthy goods1 is that they are robbed of the skill which would be demanded if they were ministering to an increasing demand of taste and if they were supplying the market of a civilized people4 ,it would be a curious result of misapplied energy if those very markets which the ,briton has so eagerly sought1 would finally so debase the ,english producers that all the increased wealth the markets have brought to the nation would be consumed in efforts to redeem the debased working population4 ,we have made public education our great concern in ,america1 and perhaps the public-school system is our most distinctive achievement2 but there is a certain lack of consistency in the relation of the ,state to the child after he leaves the public school4 ,at great expense the ,state has provided school buildings and equipment1 and other buildings in which to prepare professional teachers4 ,it has spared no pains to make the system complete1 and yet as rapidly as the children leave the schoolroom1 the ,state seems to lose all interest and responsibility in their welfare and has1 until quite recently1 turned them over to the employer with no restrictions4 ,at no point does the community say to the employer1 ,we are allowing you to profit by the labor of these children whom we have educated at great cost1 and we demand that they do not work so many hours that they shall be exhausted4 ,nor shall they be allowed to undertake the sort of labor which is beyond their strength1 nor shall they spend their time at work that is absolutely devoid of educational value4 ,the preliminary education which they have received in school is but one step in the process of making them valuable and normal citizens1 and we cannot afford to have that intention thwarted1 even though the community as well as yourself may profit by the business activity which your factory affords4 ,such a position seems perfectly reasonable1 yet the same citizens who willingly pay taxes to support an elaborate public-school system1 strenuously oppose the most moderate attempts to guard the children from needless and useless exploitation after they have left school and have entered industry4 ,we are forced to believe that child labor is a national problem1 even as public education is a national duty4 ,the children of ,alabama1 ,rhode ,island1 and ,pennsylvania belong to the nation quite as much as they belong to each ,state1 and the nation has an interest in the children at least in relation to their industrial efficiency1 quite as it has an interest in enacting protective tariffs for the preservation of ,american industries4 ,uniform compulsory education laws in connection with uniform child labor legislation are the important factors in securing educated producers for the nation4 ,fortunately1 a new education is arising which endeavors to widen and organize the child's experience with reference to the world in which he lives4#ac ,the new pedagogy holds that it is a child's instinct and pleasure to exercise all his faculties and to make discoveries in the world around him4 ,it is the chief business of the teacher merely to direct his activity and to feed his insatiable curiosity4 ,in order to accomplish this1 he is forced to relate the child to the surroundings in which he lives2 and the most advanced schools are1 perforce1 using modern industry for this purpose4 ,the educators have ceased to mourn industrial conditions of the past generation1 when children were taught agricultural and industrial arts by the natural co-operation with their parents1 and they are endeavoring to supply this inadequacy by manual arts in the school1 by courses in industrial history1 and by miniature reproductions of industrial processes1 thus constantly coming into better relations with the present factory system4 ,these educators recognize the significance and power of contemporary industrialism1 and hold it an obligation to protect children from premature participation in our industrial life1 only that the children may secure the training and fibre which will later make this participation effective1 and that their minds may finally take possession of the machines which they will guide and feed4 ,but there is another side to the benefits of child-labor legislation represented by the time element1 the leisure which is secured to the child for the pursuit of his own affairs1 quite aside from the opportunity afforded him to attend school4 ,helplessness in childhood1 the scientists tell us1 is the guarantee of adult intellect1 but they also assert that play in youth is the guarantee of adult culture4 ,it is the most valuable instrument the race possesses to keep life from becoming mechanical4 ,the child who cannot live life is prone to dramatize it1 and the very process is a constant compromise between imitation and imagination1 as the over-mastering impulse itself which drives him to incessant play is both reminiscent and anticipatory4 ,in proportion as the child in later life is to be subjected to a mechanical and one-sided activity1 and as a highly subdivided labor is to be demanded from him1 it is therefore most important that he should have his full period of childhood and youth for this play expression in order that he may cultivate within himself the root of a culture which alone can give his later activity a meaning4#ad ,this is true whether or not we accept the theory that the aesthetic feelings originate in the play impulse1 with its corollary that the constant experimentation found in the commonest forms of play are to be looked upon as 8the principal source of all kinds of art40 ,at this moment1 when industrial forces are concentrated and unified as never before1 unusual care must be taken to secure to the children their normal play period1 that the art instinct may have some chance1 and that the producer himself may have enough individuality of character to avoid becoming a mere cog in the vast industrial machine4 ,quite aside also from the problem of individual development and from the fact that play1 in which the power of choice is constantly presented and constructive imagination required1 is the best corrective of the future disciplinary life of the factory1 there is another reason why the children who are to become producers under the present system should be given their full child-life period4 ,the entire population of the factory town and of those enormous districts in every large city in which the children live who most need the protection of child-labor legislation1 consists of people who have come together in response to the demands of modern industry4 ,they are held together by the purely impersonal tie of working in one large factory1 in which they not only do not know each other1 but in which no one person nor even group of persons knows everybody4 ,they are utterly without the natural and minute acquaintance and inter-family relationships that rural and village life afford1 and are therefore much more dependent upon the social sympathy and power of effective association which is becoming its urban substitute4 ,this substitute can be most easily elaborated among groups of children4 ,somewhere they must learn to carry on an orderly daily life--that life of mutual trust1 forbearance1 and help which is the only real life of civilized man4 ,play is the great social stimulus1 and it is the prime motive which unites children and draws them into comradeship4 ,a true democratic relation and ease of acquaintance is found among the children in a typical factory community because they more readily overcome differences of language1 tradition1 and religion than do the adults4 8,it is in play that nature reveals her anxious care to discover men to each other10 and this happy and important task1 children unconsciously carry forward day by day with all the excitement and joy of co-ordinate activity4 ,they accomplish that which their elders could not possibly do1 and they render a most important service to the community4 ,we have not as yet utilized this joy of association in relation to the system of factory production which is so preminently one of large bodies of men working together for hours at a time4 ,but there is no doubt that it would bring a new power into modern industry if the factory could avail itself of that esprit de corps1 that triumphant buoyancy which the child experiences when he feels his complete identification with a social group2 that sense of security which comes upon him sitting in a theatre or 8at a party10 when he issues forth from himself and is lost in a fairyland which has been evoked not only by his own imagination1 but by that of his companions as well4 ,this power of association1 of assimilation1 which children possess in such a high degree1 is easily carried over into the affairs of youth if it but be given opportunity and freedom for action1 as it is in the college life of more favored young people4 ,the esprit de corps of an athletic team1 that astonishing force of co-operation1 is1 however1 never consciously carried over into industry1 but is persistently disregarded4 ,it is1 indeed1 lost before it is discovered--if ,i may be permitted an ,irish bull--in the case of children who are put to work before they have had time to develop the power beyond its most childish and haphazard manifestations4 ,factory life depends upon groups of people working together1 and yet it is content with the morphology of the group1 as it were1 paying no attention to its psychology1 to the interaction of its members4 ,by regarding each producer as a solitary unit1 a tremendous power is totally unutilized4 ,in the case of children who are prematurely put to work under such conditions1 an unwarranted nervous strain is added as they make their effort to stand up to the individual duties of life while still in the stage of group and family dependence4 ,we naturally associate a factory with orderly productive action2 but similarity of action1 without identical thought and co-operative intelligence1 is coercion1 and not order4 ,the present factory discipline needs to be redeemed as the old school discipline has been redeemed4 ,in the latter the system of prizes and punishments has been largely given up1 not only because they were difficult to administer1 but because they utterly failed to free the powers of the child4 8,the fear of starvation10 of which the old economists made so much1 is1 after all1 but a poor incentive to work2 and the appeal to cupidity by which a man is induced to 8speed up0 in all the various devices of piece-work is very little better4 ,yet the factory still depends upon these as incentives to the ordinary workers4 ,certainly one would wish to protect children from them as long as possible4 ,in a soap factory in ,chicago little girls wrap bars of soap in two covers at the minimum rate of #c1jjj bars a week2 their only ambition is to wrap as fast as possible and well enough to pass the foreman's inspection4 ,the girl whose earnings are the largest at the end of the week is filled with pride--praiseworthy1 certainly1 but totally without educational value4 ,let us realize before it is too late that in this age of iron1 of machine-tending1 and of subdivided labor1 we need as never before the untrammeled and inspired activity of youth4 ,to cut it off from thousands of working children is a most perilous undertaking1 and endangers the very industry to which they have been sacrificed4 ,only of late years has an effort been made by the city authorities1 by the municipality itself1 to conserve the play instinct and to utilize it1 if not for the correction of industry1 at least for the nurture of citizenship4 ,it has been discovered that the city which is too careless to provide playgrounds1 gymnasiums1 and athletic fields where the boys legitimately belong and which the policeman is bound to respect1 simply puts a premium on lawlessness4 ,without these places of their own1 groups of boys come to look upon the policeman as an enemy1 and he regards them as the most lawless of all the citizens4 ,this is partly due to the fact that because of our military survivals the officer is not brought in contact with the educational forces of the city1 but only with its vices and crime4 ,he might have quite as great an opportunity for influencing the morals of youth as the school teacher has4 ,at least one ,american city spends twenty per cent4 more in provision for the conviction of youths than for their education1 for the city which fails to utilize this promising material of youthful adventure does not truly get rid of it1 and finds it more expensive to care for as waste material than as educative material4 ,at a certain age a boy is possessed by a restless determination to do something dangerous and exciting--a 8difficult stunt10 as it were--by which he may prove that he is master of his fate and thus express his growing self-assertion4 ,he prefers to demonstrate in feats requiring both courage and adroitness1 and it may be said that tradition is with him in his choice4 ,that this impulse is mixed with an absurd desire on the part of the boy to 8show off10 to impress his companions with the fact that he is great and brave and generally to be admired1 does not in the least affect its genuineness4 ,the city which fails to provide an opportunity for this inevitable and normal desire on the part of the young citizens makes a grave mistake and invites irregular expression of it4 ,the thwarted spirit of adventure finds an outlet in infinite varieties of gambling2 craps1 cards1 the tossing of discarded union buttons1 the betting on odd or even automobile numbers1 on the number of newspapers under a boy's arm4 ,another end which can be accomplished1 if the city recognizes play as legitimate and provides playgrounds and athletic fields1 is the development of that self-government and self-discipline among groups of boys1 which forms the most natural basis for democratic political life later4 ,the boy in a tenement-house region who does not belong to the gang is not only an exception1 but a very rare exception4 ,this earliest form of social life is almost tribal in its organization1 and the leader too often holds his place because he is a successful bully4 ,the gang meets first upon the street1 but later it may possess a club room in a stable1 in a billiard room1 in an empty house1 under the viaduct1 in a candy store1 in a saloon or even in an empty lot4 ,the spirit of association1 the fellowship and loyalty which the group inspires1 carry them into many dangers2 but there is no doubt that it is through these experiences that the city boy learns his political lessons4 ,the training for political life is given in these gangs1 and also an opportunity to develop that wonderful power of adaptation which is the city's contribution1 even to the poorest of her children4 ,a clever man once told me that he doubted whether an alderman could be elected in a tenement-house district unless he had had gang experience1 and had become an adept in the interminable discussion which every detail of the gang's activity receives4 ,this alone affords a training in democratic government1 for it is the prerogative of democracy to invest political discussion with the dignity of deeds1 and to provide adequate motives for discussion4 ,in these social folk-motes1 so to speak1 the young citizen learns to act upon his own determination4 ,the great pity is that it so often results in a group morality untouched by a concern for the larger morality of the community4 ,normal groups reacting upon each other would tend to an equilibrium of a certain liberty to all1 but this cannot be accomplished in the life of the street where the weaker boy or the weaker gang is continually getting the worst of it4 ,and it is only on the protected playground that the gangs can be merged into baseball nines and similar organizations1 governed by well-recognized rules4 ,we have already democratized education in the interests of the entire community2 but recreation and constructive play1 which afford the best soil for establishing genuine and democratic social relations1 we have left untouched1 although they are so valuable in emotional and dynamic power4 ,further than that1 the city that refrains from educating the play motive is obliged to suppress it4 ,in ,chicago gangs of boys between fourteen and sixteen years of age1 who1 possessing work-certificates are outside of the jurisdiction of the truant officer1 are continually being arrested by the police1 since they have no orderly opportunity for recreation4 ,an enlightened city government would regard these groups of boys as the natural soil in which to sow the seeds of self-government4 ,as every ,european city has its parade-ground1 where the mimics of war are faithfully rehearsed1 in order that the country may be saved in times of danger1 so1 if modern government were as really concerned in developing its citizens as it is in defending them1 we would look upon every playing-field as the training-place and parade-ground of mature citizenship4 ,frederick the ,great discovered and applied the use of the rhythmic step for the marching of soldiers4 ,for generations men had gone forth to war1 using martial music as they had used the battle-cry1 merely to incite their courage and war spirit2 but the music had had nothing to do with their actual marching4 ,the use of it as a practical measure enormously increased the endurance of the soldiers and raised the records of forced marches4 ,industry at the present moment1 as represented by masses of men in the large factories1 is quite as chaotic as the early armies were4 ,we have failed to apply our education to the real life of the average factory producer4 ,he works without any inner coherence or sense of comradeship4 ,our public education has done little as yet to release his powers or to cheer him with the knowledge of his significance to the ,state4 ,,footnotes3 #ab ,for further analysis of the census figures relating to children1 consult 8,some ,ethical ,gains ,through ,legislation40 ,mrs4 ,florence ,kelley4 #ac ,school and ,society1 by ,john ,dewey4 #ad ,the ,play of ,man1 ,groos1 page #cid4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,utilization ,,of ,,women ,,in ,,city ,,government ,we are told many times that the industrial city is a new thing upon the face of the earth1 and that everywhere its growth has been phenomenal1 whether we look at ,moscow1 ,berlin1 ,paris1 ,new ,york1 or ,chicago4 ,with or without the mediaeval foundation1 modern cities are merely resultants of the vast crowds of people who have collected at certain points which have become manufacturing and distributing centres4 ,for all political purposes1 however1 the industrial origin of the city is entirely ignored1 and political life is organized exclusively in relation to its earlier foundations4 ,as the city itself originated for the common protection of the people and was built about a suitable centre of defense which formed a citadel1 such as the ,acropolis at ,athens or the ,kremlin at ,moscow1 so we can trace the beginning of the municipal franchise to the time when the problems of municipal government were still largely those of protecting the city against rebellion from within and against invasion from without4 ,a voice in city government1 as it was extended from the nobles1 who alone bore arms1 was naturally given solely to those who were valuable to the military system4 ,there was a certain logic in giving the franchise only to grown men when the existence and stability of the city depended upon their defence1 and when the ultimate value of the elector could be reduced to his ability to perform military duty4 ,it was fair that only those who were liable to a sudden call to arms should be selected to decide as to the relations which the city should bear to rival cities1 and that the vote for war should be cast by the same men who would bear the brunt of battle and the burden of protection4 ,we are told by historians that the citizens were first called together in those assemblages which were the beginning of popular government1 only if a war was to be declared or an expedition to be undertaken4 ,but rival cities have long since ceased to settle their claims by force of arms1 and we shall have to admit1 ,i think1 that this early test of the elector is no longer fitted to the modern city1 whatever may be true1 in the last analysis1 of the basis for the ,federal ,government4 ,it has been well said that the modern city is a stronghold of industrialism1 quite as the feudal city was a stronghold of militarism1 but the modern city fears no enemies1 and rivals from without and its problems of government are solely internal4 ,affairs for the most part are going badly in these great new centres in which the quickly congregated population has not yet learned to arrange its affairs satisfactorily4 ,insanitary housing1 poisonous sewage1 contaminated water1 infant mortality1 the spread of contagion1 adulterated food1 impure milk1 smoke-laden air1 ill-ventilated factories1 dangerous occupations1 juvenile crime1 unwholesome crowding1 prostitution1 and drunkenness are the enemies which the modern city must face and overcome would it survive4 ,logically1 its electorate should be made up of those who can bear a valiant part in this arduous contest1 of those who in the past have at least attempted to care for children1 to clean houses1 to prepare foods1 to isolate the family from moral dangers1 of those who have traditionally taken care of that side of life which1 as soon as the population is congested1 inevitably becomes the subject of municipal consideration and control4 ,to test the elector's fitness to deal with this situation by his ability to bear arms1 is absurd4 ,a city is in many respects a great business corporation1 but in other respects it is enlarged housekeeping4 ,if ,american cities have failed in the first1 partly because office holders have carried with them the predatory instinct learned in competitive business1 and cannot help 8working a good thing0 when they have an opportunity1 may we not say that city housekeeping has failed partly because women1 the traditional housekeepers1 have not been consulted as to its multiform activities8 ,the men of the city have been carelessly indifferent to much of this civic housekeeping1 as they have always been indifferent to the details of the household4 ,they have totally disregarded a candidate's capacity to keep the streets clean1 preferring to consider him in relation to the national tariff or to the necessity for increasing the national navy1 in a pure spirit of reversion to the traditional type of government which had to do only with enemies and outsiders4 ,it is difficult to see what military prowess has to do with the multiform duties1 which1 in a modern city1 include the care of parks and libraries1 superintendence of markets1 sewers1 and bridges1 the inspection of provisions and boilers1 and the proper disposal of garbage4 ,military prowess has nothing to do with the building department which the city maintains to see to it that the basements be dry1 that the bedrooms be large enough to afford the required cubic feet of air1 that the plumbing be sanitary1 that the gas-pipes do not leak1 that the tenement-house court be large enough to afford light and ventilation1 and that the stairways be fireproof4 ,the ability to carry arms has nothing to do with the health department maintained by the city1 which provides that children be vaccinated1 that contagious diseases be isolated and placarded1 that the spread of tuberculosis be curbed1 and that the water be free from typhoid infection4 ,certainly the military conception of society is remote from the functions of the school boards1 whose concern it is that children be educated1 that they be supplied with kindergartens and be given a decent place in which to play4 ,the very multifariousness and complexity of a city government demands the help of minds accustomed to detail and variety of work1 to a sense of obligation for the health and welfare of young children1 and to a responsibility for the cleanliness and comfort of others4 ,because all these things have traditionally been in the hands of women1 if they take no part in them now1 they are not only missing the education which the natural participation in civic life would bring to them1 but they are losing what they have always had4 ,from the beginning of tribal life women have been held responsible for the health of the community1 a function which is now represented by the health department2 from the days of the cave dwellers1 so far as the home was clean and wholesome1 it was due to their efforts1 which are now represented by the bureau of tenement-house inspection2 from the period of the primitive village1 the only public sweeping performed was what they undertook in their own dooryards1 that which is now represented by the bureau of street cleaning4 ,most of the departments in a modern city can be traced to woman's traditional activity1 but in spite of this1 so soon as these old affairs were turned over to the care of the city1 they slipped from woman's hands1 apparently because they then became matters for collective action and implied the use of the franchise4 ,because the franchise had in the first instance been given to the man who could fight1 because in the beginning he alone could vote who could carry a weapon1 the franchise was considered an improper thing for a woman to possess4 ,is it quite public spirited for women to say1 8,we will take care of these affairs so long as they stay in our own houses1 but if they go outside and concern so many people that they cannot be carried on without the mechanism of the vote1 we will drop them4 ,it is true that these activities which women have always had1 are not at present being carried on very well by the men in most of the great ,american cities1 but because we do not consider it #8ladylike' to vote shall we ignore their failure08 ,because women consider the government men's affair and something which concerns itself with elections and alarms1 they have become so confused in regard to their traditional business in life1 the rearing of children1 that they hear with complacency a statement made by the ,nestor of sanitary reformers1 that one-half of the tiny lives which make up the city's death rate each year might be saved by a more thorough application of sanitary science4 ,because it implies the use of the suffrage1 they do not consider it women's business to save these lives4 ,are we going to lose ourselves in the old circle of convention and add to that sum of wrong-doing which is continually committed in the world because we do not look at things as they really are8 ,old-fashioned ways which no longer apply to changed conditions are a snare in which the feet of women have always become readily entangled4 ,it is so easy to believe that things that used to exist still go on long after they are passed2 it is so easy to commit irreparable blunders because we fail to correct our theories by our changing experience4 ,so many of the stumbling-blocks against which we fall are the opportunities to which we have not adjusted ourselves4 ,because it shocks an obsolete ideal1 we keep hold of a convention which no longer squares with our genuine insight1 and we are slow to follow a clue which might enable us to solace and improve the life about us4 ,why is it that women do not vote upon the matters which concern them so intimately8 ,why do they not follow these vital affairs and feel responsible for their proper administration1 even though they have become municipalized8 ,what would the result have been could women have regarded the suffrage1 not as a right or a privilege1 but as a mere piece of governmental machinery without which they could not perform their traditional functions under the changed conditions of city life8 ,could we view the whole situation as a matter of obligation and of normal development1 it would be much simplified4 ,we are at the beginning of a prolonged effort to incorporate a progressive developing life founded upon a response to the needs of all the people1 into the requisite legal enactments and civic institutions4 ,to be in any measure successful1 this effort will require all the intelligent powers of observation1 all the sympathy1 all the common sense which may be gained from the whole adult population4 ,the statement is sometimes made that the franchise for women would be valuable only so far as the educated women exercised it4 ,this statement totally disregards the fact that those matters in which woman's judgment is most needed are far too primitive and basic to be largely influenced by what we call education4 ,the sanitary condition of all the factories and workshops1 for instance1 in which the industrial processes are at present carried on in great cities1 intimately affect the health and lives of thousands of workingwomen4 ,it is questionable whether women to-day1 in spite of the fact that there are myriads of them in factories and shops1 are doing their full share of the world's work in the lines of production which have always been theirs4 ,even two centuries ago they did practically all the spinning1 dyeing1 weaving1 and sewing4 ,they carried on much of the brewing and baking and thousands of operations which have been pushed out of the domestic system into the factory system4 ,but simply to keep on doing the work which their grandmothers did1 was to find themselves surrounded by conditions over which they have no control4 ,sometimes when ,i see dozens of young girls going into the factories of a certain biscuit company on the ,west ,side of ,chicago1 they appear for the moment as a mere cross-section in the long procession of women who have furnished the breadstuffs from time immemorial1 from the savage woman who ground the meal and baked a flat cake1 through innumerable cottage hearths1 kitchens1 and bake ovens1 to this huge concern in which they are still carrying on their traditional business4 ,but always before1 during the ages of this unending procession1 women themselves were able to dictate concerning the hours and the immediate conditions of their work2 even grinding the meal and baking the cake in the ashes was diversified by many other activities4 ,but suddenly1 since the application of steam to the processes of kneading bread and of turning the spindle1 which really means only a different motor power and not in the least an essential change in her work1 she has been denied the privilege of regulating the conditions which immediately surround her4 ,in the census of #aijj1 the section on 8,occupations0 shows very clearly in what direction the employment of women has been tending during the last twenty years4 ,two striking facts stand out vividly3 first1 the increase in the percentage of workingwomen over the percentage of men1 and second1 the large percentage of young women between sixteen and twenty years old in the total number of workingwomen as compared with the small percentage of young men of the same ages in the total number of workingmen4 ,practically one-half of the workingwomen in the ,united ,states are girls--young women under the age of twenty-five years4 ,this increase in the number of young girls in industry is the more striking when taken in connection with the fact that industries of to-day differ most markedly from those of the past in the relentless speed which they require4 ,this increase in speed is as marked in the depths of sweat-shop labor as in the most advanced ,new ,england mills1 where the eight looms operated by each worker have increased to twelve1 fourteen1 and even sixteen looms4 ,this speed1 of course1 brings a new strain into industry and tends inevitably to nervous exhaustion4 ,machines may be revolved more and more swiftly1 but the girl workers have no increase in vitality responding to the heightened pressure4 ,an ampler and more far-reaching protection than now exists1 is needed in order to care for the health and safety of women in industry4 ,their youth1 their helplessness1 their increasing numbers1 the conditions under which they are employed1 all call for uniform and enforceable statutes4 ,the elaborate regulations of dangerous trades1 enacted in ,england and on the ,continent for both adults and children1 find no parallel in the ,united ,states4 ,the injurious effects of employments involving the use of poisons1 acids1 gases1 atmospheric extremes1 or other dangerous processes1 still await adequate investigation and legislation in this country4 ,how shall this take place1 save by the concerted efforts of the women themselves1 those who are employed1 and those other women who are intelligent as to the worker's needs and who possess a conscience in regard to industrial affairs8 ,it is legitimate and necessary that women should make a study of certain trades and occupations4 ,the production of sweated goods1 from the human point of view1 is not production at all1 but waste4 ,if the employer takes from the workers week by week more than his wages restore to them1 he gradually reduces them to the state of industrial parasites4 ,the wages of the sweated worker are either being supplemented by the wages of relatives and the gifts of charitable associations1 or else her standard of living is so low that she is continually losing her vitality and tending to become a charge upon the community in a hospital or a poorhouse4#ae ,yet even the sweat-shops1 in which woman carries on her old business of making clothing1 had to be redeemed1 so far as they have been redeemed1 by the votes of men who passed an anti-sweat-shop law2 by the city fathers1 who1 after much pleading1 were induced to order an inspection of sweat-shops that they might be made to comply with sanitary regulations4 ,women directly controlled the surroundings of their work as long as their arrangements were domestic1 but they cannot do this now unless they have the franchise1 as yet the only mechanism devised by which a city selects its representative and by which a number of persons are able to embody their collective will in legislation4 ,for a hundred years ,england has been legislating upon the subject of insanitary workshops1 long and exhausting hours of work1 night work for women1 occupations in which pregnant women may be employed1 and hundreds of other restrictions which we are only beginning to consider objects of legislation here4 ,so far as women have been able1 in ,chicago at least1 to help the poorest workers in the sweat-shops1 it has been accomplished by women organized into trades unions4 ,the organization of ,special ,order ,tailors found that it was comparatively simple for an employer to give the skilled operatives in a clothing factory more money by taking it away from the wages of the seam-sewer and button-holer4 ,the fact that it resulted in one set of workers being helped at the expense of another set did not appeal to him1 so long as he was satisfying the demand of the union without increasing the total cost of production4 ,but the ,special ,order ,tailors1 at the sacrifice of their own wages and growth1 made a determined effort to include even the sweat-shop workers in the benefits they had slowly secured for themselves4 ,by means of the use of the label they were finally able to insist that no goods should be given out for home-finishing save to women presenting union cards1 and they raised the wages from nine and eleven cents a dozen for finishing garments1 to the minimum wage of fifteen cents4 ,they also made a protest against the excessive subdivision of the labor upon garments1 a practice which enables the manufacturer to use children and the least skilled adults4 ,thirty-two persons are commonly employed upon a single coat1 and it is the purpose of the ,special ,order ,tailors to have all the machine work performed by one worker1 thus reducing the number working on one coat to twelve or fourteen4 ,as this change will at the same time demand more skill on the part of the operator1 and will increase the variety and interest in his work1 these garment-makers are sacrificing both time and money for the defence of ,ruskinian principles--one of the few actual attempts to recover the 8joy of work40 ,although the attempt was1 of course1 mixed with a desire to preserve a trade from the invasion of the unskilled1 and a consequent lowering of wages1 it also represented a genuine effort to preserve to the poorest worker some interest and value in the work itself4 ,it is most unfair1 however1 to put this task upon the trades unionists and to so confuse it with their other efforts that it1 too1 becomes a cause of warfare4 ,the poorest women are often but uncomprehending victims of this labor movement of which they understand so little1 and which has become so much a matter of battle that helpless individuals are lost in the conflict4 ,a complicated situation occurs to me in illustration4 ,a woman from the ,hull-,house ,day ,nursery came to me two years ago asking to borrow twenty-five dollars1 a sum her union had imposed as a fine4 ,she gave such an incoherent account of her plight that it was evident that she did not in the least understand what it was all about4 ,a little investigation disclosed the following facts3 ,the 8,nursery ,mother10 as ,i here call her for purposes of identification1 had worked for a long time in an unorganized overall factory1 where the proprietor1 dealing as he did in goods purchased exclusively by workingmen1 found it increasingly difficult to sell his overalls because they did not bear the union label4 ,he finally made a request to the union that the employees in his factory be organized4 ,this was done1 he was given the use of the label1 and upon this basis he prospered for several months4 ,whether the organizer was 8fixed0 or not1 the investigation did not make clear2 for1 although the 8,nursery ,mother10 with her fellow-workers1 had paid their union dues regularly1 the employer was not compelled to pay the union scale of wages1 but continued to pay the same wages as before4 ,at the end of three months his employees discovered that they were not being paid the union scale1 and demanded that their wages be raised to that amount4 ,the employer1 in the meantime having extensively advertised his use of the label1 concluded that his purpose had been served1 and that he no longer needed the union4 ,he refused1 therefore1 to pay the union scale1 and a strike ensued4 ,the 8,nursery ,mother0 went out with the rest1 and within a few days found work in another shop1 a union shop doing a lower grade of manufacturing4 ,at that time there was no uniform scale in the garment trades1 and although a trade unionist working for union wages1 she received lower wages than she had under the non-union conditions in the overall factory4 ,she was naturally much confused and1 following her instinct to get the best wages possible1 she went back to her old place4 ,affairs ran smoothly for a few weeks1 until the employer discovered that he was again losing trade because his goods lacked the label1 whereupon he once more applied to have his shop unionized4 ,the organizer1 coming back1 promptly discovered the recreant 8,nursery ,mother10 and1 much to her bewilderment1 she was fined twenty-five dollars4 ,she understood nothing clearly1 nor could she1 indeed1 be made to understand so long as she was in the midst of this petty warfare4 ,her labor was a mere method of earning money quite detached from her ,european experience1 and failed to make for her the remotest connection with the community whose genuine needs she was supplying4 ,no effort had been made to show her the cultural aspect of her work1 to give her even the feeblest understanding of the fact that she was supplying a genuine need of the community1 and that she was entitled to respect and a legitimate industrial position4 ,it would have been necessary to make such an effort from the historic standpoint1 and this could be undertaken only by the community as a whole and not by any one class in it4 ,protective legislation would be but the first step toward making her a more valuable producer and a more intelligent citizen4 ,the whole effort would imply a closer connection between industry and government1 and could be accomplished intelligently only if women were permitted to exercise the franchise4 ,a certain healing and correction would doubtless ensue could we but secure for the protection and education of industrial workers that nurture of health and morals which women have so long reserved for their own families and which has never been utilized as a directing force in industrial affairs4 ,when the family constituted the industrial organism of the day1 the daughters of the household were carefully taught in reference to the place they would take in that organism1 but as the household arts have gone outside the home1 almost nothing has been done to connect the young women with the present great industrial system4 ,this neglect has been equally true in regard to the technical and cultural sides of that system4 ,the failure to fit the education of women to the actual industrial life which is carried on about them has had disastrous results in two directions4 ,first1 industry itself has lacked the modification which women might have brought to it had they committed the entire movement to that growing concern for a larger and more satisfying life for each member of the community1 a concern which we have come to regard as legitimate4 ,second1 the more prosperous women would have been able to understand and adjust their own difficulties of household management in relation to the producer of factory products1 as they are now utterly unable to do4 ,as the census of #aijj showed that more than half of the women employed in 8gainful occupations0 in the ,united ,states are engaged in households1 certainly their conditions of labor lie largely in the hands of women employers4 ,at a conference held at ,lake ,placid by employers of household labor1 it was contended that future historical review may show that the girls who are to-day in domestic service are the really progressive women of the age2 that they are those who are fighting conditions which limit their freedom1 and although they are doing it blindly1 at least they are demanding avenues of self-expression outside their work2 and that this struggle from conditions detrimental to their highest life is the ever-recurring story of the emancipation of first one class and then another4 ,it was further contended that in this effort to become sufficiently educated to be able to understand the needs of an educated employer from an independent standpoint1 they are really doing the community a great service1 and did they but receive co-operation instead of opposition1 domestic service would lose its social ostracism and attract a more intelligent class of women4 ,and yet this effort1 perfectly reasonable from the standpoint of historic development and democratic tradition1 receives little help from the employing housekeepers1 because they know nothing of industrial development4 ,the situation could be understood only by viewing it1 first1 in the relation to recent immigration and1 second1 in connection with the factory system at the present stage of development in ,america4 ,a review of the history of domestic service in a fairly prosperous ,american family begins with the colonial period1 when the daughters of the neighboring farmers came in to 8help0 during the busy season4 ,this was followed by the ,irish immigrant1 when almost every kitchen had its ,nora or ,bridget1 while the mistress of the household retained the sweeping and dusting and the ,saturday baking4 ,then came the halcyon days of ,german 8second girls0 and cooks1 followed by the ,swedes4 ,the successive waves of immigration supply the demand for domestic service1 gradually obliterating the fact that as the women became more familiar with ,american customs1 they as well as their men folk1 entered into more skilled and lucrative positions4 ,in these last years immigration consists in ever-increasing numbers of ,south ,italians and of ,russian1 ,polish1 and ,rumanian ,jews1 none of whom have to any appreciable extent entered into domestic service4 ,the ,italian girls are married between the ages of fifteen and eighteen1 and to live in any house in town other than that of her father seems to an ,italian girl quite incomprehensible4 ,the strength of the family tie1 the need for 8kosher0 foods1 the celebration of religious festivities1 the readiness with which she takes up the sewing trades in which her father and brother are already largely engaged1 makes domestic service a rare occupation for the daughters of the recent ,jewish immigrants4 ,moreover1 these two classes of immigrants have been quickly absorbed1 as1 indeed1 all working people are1 by the increasing demand for the labor of young girls and children in factory and workshops4 ,the paucity of the material for domestic service is therefore revealed at last1 and we are obliged to consider the material for domestic service which a democracy supplies1 and also to realize that the administration of the household has suffered because it has become unnaturally isolated from the rest of the community4 ,the problems of food and shelter for the family1 at any given moment1 must be considered in relation to all the other mechanical and industrial life of that moment1 quite as the intellectual life of the family finally depends for its vitality upon its relation to the intellectual resources of the rest of the community4 ,when the administrator of the household deliberately refuses to avail herself of the wonderful inventions going on all about her1 she soon comes to the point of priding herself upon the fact that her household is administered according to traditional lines and of believing that the moral life of the family is so enwrapped in these old customs as to be endangered by any radical change4 ,because of this attitude on the part of contemporary housekeepers1 the household has firmly withstood the beneficent changes and healing innovations which applied science and economics would long ago have brought about could they have worked naturally and unimpeded4 ,these moral and economic difficulties1 whether connected with the isolation of the home or with the partial and unsatisfactory efforts of trades unions1 could be avoided only if society would frankly recognize the industrial situation as that which concerns us all1 and would seriously prepare all classes of the community for their relation to the situation4 ,a technical preparation would1 of course1 not be feasible1 but a cultural one would be possible1 so that all parts of the community might be intelligent in regard to the industrial developments and transitions going on about them4 ,if ,american women could but obtain a liberating knowledge of that history of industry and commerce which is so similar in every country of the globe1 the fact that so much factory labor is performed by immigrants would help to bring them nearer to the immigrant woman4 ,equipped with 8the informing mind0 on the one hand and with experience on the other1 we could then walk together through the marvelous streets of the human city1 no longer conscious whether we are natives or aliens1 because we have become absorbed in a fraternal relation arising from a common experience4 ,and this attitude of understanding and respect for the worker is necessary1 not only to appreciate what he produces1 but to preserve his power of production1 again showing the necessity for making that substitute for war--human labor--more aggressive and democratic4 ,we are told that the conquered races everywhere1 in their helplessness1 are giving up the genuine practise of their own arts4 ,in ,india1 for instance1 where their arts have been the blossom of many years of labor1 the conquered races are casting them aside as of no value in order that they may conform to the inferior art1 or rather1 lack of art1 of their conquerors4 ,morris constantly lamented that in some parts of ,india the native arts were quite destroyed1 and in many others nearly so2 that in all parts they had more or less begun to sicken4 ,this lack of respect and understanding of the primitive arts found among colonies of immigrants in a modern cosmopolitan city1 produces a like result in that the arts languish and disappear4 ,we have made an effort at ,hull-,house to recover something of the early industries from an immigrant neighborhood1 and in a little exhibit called a labor museum1 we have placed in historic sequence and order methods of spinning and weaving from a dozen nationalities in ,asia ,minor and ,europe4 ,the result has been a striking exhibition of the unity and similarity of the earlier industrial processes4 ,within the narrow confines of one room1 the ,syrian1 the ,greek1 the ,italian1 the ,russian1 the ,norwegian1 the ,dutch1 and the ,irish find that the differences in their spinning have been merely putting the distaff upon a frame or placing the old hand-spindle in a horizontal position4 ,a group of women representing vast differences in religion1 in language1 in tradition1 and in nationality1 exhibit practically no difference in the daily arts by which1 for a thousand generations1 they have clothed their families4 ,when ,american women come to visit them1 the quickest method1 in fact almost the only one1 of establishing a genuine companionship with them1 is through this same industry1 unless we except that still older occupation1 the care of little children4 ,perhaps this experiment may claim to have made a genuine effort to find the basic experiences upon which a cosmopolitan community may unite at least on the industrial side4 ,the recent date of the industrial revolution and our nearness to a primitive industry are shown by the fact that ,italian mothers are more willing to have their daughters work in factories producing textile and food stuffs than in those which produce wood and metal4 ,they interpret the entire situation so simply that it appears to them just what it is--a mere continuation of woman's traditional work under changed conditions4 ,another example of our nearness to early methods is shown by the fact that many women from ,south ,italy and from the remoter parts of ,russia have never seen a spinning-wheel1 and look upon it as a new and marvelous invention4 ,but these very people1 who are habitually at such a disadvantage because they lack certain superficial qualities which are too highly prized1 have an opportunity in the labor museum1 at least for the moment1 to assert a position in the community to which their previous life and training entitles them1 and they are judged with something of a historic background4 ,their very apparent remoteness gives industrial processes a picturesque content and charm4 ,can we learn our first lesson in modern industry from these humble peasant women who have never shirked the primitive labors upon which all civilized life is founded1 even as we must obtain our first lessons in social morality from those who are bearing the brunt of the overcrowded and cosmopolitan city which is the direct result of modern industrial conditions8 ,if we contend that the franchise should be extended to women on the ground that less emphasis is continually placed upon the military order and more upon the industrial order of society1 we should have to insist that1 if she would secure her old place in industry1 the modern woman must needs fit her labors to the present industrial organization as the simpler woman fitted hers to the more simple industrial order4 ,it has been pointed out that woman lost her earlier place when man usurped the industrial pursuits and created wealth on a scale unknown before4 ,since that time women have been reduced more and more to a state of dependency1 until we see only among the ,european peasant women as they work in the fields1 8the heavy1 strong1 enduring1 patient1 economically functional representative of what the women of our day used to be40 ,cultural education as it is at present carried on in the most advanced schools1 is to some extent correcting the present detached relation of women to industry but a sense of responsibility in relation to the development of industry would accomplish much more4 ,as men earned their citizenship through their readiness and ability to defend their city1 so perhaps woman1 if she takes a citizen's place in the modern industrial city1 will have to earn it by devotion and self-abnegation in the service of its complex needs4 ,the old social problems were too often made a cause of war in the belief that all difficulties could be settled by an appeal to arms4 ,but certainly these subtler problems which confront the modern cosmopolitan city1 the problems of race antagonisms and economic adjustments1 must be settled by a more searching and genuine method than mere prowess can possibly afford4 ,the first step toward their real solution must be made upon a past experience common to the citizens as a whole and connected with their daily living4 ,as moral problems become more and more associated with our civic and industrial organizations1 the demand for enlarged activity is more exigent4 ,if one could connect the old maternal anxieties1 which are really the basis of family and tribal life1 with the candidates who are seeking offices1 it would never be necessary to look about for other motive powers1 and if to this we could add maternal concern for the safety and defence of the industrial worker1 we should have an increasing code of protective legislation4 ,we certainly may hope for two results if women enter formally into municipal life4 ,first1 the opportunity to fulfill their old duties and obligations with the safeguard and the consideration which the ballot alone can secure for them under the changed conditions1 and1 second1 the education which participation in actual affairs always brings4 ,as we believe that woman has no right to allow what really belongs to her to drop away from her1 so we contend that ability to perform an obligation comes very largely in proportion as that obligation is conscientiously assumed4 ,out of the mediaeval city founded upon militarism there arose in the thirteenth century a new order1 the middle class1 whose importance rested1 not upon birth or arms1 but upon wealth1 intelligence1 and organization4 ,this middle class achieved a sterling success in the succeeding six centuries of industrialism because it was essential to the existence and development of the industrial era4 ,perhaps we can forecast the career of woman1 the citizen1 if she is permitted to bear an elector's part in the coming period of humanitarianism in which government must concern itself with human welfare4 ,she will bear her share of civic responsibility because she is essential to the normal development of the city of the future1 and because the definition of the loyal citizen as one who is ready to shed his blood for his country1 has become inadequate and obsolete4 ,,footnotes3 #ae ,a ,case for the ,factory ,acts4 ,mrs4 ,sidney ,webb4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,passing ,,of ,,the ,,war ,,virtues ,of all the winged words which ,tolstoy wrote during the war between ,russia and ,japan1 perhaps none are more significant than these3 8,the great strife of our time is not that now taking place between the ,japanese and the ,russians1 nor that which may blaze up between the white and the yellow races1 nor that strife which is carried on by mines1 bombs1 and bullets1 but that spiritual strife which1 without ceasing1 has gone on and is going on between the enlightened consciousness of mankind now awaiting for manifestation and that darkness and that burden which surrounds and oppresses mankind40 ,in the curious period of accommodation in which we live1 it is possible for old habits and new compunctions to be equally powerful1 and it is almost a matter of pride with us that we neither break with the old nor yield to the new4 ,we call this attitude tolerance1 whereas it is often mere confusion of mind4 ,such mental confusion is strikingly illustrated by our tendency to substitute a statement of the historic evolution of an ideal of conduct in place of the ideal itself4 ,this almost always occurs when the ideal no longer accords with our faithful experience of life and when its implications are not justified by our latest information4 ,in this way we spare ourselves the necessity of pressing forward to newer ideals of conduct4 ,we quote the convictions and achievements of the past as an excuse for ourselves when we lack the energy either to throw off old moral codes which have become burdens or to attain a morality proportionate to our present sphere of activity4 ,at the present moment the war spirit attempts to justify its noisy demonstrations by quoting its great achievements in the past and by drawing attention to the courageous life which it has evoked and fostered4 ,it is1 however1 perhaps significant that the adherents of war are more and more justifying it by its past record and reminding us of its ancient origin4 ,they tell us that it is interwoven with every fibre of human growth and is at the root of all that is noble and courageous in human life1 that struggle is the basis of all progress1 that it is now extended from individuals and tribes to nations and races4 ,we may admire much that is admirable in this past life of courageous warfare1 while at the same time we accord it no right to dominate the present1 which has traveled out of its reach into a land of new desires4 ,we may admit that the experiences of war have equipped the men of the present with pluck and energy1 but to insist upon the selfsame expression for that pluck and energy would be as stupid a mistake as if we would relegate the full-grown citizen1 responding to many claims and demands upon his powers1 to the school-yard fights of his boyhood1 or to the college contests of his cruder youth4 ,the little lad who stoutly defends himself on the school-ground may be worthy of much admiration1 but if we find him1 a dozen years later1 the bullying leader of a street-gang who bases his prestige on the fact that 8no one can whip him10 our admiration cools amazingly1 and we say that the carrying over of those puerile instincts into manhood shows arrested development which is mainly responsible for filling our prisons4 ,this confusion between the contemporaneous stage of development and the historic rle of certain qualities1 is intensified by our custom of referring to social evolution as if it were a force and not a process4 ,we assume that social ends may be obtained without the application of social energies1 although we know in our hearts that the best results of civilization have come about only through human will and effort4 ,to point to the achievement of the past as a guarantee for continuing what has since become shocking to us is stupid business2 it is to forget that progress itself depends upon adaptation1 upon a nice balance between continuity and change4 ,let us by all means acknowledge and preserve that which has been good in warfare and in the spirit of warfare2 let us gather it together and incorporate it in our national fibre4 ,let us1 however1 not be guilty for a moment of shutting our eyes to that which for many centuries must have been disquieting to the moral sense1 but which is gradually becoming impossible1 not only because of our increasing sensibilities1 but because great constructive plans and humanized interests have captured our hopes and we are finding that war is an implement too clumsy and barbaric to subserve our purpose4 ,we have come to realize that the great task of pushing forward social justice could be enormously accelerated if primitive methods as well as primitive weapons were once for all abolished4 ,the past may have been involved in war and suffering in order to bring forth a new and beneficent courage1 an invincible ardor for conserving and healing human life1 for understanding and elaborating it4 ,to obtain this courage is to distinguish between a social order founded upon law enforced by authority and that other social order which includes liberty of individual action and complexity of group development4 ,the latter social order would not suppress the least germ of promise1 of growth and variety1 but would nurture all into a full and varied life4 ,it is not an easy undertaking to obtain it and it cannot be carried forward without conscious and well-defined effort4 ,the task that is really before us is first to see to it1 that the old virtues bequeathed by war are not retained after they have become a social deterrent and that social progress is not checked by a certain contempt for human nature which is but the inherited result of conquest4 ,second1 we must act upon the assumption that spontaneous and fraternal action as virile and widespread as war itself is the only method by which substitutes for the war virtues may be discovered4 ,it was contended in the first chapter of this book that social morality is developed through sentiment and action4 ,in this particular age we can live the truth which has been apprehended by our contemporaries1 that truth which is especially our own1 only by establishing nobler and wiser social relations and by discovering social bonds better fitted to our requirements4 ,warfare in the past has done much to bring men together4 ,a sense of common danger and the stirring appeal to action for a common purpose1 easily open the channels of sympathy through which we partake of the life about us4 ,but there are certainly other methods of opening those channels4 ,a social life to be healthy must be consciously and fully adjusted to the march of social needs1 and as we may easily make a mistake by forgetting that enlarged opportunities are ever demanding an enlarged morality1 so we will fail in the task of substitution if we do not demand social sympathy in a larger measure and of a quality better adapted to the contemporaneous situation4 ,perhaps the one point at which this undertaking is most needed is in regard to our conception of patriotism1 which1 although as genuine as ever before1 is too much dressed in the trappings of the past and continually carries us back to its beginnings in military prowess and defence4 ,to have been able to trace the origin and development of patriotism and then to rest content with that1 and to fail to insist that it shall respond to the stimulus of a larger and more varied environment with which we are now confronted1 is a confession of weakness2 it exhibits lack of moral enterprise and of national vigor4 ,we have all seen the breakdown of village standards of morality when the conditions of a great city are encountered4 ,to do 8the good lying next at hand0 may be a sufficient formula when the village idler and his needy children live but a few doors down the street1 but the same dictum may be totally misleading when the villager becomes a city resident and finds his next-door neighbors prosperous and comfortable1 while the poor and overburdened live many blocks away where he would never see them at all1 unless he were stirred by a spirit of social enterprise to go forth and find them in the midst of their meagre living and their larger needs4 ,the spirit of village gossip1 penetrating and keen as it is1 may be depended upon to bring to the notice of the kind-hearted villager all cases of suffering--that someone is needed 8to sit up all night0 with a sick neighbor1 or that the village loafer has been drunk again and beaten his wife2 but in a city divided so curiously into the regions of the well-to-do and the congested quarters of the immigrant1 the conscientious person can no longer rely upon gossip4 ,there is no intercourse1 not even a scattered one1 between the two1 save what the daily paper brings1 with its invincible propensity to report the gossip of poverty and crime1 perhaps a healthier tendency than we imagine4 ,the man who has moved from the village to the cosmopolitan city and who would continue even his former share of beneficent activity must bestir himself to keep informed as to social needs and to make new channels through which his sympathy may flow4 ,without some such conscious effort1 his sympathy will finally become stratified along the line of his social intercourse and he will be unable really to care for any people but his 8own kind40 ,american conceptions of patriotism have moved1 so to speak1 from the ,new ,england village into huge cosmopolitan cities4 ,they find themselves bewildered by the change and have not only failed to make the adjustment1 but the very effort in that direction is looked upon with deep suspicion by their old village neighbors4 ,unless our conception of patriotism is progressive1 it cannot hope to embody the real affection and the real interest of the nation4 ,we know full well that the patriotism of common descent is the mere patriotism of the clan--the early patriotism of the tribe--and that1 while the possession of a like territory is an advance upon that first conception1 both of them are unworthy to be the patriotism of a great cosmopolitan nation4 ,we shall not have made any genuine advance until we have grown impatient of a patriotism founded upon military prowess and defence1 because this really gets in the way and prevents the growth of that beneficent and progressive patriotism which we need for the understanding and healing of our current national difficulties4 ,to seek our patriotism in some age other than our own is to accept a code that is totally inadequate to help us through the problems which current life develops4 ,we continue to found our patriotism upon war and to contrast conquest with nurture1 militarism with industrialism1 calling the latter passive and inert and the former active and aggressive1 without really facing the situation as it exists4 ,we tremble before our own convictions1 and are afraid to find newer manifestations of courage and daring lest we thereby lose the virtues bequeathed to us by war4 ,it is a pitiful acknowledgment that we have lost them already and that we shall have to give up the ways of war1 if for no other reason than to preserve the finer spirit of courage and detachment which it has engendered and developed4 ,we come at last to the practical question as to how these substitutes for the war virtues may be found4 ,how may we1 the children of an industrial and commercial age1 find the courage and sacrifice which belong to our industrialism4 ,we may begin with ,august ,comte's assertion that man seeks to improve his position in two different ways1 by the destruction of obstacles and by the construction of means1 or1 designated by their most obvious social results1 if his contention is correct1 by military action and by industrial action1 and that the two must long continue side by side4 ,then we find ourselves asking what may be done to make more picturesque those lives which are spent in a monotonous and wearing toil1 compared to which the camp is exciting and the barracks comfortable4 ,how shall it be made to seem as magnificent patiently to correct the wrongs of industrialism as to do battle for the rights of the nation8 ,this transition ought not to be so difficult in ,america1 for to begin with1 our national life in ,america has been largely founded upon our success in invention and engineering1 in manufacturing and commerce4 ,our prosperity has rested upon constructive labor and material progress1 both of them in striking contrast to warfare4 ,there is an element of almost grim humor in the nation's reverting at last to the outworn methods of battle-ships and defended harbors4 ,we may admit that idle men need war to keep alive their courage and endurance1 but we have few idle men in a nation engaged in industrialism4 ,we constantly see subordination of sensation to sentiment in hundreds of careers which are not military2 the thousands of miners in ,pennsylvania doubtless endure every year more bodily pain and peril than the same number of men in ,european barracks4 ,industrial life affords ample opportunity for endurance1 discipline1 and a sense of detachment1 if the struggle is really put upon the highest level of industrial efficiency4 ,but because our industrial life is not on this level1 we constantly tend to drop the newer and less developed ideals for the older ones of warfare1 we ignore the fact that war so readily throws back the ideals which the young are nourishing into the mold of those which the old should be outgrowing4 ,it lures young men not to develop1 but to exploit2 it turns them from the courage and toil of industry to the bravery and endurance of war1 and leads them to forget that civilization is the substitution of law for war4 ,it incites their ambitions1 not to irrigate1 to make fertile and sanitary1 the barren plain of the savage1 but to fill it with military posts and tax-gatherers1 to cease from pushing forward industrial action into new fields and to fall back upon military action4 ,we may illustrate this by the most beneficent acts of war1 when the military spirit claiming to carry forward civilization invades a country for the purpose of bringing it into the zone of the civilized world4 ,militarism enforces law and order and insists upon obedience and discipline1 assuming that it will ultimately establish righteousness and foster progress4 ,in order to carry out this good intention1 it first of all clears the decks of impedimenta1 although in the process it may extinguish the most precious beginnings of self-government and the nucleus of self-help1 which the wise of the native community have long been anxiously hoarding4 ,it is the military idea1 resting content as it does with the passive results of order and discipline1 which confesses a totally inadequate conception of the value and power of human life4 ,the charge of obtaining negative results could with great candor be brought against militarism1 while the strenuous task1 the vigorous and difficult undertaking1 involving the use of the most highly developed human powers1 can be claimed for industrialism4 ,it is really human constructive labor which must give the newly invaded country a sense of its place in the life of the civilized world1 some idea of the effective occupations which it may perform4 ,in order to accomplish this its energy must be freed and its resources developed4 ,militarism undertakes to set in order1 to suppress and to govern1 if necessary to destroy1 while industrialism undertakes to liberate latent forces1 to reconcile them to new conditions1 to demonstrate that their aroused activities can no longer follow caprice1 but must fit into a larger order of life4 ,to call this latter undertaking1 demanding ever new powers of insight1 patience1 and fortitude1 less difficult1 less manly1 less strenuous1 than the first1 is on the face of it absurd4 ,it is the soldier who is inadequate to the difficult task1 who strews his ways with blunders and lost opportunities1 who cannot justify his vocation by the results1 and who is obliged to plead guilty to a lack of rational method4 ,of ,british government in the ,empire1 an ,englishman has recently written1 8,we are obliged in practise to make a choice between good order and justice administered autocratically in accordance with ,british standards on the one hand1 and delicate1 costly1 doubtful1 and disorderly experiments in self-government on ,british lines upon the other1 and we have practically everywhere decided upon the former alternative4 ,it is1 of course1 less difficult40#af ,had our ,american ideals of patriotism and morality in international relations kept pace with our experience1 had we followed up our wide commercial relations with an adequate ethical code1 we can imagine a body of young ,americans1 8the flower of our youth10 as we like to say1 proudly declining commercial advantages founded upon forced military occupation and informing their well-meaning government that they declined to accept openings on any such terms as these1 that their ideals of patriotism and of genuine government demanded the play of their moral prowess and their constructive intelligence4 ,certainly in ,america we have a chance to employ something more active and virile1 more inventive1 more in line with our temperament and tradition1 than the mere desire to increase commercial relations by armed occupation as other governments have done4 ,a different conduct is required from a democracy than from the mere order-keeping1 bridge-building1 tax-gathering ,roman1 or from the conscientious ,briton carrying the blessings of an established government and enlarged commerce to all quarters of the globe4 ,it has been the time-honored custom to attribute unjust wars to the selfish ambition of rulers who remorselessly sacrifice their subjects to satisfy their greed4 ,but1 as ,lecky has recently pointed out1 it remains to be seen whether or not democratic rule will diminish war4 ,immoderate and uncontrolled desires are at the root of most national as well as of most individual crimes1 and a large number of persons may be moved by unworthy ambitions quite as easily as a few4 ,if the electorate of a democracy accustom themselves to take the commercial view of life1 to consider the extension of trade as the test of a national prosperity1 it becomes comparatively easy for mere extension of commercial opportunity to assume a moral aspect and to receive the moral sanction4 ,unrestricted commercialism is an excellent preparation for governmental aggression4 ,the nation which is accustomed to condone the questionable business methods of a rich man because of his success1 will find no difficulty in obscuring the moral issues involved in any undertaking that is successful4 ,it becomes easy to deny the moral basis of self-government and to substitute militarism4 ,the soldier formerly looked down upon the merchant whom he now obeys1 as he still looks down upon the laborer as a man who is engaged in a business inferior to his own1 as someone who is dull and passive and ineffective4 ,when our public education succeeds in freeing the creative energy and developing the skill which the advance of industry demands1 this attitude must disappear1 and a spectacle such as that recently seen in ,london among the idle men returned from service in ,south ,africa1 who refused to work through a contemptuous attitude towards the 8slow life0 of the laborer1 will become impossible4 ,we have as yet failed to uncover the relative difficulty and requisite training for the two methods of life4 ,it is difficult to illustrate on a national scale the substitution of the ideals of labor for those of warfare4 ,at the risk of being absurd1 and with the certainty of pushing an illustration beyond its legitimate limits1 ,i am venturing to typify this substitution by the one man whom the civilized world has most closely associated with military ideals1 the present ,emperor of ,germany4 ,we may certainly believe that the ,german ,emperor is a conscientious man1 who means to do his duty to all his subjects2 that he regards himself1 not only as general and chief of the army1 but also as the fostering father of the humble people4 ,let us imagine the quite impossible thing that for ten years he does not review any troops1 does not attend any parades1 does not wear a uniform1 nor hear the clang of the sword as he walks1 but that during these ten years he lives with the peasants 8who drive the painful plow10 that he constantly converses with them1 and subjects himself to their alternating hopes and fears as to the result of the harvest1 at best so inadequate for supplying their wants and for paying their taxes4 ,let us imagine that the ,german ,emperor during these halcyon years1 in addition to the companionship of the humble1 reads only the folk-lore1 the minor poetry and the plaintive songs in which ,german literature is so rich1 until he comes to see each man of the field as he daily goes forth to his toil 8with a soldier tied to his back10 exhausted by the double strain of his burden and his work4 ,let us imagine this ,emperor going through some such profound moral change as befell ,count ,tolstoy when he quitted his military service in the ,caucasus and lived with the peasants on his estate1 with this difference that1 instead of feeling directly responsible for a village of humble folk1 he should come to feel responsible for all the toilers of the 8,fatherland0 and for the international results of the ,german army4 ,let us imagine that in his self-surrender to the humblest of his people1 there would gradually grow up in his subconsciousness1 forces more ideal than any which had possessed him before2 that his interests and thoughts would gradually shift from war and the manuvres and extensions of the army1 to the unceasing toil1 the permanent patience1 which lie at the bottom of all national existence2 that the life of the common people1 which is so infinite in its moral suggestiveness1 would open up to him new moral regions1 would stir new energies within him1 until there would take place one of those strange alterations in personality of which hundreds of examples are recorded4 ,under a glow of generous indignation1 magnanimity1 loyalty to his people1 a passion of self-surrender to his new ideals1 we can imagine that the imperial temperament would waste no time in pinings and regret1 but that1 his energies being enlisted in an overmastering desire to free the people from the burden of the army1 he would drive vigorously in the direction of his new ideals4 ,it is impossible to imagine him 8passive0 under this conversion to the newer ideals of peace4 ,he would no more be passive than ,st4 ,paul was after his conversion4 ,he would regard the four million men in ,europe shut up in barracks1 fed in idleness by toiling peasants1 as an actual wrong and oppression4 ,they would all have to be freed and returned to normal life and occupation--not through the comparatively easy method of storming garrisons1 in which he has had training1 but through conviction on the part of rulers and people of the wrong and folly of barrack idleness and military glitter4 ,the freeing of the ,christians from the oppressions of the ,turks1 of the ,spaniards from the ,moslems1 could offer no more strenuous task--always1 however1 with the added difficulty and complication that the change in the people must be a moral change analogous to the one which had already taken place within himself2 that he must be debarred from the use of weapons1 to which his earlier life had made him familiar2 that his high task1 while enormous in its proportion1 was still most delicate in its character1 and must be undertaken without the guarantee of precedent1 and without any surety of success4 8,smitten with the great vision of social righteousness10 as so many of his contemporaries have been1 he could not permit himself to be blinded or to take refuge in glittering generalities1 but1 even as ,st4 ,paul arose from his vision and went on his way in a new determination never again changed1 so he would have to go forth to a mission1 imperial indeed in its magnitude1 but 8over-imperial0 in the sweep of its consequences and in the difficulty of its accomplishment4 ,certainly counting all the hours of the ,emperor's life spent in camp and court dominated by military pomp and ambition1 he has given more than ten years to military environment and much less than ten years to the bulk of his people1 and it would not be impossible to imagine such a conversion due to the reaction of environment and interest4 ,such a change having taken place1 should we hold him royal in temper or worthy of the traditions of knight-errantry1 if he were held back by commercial considerations1 if he hesitated because the ,krupp ,company could sell no more guns and would be thrown out of business8 ,we should say to this ,emperor whom our imaginations have evoked1 ,were your enthusiasms genuine enough1 were your insights absolutely true1 you would see of how little consequence these things really are1 and how easily adjusted4 ,let the ,krupp factories1 with their tremendous resources in machinery and men1 proceed to manufacture dredging machines for the reclaiming of the waste land in ,posen2 let them make new inventions to relieve the drudgery of the peasant1 agricultural implements adequate to ,germany's agricultural resources and possibilities4 ,they will find need for all the power of invention which they can command1 all the manufacturing and commercial ability which they now employ4 ,it is part of your new vocation to adjust the industries now tributary to the standing armies and organization of warfare1 to useful and beneficent occupations2 to transform and readjust all their dependent industries1 from the manufacturing of cannon and war-ships to that of gold braid and epaulets4 ,it is your mission to revive and increase agriculture1 industry1 and commerce1 by diverting all the energy which is now directed to the feeding1 clothing1 and arming of the idle1 into the legitimate and normal channels of life4 ,it is certainly not more difficult to imagine such a change occurring to an entire people than in the mind and purpose of one man--in fact1 such changes are going on all about us4 ,the advance of constructive labor and the subsidence and disappearance of destructive warfare is a genuine line of progression4 ,one sees much of protection and something of construction in the office of war1 as the ,roman bridges survived throughout ,europe long after the legions which built them and crossed them for new conquests had passed out of mind4 ,also1 in the rising tide of labor there is a large admixture of warfare1 of the purely militant spirit which is sometimes so dominant that it throws the entire movement into confusion and leads the laborer to renounce his birthright2 but nevertheless the desire for battle is becoming constantly more restricted in area4 ,it still sways in regions where men of untamed blood are dwelling1 and among men who1 because they regard themselves as a superior race1 imagine that they are free from the ordinary moral restraints2 but its territory constantly grows smaller and its manifestations more guarded4 ,doubtless war will exist for many generations among semi-savage tribes1 and it will also break out in those nations which may be roused and dominated by the unrestricted commercial spirit2 but the ordinary life of man will go on without it1 as it becomes transmitted into a desire for normal human relationship4 ,it is difficult to predict at what moment the conviction that war is foolish or wasteful or unjustifiable may descend upon the earth1 and it is also impossible to estimate among how many groups of people this conviction has already become established4 ,the ,doukhobors are a religious sect in ,russia whose creed emphasizes the teaching of non-resistance4 ,a story is told of one of their young men who1 because of his refusal to enter the ,russian army1 was brought for trial before a judge1 who reasoned with him concerning the folly of his course and in return received a homily upon the teachings of ,jesus4 8,quite right you are10 answered the judge1 8from the point of abstract virtue1 but the time has not yet come to put into practise the literal sayings of ,christ40 8,the time may not have come for you1 your ,honor10 was the reply1 8but the time has come for us40 ,who can tell at what hour vast numbers of ,russian peasants upon those ,russian steppes will decide that the time has come for them to renounce warfare1 even as their prototype1 the mujik1 ,count ,tolstoy1 has already decided that it has come for him8 ,conscious as the peasants are of religious motive1 they will meet a cheerful martyrdom for their convictions1 as so many of the ,doukhobors have done4 ,it may1 however1 be easy to overestimate this changed temper because of the simple yet dramatic formulation given by ,tolstoy to the non-resisting spirit4 ,how far ,tolstoy is really the mouthpiece of a great moral change going on in the life of the ,russian peasant and how far he speaks merely for himself1 it is1 of course1 impossible to state4 ,if only a few peasants are experiencing this change1 his genius has certainly done much to make their position definite4 ,the man who assumes that a new degree of virtue is possible1 thereby makes it real and tangible to those who long to possess it but lack courage4 ,tolstoy at least is ready to predict that in the great affairs of national disarmament1 it may easily be true that the ,russian peasants will take the first steps4 ,their armed rebellion may easily be overcome by armed troops1 but what can be done with their permanent patience1 their insatiable hunger for holiness8 ,all idealism has its prudential aspects1 and1 as has been pointed out by ,mr4 ,perris1#ag no other form of revolution is so fitted to an agricultural people as this continued outburst of passive resistance among whole communities1 not in theory1 but in practise4 ,this peasant movement goes on in spite of persecution1 perfectly spontaneous1 self-reliant1 colossal in the silent confidence and power of endurance4 ,in this day of ,maxim guns and high explosives1 the old method of revolt would be impossible to an agricultural people1 but the non-resistant strike against military service lies directly in line with the temperament and capacity of the ,russian people4 ,that 8the government cannot put the whole population in prison1 and1 if it could1 it would still be without material for an army1 and without money for its support10 is an almost irrefutable argument4 ,we see here1 at least1 the beginnings of a sentiment that shall1 if sufficiently developed1 make war impossible to an entire people1 a conviction of sin manifesting itself throughout a nation4 ,whatever may have been true of the revolutionist of the past when his spike was on a certain level of equality with the bayonet of the regular soldier1 and his enthusiasm and daring could1 in large measure1 overcome the difference1 it is certainly true now that such simple arms as a revolutionist could command1 would be utterly futile against the equipment of the regular soldier4 ,to continue the use of armed force means1 under these circumstances1 that we must refer the possibilities of all social and industrial advance to the consent of the owners of the ,maxim guns4 ,we must deny to the humble the possibility of the initiation of progressive movements employing revolution or1 at least1 we must defer all advance until the humble many can persuade the powerful few of the righteousness of their cause1 and we must throw out the working class from participation in the beginnings of social revolutions4 ,tolstoy would make non-resistance aggressive4 ,he would carry over into the reservoirs of moral influence all the strength which is now spent in coercion and resistance4 ,it is an experiment which in its fullness has never been tried in human history1 and it is worthy of a genius4 ,as moral influence has ever a larger place in individual relationship and as physical force becomes daily more restricted in area1 so ,tolstoy would 8speed up0 the process in collective relationships and reset the whole of international life upon the basis of good will and intelligent understanding4 ,it does not matter that he has entered these new moral fields through the narrow gateway of personal experience2 that he sets forth his convictions with the limitations of the ,russian governmental environment2 that he is regarded at this moment by the ,russian revolutionists as a quietist and reactionary4 ,he has nevertheless reached down into the moral life of the humble people and formulated for them as for us the secret of their long patience and unremitting labor4 ,therefore1 in the teachings of ,tolstoy1 as in the life of the peasants1 coextensive with the doctrine of non-resistance1 stress is laid upon productive labor4 ,the peasant ,bandereff1 from whom ,tolstoy claims to have learned much1 has not only proclaimed himself as against war1 but has written a marvelous book entitled 8,bread ,labor10 expressing once more the striking antithesis1 the eternal contrast between war and labor1 and between those who abhor the one and ever advocate the other4 ,war on the one hand--plain destruction1 ,von ,moltke called it--represents the life of the garrison and the tax-gatherer1 the ,roman emperor and his degenerate people1 living upon the fruits of their conquest4 ,labor1 on the other hand1 represents productive effort1 holding carefully what has been garnered by the output of brain and muscle1 guarding the harvest jealously because it is the precious bread men live by4 ,it is quite possible that we have committed the time-honored folly of looking for a sudden change in men's attitude toward war1 even as the poor alchemists wasted their lives in searching for a magic fluid and did nothing to discover the great laws governing chemical changes and reactions1 the knowledge of which would have developed untold wealth beyond their crude dreams of transmuted gold4 ,the final moral reaction may at last come1 accompanied by deep remorse1 too tardy to reclaim all the human life which has been spent and the treasure which has been wasted1 or it may come with a great sense of joy that all voluntary destruction of human life1 all the deliberate wasting of the fruits of labor1 have become a thing of the past1 and that whatever the future contains for us1 it will at least be free from war4 ,we may at last comprehend the truth of that which ,ruskin has stated so many times1 that we worship the soldier1 not because he goes forth to slay1 but to be slain4 ,that this world peace movement should be arising from the humblest without the sanction and in some cases with the explicit indifference1 of the church founded by the ,prince of ,peace1 is simply another example of the strange paths of moral evolution4 ,to some of us it seems clear that marked manifestations of this movement are found in the immigrant quarters of ,american cities4 ,the previous survey of the immigrant situation would indicate that all the peoples of the world have become part of the ,american tribunal1 and that their sense of pity1 their clamor for personal kindness1 their insistence upon the right to join in our progress1 can no longer be disregarded4 ,the burdens and sorrows of men have unexpectedly become intelligent and urgent to this nation1 and it is only by accepting them with some magnanimity that we can develop the larger sense of justice which is becoming world-wide and is lying in ambush1 as it were1 to manifest itself in governmental relations4 ,men of all nations are determining upon the abolition of degrading poverty1 disease1 and intellectual weakness1 with their resulting industrial inefficiency1 and are making a determined effort to conserve even the feeblest citizen to the ,state4 ,to join in this determined effort is to break through national bonds and to unlock the latent fellowship between man and man4 ,in a political campaign men will go through every possible hardship in response to certain political loyalties2 in a moment of national danger men will sacrifice every personal advantage4 ,it is but necessary to make this fellowship wider1 to extend its scope without lowering its intensity4 ,those emotions which stir the spirit to deeds of self-surrender and to high enthusiasm1 are among the world's most precious assets4 ,that this emotion has so often become associated with war1 by no means proves that it cannot be used for other ends4 ,there is something active and tangible in this new internationalism1 although it is difficult to make it clear1 and in our striving for a new word with which to express this new and important sentiment1 we are driven to the rather absurd phrase of 8cosmic patriotism40 ,whatever it may be called1 it may yet be strong enough to move masses of men out of their narrow national considerations and cautions into new reaches of human effort and affection4 ,religion has long ago taught that only as the individual can establish a sense of union with a power for righteousness not himself1 can he experience peace2 and it may be possible that the nations will be called to a similar experience4 ,the ,international ,peace ,conference held in ,boston in #aijd was opened by a huge meeting in which men of influence and modern thought from four continents1 gave reasons for their belief in the passing of war4 ,but none was so modern1 so fundamental and so trenchant1 as the address which was read from the prophet ,isaiah4 ,he founded the cause of peace upon the cause of righteousness1 not only as expressed in political relations1 but also in industrial relations4 ,he contended that peace could be secured only as men abstained from the gains of oppression and responded to the cause of the poor2 that swords would finally be beaten into plowshares and pruning-hooks1 not because men resolved to be peaceful1 but because all the metal of the earth would be turned to its proper use when the poor and their children should be abundantly fed4 ,it was as if the ancient prophet foresaw that under an enlightened industrialism peace would no longer be an absence of war1 but the unfolding of world-wide processes making for the nurture of human life4 ,he predicted the moment which has come to us now that peace is no longer an abstract dogma but has become a rising tide of moral enthusiasm slowly engulfing all pride of conquest and making war impossible4 ,,footnotes3 #af ,imperialism1 by ,john ,a4 ,hobson4 ,page #abh4 #ag ,the ,grand ,mujik1 ,g4 ,h4 ,perris4 ,,index ,altruism1 manifestations of1 #ag2 in politics1 #dh4 ,anglo-,saxon1 temptation to govern all peoples alike1 #dg2 distrust of experiment1 #fg2 individualistic1 #fh2 attitude towards self-government1 #aab4 ,arbitration1 change in attitude toward1 #acc2 in ,new ,zealand1 #acd4 ,aristotle's ideal of a city1 #ib4 ,assimilation1 limit to ,united ,states power of1 #ci2 workingman's attitude toward1 #id1 #aag4 ,bandereff1 #bcd4 ,bentham1 #bc4 ,bloch1 ,jean de1 #d4 ,booth1 ,charles1 maps of ,london1 #hf4 ,bosanquet1 ,mrs4 ,bernard1 #aaf4 ,buckle1 #bc4 ,burns1 ,john1 #abe4 ,charity1 organization of in ,new ,york1 #gd2 modern1 democratic and constructive1 #gi2 extension of1 #hd2 and unskilled labor1 #aeb4 ,chicago ,municipal ,lodging ,house1 #aeg4 ,chicago ,federation of ,labor1 #acj1 #aca4 ,chicago ,stock ,yards ,strike1 power of unions for amalgamation shown in1 #if2 object of1 #aja1 #aaa2 use of referendum vote in1 #ajc1 #ajh2 good order of1 #ajd2 paradoxes shown by1 #ajd2 example of national appeal subordinated to union1 #ajf2 strike-breaker in1 #ajf2 ,greek in1 #aji4 ,child ,labor1 social waste of1 #bh2 a national problem1 #ajg2 industrial value of1 #aed2 responsibility of ,state1 #aef2 effect of sub-divided1 #aeh2 effect of premature1 #aei2 effect on parents1 #afa2 effect on product1 #afb4 ,child ,labor ,legislation1 makes for better citizens1 #gc2 immigrant parents and1 #gd2 uniform1 #afh2 leisure gained for play1 #afi4 ,commerce1 international1 #aae2 modern representative of conquest1 #aaf4 ,comte1 ,augustus1 #bag4 ,constitution of the ,u4 ,s41 and the immigrant1 #db1 #dc1 #gb1 #gc4 ,contempt1 social results of1 #ea2 in industrialism1 #aaf2 for immigrant1 #aea2 for primitive arts1 #bjb4 ,cosmopolitan city1 beginnings of newer ideals of peace found in1 #aa1 #ac1 #ah2 centers of radicalism1 #af2 bond of union in1 #ag1 #bjd2 difficulties due to size of1 #hf1 #baf2 subtle problems of1 #bjf4 ,cosmopolitan standard1 lack of1 #gh4 ,dante1 #ba4 ,democratic government1 causes of failure of1 #dg2 arousing enthusiasm for1 #fc2 result of moral effort1 #ge2 inherited form of1 #aba4 ,democracy1 modified slowly1 #cg2 repressive legislation in1 #eb2 lack of civic expression for1 #ei2 failure to apprehend1 #ia2 effects of commercialism on1 #bbb4 ,denver ,juvenile ,court1 #ha4 ,doctrinaire method1 weakness of1 #ca2 conditions settled by1 #ec2 unattached to experience1 #gb2 not fitted to modern patriotism1 #gd4 ,domestic service1 #ea2 a review of the history of1 #aii4 ,doukhobors1 situation in ,canada1 #fg2 emphasize non-resistance1 #bcj2 meet martyrdom1 #bca4 ,education1 related to industrial efficiency1 #af2 belief in1 as social remedy1 #ba2 of vital importance to city1 #gc2 compulsory1 #gd2 advanced and reform schools1 #hb2 passion in ,america1 #he2 distinctive achievement in ,america1 #aff2 for factory children1 #afg2 less expensive than repression1 #age2 already democratized1 #agh4 ,educators1 recognizing industrialism1 #afi4 ,eighteenth-century philosophy1 abandonment of1 required1 #bh2 inadequacy of1 #ca2 responsible for immigration1 #dj2 belief in universal franchise1 #db2 ideal man of1 #fj2 ideals still influence statesman1 #gj2 retained in ,america1 #ia2 formula of equality1 #aag2 radicalism of1 #aba4 ,employer1 prone to attack new union1 #abi2 charges against unions1 #ace2 attitude toward business relations with unions1 #ach2 traditions in household1 #bja4 ,england1 labor laws of1 #aeb2 debasement of products of1 #aff4 ,franchise1 #ch2 universal panacea1 #db2 universal franchise1 #eb2 beginnings of municipal1 #ahj2 military test absurd1 #ahb2 why women should have1 #aib4 ,factory system1 #afc2 worst evils of1 #adi2 uneducational1 #agc4 ,gang1 almost tribal in organization1 #agf2 political training in1 #agg4 ,german ,emperor1 #bbd4 ,germany1 government deals with needs of workingman1 #hh2 police socialized in1 #hi2 not afraid to extend municipal functions1 #ia2 economic protection in1 #abb1 #aeb2 opposition to militarism in1 #afe4 ,golden1 ,state ,reform ,state ,school1 #ha4 ,government1 newer manifestations of1 #ae2 away from the life of the people1 #ce2 oppressive1 dependent on the sword1 #cf2 opposition to1 formerly patriotism1 #db2 dealing with naturalization1 #db2 test not current1 #dg2 concern for the young incorporated in1 #hj2 fear of extending functions1 #hd2 traditional activities meagre1 #hg2 non-interference in industry1 #ij2 functions of1 #aja2 patriotic citizens forced to ignore1 #aab4 ,hague tribunal1 #e4 ,hebrew alliance1 #gd4 ,heroism1 new1 #be1 #bah4 ,historic method1 #ca1 #fc4 ,hobhouse1 ,l4 ,t41 #f4 ,hobson1 ,john ,a41 #bba4 ,household labor1 conference at ,lake ,placid1 #aih2 history of1 in ,america1 #aii2 causes of paucity of1 #bjj4 ,hull-,house1 experiences1 #ej1 #eh1 #gg1 #hb1 #ia1 #aai1 #adc1 #aei1 #aid1 #bjc1 #bjd4 ,humanitarianism1 in immigrant quarters1 #ae2 aggressive1 #bf2 scientific method applied to1 #bh2 cosmopolitan1 #gf2 present stage of1 #gi1 #ii2 its relation to labor power1 #afe4 ,idealism1 provincial aspects of1 #bca4 ,immigrants1 emotional sentiment among1 #ac2 unusual power of association among1 #ad2 franchise extended to1 #ch2 philosophy in regard to1 #da2 exploitation of1 #db1 #de2 evasion of immigration laws by1 #dg2 contempt for1 #di2 charm and historical association among1 #fd1 #gj2 ignoring past experience of1 #fe2 beginnings of self-government among1 #ga2 relations of politician to1 #gb2 attempts to teach patriotism to1 #ge2 revelation of social customs among1 #gi2 standardizing by workmen1 #ic2 difficulties largely industrial1 #id2 as wage lowering weapon1 #ig2 standard of living for1 #ajb1 #aaf2 claim on charitable funds1 #aeb2 present contrasted with youthful condition of1 #afa2 early industries among1 #bjc2 historic backgrounds of1 #bje2 manifestations of peace movement among1 #bce4 ,immigration1 decreased by industrial depression1 #dd2 of recent years1 #bjj4 ,industrialism1 #ae2 versus militarism1 #bh1 #bbj2 significance of primitive arts in relation to1 #fd2 idealism in1 #ie2 as basis for legislation1 #aba4 ,industrial interests1 in contemporary life1 #db2 and the immigrant1 #ga2 germane to government1 #abb2 and international peace1 #aac4 ,industrial development1 changes in1 #abd4 ,illiterate children in the ,u4 ,s41 #afc4 ,internationalism1 #bc2 socialism based on1 #aad2 ,mazzini's address on1 #aae2 active and tangible1 #bcg4 ,international ,peace ,conference in ,boston1 #bcg4 ,interparliamentary union for international arbitration1 #f4 ,institute of ,international ,law1 #f4 ,james1 ,william1 #bd4 ,jefferson1 ,thomas1 #ca4 ,justice1 the larger1 #bcf4 ,juvenile ,courts1 #hj2 ,denver1 #ha2 parental attitude of1 #hb4 ,kant1 #bc4 ,kelley1 ,mrs4 ,florence1 #aec4 ,lecky1 #bbb4 ,london1 ,charles ,booth1 maps of1 #hg2 government of1 #hh4 ,machinery and the industrial situation1 #adi4 ,mazzini1 #bi1 #aae4 ,militarism1 versus industrialism1 #bh2 police department a survival of1 #ee2 mediaeval city founded on1 #bjg2 negative results of1 #bbj4 ,mitchell1 ,john1 #abf1 #adf4 ,morality1 class1 #bg2 group1 #abd1 #ade2 antiquated codes of1 #baj2 village standards of1 #bae4 ,morley1 ,john1 #aah4 ,morris1 ,william1 #bjc4 ,municipal government1 admitted failure of1 #ca2 full of survivals1 #cd2 two points of rapid development in1 #gi2 ignores interests of average citizen1 #he2 failure to provide playgrounds1 #agf2 indifference of citizens to1 #ahc2 woman's traditional activities in1 #ahd4 ,naturalization1 #db2 rests on laws of #ahjb1 #dc2 brokerage in papers of1 #df1 #ga2 test not contemporaneous1 #db4 ,non-resistance1 a misleading word1 #h2 non-resistance strike1 #bcb2 aggressive1 #bcc4 ,patriotism1 belief that war engenders1 #ah2 a newer1 arising1 #ai2 founded on sacrifice1 #gd2 taught too formally1 #ge2 primitive core of1 #ia2 founded on war1 #adj1 #bag2 bound in trappings of the past1 #bad4 ,peace1 dynamic versus dogmatic1 #g2 predicted by ,isaiah1 #bcg4 ,perris1 ,g4 ,h41 #bca4 ,play1 a social stimulus1 #aga2 develops self-government and discipline1 #agc2 attitude of enlightened city government to1 #agh4 ,politician1 professional1 produced by mechanical government1 #eb2 friend of the vicious1 #ef2 appeals to human sentiment1 #ei2 first friend of immigrant1 #gb2 understands people's hopes1 #gi2 attempts to control strike1 #ajc4 ,protective legislation1 aggressive aspect of 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arbitration in1 #acd2 alliance between employers' and unionists' offices in1 #ace2 inexperience of merchant employers in1 #acf2 social results of1 #ada4 ,tolstoy1 #c1 #d1 #bji1 #bbe1 #bcj1 #bca1 #bcc1 #bcd4 ,tribal law1 #aa4 ,tribal ,morality1 #ah4 ,trades unions imitate city government1 #id2 teach immigrants self-government1 #ie2 power for amalgamation of1 #ig2 attitude toward violence1 #ih2 causes for loss of sympathy for1 in ,stock ,yards ,strike1 #aja2 human appeal in1 #ajb2 gratitude of immigrant toward1 #ajg2 devotion to1 might be turned to national life1 #aah2 organized by ,russian government1 #abb2 contemporaneous movement difficult to judge1 #abe2 success not sole standard of1 #abh2 present a time of crisis for1 #abi2 attitude toward strike1 #acj2 social result of strike on1 #add2 struggle for recognition1 #ade2 attitude toward improved machinery1 #adh2 uncomprehending victim of1 #aie4 ,war1 defence of1 #bf2 prophecy of subsidence of1 #bc2 moral equivalent for1 #bd2 ideals in peace confusing1 #aaj2 phraseology of new union1 #acj2 crime traceable to ,spanish1 #adc2 new social problems not to be settled1 #bjf2 attempts to justify by past records1 #baj2 substitutes for virtues of1 #bag2 contrast between labor and1 #bcd4 ,warfare1 cost of1 #d2 customary method of settling labor disputes1 #ace2 recognition of good in1 #bab2 civilization substitutes law for1 #bai2 ideals of labor substituted for those of1 #bbd2 disappearance of1 #bbi4 ,webb1 ,mrs4 ,sidney1 #aia4 ,whitman1 ,walt1 #de4 ,wilcox1 ,dr4 ,charles ,f41 #ed4 ,wilcox1 ,delos ,f41 #aag4 ,women1 duty toward municipal government1 #bh1 #ahe1 #bjh2 conventions a snare to1 #ahf2 franchise only for educated1 #ahh2 effect of machinery on work of1 #aij2 increasing employment of1 #ahi2 necessity for protection of working1 #aia1 #aif2 necessity for franchise for1 #aia1 #aig2 relation to clothing manufacture1 #aib2 lack in education of1 #aig1 #bjb1 #bjf4 ,verestchagin1 #c1 #d4 ,von ,moltke1 #bcd4 ,,by ,,the ,,same ,,author ,,democracy ,,and ,,social ,,ethics ,by ,,jane ,,addams1 ,hull-,house1 ,chicago4 #i #bha pages1 #ab mo41 cloth1 leather back1 #a4be net4 ,citizen's ,library4 8,miss ,addams is clear4 ,she has not been precipitate in the preparation of her book4 ,she has reconsidered1 corrected1 and recorrected it1 spoken with temperance and courtesy4444 ,as gentle1 as patient1 as sincere1 and as astute as ,jane ,addams herself is the philosophy set forth in these pages4444 ,the processes of ,miss ,addams' thought are interesting to thousands4 ,the sense that none of us is living up to the best idea of democracy is upon each of us4444 ,miss ,addams is bound to receive a respectful hearing4 ,as a leader who ever prays to lead aright1 a sociologist who is willing to test her theories in a practical and personal way1 a theorist who is not ashamed to own when she has been mistaken1 a friend who will remain true to her friend no matter what may arise1 and a person of leisure and power1 who has the civic interest at heart1 she has come to be prized as one of the chief of citizens40--,chicago ,tribune4 8,its pages are remarkably--we were about to say refreshingly--free from the customary academic limitations4444 ,in fact1 are the result of actual experience in hand to hand contact with social problems4444 ,no more truthful description1 for example1 of the political #8boss' as he thrives to-day in our great cities has ever been written than is contained in ,miss ,addams' chapter on #8,political ,reform4' ,the whole chapter will be accepted as a realistic picture of conditions as they are to-day in the city of ,chicago4 ,the same thing may be said of the other chapters of the book in regard to their presentation of social and economic facts40--,review of ,reviews4 8,too much emphasis cannot be laid upon the efficiency and inspiration afforded by these essays4 #8,charitable ,effort1' #8,filial ,affections1' #8,household ,adjustment1' #8,industrial ,amelioration1' #8,educational ,methods1' #8,political ,reform1' are the topics treated in a masterly and revolutionary style4 ,miss ,addams shatters some of our most cherished illusions upon the relations which should exist between the helper and the helped1 between parent and child1 mistress and maid1 the members of a family1 between the #8boss' and the community4 ,she takes the subject entirely out of the realms of sentimentality1 puts it upon a solid moral basis1 and by a close and logical train of reasoning brings her conclusions home to the conscience and common sense of every member of the social structure4 ,the book is startling1 stimulating and intelligent40--,philadelphia ,ledger4 ,the ,arbiter in ,council ,a discussion of peace and war1 in which take part1 each from his own viewpoint1 a lawyer 8with a conscience10 a stock broker1 a learned professor of history1 a journalist1 a retired admiral1 an army officer1 and two clergymen of widely differing forms of church government4 ,the ,arbiter is a veteran student of politics1 a disciple of ,john ,bright4 8,as a summary of all that is to be said on the subject1 thrown into readable form1 the book is well done2 444 almost no topic is left untouched40--,nation4 8,what strikes one in reading this book even more than its readableness1 is the wide range of its information4444 ,the points of view offered are many and diversified4444 ,no argument worth using is left unused40--,the ,evening ,mail4 8,the subjects discussed include the causes and consequences of war2 modern warfare2 private war and the duel2 perpetual peace or the federation of the world2 arbitration1 the political economy of war1 and ,christianity and war4 ,it is a notable book1 or will become one as it is widely read40--,editorial in ,the ,boston ,herald4 8,the ,arbiter's friends are drawn from several ranks in life1 and they bring to the symposium wide reading in the literature of the subject1 logical powers and a persuasive manner of speaking4 #8,the ,arbiter in ,council' may be regarded as a conspectus of the best thought on warfare1 especially in relation to the topic of universal peace40--,philadelphia ,press4 #f #efg pages1 #h'vo41 cloth1 #b4ej net4 ,on many of the subjects touched upon in ,miss ,addams's 8,the ,newer ,ideals of ,peace0 interesting material may be found in the volumes named below3-- ,,on ,,city ,,government ,the ,american ,city ,by ,,delos ,f4 ,,wilcox1 ,ph4 ,d4 8,in the #8,american ,city' ,dr4 ,wilcox 444 has written a book that every thoughtful citizen should read4 ,the problems of the street1 the tenement1 public utilities1 civic education1 the three deadly vices1 municipal revenue and municipal debt1 with all their related and subsidiary problems1 are clearly and fully considered40--,pittsburgh ,gazette4 #f #dbc pages1 #ab mo41 cloth1 leather back1 #a4be net4 ,citizen's ,library4 ,,on ,,the ,,labor ,,problem ,labor ,problems ,by ,,thomas ,,sewall ,,adams1 ,ph4 ,d41 ,assistant ,professor of ,political ,economy1 and ,,helen ,l4 ,,sumner1 ,honorary ,fellow in ,political ,economy1 ,university of ,wisconsin4 8,a volume which has a labor-saving value for any library4444 ,here one finds upon each of the problems treated--woman and child labor1 immigration1 strikes and boycotts1 labor organizations and employers' associations1 the agencies of industrial peace1 profit-sharing1 co-operation1 industrial education1 labor laws1 and the material progress of the wage-earning classes--the principal facts and comments of all the chief authorities 444 with helpful bibliographical lists and references to volumes and chapters40--,the ,commons1 ,chicago4 #ae #egi pages1 cr4 #h vo41 cloth1 #a4fj net4 ,,on ,,industrial ,,legislation ,some ,ethical ,gains ,through ,legislation ,by ,,mrs4 ,,florence ,,kelley4 ,the book has grown out of the author's experience as ,chief ,inspector of ,factories in ,illinois from #ahic to #ahig1 as ,secretary of the ,national ,consumers' ,league from #ahii till now1 and chiefly as a resident at ,hull-,house1 and later at the ,nurses' ,settlement1 ,new ,york4 8,mrs4 ,kelley's primary aim is to set forth the results achieved by the agitation and education of the past decade or so in certain social directions--in the recognition of the children's right to childhood and to instruction and to opportunity1 of the adult's right to leisure1 of woman's right to the ballot1 and of the purchaser's right to genuine honest products4 ,her secondary aim is to show how much remains to be achieved1 and what obstacles the friends of anti-child-labor legislation1 eight-hour laws1 pure food and correct label laws1 woman suffrage and so on1 have to surmount40--,the ,record-,herald1 ,chicago4 ,cloth1 leather back1 #cda pp41 #ab mo41 #a4be net4 ,citizen's ,library4 ,,on ,,some ,,conditions ,,of ,,child ,,life ,the ,bitter ,cry of the ,children ,by ,,john ,,spargo1 ,author of 8,socialism40 8#8,there have been many books written about the children of the poor1 but none of them gives us so impressive a statement as is contained here of the most important and powerful cause of poverty4' ,this prefatory judgment of ,robert ,hunter will be handed on by everyone who reads4444 ,the book will live and set hundreds of teachers and social workers and philanthropists to work4444 ,school teachers need this book1 social workers1 librarians1 pastors1 editors1 all who want to understand the problem of poverty or education40--,,william ,h4 ,,allen in ,the ,annals of the ,american ,academy4 #af #beg pages1 #ab mo41 #a4be net4 ,,on ,,conditions ,,among ,,the ,,poor ,poverty4 ,a ,definition and an ,estimate of its ,extent ,by ,,robert ,,hunter1 ,president of the ,social ,reform ,club2 ,chairman of ,new ,york ,child ,labor ,committee2 formerly head worker of the ,university ,settlement of ,new ,york4 8,i cannot delay writing you of my profound interest in your new book1 #8,poverty1' which ,i have to-day read1 with instruction1 with satisfaction1 and with a deep sense of your mastery of the subject4444 ,your chapter on #8,the ,immigrant' seems to me the most concise1 the most convincing and the most logical brief statement of the subject that ,i have ever seen40--,,robert ,,de ,c4 ,,ward1 ,harvard ,university4 #i #chb pages1 #ab mo41 cloth1 #a4ej1 net4 ,a ,,sociological ,,source-,,book ,readings in ,descriptive and ,historical ,sociology ,edited by ,,franklin ,h4 ,,giddings1 ,ph4,d41 ,,ll4,d41 ,professor of ,sociology and the ,history of ,civilization in ,columbia ,university4 ,the book is a selection of extracts from sources ranging from the ,bible to yesterday's newspaper1 connected with a mere outline of theory4 ,the book is at once a rounded outline of social theory1 and a suggestive guide in the method of classifying the new materials constantly appearing in reviews and the daily press4 #bd #eec pages1 cloth1 #ab mo41 #a4fj net4 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company ,publishers #fd-ff ,fifth ,ave4 ,new ,york ,transcriber's ,notes ,errors in punctuation have been fixed4 ,page #ab3 8many nationalties0 changed to 8many nationalities0 ,page #ce3 8the the hands0 changed to 8the hands0 ,page #aaf3 8,bernard ,bosenquet0 changed to 8,bernard ,bosanquet0 ,page #abc3 8emanicipated serfs0 changed to 8emancipated serfs0 ,page #agc3 8of the the group0 changed to 8of the group0 ,page #agd3 8girls wr bars of soap0 changed to 8girls wrap bars of soap0 ,page #aib3 8insanity workshops0 changed to 8insanitary workshops0 ,page #aid3 8work inself0 changed to 8work itself0