,,sculptured ,,tombs ,,of ,,hellas ,illustration ,illustration3 ,,plate ,i ,frontispiece ,,sculptured ,,tombs ,,of ,,hellas ,,by ,,percy ,,gardner1 ,,litt4,d4 ,,lincoln ,,and ,,merton ,,professor ,,of ,,classical ,,archaeology ,,and ,,art ,,in ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,oxford ,,with ,,thirty ,,plates1 ,,and ,,eighty-,,seven ,,engravings ,,in ,,the ,,text ,illustration ,london ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,ltd4 ,,new ,,york3 ,,the ,,macmillan ,,co4 #ahif ,all rights reserved ,,oxford3 ,,horace ,,hart ,,printer ,,to ,,the ,,university ,few griefs and many joys my life has held1 ,out-lengthened to the utmost bounds of eld4 ,my name is ,symmachus1 in ,chios born1 ,which rich with grapes the branching vines adorn2 ,but when ,i died1 my bones were hidden here1 ,in ,attic land1 to gods and men most dear4 ,athenian ,epitaph4 ,,preface ,the monuments erected to the dead belong in every country1 like funeral customs generally1 to a deeper stratum of the national consciousness than do openly expressed beliefs4 ,this is1 in fact1 a phase of the general law that in the history of religion cultus is more venerable and more conservative than doctrine4 ,and as1 further1 the beliefs which find an expression in literature are those of the most enlightened and the least conservative spirits1 it is misleading if one attempts to learn from the higher literature of a people how the masses really think and feel in regard to death and the life which lies beyond death4 ,these considerations are certainly applicable in the case of ,greece4 ,the two great literatures of ,greece1 the ,epic and the ,attic1 belong each to a class1 to an aristocracy whether of birth or of talent1 and stand high above the beliefs of the common people4 ,if we wish to ascertain what the ordinary ,greek citizen1 l'homme sensuel moyen1 thought and felt in the presence of death1 whether his own or that of friends1 we must supplement the study of the poets1 the orators1 and the philosophers by an investigation of ritual1 of burial customs1 and of the lines of tombs which stretched from the gates of many ,greek cities on both sides of the main roads4 ,the purpose of the present book may best be accomplished if we proceed to consider in succession1 first the burial customs of the ,greeks1 next the ideas as to the future life which prevailed among them1 and finally the monuments of the dead4 ,it is the last-mentioned memorials which are the principal concern of this book4 ,for a long while ,english-speaking scholars1 and even tourists1 have felt a special interest in the sepulchral monuments which form so marked a feature of the great museum at ,athens1 and in the ,dipylon cemetery1 part of which still survives4 ,i have tried to set forth1 for scholars and for lovers of art1 a concise account of these monuments1 their periods and classes1 their inscriptions and their reliefs4 ,and as an introduction and supplement to an account of the tombs of ,athens1 ,i have added a still slighter account of the tombs of the pre-historic age in ,greece1 of the monuments of ,asia ,minor1 of the tombs of ,sparta1 ,boeotia1 and other districts1 and of the magnificent ,greek sarcophagi recently discovered at ,sidon4 ,it would occupy much space if ,i tried here to detail all my obligations to previous scholars4 ,the whole success of this work must depend on its due illustration2 and though the nucleus of my illustrations consists of photographs taken for me during a visit to ,athens1 ,i have been obliged also to borrow from a variety of learned and valuable works4 ,in every case in which ,i asked permission to copy a published engraving that permission was courteously granted4 ,if by mischance ,i have in any case copied without permission1 ,i trust that ,i may be pardoned4 ,references to the sources of engravings will be found at the foot of my pages4 ,special thanks are due to ,dr4 ,conze and the ,german ,archaeological ,institute for allowing me to use the plates of their magnificent work1 ,die ,attischen ,grabreliefs1 which furnishes representations by photography or drawing of almost all important ,attic tombs4 ,where the photographs of this work were better than my own1 ,i have in some cases used them in preference4 ,to ,m4 ,cavvadias and the ,greek ,government ,i am indebted for permission to photograph freely in the ,athenian ,museums2 and to the ,trustees of the ,british ,museum for leave to reproduce two interesting monuments 7,figs4 #bh #ce7 which are hitherto unpublished4 ,when ,i have had occasion to quote from ,homer and the poets of the ,anthology1 ,i have usually attempted a rendering in ,english verse4 ,for ,greek elegiacs ,i have used rhymed heroic verse1 and for ,greek hexameters ,english ballad metre4 ,i have also to thank my colleague1 ,dr4 ,james ,williams1 of ,lincoln ,college1 for allowing me to use several of his excellent versions of poems of the ,anthology4 ,after careful consideration1 ,i have decided that in a work of this kind1 which does not attempt completeness1 but is methodical in arrangement1 the best form of ,index is a detailed table of contents and list of engravings4 ,by the aid of these1 anything included in the book can be very readily found4 ,,percy ,,gardner4 ,,oxford1 ,august1 #ahif4 ,,ps4 ,most of the abbreviations used in the notes will explain themselves2 but ,i should explain the following3-- ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 7#8,corpus of ,attic ,grave-reliefs'7 is ,die ,attischen ,grabreliefs1 ed4 ,a4 ,conze4 ,kaibel1 is ,g4 ,kaibel1 ,epigrammata ,graeca ex ,lapidibus conlecta4 ,,table ,,of ,,contents ,,and ,,index ,,chapter ,i4 ,,burial ,,customs ,,in ,,greece4 ,importance attached to burial1 #a4 ,the ,prothesis1 #b2 illustrated by vases1 #c4 ,presence of ghosts1 #d4 ,the ,ecphora1 on archaic vases1 #e2 on later monuments1 #f4 ,sleep and ,death1 #g4 ,custom of burning1 #i4 ,funeral feast and speeches1 #aa4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,worship ,,of ,,the ,,dead4 ,primitive beliefs as to needs of dead1 #ab4 ,liberality to the dead in archaic times1 #ab4 ,terra-cotta offerings1 #ac4 ,sacrifices at tombs1 #ad4 ,evidence of excavations1 #af4 ,classes of heroes1 #ag4 ,evidence of sepulchral lekythi1 #ah4 ,presence of the dead in representations1 #ai4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,beliefs ,,as ,,to ,,the ,,future ,,life4 ,question what became of the dead1 #bc4 ,homeric beliefs2 ,hades1 #be2 visit to ,hades of ,odysseus1 #bf2 ,islands of the ,blessed1 #bg4 ,influence of ,orphism1 #bh4 ,paintings of ,polygnotus at ,delphi1 #cj2 ,charon1 #ca2 ,theseus and ,peirithous1 #cb2 ,orpheus1 #cc2 the ,uninitiated1 #cd2 ,eurynomus1 #ce4 ,painting on vase of ,canusium1 #cf2 ,orpheus1 #cg2 ,herakles and ,cerberus1 #cg2 ,megara1 #ch2 ,initiated1 #ch4 ,comparison of ,greek and ,christian ,hades1 #ci4 ,development of the ,eumenides1 #dj4 ,conflict between ritual and ethics1 #db4 ,hades in the ,tragedians1 #dc4 ,localization of ghosts1 #dd4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,the ,,pre-,,historic ,,age ,,of ,,greece4 ,so-called treasuries of early ,greece1 #df2 at ,mycenae1 #dg2 really tombs1 #ea2 various forms1 #ea4 ,rock-graves at ,mycenae1 #eb2 their tombstones1 #ed2 subjects and style of art1 #eg4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,asia ,,minor3 ,,early4 ,early ,ionian civilization not yet excavated1 #ei4 ,tomb of ,tantalus on ,sipylus1 #fj4 ,geometric tombs of ,phrygia1 #fb2 ,lion-tombs1 #fd2 their chronology1 #ff2 relation to ,mycenae1 #fg4 ,archaic tombs of ,lycia1 #fg2 pre-,ionian art1 #fh2 the ,harpy ,monument1 #fi2 ,sirens1 #gc2 other ,lycian tombs1 #gd4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,sparta4 ,relief of ,chrysapha1 #gf2 its meaning1 #gg2 other similar tombs1 #gh4 ,cultus of ancestors at ,sparta1 #hj4 ,details of reliefs2 honour paid to women1 #ha2 food of the dead1 #hb2 horse and dog1 #hc4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,heroizing ,,reliefs4 ,distinction of tombs from commemorative tablets1 #hg4 ,lines of descent from ,spartan reliefs1 #hh4 ,athenian banqueting reliefs1 #hh4 ,customs of sitting and reclining1 #hi4 ,tegean relief1 #ij4 ,presence of votaries1 #ia4 ,asklepian tablets1 #ib4 ,tablets to heroes and to ancestors1 #ic4 ,the hero as horseman1 #id2 accompanied by lady1 #ih4 ,votive tablets from ,tarentum1 #ajj4 ,the hero as foot-soldier1 #ajb2 unarmed1 #ajc4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,athens3 ,,periods ,,and ,,forms ,,of ,,monuments4 ,graves of ,dipylon style at ,athens1 #aje4 ,periods of ,athenian monuments1 #ajf4 ,first period1 the mound and stele1 #ajh2 the table1 #aji2 the pillar1 #aaj4 ,early ,athenian tombs usually of the young1 #aaa4 ,second period2 forms of tombs1 #aab2 marble vases1 #aac4 ,tombs usually of families1 #aaf4 ,the use of painting and metal on marble1 #aaf4 ,determination of dates of tombs1 #aag4 ,third period1 #aah4 ,preservation of part of cemetery at ,athens1 #aah4 ,architectural decoration of tombs2 the acanthus1 #aai2 the sphinx1 #aba2 the siren1 #abf2 goats butting1 #abh2 the lion1 #acj2 the bull1 #aca4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,athens ,,and ,,greece4 ,,portraits4 ,portraits of the dead originate in ,ionia1 #acc4 ,portraits at ,athens1 #acd2 their ideal character1 #acd4 ,portrait statues1 #ace2 on horseback or on foot1 #acf2 female figures1 #acg4 ,the dead as ,hermes1 #ach4 ,statues of mourning women1 #aci4 ,portraits on stelae1 first period1 #adj2 ,aristion1 ,lyseas1 #ada2 stelae of youths1 #adc4 ,second period1 stelae of citizens1 #ade2 stelae of warriors1 #adf2 ,dexileos1 #adg2 young athletes1 #adi2 hunters1 #aeb2 students1 #aec2 shipwrecked men1 #aed2 children1 #aed2 matrons1 #aeg2 girls1 #aeh2 priestesses1 #afj4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,family ,,groups4 ,pathos and charm of ,attic groups1 #afb4 ,predominance of women1 #afc4 ,women and children in later ,greece1 #afc4 ,stelae with father and children1 #afd2 mother and children1 #aff4 ,family groups1 #afg4 ,series of groups representing leave-taking1 #afh2 series representing self-adornment1 #aga4 ,stele of ,phaenarete1 #agc4 ,stele of ,ameinocleia1 #agf4 ,dressing for a journey or offerings to the dead8 #agf4 ,domestic interiors or scenes at the tomb8 #agh4 ,several stone lekythi on one slab1 #agh4 ,occasional appearance of ,hermes1 #ahj4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,meaning ,,and ,,style ,,of ,,the ,,reliefs4 ,do the ,attic reliefs refer to past or future life8 #ahb4 ,line of connexion with ,spartan stelae1 #ahb2 the wine-cup1 the pomegranate1 the cock1 #ahc2 the dove1 the horse1 #ahd2 the dog1 #ahe4 ,reliefs which clearly refer to past life1 #ahe4 ,the 1 #ahf4 ,we must distinguish between origin and meaning of reliefs1 #ahg4 ,oblong reliefs refer to the future1 #ahh2 in them ,herakles and ,dionysus sometimes present1 #ahi4 ,style of archaic reliefs1 #aij2 bear name of sculptor1 #aia4 ,lower level of style in fifth-century reliefs1 #aia4 ,fourth-century reliefs connected with the second ,attic school of sculpture1 #aic4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,inscriptions4 ,simplicity of inscriptions on early stelae1 #aie4 ,explicatory character of inscriptions1 #aif4 ,occurrence of 1 #aig4 ,inscription of ,dexileos1 #aig4 ,longer inscriptions after the fourth century1 #aig4 ,specimens of public epitaphs over warriors1 #aih2 over others1 #bja4 ,specimens of later inscriptions1 #bjc2 sentiments as to life1 #bjd2 statements as to the future life1 #bjd4 ,orphism in epitaphs1 #bjf4 ,threats to violators1 #bjg4 ,epitaphs of the ,palatine ,anthology1 #bjh4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,later ,,monuments ,,of ,,asia ,,minor4 ,splendour of ,asiatic ,greek tombs1 #bad4 ,the ,lycian ,nereid ,monument1 #bae2 its sculptures1 #baf2 its occasion1 #bai2 its date1 #bbj4 ,relation to ,ionian school of historical painting1 #bba4 ,the heroon of ,gyeulbashi1 #bba2 subjects of sculpture1 #bbc2 relation to painters1 #bbd4 ,the ,lion-tomb of ,cnidus1 #bbe4 ,greek graves in the ,crimea1 #bbf4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,the ,,mausoleum4 ,interesting problem of reconstruction1 #bbh4 ,plans of ,pullan and ,oldfield1 #bcj4 ,testimony of ancient writers1 ,hyginus1 ,martial1 #bcb2 ,pliny1 #bcc4 ,account of excavation by ,guichard1 #bcf4 ,analogy of other buildings1 #bci4 ,the statues of ,mausolus and ,artemisia1 where placed1 #bdj4 ,other sculptural remains1 #bda4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,greek ,,sarcophagi4 ,discovery of sarcophagi at ,sidon1 #bdc4 ,archaic sarcophagi of ,clazomenae1 #bdc4 ,sarcophagus of the ,satrap at ,sidon1 #bde2 its connexion with history1 #bdf2 and with ,ionian art1 #bdg4 ,the ,lycian sarcophagus1 #bdh2 ideal character1 #bdh4 ,the sarcophagus of the ,mourning ,women1 #bdi2 variety in expression of grief1 #bea2 likeness to temple1 #bea2 perhaps belongs to ,king ,strato1 #beb4 ,the ,alexander sarcophagus1 #beb2 dress of ,greeks and ,persians1 #bec2 subjects of pediments1 #bec2 the lion-hunt1 #bee2 the battle1 #bef2 perhaps belongs to ,abdalonymus1 #beh2 of uncertain artistic school1 #beh4 ,the ,amazon sarcophagus of ,vienna1 #beh4 ,,list ,,of ,,illustrations ,,with ,,their ,,sources ,,chapter ,i4 ,,page ,,fig4 #a4 ,,lying ,,in ,,state4 ,benndorf1 ,griech4 u4 ,sicil4 ,vasenb41 pl4 i4 #c #b4 8 8 8 pl4 xxxiii4 #d #c4 ,,funeral ,,procession4 ,rayet1 ,monum4 de l',art ant41 pl4 lxxv4 #f #d4 ,,arrival ,,at ,,the ,,tomb4 8 8 pl4 lxxv4 #f #e4 ,,deposition ,,at ,,the ,,tomb4 ,dumont1 ,cram4 de la ,grce propre1 pl4 xxvii4 #i #f4 ,,pyre ,,of ,,patroclus4 ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 ,,ix1 xxxii4 #aj ,,chapter ,,ii4 #g4 ,,child',s ,,coffin4 ,stackelberg1 ,grber der ,hellenen1 pl4 viii4 #ad #h4 ,,offerings ,,at ,a ,,tomb4 ,ephemeris ,archaiol4 #ahhf1 pl4 iv4 #ah #i4 ,,spirit ,,seated ,,on ,,stele4 ,pottier1 ,lcythes blancs1 pl4 iv4 #bj #aj4 ,,toilet ,,scene1 ,,sepulchral4 ,furtwngler1 ,coll4 ,sabouroff1 pl4 lx4 #ba #aa4 ,,gifts ,,at ,,tomb4 ,brit4 ,mus4 ,cat4 ,vases1 ,,iv1 pl4 iv4 #bb ,,chapter ,,iii4 #ab4 ,,the ,,boat ,,of ,,charon4 ,antike ,denkmler1 ,i1 pl4 xxiii4 #ca #ac4 ,,the ,,greek ,,underworld4 ,wiener ,vorlegebltter1 ,ser4 ,e1 pl4 i4 #cf ,,chapter ,,iv4 #ad4 ,,sectional ,,plan ,,of ,,the ,,so-,,called ,,treasury ,,of ,,atreus4 ,schuchhardt1 ,schliemann's ,ausgrabungen1 p4 #agf #dg #ae4 ,,restoration ,,of ,,interior ,,of ,,treasury4 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,la ,grce ,primitive1 p4 #fch #dh #af4 ,,plan ,,and ,,fa,,ade ,,of ,,treasury4 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,la ,grce ,primitive1 pl4 vi4 #di #ag4 ,,ceiling ,,of ,,treasury1 ,,orchomenus4 ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 ,,ii1 pl4 xiii4 #ej #ah4 ,,tombstone1 ,,mycenae4 ,schliemann1 ,mycenae1 p4 #ha #ed #ai4 0 0 0 0 p4 #hf #ee #bj4 0 0 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 op4 cit41 p4 #ggj #ef ,,chapter ,v4 #ba4 ,,tumulus ,,on ,,sipylus4 ,texier1 ,description de l',asie ,m4 pl4 cxxx4 #fa #bb4 ,,section ,,of ,,chamber4 ,weber1 ,le ,sipyle1 pl4 i4 #fa #bc4 ,,tomb ,,of ,,midas4 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,phrygie1 p4 #hc #fb #bd4 ,,geometrical ,,fa,,ade ,,of ,,tomb4 0 0 p4 #ajc #fc #be4 ,,tomb ,,flanked ,,by ,,lions4 0 0 p4 #aaa #fd #bf4 ,,head ,,of ,,lion4 ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 pl4 xviii4 #fe #bg4 ,,north ,,and ,,west ,,sides ,,of ,,harpy ,,tomb4 ,e4 ,a4 ,gardner1 ,handbook of ,greek ,sculpture1 ,i1 p4 #aaj #ga #bh4 ,,gable ,,of ,,lycian ,,tomb4 ,photograph #gd ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,pl4 ii4 ,,spartan ,,stele4 ,photograph #gf ,,fig4 #bi4 ,,hades ,,and ,,persephone4 ,ann4 dell' ,inst4 ,,xix1 pl4 ,f #gi #cj4 ,,seated ,,hero4 ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 ,v1 p4 #abc #hc #ca4 ,,stele1 ,,man ,,feeding ,,snake4 ,photograph #he ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,pl4 iii4 ,,sepulchral ,,banquet4 ,photograph #hh ,,fig4 #cb4 ,,assur-,,bani-,,pal ,,and ,,queen4 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,chalde et ,assyrie1 p4 #ajg #hi #cc4 ,,stele ,,from ,,tegea4 ,photograph #ij #cd4 ,,coin ,,of ,,bizya4 ,br4 ,mus4 ,cat4 ,coins1 ,thrace1 p4 #ij #ib #ce4 ,,horseman ,,relief 7,british ,museum74 ,photograph #if #cf4 ,,horseman ,,relief 7,berlin74 ,furtwngler1 ,coll4 ,sabouroff1 pl4 xxix4 #ig #cg4 ,,votive ,,tablet1 ,,tarentum4 ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 ,,xi1 pl4 lv4 #aja #ch4 ,,hero ,,on ,,foot4 ,monum4 ,grecs de l',assoc4 d'tudes ,grecques1 pl4 i4 #ajb #ci4 ,,hero ,,seated4 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ,i1 p4 #bega #ajc ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,fig4 #dj4 ,,achilles ,,at ,,tomb ,,of ,,patroclus4 ,gerhard1 ,auserlesene ,vasenbilder1 pl4 cxcix4 #ajh ,,pl4 iv4 ,,marriage-,,vase4 ,athen4 ,mittheil4 #ahhg1 pl4 ix4 #aad v4 ,,marriage-,,vase ,,and ,,lekythi4 ,photograph #aae i4 ,,view ,,in ,,cemetery ,,of ,,cerameicus4 0 #aah ,,fig4 #da4 ,,head ,,of ,,assyrian ,,stele4 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,chalde et ,assyrie1 p4 #bgj #abj #db4 ,,head ,,of ,,greek ,,stele4 ,brckner1 ,ornament u4 ,formen der ,att4 ,grabstelen1 pl4 i4 #abj #dc4 ,,anthemion ,,of ,,stele4 ,photograph #aba #dc;,a4 0 0 0 #abb #dc;,b4 0 0 0 #abc #dd4 ,,sphinx ,,of ,,spata4 0 #abc #de4 ,,terra-,,cotta3 ,,sphinx ,,and ,,youth4 ,stackelberg1 ,grber der ,hellenen1 pl4 lvi4 #abd #df4 ,,stele ,,of ,,lamptrae1 ,,restored4 ,athen4 ,mittheil4 ,,xii1 p4 #aje #abe #dg4 ,,siren ,,from ,,tomb4 ,photograph #abg #dh4 ,,head ,,of ,,stele4 0 #abh #di4 0 0 0 #abi #ej4 ,,stele ,,of ,,leon4 0 #acj ,,chapter ,,ix4 #ea4 ,,portrait ,,from ,,tomb1 ,,thera4 ,athen4 ,mittheil4 ,,iv1 pl4 vi4 #ace #eb4 ,,horseman ,,from ,,tomb4 0 0 pl4 iii4 #acg ,,pl4 vi4 ,,seated ,,lady4 ,photograph #acg vii4 ,,hermes ,,of ,,andros4 0 #ach viii4 ,,mourning ,,slave4 ,furtwngler1 ,coll4 ,sabouroff1 pl4 xv4 #aci ix4 ,,stele ,,of ,,aristion4 ,photograph #adj 0 ,,stele ,,of ,,alxenor4 0 #ada ,,fig4 #ec4 ,,seated ,,hero4 ,michaelis1 ,anc4 ,marbles in ,gr4 ,brit4 p4 #che #adb #ed4 ,,head ,,of ,,youth ,,holding ,,discus4 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 iv4 #adc #ee4 ,,dermys ,,and ,,citylus4 ,athen4 ,mittheil4 ,,iii1 pl4 xiv4 #add ,,pl4 x4 ,,tynnias ,,seated4 ,photograph #ade xi4 ,,stele ,,of ,,aristonautes4 ,photograph #adf xii4 ,,stele ,,of ,,dexileos4 0 #adg ,,fig4 #ef4 ,,warrior ,,of ,,tegea4 ,bull4 de ,corresp4 hellnique1 ,,iv1 pl4 vii4 #adh ,,pl4 xiii4 ,,youth ,,with ,,dog4 ,photograph #adi ,,fig4 #eg4 ,,athlete ,,balancing ,,stone4 ,photograph #aej #eh4 ,,young ,,horseman4 0 #aea ,,pl4 xiv4 ,,stele ,,from ,,aegina4 0 #aea xv4 ,,relief ,,from ,,ilissus4 0 #aeb ,,fig4 #ei4 ,,stele ,,of ,,democleides4 0 #aec #fj4 ,,head ,,of ,,old ,,man4 0 #aee #fa4 ,,boy1 ,,from ,,stele4 0 #aef ,,pl4 xvi4 ,,seated ,,lady4 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xv4 #aef ,,fig4 #fb4 ,,portrait ,,of ,,mynno4 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xvii4 #aeg ,,pl4 xvii4 ,,stele ,,of ,,amphotto4 ,photograph #aeh ,,fig4 #fc4 ,,girl ,,with ,,doll4 ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 ,,vi1 pl4 ,b4 #aei #fd4 ,,priestess ,,of ,,isis4 ,photograph #aei ,,chapter ,x4 ,,pl4 xviii4 ,,euempolus ,,and ,,children4 ,photograph #afd ,,fig4 #fe4 ,,xanthippus ,,and ,,children4 ,museum ,marbles1 ,x1 pl4 iii4 #afe ,,pl4 xix4 ,,mother ,,and ,,family4 ,photograph #aff xx4 ,,chaerestrata ,,and ,,lysander4 ,photograph #afg xxi4 ,,mica ,,and ,,dion4 ,photograph #afg xxii4 ,,mother ,,and ,,daughter4 ,photograph #afh xxiii4 ,,damasistrata4 ,photograph #afi xxiv4 ,,mother ,,and ,,nurse4 0 #afi ,,fig4 #ff4 ,,plangon ,,fainting4 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 p4 #gj #agj ,,pl4 xxv4 ,,hegeso4 ,photograph #agb xxvi4 ,,lady ,,and ,,attendant4 ,photograph #agc xxvii4 ,,ameiniche4 ,photograph #agc ,,fig4 #fg4 ,,phaenarete4 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xxxix4 #agd ,,pl4 xxviii4 ,,ameinocleia4 ,photograph #age ,,fig4 #fh4 ,,scene ,,at ,,tomb4 ,benndorf1 ,griech4 u4 ,sicil4 ,vasenb4 pl4 xv4 #agg #fi4 ,,domestic ,,scene4 ,heydemann1 ,griech4 ,vasenbilder1 pl4 xi4 #agh #gj4 ,,family ,,group4 ,brckner1 ,griech4 ,grabreliefs1 p4 #ab #agi #ga4 0 0 0 0 #agi #gb4 ,,stele ,,of ,,myrrhina4 ,gazette ,archol4 ,i1 pl4 vii4 #ahj ,,pl4 xxix4 ,,orpheus ,,and ,,eurydice4 ,photograph #aha ,,chapter ,,xi4 xxx4 ,,stele ,,of ,,eutamia4 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xxviii4 #ahe ,,fig4 #gc4 ,,dionysus ,,as ,,guest4 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 ,i1 p4 #beci #aij ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,fig4 #gd4 ,,nereid ,,monument 7,falkener74 ,overbeck1 ,griech4 ,plastik1 ,,ii1 p4 #aia #baf #ge4 ,,gable ,,of ,,nereid ,,monument4 ,ann4 dell' ,inst4 #ahge1 pl4 ,,de4 #bag #gf4 ,,heroon ,,of ,,gyeulbashi4 ,benndorf and ,niemann1 ,heroon von ,gjlbaschi-,trysa1 pl4 i4 #bbb #gg4 ,,lion-,,tomb1 ,,cnidus4 ,newton1 ,travels and ,discov4 ,,ii1 pl4 xxiii4 #bbe ,,chapter ,,xiv4 #gh4 ,,mausoleum 7,mr4 ,pullan74 ,archaeologia1 ,,liv1 p4 #bha #bcj #gi4 0 7,mr4 ,oldfield74 ,drawing of ,mr4 ,oldfield #bca ,,chapter ,,xv4 #hj4 ,,sarcophagus ,,of ,,the ,,satrap3 ,,end4 ,hamdy ,bey et ,t4 ,reinach1 ,une ,ncropole ,royale ,sidon1 pl xxi4 #bdf #ha4 ,,sphinxes3 ,,lycian ,,sarcophagus4 0 0 pl4 xv4 #bdh #hb4 ,,sarcophagus ,,of ,,mourners3 ,,end4 0 0 pl4 vii4 #bej #hc4 ,,alexander ,,sarcophagus3 ,,end4 0 0 pl4 xxvi4 #bed #hd4 0 0 ,,lion-,,hunt4 0 0 pl4 xxxi4 #bee #he4 0 0 ,a ,,lion4 0 0 pl4 ,,xx4 #beg ,,chapter ,i ,,burial ,,customs ,,in ,,greece ,the burial of the dead was a matter as to which the ancient ,greeks had very strong feelings4 ,when a corpse was not committed to earth or fire1 the unfortunate spirit to which it had served as a dwelling-place was condemned to find no rest either on earth or in the world of shades1 but to wander unhappily around the spot where it had met its fate1 or to flutter on the verge of the river of death1 which it was not permitted to cross4 ,for such reasons1 it was the first and most important duty of an heir to see that the person whom he succeeded met with due burial4 ,in war1 as a rule1 each side buried its own dead2 and so great was the horror at neglect of this pious office1 that after a drawn battle the side which was not in possession of the battle-field would commonly ask for a truce for the purpose of burying the slain1 though it thereby acknowledged defeat4 ,it is well known how bitterly the ,athenians accused their generals1 because their dead were not duly buried after the battle of ,arginusae4 ,when ,admetus1 in the ,alcestis of ,euripides1 wishes utterly to cast off his filial relation to his father ,pheres1 he threatens that he will not bury him4 ,and when in the ,antigone of ,sophocles1 ,creon forbids the burial of his slain enemy ,polynices1 the prohibition is represented as an act of barbarous cruelty1 bringing with it the vengeance of the offended gods4 ,in order to perform the last rites to her brother1 ,antigone incurs death4 ,the plot of the last half of the ,ajax1 which seems intolerably tedious to a modern reader1 turns on the question whether the body of the hero shall receive sepulture or not4 ,it is true that all the more serious evils of want of burial were obviated by an inhumation of a merely formal character4 ,the dead man who in the ode of ,horace#a begs the passer-by to give him formal or ceremonial burial1 tells him that it will be quite sufficient if he casts over the body three handfuls of dry earth4 ,if the body of a man was lost at sea1 or otherwise had become undiscoverable1 an empty tomb or cenotaph was erected1 and his spirit laid with ceremonies4 ,in the case of an ordinary death1 there was a regular order of ceremonies1 which are detailed in ,lucian's ,de ,luctu4 ,to the women of the house belonged the melancholy duty of washing and anointing the corpse1 and preparing it for burial4 ,in the mouth was sometimes placed an obolus1 the fee of ,charon4 ,the body was dressed as if for a wedding rather than a funeral1 in rich and clean clothes2 the face was painted1 and wreaths were placed on head and breast4 ,then took place what was called the 1 or exhibition of the corpse1 in order that friends and relatives might take a last farewell of it4 ,vase-paintings give us many representations of the scene4 ,father and mother1 or brothers and sisters1 or children1 thronged round the bier with expressions of love and sorrow1 while the dirge of the hired wailing-women resounded through the house4 ,a terra-cotta tablet of the sixth century1 engraved in the text#b 7,fig4 ,i71 gives us a quaint and vivid picture of the room of death4 ,the dead man1 whose face appears1 while the rest of the painting is broken away1 is evidently a youth in the bloom of his days1 who lies on the bier1 clad in an embroidered garment4 ,close by his head stands his mother1 1 at whose feet is his little sister1 2 a somewhat older sister stands at the foot of the bier4 ,to the left is a group of men1 the father1 1 a grown-up brother1 1 and two other men4 ,to the extreme right appears the name1 though not the figure1 of the grandmother1 1 between whom and the group of men are two other matrons1 carefully distinguished as the aunt and the aunt on the father's side1 and 4 ,a little child also appears by a stool quite at the foot of the couch4 ,the letters in the field represent the wailings of the women4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #a4 ,,lying ,,in ,,state4 ,a beautiful ,attic vase of the fifth century 7,fig4 #b7 gives us a less quaint but more graceful representation of the prothesis#c4 ,in this case the corpse is that of a woman1 who lies on her bier not merely clad in green garments1 but decked with a necklace4 ,the friends grouped about her are all women1 with hair cut short in sign of mourning1 clad in garments of dark brown1 green1 or blue4 ,the lady who stands at the foot of the bier and her neighbour place their hands on their heads in sign of grief2 their dress is that of burgher ladies2 no doubt they are the nearest relatives of the dead4 ,the girl who stands at the head of the bier is a slave or hired attendant4 ,she is more simply clad1 and carries in one hand a flapper or fan to keep off the flies1 in the other a basket containing fillets or ribbons4 ,a wreath hangs against the wall of the room4 ,three small1 naked1 winged idola hover in the air4 ,they are doubtless spirits of the dead3 but the motive for their presence is not clear4 ,one might at first be disposed to regard them as merely ready to receive the departed spirit2 the figure nearest to the mouth of the corpse might even be regarded as the soul which has just taken flight4 ,but these views scarcely account for the attitude1 which is clearly in each of the three idola a recognized sign of grief4 ,in fact1 the close resemblance of gesture between the lady who stands at the foot of the bier and the winged figure above her seems to show that they share the same feeling1 which is one of sorrow4 ,but why should spirits grieve at receiving a companion from the land of the living8 ,the question is not easy to answer4 ,we may observe that in all scenes of this kind1 when these little sprites are introduced1 they are in the same attitude4 ,the lamentations of the living seem always to awake a responsive echo in their breasts4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #b4 ,,lying ,,in ,,state4 ,after the laying out1 1 came the 1 or burial4 ,early in the morning the body was taken1 decked and clad as it was1 and laid on a wagon1 or on a bier to be carried on the shoulders of friends4 ,a procession was formed1 including near friends1 musicians1 hired wailing-women1 and others who carried the vessels needed for the last sad rites4 ,to the modern visitor in ,greece none of the existing customs is more striking than that of bearing to the grave bodies decked out and painted1 and looking more like wax images from ,tussaud's than the actual relics of humanity4 ,several monuments of the early period present us with representations of the so clear that we can judge with certainty even of its details4 ,of these the earliest are vases of the eighth century from the ,dipylon cemetery4 ,one engraved in the ,monumenti of the ,roman ,institute#d clearly represents the funeral of a distinguished chief4 ,the body lies on the top of a lofty bier1 supported by four columns1 which again is carried on a car drawn by two horses4 ,immediately behind the car come the relatives3 and it is accompanied by long strings of mourners1 who are depicted in the childish fashion of the art of the time as alike naked4 ,the women are distinguished by the breast merely1 the men by swords which they carry at the waist4 ,the geese which seem to follow the procession are only inserted to fill up vacant spaces in the design2 since there is nothing to which the early vase-painter objects more strongly than leaving any part of the ground without figures4 ,on another contemporary vase1 published on the same plate1 is a scene of 2 the corpse on its bier is surrounded by mourners1 who seem to be sprinkling it with lustral water4 ,these glimpses into the daily life of pre-historic ,athens are very attractive2 and the life which they reveal differs but little from that of the historic ,athens of the ,persian wars4 ,an archaic terra-cotta1 here engraved 7,fig4 #c7e1 gives us a vivid representation of the appearance of the funeral cortge4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #c4 ,,funeral ,,procession4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #d4 ,,arrival ,,at ,,the ,,tomb4 ,the corpse is placed on a car drawn by two horses4 ,it is accompanied by a woman who bears on her head a jar of wine for the funeral libations1 and by two wailing-women who tear their hair as they walk4 ,behind1 comes a bearded flute-player1 and two young men1 doubtless the next of kin4 ,a vase of the sixth century1 which also we engrave 7,fig4 #d71 represents a comparatively modest funeral#f4 ,the arrival at the tomb is depicted4 ,the dead man1 whose face is uncovered1 lies on a bier drawn by two asses4 ,the procession resembles that of the last representation2 the flute-player1 who wears a long white robe1 and the next of kin follow the bier2 of the wailing-women1 two are perched on the funeral wagon1 other two stand in front of the grave1 which appears as a square erection to the right4 ,the cock who is to form part of the offerings to the dead stands between two trees which mark the graveyard4 ,such was the actual prosaic procession to the grave4 ,but the artists who painted the white ,athenian lekythi1 vessels especially made to be placed in the tomb#g1 preferred in their representations of funerals to take refuge in the realm of imagery and fancy4 ,for the actual carriage of the body to the place of burial they substitute a poetic fiction4 ,when in the battles before ,troy1 ,sarpedon fell beneath the spear of ,patroclus1 we are told in the ,iliad that the gods took charge of his body which the foeman had despoiled#h4 ,to ,phoebus then his ,father spake ,who drives the clouds along1 #8,dear ,phoebus go1 ,sarpedon find ,amid the battle throng1 ,from purple gore his body lave2 ,then bear him far away1 ,and wash him in the flowing stream1 ,and in ambrosia lay2 ,with garments clothe that wax not old1 ,and let the winged pair1 ,the brethren ,sleep and ,death1 from thence ,his body swiftly bear ,to wealthy ,lycia's goodly land1 ,where kinsmen shall be fain ,to heap the mound and set the stone1 ,the guerdon of the slain4' ,it is thoroughly in accord with the spirit of ,greek art that it should have welcomed and dwelt on the idea thus suggested by the epic poet4 ,greek painters and sculptors1 like ,greek dramatists and lyric poets1 loved above all things to escape from the prosaic details of actual life into the ideal world of myth and fancy1 into the language of which they translated the facts of every-day existence4 ,on a very beautiful red-figured vase1 ascribed to ,euphronius1 is represented the bearing away of ,sarpedon's dead body by ,sleep and ,death1 ,sleep being a benign daemon with yellow hair1 ,death a dark-haired being of more forbidding aspect#i4 ,and after the precedent furnished by ,sarpedon1 ,sleep and ,death have been introduced into scenes on other ,greek vases1 wherein the body is not that of any ancient hero1 but of an ordinary citizen4 ,we give an example from an ,attic white lekythos#aj 7,fig4 #e74 ,the dead body1 the eyes of which are not closed in death1 is that of a girl1 who is borne to the resting-place indicated by a sepulchral stele by two winged figures1 of whom the bearded one is doubtless ,death and the younger1 or beardless1 ,sleep4 ,the god ,hermes1 as conductor of souls1 is present to preside at the deposition at the tomb4 ,the twin brethren ,sleep and ,death belong to poetry rather than to real belief4 ,and it is the bodies1 not the spirits1 of the dead which they bear to the last resting-place4 ,other ,athenian lekythi represent the journey of the soul to the land of shades1 under the guidance of ,hermes or in the boat of ,charon4 ,with these pictures ,i will deal in the third chapter1 which treats of ,greek beliefs as to the future life4 ,meantime we must follow the funeral procession to the cemetery4 ,in the ,homeric age the bodies of fallen chiefs were burned with much ceremony1 and funeral games celebrated at their tombs4 ,the classical instance is the burning of the body of ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #e4 ,,deposition ,,at ,,the ,,tomb4 ,patroclus in the ,iliad4 ,but even at that time it is doubtful whether so expensive a method of disposing of the body was at all universal4 ,in historical times1 as may be abundantly proved from ancient writers and from existing remains1 the customs of burning and of burying flourished together4 ,distinguished and wealthy men commonly had their funeral pyres1 but the bodies of the ,kings of ,sparta1 for example1 when they died abroad1 were embalmed and carried home for burial1 instead of being burned4 ,in various cemeteries of ,greece we find sometimes the one custom most prevalent and sometimes the other4 ,it is unnecessary in the present place to go beyond this general statement4 ,when the body was buried1 it was not1 save very rarely1 placed in a sarcophagus of stone1 but far more commonly in a hole in the rock2 or a grave was dug in the soil and a small chamber constructed of slabs of stone or terra-cotta4 ,in case of burning1 a pyre of wood was erected in or near the cemetery1 and after the flames had burned themselves out1 the human ashes1 which are readily to be distinguished1 were carefully and piously collected and placed in a vessel of bronze or of earthenware1 which might either be buried or preserved in some hallowed spot in the house4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #f4 ,,pyre ,,of ,,patroclus4 ,a late vase of ,canusium#aa furnishes us with a representation of the pyre of ,patroclus1 and of the sacrifices which according to ,homer were performed at it 7,fig4 #f74 ,in the midst is the pyre of great logs1 on which is heaped the armour of ,patroclus4 ,this detail shows1 we may observe1 how free are even the later vase-painters in their treatment of ,homeric scenes1 for ,patroclus' armour1 which ,hector had carried off1 is not mentioned in the ,iliad as being placed on his pyre4 ,while ,agamemnon pours a libation to the soul of the dead hero1 ,achilles plunges his sword into the neck of one of the ,trojan captives1 while the rest sit by1 awaiting their fate4 ,the inscription beneath1 makes the identification certain4 ,it does not appear that among the ,greeks there were any regular ceremonies as an accompaniment of burial1 any ritual of prayer or dedication4 ,when a public funeral took place it is true that an oration was delivered at the grave2 we have record of orations pronounced by ,pericles and ,demosthenes over those who had fallen in battle on various occasions4 ,sometimes also there was a funeral feast at the tomb4 ,but in ordinary cases the mourners seem to have returned immediately after the burial to partake of the funeral feast at the house of a near relative or heir of the deceased1 who was himself regarded as the host on the occasion4 ,by thus eating and drinking with the dead1 the survivors entered into a kind of sacred communion with him2 speeches were made in his honour1 and libations poured from the cups of which in ghostly fashion he might partake4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,the ,,worship ,,of ,,the ,,dead ,no ,greek custom constituted a larger part of religious cultus than did the offerings to the dead4 ,and no custom is more frequently portrayed on ancient vases4 ,such offerings did not begin merely with the funeral1 but even earlier4 ,according to the beliefs of most barbarous or semi-barbarous races1 the dead have needs and desires as imperious as those of the living4 ,indeed1 the life of the next world is regarded as in the main a ghostly continuation of previous existence1 a life marked by the same habits and requirements as that which men live on earth4 ,but1 as the dead man is less materialist in his needs1 his wants may be supplied at smaller cost and in less completeness4 ,in many primitive countries we find the dead man living in his tomb as he had lived in his house1 the tomb being often a copy of the house4 ,there he treasures the goods which were buried with him1 and there he receives the constant homage and frequent gifts of his descendants4 ,in ,greece1 as far back as we can trace burial customs1 it was usual to deal liberally with chiefs and warriors when they went to their last resting-place4 ,indeed1 the further back we go1 the greater seems to have been the liberality4 ,the richest graves yet discovered in ,greece are those of the pre-historic rulers of ,mycenae1 spoiled by ,dr4 ,schliemann in #ahgg4 ,in these sepulchres were found treasures sufficient to stock a great museum--armour and ornaments of gold1 swords and arrows1 drinking-cups and sceptres1 every kind of object in which the wealth of semi-barbarous chiefs is commonly displayed4 ,in the historic age the profusion is less marked1 but we yet find abundant proofs of the survival of the custom of fully equipping the dead for their existence in the world of shades4 ,mingled with human bones are sometimes those of horses and dogs1 slain to accompany their master1 sometimes those of flesh and fowl brought to him for food4 ,vessels for holding food and wine and oil are among the ordinary equipment of the tomb1 lamps are very common1 and jewelry and coins in which the thickness of the gold is reduced to that of paper shows the gradual growth of the belief that it is safe to cheat the dead4 ,ladies take with them to their graves their mirrors and the vessels which contained rouge and other necessaries of the toilet4 ,in later ,greek graves terra-cotta plays a large part4 ,not only are vessels of this cheap material substituted for the golden or bronze vases and cups of early graves1 but also loaves and animals of terra-cotta take the place of more genuine food4 ,and terra-cotta images1 sometimes of deities but more often apparently of mere human beings1 are laid up in store by the corpse1 each being broken1 perhaps to render it unfit for the possession of the living4 ,an engraving of a child's coffin with its contents1 which ,i reproduce from ,stackelberg#ab 7,fig4 #g71 will give some idea of the abundant contents of the richer ,greek tombs4 ,the symmetrical arrangement of the various vases and of the terra-cotta images is noteworthy2 and as parts only of a human skeleton are present1 it seems that in this case the body was not placed complete in the coffin1 but only the skull1 the shin-bones1 and other parts of a corpse which had been for the most part disposed of in some other way4 ,i have been present at excavations at ,terranova in ,sicily1 on which site the resting-places of the dead are formed of several slabs of terra-cotta4 ,around the skeletons are heaped vases1 most commonly of the lekythos form1 with occasional coins and other antiquities4 ,but it would be a long task to give anything like a satisfactory account of the contents of tombs in various parts of the ,greek world4 ,every district or city follows its own customs in the matter4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #g4 ,,child',s ,,coffin4 ,we turn to the sacrifices brought to the tomb4 ,while the burial was taking place1 the friends of the deceased threw into the grave terra-cotta figures1 vases and the like1 breaking them as they threw them4 ,such at least is the usage traced by ,messrs4 ,pottier and ,reinach at ,myrina1 and they observe that proofs of the existence of a similar custom have been found at ,tanagra and ,kertch#ac4 ,libations would take place at the same time from the vessels carried to the tomb for the purpose1 as well as afterwards at the funeral feast4 ,thenceforward at set seasons sacrifices were offered at the tomb4 ,these seasons were1 the third day after burial1 1 the ninth day1 1 the thirtieth day1 which came at the end of the mourning1 besides the or general feast of the dead1 corresponding to the ,all ,souls' ,day of the ,middle ,ages1 and the or birthday of the deceased#ad4 ,and such sacrifices were also made at irregular times1 when any portent or significant dream made the survivors suppose that their ancestors were displeased with them4 ,at the beginning of the ,chophori of ,aeschylus1 of the ,electra of ,sophocles1 and of the ,electra of ,euripides1 mention is made of sacrifices at the tomb of ,agamemnon1 offered by ,clytemnestra in consequence of a dream1 which had disturbed her mind4 ,in the ,iphigeneia in ,tauris of ,euripides1 ,iphigeneia prepares1 also in obedience to a dream1 to sacrifice to the spirit of her brother ,orestes1 whom she supposes to be dead4 ,these passages from the great dramatists exhibit the ,athenian custom of the fifth century ,b4,c4 ,how late this custom lasted in ,greece may be shown from the language of ,lucian1 in the second century ,a4,d4 ,speaking with contempt of the popular beliefs1 he writes#ae3 #8,people fancy that souls rising from below dine as they can1 flitting about the smell and the steam1 and drink the honeyed draught from the trench4' ,again1 in another place#af1 ,lucian writes3 #8,the shades are nourished by our libations1 and by the offerings at the tomb2 so that those who have no friend or relative left on earth1 live foodless and famished among the rest4' ,the offerings brought to the dead were of a simpler and less sumptuous character than those dedicated to the gods4 ,through ,greek history they tended to become less costly4 ,in the ,iliad ,achilles sacrifices to the spirit of ,patroclus not only horses and dogs1 oxen and sheep1 but also twelve ,trojan prisoners4 ,at the taking of ,troy1 according to the legend1 ,polyxena was sacrificed on the tomb of ,achilles4 ,not only did the custom of sending slaves to attend a dead chief1 and horses for him to ride1 die out1 but the food of the dead became much less solid than beef and mutton4 ,the laws of ,solon forbade the sacrifice of oxen to the dead#ag4 ,as late as the sixth century1 an inscription of ,ceos#ah speaks of sacrifice at tombs according to the old ritual2 but after that time more serious sacrifices were reserved for actual heroes and exceptional tombs4 ,a black ox1 for example1 was annually offered to the heroes of ,plataea down to the time of ,plutarch#ai1 with wreaths and fillets4 ,ordinary souls had to be content with something much simpler2 cakes and flowers1 with wine1 honey1 and milk1 sometimes a fowl or a few eggs1 sufficed for their somewhat ethereal needs4 ,but in early1 and still more in later times1 the survivors would sometimes try to show their respect1 in exceptional cases1 by a great display of grief and by costly sacrifices4 ,excavations sometimes reveal to us traces not merely of presents brought to the dead1 but of actual sacrifices made to them4 ,for example1 when the mound which covered the bodies of those who fell at ,marathon was recently excavated#bj1 traces were found in broken vessels and animals' bones of the feast held by the survivors at the time of the burial1 as well as a trench cut to receive offerings1 and considerable masses of ashes1 dating no doubt from the yearly sacrifices which in the month of ,boedromion the people of ,athens offered in gratitude to the heroes who had first dared to look the ,mede in the face4 ,in historic ,greece there were recognized heroes of every grade of dignity and importance4 ,a few1 such as ,amphiaraus and ,trophonius1 rivalled the gods in their functions1 in the number of their worshippers1 and the splendour of their shrines4 ,others1 such as ,aeacus at ,aegina1 and ,jason at ,pherae1 were venerated as semi-divine progenitors and supernatural defenders of the cities against all enemies4 ,others1 such as ,pelops at ,olympia1 and ,hyacinthus at ,amyclae1 had tombs in close connexion with some of the most frequented and highly appreciated shrines of the ,greek world4 ,but beside these more dignified members of the clan of heroes there stood many whose influence and whose worship belonged only to a locality1 to a clan1 or a family4 ,the ,dorians in particular#ba1 like all conservative races1 carried the worship of deceased parents and ancestors to the furthest point4 ,but all over ,greece there were small heroa or chapels belonging to families1 the cultus of which was merely an extension of the worship which made sacred the domestic hearth4 ,in modern cemeteries1 and more especially in those of ,france1 the tombs are frequently adorned with wreaths of real or artificial flowers1 with crosses and designs of beadwork or with religious pictures4 ,so in ,greece it was usual to see in the neighbourhood of the tombs of those who had recently passed away1 or who had left behind them many friends1 the traces of libations1 wreaths of flowers1 sashes of various colours1 even pieces of armour or other more solid gifts which were protected against theft by the sacred character of the spot4 ,serious sacrifices to the dead are1 as we shall see in a future chapter1 a frequent subject of votive tablets and even of actual sepulchral reliefs4 ,the lighter and less solemn offerings to the dead are commonly depicted on white ,attic lekythi1 which were specially made to be placed in graves1 and which take their subjects from that use4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #h4 ,,offerings ,,at ,a ,,tomb4 ,the simplest of these vase-paintings consist merely of representations of a gravestone1 bound with sashes or with wreaths1 on either side of which stands a survivor1 male or female1 holding a basket1 wreaths1 a sash1 or the like4 ,in our example 7,fig4 #h7bb from a vase of ,eretria in the ,museum of ,athens1 the stele is truncated by a licence in drawing1 but the relief on it1 a woman seated on a chair and holding out a bunch of grapes to a seated boy1 is similar to many of the groups in our plates4 ,a mirror is represented as hung on the wall3 this no doubt stands for a part of the marble relief4 ,on one side of the stele stands a young man leaning on a staff1 who seems to be directing a maiden who stands on the other side1 where she shall place two wreaths which she carries4 ,our engraving makes no attempt to reproduce the brilliant colouring of the original1 in which the dresses of the seated lady of the relief and the standing girl who ministers at the tomb are bright red1 the garment of the youth brown1 and the hair of all the figures a golden brown4 ,in some of these scenes1 the stele is hung with more serious offerings than flowers3 sometimes a lekythos is suspended from the top or placed on the steps3 in some cases1 a sword is slung round it by means of a baldric#bc4 ,sometimes the attendant girls bring elaborate toilet-vases and flasks of oil4 ,by a curious convention1 often the dead person is introduced into the scene1 seated on the steps of the basis which supports the sepulchral slab1 between the two ministrants4 ,in one case#bd a lady thus seated holds on her finger two little birds1 perhaps an indication of a sacrifice1 #8a pair of turtle-doves or two young pigeons4' ,on other vases she holds an oil-flask or a toilet-vase4 ,sometimes1 especially if the person represented be a man1 he holds a lyre#be4 ,in our example 7,fig4 #i7 of this curious scheme1 a ghost is seen flitting through the air1 and one of the attendants brings a little bird4 ,the precise meaning of the lyre has been doubted4 ,m4 ,pottier thinks that it represents music played before the dead1 as part of their cultus4 ,but this1 of course1 assumes the seated person to be a survivor1 and we shall presently show this view to be untenable4 ,it is1 however1 well known that to be able to play on the lyre as it passed from hand to hand at banquets was part of the training of the ,athenian gentleman4 ,it may well seem then that the musical employment of the dead man is merely an instance of the general rule that the ,athenians loved to represent their dead in some employment which had been a favourite and characteristic one when they lived4 ,and this view is confirmed by the occurrence on an early stele of the figure in relief of a man carrying a lyre#bf4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #i4 ,,spirit ,,seated ,,on ,,stele4 ,that the seated personage who plays the lyre if a man1 or who if a woman holds a tray of offerings or a lekythos1 is not a survivor but a dead person1 may be readily shown by a comparison of certain vase-paintings4 ,for an example we may take two lekythi figured on one plate#bg in the ,sabouroff ,collection4 ,on one of these is represented a young man seated beside a stele1 playing on a lyre which he holds1 while an attendant girl brings him a sash or fillet4 ,on the other the stele is absent1 and the scene1 which is given in the text ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #aj4 ,,toilet ,,scene1 ,,sepulchral4 7,fig4 #aj71 seems one taken from daily life4 ,a lady1 fully draped1 is seated on a chair2 in her lap rests a flat box containing sashes2 a maid-servant comes to her holding a smaller box with open lid1 probably a casket of jewelry4 ,this last scene is closely like many of the ,attic sepulchral reliefs#bh1 and the artist who painted it can scarcely have had in his mind any other intention than that of representing a lady who had died4 ,the former scene must be of parallel significance2 and the man seated with the lyre can scarcely be other than the proprietor of the stele beside which he sits4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #aa4 ,,gifts ,,at ,,tomb4 ,we add1 from a late vase in the ,british ,museum#bi1 a very interesting sepulchral group 7,fig4 #aa74 ,the tomb is in the form of a pillar with acanthus ornament at the base1 resting on a flat slab or table#cj4 ,this latter is heaped up with vases and sashes1 the gifts of survivors4 ,among these gifts stands a female figure in sorrowful attitude1 either a statue of the deceased1 or more probably herself in spiritual presence4 ,on one side a man raises his hand in greeting or adoration1 on the other approaches a girl bearing some offering4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,beliefs ,,as ,,to ,,the ,,future ,,life ,the group of vase-paintings with which we dealt in the last chapter raises a curious question4 ,in all1 or almost all1 of them the locality is clearly implied by the presence of a stele in the background4 ,the offerings which they represent were made1 it seems1 at the tomb itself4 ,is it not1 however1 a strange thing that wealthy and educated ,athenians should suppose the souls of the dead to have nothing better to do than to rest beside the tomb1 and there await the offerings of survivors8 ,did they not believe in a region of the dead1 a kingdom of ,hades1 where the bad were punished and the good received the recompense of their merits8 ,and if so1 how could the souls of the departed be at the same time in ,hades1 and in the neighbourhood of the graveyard8 ,in order to find a solution for these difficulties we must give some account of the views of ordinary ,greeks1 at different periods of the national history1 in regard to the life after death1 and the condition of the departed4 ,we must begin our examination of ,greek belief as to the future life by turning to the ,homeric poems4 ,the outlines of the psychical doctrine which these contain has been traced with masterly hand by ,dr4 ,erwin ,rohde#ca1 whose conclusions agree well with all that we have of late learned from history and archaeology as to the ,homeric age and literature4 ,it is only superficial theorizing which will find in the ,homeric poems the ordinary barbaric views as to the nature of the soul and the future life4 ,primitive elements there may be in the ,homeric beliefs on these subjects2 but these primitive elements are mostly of the nature of a survival4 ,the ,homeric poems belong to a race of singular gifts and remarkable intellectual capacity1 a small clan or aristocracy which had by the force of inborn genius penetrated to views in all matters of practical wisdom which must be considered decidedly advanced4 ,like the ,vedas of ,india and the ,zend ,avesta1 the ,iliad and the ,odyssey are the flowers of special developments of civilization1 of the culture of pure-blooded clans1 which had worked their way forward1 amid surrounding barbarism1 to a comparatively civilized survey of the world and of mankind4 ,the notion which is the common property of barbarous peoples1 that the dead dwell among the living1 and constantly interfere for good and for evil in their affairs1 that they must be appeased by constant sacrifices and receive their share of all increase1--this notion has indeed left traces in the ,homeric poems1 but they are slight4 ,it rather shows through the psychology of ,homer than regulates or inspires it4 ,the intellectual aristocracy of ,homer has in this matter a strong bias towards scepticism4 ,it is really remarkable how nearly the ,homeric theories of the soul correspond with the facts recorded by that cautious and sceptical body of inquirers1 the ,psychical ,society4 ,the psyche to ,homer is not in the least like the ,christian soul1 but is a shadowy double of the man1 wanting alike in force and in wisdom4 ,it has no midriff1 but lives as dreams live2 appearing to the living in visions1 sleeping or waking1 but without power4 ,while the body of a dead man remains unburnt or unburied1 his ghost wanders about the place of death3 when the body has received due meed of funeral rites1 the spirit departs to the land of shades1 never to return1 nor to vex the survivors4 ,the realm of ,hades appears in the more antique parts of the poems of ,homer as a land where shades dwell under the rulership of ,king ,hades and august ,persephone1 living a life which is a sort of reflex and corollary of the past4 ,orion1 the mighty hunter1 still pursues in that land the spectres of wild beasts over the meadows of asphodel4 ,agamemnon still deplores his sad fate1 ,ajax will not be reconciled to his enemy ,odysseus1 ,achilles lives on the memory of his past exploits1 and rates the life of the greatest heroes in ,hades as beneath that of the meanest serving-man on earth4 ,even these shadowy passions do not stir the hearts of the dead until they have drunk of the blood of the sacrifice1 and their vital force is thus in some degree renewed4 ,to ,teiresias alone1 says ,circe1 has ,persephone granted that even after death he shall have living sense1 while the rest flit like shadows4 ,it is quite clear that this view1 which removes the dead to ,hades1 and deprives them of all sense and power1 is not to be reconciled with some of the customs of ,homeric cultus1 especially with the offering of victims1 animal and human1 at the tombs of heroes4 ,this1 however1 is not strange3 cultus has infinitely greater power of persistence among men than mere speculative beliefs2 and among peoples of all religions we find a want of harmony between the religious belief and the religious custom which needs explanation4 ,homer does not fear the dead2 but the burial customs described in his poems must have arisen at a time when the dead were greatly feared1 and regarded as meddlesome in human affairs4 ,and this marked inconsistency which we find in the ,homeric age persists throughout ,greek history4 ,the customs of the cultus of the dead are1 as we have seen1 persistent among all ,greek tribes1 though more fully appreciated by some than others1 and remain in force down to the very decline of ,paganism4 ,but at the same time speculation as to the world of spirits and the condition of the departed went on1 on lines almost independent of custom and cultus4 ,if the dead were safe in ,hades they could not also live in their tombs2 why then take offerings thither8 ,if their life was the life of dreams and of shadows1 why did they need food1 both animal and vegetable1 and abundant drink8 ,this is sufficiently obvious to us4 ,yet ,greek belief in all ages must have found some means of reconciling theory and cultus1 and of preventing the course of speculation as to the state of the departed from interfering with the practical piety of the worship of ancestors4 ,we are able to follow1 at all events in outline1 the gradual development of the belief in ,hades among the ,greeks4 ,the voyage of ,odysseus to ,hades in the ,odyssey1 whatever may be its date 7a somewhat doubtful point71 shows us that belief at a very early and incomplete stage4 ,the main interest of the author of the ,odyssey is evidently to give a glimpse at the later fortunes of some of the principal personages of the ,iliad2 though with this he includes a curious vision of fair women1 ,tyro1 ,alcmena1 and ,leda and the like4 ,he accomplishes his purpose by taking the widely wandering ,odysseus to ,hades under the pretext that he will there learn how best he may win back to his native ,ithaca4 ,to ,homer ,hades is not1 as in later belief1 situated beneath our feet4 ,odysseus has to reach it by sailing to the confines of the ocean1 to the land of the ,cimmerians1 enveloped in mist and cloud1 where the bright rays of the sun do not shine4 ,when he reaches the groves of poplar and willow1 amid which flow the rivers ,acheron and ,pyriphlegethon and ,cocytus1 he digs a trench1 and makes sacrifices to the dead1 offering libations and barley-cakes1 and slaying a ram in honour of ,teiresias4 ,no sooner is this done than the spirits of the dead begin to flock about him1 and those whom he permits to drink of the blood of his sacrifice can answer his questions and inform him of their fate4 ,the only class of persons whom ,homer represents as punished in ,hades are perjurers1 perhaps because their punishment on earth was so problematic4 ,but a few noted criminals of legend1 such as ,tityus and ,tantalus1 are also represented as undergoing a chronic punishment4 ,hades1 however1 is by no means the only dwelling-place of souls known to the authors of the ,homeric poems4 ,every scholar is familiar with the beautiful lines in which ,proteus foretells the future destiny of ,menelaus#cb4 ,in ,argos' horse-abounding plain ,to die is not thy fate1 ,o ,menelaus1 there for thee ,no mortal chances wait4 ,thee shall the immortals far away ,to earth's remotest end1 ,where fair-haired ,rhadamanthys dwells ,in ,plains ,elysian1 send4 ,there life flows on in easy course1 ,there never snow nor rain ,nor winter tempests vex the land2 ,but ,ocean sends amain ,fresh ,zephyr breezes breathing shrill ,to cool the untroubled life4 ,there dwell1 since thou art kin to ,zeus1 ,and ,helen is thy wife4 ,in dealing with the ,homeric poems we can never escape the difficulties as to chronology and genuineness which at present envelop the whole ,homeric question1 on its literary side1 like a thick mist4 ,dr4 ,rohde thinks that this passage is of later date than that which describes the voyage to ,hades of ,odysseus4 ,the last line has a curious ring4 ,menelaus is to be rescued from the common fate1 not for any virtue or merit of his own1 but because he is the son-in-law of ,zeus4 ,we are reminded of the still more aristocratic belief of certain existing races of barbarians1 who think that a happy state in the future life is reserved for the chiefs and those of high lineage4 ,according to the ,cyclic ,poets1 the ,islands of the ,blessed were destined not for ,menelaus only1 but for others of the heroes who fought at ,troy4 ,in the ,aethiopis1 ,eos 7the ,dawn7 is allowed not merely to bear away her dead son ,memnon1 as ,sarpedon had been borne away by ,sleep and ,death1 but to awake him again to an immortal life4 ,in the same poem1 ,thetis is represented as carrying off the body of ,achilles from the funeral pyre1 and transporting it over the sea to a new life in the island of ,leuce1 the white island1 which popular fancy placed in the ,euxine sea4 ,in the ,works and ,days of ,hesiod all the godlike heroes who fought at ,troy are said to dwell still in the ,islands of the ,blessed4 ,odysseus after his death was said to have been translated to the island of ,aeaea4 ,and an ,athenian drinking-song of about ,b4,c4 #ejj tells how ,harmodius and ,aristogeiton1 who slew the ,tyrant and restored liberty to the ,athenians1 are not dead but dwell in the ,happy ,isles with ,diomedes and swift-footed ,achilles4 ,it may be doubted how far the ,islands of the ,blessed1 the ,elysian ,fields1 and the ,realm of ,hades are really distinct in ,homeric geography4 ,all seem to be reached by a voyage across the sea in the direction of the setting sun4 ,subsequent poets1 however1 gradually determine and map out the land of the dead4 ,it is a conjecture1 the truth of which is more than probable1 that the great teacher of the lore of the future world was ,orphism4 ,orphism is one of the most important1 but at the same time one of the most obscure phases of ancient religion4 ,the original documents of the sect have perished1 and forgeries have taken their place4 ,it is only by putting together a number of occurrences1 and collecting phenomena from all quarters1 that we are able even to conjecture the tenets and observances of the ,orphists2 yet it seems certain that they exercised a deep and long-continued influence on the development of religion in ,greece4 ,we first clearly trace their activity in the sixth century ,b4,c41 when ,onomacritus1 a contemporary of ,peisistratus at ,athens1 committed to writing much of their lore1 and when ,pythagoras attempted to found among the ,greek cities of ,southern ,italy something like an ,orphic church4 ,yet from what we learn as to ,orphism1 we see that it must contain elements handed down from a barbaric and primitive state of religion4 ,it was essentially mystic and ecstatic in character4 ,zagreus1 who was a form of ,dionysus1 was the principal object of ,orphic worship1--the young god who was torn to pieces by the wicked hands of ,titans1 but restored to life by the favour of ,zeus and ,athena4 ,by mystic communion with ,zagreus1 who was regarded as the ruler of the dead1 the votary escaped from the trammels of the flesh1 became pure and chaste1 and fit for a nobler existence hereafter4 ,of course1 in this religion1 as in all1 mere ritual tended to encroach on the religion of conduct2 it was supposed by many that a mere partaking in mysterious rites would secure for them a favourable reception in the world of shades1 and a verdict of acquittal from the stern judges of the dead4 ,it is certain1 as ,i have already observed1 that this ecstatic form of religion contains primitive elements4 ,anthropology has informed us that the wizard or medicine-man among savage tribes commonly acquires and retains his influence by means of trances or ecstasies1 in which he professes to be inspired by the spirits of the dead4 ,this is the original germ whence all ecstatic religion takes its rise2 though1 of course1 it may reach a high moral level under some circumstances1 and tend greatly to the help and elevation of mankind4 ,what was the precise ethical level of the ,orphic religion it is very hard to say4 ,however1 we are at present concerned only with one aspect of ,orphism--its lore as to the world of spirits4 ,it is believed that this lore gradually works its way into current literature and art4 ,after we leave the ,homeric age1 the next important landmark in the history of ,hades is to be found in the great painting of ,polygnotus in the ,lesch or arcade of ,delphi4 ,of this picture we possess so careful and detailed a description from the pen of ,pausanias#cc that a skilled archaeologist1 ,professor ,robert1 has succeeded1 with the help of certain vase-paintings of ,polygnotan style1 in restoring1 figure for figure1 the whole composition1 with a sureness of hand which may well surprise those who do not realize the degree in which the scientific methods of archaeology have been developed in recent years4 ,in the upper part of the picture is a group which is almost a transcript from the ,odyssey3 ,odysseus sword in hand over his trench1 the unburied ,elpenor behind him in sailor's dress1 and ,teiresias and ,anticleia approaching to hold converse with him4 ,but this group seems somewhat apart from the rest of the scene1 which is composed of elements mostly foreign to the ,homeric circle of ideas4 ,on the left is the river ,acheron1 full of reeds and peopled with shadowy fish2 on which floats the bark of the ferryman ,charon1 who is taking to their last home the spirits of a man and a girl4 ,pausanias observes that ,polygnotus has borrowed ,charon from the epic poem called the ,minyas1 in which the voyage to ,hades of ,theseus and ,peirithous was narrated4 ,whencesoever ,charon may have originally come1 he certainly held a great place in the beliefs of the later ,greeks4 ,the obol1 his fee1 was sometimes placed in the mouth of the dead4 ,in later writers1 such as ,virgil and ,lucian1 he is very prominent4 ,some of the sepulchral lekythi1 of which ,i have spoken already1 furnish us with a representation of the ,river of ,death and the boat of ,charon4 ,one here ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ab4 ,,the ,,boat ,,of ,,charon4 copied 7,fig4 #ab7 from a vase at ,athens#cd1 presents a most curious scene4 ,charon1 a being of traditional ugliness1 clad in sailor's cap and short chiton1 drives his boat to the bank by means of a pole4 ,he is awaited by a girl who bears in her hands her favourite bird1 a goose1 while a box for the toilet rests on a rock1 and near it sits a young child4 ,this flitting to the world of shades has quite a domestic aspect3 it seems that ,charon was expected to convey not only passengers1 but also as baggage the offerings brought to them at the tomb4 ,sometimes the boat of ,charon appears in these vase-paintings in close proximity to the stele of the grave2 and the dead wait for him on the steps of the stele#ce4 ,on another vase1 ,hermes1 with herald's staff1 leads the soul down to the edge of the river#cf4 ,it is a well-known fact1 though one not easy to explain1 that ,charon1 under the form ,charuns1 figures as the messenger of death in several of the mural paintings of ,etruscan tombs4 ,he is there depicted as a hideous monster1 with hooked nose1 sometimes winged1 wielding an axe1 and entwined with serpents4 ,that the mild and quiet ,charon of the ,greeks should have his counterpart in a fierce and deformed daemon in the more monstrous pantheon of ,etruria is quite natural2 but it is less clear whence the ,greeks and ,etruscans originally borrowed their respective divinities4 ,we must1 however1 resume our description of the picture of ,polygnotus4 ,about the entrance of ,hades cluster the transgressors whose punishment is eternal4 ,they are very few in number3 the parricide1 the temple-robber1 and such noted personages of legend as ,tityus1 who is devoured by a vulture after the fashion of ,prometheus4 ,next we reach a group of fair women1 who must indeed have been delightful creations under the hands of the most dignified and majestic of all painters--,ariadne and ,tyro1 ,procris and ,chloris4 ,for some who had to be punished a most gentle meed of punishment is provided4 ,phaedra in her lifetime1 as is well known1 was inspired with a disastrous passion for her stepson ,hippolytus1 and after his death she went and hanged herself4 ,in the painting of ,polygnotus1 as ,pausanias observes1 #8,phaedra is borne through the air on a swing1 and holds the ropes on each side in her hands3 this attitude1 in spite of the extreme gentleness of the allusion1 refers to the manner of her death4' ,near the group of women ,theseus and ,peirithous are seated4 ,they had dared1 with overweening impiety1 to make their way into ,hades1 in order to carry off ,persephone1 ,queen of the ,shades4 ,but they were made prisoners by the nether powers and kept in chains4 ,such a fate for heroes of the race of the gods naturally seemed to ,polygnotus too harsh4 ,in his picture they merely keep their seats4 ,so ,virgil writes1 #8,sedet aeternumque sedebit infelix ,theseus4' ,pausanias quotes ,panyasis1 a late ,epic poet1 to the effect that ,theseus and ,peirithous on their seats did not appear to be prisoners1 but really the rock grew to their flesh in the place of bonds4 ,but ,polygnotus was content with a mere hint3 in his painting nothing indicated either bondage or torture4 ,near by are ,cameiro and ,clytie1 daughters of ,pandareus4 ,in the ,odyssey ,penelope tells how they were carried away by the fierce storm-winds and given to the hateful ,erinnyes4 ,but ,polygnotus will know nothing of the ,erinnyes4 ,he merely represents the girls as crowned with flowers and playing with astragali or knuckle-bones4 ,the storm-winds seem to have done them little harm4 ,presently we come to the central part of the picture4 ,it is occupied by the grove of ,persephone1 represented in the sparing fashion of ,greek painting by a single tree1 under which sits ,orpheus1 his lyre in his hands4 ,no doubt we have here the key to the picture4 ,orpheus is the central figure of the whole4 ,to ,polygnotus he is not merely a departed hero1 but priest and hierophant4 ,the song which he sings is the mystic song of immortality4 ,about him there cluster the heroes who fought at ,troy3 on the one side ,agamemnon1 ,protesilaus1 ,achilles1 ,patroclus2 on the other1 ,hector1 ,paris1 ,memnon1 ,sarpedon1 and ,penthesileia1 queen of the ,amazons4 ,paris makes love to ,penthesileia1 who looks back at him with contempt4 ,the ,greek and ,trojan heroes may fight again their battles in memory2 but peace has fallen on them1 and they no longer wish to wield the lance4 ,we need not dwell on other groups3 ,palamedes and ,thersites busy with the dice2 ,thamyris1 who had once challenged the ,muses1 seated in dejection over his broken lyre2 the strange apparition of ,marsyas1 who teaches the boy ,olympus to play the flute2 and many others4 ,towards the right end of the painting we again find punishments of a kind going forward4 ,sisyphus heaves his rock up the hill4 ,tantalus stands up to the chest in water which he may not drink1 and clutches at fruit which eludes his grasp4 ,these punishments had already been mentioned in the ,odyssey2 ,polygnotus adds a rock1 which hangs over the head of the sufferer1 ever threatening to fall1 but never falling4 ,there appears also a great cask set in the earth1 which it is the fate of an approaching train ever to try to fill with water from broken water-vessels4 ,this was1 according to tradition1 the allotted task of the fifty daughters of ,danaus1 who had all save one in one night slain their husbands4 ,but ,polygnotus followed a different account3 he calls the approaching men and women merely 1 uninitiated4 ,pausanias observes that they must be those who held in contempt the sacred mysteries of ,eleusis2 but this does not seem to be the meaning4 ,they are ordinary persons1 men and women who did not necessarily sin overtly against the ,mysteries1 but merely neglected to avail themselves of the #8means of grace' offered them by the hierophants of ,eleusis1 and suffer in the next world for their carelessness or obstinacy4 ,the general tone of the painting of ,polygnotus bears a close resemblance to that of the sepulchral reliefs which we shall describe in this book4 ,this is the less curious1 when we consider that the sculptors of the reliefs were of that ,attic school of sculpture which took so much of its character from ,polygnotus4 ,in spirit also the painting is like the ,homeric poems1 when they deal with the future life4 ,the cultivated ,greek mind looked for little bliss in the world to come1 except such as could come from the reunion of friends and families1 and the memory of past deeds4 ,still less did it look for future punishments4 ,these were ordinarily reserved for the noted criminals of legend4 ,the only classes which ,polygnotus seems to have thought in any peril were the parricides1 the temple-robbers1 and the uninitiated4 ,he seems to have thought that spirits were of the stuff of which dreams are made1 and passed an existence of quiet and gentle melancholy1 of which the worst feature was its exposure to tedium4 ,there do not appear in the picture of ,polygnotus1 as in some paintings which we must presently consider1 any malignant beings to act as the police of the under-world4 ,not even ,cerberus appears4 ,the only spirit of inauspicious type who is seen is ,eurynomus4 ,pausanias says#cg3 #8,the interpreters at ,delphi say that ,eurynomus is one of the spirits that dwell in ,hades1 and that his office is to devour the bodies of the dead1 leaving only their bones4' ,eurynomus does not appear1 adds ,pausanias1 in ,homer nor in the ,cyclic poets4 ,the daemon shows his teeth1 and is seated on the skin of a vulture4 ,probably it was from the facts just mentioned that the interpreters at ,delphi deduced the function of ,eurynomus4 ,but their opinion goes for little1 and the name ,eurynomus has nothing to do with the decay of the flesh4 ,in the time of ,polygnotus it was usually fire rather than decay which made away with the bodies of the dead4 ,this daemon1 who was possibly an archaic form of ,hades himself1 remains then unexplained4 ,at any rate1 we have no right to regard him as a punisher of souls4 ,the punishments of ,hades1 according to ,polygnotus1 seem to go on by some law1 without present enforcement4 ,with the ,hades of ,polygnotus we must compare that which is depicted on a class of large amphorae which come to us from ,apulia in ,italy4 ,i have engraved 7,fig4 #ac7 a fair specimen of these vase-paintings1 which are all closely alike1 from a vase of ,canusium#ch4 ,here in the centre we have1 in place of the sacred grove of ,persephone1 the palace of ,hades and his ,queen4 ,he is seated1 and holds a long sceptre2 she carries a torch4 ,the palace has not unnaturally taken the form of a chapel of the deities2 the wheels hung up in the background seem to be votive offerings4 ,the motive of the whole picture is curiously twofold4 ,two visits to ,hades1 which really took place at quite different times1 are depicted as going on together1 the quest of ,orpheus for his lost ,eurydice1 and the attempt of ,herakles to carry off the dog ,cerberus and to rescue his friend ,theseus4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ac4 ,,the ,,greek ,,under-,,world4 ,orpheus stands1 lyre in hand1 before the chapel of the nether deities4 ,he is clad in the variegated embroidered robes of the ,orientals1 with sleeves down to the wrists and a ,phrygian tiara4 ,in the painting of ,polygnotus ,orpheus was1 as ,pausanias expressly states1 clad in the ordinary ,greek dress4 ,later art rejoiced in the picturesque costume of the ,persians and ,phrygians3 and the ,thracian home of ,orpheus allowed artists to consider him as belonging to a semi-,greek1 ,anatolian race4 ,orpheus is evidently using his art to persuade ,hades to restore ,eurydice1 and that dread deity seems1 from the position of his uplifted right hand1 to be addressing him2 but ,eurydice1 in this as in most of the vase-paintings1 is wanting2 a curious fact1 which may indicate that the motive of the quest of ,orpheus was originally something different4 ,it seems indeed1 as will appear clearly later1 that the vase-painter combines without much skill or purpose groups taken from the works of older and more thoughtful artists4 ,in the lowest line ,herakles struggles with ,cerberus1 around whose three necks he has fastened a chain4 ,hermes1 who carries a herald's staff1 points out to his brother the road to the upper air1 and urges departure4 ,a more terrifying figure behind ,herakles also gives cause for haste4 ,one of the ,poenae or ,furies1 a female servant of ,hades1 wearing hunting-boots and holding over her arm a leopard's skin1 advances with a torch to defend the realm of the dead against rash invaders4 ,in the upper line1 on the right1 a similar figure1 with drawn sword1 guards the captives whom ,herakles has come to release4 ,peirithous sits and cannot rise1 but ,theseus is standing2 so far as he is concerned1 the attempt of the invincible ,herakles is successful1 and he is allowed to return to earth4 ,the other groups which make up the picture have no special connexion either with ,orpheus or with ,herakles1 and are introduced merely to complete the picture of ,hades4 ,on some of these under-world vases the names are written over the various persons1 so that we can identify them with ease and certainty4 ,in the upper line to the left is ,megara1 the wife of ,herakles1 and the two children of hers whom their father slew in a fit of madness4 ,they stand near a spring-house1 where water flows from a lion's-head fountain4 ,drops of blood still stand on their breasts4 ,why they alone should thus bear in ,hades the marks of mortal calamity we cannot say2 nor indeed why they should appear at all as prominent inhabitants of the land of shades4 ,one is inclined to fancy that some tale or legend may have connected them with the voyage of their father to ,hades4 ,beneath them is a curious domestic group3 a young husband who is in the act of crowning himself with a wreath1 a wife1 and their little son1 who drags behind him a plaything4 ,it is a veritable scene of the reconstitution1 in the land of shades1 of a family endued with perpetual youth and leisure4 ,who these people may be is quite uncertain2 but it is reasonable to think that they are such as have undergone initiation1 and whose future life is thus assured4 ,opposite are the three judges of the dead1 ,minos1 ,aeacus1 and ,rhadamanthys1 or1 as some give the name1 ,triptolemus4 ,bearded and venerable figures1 they carry long sceptres1 but do not look so stern as one would expect from their terrible function4 ,the other scenes1 in the two corners below1 are of not much more than geographical import4 ,they show the place to be ,hades by introducing some of the well-known inhabitants of that region4 ,on the left is ,sisyphus uprearing his rock2 and lest he should loiter at the task1 one of the ,poenae with snakes in her hair urges him with a double-thonged whip2 in her other hand she carries a javelin and leopard's skin4 ,on the right is ,tantalus1 in the dress of an ,oriental prince1 and still carrying his sceptre4 ,the ,homeric pains have ceased to trouble him2 he no longer stands in water1 nor reaches after fruit4 ,but he is still threatened by the hanging rock4 ,on other vases of the class1 while the general arrangement is the same1 the groups are varied4 ,peleus and ,myrtilus1 the faithless charioteer who arranged his victory at ,olympia1 sometimes take the place of ,theseus and ,peirithous4 ,in the place of ,tantalus we have a group of women ever drawing water1 whether they be the ,danaides or women who died uninitiated4 ,it is likely that all these ,apulian vase-paintings go back to some original of a great painter which was known throughout the ,greek world4 ,an original by ,polygnotus it cannot be2 the composition is quite unlike his1 and the ,oriental garments worn by some of the personages indicate a different and a later school than his4 ,we know that ,nicias1 a contemporary of ,praxiteles1 made a great picture of the under-world2 but as we know nothing of its details1 the inquiry whether this was the original copied in ,italy has no certain basis4 ,singularly instructive and suggestive is the comparison of these ,hellenic pictures of the under-world with those which our ancestors of the ,middle ,ages painted on the walls and in the windows of their churches4 ,there we see the ecstatic bliss of the saved1 conducted by angels to the abode of ,god and the saints1 and the fearful tortures inflicted upon the damned by hosts of hideous and malignant demons1 who bind1 burn1 tear1 and outrage them with fiendish ingenuity4 ,in the ,christian paintings there is no mean1 everything is extreme4 ,the destiny to eternal life or eternal torment seems to hang upon a decision by no means easy3 angels and devils dispute the possession of souls1 and the latter are at least as successful as the former in their raids4 ,our ancestors can scarcely have taken these representations as seriously as we are disposed to take them1 or life shadowed by such a terrific future would have been unendurable4 ,but still they embodied the teaching of the ,church1 which few dared dispute1 at all events openly4 ,they give us a glimpse at the terrible moral pressure necessary in order that the realities of the moral and spiritual life should be burned into the heart of the ,european peoples4 ,in the ,greek pictures1 on the other hand1 nothing is extreme1 but everything is in moderation4 ,setting aside the torments of a few legendary heroes1 like ,tityus and ,tantalus1 which had little relation to actual life1 there was no torture1 as there was certainly no bliss1 in ,hades4 ,between the punishment of the uninitiated and the reward of the initiated there is not very much difference4 ,whether ,megara and her children belong to the class of the happy or the wretched we do not know4 ,they bear the marks of suffering1 but as one of the boys carries the oil-flask and strigil of the athlete1 he would seem to pass his time in ,hades as suitably as the little boy of the initiated pair who trundles his toy4 ,the only unpleasant feeling which is roused by our vase-painting or the more exquisite ,hades of ,polygnotus is that its tenants must suffer from infinite ennui1 and the same reproach has been brought sometimes against the heaven of the ,middle ,ages4 ,but probably only highly civilized people learn to realize that ennui may become a torment4 ,in particular1 we may compare the swarms of black and hideous devils1 with horn and hoof of the mediaeval pictures1 with the ,greek ,poenae4 ,we can trace the genealogy of these latter from early times4 ,the ,oriental imagination had from very early times delighted in depicting evil spirits in the form of monsters and winged beasts1 who are overcome and slain by the gods in human form4 ,for winged monsters the ,greek artists of the sixth century had tended to substitute winged human beings of hideous aspect1 ,gorgons and ,harpies1 ,eris and ,phobos1 and the like4 ,it was ,aeschylus who1 wishing to bring on the stage in bodily form in his ,eumenides the powers that avenge kindred blood1 transformed the ,erinnyes1 who had hitherto been worshipped at ,athens as the ,eumenides or gentle goddesses1 in beautiful and dignified form#ci4 ,he took as his models the ,gorgons and ,harpies of earlier art4 ,so he himself tells us in the ,eumenides#dj1 where his priestess thus describes the sleeping visitors3 #8,i call them not women1 but ,gorgons2 yet cannot ,i quite liken them to the forms of ,gorgons4 ,in a picture once ,i saw ,harpies painted bearing off the food of ,phineus3 these1 however1 are unwinged in aspect1 but black and utterly abominable4' ,pausanias too says1 when speaking of the shrine of the ,eumenides at ,athens#da3 #8,it was ,aeschylus who first wreathed snakes in their hair2 but in their statues there is nothing terrible1 nor in the other statues set up in honour of the nether gods4' ,in a series of vase-paintings which represent the flight to ,delphi and the purification of ,orestes1 the ,erinnyes appear sometimes in ,aeschylean guise as women1 unwinged1 but with snakes in their hair and of terrible aspect4 ,with these the ,poenae of our vase-painting are almost identical in dress1 though the ugliness is softened down4 ,and as ,polygnotus knows not the ,poenae1 it seems likely that it was in part the influence of ,aeschylus which introduced them as ministrants of evil in the realm of ,hades4 ,but the ,poenae certainly fill very inefficiently the place of the ,christian demons4 ,greek art loved to soften1 to generalize1 while mediaeval art rejoiced1 like ,dante1 in exact detail4 ,greek art was always ready to sacrifice precise meaning to beauty and grace1 while mediaeval art had little sense of beauty1 but tried to work on the emotions of fear and horror4 ,side by side with the evidence derived from the works of ancient painters we must place that derived from ancient poets and other writers4 ,the philosophers are outside our scope1 except so far as they testify to the opinions of ordinary men3 to regard the views of ,plato and ,epicurus as ordinary ,greek opinions would of course be as absurd as to regard ,john ,stuart ,mill or ,herbert ,spencer as representatives of the ordinary ,englishman4 ,in ordinary ,greek belief1 then1 we find abundant traces of the eternal conflict between the priest and the prophet1 between ritual and ethics4 ,there was a general feeling that those who died nobly or after a well-spent life were sure of a friendly reception in ,hades4 ,xenophon says of ,agesilaus#db1 #8,he ever feared the gods1 being of opinion that those who lived nobly were not yet happy1 but that those who had died with good name were at once among the blessed4' ,the chorus in the ,alcestis speak of their mistress immediately after her death as a blessed spirit4 ,and a multitude of epitaphs#dc express the conviction that those who had lived nobly were sure of a favourable reception from ,persephone4 ,beside this ethical view we find the opinion of the sacerdotal party that initiation in the ,mysteries or attachment to the cultus of some deity was necessary for the attainment of future bliss4 ,this was especially the view of the ,orphists1 and as such it is ridiculed by ,plato in the ,republic#dd3 #8,they persuade not individuals merely1 but whole cities also1 that men may be absolved and purified from crimes1 both while they are still alive and even after their decease1 by means of certain sacrifices and pleasureable amusements which they call ,mysteries3 which deliver us from the torments of the other world1 while the neglect of them is punished by an awful doom4' ,we have seen that ,polygnotus gives some countenance to those who regarded the ,mysteries as the gate of future happiness4 ,and there was certainly in ,greece a generally spread conviction1 which may be well traced in the ,frogs of ,aristophanes1 that initiation was1 if not a passport to future happiness1 at least a safeguard amid the dangers which surround the soul from the moment of its departure from the body until its final doom is fixed4 ,in the mentions of ,hades to be found in the ,tragedians1 it appears more especially as the place of the reassembling of families4 ,sophocles' ,antigone expresses a hope of being well received in ,hades by the relations to whom at her peril she has performed the rites of burial4 ,the ,oedipus of ,sophocles wants to blind himself in order that in ,hades he may not see the father and mother whom he has so deeply though ignorantly injured4 ,in the ,agamemnon of ,aeschylus1 ,clytemnestra anticipates the meeting of ,agamemnon in ,hades with his daughter ,iphigeneia4 ,hyperides1 in his ,funeral ,oration1 takes a somewhat wider view4 ,he imagines the fallen heroes of the ,lamian ,war as received in friendly fashion in ,hades not merely by their kinsfolk1 but by the worthies of ,troy and of ,marathon1 and by the tyrannicides ,harmodius and ,aristogeiton4 ,as regards the imagery and geography of ,hades the ordinary ,greeks do not seem to have greatly troubled themselves4 ,there were the views of poets and painters1 and there were the more definite and dogmatic views of the professors of ,orphic lore4 ,these the people received or neglected as suited the bent of the mind of each4 ,hades was a realm of the imagination1 as to the nature of which each man might innocently indulge his own hopes and aspirations4 ,in the epitaphs of later times we find1 as will be shown in a future chapter#de1 numerous allusions to the realm of ,hades and ,persephone4 ,but they do not strike the reader as embodying strong belief2 often they are of an epideictic or rhetorical character1 like the statements which also occur that the soul of the dead has made its way to the ,islands of the ,blest or to the abodes of the gods4 ,the beliefs which confined the spirits of the dead to the tomb and its neighbourhood belong to a lower and worse-educated stratum of the population1 but have more vitality4 ,greek religion and tradition knew of many mortals who had gone down alive into the earth1 and there abode1 giving for the most part oracles from their hiding-places4 ,such was ,amphiaraus1 the ,argive hero1 who after the bootless siege of ,thebes went down with chariot and horses into the ground1 and whose shrine was in later times a great oracular seat4 ,such was ,trophonius of ,lebadeia1 whose cave is described for us by ,pausanias4 ,caeneus1 when overwhelmed with rocks by the ,centaurs1 vanished alive into the earth1 and there lived on4 ,it is1 in fact1 a marked feature of the cultus of heroes that their power is exercised only at the place where they disappeared or where their bodies were laid4 ,they are intensely local1 earth-daemons who possess a piece of land1 and whose favour must be conciliated by any one who expects that land to yield him increase4 ,pelopidas1 in the course of a campaign against the ,spartans#df1 unwittingly slept near the graves of some virgins of ,leuctra1 who had in old time been violated and slain by the ,spartans4 ,they appeared at night to the ,theban general1 and promised him victory if he made them the sacrifice of a foal4 ,this is but one among a hundred instances of the fact that a hero had power only at his spot of burial3 elsewhere he was helpless4 ,it is remarkable that this tendency to localization has been in all ages a mark of the ghost1 and still marks him in the cases investigated by the ,psychical ,society4 ,yet the local character of ghosts has not become an impediment in the way of the acceptance of the ,christian doctrines of ,heaven1 ,hell1 and ,purgatory4 ,among our ancestors1 just as among the ,greeks1 beliefs could lie in strata1 and inconsistencies between a belief of one stratum and a belief of another stratum had little disturbing power4 ,when ,campbell writes in his noble address to the ,mariners of ,england1 #8,the spirits of your fathers shall start from every wave1' he can scarcely be supposed to deny that the souls of ,british naval heroes had found a heavenly resting-place4 ,sometimes1 however1 the ,greek mind was disturbed by inconsistencies of this kind1 and evolved a theory for their explanation4 ,thus a later interpolator of the ,odyssey1 being scandalized by the assertion of ,odysseus that he saw in ,hades the mighty ,herakles1 adds#dg1 #8his ghost 77 only2 since he himself joys amid the delights of the immortal gods4' ,others supposed that it was only the spirits of the unburied which hovered around their bodies3 and it is an ingenious modern theory that the custom of burning the bodies of the dead arose out of the desire to prevent them from disturbing the living4 ,but in spite of everything1 the ,greek dead retained to the last their right to levy tribute on their descendants and friends4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,the ,,pre-,,historic ,,age ,,of ,,greece ,when we turn from the facts of ,greek cult and belief as to a future life to the monuments of the dead1 and set them in chronological order1 the first group which commands our attention is that which belongs to the pre-historic city of ,mycenae4 ,we cannot here speak of the wealth of gold and silver1 of bronze and ivory1 which the fortunate spade of ,dr4 ,schliemann brought to light within the sacred circle in the ,acropolis of the city#dh4 ,we must pass by the contents of the graves of the wealthy pre-historic monarchs of ,mycenae1 and confine our survey to the outward and sculptural adornments of their tombs4 ,these fall into two well-marked and clearly distinguished classes4 ,first1 we have the conical so-called treasuries1 of which several exist in the neighbourhood of ,mycenae1 as well as at ,orchomenus1 ,menidi and other spots of ,greece2 secondly1 we have the carved tombstones which were set up over the graves in the ,mycenaean ,acropolis4 ,the larger and more elaborate of the so-called treasuries of pre-historic ,greece1 such as the ,treasury of ,atreus at ,mycenae1 and the ,treasury of ,minyas at ,orchomenus1 consist of two chambers1 a larger outer chamber1 which is circular in plan and of conical form1 resembling in fact the beehive to which it has often been compared1 and a cubical inner chamber1 of much smaller dimensions4 ,the accompanying engraving will make this clear 7,fig4 #ad74 ,the architect of the ,mycenaean tomb had no small skill4 ,the colossal size of the stones1 especially of that over the door and of some in the dromos or approach1 arouses the astonishment of the modern visitor1 who wonders by what machinery and appliances blocks so colossal were transported from the quarries and placed in position4 ,the gradual inward slope of the walls1 each course of which somewhat overlaps the course below1 is managed with great skill and accuracy4 ,rows of nails1 some remains of which are still to be seen in the inner walls1 supported1 not indeed as some have supposed1 a complete bronze lining to the conical chamber1 but rows of stars or other ornaments1 on which would glitter the light of the torches 7,fig4 #ae74 ,perhaps the most expressive characteristic of all is the lavish expenditure of labour on a building which was entirely buried with earth1 and on the magnificent approach built of hewn stones1 when something far simpler and more effective might have been arranged4 ,evidently the builders of these monuments thought no trouble and no expense wasted1 if only the dead were honoured and gratified4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ad4 ,,sectional ,,plan ,,of ,,the ,,so-,,called ,,treasury ,,of ,,atreus#di4 ,a simpler form of tomb of the same age and style dispensed with the square side-chamber1 and consisted of a beehive building only4 ,the engraving 7,fig4 #af7 gives the plan of such a tomb near the ,lion ,gate of ,mycenae4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ae4 ,,restoration ,,of ,,interior ,,of ,,treasury1 ,,by ,c4 ,,chipiez#ej4 ,the excavations of recent years have given us abundant information on three important points1 first as to the architectural decoration of these splendid memorials of the dead1 second as to their purpose1 and third as to their date4 ,on each of these subjects ,i must briefly touch4 ,there have been for a long time in the ,british ,museum interesting fragments from the doorway of the ,treasury of ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #af4 ,,plan ,,and ,,fa,,ade ,,of ,,treasury#ea4 ,atreus1 and attempts have been made1 on the ground of these fragments and others once known which have disappeared1 to reconstruct the entrance of the building4 ,such attempt has best succeeded in the hand of ,m4 ,chipiez#eb1 who has produced a design at once faithful to the data1 and of noble architectural effect4 ,a more recent discovery is that of the decoration1 in relief1 of the ceiling of the side-chamber of the tomb of ,orchomenus1 which was excavated by ,dr4 ,schliemann in #ahhjec 7,fig4 #ag74 ,the pattern of this ceiling bears a close resemblance to some of the ,egyptian patterns in use for painted ceilings1 thus giving us a valuable suggestion as to the origin of the art of the ,mycenaean age4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ag4 ,,ceiling ,,of ,,treasury1 ,,orchomenus4 ,that the conical underground buildings of early ,greece were really erected as burial-places of the kings and nobles is now certain4 ,pausanias1 in whose times less was known as to primitive ,greece than is now known1 calls the beehive tomb at ,orchomenus the treasury of ,minyas1 and those at ,mycenae the treasuries of ,atreus and his sons4 ,and doubtless they were in a sense treasuries1 since in them were stored all the rich spoils which at that time were so freely bestowed on the great dead4 ,but primarily they were burial-places1 and the use as treasure-houses was only a derivative one4 ,a few years ago this was a matter of dispute among the learned1 ,k4 ,o4 ,mller taking one side and ,welcker the other4 ,but in this case1 as in so many others1 the spade has cut the ,gordian knot which the wit of man could not untie4 ,excavation has brought to light within the beehive grave of ,menidi1 in ,attica1 six skeletons2 and at ,vaphio1 though the bodies which had been buried in the conical chamber had passed into dust1 yet the disposition of the rich booty which was found buried beneath the floor showed that it was certainly a sepulchral deposit4 ,in the case of the more elaborate tombs with two chambers1 there can be little doubt that the smaller side-chamber was that wherein the corpses were laid1 while the outer chamber served for the purposes of the cultus with which the dead were honoured3 thither was brought the tribute of sacrifice and offering which the dead demanded from the living4 ,but in those cases where there is a single chamber1 the dead rested beneath the floor of that chamber in the midst of their wealth1 their arms and ornaments and vessels of silver and gold4 ,a number of recent discoveries1 a full account of which would take us too far from our immediate subject1 have helped us to determine the date of the beehive tombs of early ,greece4 ,the earliest date indicated for them seems to be about the fifteenth1 and the latest the tenth1 century before our aera4 ,they belong to the age of the eighteenth1 nineteenth and twentieth dynasties of ,egypt1 when the land of the ,pharaohs was more than once exposed to invasion by the powerful chiefs of the islands of the north4 ,as the mists of the past are lifting1 we gain a clearer and clearer view of a somewhat highly developed civilization in ,hellenic lands at a time long before the ,greece which is known to us came into being1 of kings before ,agamemnon1 and palaces older and more splendid than those described in the ,homeric poems4 ,we may venture1 though perhaps not without some trepidation1 to ascribe the tombs of which we have spoken to the ,achaean heroes whose fame still echoes in the earliest poetry of ,greece2 though it is certain that after their erection great changes had taken place in the country before the ,homeric poems acquired anything like their present form4 ,our trepidation arises from the fact that the last word is certainly not said1 nor the last theory put forth in this matter4 ,the claims of the ,carians and the ,pelasgi to the remains of the ,mycenaean age find adherents4 ,mr4 ,helbig1 in an able recent work#ed1 has tried to prove that the contents of the ,mycenaean tombs are almost entirely ,phoenician4 ,but the verdict of the majority of archaeologists goes in favour of the ,achaeans1 and the sober judgement of ,m4 ,perrot has accepted their claims in his great work on ,la ,grce primitive4 ,it is supposed by many archaeologists that the graves which were dug in the rock just within the ,lion-gate of ,mycenae1 those tombs the rich spoil of which dazzled ,europe a few years ago1 are of older period than the beehive tombs4 ,it is not unusual to recognize in the graves of prehistoric ,greece two periods1 an older period of rock-cut graves1 and a later of beehive graves4 ,but this distinction rests on no solid proof4 ,there is no reason for deciding that the contents of the beehive tomb at ,vaphio belonged to a later age than the contents of the ,mycenaean rock-tombs4 ,in the opinion of ,professor ,petrie1 an opinion eminently worthy of consideration1 they belong to an earlier time4 ,mr4 ,evans1 another excellent authority1 has accepted a view1 first put forward by myself1 that the bodies and the treasures found in the rock-graves at ,mycenae had been moved thither1 on some alarm of invasion1 from an earlier resting-place in the beehive tombs which lie outside the acropolis walls of that city4 ,in any case we are justified1 in the present state of knowledge1 in declining to recognize the line of division of which we have spoken4 ,and so we may persist in regarding the sculptural decorations of the rock-tombs as not earlier than the architectural decorations of the beehive tombs4 ,very probably they may be later1 but in any case they belong to the same race and the same age4 ,over several of the rock-cut fosses in which the wealth of the early kings of ,mycenae lay mingled with their bones1 there was erected1 either at the time of burial or later1 an upright slab to mark the spot4 ,some of these slabs were plain1 but others were carved with reliefs1 of which some account must here be given1 as it is desirable to compare them with the sepulchral reliefs of later ,greece4 ,these slabs were made of the calcareous stone of the district3 with time their surface has naturally suffered1 but we can still trace on them the scenes sculptured by hands evidently quite unaccustomed to dealing with such materials4 ,the designs are in many cases mere patterns1 such as appear with far greater appropriateness on the gold plates used for the adornment of the dead4 ,but in a few cases we have transcripts from the life of the period4 ,fig4 #ahee represents part of one tombstone4 ,we here see a warrior charging the foe in a chariot1 the horse of which gallops with an almost preternatural energy4 ,the driver holds with his right hand the reins1 while the left hand grasps the hilt of a sword slung to his side by a sword-belt4 ,in front of him flies an enemy who brandishes a leaf-shaped sword4 ,the whole field is occupied by spiral designs4 ,fig4 #aief presents ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ah4 ,,tombstone1 ,,mycenae4 a scene still ruder in execution1 but similar in design1 save that the enemy is still defiant1 instead of in flight1 though ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ai4 ,,tombstone1 ,,mycenae4 the lance of the charioteer has already pierced him4 ,a third stele 7,fig4 #bjeg7 represents a mixed scene of war and the chase4 ,in the background a warrior charges in his chariot as before2 the enemy has fallen before him1 and lies under the horse's feet1 endeavouring vainly to shelter himself under his huge shield4 ,in the foreground a lion pursues a stag4 ,here it may be doubted whether the lion stands in a close relation to the charioteer or not4 ,when ,rameses ,,ii1 on the monuments of ,egypt1 charges his foes1 a lion gallops beside him1 and shares in the fray4 ,have we some such scene here in imitation of ,egyptian art8 ,or is the lion merely seeking his own prey8 ,or is he1 as is not impossible1 only a dog8 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bj4 ,,tombstone1 ,,mycenae4 ,all three of these scenes come from slabs erected over one grave at ,mycenae1 the fifth4 ,the other slabs with reliefs are in too fragmentary a condition to be studied to much purpose2 and in fact it is to be feared that the reader may accuse us of somewhat straining evidence in interpreting these more complete scenes1 though in reality none of our statements is open to much doubt4 ,we need but carry our thoughts for a minute to the sculptures which adorned the walls of the palaces of the kings of ,assyria1 which are full of the triumphs of those powerful monarchs alike over human foes and the beasts of the field1 in order fully to recognize the meaning of the ,mycenaean reliefs4 ,here also we doubtless have a court chronicle1 though material and style will not bear for a moment any comparison with the magnificent records of ,nimroud4 ,here also we may discern the king1 in whose honour the slab was set up1 slaying and pursuing his enemies4 ,and although at ,mycenae we are in a time of comparative barbarism1 yet at least for the choice of subject we may find parallels in the later age of ,greece4 ,dexileos riding down his foe on horseback on the splendid monument of the ,cerameicus 7,pl4 ,,xii7 may be considered a parallel to the nameless chief of ,mycenae who pursues his enemy in the chariot of an earlier age4 ,but a still closer resemblance of subject is to be found in monuments of ,asia ,minor1 in the paintings of the sarcophagi of ,clazomenae1 which date from the sixth century#eh4 ,on these we have frequent battle scenes1 and chiefs riding in two-horse chariots occur4 ,the graves of ,lycia and the sarcophagi of ,sidon also preserve in their reliefs extracts from the lives of the chiefs buried in them1 of their military expeditions1 hunting exploits and domestic enjoyments4 ,the extraordinary inferiority of the sculpture of ,mycenae in comparison either with the architecture of walls and gates1 or with the working of the gold and silver cups and ornaments found in the tombs1 may at first surprise us4 ,but in spite of this inferiority1 there are touches of similarity between the representations on the stone and those in the metal plates which show them to belong to one age4 ,we may account best for the curious discrepancy by reflecting how very closely art is dependent on material4 ,the artists of ,mycenae were evidently used to gold and metal work4 ,they had learned to adapt their devices perfectly to a material which could be engraved and hammered4 ,but to making reliefs in stone they were clearly quite unaccustomed4 ,no mason who thought as a mason would attempt so absurd a task as the working out on stone of these spiral and interlaced patterns4 ,they are taken straight from metal to limestone4 ,and complete ignorance of the art of working in relief is shown also in the way in which the scenes are executed1 each figure being quite flat1 and the outlines only made clear against the ground of the relief4 ,a distant report of reliefs in stone to be found in the lands of the far east and the south seems to have reached the workmen of ,mycenae1 and set them to work1 when they naturally carried with them into the new branch of art the style of the repouss metalwork which was familiar to them4 ,even the ,lion ,gate of ,mycenae1 though a work of a character very superior to that of the tombstones1 is very weak on the side of technique4 ,,chapter ,v ,,asia ,,minor3 ,,early ,after the heroic or ,achaean age we find in all branches of ,greek history a marked break4 ,some great cataclysm in ,greece1 in all likelihood the ,dorian conquest of ,peloponnesus in the eleventh and tenth centuries1 separates the age which is called ,mycenaean from historic times4 ,the young tree of ,hellenic civilization had produced a few flowers1 but a long period of comparative barbarism had to pass before it obeyed a second time the call of the season and brought forth mature fruit4 ,this course of events is clearly mirrored in the graves of ,greece ,proper4 ,the tombs of the later ,mycenaean age1 which have been discovered in great abundance1 especially at ,mycenae itself1 are far less rich than those of the earlier period4 ,and not only are their contents less plentiful and less interesting1 but they present us with no external adornment which should justify us in here dwelling upon them4 ,as our subject is the outsides rather than the insides of sepulchral monuments in ,greece1 we must pass almost in silence over a long period of time1 and begin again1 amid quite different surroundings1 on the threshold of the ,olympiads1 and of ,greek history as opened to us by ,herodotus4 ,there can be little doubt that if excavations were carried out on a large scale on the coast of ,asia ,minor1 amid the early ,aeolic and ,ionic settlements1 we should be able to bridge the gap now existing between pre-historic and historic ,greece4 ,doubtless by degrees the lacuna in our knowledge will be filled up4 ,but at present it remains a lacuna4 ,before however we proceed to an account of the cemeteries of the great cities of ,greece ,proper1 of ,sparta and ,athens and ,thebes1 we must glance at the tombs erected in semi-,greek districts of ,asia1 such as ,phrygia and ,lycia1 in honour of the wealthy kings who there bore sway4 ,greek history may1 in a sense1 be said to begin with the ,mermnadae of ,lydia1 and all our histories of ,greek art contain a chapter on the archaic monuments of ,lycia4 ,a great part of the interior of ,asia ,minor is full of rock-sculptures1 carved partly in the service of religion1 partly as a record of the dead4 ,much of this sculpture is of great but unknown antiquity1 and less closely related to any ,hellenic work than to that of the races of ,syria and ,mesopotamia4 ,the best general account of these remains will be found in the fifth volume of ,perrot and ,chipiez' ,histoire de l',art dans l',antiquit4 ,it is only necessary in the present work to mention a few groups of monuments of a later time1 which may be advantageously compared with early ,greek monuments4 ,pausanias1 who was well acquainted with the ,ionian coast1 tells us that he had seen#ei on ,mount ,sipylus a notable tomb ascribed by tradition to ,tantalus1 son of ,zeus and ,pluto 771 and father of ,pelops1 who gave his name to the ,peloponnesus4 ,this monument has been identified#fj in a tumulus of which the remains still stand on a spur of ,sipylus4 ,it was excavated1 and partly destroyed1 by ,m4 ,texier1 whose drawings1 which are here repeated1 give us a notion of its original form and disposition 7,fig4 #ba74 ,save for the fact that it was not covered with earth1 but stood free1 this tumulus bears a striking resemblance to the tombs at ,mycenae and ,orchomenus4 ,and the chamber within ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ba4 ,,tumulus ,,on ,,sipylus4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bb4 ,,section ,,of ,,chamber#fa4 7,fig4 #bb7 in many points of construction recalls the chamber of the beehive tombs1 though its ground plan is not circular like theirs1 but oblong4 ,it is certainly remarkable to find1 in the very district whence1 according to the legends1 ,pelops came1 a tomb so closely resembling those said to have been erected in ,greece by his sons and grandsons4 ,this however leads us to historical questions into which we must not at present enter4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bc4 ,,tomb ,,of ,,midas4 ,the inner lands of ,phrygia also furnish monuments parallel to those of ,mycenae4 ,in the neighbourhood of ,kumbet1 ,leake found a large necropolis containing many tombs of ancient ,phrygian kings and notables1 some of which are remarkable for their architecture1 and some for their sculpture4 ,and here we are not dependent upon mere tradition1 for the most notable tomb of the group bears an inscription in ,phrygian1 stating that it was set up by ,atys in honour of ,midas the king 7,fig4 #bc74 ,m4 ,perrot has allowed me to reproduce here a drawing of this tomb1 made by ,m4 ,tomaszkievicz from a photograph taken by ,mr4 ,blunt#fb4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bd4 ,,geometrical ,,fa,,ade ,,of ,,tomb4 ,several other faades adorned with patterns of a similar character have been found in the same district by recent travellers1 especially ,mr4 ,w4 ,m4 ,ramsay4 ,these also in most cases adorned tombs1 though perhaps in some cases the tombs were but cenotaphs and did not contain actual remains4 ,we repeat an engraving 7,fig4 #bd7 of a carved front1 which seems of a somewhat later date than the ,midas ,tomb#fc4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #be4 ,,tomb ,,flanked ,,by ,,lions4 ,if the geometric decorations of these early ,phrygian monuments remind us of the carving of pillar and lintel at ,mycenae1 a still closer parallel to the ,gate of the ,lions is furnished by ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bf4 ,,head ,,of ,,lion4 other ,phrygian tombs of which ,mr4 ,ramsay was the fortunate discoverer4 ,at ,ayazinn he found a tomb entrance surmounted by a tall column on either side of which ramped a colossal lion 7,fig4 #be71 rudely executed it is true1 but by no means wanting in vigour4 ,under each of the lions is a small cub4 ,we reproduce the drawing of this monument made by ,m4 ,st4 ,elme ,gautier#fd4 ,fragments also of colossal lions of a far nobler type1 which had in like heraldic pose served to decorate a tomb1 were found in the same district3 an engraving of a fragment of one of these 7,fig4 #bf7fe will give us1 so to speak1 the high-water mark of ,phrygian art1 and we must confess that it is a level which the ,greeks themselves scarcely reached before the end of the sixth century4 ,for the sake of completeness ,i have reproduced some of the most clearly marked types of ,phrygian tombs4 ,but it is impossible here to enter into the historic questions which they suggest1 and which have given rise to much discussion#ff4 ,almost the only fact which we know as to the history of ,phrygia is that recorded by ,strabo#fg1 who tells of a ,phrygian king ,midas1 who1 when his kingdom was devastated about ,b4,c4 #fhj by an invasion of the ,cimmerians1 committed suicide by drinking bull's blood4 ,after the ,cimmerians had retired1 the kingdom of the ,lydians arose to a great height of power and splendour1 but that of the ,phrygians did not fully recover1 remaining a dependency of ,lydia4 ,the ,midas of the ,midas ,tomb can scarcely be the monarch who fell in the darkest hour of his country's history4 ,are we to suppose that the king ,midas of the tomb was a predecessor of ,strabo's monarch1 or a successor8 ,or are we to suppose with ,m4 ,perrot that he was no historic monarch1 but a deity1 and that the supposed tomb is really rather a shrine8 ,that the monument was really a tomb ,mr4 ,ramsay argues with great force4 ,but its date is more problematic1 and we cannot venture in this matter to express an opinion4 ,according to ,mr4 ,ramsay the tombs guarded by lions are more ancient than those with geometric faades1 and go back to quite a remote antiquity4 ,but the opposite opinion1 that the geometrical tombs are the older1 has found advocates4 ,between them1 the two classes of monuments seem to occupy the period between the eighth century1 or earlier1 and the age of ,croesus and ,cyrus4 ,that there was some not distant relation between the sepulchral art of ,phrygia and that of ,mycenae cannot be denied4 ,it would however be a mistake hence to leap to the conclusion that the art of ,mycenae was of ,phrygian origin4 ,it appears that the remains which come to us from ,mycenae are earlier by several centuries than those which we find in ,phrygia4 ,it might even be suggested that the stream of art flowed rather in the opposite direction1 from ,mycenae to ,phrygia4 ,a more reasonable view1 however1 is that the art of ,phrygia and that of ,mycenae were not mother and daughter1 but rather cousins1 derived alike from some stem of ,asiatic art which has yet to be traced out4 ,more interesting1 because more full of human meaning1 are the sculptural adornments of the early tombs of the district of ,lycia in southern ,asia ,minor4 ,early ,greek tradition shows a close relation subsisting between ,lycia and ,peloponnesus4 ,there is a well-known ,homeric story which tells how ,bellerophon1 the descendant of ,aeolus1 was sent to ,lycia by ,proetus1 who desired that he should there be slain at the hands of the ,lycian king1 his father-in-law2 and how nevertheless ,bellerophon prospered in ,lycia in all that he undertook1 slaying the ,chimaera1 and overcoming the hosts of ,solymi and ,amazons4 ,glaucus1 the grandson of ,bellerophon1 and ,diomedes of ,argos meet under the walls of ,ilium as cousins4 ,and tradition connected the name of the ,lycian ,cyclopes with the mighty walls of ,tiryns and of ,mycenae4 ,the genealogies of the legends are no doubt quite untrustworthy1 yet they are often confirmed as indications of race by other evidence4 ,and there is1 as we shall see1 so near an analogy between the monuments of ,lycia and those of ,peloponnesus that we are obliged to assume between the two countries also some connexion4 ,when we consider the series of ,lycian tombs1 which may be studied better in the ,british ,museum than in any other museum of ,europe1 we find a most interesting blending of ,oriental and ,greek elements#fh4 ,their architecture is local2 the main feature of it being that it renders directly1 in stone and in rock1 forms which are clearly in origin wooden4 ,everywhere we see the square beam as it were petrified4 ,in the roof of the ordinary ,greek temple we see that the forms were thought out while the building material was still wood1 and only modified when stone took the place of beams4 ,in the ,lycian tombs this feature is still more notable1 because the ,lycian architects lacked the nimbleness of the ,greek intellect1 and were more conservative of settled forms4 ,the sculptures which adorn these curious constructions have also local elements1 but in this field the art of ,ionia comes in as a controlling force in the sixth century1 rendering the native customs and beliefs in forms to which the student of ,greek art is accustomed4 ,it may be that our familiarity with the forms and style of the sculpture in some degree misleads us4 ,when we know the words of a language we sometimes too hastily think that we are masters of its thought4 ,the religion and the customs of ,lycia may resemble those of ,greece less closely than the monuments would lead us to think4 ,but in ancient times art influenced custom as well as custom art4 ,in the present state of our knowledge we cannot regard the early monuments of ,lycia as outside the pale of ,greek art4 ,there are indeed1 as ,m4 ,perrot has well shown1 among ,lycian archaic monuments a few which seem to precede the ,ionic influence4 ,such is the square chest of the ,british ,museum#fi1 on one side of which is a lion strangling an ox1 on another side a lioness with her cubs1 on the third a man slaying a lion1 and on the fourth a group of horsemen and warriors on foot4 ,the lion-slayer in particular takes our thoughts not to ,greece but to ,egypt and ,assyria4 ,many of the tombs which do show ,ionic influence are not suggestive in the present connexion4 ,their sculptural adornment is such as we might expect to find as soon on a temple as on a tomb2 satyrs1 animals1 sphinxes and the like4 ,we will here consider only a few monuments1 the sculpture of which seems to be really sepulchral in character4 ,incomparably the most interesting of the archaic grave-monuments of the ,xanthus valley is the beautiful tomb called the ,harpy ,monument1 the reliefs of which now adorn the ,british ,museum1 having been brought thither by ,sir ,charles ,fellows4 ,when complete the tomb was in the form of a square tower of masonry about twenty feet high1 which was surmounted by a small chamber1 wherein doubtless in ancient times lay the bodies of those to whose honour the whole was erected1 together with the riches heaped around their biers4 ,this chamber reminds us of the tomb of ,cyrus1 as described by ,arrian#gj4 #8,below1' writes ,arrian1 #8it was built of squared masonry in the form of a four-sided tower1 on which was a chamber roofed with stone1 having a narrow door to it1 through which a man of no great stature could with pain and difficulty pass4 ,in the chamber stood a golden coffin wherein was buried the body of ,cyrus1 and beside the coffin a couch with feet of beaten gold1 whereon was laid a coverlet of ,babylonian carpets1 and below purple rugs4 ,on these was placed a candys and other garments of ,babylonian workmanship3 also ,median trousers and robes of hyacinth dye1 some of purple1 some of other colours2 and torques and swords1 and gold earrings set with stones4' ,similar1 though no doubt less splendid1 may have been the contents of the ,harpy ,tomb2 and it is noteworthy that in it also there is a small opening at the side1 intended not for the entrance of men1 but either for admission of dues of food and drink1 or more probably to give free ingress and egress to the ghosts of the dead4 ,the ,persians and the ,lycians must have been of kindred stocks2 and we may well suppose that their burial customs would be similar4 ,the reliefs which decorate the outer faces of the ,harpy ,tomb are among the most charming memorials of antiquity4 ,in spite of a certain crudity and poverty in design1 which is discovered on a close inspection1 the style in its elegant and graceful conventionality is very attractive4 ,and the difficulty which exists in the identification of the figures of the reliefs1 and the determination of their meaning1 adds an intellectual fascination to that which is aesthetic4 7,see ,fig4 #bg47 ,on the side which faces the west we find the door already mentioned1 over which is a figure of a cow suckling her calf4 ,at the two ends sit1 face to face1 two dignified female figures4 ,they are clad alike in the ,ionian dress with long sleeves1 but in attributes they differ4 ,the figure to the left holds a vessel of offerings2 a sphinx supports the arm of her chair2 she is severe in type and solitary4 ,the figure to the right holds in her two hands flower and fruit2 the bar of her chair ends in a ram's head4 ,three votaries approach her1 whereof the first is busy with her drapery1 the second carries flower and fruit1 the third bears an egg4 ,it is clear that the lady on the right is more approachable2 her flower and fruit1 and the ram's head1 all symbolize the genial abundance of life in nature4 ,the libation-vessel of the lady to the left1 and her sphinx1 seem to belong to the grave rather than to life4 ,let us pass to the other three sides of the tomb4 ,the central group of each of them represents a seated male figure receiving offerings from a votary1 also male4 ,but the motive of the groups and the age of the votaries varies4 ,on the east1 a young boy brings an egg and a cock to an elderly man who holds a flower and a sceptre3 a ,triton supports the arm of his chair4 ,on the south1 a youth carries a dove to a clumsy figure who holds fruits4 ,on the north1 a warrior brings armour to a bearded personage1 beneath whose throne is a bear4 ,the flanking figures on the east side are merely more votaries with offerings4 ,but on the north and south sides we find the remarkable beings from whom the tomb takes its name1 strange monsters having the head1 arms1 and breasts of women1 but the tails and feet of birds1 who carry each in her arms a young girl clad in long drapery4 ,in the corner of the north side is a woman1 who sits in an attitude of grief4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bg4 ,,north ,,and ,,west ,,sides ,,of ,,harpy ,,tomb4 ,such are the details of reliefs1 the precise import of which will probably never be recovered1 unless a new light dawns on ,lycian customs and religion4 ,earlier explanations saw in the winged figures the ,harpies or storm-winds bearing away the daughters of ,pandareus1 according to a well-known tale of the ,odyssey#ga4 ,but an objection to this interpretation at once arises from the fact that the girls who are being borne away cling lovingly to their captors1 and show neither dread nor anger4 ,hence it has appeared more reasonable to find in them souls of women gently carried by guardian spirits to the land of the future4 ,in the seated male and female figures1 it has been proposed to find the deities of the ,lycian race1 though who these were is not clear4 ,if the seated ladies be goddesses1 it seems clear that they must preside respectively over life and death4 ,yet it would be very bold so far to ,hellenize them as to call them ,demeter1 the impersonation of the fruitful earth1 and ,persephone1 queen of the shades below4 ,the most recent explanation of the reliefs1 first propounded by ,milchhoefer1 regards them as memorials of the worship1 not of the gods1 but of the heroized dead4 ,certainly they in some points nearly resemble the ,spartan reliefs1 of which we shall treat in the next chapter1 and which do beyond doubt belong to the hero-worship of ,lacedaemonian families4 ,the offerings1 too1 in the hands of the votaries1 the flower1 the fruit1 the egg1 and the cock1 are such as were brought in ,greece to the tomb1 and such as are figured in the ,spartan monuments4 ,no offering could be more appropriately offered to a deceased ancestor1 in an artistic representation1 than the armour which was sometimes in early days placed1 in ,greek and ,asiatic graves1 on the head and the breast of him who had worn it during his life2 and in later days was sometimes attached to his tomb4 ,and however we interpret the winged figures1 we can hardly make them other than the ministers of death1 a fact which seems to strike a keynote with which all the rest of the explanation must harmonize4 ,yet when we try to explain the sculptures as memorials of ,lycian ancestor-worship we soon come to difficulties4 ,on the stelae of ,sparta we find a pair1 ancestor and ancestress1 or the ancestor alone4 ,on ,attic tombs we do not find more than a family group4 ,but here1 on the monument of ,xanthus1 there are five detached seated figures1 three men and two women4 ,what kind of a group of ancestors will these form1 and why are they separate8 ,in the little seated lady of the north side one is tempted1 on the analogy of mediaeval paintings1 to see the dedicator of the whole tomb4 ,but this again is uncertain4 ,in the whole matter we walk like the ,mystae at ,eleusis in the dark1 seeing only vague forms and hearing words which we cannot interpret4 ,to the winged figures with their prey we may certainly find an analogy in the ,sirens of the ,athenian monuments 7see below1 ,chap4 ,,viii74 ,the ,siren was with the ,greeks a sepulchral figure1 and signified a death gentle rather than violent4 ,the small beings in their arms on the ,xanthian monument are almost certainly souls1 which ,greek art often represents as of very small size4 ,the ,siren1 in her ordinary ,greek form1 is found on another ,lycian monument1 which has not hitherto been engraved4 ,in the ,british ,museum#gb only the gable end of this tomb is preserved4 ,in the midst of it is a column of ,ionic type1 though not of the ordinary form1 on which stands the ,siren of whom we speak4 ,she is clad in a short chiton1 girt at the waist1 with loose sleeves4 ,though the wings and legs are those of a bird1 she has human arms1 outstretched4 ,on either side of the column sits a figure3 on the left a beardless elderly man1 on the right a bearded man2 each holds a staff1 and extends the unoccupied hand4 ,these two dignified men appear to be the heroes to whom the tomb belongs2 and the ,siren represents the mourning of the survivors4 ,here1 even more than in the ,harpy ,tomb1 we seem within the range of ,greek conceptions and ,ionic art4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bh4 ,,gable ,,of ,,lycian ,,tomb4 ,another monument#gc1 probably not much later than #ejj ,b4,c41 was adorned with what appears to be a funeral procession--old men in chariots1 young horsemen1 and armed men marching4 ,one of the venerable figures in the chariots holds in one hand a flower1 in the other apparently a cup1 symbols which we shall presently see to have a decidedly sepulchral signification4 ,another fragment of archaic ,lycian work in the ,british ,museum#gd represents a woman standing at the foot of a couch1 whereon it appears that a man reclined1 for one of his feet is visible2 but whether alive or dead we cannot be sure4 ,but we must not linger over these fragments1 though they might repay a more careful and detailed study4 ,the threads which we are now obliged to drop1 we shall regather when we treat of the tombs of ,athens1 and of the monuments erected by ,attic artists on the coast of ,asia ,minor4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,sparta ,the group of grave reliefs which constitutes our record of the customs and beliefs of the ,lacedaemonians in regard to the tomb1 a group which is inferior to few sets of ancient monuments in historical interest1 has not very long been known to the world4 ,attention was first called to it in #ahgg by ,drs4 ,dressel and ,milchhoefer1 and it has since then found a place in all the histories of sculpture4 ,of these reliefs the most important and the best preserved is now in the ,museum of ,berlin4 ,it was found at ,chrysapha near ,sparta4 ,it is represented in one of our plates 7,,ii71 from which representation it is possible to gain some notion of the fashion of its carving1 which is remarkable1 and has been generally considered to indicate a hand or a school more versed in the carving of wood than in the sculpturing of marble4 ,as in the carving of an onyx1 we find several distinct planes one behind the other1 on which are respectively projected the different parts of the relief1 the outlines of each part being slightly rounded1 and the inner markings graven in shallow lines with a tool4 ,the face and arm of the nearest figure project most from the background2 next1 his body2 and so on1 layer beyond layer1 to the ground of the relief4 ,the style is rude1 hard1 and vigorous2 though the capacity of the artist is narrowly limited1 he moves within his limits with ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,ii ,page #gf firm steps4 ,the date of the work is probably the latter part of the sixth century4 ,perhaps even more striking than the style of the relief is its subject4 ,seated side by side1 no doubt on two chairs1 though one only can be made out1 are a pair1 a bearded man who faces outwards and who holds in his right hand a winecup1 and a woman1 who bears a pomegranate in her right hand1 while with the left she draws forward her veil4 ,both figures are fully clad4 ,behind the pair is erect a bearded snake2 before their knees we see advancing two smaller figures1 male and female1 bringing as offerings a cock and an egg1 a flower1 and a fruit4 ,in the same volume of the ,athenian ,mittheilungen 7ii71 in which this relief was originally published1 may be found photographs of other reliefs which closely resemble it in character1 but show small differences in period and detail4 ,on ,plate #bd is a relief wherein the snake is wholly wanting3 on ,plate #bc the snake is transposed1 being erect in front of the wine-cup1 and the style of the work is decidedly more advanced3 on ,plate #bb a dog appears beside the seated pair4 ,these four reliefs then make up a strongly defined group2 and before we turn to other reliefs of the ,spartan class1 it may be well to determine what meaning may be assigned to the representations which they exhibit4 ,we may begin by rejecting without hesitation some of the theories on the subject which might naturally be suggested by a first impression4 ,the wine-cup in the hands of the male figure might dispose one to think of ,dionysus and his consort ,ariadne2 but this explanation would leave the serpent and other features unexplained1 nor have we reason to think that the cultus of ,dionysus had struck deep roots at ,sparta in early times4 ,again1 the serpent might suggest ,asklepius with his daughter ,hygieia1 since the healing deity commonly carries a staff round which a serpent twines4 ,but to this explanation the winecup offers difficulties2 and1 again1 the evidence for a local cult at ,sparta is insufficient4 ,far nearer to the mark is the view which ,dr4 ,milchhoefer accepted1 that in the dignified seated pair we have embodied the deities of the world of shades4 ,the wine-cup would in that case refer to the frequent offerings of wine made to the shades below2 and the serpent is the well-known companion and friend of the dead4 ,we are not well informed as to the names borne at ,sparta by the king and queen of the world of the dead4 ,at ,argos they were not so well known by the ,homeric names of ,hades and ,persephone1 which they commonly bore in ,greece1 as by the names of ,klymenos and ,chthonia4 ,but in fact the pair were known by many names in various places4 ,an interesting terra-cotta 7,fig4 #bi7 from ,locri in ,italy#ge presents a group at first sight nearly resembling the seated pair of ,sparta4 ,we find on it ,hades and his ,queen seated side by side3 he is wreathed and holds flowers2 she carries a cock and ears of corn4 ,this is valuable evidence1 and shows that in southern ,italy monuments of the class we are considering might well belong to the worship of the recognized deities of the nether world4 ,but a closer consideration shows that at ,sparta the worship took another and a less generalized form1 natural to a race among whom ancestors were held in special and unusual honour4 ,though ,hades and his ,queen are frequently mentioned in sepulchral inscriptions1 they are but rarely figured together in sculpture4 ,a comparison of two or three other stelae of ,sparta will suggest at all events a modification of the view that the seated pair of the reliefs already mentioned are merely the rulers of the world below4 ,in the fourth volume of the ,athenian ,mittheilungen are published two reliefs which beat ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #bi4 ,,hades ,,and ,,persephone4 important inscriptions4 ,on one is represented a man wrapped in a cloak seated3 in his left hand is a pomegranate2 in his right a wine-cup1 out of which a coiled serpent drinks4 ,the stone bears the name 4 ,if this inscription were of the same date as the relief it would of course at once prove that the stone is a memorial of an individual1 and not a dedication to ,hades4 ,but in the opinion at least of ,prof4 ,furtwngler the inscription is decidedly the later2 it cannot therefore be regarded as conclusive evidence4 ,but such evidence is afforded us by the next monument4 ,here we have a bearded man seated1 in a decidedly later and more finished style of art1 holding in his right hand a wine-cup1 from which a serpent feeds4 ,the inscription here is 2 and it seems not merely to show that the memorial belongs to a man1 ,aristocles1 but also that this ,aristocles received a second name after his death in the quality of hero or demi-god4 ,we learn from other sources of several such heroic names bestowed on distinguished men after their death4 ,the rarity of names on the ,spartan tombs may be readily accounted for by the existence of a stern law of ,lycurgus#gf1 that names were not to be recorded on the tombs except in the case of priestesses1 or of warriors who had fallen in battle4 ,another regulation of the great lawgiver ordained that bodies might be buried within the city1 and memorials of the dead set up in the neighbourhood of the temples4 ,such monuments were not always gravestones1 but sometimes memorials of those who were buried in a different place1 or had fallen on foreign service4 ,in view of such facts as these we cannot hesitate to see in the sepulchral reliefs of ,sparta reference to individuals1 the ancestor1 or the ancestor and his wife4 ,they are the shrines of the family worship of the ,laconians4 ,but yet in a sense the dead man is identical with ,hades4 ,in ,egypt each of the virtuous dead became part of ,osiris4 ,according to ,herodotus the ,getae thought that their dead returned to their deity ,zalmoxis4 ,in ,greece1 by dying1 men put away the individual accidents of the flesh and became in a sense united with ,hades4 ,this no doubt is one reason why down to the second century ,b4,c4 we scarcely ever find individual portraits on tombs1 a fact to which we shall hereafter return4 ,the cultus of ancestors was closely parallel to that of the gods4 ,to both1 sacrifices of food and of drink were constantly brought4 ,to the temple of the gods corresponded the family heroum or shrine4 ,to the statues of the gods corresponded the representation of the human dead in an ideal or heroized form4 ,and gods and ancestors alike partook with their votaries of food at stated times1 becoming the guest-friends of the worshipper4 ,regarding the relation of the ,spartan stelae to the cultus of ancestors as certain1 we may proceed to consider in the light of that connexion the meaning of various details of the reliefs4 ,the thing that is perhaps of the highest interest in them is the high honour paid to women4 ,ancestor and ancestress sit in state side by side1 and are approached by their descendants1 the smallness of whose figures is intended to portray the humility of their approach to their heroic progenitors4 ,that ancestor-worship should find a special home at ,sparta need not surprise us4 ,we know that respect for elders and for parents was almost as strongly rooted among the conservative ,laconians as it is in our days among the ,chinese and ,japanese4 ,an exhortation to be worthy of their predecessors was the appeal which most readily stirred the hearts of the ,spartan spearmen4 ,they lived under the shadow of the past to an extent which we can hardly realize4 ,but it is scarcely so familiar a fact that ,sparta was the city in all ,greece where women were held in highest honour4 ,the ,athenians inherited something of the ,ionian desire for the seclusion of women1 and to the contemporaries and countrymen of ,thucydides it seemed high praise of a woman to say that she was never talked of4 ,at ,sparta1 on the other hand1 in some of the great crises of history1 women are prominent in the foreground1 from the days when little ,gorgo saved her father ,cleomenes from being bribed1 to the days when ,agiatis stirred up a later ,cleomenes to his projects of political reform4 ,the ,spartan education1 which seemed to regard women as only of use for bearing children to uphold the ,state1 can scarcely have aimed at a high intellectual ideal4 ,modern ,german writers are fully convinced that sharing the exercises and games of the men must have rendered ,laconian women coarse and masculine4 ,yet the ,spartan ladies had a great share in the ownership of land2 ,spartan nurses were sought for in all ,greece for the rearing of boys2 and we learn from ,plutarch that in all matters the ,spartans were ready to take the advice of their women1 and looked on their approval as the highest of rewards4 ,on this regard for women among the ,laconians1 the treatment of women in their sepulchral reliefs is an excellent commentary4 ,the offerings brought to the seated pair in the relief first cited are such as belonged in a special way to the dead4 ,the pomegranate was the food of the ,shades1 which1 when ,persephone had tasted in the palace of ,hades1 she belonged to him beyond recall4 ,the cock and the egg are the simplest meat-offerings which were brought to the dead and enjoyed by the living4 ,flowers in all countries and in all ages have been laid on the tomb2 and the ,greeks who loved to deck their banquets with them were not an exception to the general rule4 ,the winecup in the hand of the seated hero may be characterized as a very broad hint to his descendants that at the tomb were due the libations which were grateful alike to the gods and to the spirits of the dead4 ,the serpent who is sometimes represented as drinking from the cup is either the companion of the dead or even his spirit in another form4 ,the way in which a serpent disappears into the ground marks him out as essentially a chthonic being4 ,a few more characteristic specimens of this class of monuments must be cited4 ,on a stele from ,chrysapha 7,fig4 #cj7 we see a man1 depicted in an archaic style of art1 seated1 holding winecup and pomegranate2 at his feet leaps a dog1 while a horse is depicted in relief in the background4 ,in discussing this relief ,dr4 ,furtwngler#gg advocates the view that horse and dog have a symbolical reference1 the horse being ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #cj4 ,,seated ,,hero4 nearly connected with ,hades and the dog with ,hecate1 both mythologic beings closely connected with the dead4 ,i have proposed#gh a somewhat bolder view1 that these animals sculptured on the stone bear the same relation to the mortal horse and dog which had belonged to the hero that the portrait bears to himself1 and that they are really a survival of an ancient custom1 whereof we find traces in the graves of ,greece and ,italy1 by which the horse and dog of a deceased warrior were slain and buried in the same place with him4 ,whether their bones were mingled with their master's1 or whether they are merely figured on his gravestone1 the meaning is much the same1 that wherever the lord is1 there are his faithful attendants3 #8,admitted to that equal sky1 his faithful dog shall bear him company1' as ,pope says4 ,in any case1 horse and dog on a tomb are certainly a mark of knightly rank4 ,among many proofs that the animal companions of the hero had reference rather to his occupations and necessities than to any symbolism1 the evidence afforded by a grave at ,tanagra#gi seems worth citing4 ,although that grave is of a period later than ,alexander the ,great1 it seems to preserve early ,greek ways of looking at death and what lies beyond4 ,the interior of this grave contained paintings of the head and neck of a horse1 a sword and a loom1 besides a house and various articles of furniture4 ,here the paintings seem closely to represent what might at an earlier time have been the contents of the grave4 ,the horse and the sword belong to the husband1 the loom to the wife1 whether we are to consider these as reflections of the past life of the pair or as an accompaniment of their ghostly existence4 ,the furniture and the house are provision for their spiritual need of a domicile1 just as in the graves of ,egypt we find paintings of the life of the house and farm1 there placed to break the shock of death1 and provide for the shadow of a departed landlord a shadow of his past employments#hj4 ,we pass to the representations which serve to bridge the gap between the grave-monuments of ,sparta and those of other districts4 ,among the ,spartan reliefs published by ,milchhoefer1 the following occupy one plate#ha3-- ,a female figure1 seen from the waist upwards1 clad in a chiton1 holding in her left hand a tall flower4 ,a youth1 standing1 clad in a chlamys2 he holds a staff in one hand1 in the other a cake or fruit2 before him a snake erect4 ,both of these are of quite early style3 with the latter of them we may compare the following in the ,museum at ,athens#hb3-- ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ca4 ,,stele1 ,,man ,,feeding ,,snake4 ,man standing wrapped in a mantle2 in his left hand a pomegranate1 in the right a winecup1 out of which feeds a serpent coiled and erect4 ,in these instances we approach the ordinary representation of the dead as standing1 so common on the tombs alike of ,athens and of ,northern ,greece1 numerous instances of which will be found in the ninth chapter4 ,yet the snake1 the flower1 the pomegranate1 all belong to the special cultus of the dead2 and there is not in these cases a reference to the past life1 as is probably the case with the great majority of ,attic stelae4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,heroizing ,,reliefs ,before we proceed further1 one distinction of importance has to be made4 ,it will be found that all the sepulchral monuments of ,greece belong to one of two classes3-- #a4 ,actual tombs1 whether temples1 or tables1 or slabs hewn to be let into the ground4 #b4 ,commemorative tablets4 ,these may readily be distinguished in form1 because their width is greater than their height1 whereas in the true grave-stele1 the height is greater than the width4 ,they were made usually not to be fixed into the ground of the cemetery1 but to be set up in chapels or mounted on walls in its neighbourhood4 ,an example will be found in ,pl4 ,,iii4 ,these slabs have a closer relation to actual cultus than have the gravestones4 ,their likeness in shape and in composition to tablets dedicated to the deities is obvious4 ,in fact they belonged to the chapels and shrines sacred to the worship of heroes and exalted ancestors1 rather than to the ordinary dead4 ,when we proceed to trace down the lines of descent of the memorials of ancestor-worship from ,sparta in various districts of ,greece1 we shall find that some of these lines lead us to groups of actual tombstones1 but more usually they lead to dedicatory reliefs1 closely connected with the cultus of the dead1 but not usually coming from actual cemeteries4 ,one line takes us to the so-called sepulchral banquets of ,athens4 ,the best specimen of these reliefs1 found at the ,piraeus1 and dating from the end of the fifth century1 is represented in our plates 7,pl4 ,,iii74 ,it has passed by the absurd name1 ,the ,death of ,socrates4 ,on a couch1 supported by cushions1 reclines a bearded citizen1 holding in his hand a cup1 and apparently pouring the libation with which the ,greeks preluded their feasts4 ,at his feet sits his wife1 occupied1 like many of the ladies represented on ,athenian tombs1 in admiring a necklace1 which she holds in both hands1 or possibly a wreath1 for the object itself1 having been represented in colour and not in the marble1 has disappeared4 ,a young slave as cup-bearer is occupied in fetching wine in a jug from the huge crater or mixing bowl which appears on the left of the relief2 beneath the couch a dog is occupied with a bone4 ,on the right of the scene there enters a bearded man1 of smaller stature than the reclining hero1 who raises his hand out of the folds of his himation in a fashion which to the ,greeks implied adoration4 ,at the first glance there seems but small likeness between this scene of domestic feasting and the stiff ,spartan reliefs4 ,yet when we compare the two in detail1 we find that the differences between them lie in the different customs of varying ages1 and in the artistic rendering1 rather than in the signification4 ,let us make the comparison4 ,in the ,spartan relief the hero is seated1 in the ,athenian reclining4 ,here we have an illustration of the well-known fact that during the historic age the ,greeks changed their custom from sitting at meals1 as do the ,homeric heroes1 for a reclining posture4 ,the habit of lying at meals1 awkward as it seems to us1 was a result of growing luxury4 ,it had long1 as we know from the reliefs of the ,assyrian palaces1 been customary in the ,east4 ,fig4 #cbhc shows ,king ,assur-bani-pal and his ,queen ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,iii ,page #hh feasting in their palace1 in the seventh century ,b4,c4 ,from the ,east1 the custom spread to the ,ionians of ,asia ,minor1 and thence to ,greece itself1 with other traits of ,ionian luxury4 ,an archaic relief from ,tegea 7,fig4 #cc7hd seems to mark the point of transition in ,hellas from the seated to the reclining position4 ,although only the feet of the hero are seen1 yet these feet sufficiently prove that he was extended on a couch4 ,his wife draws forward her veil2 between husband and wife is a youth holding a wreath1 in regard to whom it is not easy to say whether he is the child of the pair1 or merely a cup-bearer1 or an adorer4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #cb4 ,,assur-,,bani-,,pal ,,and ,,queen4 ,it is a consequence of the assumption of a reclining position by the man in the reliefs1 that the woman must be separated from him4 ,in the somewhat unrestrained vase-paintings of ,euphronius and his contemporaries we frequently find women reclining at table with men and sharing their cups4 ,but these1 as the disorder of the scenes clearly shows1 were hetaerae1 slaves of abandoned character4 ,no wife1 and no self-respecting concubine would even be present at a ,greek banquet4 ,when a husband dined at home1 his wife might be present1 but would probably not take a share in the repast4 ,she would sit opposite her husband1 to cheer him with her talk4 ,but for a ,greek wife to sit like the ,queen of ,assur-bani-pal drinking wine1 and pledging her lord in a cup1 would be an impossibility4 ,alike on the ,tegean and the ,athenian relief she is wholly occupied with her dress1 like a true daughter of ,greece4 ,the ,spartan wife had more in common with her husband4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #cc4 ,,stele ,,from ,,tegea4 ,another marked divergence between the ,spartan and the ,athenian relief lies1 so to speak1 in its tense4 ,in the former1 the past is set aside1 and we find allusion only to the life beyond the grave4 ,the snake1 the pomegranate1 the offerings1 all have reference to the status of the dead as hero and as an associate of the nether gods4 ,but the ,athenian relief might at first sight be supposed to be an excerpt out of daily domestic life4 ,there is no symbolism1 no exaltation4 ,husband1 wife1 and slave may have met thus a hundred times in their ordinary life on earth4 ,in this we find the influence of the ordinary spirit of grave-reliefs at ,athens1 which1 as we shall see in a future chapter1 dwells on and draws from the past daily life rather than the more ghostly life of the future4 ,yet a clear indication which unites the two classes of representation is furnished by the votaries who appear in both alike4 ,they are in the ,spartan relief very small in stature2 a naive way of indicating how far below the hero they rank4 ,the votary of the ,athenian relief is scarcely smaller than his ancestral hero4 ,yet his presence is an undoubted proof of the connexion of the monument with actual worship4 ,on many of the later representations of banquets1 this is further emphasized by the introduction of the well-known symbolism of ancestor-worship4 ,in some a snake is depicted in the foreground4 ,in others a horse's head appears in the background4 ,in others the superhuman character of the hero is indicated by the lofty crown1 which belongs to the god of the lower world1 ,hades or ,sarapis1 and which appears on the head of the reclining hero#he4 ,the ,spartan monuments were probably in many cases set up as tombstones over the actual graves of ancestors4 ,but the ,athenian banqueting reliefs were not usually on tombstones1 more often on memorial tablets preserved in chapels devoted to the cultus of the dead4 ,this their shape clearly indicates4 ,all tombstones are almost of necessity higher than they are broad1 usually tall and narrow4 ,but the banqueting reliefs are oblong in the opposite direction1 broader than they are high4 ,this difference indicates a different use and destination4 ,in fact they come rather into line with the reliefs which belong to the worship of civic or local heroes1 or those set up by grateful votaries in the shrines of ,asklepius and other healing deities1 than with the immediate memorials of the dead4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #cd4 ,,coin ,,of ,,bizya4 ,the likeness between some of the votive monuments of ,asklepius and the ordinary sepulchral banquets is so close as to have caused considerable confusion4 ,the ,asklepian reliefs appear to borrow of set purpose much of the symbolism which belongs to ancestor-worship4 ,as an instance we engrave 7,fig4 #cd7 a coin of ,bizya1 a ,greek city of ,thrace#hf1 struck in the reign of ,philip the ,arab4 ,on the reverse of the coin we see ,asklepius reclining on a couch1 against which rests his serpent-twined rod4 ,his daughter or wife ,hygieia is seated beside him2 a human attendant brings in a wine-jar4 ,the accessories1 a coat of mail hung on a tree1 a shield suspended from the wall1 a horse who trots in from the right1 are among the ordinary features of sepulchral banqueting reliefs1 and seem inappropriate to a peaceful and non-equestrian deity like ,asklepius4 ,such contamination of one class of monuments by another1 such transfer of symbols from one artistic field to another1 is among the common phenomena offered by ,greek art4 ,we have now reached phenomena which require careful consideration4 ,we have found that there is no clear line of distinction to be drawn between banqueting reliefs which were set up in honour of dead persons and reliefs which belong to the cultus of heroes1 and even of deities who partake of the nature of heroes1 such as ,asklepius4 ,it is always difficult in dealing with ancient monuments to separate the particular class of which we propose to treat from other classes which are akin to it in origin and in meaning4 ,it is always necessary at last to draw a somewhat arbitrary line1 and to adhere to it for the sake of order and method4 ,in ,greek cultus and belief there is no broad distinction to be made between the veneration paid to the more noteworthy of those who were recently dead1 and the worship accorded to local and national heroes1 ,theseus and ,orestes1 the ,dioscuri and ,asklepius4 ,in a sense1 all the dead were heroes1 and any of them might become a worthy object of periodic sacrifice1 proprietor of a sacred domain1 and lord of a priesthood4 ,i have already 7,chap4 ,,ii7 dwelt on these facts from the point of view of custom and cultus2 it remains to show their working in the field of art4 ,in dealing1 not with actual gravestones1 but with the oblong reliefs which had a closer relation to cultus1 and were dedicated only to the more distinguished of the dead1 it is quite impossible to distinguish clearly those which were set up in honour of recognized mythic heroes1 from those which belonged strictly to the cult of ancestors4 ,sometimes the inscription may help us to a decision1 or sometimes we may find direction in the place where the relief is found4 ,apart from these external indications1 those offered by the relief itself are usually ambiguous4 ,that some of the banqueting reliefs were set up in honour of persons recently dead may be proved#hg4 ,indeed1 in later times1 such scenes not unfrequently decorate actual tombstones4 ,this being the case1 it is reasonable to assume that the great majority of them belong to tribal and family worship4 ,they were set up1 not usually at the tomb1 but in shrines and heroa in the neighbourhood of the cemetery1 or in the chapels of deities or heroes2 sometimes1 perhaps1 in private houses1 to be a constant reminder to the survivors4 ,in an early and interesting sepulchral relief in the ,british ,museum#hh we have an unusual group4 ,on a couch there recline an old man and a young1 doubtless father and son1 while a second son leads in a horse4 ,this relief may serve as a transition to another class of oblong cultus-reliefs4 ,the cult of heroized ancestors does not find its only memorials in ,greece in the reliefs in which they are represented as seated or reclining4 ,there is another group of monuments in which they appear as horsemen1 or as leading horses4 ,the connexion of the horse with the heroic dead1 whencesoever the notion may have arisen1 was certainly in some districts of ,greece very close4 ,milchhoefer has shown#hi how the sculptural evidence indicates that this connexion was closest in ,thrace and ,northern ,greece4 ,and this is but natural4 ,the aristocracies of ,thessaly1 of ,boeotia1 and other northern parts of ,greece were essentially equestrian2 whereas in ,peloponnesus the horse1 being unsuited to the rugged mountain paths1 was comparatively rare4 ,the strength of a ,thessalian army lay in its cavalry2 the strength of a ,spartan army in its array of spearmen4 ,to a horse-loving race it was natural to think of the mighty dead as horsemen4 ,even at ,sparta the national heroes1 the sons of ,zeus1 ,castor and ,pollux1 were essentially riders2 and on monuments they seldom appear without their steeds4 ,still more close is the connexion between heroes of ,northern ,greece and their horses4 ,a great deal of learning has been expended by a variety of archaeologists to prove that the horse1 when he appears in the sepulchral banquets and the present class of reliefs1 is of chthonic signification2 that he belongs mythologically to the gods of the world below1 and to mortals assimilated to them#ij4 ,it may be doubted whether they have proved their case4 ,hades is in ,homer 1 in allusion to the dread chariot in which he bore away ,persephone#ia2 but he does not appear as a rider4 ,the wild rider or hunting ghost is familiar in northern lands1 but not in ancient ,greece4 ,it seems preferable to take the simpler explanation1 that a chief accustomed all his life to riding would scarcely be supposed to lack a horse in the fields of ,hades4 ,we have ancient evidence that the presence of a sculptured horse beside a sculptured man showed his knightly rank in the ,athenian ,constitution of ,aristotle#ib1 where we are told that a statue of one ,diphilas on the ,athenian ,acropolis1 which was set up to mark his rise to the knightly rank1 had a horse standing beside it4 ,several extant monuments show how the god-like heroes of ,northern ,hellas came as horsemen to receive the tribute of the living4 ,and this kind of monument spread from the north into other parts of the ,greek world4 ,one of the earliest and most typical of these reliefs is in the ,british ,museum#ic 7,fig4 #ce74 ,it comes from ,rhodes1 and may be dated about #djj ,b4,c4 ,in it we have a combination in three figures of the three elements which in this class of monuments are almost universally mingled4 ,first1 there is the hero himself on horseback4 ,next1 there is a female figure of stature equal to or greater than his own#id1 who meets him and pours him a cup of wine4 ,thirdly1 there is a worshipper on a somewhat smaller scale1 who does homage4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ce4 ,,horseman ,,relief1 ,,british ,,museum4 ,another relief of about the same period1 from ,tanagra1 7,fig4 #cf71 shows us a varied group#ie4 ,beside his horse the hero stands1 clad in chiton and mantle1 holding out a flat cup or patera1 which a lady standing in front of him fills from a wine-jug4 ,a square altar stands between the two1 towards which1 in attitude of adoration1 approaches a man1 represented on a smaller scale1 with his wife and two children4 ,the inscription above is 4 ,dedicated by ,calliteles to ,aleximachus4 ,whether ,aleximachus was a recognized local hero1 or only an ordinary dead man raised by ,calliteles to heroic rank1 cannot be decided with certainty4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #cf4 ,,horseman ,,relief1 ,,berlin4 ,another very similar relief is figured in the fourth volume of the ,athenian ,mittheilungen#if4 ,it is from ,thebes4 ,the hero stands1 holding a lance in one hand1 and in the other the usual flat cup1 the patera4 ,from the right seven figures approach4 ,the first is the lady who pours wine1 and behind her are six worshippers1 who bring in a pig and a fowl for sacrifice4 ,the sepulchral character of the relief is emphasized by placing a tumulus just in front of the horse1 and in fact under his forefoot4 ,another relief1 in the ,museum of ,berlin#ig1 is similar in most respects2 but the lady of tall stature here stands behind the horseman1 and instead of paying him homage1 seems to receive it in common with him from a train of approaching votaries4 ,a large serpent erect in the background is the friend and companion of the hero4 ,there can be no question as to the association of these reliefs with worship1 since the preparations for sacrifice are actually represented on them4 ,but in many directions they offer us a series of interesting problems4 ,firstly1 is the hero who is thus honoured merely an ordinary dead person raised at death to heroic rank1 or is he one of the local heroes who were everywhere in ,greece held in honour1 mythic founders of cities or ancestors of tribes1 or healing and oracular demigods like ,amphiaraus and ,trophonius8 ,no doubt1 in many instances1 the heroic horseman of the reliefs is of this latter class4 ,yet that a man recently deceased is sometimes the recipient of honour is proved by the inscriptions in some cases1 and may be almost with certainty inferred from the presence of the tumulus on the relief last described4 ,on the monuments the hero is represented in the bloom of early manhood2 but of course it does not follow that he died young3 immortal bloom belongs to the hero after death1 however worn and wrinkled age may have left him4 ,secondly1 who and what is the lady who on the reliefs pours wine8 ,her stature1 which is equal to that of the hero himself1 and far greater than that of the worshippers1 shows at once that she is no living mortal or descendant1 but a person of equal rank with the horseman4 ,as a matter of artistic tradition we can trace her genesis quite clearly1 as has been well shown by ,furtwngler#ih4 ,on the ,spartan stelae we found ancestor and ancestress seated side by side4 ,when the reclining position supersedes that of sitting1 the wife necessarily moves from her husband's side and sits opposite to him4 ,it is a variety of the same motive when the husband sits or stands and the wife pours him wine1 a group found on several stelae#ii1 one as early as the ,persian wars1 and very commonly in the paintings of ,greek vases1 from quite an early period4 ,the motive of wine-pouring being thus thoroughly established in ,greek art1 could easily be transferred from one kind of group to another4 ,it may have been that in some cases the hero had no wife1 or he may have had several successively3 that would make no great difference1 as the idea of the group is fixed4 ,as ,furtwngler expresses it3 #8,il importe d'insister sur le fait que nous sommes ici en face d'une forme artistique1 qui avait pour objet d'exprimer une conception de ces puissances souterraines drive d'un des principaux usages de leur culte4' ,this is a far more reasonable explanation than that of some writers1 who fancy that the wine-pouring lady is a kind of ,houri1 or nymph of ,paradise1 who awaits the hero in the next world to recompense him with her embraces for the pains which he has in this world undergone for the good of mankind4 ,thirdly1 what is the relation between these heroic reliefs and the numerous reliefs and paintings on ,attic stelae in which the deceased is represented as riding on a horse8 ,several of these we cite below in ,chapter ,,ix4 ,some points of difference between the two classes of monuments are obvious4 ,the heroic reliefs are broad1 shaped like votive tablets3 the ,attic reliefs are tombstones of upright shape4 ,in the votive reliefs the wine-pouring consort is seldom absent1 and votaries are usually present4 ,in the ,attic reliefs the horse is merely one of the adjuncts of daily life1 and the rider is represented in the guise of his ordinary existence4 ,in fact1 as we shall see when we reach the ordinary ,attic reliefs1 the figure of the horseman1 when it occurs on them1 is merely a characteristic portrait of a man who in his life had been fond of horses1 and perhaps won victories with them at the great sacred festivals4 ,nevertheless1 it would be very rash to say that the heroic and the ordinary horseman reliefs had no influence on one another4 ,for example1 a relief at ,tanagra#ajj seems to fall exactly between the two classes4 ,on it a horseman in armour rides1 followed by an attendant who holds the tail of the horse1 as was the way of ,greek body-servants4 ,a female figure meets the pair with wine-jug and cup4 ,here1 if the relief belongs to the one class1 the servant is out of place2 if to the other class1 the pourer of wine4 ,probably1 being oblong in form1 it is really of the heroic class1 but contaminated by the influence of the other4 ,on an ordinary sepulchral slab in the ,british ,museum#aja1 the horseman and servant recur1 but the lady is absent4 ,in recent years an immense quantity of votive terra-cottas has been discovered on the site of the ,dorian colony of ,tarentum4 ,these illustrate in a striking fashion the monuments of the ,spartan mother-city4 ,they consist mainly of two groups4 ,in the first group we see a man1 bearded or beardless1 wearing a tall crown1 reclining on a couch1 often holding a wine-cup4 ,beside him is seated a woman1 sometimes bearing in her arms a child1 who stretches out his arms towards the man4 ,we engrave 7,fig4 #cg7 a specimen of the class#ajb1 in which1 however1 the child does not appear1 but instead1 in the background1 a horse1 who seems to be drinking from the flat cup4 ,and this horse connects the first group with the second1 which consists of figures of riding horsemen4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #cg4 ,,votive ,,tablet1 ,,tarentum4 ,mr4 ,arthur ,evans1 who has had the advantage of studying these terracottas at ,tarentum#ajc1 is disposed to maintain that the group represents1 not deceased persons1 but rather the deities of the lower world1 ,dionysus1 ,cora1 and ,iacchus4 #8,the terracotta representations here found must be rather regarded as primarily connected with the cult of chthonic deities and national heroes1 than with that of departed human spirits1' though #8the starting-point may be regarded as purely sepulchral4' ,dr4 ,wolters1 on the other hand#ajd1 connects the representations far more closely with the worship of the dead4 ,but after all1 the opposition between these two opinions is not fundamental4 ,probably at ,tarentum1 as at ,sparta1 the dead ancestor and ancestress were regarded as scarcely distinguishable from the king and queen of the world of shades1 into whose being they passed at death4 ,thus the last note struck in the monuments of ,dorian hero-worship is in complete harmony with the first4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ch4 ,,hero ,,on ,,foot4 ,there are also reliefs in which the heroic character of the deceased is indicated1 not by the horse1 but by the presence of armour and arms4 ,in some states wealthy and well-born citizens were content to fight on foot1 and the position which had seemed to them dignified during life was preserved by them in the unseen world4 ,a good example from ,attica 7,fig4 #ch7 is given in the text#aje4 ,the hero stands on the right1 helmeted2 his shield rests against the wall4 ,a dignified lady of the same stature as the hero pours him wine2 between the two is an altar3 on the left is a votary of small size4 ,these groups may serve to remind us how often in ,greece1 in the hour of stress and danger1 ancestral and local heroes appeared amid the ranks of the fighting men1 and turned the tide of battle in favour of their descendants or townsfolk4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ci4 ,,hero ,,seated4 ,finally1 the hero may even appear in the reliefs unarmed1 as an ordinary citizen4 ,on a relief from ,patras#ajf 7,fig4 #ci7 he is seated on a throne almost with the dignity of ,zeus1 a sceptre in his raised hand1 a shield hung on the wall above him4 ,his consort stands behind the seat1 while from the left there advances a train1 men1 women1 and children1 making the well-known gesture with the raised hand which implies adoration1 and bringing a ram for sacrifice4 ,a horse's head appears above through a square opening1 the part standing1 as so often in these monuments1 for the whole4 ,this relief bears a very close likeness to those found in the sanctuary of ,asklepius on the side of the ,acropolis hill at ,athens2 indeed1 if the hero had held a staff entwined by a serpent we should not have hesitated to identify him as ,asklepius4 ,but in the absence of that attribute we are probably justified in considering him to be some local hero of ,patras1 either mythical or historical4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,athens3 ,,periods ,,and ,,forms ,,of ,,monuments ,in regard to the laws which regulated the erection of monuments of the dead1 and the forms which those monuments assumed in successive ages1 under the influence of custom and belief1 our information does not reach far beyond ,athens4 ,at ,athens alone have we been so fortunate as to find1 beneath the soil1 a considerable part of an ancient burying-ground1 where not the graves only1 but also the monuments erected over them1 are untouched by the spoiler1 and almost as fresh as they were when ,athens was a powerful city4 ,it will therefore be well worth our while to consider the history of the ,athenian monumental customs1 which have been carefully studied on the spot by several able archaeologists4 ,graves of the ,mycenaean age have been discovered in ,attica1 at ,sparta1 and at ,menidi4 ,of such graves we have already spoken4 ,at an uncertain period1 probably about the eighth century1 there succeeded1 in place of these1 the graves found in such numbers just outside the ,dipylon gate of ,athens1 and so called ,dipylon graves4 ,the pottery found in these burying-places is very interesting1 although the devices are rude1 because there are painted upon it representations from the contemporary life of ,greece1 the prehistoric ,greece of the age of ,homer and of ,hesiod4 ,the most ordinary pictures are sea-fights1 or else the burial of the dead4 ,of the representations of ,greek obsequies which these vases bear we have had occasion to speak above#ajg4 ,the reason for the selection of the subject belongs to the present connexion4 ,the time appears to have been one of poverty and of depression in art4 ,the rich treasures and the admirable talent for decoration which belonged to the ,mycenaean age lay buried in the past4 ,the ,greece which we know1 the historic ,greece of art and poetry1 of philosophy and history1 had not yet come into being4 ,the moon had set and the sun had not risen1 and men moved in the dimmest twilight4 ,thus it can scarcely surprise us that the graves of the ,dipylon class1 with their poor and scanty contents1 were surmounted by no sculptured monuments4 ,in place of a column or a slab1 there stood on the graves one of the large amphorae of the period1 enriched with adornment of geometric patterns and lines of stiff animals4 ,into these vessels were poured1 almost beyond doubt1 the offerings of food and drink brought by survivors and descendants4 ,the choice of a sepulchral subject for the vases is thus readily accounted for4 ,the vessel rested probably on a mound of earth1 such as the 1 of which we shall presently speak1 or on a simple pedestal of stone4 ,as we approach the historic age of ,athens1 the stone monument with its painting and reliefs makes its appearance4 ,it is not difficult to divide into periods the history of the production at ,athens of monuments of the dead4 ,it falls quite naturally into three sections3-- 7#a7 ,the time before the ,persian wars1 #eej-dhj4 7#b7 ,the time of perfected art1 #dhj-cjj4 7#c7 ,the ,hellenistic and ,roman age4 ,the epic custom of ,greece was to erect over the dead a or mound1 with a or gravestone#ajh placed upon or beside it4 ,such a custom was continued in later ,greece in the case of great graves made after a battle to contain the bodies of the slain4 ,the tumulus at ,marathon is well known to visitors to ,greece1 and the lion set up to crown the mound at ,chaeroneia1 where the ,theban sacred band was cut to pieces by the phalanx of ,philip1 still exists in fragmentary condition4 ,but for the graves of private persons the lavish customs of the heroic age in ,greece gave place to more modest ways4 ,a passage in ,cicero's ,de ,legibus#aji gives us some interesting information in regard to ,athenian customs4 ,solon1 ,cicero tells us1 legislated only against the violation of tombs1 not against their sumptuousness4 ,but some time after1 in consequence of the growth of splendid tombs in the ,cerameicus1 a law was passed1 forbidding tombs more elaborate than could be made by ten men in three days4 ,nor were they to be decorated with plaster#aaj1 nor were ,hermae to be set on them4 ,notwithstanding1 after a time1 the luxury of tombs again increased2 until ,demetrius ,phalereus 7,b4,c4 #cag-cjg7 carried a law that no monument should be erected save a column not more than three cubits in height1 or a flat slab1 or a water-vessel#aaa4 ,a magistrate was appointed to see that the decree was complied with4 ,the legislation of ,demetrius does appear1 as we shall presently see1 to have been successful4 ,if the earlier legislation mentioned by ,cicero was effectual1 it must be placed in the days of the democracy which succeeded the expulsion of the ,tyrants or in the stirring times of the ,persian wars4 ,for there is a decided dearth of sepulchral monuments at ,athens in the first half of the fifth century4 ,in the latter half of the sixth1 and again in the latter half of the fifth century1 they are numerous and elaborate4 ,whether ,cicero's words1 #8aliquanto post ,solonem1' can be stretched to cover a period of nearly a century may1 however1 be doubted4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dj4 ,,achilles ,,at ,,tomb ,,of ,,patroclus4 ,we have evidence that during the latter part of the sixth century1 the the 1 the mound and the slab1 persisted side by side4 ,often a grave would be marked by both2 sometimes one or the other would be wanting4 ,in the course of time the mound has usually disappeared1 while the slab often remains4 ,but it is easy to prove that the mound was common to early periods4 ,not only do we find mention of it in a variety of authors#aab1 ,herodotus1 ,plato1 ,lucian1 ,pausanias1 but its form is depicted upon black-figured vases4 ,we give an instance 7,fig4 #dj7 in which ,achilles is represented as dragging the body of ,hector tied to his chariot beside the mound which represents the grave of ,patroclus#aac3 a serpent and the shade of ,patroclus appear4 ,here the tomb is a white mound of oval form1 whence it may be judged that in place of a mere mound of earth sometimes an artificial structure was built1 and a recent discovery at ,athens fully confirms this view4 ,in the ,piraeus street were found in #ahiaaad remains of an erection about two yards in diameter1 which consisted of a framework of tiles overlaid with fine stucco1 and which seemed originally to have been in the shape of the upper half of an egg4 ,this was clearly just such a tomb as is figured in the vase-painting3 and doubtless in antiquity such mounds were common1 but they perished easily1 or might very commonly be destroyed by careless workers in the course of excavation4 ,at ,myrina ,messrs4 ,pottier and ,reinach found the contents of tombs in many cases lying on the surface of the ancient soil2 a fact for which they account by saying that these objects must originally have been covered by a mound4 ,on the mound would in some cases be set the commemorative stone4 ,in other cases in this period also1 as we learn from vase-paintings#aae1 an earthenware vessel was set on it to receive offerings4 ,sometimes we find in the representations mound and stele set side by side4 ,and sometimes there is a third feature of the tomb1 a 1 or table1 that is1 a horizontal stone4 ,in one remarkable vase-painting#aaf we see clearly mound1 stele1 and table4 ,more commonly we find the stele and the table only2 the latter being used as a seat by the dead person1 or sometimes serving as a place of deposit for baskets of wreaths and other offerings4 ,see1 for example1 ,fig4 #aa1 p4 #bb4 ,the ordinary stele was in shape a tall and tapering slab1 surmounted by an acanthus pattern4 ,on the face of it were commonly the names of those buried1 and1 as a rule1 two rosettes4 ,in our frontispiece1 which represents a part of the cemetery of the ,cerameicus in its present form1 may be seen several stelae2 and one is figured in the text 7below1 ,fig4 #dc7 as an example4 ,the rosettes seem to represent the two breasts1 and we may here see a hint that the stele takes the place of a portrait-figure1 just as does the turban which commonly surmounts modern ,turkish tombs4 ,in the sixth century the stele is commonly adorned with a portrait of the deceased in low relief2 but sometimes a painted portrait takes the place of one in relief4 ,not all stelae1 however1 were of tall and narrow form1 nor was the device on them always limited to a single figure3 groups sometimes make their appearance1 and to accommodate them the stele has to be made broader4 ,this development we will trace in the next period4 ,meantime we must say a few words as to the pillar 77 which is frequently mentioned as well as the stele in ancient epigrams4 ,the small round pillar1 carved with a simple inscription1 which is so abundant at ,athens1 belongs to the later age of the city4 ,but in early times pillars were frequently set up on graves1 and surmounted with a portrait or figure of some kind4 ,as examples we may cite the supposed grave of ,orpheus in ,pieria1 which was marked1 according to ,pausanias#aag1 by a pillar surmounted by a hydria2 and the grave attributed to the sons of ,oedipus1 ,eteocles and ,polynices1 on which stood a pillar supporting a shield#aah4 ,on the grave of ,aristomenes at ,messene also was a pillar to which the ox1 annually destined to be sacrificed to the hero1 was tied#aai4 ,at a later time the grave of ,epaminondas was marked1 like that of the sons of ,oedipus1 by a pillar supporting a shield1 and that of ,isocrates by the figure of a siren1 standing on a pillar #cj cubits high4 ,the oldest existing specimen of a sepulchral pillar is from the tomb of ,xenares in ,corfu4 ,the terms and 1 which are frequently applied to the tomb both in existing epitaphs and in the epigrams of the ,anthology1 do not seem to refer to any special form of monument1 but rather to the purpose of the tomb as a significant monument 77 or as a memorial 774 ,every one who examines the early graves of ,attica must be struck with the fact that whereas it would seem natural that tombs should be set up by children for their parents1 at ,athens the opposite rule seems to prevail4 ,commonly tombs profess to be erected for those who died young by their sorrowing relatives4 ,not only were young men who fell in battle honoured with fine monuments1 but young men who died of disease1 and unmarried girls4 ,a large proportion of the women whose tombs we find seem either to have died unmarried or else to have perished in childbirth4 ,it would seem that ordinary citizens1 who died in the course of nature1 were buried in great family vaults2 but that separate tombs with fine sculptural decoration were erected in special cases1 when a father lost a promising and beloved boy or girl1 or a young husband lost at one blow his wife and his hope of a progeny to carry on his name and tend his old age4 ,the erection of a tomb to relative or friend was no matter of course1 but an exceptional proceeding1 adopted when feeling ran strongly1 and required some satisfaction in outward act4 ,the stern law of ,sparta allowed only the names of men who fell in battle or women who were priestesses to be publicly set up4 ,at ,athens feeling took the place of law2 and while those who died for their country were sure of honourable burial1 ornate tombs were the gifts of special affection4 ,we are told that the effeminate people of ,agrigentum erected special tombs to their horses and pet birds4 ,here1 as in so many cases1 the ,athenians maintained the human mean1 between harsh rigour on the one hand1 and luxurious effusiveness on the other4 ,to the second period1 ,b4,c4 #dhj-cjj1 belongs the great mass of the fine sepulchral monuments of ,athens4 ,in the age of ,pheidias1 the custom comes in of flanking the sculptural group of stelae with a pair of pilasters supporting a small gable1 as seen in several of our plates1 and by degrees the ground between the pilasters recedes1 and a deep interior is seen1 as in ,plates ,,xi1 ,,xxvi1 c4 ,by this recessing is produced the monument in the form of a small and shallow temple1 within which we see in very high relief some scene from the daily and domestic life of ,athens4 ,these are the most splendid of the ,athenian tombs1 in date almost confined to the fourth century4 ,they are the monuments of which ,cicero writes2 #8amplitudines sepulcrorum quas nunc in ,ceramico videmus'3 even in ,cicero's time they were evidently one of the great sights of ,greece2 how much more notable are they now1 when we have but a wreck of the artistic wealth and splendour of ,greece with which to compare them6 ,it has been sometimes supposed that the temple-like form of these tombs1 whence they are called 1 indicates special veneration for those to whom they are erected4 ,if houses in form like those of the gods are given to mortals1 surely1 it may be said1 the mortals are raised almost to the rank of the gods4 ,this view1 however1 is mistaken4 ,the architectural forms which we associate with ,greek temples are not originally peculiar to them4 ,it is only because the temples of ,greece have survived the secular buildings that we are disposed to look on pillars and gables as belonging specially to the gods4 ,we have1 however1 still a few secular ,greek buildings1 such as the ,propylaea of ,athens2 and we see them to be constructed on similar architectural principles to the temples4 ,the ,ionic and ,doric styles of architecture were no more exclusively religious in use or origin than was ,gothic architecture in ,england4 ,the were not temples1 but merely a framing for a domestic interior1 such as is often represented on vases4 ,they are rooms of the women's apartments in ,greek houses4 ,a dead lady in the ,anthology calls her tomb #abj4 ,about contemporary with the introduction of the was the custom of shaping the tomb after the fashion of a vase4 ,these stone vases are extremely common in the ,museum of ,athens4 ,perhaps the earliest of them is one published by ,khler#aba4 ,in the relief of it we see two men hand in hand1 and it bears an inscription which ,khler on epigraphic grounds assigns to the period ,b4,c4 #dej-dcj4 ,it is painted like a real ,greek vase with palmettes and maeander patterns4 ,it was probably at the time when the custom of placing terra-cotta vases on the tombs was dying out1 that it occurred to the sculptors to replace them by making the stele itself in the form of a vase1 adorned like the ordinary stelae with inscription and relief4 ,the marble vases were of two kinds4 ,first1 we have the lekythos or unguent vase1 of the same shape as the red-figured and white ground vases very commonly placed in ,athenian graves4 ,these latter are mentioned by ,aristophanes#abb as the work of the inferior artist3 1 and in another passage he speaks of them as sometimes let into the tomb and fastened there with lead#abc4 ,to imitate them in marble was therefore natural4 ,for an instance of the lekythos tomb see figures #gj to #gb1 below4 ,in the case of those who died unmarried1 a vase of another form was used as the model4 ,here again we have only an imitation in stone of a terra-cotta vase often placed on the tomb4 ,at ,athens it was a custom1 when a marriage was about to take place1 for a girl to bring to the bride a vessel of water from the spring ,callirrhoe for a bridal bath4 ,the water was fetched in a two-handled vessel of peculiar form1 the 1 such as seems not to have been used on any other occasion4 ,the ,athenian ,museum contains several imitations in terra-cotta of the marriage vase2 and in every case the scenes painted on these vases are taken either from the ceremonies of marriage or those of mourning4 ,when a girl was married the marriage vase was used in the pomp and jollity of the wedding3 when she died unwedded1 it was placed on her tomb as a memorial4 ,as ,athenian epitaphs put it1 in that case she was wedded to ,hades4 ,on the tombs also of youths who died before the marriage-day1 the of terra-cotta was regarded as an appropriate decoration4 ,a well-known passage of ,demosthenes#abd gives us explicit authority for this usage4 #8,what is the proof1' he asks1 #8that ,archiades died unmarried8 ,a marriage vase is set up on his tomb4' ,sometimes the marriage vase thus set on the tomb was an ordinary vessel of terra-cotta4 ,sometimes it was represented in relief on the stele4 ,and sometimes the stele itself was fashioned in the form of a marriage vase4 ,the usage is well illustrated by a stele from ,kalyvia1 now at ,athens#abe1 of which we give an engraving 7,pl4 ,,iv74 ,the whole field of the stele is occupied by a great marriage vase in relief4 ,on the top of it1 on a basis1 stands a ,siren1 tearing her hair and beating her breast in sign of sympathy with the mourners4 ,on the body of the vase is depicted a scene from the funeral rites4 ,a marriage vase stands erect in the midst of three mourners1 all apparently women1 one of whom is tying to the handle of the vase 7this vase has but one handle7 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,iv ,page #aad a wreath4 ,twice over1 on this curious stele1 we have the symbolism of the vase employed to indicate the unmarried condition of the defunct4 ,on another stele 7,pl4 ,v7 three vases are represented in relief1 a marriage vase and two sepulchral lekythi#abf4 ,the central vase bears a relief1 a young horseman armed1 standing beside his horse1 and giving his hand to an elderly man who is wrapped in a cloak4 ,the relief on the vase to left shows us a boy1 of somewhat manly form1 running with a hoop4 ,it is likely that in the grave to which this monument belonged a father had buried three sons1 one of military age and almost marriageable1 the other two still young4 ,no sentiment is more often expressed in epitaphs1 none more strongly affected the ,greek heart1 than the sadness of the fate of those young men and women to whom death came in the place of that marriage which was regarded as the consummation of earthly happiness4 ,when the marriage vase was used for funeral libations1 then indeed the bitterness of fate was felt by every bystander4 ,the poets have embodied this feeling in many an epigram2 one of these by the poet ,meleager#abg ,i must endeavour1 though the task is a hard one1 to reproduce in ,english3-- ,when ,clearista doffed her virgin tire1 ,no bridal but a tomb did she require4 ,the flutes before her door but yesternight ,to merry household clatter answered bright2 ,the morrow found them wailing1 and the lay ,of ,hymen in lament died sad away4 ,and torches bright that in her bower did glow ,illume the passage to the realm below4#abh ,it is not1 however1 most usual to find the tombs of the later fifth and the fourth centuries thus adapted to the circumstances of a special tenant4 ,some of the stelae of this period1 such as those of ,tynnias 7,pl4 ,x71 ,aristonautes 7,pl4 ,,xi71 and ,amphotto 7,pl4 ,,xvii7 belong especially to individuals2 but the great majority of the graves between ,b4,c4 #dej and #cjj are of eminently domestic character4 ,the reliefs which they bear represent not one person but many1 and the inscriptions contain several names4 ,the simple burial customs of the ,athenians made great vaults unnecessary2 a handful of ashes could be easily disposed of4 ,in looking at the sculpture of ,attic tombs1 we must not forget this domestic and family destination4 ,and there is another point1 one of technique1 which we must also bear in mind4 ,all decorative reliefs in ,greece1 whether they belonged to the temple1 the public building1 or the tomb1 depended in a great degree for effect on the colour which was freely used to help out the sculpture4 ,few traces of colouring now remain on the sepulchral reliefs1 but there can be no doubt that originally they were coloured1 not perhaps all over1 but in many parts4 ,the background would be filled in with blue or other strong colour4 ,the hair of the persons sculptured would be1 according to the almost universal custom of ,greek sculpture1 red4 ,eyes and eyebrows would be indicated with the brush as well as with the chisel4 ,the garments would commonly be at all events tinted1 and in some cases they would bear designs painted to represent embroidery1 as is the case with the votive archaic female figures recently discovered at ,athens#abi4 ,on our plate1 which represents the stele of ,aristion 7,pl4 ,,ix71 considerable traces of colour may be observed4 ,and besides colour1 metal accessories were in many cases added4 ,in the stele of ,dexileos 7,pl4 ,,xii71 reins1 sword1 and lance were added in metal4 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,v ,page #aaf ,thus when we see on our reliefs a lady holding out empty hands 7cf4 ,pl4 ,,xxvi71 we may be sure that originally those hands had borne a necklace or other jewelry1 added in colour4 ,the handles of the marriage vase on ,pl4 ,,iv must have been marked with colour4 ,the ornaments of the helmet of ,aristonautes 7,pl4 ,,xi7 were added in metal1 and so on in other cases4 ,to the modern eye the pure white of ,greek reliefs as they now are1 seems classical and appropriate4 ,and we may be right4 ,greek life has passed away1 and looks upon us as if from another world in the ghostly reflection of ,greek art4 ,we see it not in a realistic but in a softened and ideal light4 ,but the ,greeks themselves loved strong colour1 and in any purely artistic question their eyes are far more to be trusted than ours1 which are perverted by the ugly surroundings of our daily life4 ,the date of ,greek sepulchral monuments may be determined by a variety of considerations4 ,the inscriptions which they bear may help us in some cases4 ,we know that the old ,attic alphabet1 which did not distinguish short from long vowels1 confusing ,o with 1 and ,e with ,h1 and which used the form 9999shape for and for 1 was officially superseded by the alphabet of ,asia ,minor in the archonship of ,euclides #djc ,b4,c4 ,but long before this date the ,ionian letters had been in frequent use for private documents4 ,thus any tomb bearing an inscription in the ,ionian character can scarcely be later than #djj ,b4,c42 but may be considerably earlier4 ,the evidence of date furnished by inscriptions being thus rather vague1 we return to the evidence offered by the forms of the stelae and the style of the reliefs4 ,a certain roughness and want of elaboration in the acroteria1 the architectural adornments of the tops of the stelae1 indicates fifth-century work4 ,for example1 the stelae of ,lysander 7,pl4 ,,xx7 and of ,mica 7,pl4 ,,xxi71 with their somewhat clumsy ending above1 are typical of the fifth century1 while a somewhat more elegant top1 as in the stele of ,damasistrata 7,pl4 ,,xxiii71 is usually an indication of the more luxurious fourth century4 ,but style of sculpture is a safer criterion4 ,those who are familiar with the style of the ,parthenon frieze1 and with that of ,praxitelean art1 will find little difficulty in determining to which of these two very different styles that of any given relief most closely approximates4 ,to the question of the relation of sepulchral reliefs to the works of the great ,athenian artists we will return in a later chapter 7,,xi74 ,the effects of the sumptuary laws of ,demetrius ,phalereus are clearly visible in the ,athenian cemeteries4 ,after #cjj ,b4,c4 we find no more lofty stelae1 no more temple-like tombs of great size and beauty4 ,as might be expected from the statement of ,cicero above cited1 henceforward we find only small and mean monuments1 the low stele with reliefs1 the stone lekythos1 the short pillar1 inscribed only with a name4 ,such tombs are found in extraordinary abundance in the neighbourhood of ,athens2 but their interest1 whether from the point of view of the historian or the artist1 is but slight1 and we shall be but little concerned with them in these pages4 ,we must imagine most of the roads leading to great cities as flanked on both sides by the sculptured memorials of the dead4 ,those who have visited ,rome and ,pompeii will be familiar with this custom1 which seems to us rather depressing4 ,but we must remember that the tombs of the ,greeks and ,romans had not that air of uniform melancholy which tombs bear among us4 ,the frontispiece shows a part of the great ,athenian cemetery of the ,cerameicus1 which lay just outside the ,dipylon ,gate4 ,it shows us the line of tombs of various ages and of many forms1 which flanked the sacred way leading to ,eleusis1 the line of which is visible in the foreground4 ,on the left is the relief of ,dexileos1 which belonged to a sort of shrine1 of which the foundations still exist4 ,close to it is a table or 2 below it1 a tall stele with rosettes on the face of it1 and surmounted by an acanthus4 ,then come more tables and a flat stele adorned with reliefs4 ,further are two shrines1 1 and a lofty basis supporting a bull4 ,one or two short pillars of the later age are visible in the background4 ,in some cases stone lekythi1 such as that lying broken at the foot of the pedestal of the bull1 were inserted1 sometimes one and sometimes two1 in the flat upper surface of the tables4 ,to what events this section of the cemetery owes its remarkable preservation is a matter of conjecture4 ,francis ,lenormant suggested that it was covered by the earthen agger set up against the walls of ,athens by ,sulla when he attacked the city from this side1 and so preserved from the ruin which time brings4 ,dr4 ,brckner1 however1 rejects this view1 thinking that the spot was buried with earth by the ,athenians themselves on some occasion#acj4 ,whatever explanation be accepted1 it is certainly a great gain to us thus to find preserved1 like a fly in amber1 a section of a great cemetery of ,greece4 ,the architectural features and decoration of the tombs of ,athens may best be spoken of in this place4 ,first1 of the acanthus4 ,the gradual growth of this ornament in complication and variety may be traced in the stelae of successive periods#aca4 ,the general form is always two ,ionic volutes1 surmounted by a palmette4 ,to this is commonly added1 after the fifth century ,b4,c41 some kind of pattern derived from the leaf of the acanthus1 which ,callimachus1 the inventor or improver of the ,corinthian column1 at the same period introduced into temple architecture4 ,the acanthus is said by some to be introduced into tomb decoration because it grew on the rocky spurs which the ,greeks generally used as burying-places4 ,and in favour of this view may be cited the curious fact that in the vase-paintings we often see on the top of a tomb1 in place of a sculptured acanthus1 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #da4 ,,head ,,of ,,assyrian ,,stele4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #db4 ,,head ,,of ,,greek ,,stele4 one growing naturally4 ,but there is1 on the other side1 a piece of evidence the value of which must be acknowledged4 ,at ,khorsabad in ,assyria#acb1 ,m4 ,place discovered a tall square stele1 fluted on all four sides1 and surmounted by a device which is really a palmette1 but which bears a strong resemblance to the so-called acanthus pattern of ,greek art4 ,the meaning and purpose of this pillar are obscure2 but whatever they may be1 it is scarcely open to doubt that in an artistic sense it lies in the line of descent of the ,hellenic stele4 ,and it naturally suggests the question whether the finial ornament of ,greek gravestones was originally meant for an acanthus at all1 or whether it is only a variety of the ,ionic scroll and the ,assyrian palmette4 ,we engrave side by side the top of this column 7,fig4 #da71 and for comparison with it1 an archaic anthemion from a ,greek stele#acc 7,fig4 #db74 ,after the archaic period the anthemion on the top of the ,attic stele goes on developing in complexity as well as in beauty4 ,we give three characteristic treatments of the fourth century1 which may be compared with the example already figured4 ,of these monuments1 one 7#dc7acd is adorned with rosettes only2 the second 7#dc ,a7#ace with a group of three persons1 father1 mother1 and daughter2 the third 7#dc ,b7#acf with a marriage vase4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dc4 ,,anthemion ,,of ,,stele4 ,the acanthus is not the only ornament used as a finial for ,greek stelae3 other devices sometimes appear in the same place2 and their meaning is a matter worthy of consideration4 ,on some of the early monuments of ,attica there stood a sphinx4 ,the instance figured 7#dd7 is from an early tomb at ,spata1 near ,athens#acg4 ,the monster is archaic in form3 her hair falls in long formal curls1 her breast is covered with ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dc ,a4 ,,anthemion4 feathers3 on her head is a round crown4 ,the history of the sphinx has been traced by ,milchhoefer#ach and other writers4 ,its origin is certainly to be sought in ,egypt1 in which country sphinxes were set up in lines as guardians of the temples4 ,the ,egyptian sphinx is unwinged and male1 as the beard which it commonly wears clearly shows2 but when the people of ,asia ,minor and ,syria imitated the form1 they added wings4 ,the significance of the monster was in ,egypt quite vague2 and it was probably even more vague in ,asia4 ,thus when the ,greeks adopted the strange form1 it cannot have brought with it much meaning4 ,they had to give it a meaning of their own4 ,in fact1 it was quite characteristic in the ,greeks that they ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dc ,b4 ,,anthemion4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dd4 ,,sphinx ,,of ,,spata4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #de4 ,,terra-,,cotta3 ,,sphinx ,,and ,,youth4 borrowed forms and gave to them their own meaning4 ,they took the forms and sounds of the letters of the alphabet from the ,phoenicians1 but used those letters to express their own thoughts1 and the same thing took place when they received from the ,east an established pattern or form in art4 ,to the ,greeks1 then1 the sphinx is a monster1 sometimes fierce and hostile1 sometimes more kindly and gentle1 who brings men and women to an early death2 a spiritual force1 like the ,siren1 which bears away souls4 ,on a terra-cotta 7,fig4 #de7 published by ,stackelberg#aci1 a sphinx1 this time with human arms1 is represented as standing on the body of a dead youth4 ,some such group must have been before the mind of ,aeschylus when he describes the shield of ,parthenopaeus as adorned with a sphinx bearing in her claws a man of ,thebes#adj4 ,but in the sphinx of our engraving there is no sign of fierceness or ravening4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #df4 ,,stele ,,of ,,lamptrae1 ,,restored4 ,a sphinx probably stood on the top of one of the most interesting of early ,athenian monuments1 the stele of ,lamptrae1 of which ,i give a restoration 7,fig4 #df7 by ,dr4 ,winter#ada4 ,it consisted of a thick slab with elegantly adorned cornice4 ,on the top is a deep cutting1 made to hold either the sphinx of the engraving1 or1 possibly1 a portrait4 ,three sides of the slab bear low reliefs which are much injured1 but the subjects of which are of interest4 ,on the front is a young horseman1 evidently the denizen of the tomb1 who rides to the right on a horse1 holding spear and shield3 a second horse is represented by a mere doubling of the outlines4 ,on one of the narrower sides stands the father of the horseman1 in an attitude of grief3 on the other side are two mourning women1 no doubt his near relatives4 ,to these mourning relatives we may find abundant parallels among the vases which represent the lying in state of the corpse and its removal to the place of burial#adb4 ,it will be observed that the sphinx of the terra-cotta has human arms4 ,this1 and her female sex1 bring her into close connexion with other female monsters1 who also are winged and have the arms of women1 the ,harpies and the ,sirens4 ,harpy and ,siren are1 in fact1 not clearly distinguished in art2 both are human-headed birds4 ,and both are daemons destructive to human life1 since1 according to the legends1 the ,harpies were notable for foul and ravenous habits1 the ,sirens for a passion for the blood of the sailors whom they drew to them by the sweetness of their singing4 ,as sphinx and ,siren were thus both alike the ministers of early or untimely death1 it will not greatly surprise us to find that on later monuments ,sirens appear in the place of sphinxes4 ,an instance from the museum at ,athens is figured 7,fig4 #dg7adc2 the woman-bird is human from head to waist1 and is occupied with playing on her lyre4 ,the tomb on which she stood perhaps belonged to some young girl or boy who perished by an untimely death4 ,yet this is by no means certain4 ,for the ,siren of ,attic tombs has greatly modified her nature under the kindly influence of ,attic poetry and art4 ,she came from the ,east1 almost certainly as a malicious and devouring daemon4 ,but in the ordinary custom of ,attic tombs of the fifth and fourth centuries she becomes friendly and sympathetic4 ,sometimes1 as in our example1 she plays on a musical instrument4 ,sometimes she seems to express grief by the movements of her arms1 beating her breast1 or tearing her hair 7see ,pl4 ,,iv74 ,a passage in the ,helena#add of ,euripides represents the ,sirens quite in the same sympathetic light4 ,helen1 when wailing over the calamities at ,troy calls on the ,sirens1 winged maidens1 daughters of the earth1 to come and join to her lamentations the music in which they were skilled4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dg4 ,,siren1 ,,from ,,tomb4 ,the sphinx and the ,siren may have originally found their place on tombs as 1 stone images of daemons to drive away the real daemons4 ,but they retain their place on the tombs of a more refined age to express sympathy with the mourners1 and to add a gentle touch of sorrow to the delightful domestic scenes which usually occupy the front of the monuments4 ,sophocles calls the ,sirens the daughters of ,phorcys1 who sing the ways of ,hades2 it cannot therefore seem inappropriate that the tomb of ,sophocles himself was adorned with the figure of one of these spirits4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #dh4 ,,head ,,of ,,stele4 ,more obscure devices are sometimes mingled with the acanthus over the tomb4 ,in a few cases 7,fig4 #dh7 we find a pair of goats butting one another over a drinking-cup#ade4 ,the cup seems to show that there must be here some ,dionysiac reference or meaning1 though what it is we cannot say4 ,in one case a female figure 7,fig4 #di71 the import of which is hard to determine#adf1 stands over a tomb1 with the acanthus-leaves for a background4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #di4 ,,head ,,of ,,stele4 ,it is not rare in most periods of ,greek art to place on a tomb1 instead of a portrait1 the image of an animal1 or some other device1 the meaning of which has to be discovered by the spectator4 ,sometimes it contains an allusion1 usually to his name4 ,we engrave 7,fig4 #ej7 a stele on which is represented a lion in relief#adg1 and as the name of the person whom the tomb commemorates is ,leon1 the allusion is clear4 ,we may compare an epigram of ,simonides#adh1 written for a tomb1 which runs thus3-- ,most brave of beasts am ,i2 of men most brave ,he whom ,i guard1 reclining on his grave4 ,leon his name1 yet save he had possessed ,the lion nature1 here ,i should not rest4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ej4 ,,stele ,,of ,,leon4 ,the traditional character of the lion1 which was known to the ,greeks rather from the ,iliad than from personal experience1 made his figure a fitting adornment for the tombs of those who had died in battle for their country4 ,two gigantic lions still survive which adorned ,greek tombs of historical celebrity4 ,one stood over the remains of the ,theban band which fell at ,chaeroneia4 ,the other1 brought by ,sir ,charles ,newton from ,cnidus1 probably marked the burial-place of the ,athenians who fell in the battle of ,cnidus1 #cid ,b4,c4 ,the lioness on tombs seems to have scarcely had such dignified associations4 ,on the tomb of ,lais at ,corinth stood a lioness1 holding in her paws a ram#adi1 a symbol of the destructive force of the charms of the courtezan4 ,a lioness without a tongue is said also to have stood on the tomb of ,leaena1 the ,athenian courtezan who was a friend of ,harmodius and ,aristogeiton1 and refused to betray the conspirators against the ,tyrants4 ,a bull or cow sometimes also stood on a grave4 ,in the ,british ,museum is a bull of this class#aej4 ,a heifer is said to have stood on the tomb of ,boidion1 concubine of ,chares1 who followed him in his expedition against ,philip of ,macedon#aea4 ,on the grave of ,diogenes of ,sinope was a dog1 to mark his cynic nature4 ,but the dog which appears on the summit of a tomb in the ,athenian cemetery need not have anything to do with cynicism4 ,he may have his place as a trusty watcher and guardian2 or he may be connected with the cultus of the dead1 as we have already suggested4 ,on the grave of ,philager his teacher1 ,metellus ,nepos1 set a raven1 which ,cicero declared to be most appropriate to a master who taught how to fly better than how to speak#aeb4 ,of course the raven1 as the bird sacred to ,apollo1 was very appropriate on the tombs of learned men4 ,in an epitaph in the ,anthology#aec it is said that the grave of the poet ,sophocles was surmounted by a satyr1 holding in his hand a female mask4 ,as1 however1 we are told by other authorities that a ,siren stood on his tomb1 we must suppose the satyr to have surmounted a cenotaph erected to the poet by his admirers in some other city than ,athens4 ,from another epigram#aed we learn that on the grave of ,plato an eagle was sculptured3 here we are clearly in the realm of poetic symbolism4 ,,chapter ,,ix ,,athens ,,and ,,greece4 ,,portraits ,in the ,spartan group of sepulchral monuments we found one of the two fountain-heads of ,greek sepulchral reliefs1 springing directly out of the ancestor-worship of the ,dorian race4 ,for the other main source1 which is much less religious and more artistic in origin1 we turn to ,athens and to ,ionia4 ,it arises out of the custom of setting up portraits of the dead4 ,the earliest sepulchral monuments which reach us from ,attica1 setting aside the merely decorative or symbolical sphinx1 are portraits of the dead4 ,in these portraits there is something of artistic and something of religious purpose4 ,as we shall presently see1 no hard and fast line can be drawn between the image used in ancestor-worship and the portrait which is merely a memorial4 ,in fact we may see two lines of tendency taking their rise in the mere image of the dead4 ,the one tendency is to bring it nearer to the images of the gods2 to identify the departed ancestor or friend with ,hades1 the ruler of the world of shades4 ,the other tendency is to render the portrait a characteristic memorial of the life which is past4 ,in almost all existing sculptural remains we may see something of both tendencies1 and it is by no means easy to determine what features in them properly belong to the past life1 and what features to the life which begins with death4 ,at ,sparta1 as we have seen1 there is almost no reference to the past4 ,in ,lycia1 past and future are closely blended4 ,at ,athens1 and in several districts of ,greece1 the past has a tendency to eclipse the future4 ,yet at least in the earlier stelae the religious1 the human1 and the artistic are all actively working elements4 ,from the middle of the sixth century onwards the custom prevailed of placing upon the tomb a portrait of the occupant1 who is represented in characteristic attitude and employment#aee4 ,a man in middle life is commonly represented in arms2 a youth appears as an athlete holding strigil or discus4 ,a married woman appears with the basket of wool1 which signifies her most usual employment to be spinning2 a young girl carries a doll1 or plays with a pet bird or dog4 ,sometimes this portrait is sculptured in the round2 sometimes it appears in relief1 on a larger or a smaller scale4 ,but no one at all well acquainted with the religious feelings and artistic tendencies of the ,greeks will expect that portraits thus erected will be portraits in any modern or naturalistic sense1 at all events until after the fourth century4 ,when an honorary statue was erected in the neighbourhood of a temple or set up in a market-place in the likeness of some statesman or poet or athlete1 it would represent the actual features of the person so commemorated1 in the manner in which the sculptors of the time understood the art of portraiture4 ,greater vagueness and generality always in ,greece characterized the sepulchral portrait4 ,it was a radical feeling of the ,greek mind that he who died put away the accidents of his personal individuality1 and became in some degree a mere phase of the deity of the lower world4 ,thus1 though he would not lose what was most essential in his personality1 sex1 youth or age1 warlike or peaceful character1 and the like1 he would become typical of a class rather than individual1 the warrior1 the athlete1 or the girl1 rather than a particular man or woman4 ,besides this deep-seated tendency1 it must often have happened that the sculptor who made the effigy had scarcely seen the person to be represented1 and was quite incapable of making from memory a life-like portrait1 whereas taking a mould from the dead face was a process invented1 we are told#aef1 by ,lysistratus1 brother of ,lysippus1 the contemporary of ,alexander the ,great1 and unknown at an earlier period4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ea4 ,,portrait ,,from ,,tomb1 ,,thera#aeg4 ,we find in ,greece proper as early as the sixth century portrait statues from tombs4 ,male figures stand naked1 female figures are closely wrapped in archaic drapery4 ,it is very probable that some of the stiff archaic statues of men which figure in the earlier chapters of the histories of ,greek sculpture really come from tombs4 ,they commonly pass under the name of ,apollo1 as the ,apollo of ,thera1 of ,orchomenus1 of ,tenea1 and so forth4 ,but at the very early stage of ,greek art to which they belong1 the figures of gods and men were distinguished one from the other rather by circumstance and attribute than by any marked feature of the statues themselves4 ,and thus some writers#aeh have maintained that these so-called ,apollos are really portraits of athletes4 ,in regard to one of them1 the ,apollo of ,thera1 ,professor ,loeschcke has argued from its find-spot1 in the neighbourhood of the rocky cemetery of that island1 that it probably stood on a tomb4 ,to bring before the eyes of the reader the character of these early portrait-statues ,i have given an engraving of the head of this statue 7,fig4 #ea74 ,the long locks fall over the shoulders1 and the hair over the forehead is close curled in the decorative ,ionian fashion4 ,the upturned corners of the mouth1 and the almost ,chinese obliquity of the eyes1 are well-known features of the most primitive art of ,greece4 ,in the same paper ,professor ,loeschcke publishes#aei a fragment of an archaic equestrian statue 7,fig4 #eb71 which comes from the graveyard of ,vari in ,attica1 and was probably a memorial of a cavalier buried there4 ,the equestrian figure on ,greek tombs had1 as we have found in an earlier chapter1 usually a special meaning2 but here it seems to be a mere portrait of one who had served in the cavalry1 or perhaps had won a victory at the great games of ,greece with a racehorse4 ,noteworthy are the long rigidly cut figure of the horse1 and the seat of the rider1 whose legs stretch along the flanks of the horse4 ,this may result from the greater sculptural difficulty of carving the legs in a detached attitude4 ,we possess also certain seated female figures of the same ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,vi ,page #acf ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #eb4 ,,horseman ,,from ,,tomb4 early age which appear to have adorned tombs4 ,a fragment of one of these was found built into the wall which ,themistocles constructed round ,athens soon after the battle of ,salamis1 a wall erected1 as ,thucydides#afj tells us1 in such haste that men spared neither public nor private edifice in its construction4 ,but the best evidence as to the character of the early sepulchral portraits of ,athenian ladies reaches us by a less direct route4 ,many people are familiar with the charming seated figure in the ,vatican which goes by the name of ,penelope1 a veiled woman seated in pensive attitude1 with her head resting on one hand1 while the other hand lies on the rock on which she sits 7,pl4 ,,vi74 ,this rock1 however1 is a restoration#afa1 and replicas prove that in place of it we must suppose a chair1 under which stood a large work-basket1 to have supported the lady4 ,she is1 in all likelihood1 no mythic heroine1 but an ordinary ,greek mistress of the house1 resting for a while from the active toils of the loom in an attitude which gives the impression that the thought of approaching death has come over her with saddening power4 ,both the attitude and the basket of work recur frequently in the reliefs of early stelae#afb1 and there is good reason to suppose that the so-called ,penelope is an excerpt from some ,greek cemetery1 though the statue itself dates only from the ,roman age4 ,the original from which it is copied would date from the early part of the fifth century4 ,before going on to speak of the stelae with reliefs1 which are our main business1 it may be well to follow down to a later time the lines which start with figures like the #8,apollo' of ,tenea and the #8,penelope' of the ,vatican4 ,it is by no means unlikely that in later days tombs in ,greece may sometimes have been adorned with life-like portraits of their occupants1 executed by some of the great sculptors of the day1 such as the noble figures of ,mausolus and ,artemisia1 which stood in the ,mausoleum at ,halicarnassus4 ,but certainly this was not the only1 probably not the usual1 line followed in memorial statues4 ,the idea of generalization and of deification of the dead1 of which ,i have already spoken1 was by no means inoperative in this province4 ,pl4 ,,vii represents one of two figures found in the island of ,andros1 and now placed in the museum at ,athens#afc4 ,this male figure obviously appears in the guise of ,hermes1 and indeed bears a resemblance which is more than superficial to the celebrated ,olympian ,hermes of ,praxiteles4 ,very probably it may have grasped the herald's staff of ,hermes4 ,but the snake which twines round the tree-trunk1 which is a necessary support to the marble statue1 has no connexion with ,hermes1 but seems to indicate rather a connexion with ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,vii ,page #ach ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,viii ,page #ach the grave1 that in fact the statue is rather of a mortal in the similitude of ,hermes than of the god himself4 ,and this suspicion becomes a certainty when we consider other facts4 ,close to it was found its companion1 a female figure1 which does not seem to stand for a goddess1 but for an ordinary woman#afd2 and as male and female were thus found together1 they had probably both stood on one tomb4 ,there are other pairs of figures1 of later and ruder work1 at ,athens1 which in general character resemble the pair from ,andros4 ,thus we seem to be on the track of a clear and defined sepulchral custom prevailing from the fourth century onwards4 ,the successors of ,alexander in ,egypt1 ,syria1 and ,macedon appear on their coins in the guise of various deities1 ,hermes1 ,apollo1 and ,dionysus particularly2 and it can scarcely surprise us that a distinguished private person should by the ennobling touch of death be raised to the same level1 and take the form of ,hermes1 the messenger of the world of shades4 ,we find that in ,thessaly tombstones quite usually are inscribed1 not only with the name of the occupant of the grave1 but also with a formula dedicating them to ,hermes ,chthonius#afe4 ,the ,museum of ,berlin has acquired1 from the ,sabouroff ,collection1 two interesting statues of women1 seated in an attitude of grief1 which almost certainly belong to tombs1 and challenge comparison with the #8,penelope4' ,one is figured in ,pl4 ,,viii4 ,their date is probably the fourth century2 but they certainly do not come from the hands of the great sculptors of that century2 the work of them is poor1 and their style has been well termed that of domestic art4 ,their dress is not that of the ,athenian lady1 but that of the maidservants who so often appear on the stelae in attendance on their mistress#aff1 a dress of coarse material with long sleeves reaching to the wrist4 ,they are clearly mourning slave-girls1 who were placed on the grave of their mistress to commemorate her wealth and her kindness to her dependants4 ,we next approach the rich series of sepulchral reliefs1 in which1 as we have already shown1 three periods are to be distinguished3 first1 that before the ,persian ,war2 second1 the fifth and fourth centuries2 and third1 the later age4 ,in this chapter we deal with the representations which are primarily portraits1 leaving more complicated scenes for the next chapter4 ,among the best-known of the works of early ,athenian art is the stele of ,aristion1 which was found in #ahch in the midst of a tumulus at ,velanideza in ,attica4 ,simple and in details clumsy1 the figure of the warrior 7,pl4 ,,ix ,a7 on that stele is singularly pleasing as a whole1 and the unrivalled eye of ,brunn saw in it1 at a time when very little was known as to the early art of ,athens1 the whole promise of the ,attic art of the future1 more especially in the way in which it occupied the field of the relief1 and was wrought into a composition which showed in all its navet a fine sense of proportion and of the relation of the part to the whole4 ,as if on a parade1 the soldier stands in helmet and cuirass1 grasping his spear1 and waiting the word of command4 ,the hair and the right hand especially show the limitations imposed on the artist by the undeveloped character of his technique4 ,yet the relief is justly a favourite with lovers of art4 ,one of its charms our plate imperfectly reproduces1 the delicate remains of colouring1 which may still be traced on the marble1 and which are repeated on the casts in our cast collections4 ,from the same cemetery as this work of the sculptor ,aristocles comes another stele adorned1 not with relief1 but ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,ix ,page #adj with painting#afg1 and bearing the inscription1 4 ,the colour has indeed disappeared with time1 but the patience of ,mr4 ,thiersch and of ,dr4 ,loeschcke has succeeded in proving its former presence from the variety of preservation of the surface of the marble1 the parts of it which were protected by colour having retained the original surface1 while those which were not so protected suffered from corrosion4 ,we can clearly trace the outlines of the figure of ,lyseas1 a bearded man1 who stands1 holding in one hand a winecup1 in the other a bough for lustration4 ,below is a jockey1 seated on a galloping horse1 doubtless a memorial of some victory won in the great games4 ,lyseas is clad in civic dress1 and in this respect he resembles another person of distinction whose stele reaches us from ,boeotia1 and was executed by the artist ,alxenor of ,naxos 7,pl4 ,,ix ,b74 ,this delightful monument represents a worthy ,greek citizen in one of his lighter moods4 ,standing in a position of ease1 he rests his weight on a staff which supports his shoulder1 and holds out in sport a grasshopper to a favourite dog1 who leaps up in an attitude somewhat constrained1 and clearly resulting from the narrow limits of the monument4 ,the inscription added by the artist is as delightfully simple as the representation itself3 #8,alxenor of ,naxos fashioned me3 only look6' ,alxenor was a native of ,naxos1 ,aristocles probably of a ,parian family2 these are facts1 among others1 which confirm the view put forth by ,loeschcke and ,furtwngler1 that the stele with portrait is of ,ionian origin1 and imported into ,greece together with the marble of the islands of the ,asiatic coast1 and with the sculptors who came to exercise their hereditary skill in carving that marble4 ,it is difficult to prove to demonstration any assertion in regard to the art of ,ionia1 as the remains which will finally establish or condemn such assertions still lie beneath the soil of ,miletus1 ,ephesus1 ,phocaea1 and the other great ,ionian settlements of the coast4 ,but we can assert with reasonable confidence1 that as ,greece owed conservatism and ancestor-worship to the rigid ,dorians1 so she owed progress in art and all the delights of life to the joyous ,ionian strain2 and portraiture has in it the human and individual character which belongs especially to the ,ionians4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ec4 ,,seated ,,hero4 ,another relief1 now preserved at ,ince ,blundell ,hall#afh 7,fig4 #ec71 sets before us a typical ,greek citizen1 seated in dignified fashion4 ,from the artistic point of view it is interesting to see how completely1 even in the archaic period1 the sculptor has attained the art of displaying rather than concealing the bodily forms by means of the drapery4 ,whence this relief may have come we know not4 ,but it is of ,parian marble1 and the comparison of other reliefs indicates for it an ,ionian origin1 perhaps on one of the islands of the ,aegean4 ,we miss the attributes which in the stelae of ,sparta refer to the cultus of ancestors4 ,it is1 however1 impossible to be sure that they were originally wanting4 ,for it seems clear that on the right hand1 which lies palm upwards1 some attribute rested which was indicated in colour1 perhaps a flat cup1 while the raised left hand may have held a flower4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ed4 ,,head ,,of ,,youth ,,holding ,,discus4 ,the stelae of youths are in the early age more common than those of grown men4 ,as we might expect1 the portraits of young men1 even from their tombs1 are marked by an athletic tinge4 ,in the wall of ,themistocles1 already mentioned1 near the ,dipylon gate of ,athens1 was found the head of a young man1 who had probably been a winner in the pentathlon1 a combination of five contests--hurling the spear1 throwing the discus1 leaping1 running1 and wrestling#afi4 ,the victors in this complicated sport appear in their statues holding either spear or discus or the weights 77 used in leaping4 ,in the present case it is the discus which has the preference 7,fig4 #ed74 ,held up in the left hand1 the discus forms a sort of background or frame to the remarkable head1 with its long arched nose1 its wide-open archaic eye1 and the long mass of its hair falling down the neck4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ee4 ,,dermys ,,and ,,citylus4 ,to this work1 which is1 for the time1 of finished style and execution1 a strong contrast is presented by an extraordinary monument of ,boeotia 7,fig4 #ee71 from the tomb of two brothers1 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,x ,page #add ,dermys and ,citylus#agj4 ,the artist certainly meant rightly1 and he has succeeded in conveying to future times the impression of the mutual affection of the pair1 who stand with the arm of each thrown round the other's neck1 in a fashion peculiar to lovers and schoolboys4 ,but unfortunately his ambition was beyond his skill1 and the extraordinary rigidity and helplessness of the group are even more conspicuous than its good motive4 ,it is hard to see whence the arms come and whither they go2 and it is quite clear that unless the sculptor had added the name of each brother in the marble1 their best friends would have been unable to discern which was which4 ,the inscription further records the name of the person who erected the tomb3 #8,set up by ,amphalces in memory of ,dermys and ,citylus4' ,coming down to a somewhat later time1 we are compelled by the abundance of the material to select a few portraits of men as typical1 and to pass over the great majority of them in silence4 ,a thoroughly typical portrait of an ,athenian citizen of the fifth century is found in the stele of ,tynnias1 the son of ,tynnon 7,pl4 ,x74 ,tynnias is seated holding a long staff1 his garment thrown loosely over his shoulders but leaving his breast bare4 ,the work is not very careful1 yet it would not be easy to find in art a figure of greater grace and dignity4 ,this mere mortal would sit undisgraced among the seated gods of the frieze of the ,parthenon4 ,he might almost stand for ,zeus1 the father of gods and men1 instead of for the father of ordinary ,athenian girls and boys4 ,only in one point does his humanity come out clearly4 ,the chair on which he is seated is not such a square high-backed throne as would suit a deity1 or such as commonly appears on tombs1 but a thoroughly domestic chair1 such as we see in the domestic interiors of vases 7see ,figs4 #aj and #fi74 ,the back slopes at a comfortable angle1 and the legs diverge so far apart that it could only with great difficulty be overturned4 ,since the ,chippendale reaction we have accepted the notion that chairs with bent legs are not artistic1 but it is clear that some skilful ,greek sculptors were of another opinion4 ,the boots of ,tynnias also are not the sandals of ordinary ,greek art1 but leather boots not unlike ours4 ,the simple form of this monument with its shallow pediment contrasts with the more highly developed and elegant stelae of the fourth century2 the rough surface below shows where it was let into a socket4 ,it is in fact an ordinary roadside tomb2 can we wonder that the nation which had such perfect taste in common things attained so perfect a sense of beauty in form and dignity in deportment8 ,to the peaceful ,tynnias a striking contrast is offered by the figures of citizens who fell in battle1 and whose graves are a memorial of their warlike prowess4 ,we give three examples4 ,first1 the tomb of ,aristonautes1 son of ,archenautes 7,pl4 ,,xi74 ,this is almost the only example which has come down to us of a complete or temple4 ,the letters of the inscription indicate the earlier part of the fourth century4 ,aristonautes is represented in the act of charging the enemy2 he wears a conical helmet adorned with ornaments of gilt-bronze#aga1 and a cuirass2 in his hands were sword or spear and shield4 ,the relief is so high that the figure is almost in the round1 to which circumstance we must attribute the loss of the left leg1 which is now replaced in plaster4 ,a chlamys lies on the left shoulder4 ,the ground on which the hero charges is the rocky soil of some battlefield2 the background was painted blue to bring out strongly the manly lines of the form4 ,this monument comes from the ,cerameicus at ,athens4 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xi ,page #adf ,it would not be easy to imagine a more vigorous and lifelike image of a fallen warrior than this4 ,drapery and bodily forms alike are of the noblest4 ,the face1 with its square form1 overhanging eyebrows1 and parted lips1 breathes the very spirit of military ardour4 ,such as every friend of ,aristonautes would wish him to look when he sprang forward in his last fatal rush upon the foe1 such he stands in imperishable marble4 ,a grave in ,westminster ,abbey is supposed to recompense the ,english soldier for pain and untimely death1 but surely the idea of living in marble under the eyes of all his fellow-citizens might furnish at least as strong an impulse to valiant deeds as the thought of a modern cathedral with its tasteless monuments and inanimate likenesses4 ,it would1 however1 be a mistake to suppose that this figure1 for all its lifelikeness1 is an individual portrait4 ,it is too strongly marked by the style of one of the noblest of ,attic sculptors1 ,scopas1 to allow us to doubt that there is in it a strong ideal element4 ,another monument of the same school is the well-known relief 7,pl4 ,,xii7 in which we see ,dexileos of the ,athenian cavalry riding down and transfixing an overthrown foe1 who vainly tries to strike back#agb4 ,the inscription beneath this relief1 which comes from a small chapel near the ,dipylon gate of ,athens1 proves that it was executed in memory of a horseman who fell in the ,corinthian ,war of #cid ,b4,c4 ,history records that in the battle the ,athenians were defeated1 and one is tempted to pause for a moment to consider how a modern sculptor would have represented ,dexileos4 ,an artist such as those who have modelled the tombs of ,st4 ,paul's and ,westminster would probably have sculptured him smitten to death1 falling back in the arms of a grateful country2 perhaps would have added above an angel crowning him with a wreath of celestial reward4 ,but the ,greek artists of the good period could not find in defeat and death any elements worthy of their art3 they must represent those whom they portrayed in the moment of success and victory1 not in that of overthrow4 ,the difference is very suggestive4 ,infinitely inferior to ,greek art in charm1 in simplicity and dignity1 modern art introduces higher elements than were usually taken into account in ,hellas4 ,from the artistic point of view the ancients were right2 but from the ethical point of view there may be more to be said for the moderns4 ,illustration3 ,,fig #ef4 ,,warrior ,,of ,,tegea4 ,a more modest memorial of a warrior comes from ,tegea#agc 7,fig4 #ef74 ,in the relief we see a man named ,lisas in the ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xii ,page #adh guise not of a hoplite but of a peltast or auxiliary4 ,his defensive armour consists only of a conical helmet and a shield4 ,his chiton is girt only on the left shoulder1 so as to leave the right arm perfectly free4 ,what he carried in the right hand we cannot be sure4 ,it was filled in in colour1 and has disappeared4 ,the attitude makes us at first think of a sling4 ,but it is more likely that the weapon was a light javelin for throwing4 ,lisas is evidently advancing over rocky ground to the attack4 ,from monuments of warriors we pass to those of young athletes2 and in ,greece almost every man who died before coming to full maturity appears on his tomb in athletic guise4 ,the exercises of the palaestra were not reserved1 as among us1 for a certain number of the most robust young men1 but were1 like the military service with which they were nearly connected1 a part of the life of every man not given up to sloth and luxury4 ,on ,pl4 ,,xiii is a noble figure of an athletic ephebus4 ,he stands solidly on flat feet1 naked but for a chlamys which he holds with the right hand1 while the left grasps strigil and oil-flask1 the necessaries of the life of the athlete4 ,the bare body is treated with utmost simplicity and without a trace of self-consciousness4 ,a dog sits at his master's feet with nose upturned4 ,this monument is from ,thespiae in ,boeotia1 and must date from the middle of the fifth century3 the letters over the head1 1 are1 it need scarcely be said1 of much later times1 proving that this stele1 like so many at ,athens1 was used again in ,roman times to mark a fresh tomb4 ,of somewhat later date is the relief on an ,attic lekythos 7,fig4 #eg71 in which we find an athlete exercising himself#agd4 ,stark naked1 according to the invariable custom of the ,greek palaestra1 he rests his weight on one leg1 while on the other he balances a heavy stone ball1 such a ball as was actually found in the gymnasium of ,pompeii4 ,this was doubtless an exercise of the class used for training special muscles and producing a perfect physical development4 ,in front of the athlete stands a slave-boy1 holding his oil-flask1 and behind him is a pillar on which is his garment4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #eg4 ,,athlete ,,balancing ,,stone4 ,a stele from ,thespiae1 of the middle of the fifth century#age 7,fig4 #eh71 presents us with the figure of a young horseman1 seated on a galloping horse4 ,he wears the chiton and the ,thessalian horseman's cloak1 the chlamys4 ,the reins were filled in in bronze2 the holes for fixing the metal being still visible in the horse's mouth and neck4 ,the easy and masterly ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xiii ,page #aej seat of the rider1 and the noble forms of the horse1 place this relief among the most pleasing which we possess4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #eh4 ,,young ,,horseman4 ,a fine monument of the age and style of ,pheidias comes from ,aegina 7,pl4 ,,xiv74 ,carved on it is the beautiful figure of a young man clad in a mantle1 who holds in his left hand a bird1 and extends the right without obvious purpose#agf4 ,by this hand is a bird-cage2 under it is a sepulchral monument1 against which a boy leans1 and on the top of which is a sculptured cat4 ,the cat was well known in ,egypt in antiquity1 but the ,greeks were unfamiliar with it1 and its presence in this connexion is curious4 ,the young man reminds us by the form of his head and his garment of the youths of the ,parthenon frieze1 who are his contemporaries and may come from the same chisel4 ,the beautiful ornament which surmounts the group forms in its extreme gracefulness a fitting boundary to it4 ,another striking group 7,pl4 ,,xv7 comes from the bed of the ,ilissus4 ,it is nearly a century later in date than the last-mentioned4 ,we see in it a youth of magnificent proportions1 half sitting on and half leaning against a sepulchral column4 ,in the left hand he grasps a short staff1 which rests on his knee4 ,at his feet is a dog scenting the quarry2 on the steps of the stele is seated in an attitude of dejection a young boy1 while an old man1 no doubt the father of him to whom the tomb belongs1 gazes earnestly into his face4 ,no doubt this vigorous young man was a hunter of hares1 the short staff being such as hunters used to throw at the prey4 ,nothing but the view of the original of this wonderful relief1 or at least of a cast of it1 suffices to make one appreciate quite adequately its beauty4 ,with these reliefs we may compare an epitaph#agg1 written by an anonymous author to be placed on the tomb of a young man named ,pericles4 ,from the description of the relief which the tomb bore it is clear that the implements of the chase were represented in it in detail2 this would be quite natural in the ,hellenistic age1 as we may see by comparing several examples in the ,museum at ,athens#agh3-- ,a marble tomb ,i stand for ,archias' son1 ,young ,pericles1 and speak his hunting done4 ,the horse1 the spear1 in my relief are set1 ,the dogs1 the stakes1 and on the stakes the net4 ,yet all are stone4 ,the beasts their pleasure take ,around2 thy wakeless sleep they cannot break4 ,in the last two cases a stele has been present in the background1 and a boy shows by his attitude and expression traces of grief4 ,by such gentle hints does the sculptor of ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xiv ,page #aeb ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xv ,page #aeb ,greece shadow forth rather than express his meaning4 ,the deceased himself is in both cases represented in the perfection of health and vigour2 it is only the minor characters of the groups who give a suggestion of the mortality of such perfection4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ei4 ,,stele ,,of ,,democleides4 ,but the young men of ,athens were not all notable for warlike prowess or skill in the palaestra4 ,another relief#agi represents a youth seated reading from a scroll4 ,he was either an author or an ardent student of letters4 ,the work is of the fourth century4 ,in our chapter on epitaphs may be found several destined for the tombs of those who excelled rather in intellectual pursuits than those of the gymnasium4 ,in some cases the reference to the past life of the deceased and the manner of his death is clearer and more explicit4 ,for example1 one ,democleides 7,fig4 #ei7 is represented on his tomb as seated in an attitude of dejection on the deck of a galley#ahj4 ,his head rests on his hand2 behind him lie his shield and helmet4 ,no doubt he was a soldier who perished at sea1 whether in a naval engagement or by shipwreck4 ,an epigram in the ,anthology#aha1 by an unknown writer1 was evidently written to be placed under some such representation as this3-- ,a vessel's oars and prow ,i here behold4 ,o cease6 why paint them o'er the ashes cold8 ,nay6 let the shipwrecked sailor underground ,forget the fate which 'mid the waves he found4 ,it has been pointed out that1 in the reliefs of tombs1 the persons represented usually merge their individual peculiarities1 and appear as types4 ,but few rules are without exceptions3 and1 as an exception1 ,i engrave 7,fig4 #fj7 a highly characteristic portrait of an elderly man1 who appears in the background of a group of the fourth century#ahb4 ,it is not what we should call a classical type1 but full of character and energy1 and quite individual in character4 ,the early art of ,greece is seldom very successful in dealing with children4 ,children did not1 in the great age of ,hellas1 interest the ,greeks as they do us2 they were valued rather for what they would become than for what they were4 ,thus the representations of them are made too much in the light of the future1 and boys and girls on the monuments are figured as little men and women4 ,this was the more natural ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fj4 ,,elderly ,,man1 ,,from ,,stele4 as children had no childish dress1 but wore clothes like those of adults4 ,one has only to compare1 in the celebrated group of ,praxiteles1 the figure of the child ,dionysus with that of ,hermes1 who carries him1 to realize fully the lacuna thus produced in ancient art4 ,an early ,athenian stele 7,fig4 #fa7 bears in relief the figure of a young boy named ,callistratus81 who holds in one hand a bird1 while a dog leaps up to greet him4 ,the name being incomplete1 some have regarded the child as a girl1 and in fact the decision as to the sex is not easy4 ,turning from men to women1 we may cite a few instances of the characteristic portrait1 though1 generally speaking1 the tombs of women are decorated with such groups as we shall deal with in the next chapter4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fa4 ,,boy1 ,,from ,,stele4 ,first we may take a stone 7,pl4 ,,xvi71 the very form of which1 with the rough surface of the lower half1 sufficiently proves that it was placed directly in the ground or the mound of earth which covered the grave#ahc4 ,the device is simple1 a veiled matron seated1 holding in her hands attributes the nature of which is not easily determined1 but which may be ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xvi ,page #aef ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fb4 ,,portrait ,,of ,,mynno4 a cake and a bird1 and in any case must be regarded as gifts of the survivors4 ,the work is archaic1 even earlier in character than the ,persian ,wars1 according to the editors of the ,corpus4 ,in another early relief 7,fig4 #fb71 which bears the name of ,mynno#ahd1 we may see under the seat of the lady a work basket1 such as we have already observed placed under the so-called ,penelope's seat4 ,with both hands ,mynno twists her thread on a distaff1 which is visible immediately under her left arm4 ,the form of the stele indicates the fifth century2 and it is noteworthy that the art of the time had not yet mastered the problem of presenting the breast in true profile3 while ,mynno's face is turned to the right1 her bosom appears to be turned rather towards the spectator1 and even the further knee is represented with some clumsiness4 ,beside these simple and characteristic portraits of seated women we must place a standing figure4 ,the stele bears the name of ,amphotto1 and comes from ,thebes 7,pl4 ,,xvii74 ,there is here1 as in many ,boeotian monuments1 a pleasing absence of convention4 ,the dress of ,amphotto is arranged in an unusual manner2 her hair streams down her back4 ,she seems at first sight quite an ordinary mortal2 yet there are features in the representation which belong to another sphere4 ,on the girl's head is a tall circular crown1 of the kind called by archaeologists the polus1 which is a distinguishing mark of goddesses in early art4 ,in her hands also are perhaps a flower 7represented in painting and so lost7 and a fruit1 which are the characteristic offerings to the dead1 and remind us of the ,lycian and ,spartan monuments of the cultus of heroes4 ,the ,amphotto stele belongs to the middle of the fifth century4 ,of the same age is an interesting slab at the ,british ,museum#ahe1 on which is depicted a woman seated1 also wearing the polus4 ,she holds in one hand a leaf-shaped fan1 of the same kind which the statuettes of ,tanagra commonly hold2 and in the other hand a cup from which a serpent feeds4 ,the serpent here takes us still nearer to the ideas which gave rise to the ,spartan stelae4 ,a class of reliefs must not be omitted which represents ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xvii ,page #aeh ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fc4 ,,girl ,,with ,,doll4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fd4 ,,priestess ,,of ,,isis4 young girls holding dolls4 ,the specimen engraved 7,fig4 #fc7 is from the tomb of one ,aristomache#ahf4 ,aristomache is about thirteen or fourteen years old2 the undeveloped breast shows her not to have attained full womanhood4 ,her head1 gently bent1 is turned towards a little figure1 no doubt intended for a terra-cotta statuette1 which she holds in her right hand4 ,this statuette might perhaps represent a deity2 but the comparison of other reliefs#ahg1 where a doll is certainly represented1 makes us disposed to see one here also4 ,greek girls were allowed dolls until they married1 when they often dedicated them1 with balls and other girlish toys1 to some female deity#ahh4 ,the presence of the doll1 then1 shows that ,aristomache has not yet taken a husband and laid aside infants of terra-cotta for those of flesh4 ,finally1 we engrave 7,fig4 #fd7 a characteristic figure of a priestess of ,isis#ahi1 from a tomb on which she appears1 probably in company of her parents1 but they have been broken away4 ,in the stiff and formal dress of her calling she advances1 bearing in her hands the sistrum and vase of the goddess who1 of all the deities1 was most closely associated with the future life4 ,to her patronage and protection her priestess trusts for a prosperous voyage past the dangers of the last voyage1 and a happy resting-place in ,hades4 ,the letters of the name1 ,alexandra1 show that the monument belongs to the ,roman age1 though it is by no means wanting in charm4 ,this figure is characteristic of the late age of ,attic reliefs1 but parallels to it at an earlier period are not wanting4 ,for example1 an ,athenian tomb of the fourth century#aij shows us a lady seated1 to whom a young girl brings a tympanum or drum1 the special instrument of the ,phrygian ,goddess ,cybele4 ,and a metrical inscription1 which accompanies the design1 tells us that the deceased lady was a priestess of ,cybele4 ,cybele1 at an earlier time1 filled in some respects nearly the same place in the religion of the ,athenians which ,isis took in ,hellenistic days4 ,the paths of the dead were under her guardianship1 and she might be trusted to ensure to her votaries a place in the world below4 ,,chapter ,x ,,family ,,groups ,we next reach the ordinary family groups1 a class of representations usual in the most beautiful and distinctive of the ,athenian stelae4 ,it is these which have captivated a long series of travellers and artists from ,goethe onwards2 and it is these which naturally rise before the imagination when the cemeteries of ,athens are spoken of4 ,goethe has observed that the wind which blows from the tombs of the ancients comes with gentle breath as over a hill of roses4 ,and there is no other series of monuments which seems to take us so readily into the daily life of the ,greeks and to make us feel that they were men and women of like nature with ourselves1 no longer cold and classic1 but full of the warm blood and the gentle affections of ordinary humanity4 ,it is the natural pathos and the artistic charm of the family groups which adorn the majority of the tombs of ancient ,athens1 which strongly impress all visitors to that beautiful city1 even visitors to whom most of the works of ,greek sculpture do not convey any strong emotion4 ,there is scarcely any one1 however hardened by ,puritanic training or the ubiquitous ugliness of modern surroundings against what is simple and true and lovely in art1 who does not feel1 through the hard shell of ,philistinism1 some touchings of sympathy and delight1 if he spends a morning in the ,cerameicus1 or an afternoon in the sepulchral rooms of the ,national ,museum4 ,the influence of ancient ,athens has made the cemetery of modern ,athens1 in spite of many incongruities1 one of the most beautiful in the world4 ,if1 with the remembrance of ,athens still fresh1 we visit the great cemeteries of ,london1 it is impossible to express the feeling of ugliness and bad taste1 of jejuneness in design and poverty of execution with which they oppress the spirits4 ,religious hope and consolation are among us1 a chill resignation was the natural attitude of the ,greeks in the presence of death2 and yet we counterbalance the superiority of our religion by the inferiority of our taste and perceptions4 ,it is very notable how complete in all these representations is the predominance of women1 and how domestic is their tone4 ,this fact can only be explained when we consider that these monuments belong1 in the great majority of cases1 to the time after the political greatness of ,athens had been shattered at the battle of ,aegospotami4 ,in ancient ,greece generally1 and more especially at ,athens1 men gave to their wives and families only such time and care as they could spare from more engrossing occupations4 ,by nature the ,athenians were intensely political4 ,and while ,athens was a ruling power1 and every citizen had a part in the game of politics played on a great scale1 it was to public life that their thoughts and energies were directed1 and the life of the home remained very much in the background4 ,every scholar is familiar with the contemptuous language applied by ,aristophanes and ,euripides to women2 and ,xenophon in his ,oeconomics regards that girl as best bred who had seen and heard the least1 and had but the virtue of modesty4 ,secluded homes like these were not likely to claim very much of the life of the man whose whole soul was bent on the extension of the ,athenian ,empire4 ,the fact is that all noble deeds in the world are bought at a price1 and part of the price paid for the unrivalled burst of public splendour at ,athens in the fifth century was the seclusion of women and the institution of slavery4 ,but even in the ,oeconomics of ,xenophon we have the picture of a worthy citizen who gives much time and care to his home and his wife4 ,and as public life decayed in the fourth century1 and as manners became less severe1 women became a more important element in the life of the community4 ,the wife was no longer looked on as merely necessary for the production of citizens1 while the courtesan accumulated vast wealth1 and sometimes built temples or gave away cities4 ,it is in the fourth century that a growing sympathy for child-life makes the children in ,attic sculpture cease to be little men and women1 and become real children4 ,and it is the art of the fourth century which gives for the first time a noble and ideal expression of the life of the family1 and the mutual love of its members4 ,the best plan will be1 first to set before the reader several characteristic specimens of family groups1 and afterwards to discuss the questions1 many and not easily answered1 which they suggest4 ,on ,pl4 ,,xviii will be found a somewhat exceptional subject1 father and children only4 ,seated on a chair of the convenient domestic shape1 ,euempolus1 as he is styled in the inscription1 holds in one hand a bird1 and extends a finger of the other hand to the children in front of him1 of whom the nearer1 clad in an over-garment only1 seems to be a boy2 the further1 who wears also a tunic1 is apparently a girl4 ,both have their long hair done up in a roll1 and both have the stiff air which is usual in case of children of the fifth century4 ,another work of the same early period is the stele of ,xanthippus in the ,british ,museum 7,fig4 #fe7aia4 ,the object in the hand of ,xanthippus has been a puzzle to archaeologists4 ,the prevailing view takes it for a shoe-maker's last1 and supposes that ,xanthippus1 far from being ashamed of his trade1 glories in it even on his ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xviii ,page #afd ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fe4 ,,xanthippus ,,and ,,children4 tomb4 ,but an objection to this view is that trades were certainly not held in high honour among freemen anywhere in ,greece4 ,the name ,xanthippus too1 which belonged to the family of ,pericles1 was one of the noblest at ,athens1 and it seems impossible that it can have been borne by a mere cobbler4 ,it seems more likely therefore that what ,xanthippus really holds is a votive offering2 perhaps some memorial of a cure wrought on one of his feet by ,asklepius4 ,the other hand of the hero rests on the neck of his little daughter1 while an older girl or perhaps his wife holds a bird4 ,the work is almost contemporary with the ,parthenon frieze2 the monument most dignified and charming4 ,the earliest and one of the most interesting of the groups which represent a mother and her children is the so-called ,leucothea relief in the ,villa ,albani 7,pl4 ,,xix74 ,a mother1 clad in a sleeved ,ionic tunic and an over-dress1 is seated dandling on her knee her youngest infant1 a little girl who stretches out to her a loving hand4 ,under the seat is the matronly work-basket4 ,in front two elder girls approach their mother1 and behind them a maid-servant1 also clad in the ,ionian dress1 brings a wreath4 ,before the consideration of this delightful group begins1 we must observe that the clumsy right hand of the infant and the head of the nurse are modern restorations4 ,the rest of the design1 though of archaic stiffness1 and dating from a time not later than the ,persian wars1 shows the greatest promise4 ,the arm of the mother as seen through the sleeve1 and the forms of the infant's body1 are rendered with care and delicacy4 ,it is only necessary to compare the details with those of the figures on the ,harpy ,tomb of ,xanthus 7,fig4 #bg7 in order to recognize how vastly superior the artists of ,greece proper at the time were to those of ,lycia1 especially in the sense of the proportions of the body1 and the art of so arranging drapery as to display rather than to conceal them4 ,in most respects we clearly have here an ordinary scene from the life of the women's apartments4 ,the mother has risen and breakfasted1 and the nurse brings her the children4 ,and yet there are in the scene certain details which probably have a special meaning4 ,the position and attitude of the two elder children remind us oddly of the little worshippers who appear in the corner of the ,spartan relief4 ,and the wreath1 though no doubt flowers and ribbons were continually used by both men and women in ,greece for the adornment ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xix ,page #aff of their persons1 is yet one of the most usual and characteristic decorations of the tomb4 ,it appears that here1 as in almost all the designs with which we are to deal1 there is some allusion to death1 as well as to mere domestic happiness4 ,this1 however1 is denied by some very competent archaeologists2 and we must postpone further discussion of the subject until we have passed under review a certain number of characteristic examples of the class4 ,a very simple and noble specimen of fifth-century work represents a mother and son1 ,chaerestrata and ,lysander#aib 7,pl4 ,,xx74 ,the mother is handing to the son by the wings a little bird4 ,the son1 a dignified youth1 wrapped in his himation #8like an image of modesty' as ,aristophanes puts it1 stretches out one hand to receive the gift4 ,on the ,lycian ,harpy ,tomb1 a youth presents in similar fashion to a seated male figure a dove held by the wings2 and this bird1 as the smallest and least expensive of animal offerings1 was a very usual gift to the dead4 ,lysanias is almost beyond doubt the person in whose honour the tomb was set up1 and his mother's gift can scarcely have failed to convey to the mind of a ,greek spectator some sepulchral significance4 ,a group of a very different kind appears in our next example#aic 7,pl4 ,,xxi74 ,a young man named ,dion is giving his hand to a very beautiful seated woman1 ,mica1 whose drapery is quite a model of arrangement4 ,her attention is divided between her companion and the mirror which she holds up in her left hand4 ,the pair are probably husband and wife1 and one may conjecture1 though it is by no means certain1 that it is the wife who died1 and to whom her young husband has set up this beautiful monument#aid4 ,a similar relief1 though of a later period1 found at ,naples#aie1 bears a simple and graceful epitaph3-- ,this pledge of love for ,aste ,daphnis made1 ,who loved her living1 and desires her dead4 ,the name ,mica1 ,little-one1 is fanciful1 and quite unlike the rather stately names usual at ,athens4 ,we might be tempted to see in the seated lady a courtesan2 but this view falls to the ground when we compare other stelae4 ,on one tomb a ,mica is in company of a ,philtate1 ,dearest2 in another she gives her hand to an ,ariste1 ,best#aif4 ,in another beautiful relief of the fifth century another ,mica takes leave of her husband ,amphidemus1 who is represented as a warrior setting out for war#aig4 ,it would seem then that there were certain families at ,athens in the fifth and fourth centuries which chose to give fanciful names to their daughters4 ,generally speaking1 the names both of men and women were assigned for sober family reasons1 and not in mere caprice4 ,before we consider the meaning of the sepulchral family groups1 and compare them one with another1 it will be well to bring before the reader a variety of typical examples1 which we will briefly describe in turn1 passing1 whenever possible1 from the simpler to the more complex1 and from the less expressive to the more expressive4 ,first1 we have a series of groups in which the main idea is leave-taking4 ,pl4 ,,xxii4 ,a lady clad in the sleeved ,ionian chiton and over-dress1 seated1 gives her hand to another who stands before her4 ,between the two1 in the background1 stands a bearded man whose head rests on his hand#aih4 ,the imperfect perspective of the group1 which may be observed specially in the breast of the seated lady and in the footstool1 seems to indicate the fifth ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xx ,page #afh ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxi ,page #afh ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxii ,page #afh century as date4 ,nothing1 except the somewhat pensive attitude of the man1 indicates that we have here anything but an excerpt from the ordinary daily life of the women's apartments4 ,pl4 ,,xxiii4 ,a seated lady1 represented in somewhat better perspective1 gives her hand to a bearded man who wears only the himation or cloak1 and seems to hold in the left hand a strigil4 ,between the two1 in the background1 stands a second lady in the accustomed pensive attitude4 ,behind the mistress's seat stands a young slave-girl1 clad in the long-sleeved chiton usually worn by maid-servants1 her hair wrapped in a kerchief4 ,in the face of the seated figure is a certain eagerness or intensity of expression1 which lifts the group somewhat above the level of everyday life2 besides which1 the symbolism of the sphinx1 which is used as a support to the arm of the chair1 has a sepulchral meaning4 ,above the seated figure is inscribed her name1 ,damasistrata1 daughter of ,polycleides4 ,pl4 ,,xxiv#aii4 ,a lady1 seated in the same fashion as in the last two reliefs1 stretches both her hands towards a matron who stands before her1 and who lightly touches her face with the right hand4 ,behind the seated figure stands a young girl2 beneath the seat is a dove feeding4 ,here the expression of the two principal persons1 leaning one towards the other and tenderly embracing one another1 has an obvious significance4 ,it is no embrace of daily life1 but one which goes before a long parting4 ,the frame in which this relief stands is a modern restoration4 ,fig4 #ffbjj4 ,a young woman1 identified by the inscription as ,plangon1 daughter of ,tolmides1 falls back1 evidently fainting with illness1 on a couch4 ,she is supported by a maid-servant1 whose rank is indicated by the kerchief which binds her hair1 and by her mother1 whose extended arms signify sympathy and grief4 ,the father1 ,tolmides1 stands on the left in an attitude of ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ff4 ,,dying ,,woman1 ,,from ,,stele4 grief4 ,this is an almost unique representation of the moment of death4 ,nearly always the ,attic artist1 whose invariable feeling is #8nothing in extremes1' avoids thus clearly portraying the last struggle1 and contents himself with some gentle hint of death4 ,here1 by a very instructive variation1 he is more explicit4 ,and his fortunate freedom from convention throws back a light on the other scenes which we have passed in review4 ,one of the epitaphs in the ,anthology#bja describes ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxiii ,page #agj ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxiv ,page #agj a painted scene of a similar character1 depicted on the tomb of a lady named ,neotima1 who was represented lying back in the exhaustion of death1 brought about by childbirth1 while her mother ,mnasylla hung over her1 and her father ,aristoteles stood by1 resting his head on his hand1 in the usual attitude of grief4 ,curiously enough1 the presence of the husband is not mentioned1 nor even his name4 ,perhaps the commonness of death in childbirth at ,athens needs a word of explanation4 ,it may be accounted for partly perhaps by the sedentary life of ,athenian women1 but more especially by the fact that help in the crisis was not usually afforded by physicians1 but by midwives1 who had had no training save that which is gained by practice4 ,the resort to male accoucheurs was condemned by the instinctive delicacy of the ,attic women4 ,we must cite one more relief of this class1 though it is of interest not for the representation which it bears1 which is quite ordinary1 but for the inscription#bjb4 ,a seated woman1 veiled1 gives her hand to a standing veiled figure1 a bearded man standing in the background4 ,over the head of the seated figure is inscribed1 4 ,choerine then is a wet-nurse1 and the lady to whom she gives her hand is probably her foster-child whom she has brought up1 and who1 even after marriage1 retains affection for her old nurse1 and erects a monument in honour of her fidelity4 ,this monument stands by no means alone2 it is one of many set up both by men and women in memory of their nurses4 ,such facts show that in ,greece1 though the nurse would commonly be a slave1 natural affection and gratitude often triumphed over social convention1 and she was regarded as a friend rather than as a dependant4 ,another group of reliefs is even more thoroughly feminine4 ,it is dominated by the idea of adornment4 ,the well-born ladies of ,athens took1 as we know1 great pains to enhance by art the charms which nature had liberally bestowed upon them4 ,the rouge-pot was a well-known part of their arsenal1 and is sometimes found in their graves4 ,they were not1 like modern women1 the humble slaves of a fashion which constantly changes4 ,the form and disposition of their garments varies but little from century to century4 ,but they were very particular as to pattern and texture1 and very careful that each garment should fall in the most graceful and becoming folds4 ,for jewelry they seem to have had a strong liking1 and it may be urged as a palliation of so frivolous a taste that the ,greek jewelry which has come down to us is in very good taste4 ,the custom of adorning oneself with huge diamonds and rubies1 as a proof of wealth1 would have been considered barbaric in ,greece4 ,jewelry was mainly of gold1 or even gilt bronze1 of little material value1 but wrought by cunning workmen1 in complete disregard of time1 with exquisite care and subtilty#bjc1 so as to be in itself a thing of art as well as a mere decoration4 ,if stones were inserted in the metal1 they were quite common stones1 sards and onyxes and the like1 not cut in facets1 but carved in the form of scarabs1 or engraved with beautifully cut designs in intaglio4 ,like the dress1 the pottery1 and the coins of the ,greeks1 and all the other surroundings of their life1 their jewels exhibited on a smaller scale the same unrivalled artistic taste which is shown on a larger scale by their temples and their sculpture4 ,pl4 ,,xxv4 ,hegeso1 daughter of ,proxenus1 is seated to left on a chair which is admirably shaped alike for comfort and steadiness4 ,her hair is bound with a beautifully arranged kerchief2 she wears the fine ,ionic chiton with sleeves and an over-dress4 ,she is looking at a necklace which she has drawn from a box held by a serving-girl1 and which she holds in both ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxv ,page #agb hands4 ,this necklace must have been represented either by help of colour or metal4 ,the slave-girl's more simple dress contrasts with the elegance of that of her mistress4 ,the work seems to belong to the early part of the fourth century4 ,this monument is not in the ,museum of ,athens1 but remains in its place in the ,cemetery by the ,gate4 ,pl4 ,,xxvi4 ,we have once more a group of lady and jewel-box4 ,but here the attendant who brings the box seems from her dress to be no slave1 but a sister or relative4 ,and the seated lady is not here attracted by the jewels1 but sits in pensive attitude2 it may be1 however1 that her right hand1 which is near her neck1 is holding a necklace already adjusted4 ,in some of the details in this relief there is clumsiness1 for example in the right arm of the standing figure2 nevertheless the design is very graceful4 ,pl4 ,,xxvii4 ,here is a further variation4 ,the standing sister or friend1 ,demostrate1 is evidently trying to tempt the taste of the seated ,ameiniche by offering her jewels1 but cannot even attract her attention4 ,with one hand resting on the seat of the squarely made chair1 ,ameiniche looks pensively outwards4 ,the artist seems to imply that when personal adornment ceases to interest a woman1 the shadow of fate is not far away4 ,a relief published in the ,corpus#bjd1 on which is depicted a lady and her attendant1 the former fastening a bracelet1 bears an inscription which at once interests us 7,fig4 #fg74 ,the seated lady is named ,phaenarete1 a name borne by the mother of ,socrates4 ,it would be a strange freak of fortune if it had preserved to us the tomb of the mother of ,socrates1 engaged in an occupation scarcely in harmony with the character of her son4 ,it is curious that there is something to be said in favour of this view1 and no decisive argument against it4 ,the date of ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fg4 ,,stele ,,of ,,phaenarete4 ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxvi ,page #agd ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxvii ,page #agd the relief is given by ,furtwngler#bje as the ,pheidian age2 most archaeologists would probably place it rather later1 but still well within the fifth century4 ,phaenarete gave birth to ,socrates about ,b4,c4 #dgj2 but when she died we know not3 there is certainly no reason why she should not have died at about the date of execution of this relief4 ,whether she was old or young at the time of her death would make no serious difference2 on her tomb an ideal figure would appear and no true portrait4 ,but it may be said that the parents of ,socrates were poor2 his father ,sophroniscus was a second-rate sculptor1 his mother was a midwife#bjf3 is it likely that such people could afford so expensive a tomb8 ,to which it may be replied that ,socrates certainly inherited a small fortune4 ,and it appears that the fine tombs at ,athens did not belong by any means exclusively to the wealthy class4 ,again1 ,sophroniscus was a sculptor2 a tomb of somewhat sumptuous style would therefore cost him far less than the usual price4 ,and the profession of a midwife1 in a city where such duties were undertaken ordinarily by women1 might be fairly lucrative4 ,on the other hand1 the name ,phaenarete does not appear to have been at all rare at ,athens4 ,it occurs on three or four existing stelae1 some of which belong to the fifth century#bjg4 ,much therefore as we should desire to find in our stele a record of the mother of ,socrates executed either by ,sophroniscus1 or even by ,socrates himself1 who in his youth followed his father's craft1 we cannot do so with any confidence4 ,such an attribution remains a bare possibility1 and we have no means of testing it4 ,pl4 ,,xxviii4 ,here there are obviously preparations for a journey4 ,the principal figure is ,ameinocleia1 daughter of ,andromenes4 ,she is clad in a long chiton and an over-dress which serves also as a veil4 ,a slave is putting on her sandal1 during which process she steadies herself by resting a hand on the girl's head4 ,in front is a friend who bears a box of jewelry4 ,the fair ,ameinocleia is evidently setting out on a journey4 ,and it seems evident that there is an allusion to a solemn departure on a journey whence none returns1 although in the details of the representation we find no clear suggestion of death4 ,that is unnecessary when the whole group is itself an allusion to it4 ,some writers have doubted whether in the scenes of hand-taking and of adornment there be anything beyond an ordinary scene of daily life1 a domestic interior4 ,the stele of ,ameinocleia furnishes reasons for declining to agree with them4 ,as we have seen1 in the hand-taking scenes more emotion is commonly visible than an ordinary family scene would warrant4 ,and reflection soon shows that even in scenes of adornment the notion of parting is in place4 ,the ,greek lady especially adorned herself when she was preparing to go abroad1 to take part1 maybe1 in some procession in honour of the gods or some marriage festivity4 ,thus the notions of adornment and of leaving home are naturally connected4 ,no doubt in these scenes there may be traced another element1 one derived from the custom of placing ornaments in the tomb and bringing offerings to the dead4 ,we can trace this influence by means of the paintings of the white lekythi of which we have spoken in ,chapter ,,ii4 ,on these vases are depicted innumerable scenes from the cult of the dead1 among which we often find ladies seated and attendants bringing offerings4 ,we engrave an example#bjh 7,fig4 #fh74 ,here the lady who is seated on the steps of the tomb seems to be the person for whom that tomb was made4 ,she holds on her knees a box of jewelry2 on either side of the tomb stands a maid-servant4 ,in other instances#bji the maids bring unguent-vases1 fans1 and ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxviii ,page #agf ,illustration3 ,,fig #fh4 ,,scene ,,at ,,tomb4 other articles of the toilet4 ,these groups1 however1 are but translations into the realm of death of scenes of daily life1 such as are common on ,attic vases of the fifth and fourth centuries4 ,these vases often show us the interior of the women's apartments1 with ladies dressing or engaged in domestic occupation4 ,as an example we may take a pyxis published by ,dumont#baj1 on which are depicted a lady with her hair down1 to whom one maid brings a necklace1 and another a vessel of ointment1 and another lady whose shoe is being laced by a slave-girl4 ,another vase1 published by ,heydemann#baa 7,fig4 #fi71 shows us a seated woman to whom an attendant brings a box of jewelry1 and a family group of father1 mother1 and child4 ,the likeness of these groups to those of the sepulchral reliefs is striking4 ,the question which is the original in art1 the domestic interior or the offering at the tomb1 is not an easy one4 ,the former class of scenes is ,ionic1 the latter ,doric in character4 ,both make their appearance on ,attic works at about the same time4 ,it is a case like that of the meeting of two streams1 when it is impossible to say which is the main river and which the tributary4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #fi4 ,,domestic ,,scene4 ,we have already observed 7,chap4 ,,viii7 that a not unfrequent form of monument at ,athens in the later period was a flat slab 771 in which were inserted one or more stone lekythi adorned with reliefs4 ,the reliefs are in such cases ordinarily family groups2 and the juxtaposition of several of these lekythi in museums has demonstrated some facts not without interest4 ,it appears that sometimes when a family grave was acquired1 and covered with a slab1 a pair of marble vases were inserted in it1 the reliefs of both of which comprise ,illustration3 ,,figs4 #gj ,,and #ga4 ,,family ,,groups4 the same set of persons in a somewhat varied arrangement4 ,an instance is engraved 7,figs4 #gj1 #ga74 ,on these lekythi#bab ,callistomache appears seated1 ,aristion and ,timagora standing2 the main difference is that in one case the seated lady faces the right1 in the other case the left4 ,on another pair of lekythi we see two husbands1 ,mys and ,meles1 with their wives1 ,metrodora and ,philia4 ,on one vase the two husbands have joined hands1 while the women stand behind them2 on the other vase the wives have joined hands1 while the men stand in the background#bac4 ,sometimes on the lekythi which stood together1 either on the same slab or on slabs closely adjacent1 we can trace the successive generations of ,athenian citizens1 their names recurring commonly in alternate generations4 ,in a very few instances a deity makes his appearance in the ordinary family groups4 ,the deity who thus intervenes is always ,hermes1 the guide of souls 7,psychopompus71 who leads them down the dangerous road to the world of spirits4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #gb4 ,,stele ,,of ,,myrrhina4 ,most noteworthy among the stelae on which ,hermes appears is that shaped in the form of a lekythus1 and bearing the name ,myrrhina#bad 7,fig4 #gb74 ,in the relief we see the graceful figure of the lady1 closely wrapped up and veiled1 giving her hand to ,hermes1 who leads her forth1 looking back at her the while4 ,an old man and youths1 probably the father and brothers of ,myrrhina1 stand1 the former with raised hand in the attitude appropriate to adoration#bae4 ,this is doubtless a real tombstone2 but the same can scarcely be said of the beautiful relief which represents the final parting of ,orpheus and ,eurydice 7,pl4 ,,xxix74 ,orpheus has dared the perils of the world below and surmounted them4 ,he has led the recovered ,eurydice to the very confines of the world of shades2 and at that moment his disobedience to the law of ,hades1 which forbade him to look back1 has once more deprived him of his bride4 ,hermes claims her back1 and the lovers must part finally#baf4 ,that this beautiful relief1 the date of the original of which is about #djj ,b4,c41 has some connexion with the grave seems clear2 the subject is sepulchral1 and the sentiment of the group1 gentle and subdued1 is closely like that of ,athenian tombs4 ,at the same time the form of the relief1 low and broad1 proves that it is not part of an ordinary monument3 rather it was meant to be inserted in a wall4 ,it may be a sort of #8elegant extract1' like so many of the copies of the ,roman age4 ,the subject and treatment of some celebrated sepulchral monument may have been copied in marble for a ,roman amateur1 and taken out of its original connexion4 ,,chapter ,,xi ,,meaning ,,and ,,style ,,of ,,the ,,reliefs ,for the interpretation and full appreciation of the ,attic reliefs1 it is important to discuss somewhat carefully a fundamental question1 which may be set forth in several ways4 ,is their allusion primarily to the life of the past or the life of the future8 ,is the scene of them ,athens or ,hades8 ,is the hand-taking a sign of parting or of re-union in a world of spirits8 ,in a word1 do they point backward or forward8 ,in this controversy the names of eminent archaeologists appear on both sides4 ,but to the ,english reader it will be more satisfactory to find a brief statement of the arguments cited on this side and on that1 than to learn what line has been taken by the various authorities#bag4 ,the view which makes the future the time1 and the spiritworld the scene of the sculptured reliefs has in its favour many analogies1 and will naturally commend itself to those who are attracted by the investigations of comparative religion4 ,there can be little doubt that the seated pair of the ,spartan monuments are regarded as holding their court as heroized dead4 ,and a number of intermediate links connect these clearly marked memorials of ancestor-worship with the usual ,attic groups in an almost uninterrupted series1 so that to draw ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxix ,page #ahb a line of division at any point between backward-looking and forward-looking representations is by no means easy4 ,let us follow a few of these series4 ,in the ,spartan relief 7,pl4 ,,ii7 the heroic pair hold in their hands the winecup and the pomegranate1 drink and food of spirits4 ,the hero of ,fig4 #cj holds both4 ,both may be found repeatedly also on the stelae of ,athens and the rest of ,greece4 #a4 ,the winecup4 ,on the beautiful archaic stele of ,lyseas at ,athens#bah1 the hero is represented not in relief1 but painted on the marble2 he stands erect1 holding in one hand a winecup1 in the other a lustral branch4 ,not very much later in date is the stele#bai on which appears in relief a veiled lady seated1 who holds in one hand the flat patera 7,pl4 ,,xvi74 ,here the patera seems to stand in the place of the winecup1 and clearly has the same reference to the receipt of libations4 #b4 ,the pomegranate4 ,on an archaic tombstone of ,aegina#bbj1 a seated lady gives her hand to a male figure standing before her3 in the other hand she holds a pomegranate4 ,again1 on a stele of the early part of the fifth century1 which comes from ,larissa in ,thessaly#bba1 a lady called ,polyxena stands1 drawing forward with one hand her veil1 and in the other holding a pomegranate4 ,nor is it only the attributes held by the ,spartan heroes which appear in ,attic and other reliefs1 but also the offerings brought to them by worshippers4 ,we will take the cock and the dove1 which are prominent at ,sparta or on the ,lycian ,harpy ,tomb1 which so closely resembles in its symbolism the ,spartan monuments4 #c4 ,the cock4 ,from ,larissa comes a fifth-century stele#bbb1 on which is a relief representing a young ,thessalian1 clad in a chlamys1 who holds in one hand a spear1 in the other a cock ,his name is ,vekedamus4 ,a cock is also painted on a tomb at ,athens which bears the name of ,antiphanes#bbc4 #d4 ,the dove4 ,an ,athenian tomb of the middle of the fifth century#bbd 7,pl4 ,,xxx7 bears the seated figure of a lady1 ,eutamia2 before her stands an attendant of small stature1 who brings her a dove and a toilet-box4 ,here the dove has the appearance of an offering4 ,but on a number of ,athenian stelae the dove appears evidently as a common household pet4 ,it is sufficient to refer to our ,plate ,,xviii and ,fig4 #fa2 though perhaps a more pleasing instance than either of these is offered by a charming relief at ,brocklesby ,park#bbe1 in which we see a young girl fondling two doves1 which at once takes our thoughts to the offering of two doves at the temple of ,jerusalem after childbirth#bbf1 though doubtless the correspondence is accidental4 ,the horse and the dog also1 which figure so prominently on the ,spartan tomb 7,fig4 #cj71 are of frequent occurrence at ,athens4 #e4 ,the horse4 ,we have already spoken of the many votive and sepulchral reliefs on which the dead appear as horsemen4 ,and the horse is also of frequent occurrence on portrait-stelae4 ,of this we have cited instances above1 ,chap4 ,,ix4 ,the horse on the base of the ,lyseas monument seems to be a memorial of some victory in the racecourse4 ,but on another very early tomb1 from ,lamprika in ,attica#bbg1 we find1 sculptured on the face of it1 a young knight on horseback fully armed4 ,another armed horseman carved beneath the feet of a standing man occurs on an ,attic tombstone of somewhat later date#bbh4 ,on the lekythus-stelae of the fourth and third centuries1 in the scenes of leave-taking1 the husband who gives his hand to his wife is often accompanied by a horse#bbi1 and sometimes also by a youth who bears his armour4 #f4 ,the dog4 ,on the stele by ,alxenor 7,pl4 ,,ix7 we have a dog as companion of the dead2 also in ,pl4 ,,xiii and on the ,ilissus relief 7,pl4 ,,xv74 ,this addition to sepulchral groups is so common1 and so natural1 the ,greeks being as fond of dogs as we are1 that it requires no comment4 ,the stele of ,eutamia 7,pl4 ,,xxx7 seems to lie very nearly on the boundary between the heroizing stelae and ordinary ,attic reliefs4 ,at first glance it does not present any marked deviation from the usual ,athenian types4 ,yet when one examines it in detail many links are evident connecting it with ,sparta and ancestor-worship4 ,the difference in scale between the seated lady and her attendant makes the latter seem rather a worshipper than a mere handmaid4 ,and the offerings which she brings1 more especially the dove1 belong to the cultus of the dead4 ,the dog too1 sculptured in relief above1 offers an exact parallel to the horse in relief of the stele ,fig4 #cj4 ,our first point then1 that there is an unbroken line of connexion between stelae of the ,spartan and those of the ,athenian class1 is made out to demonstration4 ,but another point may be made out with equal clearness1 that at all events a large part of the ,attic reliefs have reference exclusively to the past4 ,several groups of them may be cited in proof4 #a4 ,reliefs in which an actual death-scene is portrayed4 ,such a scene is represented in our ,fig4 #ff4 ,it is clear that here nothing can be referred to except what has occurred in the past2 and this is equally clear in the case of-- #b4 ,reliefs in which is represented some notable scene in the life of the deceased4 ,a good example is offered by the monument on which ,dexileos appears striking down his enemies 7,pl4 ,,xii71 or that of ,democleides1 ,fig4 #ei4 #c4 ,reliefs in which the profession of the deceased is indicated1 as in the case of the physicians#bcj3 and as in the stele of ,mynno 7,fig4 #fb74 ,it has been said that the reference to the past in such cases may be explained from the ,greek notion that the future life was a continuation of the past on the same lines but in a ghostly fashion4 ,but this statement will not bear a closer examination4 ,an earthly hunter may hunt in ,elysium3 possibly a warrior may be imagined as finding new and ghostly enemies to overthrow4 ,but could it be for a moment supposed that a woman would spend her time in ,hades in repetitions of sickness and death1 or that a physician would find there need for the exercise of his old craft8 ,it is thus abundantly clear that in some at least of the ,attic reliefs the backward look prevails4 ,the class of reliefs from which we may best illustrate the two different fashions of interpretation is the very large class in which is represented hand-giving1 the ,greek 4 ,sometimes one of the pair who are hand in hand is standing and one seated3 sometimes both are standing4 ,there are three ways in which the attitude of the pair may be interpreted4 ,first it may be taken to mark a mere family group1 an ,attic interior scene1 a portrait of husband and wife or father and son in a connexion which marks their unity of feeling and mutual affection4 ,second1 we may combine with this idea that of parting4 ,to this view ,i have inclined in a previous chapter4 ,third1 we may take the hand-giving as indicating the reception in ,hades by those who have gone before of their kindred who follow them4 ,in the funeral oration of ,hyperides there is a passage#bca which is cited in favour of this view1 in which the orator speaks of the heroes of old in ,hades ,illustration3 ,,plate ,,xxx ,page #ahf greeting1 with a their descendants who follow them in the way of virtue and honour4 ,so in the poets also1 as we have above seen1 there are frequent references to the life of the re-united family in ,hades4 ,and in fact a hope of such re-union seems to have existed among all peoples in which family life was highly developed4 ,we can scarcely venture to rule any of these views out of court4 ,we can indeed venture to say that in the ,athenian reliefs as they reach us1 the setting is full of allusions to the life of the past1 while all that suggests ,hades is conspicuously absent4 ,at the same time1 while this is the clear result of artistic analysis1 it is quite impossible to say that the hopes and longings of survivors may not have sometimes found in the mere grouping of a family scene some earnest of re-united family life under other conditions than those of earth4 ,artistic groups1 like strains of music1 may be interpreted by the emotions rather than by the intellect1 and suggest many things to many people4 ,we can best solve the questions we have raised by drawing clearly a line of distinction between the origin of the ,attic sepulchral groups and their meaning4 ,they undoubtedly derive much both from the ancestor-worship of early ,hellas1 and from the monuments in which that worship found expression4 ,but it is very unlikely that to the ,attic mind of the fifth and fourth centuries they usually conveyed much of religious meaning4 ,the bright genius of ,attic art had little sympathy with the mystic side of man's nature4 ,its tendency was not towards ethical religion1 but towards beauty and enjoyment and social life4 ,thus1 in the memorials of the dead1 the ,athenians and those who took their tone from ,attic art sought to produce a pleasing and not too vivid memorial of the dead1 rather than a record of hope in the future life4 ,they did not disbelieve in the future world1 nor did they practically neglect the simple and pleasing ritual of the cultus of the dead4 ,but their minds turned more naturally to thoughts less severe and gloomy1 thoughts of the present1 of the beauteous land they dwelt in and the charm of their social surroundings4 ,but on the other hand it must be allowed that in the case of the cultus-reliefs of the oblong class 7,chapter ,,vii71 the reference is to the future and not to the past4 ,the worship of the dead could not begin until they were canonized1 so to speak2 and to this canonization all the details of the reliefs refer4 ,if the question be asked whether the scene in which the august hero sits on his throne or leads his horse is ,hades or the tomb itself1 the answer is not easy4 ,there seems to have existed in this matter a confusion of mind4 ,the earliest beliefs of the human race seem to regard the dead as continuing in the grave an existence which is a ghostly echo of the past life1 and there receiving the constantly presented offerings of their descendants4 ,but the ,greeks1 as we know them in history1 had risen to a higher level of thought4 ,they thought that the soul travelled away from the resting-place of the body until it reached the shadowy realm of ,hades and ,persephone1 there to receive from divine justice the reward or the punishment which it had earned in its earthly life#bcb4 ,such was the view of the priest and the poet1 and of educated people generally4 ,but it is a familiar fact in the history of religion that custom and cultus move far more slowly than doctrine2 and that to this body of usage is attached a survival of the earlier or more primitive belief4 ,so it came to pass in ,greece1 in spite of the philosopher who spoke of the soul as mounting to its native aether1 and of the poet who sang of the realm of ,hades and dread ,persephone4 ,still through the centuries offerings were brought to the tomb1 and the dead were supposed there to enjoy them4 ,still the stele remained a sort of shrine of the family cultus1 and ancestors were regarded as there present in the same supernatural fashion in which deities were present in their temples and their images4 ,we can scarcely upbraid the ,greeks2 for we too1 while commonly believing in heaven1 if not in hell1 still think of our dead as present in some sense at the tomb in which we have laid their bodies4 ,and modern scientific research even indicates some justification of this deep-seated prejudice1 which mere reason disowns4 ,for there is everywhere a deep-seated belief that apparitions haunt the places where the persons whose shadows they are lived their lives or underwent some overpowering emotion4 ,thus it seems quite natural to regard the scene of the cultus reliefs as the actual graveyard where they were set up4 ,and this interpretation is in most cases satisfactory4 ,but some of them have a clear reference to the land of spirits4 ,in one instance1 on an ,attic votive tablet1 we see a deceased mortal feasting with ,herakles and the ,muses#bcc and there is a whole class of monuments which represent deceased heroes supping with ,dionysus4 ,we engrave one of the most characteristic examples#bcd 7,fig4 #gc74 ,an elderly man reclines on a couch1 beside which is a table spread with fruits1 and a slave pouring wine4 ,a serpent twined round the table has clearly a sepulchral reference4 ,the wife of the hero is seated at his feet3 both turn with surprise and delight to the left of the relief1 where the young ,dionysus1 bearing a thyrsus1 and supporting his reeling body on the shoulder of a young satyr1 advances towards the couch4 ,the dead man had doubtless been a votary of ,dionysus1 perhaps attached to the ,orphic mysteries2 and the god to whom in his earthly life he had devoted himself comes to sup with him in the world of shades4 ,in this case certainly the banquet must be regarded as held1 not at the tomb1 but in some nobler scene4 ,next to the meaning of the sepulchral reliefs of ,greece1 the style of art in which they are executed requires some attention4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #gc4 ,,dionysus ,,as ,,guest4 ,the reliefs of the sixth century1 and down to about ,b4,c4 #dfj1 are excellent examples of the art of their time1 in no way inferior to other contemporary works of sculpture4 ,the relief of ,pl4 ,,ii introduces us to a school of artists of whom we have no other knowledge1 a school localized in ,peloponnesus1 and trying to work out an independent line of art4 ,the early reliefs of ,athens and the ,islands stand1 however1 on a much higher level4 ,we have already seen that ,professor ,brunn1 an admirable judge1 had early discerned in the qualities of the ,aristion relief 7,pl4 ,,ix7 the promise of the excellence of later ,athenian art4 ,the other stele of ,pl4 ,,ix1 that of ,alxenor1 shows similar merits1 and a somewhat more advanced style4 ,the group of mother and children 7,pl4 ,,xix7 is a work of the greatest delicacy and charm3 the forms of mother and infant1 showing through the orderly folds of the ,ionian dress1 indicate genuine love of nature and appreciation of form2 and the group is full of the same sentiment which charms us in the tombs of a later age4 ,the reliefs of the sixth century were usually executed in honour of distinguished persons2 they frequently bore the name of the sculptor1 and that sculptor would usually be one whose fame was great4 ,this shows that early sculptors were proud of executing tombs3 at a later time tombs almost never bear an artist's name4 ,as we approach the middle of the fifth century1 the art of the sculptor in ,greece is taking constantly a higher and a wider range4 ,great temples are rising on all sides1 especially at ,athens1 and offering to great artists noble opportunities of distinction to be won either by designing the great cultus-statues of the gods1 or by fitly adorning the outsides of their temples4 ,the sculpture of athletes also had1 in the hands of ,pythagoras of ,myron and of ,polycleitus1 reached a perfection hitherto undreamed of4 ,and at the same period the sumptuary laws of ,athens1 which were only gradually falling into neglect1 closely limited the sum of money to be spent on tombs4 ,under these circumstances we cannot be surprised that the sepulchral monuments of the middle of the fifth century1 of the age of the ,parthenon and the ,temple of ,nike1 are mostly of somewhat small size and poor execution4 ,in their style they show something of the contemporary grand style1 but it is only a distant cousinship to it which they display4 ,they are not the work of great artists1 but of workers scarcely above the level of the skilled stonemason4 ,several of the groups figured in our plates belong to this age4 ,as examples1 we may take ,pl4 ,,xvii1 the stele of ,amphotto1 which is a work of the earlier half of the fifth century1 and ,plates ,x1 ,,xiii1 ,,xviii1 ,,xx1 ,,xxi1 ,,xxvi1 all of which were probably executed in the latter half of that century4 ,the form of these stelae is simple1 even clumsy1 the gable above usually surmounted by three acroteria1 on which an acanthus pattern was probably painted4 ,the subjects consist of few figures in simple groups4 ,the perspective is by no means perfect2 for instance1 the breasts of ,tynnias 7,pl4 ,x7 and of ,mica 7,pl4 ,,xxi7 are too fully turned to the spectator4 ,nevertheless these reliefs have an extraordinary nobility and dignity4 ,tynnias might almost have sat for a model of the ,zeus at ,olympia3 ,lysander 7,pl4 ,,xx7 is the model of a modest and well-bred ,athenian boy3 ,mica 7,pl4 ,,xxi71 in spite of her fanciful name1 has not a touch of levity4 ,like the maidens of the ,parthenon frieze1 all these human beings behave as if in the immediate presence of the gods4 ,they embody nobility and repose4 ,in the fourth century1 the conditions of sculpture at ,athens again underwent a great change4 ,no new and splendid temples rose from the ground4 ,no great public buildings offered a wide field to the architect1 the painter1 and the sculptor4 ,art worked mainly in the service of individuals4 ,and1 at the same time1 the sepulchral monuments of ,athens became far more sumptuous4 ,it is therefore quite natural that they should have been sometimes undertaken by artists of renown4 ,we have the testimony of ,pausanias to the fact that ,praxiteles himself sometimes made the sculptural adornment of the great ,attic sepulchres4 ,outside the ,peiraeus gate1 among other noteworthy tombs1 ,pausanias#bce found one which he thus describes3 #8,not far from the gates is a tomb1 whereon stands a soldier standing by his horse3 who he was ,i know not1 but it was ,praxiteles who made both man and horse4' ,the contemporary painter ,nicias also undertook tombs4 ,pausanias#bcf tells us that outside the gates of ,triteia in ,achaia was #8a tomb of white marble worthy of note in all respects1 but particularly remarkable for the paintings on the marble1 the work of ,nicias4 ,there is a throne of ivory1 and seated on it a young and beauteous woman1 behind whom stands a maid-servant holding a sunshade4 ,also a young man standing1 not bearded as yet1 clad in a chiton with a purple chlamys over it3 beside him is an attendant carrying hunting-spears and leading dogs of hunting breed4 ,praxiteles and ,nicias were closely associated in art2 ,praxiteles is even said to have declared that his sculpture owed much of its charm to the colouring applied to it by ,nicias4 ,we may judge then that the beautiful sepulchral monuments of the fourth century1 whether set up at ,athens or elsewhere1 owed their excellence to the second ,athenian school1 to ,praxiteles and ,scopas and their contemporaries4 ,an examination of the monuments themselves fully confirms this view4 ,more than one archaeologist has been struck with the strong likeness to be traced between the heads recently recovered from the pediments of the temple of ,athena at ,tegea#bcg1 which are our best evidence for recovering the style of ,scopas1 and some of the ,attic sepulchral reliefs1 especially that of ,dexileos 7,pl4 ,,xii7 and that from the ,ilissus 7,pl4 ,,xv74 ,these works are certainly of the age of ,scopas4 ,the tomb of ,dexileos was set up immediately after #cid ,b4,c41 and in the same year the old temple of ,athena at ,tegea was burned1 affording to young ,scopas the task of its reconstruction4 ,it is quite possible that some of the existing tombs of the fourth century may be the actual work of sculptors of the second ,attic school4 ,in the moderation1 the gentleness1 the pleasing sentiment of these ,athenian tombs we see precisely the qualities for which ,praxiteles was celebrated4 ,but1 generally speaking1 sepulchral monuments are of the class of work which a great sculptor would leave to pupils and assistants1 just as they left the decorative sculpture of the bases of their great statues4 ,the tombs of this age are larger and more sumptuous1 and the groups at once more complicated and more expressive4 ,there is less repose than in the stelae of the fifth century1 and more sentiment4 ,characteristic figures of warriors of this age are those of ,dexileos 7,pl4 ,,xii7 and ,aristonautes 7,pl4 ,,xi73 and among family groups we may notice the ,ilissus relief 7,pl4 ,,xv71 the stele of ,damasistrate 7,pl4 ,,xxiii71 and the group of ,pl4 ,,xxiv4 ,our plates scarcely come down to a later time than the fourth century1 but among the most interesting figures found on tombs of the later age is the figure of the girl devoted to the service of ,isis in ,fig4 #fd4 ,,chapter ,,xii ,,inscriptions ,after thus entering into the question of the meaning of the ,attic sepulchral reliefs1 and discussing their relation to the ,greek beliefs as to the future world1 it is necessary to give some account of the inscriptions which accompany the reliefs4 ,by far the most usual inscription on an ,attic tomb consists of a proper name1 to which is added commonly a patronymic4 ,in addition to this simple record1 archaic tombs sometimes bear the name of the artist who executed them4 ,towards the end of the fifth century the custom comes in of adding also the place to which the deceased belonged4 ,the reliefs of the best age are not signed by an artist1 and in fact anything beyond names and demes is1 in the fifth and fourth centuries1 quite unusual4 ,the strict canons of developed ,greek art seem to have rejected any long or metrical epitaph as out of place or in bad taste4 ,later1 in the third and second centuries1 longer inscriptions1 often written in elegiac metre1 are far commoner4 ,our plates and engravings furnish specimens of the ordinary kinds of inscriptions4 ,the two archaic reliefs of ,pl4 ,,ix bear the artists' names1 in one case #bch1 in the other 3 to the latter signature is added a delightfully nave comment1 1 ,just look6 implying that in the artist's own opinion his work is well worth looking at4 ,the inscription on the tomb of ,dermys and ,citylus 7,fig4 #ee7 records the name of the dedicator1 ' 4 ,after the archaic age1 the inscriptions are simpler1 as 7,pl4 ,,xvii71 7,pl4 ,,xviii71 7,fig4 #ei71 ,t 7,pl4 ,x71 1 and so forth4 ,when the tomb belongs to one person these inscriptions are simple1 and there can be no ambiguity in their interpretation1 nor is there any doubt to which of the persons represented in the relief the identifying inscription belongs4 ,but when the inscription contains several names the matter is not so simple4 ,dr4 ,furtwngler lays down the rule that the names are the names of the dead2 in that case1 as the dead and the living appear together in the reliefs1 there would be no necessary correspondence between relief and inscription4 ,i find however1 in the great majority of cases1 that not only do the inscriptions agree with the reliefs1 but that the names are placed over the figures in order to identify them4 ,the analogy of ,greek vases here helps us4 ,on vases it is an ordinary custom to place over each of the persons of the design his or her name1 merely for purposes of identification4 ,it appears that the same custom prevails in sepulchral reliefs4 ,confirmation of this view will be found in abundance by any one who examines the ,corpus of ,attic ,reliefs4 ,and further confirmation is afforded by the epigrams of the ,anthology4 ,one records#bci not only the name of the person to whom the tomb belongs1 and who appears in its relief1 but also the names of the dog1 the horse1 and the slave who form his cortge4 ,another reads#bdj1 #8,this is ,timocleia1 this ,philo1 this ,aristo1 and this ,timaetho2 all daughters of ,aristodicus4' ,in fact1 to this general rule of the explicatory character of the inscriptions only a few doubtful exceptions make their appearance4 ,one of these exceptions appears on our ,pl4 ,,xxvii4 ,the group consists of two ladies1 whereas the names above are 1 1 --the names of one man and two women4 ,but it appears that in this case a name was originally placed only over the seated lady3 this was erased1 and the three names which we find were inserted at a later period4 ,we may safely therefore assert that at all events in the great majority of cases the names placed on the tombs identify the persons of the reliefs1 and do not by any means necessarily give us a clue to the occupants of the grave4 ,it is pointed out by ,dr4 ,weisshupl1 in an excellent paper on ,greek epitaphs#bda1 which has been of great service to me in this chapter1 that the term 1 ,farewell1 which is common in late ,greek epitaphs1 does not occur on the graves of ,athenian citizens4 ,the age of the deceased1 in modern epitaphs one of the most indispensable features1 is seldom stated on ,greek tombs3 a curious exception being found in the case of ,dexileos4 ,among the tombs which we engrave1 only this of ,dexileos 7,pl4 ,,xii7 bears a long or a detailed inscription4 ,the record here tells us that the hero was born in the archonship of ,teisander1 and died in that of ,eubulides1 and was one of the five horsemen at ,corinth4 ,the last phrase is curious1 nor is its meaning certain4 ,usually it is explained as meaning that ,dexileos took part in some noted feat of arms with four other horsemen in the ,corinthian war4 ,but recently#bdb1 ,dr4 ,brckner has tried to prove that the were the adjutants of the ,hipparchi1 and persons of definite rank in the army4 ,after the age of ,demetrius of ,phalerum1 when the sepulchral monuments of ,athens become poorer and smaller1 the inscriptions as a rule remain very brief4 ,but on exceptional tombs of this age1 and a larger number of the ,roman period1 we find long inscriptions in prose or in verse1 giving the history of the occupant or moralizing on life and death4 ,already in another work#bdc ,i have given a brief account of the general character of ,athenian epitaphs4 ,i therefore in this place prefer to take my examples not from ,athens1 but from other parts of ,greece4 ,there is1 at all events in later ages1 no great difference in character between the sepulchral inscriptions of ,athens and those of other cities1 if we except those districts of ,asia ,minor which were partly under the influence of ,asiatic religions and ways of thinking4 ,where the epitaph has some pretension to literary style ,i give a rendering in heroic verse1 in other cases a prose translation may suffice4 ,we may begin with the inscription of a public tomb4 ,at all times these tombs bore epigrams of a nobler type than those of private persons4 ,commonly they were set up in some public place and were the scene of heroic honours4 ,the epigram which they bore would be composed by some noted poet4 ,every one knows of the noble lines written by ,simonides for the ,spartans who fell at ,thermopylae3-- ,go1 stranger1 and at ,lacedaemon tell ,that here obedient to her laws we fell4 ,another public epitaph1 also belonging to some of the heroes of the ,persian wars1 has been found at ,megara#bdd4 ,it is not1 however1 the original record1 but a copy made of that record when it had almost perished with age in the fourth or fifth century of our aera by one ,helladius1 who attributes to ,simonides the verses which run thus3-- ,eager we strove that freedom's day might rise ,for ,greece and home2 but death is all our prize4 ,some fell beside ,euboea's sacred strand1 ,where ,artemis1 chaste huntress1 holds the land3 ,some died at ,mycale2 some the warlike show ,of ,tyrian fleets at ,salamis laid low3 ,some in ,boeotian plains1 in daring mood1 ,the charging ,median chivalry withstood4 ,here in full market#bde1 'mid the thronging crowd1 ,our townsmen have our honoured grave allowed4 ,this epitaph was evidently placed on the public grave of the ,megarian citizens who fell in the various battles against the ,persians4 ,it was no doubt a cenotaph4 ,pausanias mentions it1 and states that the ,megarians set the graves of their distinguished dead in the senate-house1 so that all future generations might consult in presence of the heroes3 ,helladius adds1 #8even in my day a bull is sacrificed by the city4' ,an epitaph in the market-place and the annual sacrifice of a bull for a thousand years might well supply to the ,greek soldier an incentive as great as among us the hope of a monument in ,westminster ,abbey4 ,a similar monument in honour of the ,athenians who fell at ,potidaea1 in the ,peloponnesian ,war1 is preserved at the ,british ,museum#bdf4 ,we may also consider as public a tomb erected at ,corfu by ,amphilochian soldiers to one of their comrades who had fallen in a skirmish on the opposite coast#bdg4 ,it dates from about the third century ,b4,c43-- ,for thee a bitter fate thy friends behold ,of ,amphilochian land the warriors bold1 ,when by ,illyrian horse in battle slain ,within an island tomb thy bones remain4 ,they left thee not1 when thou wast lying low1 ,thy comrades brave well-skilled the dart to throw2 ,from deadly battle-press thy corpse they save1 ,and mourning kinsmen bear thee to the grave4 ,public epitaphs such as these are in the highest degree objective4 ,they recount the deeds of a hero and deplore his death1 but they seldom indulge in moral reflection1 or speak of any future life4 ,this is in fact the character of all early epitaphs1 whether from private or public graves4 ,i will cite a few of the sixth century to begin with4 ,the tomb of ,menecrates at ,corfu is well known to many travellers1 from its beautiful situation4 ,the inscription1 written in archaic characters of ,corinth1 runs thus#bdh3 #8,this tomb is of ,menecrates son of ,tlesias of the race of ,oeanthe3 the people raised it to him4 ,he was proxenus1 beloved by the people1 and died at sea1 and was buried by the stroke of oars of the public ships#bdi4 ,praximenes1 coming from his native city1 raised with the people this memorial to his brother4' ,menecrates seems to have been consul or proxenus of ,corinth at ,corcyra1 and was succeeded in that office by his brother ,praximenes4 ,the sculptured lion found on the spot may belong to the tomb of ,menecrates2 but it more probably belongs to another tomb of the same age erected to one ,arniadas1 which bears a very simple record#bej1 #8,this is the tomb of ,arniadas3 bright-eyed ,ares was his death1 as he fought by the ships at the streams of ,arathus1 doing many valiant deeds in the sad battle-strife4' ,the qualities of moderation1 of self-control and of nobility which belong pre-eminently to almost all ,greek productions of the fifth century1 are in nothing to be observed more clearly than in the epitaphs of that period4 ,a few specimens will suffice as well as many to exhibit this character4 ,many or most of them record a death in battle3 it appears that only when a man thus died for his country or was otherwise especially distinguished1 was he allowed an epitaph recording more than his name and that of his father4 ,a grave at ,anactorium#bea of the fifth century bears the inscription1 #8,this tomb near the way shall be called by the name of ,procleidas1 who died fighting for his country4' ,another at ,thisbe#beb in ,boeotia reads1 #8,dear to citizens and friends ,i fell in the front ranks fighting valiantly4' ,the following record civic or personal rather than military merit4 ,from ,thespiae#bec1 #8,as a memorial over ,olaidas when he died ,i was erected by his father ,ossilus1 to whom his departure brought sorrow4' ,from ,tanagra#bed1 #8,thy native city1 ,cercinus son of ,phoxius1 ,heracleia in ,pontus1 shall have sorrow at thy death among our friends2 so never shall we forget thy praise3 greatly did ,i admire thy nature4' ,the #8,i' of the former of these two epitaphs is the tombstone2 the #8,i' of the second is a sorrowing friend4 ,the epitaphs of the fourth century ,b4,c4 are of similar character1 but somewhat more abundant and less rigid in type4 ,the following from ,oreus in ,euboea#bee is decidedly pleasing3 ,in bloom of youth by praise thy fame was spread1 ,in blameless ways thy childish days were sped3 ,in man's estate1 when law and country bade1 ,where hostile ranks by ,ares were arrayed1 ,a horseman1 thou didst strive with fair renown ,thy fathers and thy fatherland to crown4 ,this tomb1 to mark thy worth1 thy sire doth raise1 ,thy city decks it with unceasing praise4 ,an epitaph from ,thebes#bef seems to have been erected over a soldier of the ,sacred ,war3 #8,when young ,i cultivated merriment 7 7 associating with my companions in the gymnasium4 ,i die in war1 bearing aid to the ,delphic land4 ,my grandfather was ,euenoridas1 my father ,neon4' ,in this epigram notes quite unfamiliar to the ,christian world are struck4 ,the deceased had fallen on what might have passed as a crusade1 an expedition to punish the sacrilegious aggression of the ,phocians on the temple of ,apollo at ,delphi4 ,yet instead of dwelling on such religious merit1 the epitaph speaks of his cheeriness of disposition and his sociability1 of his worship of the #8goddess fair and free1 in heaven yclept ,euphrosyne4' ,in fact no quality is more often mentioned with praise in sepulchral inscriptions than the social habits of the deceased4 ,an inscription of the same age from ,athens#beg seems to record the success of a comic actor1 who is praised especially for having overcome his natural disqualification for his pursuit3 #8,all ,hellas admires thee1 ,euthias1 and misses thee in the sacred festivals2 nor without cause4 ,for through art1 not natural gift1 in vine-crowned comedy of gentle mirth thou wast second in rank1 but first in art4' ,in athletic sports also we learn that the spectators most applauded those who won by science1 not mere strength4 ,another contemporary inscription from ,athens#beh is in more poetic form3 #8,divine ,modesty1 daughter of high-minded ,shame1 one who valued above all thee and warlike ,valour1 ,cleidemus of ,melita son of ,cleidemides is here buried4' ,it will be observed that all the epigrams hitherto cited are from the graves of men1 not women4 ,indeed1 inscriptions from women's tombs very seldom1 at this early time1 contain more than the name with that of father or husband4 ,generally speaking1 until the time of ,alexander1 the women of ,greece were content to shine with borrowed light1 and to be notable in the home rather than in the city4 ,of sculptural honour they had1 as we have seen1 even more than their share2 but to praise a woman in public might well seem to her friends to approach indelicacy4 ,in the later age inscriptions recording female worth are frequent4 ,there is no question that as the public life of ,greece decayed1 women became more and more prominent in the cities4 ,it is not easy to assign1 on epigraphic grounds1 an exact date to sepulchral inscriptions of the third and later centuries down to ,roman ,imperial times4 ,partly for this reason1 and partly because the later epitaphs of ,greece really form one class1 ,i prefer to group them rather by subject than by period4 ,generally speaking1 they have more literary pretensions than earlier epitaphs1 and their character is more personal and subjective1 so that they give us information on many subjects as to which early inscriptions are silent4 ,an epitaph from ,melos#bei of the third century ,b4,c4 is set over a wife1 but it bears a suspicious appearance of being the composition of the husband3 #8,i love even in death my husband1 for with no common care he made me a tomb conspicuous to all4 ,and me his wife he made equal to the heroes in veneration in memory of the sweet joys of love4' ,as a memorial of a young man who met with some accident on the shore of ,leucas#bfj1 the following epigram was graven3 #8,unfavourable weather kept back ,telesphorus and loosed his girdle 7i4e4 delayed the girding of his loins for a journey74 ,the shore proved fatal to him2 and destiny would no longer wait4 ,alas6 for his untimely death1 and his sad parents6' ,we may next cite a couple of ,boeotian epitaphs inscribed over literary men4 ,from ,larymna#bfa3 #8,behold1 stranger1 here the tomb of departed ,philo1 who gave himself to the skilled pursuit of polite letters1 while to all the citizens of ,larymna he showed a nature ever friendly4 ,early he has quitted his life yet at its prime2 and with universal mourning his city weeps his loss4' ,still more detailed is the following1 from ,orchomenus#bfb1 of the second century ,b4,c41 set up over one ,philocrates of ,sidon3 #8,thou boastedst a maturity1 ,philocrates1 not unworthy of thy earlier life1 urged on by the subtle mind4 ,for from early youth1 as is right1 thou hadst been familiar with the doctrines of ,epicurus1 easy to understand4 ,then1 obedient to the rudder of ,fortune#bfc1 in a wandering life1 thou didst preside at the contests of men among the ,minyae#bfd4 ,now thou liest close to thy son1 thy limbs touching his1 without sorrow1 having come out of life to join him gone before4' ,sometimes inscriptions of this biographic character contain literary touches4 ,for example1 on a public tomb at ,thera#bfe1 set up in honour of ,admetus1 priest of ,apollo ,carneius1 the epitaph ends1 #8leaving to wife and mother heavy grief3 yet what wonder8 even ,thetis had to mourn the loss of the slain ,achilles4' ,the epitaphs which express a sentiment as to human life are usually of ,roman age4 ,i will1 however1 cite a few of them1 in order to complete our survey4 ,an epitaph from ,samos#bff ends with the reflection1 #8,if due account were made of piety1 never would my home have incurred such misfortunes as these4' ,one from ,tanagra#bfg ends1 #8,o mortals1 turn your thoughts to what is paltry3 if you meditate better things1 ,hades is envious of the good4' ,these are feelings which doubtless often touch the minds of relatives and friends in our days1 but on this particular point we are more under the dominion of convention than were the ,greeks2 and the utterances of cynicism or despair are mostly excluded from our graveyards4 ,the following from ,thespiae#bfh is more in the line of propriety3 #8,who would not weep over the vain hopes of parents1 looking at me8' ,many epitaphs of the later period contain some statement as to the destiny of the spirit4 ,such statements are1 however1 usually expressed in very conventional form2 they have the air rather of poetical amplification than of a real hope beyond the grave4 ,in this respect they contrast markedly with early ,christian inscriptions2 in which1 however rough and inelegant the form may be1 there lies an unmistakable air of real feeling4 ,a pagan epitaph of ,sparta#bfi1 of the second century ,a4,d41 runs3 #8,adorned with every virtue1 noble ,titanius1 son of ,paeon1 thou possessest the ,island of the ,blest4' ,we can scarcely imagine that at this late period the ,island of the ,blest lived in popular belief1 or that the phrase is anything but a poetical reminiscence4 ,an epitaph1 which may have been written beneath the sculptured dog1 on the tomb of ,diogenes the ,cynic#bgj1 runs thus3 #8,lies he here1 who dwelt in an earthen cask8 ,aye1 truly2 but now that he is dead1 he has the stars for his home4' ,with this optimistic rhetoric we may compare the cynical and pessimistic rhetoric of another epitaph1 #8,mix the wine1 and drink deep with brows crowned with flowers1 nor scorn the delights of love3 all the rest at death is consumed by earth and fire#bga4' ,as this epigram accompanied a relief which represented a man reclining at table1 the whole seems to have been a cynical travesty of the banqueting reliefs above discussed4 ,where1 however1 mention is made of ,hades and ,persephone1 or where we catch an echo of ,orphic phrase1 we may suspect a more serious meaning4 ,in the following1 for example1 from ,crommyon#bgb1 the opening phrase seems to belong to ,orphism and the ,mysteries1 #8,i ,philostrata have gone back to the source whence ,i came1 leaving the bondage in which nature yoked me4 ,having filled up the measure of fourteen years1 in the fifteenth1 a virgin1 ,i quitted the body1 childless1 unwedded1 a maiden4 ,may those to whom life is an object of desire grow old to their hearts' content4' ,the same character attaches to the following1 from ,megara#bgc3 #8,the body of ,nicocrates rests in the lap of earth2 his heart 77 has fled above to the divine aether4 ,thanks to thee1 ,pluto1 kindly deity1 for this destiny4 ,gentle and lovable1 a favourite with all was the son of ,callitychus2 now another and a divine light receives him4' ,we occasionally find mention made of ,hermes in epitaphs as leader and friend of departed spirits4 ,an anonymous epitaph of the ,palatine ,anthology#bgd1 reads thus3 #8,they say that ,hermes leads the good on the way that bears to the right from the pyre to ,rhadamanthys3 by this way ,aristonous1 the much-mourned son of ,chaerestratus1 went down to the abode of ,hades1 who receives all men4' ,the phrase #8bears to the right' must refer to some known chart or description of the paths of souls1 which are described in greater detail in some of the ,orphic inscriptions4 ,for example1 on a gold tablet found at ,petelia in ,italy#bge1 buried doubtless with one who had been initiated in the ,orphic ,mysteries1 we find a sort of guide or way-book for the last journey3 #8,thou shalt find on the left of the abode of ,hades a well1 and beside it planted a white cypress4 ,and thou shalt find another1 cold water flowing from the ,lake of ,mnemosyne3 before it stand guards4 ,then shalt thou say1 8,i am a child of earth and starry heaven1 but a heavenly race is mine1 as ye yourselves know4 ,i am dry and faint with thirst2 give me then speedily cold water flowing from the lake of ,mnemosyne40' ,the spring on the left1 the name of which is not given1 is doubtless that of ,lethe1 or forgetfulness4 ,the soul which wishes to claim its immortal rights must avoid this water1 and demand in virtue of its divine nature some of the other water1 that of memory1 that its individuality may not be lost4 ,this seems to be the path to the right1 on which ,hermes leads those who have in their lifetime prepared themselves for the journey4 ,it would be easy to multiply epitaphs of this kind1 but they would lead us into regions of thought and belief outside the limits of this book1 which is concerned not with the opinions of ,greek philosophers and mystics but of every-day people4 ,a priestess of ,zeus1 at ,argos#bgf1 seems to have found a tomb in the sacred precinct of the god2 whence her epitaph runs3 #8,the divine ruler1 to whom it was my honour to minister when alive1 took my blameless life and gave me this favour among the dead4 ,hence ,i have not a tomb underground1 but dwell in the place of the blest1 in the golden home of the gods4' ,here there seems to be a play upon the place of burial1 as involving a parallel exaltation of the spirit4 ,an elegant epitaph by ,dionysius of ,magnesia1 still extant1 from ,paros#bgg1 begins by an inquiry as to the name of the dead person1 then goes on to narrate the history of her life1 and ends with an appeal to ,persephone1 and a kindly greeting to survivors3-- ,o ,maid of many names1 ,queen ruling wide1 ,her by the hand to pious places guide4 ,on all who1 passing1 greet the soul below ,with kindly word1 may ,god some good bestow4 ,this epigram brings us to the last class of extant epitaphs1 that in which the passer-by is addressed in friendly or in threatening language4 ,this kind is not exclusively late3 we have already seen that the ,spartan epitaph at ,thermopylae addresses the wayfarer1 and bids him carry a message to ,sparta4 ,but it is very common on late tombs4 ,in an epitaph from ,crete#bgh1 of the first century1 the wayfarer is requested to say as he passes1 #8,may earth lie light on thee4' ,in another1 of the same age1 from ,pholegandros#bgi1 we read1 #8,having duteously greeted me1 the dead ,diogenes1 go1 stranger1 to thine own affairs1 and may they prosper at thy will4' ,the gentle custom of giving a passing greeting at the tomb1 in the word p1 seems to have been usual among the ,greeks4 ,thus easily one kept on good terms with the dead1 and won their friendly wishes4 ,on the other hand1 any sort of violence done to a grave or its inmates brought down on the sacrilegious violator all kinds of plagues and miseries1 which are sometimes1 in late ,roman times1 set forth in the epitaph itself1 in terrorem4 ,sometimes a sum of money is mentioned which the violator must pay as a fine to redeem his guilt2 but sometimes he is threatened with direr penalties1 gout and fever and many other diseases4 ,the tomb of ,annia ,regilla1 wife of ,herodes ,atticus1 at ,athens1 bears an inscription in which the prayer is set forth that for any one who disturbs the grave the earth may refuse to bear fruit and the sea refuse to bear his ships1 and that he and his race may perish miserably4 ,blessings are heaped on all who may honour the burial-place4 ,our minds naturally pass to the well-known epitaph on ,shakespeare's tomb at ,stratford1 which may perhaps have been framed on an ancient model4 ,at a decidedly higher literary level than the epitaphs collected from ,greek gravestones are many of those put together in the seventh book of the ,palatine ,anthology4 ,all real lovers of ,greek letters are acquainted with the delightful epigrams written by poets of the ,hellenistic age to adorn the tomb3 gems of ,callimachus1 of ,meleager1 of ,leonidas of ,tarentum1 and others4 ,english poets1 from ,dr4 ,johnson to ,mr4 ,andrew ,lang1 have devoted hours of leisure to rendering in ,english verse these flowers of ancient poetry1 which are best characterized in the well-known words as slight things but roses1 4 ,if1 however1 we accept the comparison of the ,epigrams of the ,anthology to roses1 we must remember that our roses are highly cultivated and civilized flowers4 ,no person with any literary discernment would compare them to the brier-rose1 the anemone1 or the primrose4 ,in previous chapters of this work ,i have occasionally ventured on versions of ,greek epitaphs from the ,anthology4 ,yet1 in view of the purpose and character of this book1 we can make but careful and scant use of that collection4 ,roses may be a suitable adornment for a tomb1 but when one is anxious carefully to study the form of the monument and to examine its sculptural decoration and its epitaph1 roses may be in the way4 ,as it comes down to us1 the ,anthology is put together on literary rather than historic principles4 ,dates and schools are mixed up with the most perplexing indifference4 ,epigrams of ,simonides and ,sappho are placed next to the verses of ,callimachus and ,archias1 of ,rufinus and ,paulus ,silentiarius1 authors who between them cover a space of more than a millennium4 ,and1 moreover1 in no department of ,greek letters is the rhetorical and epideictic spirit1 that pest of ,greece1 more rampant than in the epigram4 ,the great majority of sepulchral epigrams were written1 not to duly honour the dead1 but to display the literary taste and ingenuity of the poet4 ,so that while we admire greatly the finished and exquisite beauty of these poems1 we can seldom suppose that they embody much feeling or contain much thought4 ,one class of epitaphs in the ,anthology1 the anonymous1 has more actuality1 being commonly transcribed from actual tombstones3 but from the literary point of view these are the poorest4 ,i propose1 however1 to give in this place renderings of a few of these literary epitaphs1 selecting such as belong to an earlier period1 and such as have some interest in their matter1 and not merely in their style4 ,in some cases ,i give a version of my own2 in other cases ,i use the elegant translations which ,dr4 ,james ,williams1 of ,lincoln ,college1 has kindly placed at my disposal4 ,we find not rarely on ,greek tombs of all periods colloquies between the dead and wayfarers4 ,the following is a literary version by ,leonidas#bhj of such a dialogue1 carried on in a style of stately courtesy3-- #8,lady1 what name1 what father dost thou own1 ,that lieth 'neath this shaft of ,parian stone8' #8,prexo1 the daughter of ,calliteles4' #8,where wast thou born8' #8,beside the ,samian seas4' #8,who paid thee fitting funeral honours thus8' #8,the husband of my youth1 ,theocritus4' #8,how came thy death8' #8,in childbed did ,i die4' #8,thine age8' #8,but two and twenty years lived ,i4' #8,and childless8' #8,nay1 of mother's care bereft1 ,calliteles1 just three years old1 was left4' #8,long life and ripe old age thy boy await4' #8,friend1 all good things be showered on thee by fate4' ,the following bears the name of ,sappho#bha3-- ,the dust of ,timas3 ere her bridal she ,saw the dark chamber of ,persephone4 ,their lovely hair her playmates offered here1 ,cut off to honour her who was so dear4 ,this seems of archaic simplicity compared with the metrical epitaph on ,clearista by ,meleager1 already cited in ,chapter ,,viii4 ,nothing could well be simpler also than the following by ,callimachus#bhb1 whose art in this case conceals art3-- ,saon the son of ,dicon here doth lie ,in holy sleep3 the good can never die4 ,a charming epitaph#bhc on one ,amyntichus1 being anonymous1 is probably from a real tomb3-- ,dear earth1 receive ,amyntichus to rest1 ,mindful of all his labour spent on thee2 ,thee with the boughs of ,bacchus oft he dressed1 ,and in thee planted oft the olive-tree1 ,filled thee with ,deo's grain1 and trenches led ,to make thee rich in herbs and autumn fruits4 ,lie thou then lightly on his hoary head1 ,and busk his tomb with springtide's tender shoots4 ,an epitaph1 by ,leonidas#bhd of ,tarentum1 on one ,clitagoras1 refers to offerings at the tomb1 such as we have spoken of in ,chapter ,,ii3-- ,shepherds1 who tend upon yon mountain steep ,your herds of goats and flocks of fleecy sheep1 ,a little gift ,clitagoras to-day ,for sake of ,queen ,persephone doth pray2 ,i would that sheep should bleat1 and from a rock ,a shepherd pipe soft music to his flock2 ,and let one hind cull fresh young meadow-bloom ,in early spring1 and crown therewith my tomb2 ,another take and milk a mother ewe ,and with the stream this funeral stone bedew2 ,the dead are reached by kindly acts of men1 ,and e'en the dead can make return again4 ,this is a pastoral picture well worthy of ,theocritus2 the last two lines show how persistently there lingered among the ,greek peasants that notion of the exchange of services between dead and living of which ,i have spoken above4 ,sometimes not only human beings but also favourite animals had their tombs and epitaphs4 ,especially1 we are told1 was this the case at ,agrigentum in ,sicily1 a city which paid dearly for its luxury and effeminacy at the time of the ,carthaginian invasion of the end of the fifth century4 ,the following#bhe1 by ,meleager1 was for a hare3-- ,a long-eared hare was ,i and swift of feet1 ,when ,phaenium stole me from my mother's breast4 ,she gave me young spring flowers to be my meat1 ,and in her bosom oft ,i lay caressed4 ,true mother she6 but death soon came to me1 ,good living made me fat and overfed4 ,here lie ,i 'neath her chamber floor1 that she ,in dreams may see my tomb beside her bed4 ,we are here clearly in the region of elegant trifles3 and being there we may give a few more specimens of the poetic art which1 like the acanthus1 gave an elegant finish to the tomb4 ,the following is ,meleager's lament over ,heliodora#bhf3-- ,to ,hades1 ,heliodora1 from above1 ,i send these tears1 the relics of my love1 ,tears hard to weep2 and on thy tomb ,i pour ,this memory of loving days of yore4 ,o bitter1 bitter1 darling1 is my woe ,a bootless gift for ,acheron below4 ,where is my flower8 ,by ,hades snatched away1 ,the budding blossom is but dust to-day4 ,grant1 ,mother ,earth1 that one so dear as she ,may softly in thy arms enfolded be4 ,the next epitaph1 by ,philip of ,thessalonica1 is quite ,hellenistic in character#bhg3-- ,architeles the ,sculptor1 where was laid ,his son1 with mournful hand the tombstone made4 ,not cut with iron tool the lines appear2 ,the stone was furrowed by the frequent tear4 ,o stone6 lie lightly1 that the dead may know ,a hand indeed paternal set thee so4 ,i cite only the end of another epitaph1 by ,heracleitus1 which is said to have adorned the tomb of a lady named ,aretemias#bhh4 ,it is so neat and compressed that ,i have in vain tried to render it in an ,english heroic distich3--#8,twin sons ,i bare3 one ,i left to my husband as a stay of old age2 one ,i take with me as a memorial of my husband4' ,we may add a couple more epitaphs which clearly belong to the epideictic or rhetorical class1 but which please by the neatness of their form4 ,one by ,damagetes#bhi professes to record the last words of a lady named ,theano1 of ,phocaea1 in ,asia ,minor4 ,phocaeans6 hear the moan ,theano made1 ,as night received her with eternal shade4 #8,how sad my lot6 ,afar some unknown sea ,in thy swift ship1 my husband1 beareth thee4 ,fate stands beside my bed4 ,ah6 wert thou by1 ,holding thy loving hand that ,i might die4' ,the following professes to belong to a tomb of ,ajax#bij1 on which was placed a mourning woman1 who represented his unappreciated worth or valour3-- ,on ,ajax' tomb with closely shaven hair ,i sit1 sad ,worth1 in semblance of despair1 ,grief-struck at heart that with the ,achaean host ,deceitful ,fraud more weight than ,i can boast4 ,,chapter ,,xiii ,,later ,,monuments ,,of ,,asia ,,minor ,the sepulchral monuments of ,greece ,proper are all on a modest scale1 and noteworthy on account of their beauty of design and charm of sentiment rather than for their magnificence or costliness4 ,in order to find sumptuous tombs erected by ,greek architects and decorated by the great ,greek sculptors1 we must cross over into ,asia4 ,we have in a previous chapter spoken of some of the monuments of ,asia ,minor which are contemporary with the earliest tombs of ,greece4 ,we have now to observe how ,greece in the later fifth and the fourth centuries paid back the artistic debt which she owed to ,asia4 ,the custom of erecting magnificent memorials of departed rulers long prevailed in all parts of ,asia4 ,and when ,greece stood without a rival in the arts of architecture and sculpture1 it was natural that the wealthy princes who planned the monuments of their predecessors1 or sometimes their own destined tombs1 should import ,greek artists1 and allow them a free hand to produce great mausoleums1 in which the art of ,greece registered in beautiful forms the affection of kinsfolk and the veneration of subject populations4 ,without at all intending to exhaust the subject1 ,i propose to give some account of a few of the most noteworthy of these monuments1 especially of the ,nereid monument and the ,gyeulbashi heroon in ,lycia1 and the ,mausoleum a ,halicarnassus4 ,these tombs ,i select not as typical of their age and country1 but rather as exceptional4 ,they represent the almost complete victory in ,asia not only of ,greek art1 but even of ,greek ideas4 ,side by side with these monuments there were erected in ,asia ,minor1 and especially in ,lycia1 tombs in which native tendencies1 such as we have seen in an earlier chapter were still dominant4 ,sir ,charles ,fellows brought from ,lycia some tombs of this character1 and casts of the reliefs of others which remain in their site4 ,the most interesting representation is from a tomb at ,cadyanda#bia1 on which we see banqueting scenes1 dancing figures1 a group of four girls playing with knucklebones1 and so forth1 with bilingual inscriptions in ,greek and ,lycian4 ,but to comment on these scenes as if they were of ,hellenic origin would lead us far astray4 ,like the paintings and reliefs of ,etruria1 they represent a peculiar and lost phase of civilization1 thinly veneered by the art and thought of ,hellas4 ,in his third journey through ,lycia1 in #ahdb1 ,sir ,charles ,fellows discovered1 not far from the agora of ,xanthus1 a lofty stone basis1 some #cc feet by #bb in dimensions2 and in close connexion with it a large quantity of reliefs and of fragments of ,ionic architecture#bib4 ,leaving the basis where it stood1 he brought to ,england the sculpture2 and by the labours of ,english archaeologists the tomb to which both basis and sculpture belonged has been reconstructed4 ,i repeat the restoration of ,falkener#bic1 which has been accepted by ,overbeck and other authorities 7,fig4 #gd74 ,the restoration is not in all points certain4 ,as the basis remains there cannot be any question as to its form and the position of the sculptured friezes which adorned it4 ,and the examination of the upper surface of the basis established a pteron or line of columns all round1 with statues standing in the intercolumniations4 ,but as to the position of the friezes which belong to the upper part of the monument1 and as to the acroteria which ,falkener places on the top of all1 there remains considerable uncertainty4 ,the whole of the sculpture may be studied in the ,british ,museum1 and is published by ,professor ,michaelis in the tenth volume of the ,roman ,monumenti dell' ,instituto4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #gd4 ,,nereid ,,monument1 ,,falkener4 ,from the present point of view the most important of ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ge4 ,,gable ,,of ,,nereid ,,monument4 the scenes depicted on this monument is to be found in one of the pediments#bid 7,fig4 #ge74 ,the hero of whom the tomb is a memorial is seated in state1 sceptre in hand3 his wife sits opposite1 and the children are grouped about them4 ,further to the right are attendants on a smaller scale4 ,one dog is asleep under the master's chair1 another lies in the corner of the pediment4 ,in the other pediment there is a warlike scene1 of which only one-half is preserved4 ,the midmost figure1 doubtless the hero again1 is on horseback#bie charging an overthrown foe1 to whose aid his companions1 clad as ,greek hoplites1 hurry forward4 ,the representation here is no doubt of some notable feat of arms of the owner of the tomb4 ,to the warlike scene the peaceful scene first described corresponds4 ,at first sight it seems merely a picture out of daily life3 but if we bear in mind the ordinary symbolism of the ,greek tomb we may fairly find in it some sepulchral significance4 ,the grouping of the children about their parents reminds us of many ,attic sepulchral reliefs1 and the train of attendants bears a decided resemblance to the group of votaries usual on heroizing reliefs4 ,in fact1 we find here what is called by archaeologists a contamination4 ,the ,asiatic custom of regarding a tomb as a monument of the fame and a record of the exploits of some great ruler or leader of men is penetrated by the genius of ,attic sepulchral art1 and takes new and more beautiful forms4 ,treating the two pediments as striking the keynote of the whole sculptural adornment of the monument1 we shall not hesitate to find in all its representations allusions to the life and exploits of the hero whom it commemorates4 ,but of the four friezes which encircled the building at various heights1 three furnish us with information which is too vague to be historically useful4 ,the theme of the first is battle1 of the third hunting1 of the fourth feasting and repose4 ,it is only the frieze numbered as the second in the publications which gives us more detailed and accurate information4 ,here are unfolded to us the successive scenes of the siege and capture of a hostile city2 the battle before the walls1 the attempt to storm and the defence1 the parleying and surrender1 the escape of some of the inhabitants and the leading into captivity of others4 ,in the scene of capitulation the central figure is an ,eastern king or ruler1 in ,persian cap2 behind him an attendant bears a sunshade2 around him stand his guards4 ,this potentate is approached by two elderly men1 staid and dignified1 who are clearly the representatives of the city1 and come asking for terms4 ,in other scenes we find a bold but a necessarily unsuccessful attempt to represent without due perspective the city walls with the heads of the defenders showing above them1 the women wailing1 the attacking force adjusting the ladders for scaling1 or repulsing sorties of the besieged4 ,the siege and the capture of a hostile city was evidently one of the most notable events of the life of the hero of the monument4 ,with some plausibility archaeologists have found allusion to the same siege in the beautiful figures of women which stood between the columns of the pteron1 the temple-like structure which crowned the monument4 ,these figures represent young girls in the dress of ,attic maidens flying in haste and alarm from some danger which threatens them4 ,at their feet are various marine creatures3 the dolphin1 the sea-snake1 a crab1 a water-bird1 or a fish4 ,this curious circumstance has given rise to the commonly accepted view that they represent ,nereid nymphs hastily escaping over the surface of the sea from some rude alarm1 flying in disorder to their father ,nereus1 as they do on more than one vase when ,peleus has laid hands on their sister ,thetis4 ,what more likely to cause a panic among the shy and peaceful ladies of the sea than a marine battle1 or even the attack of an army on a city of the seacoast8 ,urlichs has tried to show that all the historical indications which may be derived from the frieze of the siege and from the presence of the flying ,nereids may be explained if we assign the tomb to the king or satrap1 ,pericles of ,xanthus1 who1 as we learn from a fragment of ,theopompus1 laid siege to the neighbouring city of ,telmessus1 and after a stubborn resistance compelled it to capitulate4 ,before we can accept or reject this theory we must briefly consider two questions4 ,is an actual historic event depicted on the tomb1 or is the representation merely of a mythical siege of the past8 ,and what is the date of the monument8 ,as to the first of these questions ,i have already sufficiently indicated my view4 ,the sculptural history of the siege is too detailed and precise to be a rendering of a merely typical or ideal siege4 ,the two emissaries of the besiegers must have had prototypes1 and recent prototypes1 in real life2 and the king before whom they stand is no mythical chief1 but the ruler for whom the tomb was made4 ,this has been disputed by ,wolters1 but the general consensus of archaeologists is against him4 ,on the other point1 the date of the monument1 there has been much wider divergence of opinion4 ,at first1 in ,england1 it was placed in the sixth century1 as a monument of the conquest of ,xanthus by ,harpagus1 the general of ,cyrus4 ,this1 however1 is quite impossible4 ,soon the pendulum swung too far in the other direction1 and the sculpture was brought down to the fourth century1 and even connected with the school of ,scopas4 ,the date fixed by ,furtwngler#bif1 the latter part of the fifth century1 is now generally accepted4 ,in the forms of the ,nereids we may trace the artistic influence of the ,victory of ,paeonius1 set up about ,b4,c4 #dbd4 ,and if some of the figures of the friezes be carefully considered they will be found to show traces of undeveloped art1 even of archaism4 ,the ,nereid monument belongs to the age of the ,parthenon and the temple of ,athena ,nike1 not to the age of the ,mausoleum4 ,if therefore we were compelled1 as ,urlichs supposed1 to assign the taking of ,telmessus by ,pericles to so late a date as the #ajbnd ,olympiad 7,b4,c4 #cgb71 we should be obliged to give up its assignment to that king4 ,but there is no conclusive reason for the date fixed by ,urlichs4 ,there is therefore no improbability that our monument may be a memorial of ,pericles of ,xanthus4 ,in any case it has an important place among the remains of antiquity1 because it stands in the line of descent1 a line marked by many lacunae1 which connects the mural reliefs of ,assyria1 with their fulness of historic detail1 and the magnificent monuments of imperial ,rome4 ,the ,nereid ,monument and that of ,gyeulbashi1 as well as some of the sarcophagi from ,sidon1 with which ,i shall deal in the fifteenth chapter1 naturally strike the student as being set in a key somewhat different from that of ordinary ,greek sculpture4 ,the mythological scenes portrayed on them find ready parallels in ,greece1 but the more historic scenes carry our minds to the wall-sculptures of ,assyria or the reliefs of ,roman columns1 such as those of ,trajan and ,aurelius1 rather than to other ,greek works4 ,the reason of this is probably that the art of these ,asiatic monuments is influenced by that of ,ionia1 which is to us1 unfortunately1 but little known4 ,the ,ionian tendency was towards history1 that of the ,dorians towards religion4 ,the great ,greek painters1 following ,ionian precedent1 celebrated in their works many historic battles4 ,bularchus in very early times is said to have portrayed1 for a ,lydian king1 a victory of the ,magnesians3 ,panaenus painted at ,athens the battle of ,marathon1 ,androcydes of ,cyzicus painted for the ,thebans a picture of their victory at ,plataea1 and ,euphranor depicted the battle of ,mantineia4 ,but in ,greece sculpture took a different and more ideal line1 and translated the battles of the present into mythic combats of the past1 in which ,centaurs and ,amazons rather than fellow-,greeks represented the vanquished party4 ,the sculpture of the ,nereid monument is dominated by a more realistic and historic spirit4 ,the sculpture at ,gyeulbashi is on the border-line1 so that we find it hard to decide whether the scene of the siege there portrayed is ,ilium or ,lycia1 and whether the battles are being fought on the windy plain of ,troy or the southern coast of ,asia ,minor4 ,the sculpture of the ,mausoleum is of the purely ,greek and ideal character4 ,but the greatest of the ,sidonian sarcophagi returns1 as we shall see1 in the age of ,alexander the ,great1 to a more realistic level4 ,the heroon of ,gyeulbashi was discovered in the heart of ,lycia by ,schnborn in #ahdb4 ,for a long time the discovery remained almost unnoticed4 ,but a few years ago an ,austrian expedition was sent to secure such remains of the monument as have artistic value1 and these are now deposited in the ,museum of ,vienna4 ,unfortunately they have suffered terribly1 being of limestone and not of marble1 from exposure to the weather1 and some of the friezes have almost perished4 ,casts of the better-preserved portions are to be found at ,south ,kensington and ,oxford4 ,and the whole monument is published in the completest and most satisfactory form by ,professor ,benndorf#big4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #gf4 ,,heroon ,,of ,,gyeulbashi4 ,in form the heroon differs entirely1 as will be seen from the engraving 7,fig4 #gf7 from other ,lycian monuments4 ,the actual grave is a modest construction in the form of a sarcophagus surmounted by a cover with gables4 ,this stands transversely within a walled enclosure some #gh feet long by #fh wide1 inside measurement4 ,the enclosing wall is built solidly of squared stones4 ,and it is this which is the interesting part of the whole2 for the wall is adorned without and within with a series of reliefs1 presenting us with a whole gallery of representations remarkable alike for their style and their subjects1 some of which are portrayed nowhere else in the whole range of ,greek sculpture4 ,the keynote here again is furnished by the group of seated heroic personages4 ,this group is sculptured over the door through which the enclosure is entered2 unfortunately it has so severely suffered that the details are obscure4 ,the great lintel stone over the doorway is decorated as follows4 ,above are the foreparts of four winged bulls1 separated by rosettes and a gorgon-head4 ,immediately below these are seated two pairs of figures1 in each case male and female4 ,the men are bearded1 the women veiled4 ,husband and wife are turned towards one another1 and behind the wife in each group stands a girl1 a daughter or servant1 holding in one instance a casket1 in the other raising her arms in an attitude of sorrow4 ,these two heroic pairs are probably the proprietors of the sacred enclosure1 which was built like a finely carved casket to hold their ashes4 ,in the decoration of the casket we find one ,oriental motive4 ,over the door inside is a line of dwarfs1 or of repetitions of the ,egyptian monster ,bes1 holding musical instruments or dancing4 ,here we have a touch lent by a religion less refined and artistic than that of the anthropomorphic ,greeks4 ,the rest of the reliefs take their subjects from the legendary tales of ,greece4 ,we do not appear to have here1 as on the ,nereid monument1 allusions to the lives of the buried heroes4 ,there is no scene which bears the impress of history4 ,the ,greek artists who were employed by the wealthy ,lycian family to adorn the wall seem to have been left quite free in their choice of subjects4 ,so they run on almost without plan1 from tale to tale and from scene to scene4 ,sometimes we have two subjects1 one above the other1 quite independent one of the other4 ,sometimes the two lines of decorations are occupied with a single scene4 ,it would be useless to attempt to describe in detail scenes which we are unable to set before the eyes of the reader4 ,the landing of the ,greeks at ,troy1 the siege of the ,city1 the battle of ,achilles with the ,amazons who come to its rescue1 ,odysseus meeting ,penelope1 and shooting down the suitors1 are taken from the cycle of ,trojan legend4 ,then we have the hunting of the ,calydonian boar1 the carrying off of the daughters of ,leucippus1 the expedition of the ,seven against ,thebes1 all portrayed with the freedom which ,greek artists use1 always ready to subordinate strict fidelity to tradition to the necessities of art and the love of balance and measure4 ,the interest of those scenes is great1 but it does not belong to our subject4 ,the art is not sepulchral1 but of the myth-loving kind which prevails in the decoration of ,greek temples1 and which once marked the lost masterpieces of the great ,greek painters4 ,professor ,benndorf has tried1 and not unsuccessfully1 to prove that in the reliefs of ,gyeulbashi we may find clear traces of the influence of the great ,thasian painter ,polygnotus1 another of whose lines of influence reached the sculptors of the ,parthenon4 ,the ,lycian heroon and the ,attic temple are works of about the same period1 widely as they differ in some respects4 ,at ,athens the influence of ,polygnotus is fairly and fully translated into sculptural style4 ,in ,lycia the sculptor has less transforming vigour1 and he retains in the work of the chisel some conventions appropriate only to the work of the brush4 ,one other important tomb must be mentioned which was built in ,asia1 though its construction is purely ,greek1 its material the marble of ,pentelicus1 and its erection on the coast of ,asia ,minor no more than an instance of the fortune of war4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #gg4 ,,lion-,,tomb1 ,,cnidus4 ,among the discoveries1 with the fruits of which ,sir ,charles ,newton enriched the ,british ,museum1 there were few which he valued more highly than that of the ,lion-tomb of ,cnidus4 ,the huge lion1 which is now in the ,mausoleum ,room of the ,british ,museum1 reclined on the top of a building made solid to receive his vast weight1 looking out over the ,carian ,sea4 ,we engrave 7,fig4 #gg7 the whole monument as restored by ,mr4 ,pullan#bih4 ,it can scarcely be contended that the lion is a great work of sculpture4 ,his size is imposing and his attitude monumental1 but the head and body alike lack character and force4 ,this is true of all the lions of ,greek artists of the period1 the great lion set up in memory of ,chaeroneia1 those which adorned the ,mausoleum1 and others4 ,the fact is that the ,greeks between the days of the ,persian ,wars and those of ,alexander knew nothing of the lion1 probably scarcely ever saw one1 dead or alive4 ,so their artistic and idealizing tendency had to work without constant reference to1 and correction by1 nature4 ,thus1 while the types of the horse1 the bull1 and the dog went on developing on the lines of love and appreciation of nature1 the type of the lion became fantastic and poor4 ,the soul of the lion does not inhabit the bodies prepared for it by ,greek artists4 ,nevertheless the ,cnidian monument has its interest4 ,it is conjectured1 with a high degree of probability1 that it was set up by ,conon1 after his great victory of #cid ,b4,c4 over the ,spartan fleet at ,cnidus4 ,it commemorates alike the battle and the ,athenians who fell in it4 ,it is an ,attic tomb though not erected in ,attica1 more imposing as a historical monument than the reliefs of the ,cerameicus1 but inferior to them in the higher artistic qualities4 ,our subject being ,greek sculptured tombs1 we must leave out of consideration one of the most important classes of ,hellenic or semi-,hellenic graves1 that which belongs to the ,greek colonists of the ,crimea and their barbarous ,scythic allies#bii4 ,in the neighbourhood of the ancient ,panticapaeum1 a city closely connected with ,athens by ties of commerce and alliance1 there are many mound-graves1 which being opened have been found to contain lofty vaulted chambers1 in shape and design not unlike the treasuries of ,mycenae and ,orchomenus1 but of a far later age1 belonging in fact mostly to the fourth century1 which seems to have been the golden age of ,panticapaeum4 ,these graves have no important architectural features and no sculptural adornment4 ,but they have in many cases preserved to our days their contents1 a rich spoil of gold and bronze1 of ,greek vases and barbarous armour1 of ornaments and coins4 ,by an art-loving and paternal government1 these important relics of the most northerly branch of the ,hellenic stock have been carefully collected and preserved1 forming to-day one of the most splendid attractions of the ,hermitage ,museum at ,st4 ,petersburg4 ,they are also luxuriously published in official publications of the ,russian ,government1 offering to the student of history a new chapter1 showing how1 in the ,crimea of old1 ,greek and ,scythian met1 how the ,greek refined the ,scythian and supplied him with admirable works of art1 and how the ,scythian lent the ,greek armour and clothes1 besides no doubt supplying him with timber1 corn1 and skins4 ,and to the student of art they exhibit the richness and the taste displayed by ,athenian craftsmen in the fourth century1 in the production even of the smallest and least considered of the appliances of daily life4 ,,chapter ,,xiv ,,the ,,mausoleum ,we turn next to the ,mausoleum1 the great tomb erected in honour of ,mausolus1 king of ,caria1 by his widow ,artemisia1 in the middle of the fourth century4 ,it ranked among the wonders of the world1 and was the work of the most celebrated artists of ,greece4 ,the discovery of its remains by ,sir ,charles ,newton occupies a prominent position among the first-rate achievements of ,english excavators4 ,and their acquisition by the ,british ,museum has made the ,national ,gallery of ,sculpture almost as rich in fourth-century sculpture as the purchase of the ,elgin marbles had made it in the sculpture of the fifth century4 ,the problem of the reconstruction of the ,mausoleum is among the most interesting of those connected with the history of ,greek architecture4 ,generally speaking1 after the excavation of the site of the great ,greek building1 its restoration is by no means difficult4 ,the laws of ,greek architecture are so precise1 and its forms so simple1 that it is possible from the evidence of a few stones to reconstruct it with the certainty with which the skilled palaeontologist constructs a geological animal from the evidence of a few bones4 ,the wonderful reconstructions of ,dr4 ,drpfeld on the ,athenian ,acropolis1 at ,olympia1 and elsewhere1 have commonly but little in them which is arbitrary1 though much which is brilliant4 ,dr4 ,drpfeld has not yet attempted the ,mausoleum4 ,but it is safe to say that in its reconstruction he would meet difficulties such as he has not yet encountered4 ,at first sight1 the materials for a reconstruction seem very abundant4 ,we have an elaborate description of the monument by ,pliny4 ,we have an account of its partial destruction in the sixteenth century by the ,knights of ,st4 ,john4 ,and the excavations on the site conducted by ,sir ,charles ,newton were complete and systematic4 ,but the advantage derived from all this richness of material is more than balanced by the fact that the ,mausoleum was a work of new and original design4 ,it was no ,greek temple1 made according to well-established rules1 but a monument intended to stand alone through the centuries4 ,thus the man who would successfully restore its design must venture to rise above convention1 and has need of a thorough grasp of the tendencies and possibilities of ,greek architecture4 ,setting aside the fanciful reconstructions proposed by scholars before ,newton's excavations1 we pass to those made with the data now available4 ,the earliest reconstruction1 one to which we must attach considerable value1 is that set forth by the excavators themselves4 ,it is hard to say who is responsible for it4 ,it was first projected by ,lieut4 ,smith1 an engineer attached to the expedition1 revised and completed by ,mr4 ,pullan the architect1 adopted and defended by ,sir ,charles ,newton himself4 ,plans based upon this1 but differing from it in various points1 were set forth by ,mr4 ,fergusson and ,dr4 ,petersen4 ,but since neither of these writers has fairly grappled with the subject from the beginning1 we may feel justified in not paying much heed to their plans4 ,if we are to set aside a restoration made on the spot1 with all local knowledge and every resource1 it must be only after a very careful and complete survey of all the available evidence4 ,the plans of ,pullan1 ,fergusson1 and ,petersen have won their way into our books1 and are frequently treated as final4 ,but final they certainly are not4 ,they have never1 until quite lately1 been collated with sufficient care with the evidence1 especially with the ancient authorities4 ,they contain violations of precedent and probability which it is not easy to justify4 ,mr4 ,oldfield has therefore done an excellent work in his recent attempt#cjj to improve upon the received restorations1 an attempt marked by extreme care1 lucidity1 and ingenuity4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #gh4 ,,mausoleum3 ,,mr4 ,,pullan4 ,it is1 unfortunately1 not possible here to criticize in satisfactory detail the views of ,mr4 ,oldfield and his predecessors4 ,i propose only to set forth briefly the sum of the evidence ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #gi4 ,,mausoleum3 ,,mr4 ,,oldfield4 which exists for the reconstruction1 after engraving side by side the plans set forth by ,mr4 ,pullan 7,fig4 #gh7 and ,mr4 ,oldfield 7,fig4 #gi7cja on the basis of that evidence4 ,readers to whom such inquiries have no interest would do well to omit the rest of this chapter4 ,our materials are of four kinds4 ,first we have the statements of certain ancient writers4 ,second1 we have the curious account by ,guichard of the state of the building when it was partially destroyed by the ,knights of ,st4 ,john in #aebb4 ,third1 we may cite the analogy of other ancient buildings of the same kind1 so far as they are preserved4 ,and of course all these sources of information must be used in strict subordination to the evidence of excavation and of the remains actually existing4 #a4 ,ancient ,writers4 ,hyginus#cjb mentions three facts in regard to the ,mausoleum2 he says that it was of ,parian marble1 #hj feet in height1 #a1cej feet in circumference4 ,in two of these statements he is certainly right4 ,the marble of the ,mausoleum is ,parian1 and the circuit of the sacred enclosure or peribolus is given by ,newton as #a1cdh ,english feet4 ,but as to the height of the building ,hyginus contradicts ,pliny1 and must probably be corrected by him4 ,martial1 in a curious line1 speaks of the ,mausoleum as suspended in the air#cjc4 ,this phrase certainly implies that it did not appear to spectators a solid and massive structure1 but light and aspiring4 ,mr4 ,oldfield contends that the phrase would well describe a building whereof the upper part rested mainly on pillars#cjd1 and would certainly not apply to a building of which solidity is the most striking feature1 as it is of ,mr4 ,pullan's reconstruction4 ,the most important of ancient writers on the ,mausoleum is ,pliny#cje1 whose description we must transcribe at length1 both in ,latin and ,english4 ,scopas habuit aemulos eadem aetate ,bryaxim et ,timotheum et ,leocharen1 de quibus simul dicendum est quoniam pariter caelauere ,mausoleum4 ,sepulcrum hoc est ab uxore ,artemisia factum ,mausolo ,cariae regulo1 qui obiit ,olympiadis cvii#cjf anno secundo4 ,opus id ut esset inter septem miracula hi maxime fecere artifices4 ,patet ab austro et septentrione sexagenos#cjg ternos pedes1 breuius a frontibus1 toto circumitu pedes ccccxi#cjh1 attolitur in altitudinem xxv cubitis1 cingitur columnis xxxvi4 uocauere#cji4 ,ab oriente caelauit ,scopas1 a septentrione ,bryaxis1 a meridie ,timotheus1 ab occasu ,leochares1 priusque quam peragerent regina obiit4 ,non tamen recesserunt nisi absoluto iam1 id gloriae ipsorum artisque monumentum iudicantes1 hodieque certant manus4 ,accessit et quintus artifex4 ,namque supra pyramis altitudine inferiorem aequauit#caj1 uiginti quatuor gradibus in metae cacumen se contrahens4 ,in summo est quadriga marmorea quam fecit ,pythis4 ,haec adiecta cxxxx pedum altitudine totum opus includit4 ,scopas had as rivals and contemporaries ,bryaxis1 ,timotheus1 and ,leochares1 whom we must treat of together since together they sculptured the ,mausoleum4 ,this is the tomb erected to ,mausolus prince of ,caria by his widow ,artemisia4 ,he died in the second year of the #ajgth ,olympiad 7,b4,c4 #cea74 ,that this work is among the seven wonders of the world is mainly owing to these artists4 ,its length on the north and south sides is sixty-three feet2 the faades are shorter2 the whole circuit is #daa feet2 it rises to a height of twenty-five cubits1 and is surrounded by thirty-six columns4 ,this they call the ,pteron4 ,the sculptures of the east side are by ,scopas1 those on the north by ,bryaxis1 those on the south by ,timotheus1 those on the west by ,leochares4 ,before the task was finished the queen died2 but the artists ceased not till the work was done1 considering that it would redound to their glory and be a memorial of their art4 ,to this day they vie in handiwork4 ,there came in also a fifth artist4 ,for over the pteron was a pyramid in height equal to that below1 with a flight of twenty-four steps tapering to a point4 ,on the top is a marble quadriga made by ,pythis4 ,the addition of this raises the height of the whole building to #adj feet4 ,in this passage are several disputed readings1 which ,i have marked in the notes4 ,i have accepted ,mr4 ,oldfield's version1 which is that of the earlier edition of ,sillig's ,pliny4 ,i will briefly sum up ,pliny's evidence as to the form and dimensions of the building4 ,his statement as to the circumstances of its erection needs no summing2 it is clear1 and no doubt correct4 #a4 ,the frontage towards north and south was #fc feet3 the frontage 7in a stricter sense the fronts7 towards east and west was shorter4 ,but the circuit was #daa feet4 ,this latter dimension seems inconsistent with the former4 ,how could a building which was #daa feet in circuit have no side longer than #fc feet8 ,impressed by this difficulty1 some writers supposed the true dimensions to be #afc feet 7adding to the text centenos7 for the frontage to north and south4 ,colonel ,leake1 followed by ,newton and ,pullan1 regarded the dimension of #fc feet as really the length of the cella1 not of any frontage4 ,this1 however1 is doing clear violence to the text of ,pliny4 ,but by a most ingenious adaptation1 ,mr4 ,oldfield has succeeded in reconciling the numbers of ,pliny as they stand4 ,he has1 in fact1 substituted for a square or oblong groundplan of the building 1 a cruciform plan 9999 symbol2 and so makes it possible for any given front to be less than a fourth of the circuit of the building4 ,here ,mr4 ,oldfield has certainly won a great advantage over rival constructions3 he has kept to the text of ,pliny1 and at the same time greatly improved the form of the building4 ,it is true that it would not be easy to find other ,greek buildings of cruciform plan1 but the ,erechtheium at ,athens gives us a hint that such a plan1 produced by the intersection of two ordinary temples1 would not be impossible4 ,and the ,mausoleum was a building in which originality of design was to be expected4 #b4 ,the number of columns of the pteron was thirty-six4 ,the pteron is the temple-like building erected on the base1 a construction of which1 in any possible view1 columns were the principal feature4 ,now the writers who supposed the pteron to be a huge square edifice were compelled to place the columns all round the edge of it3 and to fill up the midst with a vast and solid construction of hewn stone 7,fig4 #gh74 ,but ,mr4 ,oldfield is enabled1 by greatly reducing the superficial area covered by the pteron1 to make the columns by far its most conspicuous feature4 ,within them there is room only for a small building2 or the space may even be filled by a few solid piers1 which is the plan he adopts4 ,he can thus far more nearly conform to the #8aere pendentia ,mausolea' of ,martial4 #c4 ,the total height was #adj feet#caa from the ground to the top of the chariot4 ,let us consider how this height was made up4 ,thirty-seven and a half feet 7#be cubits7 was occupied by the pteron4 ,then there was a pyramid of twenty-four steps over the pteron1 supporting a chariot1 and there was under the pteron another pyramid equal in height to the upper one4 ,now we have considerable remains of the steps of the upper pyramid1 from careful measurement of which ,mr4 ,pullan has ascertained that each step was #ab inches in height4 ,thus the total height of the upper pyramid was #bd feet4 ,the lower pyramid was of the same height4 ,the chariot would not occupy less than twelve feet4 ,we have thus accounted for #cg1 #bd1 #bd and #ab feet1 about #ajj feet of the #adj of ,pliny4 ,the amount may be filled up by assuming that the whole stood on a high podium or basis1 and by inserting an attic over the pteron1 or in other ways4 #d4 ,if the reading aequavit for aequat be accepted1 an opening is left for ,mr4 ,oldfield's view1 that after the building had been set up with a pyramid rising to a point1 it was decided to add a chariot on the top1 and that in order to accomplish this1 a basis was built round the topmost steps of the pyramid1 of which six were thus concealed from view4 #e4 ,sir ,c4 ,newton#cab and ,mr4 ,pullan accepted the reading #8altitudinem inferiorem' for altitudine1 and had supposed the assertion to be that the height of the pyramid above was equal to that of the basis below the pyramid4 ,this is1 however1 a mere correction of the text4 ,if we adhere to the reading of the ,,mss4 we must retain altitudine1 and suppose inferiorem to apply to a second pyramid beneath the pteron4 ,it is thus that ,mr4 ,oldfield takes the phrase1 and of the existence of this second pyramid he finds proof in the testimony of ,guichard1 to which we shall next turn4 ,the height of this lower pyramid he supposes to have been equal to that of the original pyramid of twenty-four steps1 not of course to the later truncated pyramid of eighteen steps4 ,it will be seen on referring to ,figs4 #gh and #gi that the acceptance of one or the other of these readings of ,pliny makes a great difference in the principles of reconstruction4 ,mr4 ,pullan admitted no lower pyramid1 and regarding the chariot on the summit as part of the original design1 makes the twenty-four steps of the upper pyramid support it4 ,mr4 ,oldfield does admit a lower pyramid1 and regarding the chariot as a later addition works into its basis six steps of the upper pyramid4 ,hence a great difference between the two restorers in the area covered by the base of the upper pyramid1 which is far larger in ,mr4 ,pullan's design3 and this affects the whole form of the building1 since the excavations determined the size of the area on which the whole stood4 ,it is not easy to meet ,mr4 ,oldfield's argument in favour of his design1 that the phrase #8tapering to a point' applies far better to his pyramid1 as originally intended1 than to ,mr4 ,pullan's flat-topped pyramid4 #b4 ,the ,testimony of ,guichard4 ,such appears to be the testimony of ,pliny4 ,and in some points it is curiously supplemented by the very notable account1 professing to come from an eye-witness1 which is given us by ,guichard#cac of the proceedings of the ,knights of ,st4 ,john on the site of the ,mausoleum4 #8,in the year #aebb1 when ,sultan ,solyman was preparing an expedition against the ,rhodians1 the ,grand ,master1 knowing the importance of the ,castle of ,st4 ,peter at ,budrum or ,halicarnassus1 and being aware that the ,turk would seize it if he could at the first assault1 sent some knights thither to repair the fortress and make all due preparations to resist the enemy4 ,among the number of those sent was the ,commander de la ,tourette1 a ,lyonnese knight1 who was afterwards present at the taking of ,rhodes1 and came to ,france1 where he related what ,i am now about to narrate to ,m4 d',alechamps1 a person sufficiently known by his learned writings1 and whose name ,i mention here only for the purpose of publishing my authority for so singular a story4 #8,when these knights had arrived at ,mesy 7,budrum71 they at once set about fortifying the castle2 and looking about for stones wherewith to make lime1 found none more suitable or more easily got at than certain steps of white marble1 raised in the form of a staircase 7perron7 in the middle of a level field near the port1 which had formerly been the great square of ,halicarnassus4 ,they therefore pulled down and took away these marble steps for their use1 and finding the stone good1 proceeded1 after having destroyed the little masonry remaining above ground1 to dig lower down1 in the hope of finding more4 #8,in this attempt they had great success1 for in a short time they perceived that the deeper they went the more the structure was enlarged at the base1 supplying them not only with stone for making lime but also for building4 #8,after four or five days1 having laid bare a great space one afternoon1 they saw an opening as into a cellar4 ,taking a candle1 they descended through this opening1 and found that it led into a fine large square apartment1 ornamented all round with columns of marble1 with their bases1 capitals1 architrave1 frieze1 and cornices1 carved and sculptured in mezzo rilievo4 ,the space between the columns was lined with slabs and bands of marbles of different colours1 ornamented with mouldings and sculptures1 in harmony with the rest of the work1 and inserted in the white ground of the wall1 where deeds and battle-scenes were represented sculptured in relief4 #8,having at first admired these works1 and entertained their fancy with the singularity of the sculpture1 they pulled it to pieces1 and broke up the whole of it1 applying it to the same purpose as the rest4 #8,besides this apartment1 they found afterwards a very low door1 which led into another apartment1 like an ante-chamber1 where was a tomb1 with its urn and its cover 7tymbre7 of white marble1 very beautiful and of marvellous lustre4 ,this sepulchre1 for want of time1 they did not open1 the retreat having already sounded4 #8,the day after1 when they returned1 they found the tomb opened1 and the earth all round strewn with fragments of cloth of gold1 and ornaments of the same metal1 which made them suppose that the pirates who hovered on their coast1 having some inkling of what had been discovered1 had visited the place during the night1 and had removed the lid of the tomb4' ,those who are acquainted with the ,levant1 with its wondrous tales of underground chambers and hidden treasures1 will scarcely be disposed to accept1 without a grain of salt1 the details of this curious story4 ,it may be true1 or it may be in the main a work of the imagination4 ,many such stories1 grounded or groundless1 are flitting from mouth to mouth in ,asia ,minor1 and rapidly growing in the process4 ,nevertheless it is probable that ,mr4 ,oldfield is justified in saying that the earlier part of the tale affords a clear confirmation of the existence 7which has been denied7 of a lower pyramid at the ,mausoleum as well as that which surmounted the building4 ,the knights found in the ground steps of white marble like a staircase1 and as they dug downwards these steps spread outwards1 just as would the steps of a pyramid4 ,the solid mass of marble had escaped while most of the upper part of the building had been carried away as material for the castles of the knights4 ,but it survived no longer2 it was carried away by the companions of ,de la ,tourette and built into the walls of the castle4 ,as to what ,guichard tells us in regard to the contents of the inner chamber1 scepticism is more justifiable4 #c4 ,the ,analogy of other ,buildings4 ,of monuments mentioned in these pages1 only two can fairly be used for comparison with the ,mausoleum4 ,these are the ,lycian ,nereid ,monument 7,fig4 #gd7 and the ,lion ,tomb of ,cnidus 7,fig4 #gg74 ,the ,nereid ,monument consists1 like the ,mausoleum1 of a pteron raised upon a base or podium2 but no part of it is of pyramidal form4 ,it is merely1 if the restoration be correct1 a building in the form of an ordinary ,greek temple1 on an unusually high podium4 ,it may be used as proof that the ,mausoleum also had a high podium1 for the existence of which the existing remains furnish no direct evidence4 ,the ,lion ,tomb may be suggestive from a constructional point of view1 as the architectural problem involved in supporting a massive lion on the top was not unlike the problem which the architect of the ,mausoleum had to solve4 ,but its elevation was of a far simpler type than was that of the ,mausoleum4 ,other buildings are cited and engraved in the treatise of ,mr4 ,oldfield1 but unless we could examine them in detail it would be useless to mention them here4 ,they are valuable rather as offering suggestions on points of construction than as affording us real parallels to the plan of the ,mausoleum4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the evidence of existing remains must be studied partly in ,sir ,c4 ,newton's ,history of ,discoveries1 partly in the ,mausoleum ,room of the ,british ,museum4 ,lately ,mr4 ,murray has in that museum set up one of the pillars of the pteron1 with base and cornice1 a reconstruction which will greatly help those who wish to revive in imagination the glories of the most splendid of ancient sepulchres4 ,for the manner in which out of the data ,mr4 ,oldfield makes a conjectural restoration of the great tomb we must refer the reader to his admirable paper in ,archaeologia4 ,we can only conclude1 as we began1 by referring to his engraving set side by side with ,mr4 ,pullan's 7,figs4 #gh1 #gi74 ,of the two it is by far the better1 closer to the ancient evidence1 less clumsy1 more ,greek4 ,but of course it may be in turn superseded by other restorations hereafter4 ,in one point both reconstructions are certainly wrong1 in placing on the top of the whole1 in the chariot of ,pythis1 the magnificent statues of ,mausolus and ,artemisia1 found on the site1 which were doubtless carefully preserved in the interior of the building1 and not put almost beyond sight and exposed to the weather on the top of it4 ,i have elsewhere#cad maintained this view by the following arguments3-- #a4 ,pliny mentions the chariot of ,pythis1 but says nothing of any figures in it4 #b4 ,the statues at such a height1 in a chariot1 and behind gigantic horses1 would have been almost invisible from below4 #c4 ,neither ,mausolus nor his wife is holding reins or clad in the dress of a charioteer4 #d4 ,the head of ,mausolus in particular is too well preserved to have been long exposed to the weather4 #e4 ,both the horses and the wheel of the chariot are on a far larger scale than the two statues4 #f4 ,they are also very inferior to the statues as works of art4 ,the only argument of importance on the other side arises from the fact that the statues and the fragments of the chariot were found together4 ,but it must be observed that the course of discovery in the ,german excavations at ,olympia proved that collocations of remains of ancient buildings have often a most fortuitous character4 ,and not only were the statues of ,mausolus and ,artemisia found with the remains of the chariot1 but also a variety of fragments of other statues which can have had nothing to do with that chariot4 ,we cannot yet venture to say to which of the ,mausoleum artists the portrait of ,mausolus is due4 ,quite lately ,dr4 ,j4 ,six has suggested ,bryaxis and ,dr4 ,w4 ,amelung ,praxiteles1 who is said by ,vitruvius to have had a share in the monument4 ,but neither of these conjectures reaches beyond a probability4 ,we possess1 besides the sculptured remains already mentioned1 quite a wealth of fragments of statues and reliefs from the site4 7#a7 ,some fragments of metopes1 one of which seems to have represented an adventure of ,theseus4 7#b7 ,a few figures from a most spirited frieze1 representing a race of chariots4 ,this frieze is generally accepted as the work of ,scopas4 7#c7 ,scanty vestiges of a frieze representing the battle of ,lapiths and ,centaurs4 7#d7 ,the well-known wonderful frieze of the ,greeks and ,amazons4 7#e7 ,a magnificent torso of a ,persian rider on his horse4 7#f7 ,portions of many statues of colossal size and of life size4 ,these sculptural remains have never been properly published#cae1 nor are by any means all of them exhibited in the public rooms of the ,british ,museum4 ,the ,mausoleum was a wonder of the world1 not so much on account of its size and costliness as because of its ingenious architecture and noble sculpture4 ,though it had not the magnificence of the ,taj ,mahal of ,agra1 nor the solidity of the ,pyramids of ,egypt1 it is probably the noblest tomb ever erected for mortal man4 ,it not only immortalized the name of ,mausolus1 but it is also a leading authority for the style of the second great school of ,attic sculptors4 ,its poor remains are among the most precious possessions of the ,british ,museum4 ,of the authors1 we can still say1 in the words of ,pliny1 #8hodie certant manus4' ,,chapter ,,xv ,,greek ,,sarcophagi ,the recent great discovery at ,sidon of a number of beautiful sarcophagi executed by ,greek artists1 and belonging to the best period of sculpture1 has been quite a revelation to archaeologists4 ,before1 we had abundance of ,roman sarcophagi1 the sculpture of which showed various degrees of merit2 and we had a few sarcophagi from ,cyprus and ,lycia and ,etruria1 which were interesting1 but not very important in relation to ,greek art or ,greek religion4 ,one or two of our most beautiful sarcophagi1 notably the ,amazon sarcophagus of ,vienna1 were ,hellenic1 and dated as far back as the fourth century2 but these seem almost lost in the brilliancy of the recent discoveries4 ,the ,greek custom was not to bury the dead in massive coffins of stone1 but either to build a receptacle for the body out of slabs of terra cotta1 or to enclose it in a light earthenware vessel4 ,i speak of course of the cases when the body was buried3 when it was burned1 obviously only a small vase would be necessary to hold the ashes4 ,the terra-cotta coffins of the ,greeks had seldom any notable adornment4 ,but exception must be made of one great necropolis1 that of ,clazomenae in ,ionia4 ,in some of our great museums1 notably those of ,london and ,berlin1 there are preserved several remarkable sarcophagi#caf of the sixth century1 which come from that site4 ,they are of solid construction1 made of terra-cotta1 adorned with rich patterns painted on lids and on sides1 and covered with scenes closely parallel to those familiar to us on black-figured vases1 combats of warriors1 hunting scenes1 heraldic animals1 and the like4 ,a distinctly ,oriental trait found on some of these coffins is found in the scenes where the hunters are pursuing in chariots stags and other game4 ,the kings of ,assyria are represented on the walls of their palaces as thus hunting in chariots2 but the custom was probably quite foreign to all ,greeks except a few wealthy inhabitants of ,asia1 who were influenced by ,asiatic ways4 ,these productions of ,ionic potters are very interesting from many points of view1 but are not quite in the line of our present investigation4 ,let us then at once pass to the sarcophagi from ,sidon1 now the chief ornaments of the important museum formed by ,hamdy ,bey at ,constantinople#cag4 ,they all come from one series of tombs discovered at ,sidon4 ,there was a central pit sunk in the rocky soil1 off which branched in all directions a series of chambers cut at various times and opening one out of the other4 ,the rooms contained a number of sarcophagi of various periods1 the earlier showing the influence of ,egypt1 the later that of ,hellas4 ,there can be little doubt that we have discovered one of the chief burying-places of the royal race of the kings of ,sidon4 ,unfortunately the coffins had been opened by robbers at some uncertain period1 and their contents removed4 ,only the sarcophagi themselves remain1 for the most part in an excellent state of preservation1 and even retaining to some extent the colours with which their marble was stained when they were fashioned4 ,until the end of the sixth century these royal coffins are of the ,egyptian form1 the body being plain1 and the cover imitating the form of a mummy with the face exposed4 ,but in the fifth century these faces show the dominance of ,greek style4 ,and as the rule of ,greek art in the ,levant becomes during that century more pronounced1 the mummy-like sarcophagus gives place to forms better suited for offering a suitable field to the sculptor1 and the flat surfaces are adorned with reliefs1 which in style if not in subject are of pure ,greek type4 ,we will briefly describe the four principal sculptured sarcophagi under the names which have been for convenience assigned to them1 and in chronological order3 7#a7 ,the ,tomb of the ,satrap1 7#b7 ,the ,lycian ,tomb1 7#c7 ,the ,tomb of the ,mourning ,women1 7#d7 ,the ,alexander ,tomb4 ,the ,tomb of the ,satrap is assigned by ,studniczka to the middle of the fifth century1 and though the freedom of pose of some of the figures sculptured on it may make us hesitate before accepting quite so early a date1 it certainly belongs to the century4 ,three of the four scenes which adorn the sides and ends of the tomb are clearly scenes from the history of one man1 no doubt the hero contained in it1 a personage represented as having a long beard1 and usually wearing the conical hat of the ,persians and ,phrygians4 ,the scene of one of the ends 7,fig4 #hj7cah recalls the gable of the ,nereid monument4 ,the bearded man reclines on a couch at table1 holding in his hand a winecup4 ,his wife is seated at his feet2 in attendance on him are two young men1 one of whom fills a rhyton or drinking horn from a jug4 ,we have here a scheme closely like that of the sepulchral banquet of ,athens4 ,and though the reference may be primarily to the family repast of the palace1 yet considering that the sculptor was a ,greek1 it is scarcely likely that all reference to what was beyond the tomb was wholly absent from his mind4 ,the wine which the hero drinks may very well be that poured in libation at his grave4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #hj4 ,,sarcophagus ,,of ,,the ,,satrap3 ,,end4 ,at the opposite end of the sarcophagus are represented four of the body-guard1 conversing one with the other4 ,on one of its sides is a scene of leave-taking4 ,the hero sits on a throne1 resting his arm ,zeus-like on a sceptre1 while behind him stand two of the women of his household4 ,before him is a young man1 no doubt a son1 stepping into a chariot to which four horses are already yoked1 and of which he holds the reins4 ,he turns to say a word of farewell to his father4 ,two other young men are present3 one holds in the horses of the chariot1 the other stands ready to mount a horse1 and to ride beside it4 ,here again we have a scene to which abundant parallels may be found among the ,attic grave-reliefs4 ,the departure of a warrior or a horseman is1 as we have already seen#cai1 an ordinary subject on the stelae of ,athens and elsewhere4 ,it may be that the son is setting out on a military expedition which brought his father fame and increase of territory4 ,on the fourth side of the tomb1 father and son are again prominent4 ,it is a hunting scene4 ,in the midst is a panther turning to bay1 which father and son charge at the same moment on horseback from one side and the other4 ,on the left a young horseman has struck down a stag1 and to balance him on the right is represented a horse galloping away in a panic1 having thrown his rider1 whom he drags with him4 ,there can be little doubt that all these scenes are out of the life of the person to whom the tomb is devoted1 and in all his son appears with him1 very probably the successor who had the sarcophagus made4 ,the subsidiary figures may be either younger sons or merely attendants4 ,unfortunately we have no historical data for the assignment of the tomb to any particular ruler of ,sidon4 ,m4 ,reinach insists with justice on the importance of this tomb as a monument of the great art of ,ionia of the fifth century1 an art of which little has come down to us1 but of the splendour of which we can judge from the statements of ancient writers4 ,our sarcophagus lies half-way between the reliefs of ,assyria1 recording the great deeds of the kings1 in an exaggerated and ideal historical record1 and the sculpture of purely ,greek monuments such as the ,mausoleum1 where the battles of ,greeks and ,amazons1 of ,lapiths and ,centaurs1 take the place of the contests of ordinary men4 ,the ,lycian ,tomb and that of the ,mourning ,women belong almost entirely to the idealizing tendency of ,greek sculpture already spoken of1 which translated the present into the past and the human into the heroic4 ,with the age of ,alexander the historic tendency once more prevails1 since the deeds of ,alexander and his contemporaries might well seem pitched at a level quite as high as the mythic exploits of ,herakles and ,theseus4 ,the ,lycian ,tomb may be dated about the year #dbj4 ,it owes its name to its curious form1 a form common in ,lycia1 the cover being set on in the shape of a ,gothic arch4 ,the conjecture has been hazarded that it was originally made for a ,lycian chief and carried off by its ,phoenician proprietor2 but for this view there is not much evidence4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #ha4 ,,sphinxes3 ,,lycian ,,sarcophagus4 ,the two ends are adorned1 with consummate taste and adaptation to space1 with mythic subjects4 ,above1 at one end1 are a pair of griffins1 at the other a pair of sphinxes1 whose beautiful faces might be those of two angels of death 7,fig4 #ha74 ,below are ,centaurs in carefully balanced groups4 ,the sides of the tomb bear reliefs the subjects of which are taken from daily life1 but daily life treated quite generally1 and with a view to the laws of sculptural composition rather than with any intention to set forth the history of a life4 ,on one side two ,amazons1 each in a four-horse chariot and attended by a female charioteer1 attack a lion4 ,on the other side five men on horseback close in upon a boar4 ,the hunters are all young men of the type of the riders on the frieze of the ,parthenon1 to some of whom in fact they bear a very close resemblance4 ,but the chariot used for lion-hunting savours rather of ,assyria than of ,greece4 ,the reliefs were fully coloured1 such accessories as reins and spears being filled in in metal4 ,as the ,lycian ,tomb carries an echo of the style of ,pheidias1 so the ,tomb of the ,mourning ,women reminds us at once of the works of the second ,attic school1 and of ,praxiteles in particular4 ,we should date it about ,b4,c4 #cgj or #cfj4 ,i can only describe in detail the scenes of the one end of it which is selected for the illustration2 of the rest of the sculptured reliefs a very summary description must suffice4 ,never was there a work of art in which death and mourning were represented in so varied and so exquisitely subdued a fashion4 ,the sarcophagus is like an artistic lament1 written in many verses1 and composed in different keys1 but still constantly returning to and hovering about the loss of some dignified and much-regretted person4 ,in the engraving 7,fig4 #hb7 we see at the top two corresponding groups1 in each of which is a bearded man seated in an attitude of dejection1 while a younger man standing before him holds discourse with him4 ,the subject of which he speaks is1 we can scarcely doubt1 the death of the ruler who was the master and protector of both1 and whose departure causes widely spread sorrow in the land4 ,just below1 in the gable1 are three seated women1 who also seem to talk on the same theme4 ,they remind us of a fine passage in the dirge pronounced by ,david over ,saul and ,jonathan#cbj1 #8,ye daughters of ,israel1 weep over ,saul1 who ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #hb4 ,,sarcophagus ,,of ,,mourners3 ,,end4 clothed you in scarlet with other delights1 who put on ornaments of gold on your apparel4' ,the main field is occupied by three women standing1 separated one from the other by pillars of ,ionic form4 ,in the attitude of all there is something of pensiveness1 as it would seem to us1 but to a ,greek eye it would mean more than thought1--sorrow4 ,the poses are precisely those to which we are accustomed in the ,attic family groups2 and there can be little doubt that the artist who made this sarcophagus belonged to the school1 ,praxitelean in character1 which produced the stelae of ,athens4 ,the lowest line of sculpture in the engraving is on a very small scale and in low relief2 it represents scenes of hunting and the bringing home of the booty4 ,the remaining three faces of the sarcophagus correspond with that which we have described in subject and in style1 the other end closely so4 ,on each side we find--besides the lowest relief1 which runs all round--above1 a funeral procession1 in which a hearse is convoyed to the grave by a chariot and led horses1 and below1 six more women in mourning attitudes standing between pillars4 ,the number of these female figures is thus eighteen4 ,it would puzzle many a modern artist to solve the artistic problem thus set1 to produce eighteen figures of women1 all young and of the same type1 all standing in poses both in themselves elegant but yet suggestive of grief1 and so different one from the other that there is no sameness or repetition4 ,but artistic problems of this sort had a special attraction for ,greek artists of the best period--for the artist who planned the ,parthenon frieze as well as for the artists of the ,mausoleum4 ,and no solution could be found more perfect than that offered us in the present case4 ,the eighteen women have been compared to a dirge of eighteen stanzas2 and though to sustain the comparison the dirge would be somewhat monotonous1 that fact perhaps would not make it less impressive4 ,m4 ,reinach well observes that the whole form of this monument is taken from that of a temple4 ,the columns support an entablature1 above which rises a pediment4 ,between the columns stand statues1 as very often in ,greek temples and in monuments such as the ,lycian heroon 7,fig4 #gd74 ,no doubt1 morphologically1 the sarcophagus is a miniature temple1 as the temple itself is a beautified and idealized house2 but in ,greece every form of monument soon acquires a decoration specially suited to it2 thus the form and decoration of this tomb are an able adaptation rather than a survival4 ,if our assignment of the date of the sarcophagus to about ,b4,c4 #cgj or #cfj be correct1 we may almost venture to assign a name to its possessor4 ,though we do not know much of the history of ,sidon1 we do know that at this period the throne of the city was occupied by a king named ,strato1 in whose honour the people of ,athens passed a decree1 in return for favours done to their envoys4 ,the text of this decree is extant#cba4 ,as ,strato was thus on excellent terms with the people of ,athens2 what more natural than that ,athens should lend an artist for the decoration of his sarcophagus either to him or to his successor8 ,by far the most beautiful and the most noteworthy of the ,sidonian sarcophagi is that which bears the name of ,alexander the ,great4 ,at first1 when the discovery was made1 some writers expressed the opinion that it was the tomb of ,alexander himself4 ,alexander however was buried1 as we know on quite sufficient testimony1 not at ,sidon but at ,alexandria#cbb4 ,and though the coffin is quite worthy of holding the bones of the greatest of kings1 yet ,alexander's taste was probably too florid to be content with a mere shrine of marble4 ,moreover1 it is almost certain that no ,greek was the occupant1 for inside were found linen bands1 such as were used for swaddling the corpses of ,oriental1 but not of ,hellenic1 princes4 ,the body which had been thus swathed has disappeared4 ,but though the great sarcophagus never held the body of ,alexander1 yet its sculptures are an important artistic and even historical record of some of his achievements4 ,let us briefly consider them in order4 ,according to analogy1 we should expect to find in the pedimental scenes of the sarcophagus the best clue to its attribution3 with them therefore we will begin4 ,in examining all the scenes1 we must discriminate with the utmost care between the dress of ,macedonians and ,greeks on one side and that of the ,persians1 ,phoenicians1 and other ,asiatic peoples on the other4 ,greeks appear here1 as in all works of art1 usually with body either bare or covered with a cuirass1 at the bottom of which is a leather flap4 ,sometimes a chlamys floats from their shoulders4 ,they carry sword and shield1 or a lance1 and wear helmets3 the ,macedonian helmet rises in a peak at the top and has cheek-pieces4 ,the dress of the ,asiatics is less varied3 they wear a loose chiton1 sleeves cover their arms to the wrist1 and trousers reach to the ankle2 on their heads is the ,phrygian cap1 the flaps of which often cover the mouth2 a loose coat with sleeves1 almost like the jacket of a hussar1 is often attached to them at the neck and hangs behind4 ,this is the candys1 often mentioned by ancient writers4 ,xenophon#cbc says that soldiers put their arms through the sleeves when on parade4 ,in the first pediment we have a fighting scene4 ,the fighting is between ,macedonians on one side and ,persians on the other4 ,the most prominent figure1 who occupies the midmost place1 is an ,asiatic cavalier1 who strikes down at a ,greek soldier4 ,his ,persian companions overthrow the ,macedonians opposed to them4 ,we have1 in fact1 a victory of ,asiatics over ,europeans4 ,in the opposite pediment 7,fig4 #hc7 is a scene less easy to interpret4 ,here the combatants are all ,greek or ,macedonian4 ,the most prominent figure is that of a fully armed foot-soldier1 who drives his sword into the throat of a youth who kneels at his feet4 ,in the frieze below the pediment last mentioned 7,fig4 #hc71 we again see an ,asiatic horseman1 apparently the hero of the first pediment1 as central figure1 victorious over a ,greek opponent1 whose helmet1 of form not ,macedonian1 lies beside him4 ,on either side of the horseman there charges fiercely a ,macedonian soldier against ,asiatics1 who are clearly over-matched4 ,in the corresponding frieze at the other end is a scene in which a party of ,asiatics hunt the panther4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #hc4 ,,alexander ,,sarcophagus3 ,,end4 ,before leaving these scenes1 we may observe that it seems clear that the ,asiatic chief already twice repeated is the tenant of the tomb4 ,his dress is quite suitable for that of a ruler of ,sidon3 his position is marked as unique4 ,the scenes in which he takes part are no doubt his hunting and his petty wars with neighbouring princes1 whose armies1 like all armies at the time1 were mixed1 consisting partly of ,macedonians1 partly of ,greek mercenaries1 and partly of native troops4 ,in knowing so little of the history of the time1 we lose the clue that we might otherwise possess as to the particular events portrayed4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #hd4 ,,alexander ,,sarcophagus3 ,,lion ,,hunt4 ,if we accept this interpretation1 we shall be able to explain one at least of the long friezes which adorn the sides of the sarcophagus 7,fig4 #hd7cbd4 ,the subject of it is a lion-hunt4 ,in the midst is a group1 about which the whole scene is balanced4 ,the lion has turned to bay1 and flung himself upon the horse ridden by an ,asiatic cavalier1 who is doubtless the ,sidonian monarch of previous scenes4 ,he defends himself with energy2 and help is approaching from both sides4 ,on one side1 galloping to his aid1 ,alexander himself1 notable for his regal fillet or diadema1 and the intense expression observable in most of his portraits4 ,on the other side comes a ,macedonian noble1 perhaps ,hephaestion1 a beautiful figure1 but without the diadema4 ,at the two ends of the relief are other groups--a ,persian drawing the bow1 a servant running up armed with a pike1 a ,greek and a ,persian striking down a stag4 ,we can easily understand that to accompany ,alexander in his hunting1 and to be rescued by him from the attack of a lion1 was enough to confer great distinction on any ,asiatic potentate1 and we cannot be surprised that he should think the event worthy of record on his tomb4 ,the remaining frieze is that which has attracted most attention#cbe4 ,it is a representation of the conquering charge of ,alexander and his companions at one of his battles1 perhaps that of ,issus4 ,from the left comes the ,great ,king1 a lion's skin on his head1 overthrowing1 by a furious charge1 a ,persian noble who tries to stop his way4 ,an elderly man1 perhaps ,parmenio1 charges at the same moment from the right with like success2 in the midst is a third ,macedonian leader striking down at a ,persian1 one of the noblest figures ever executed in marble4 ,in the field is a mle of ,greeks and ,persians1 the former having by much the better of the fray4 ,in this scene the intention certainly seems to be to glorify ,alexander and his generals2 and it is not easy to find any allusion to deeds of the ,sidonian king4 ,he can scarcely be one of the overthrown ,persian horsemen4 ,the whole composition should be compared with the well-known ,pompeian mosaic which represents the battle of ,issus3 the group of ,alexander and his immediate foe is composed in the two scenes in almost exactly the same way4 ,we engrave finally 7,fig4 #he7 one of the lions which decorate the upper corners of the coffin4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #he4 ,,alexander ,,sarcophagus3 ,a ,,lion4 ,it is most probable that this tomb contained the remains of a king mentioned in history4 ,about #cej ,b4,c4 ,sidon had revolted against ,persia under ,artaxerxes ,ochus1 and the revolt had been mercilessly suppressed by the ,persian king4 ,as a natural result1 the city regarded ,alexander1 when in his victorious course he reached ,sidon1 as a deliverer rather than as a foe4 ,while ,tyre resisted to the death1 ,sidon yielded at once4 ,a ,king ,strato was then ruling4 ,for reasons of his own ,alexander directed ,hephaestion to depose him1 and to set up in his place a member of the royal house named ,abdalonymus4 ,the latter1 however1 did not reign very long1 as after this ,phoenicia became a bone of contention between the ,ptolemies and the ,seleucidae4 ,it seems a fair historical conjecture that the great sarcophagus is that of ,abdalonymus1 who seems to have been the last of the native royal race1 and who records on his tomb alike his own exploits and those of his hero and protector ,alexander4 ,the beauty of the whole sarcophagus cannot be judged from our representations1 few in number and small in size4 ,to be appreciated fully1 the great monument must be seen in its place in the ,museum at ,constantinople3 its beauty and preservation are alike overpowering4 ,much of the colouring still remains#cbf1 but the accessories1 swords1 bits of horses1 and the like1 once filled in in bronze and silver1 have disappeared4 ,the style is a style of wonderful vigour of grouping and skill in execution4 ,altogether it is one of the world's masterpieces4 ,the artistic school of this great work of art remains yet to be determined4 ,the names of ,eutychides and ,euthycrates1 great sculptors of the end of the fourth century1 have been suggested4 ,but the truth is that in this sarcophagus we are face to face with a work of a character quite new to us1 in some ways a more masterly work of the ,greek chisel than we had before possessed4 ,hitherto we had been able to divide ,greek reliefs into high relief1 half relief1 and bas relief4 ,but the artist of these friezes mixes all these styles1 in order to produce the desired effect1 with masterful boldness4 ,we must wait until time and fresh discoveries enable us to determine his artistic genealogy4 ,the nearest of ,greek sarcophagi in date and style to the last of the ,sidonian series is the great ,amazon sarcophagus of ,vienna#cbg1 an admirable work of art1 on the four sides of which are depicted with much spirit the battles of the ,greeks and ,amazons4 ,but we have here regular mythologic scenes like those which adorn the great temples of ,greece2 nothing personal1 and nothing which has reference to the future world4 ,any further consideration of ,greek sarcophagi and of the ,roman sarcophagi which succeeded them would take us into another province of the great empire of ,hellenic antiquity4 ,,the ,,end ,,oxford3 ,,horace ,,hart ,,printer ,,to ,,the ,,university ,,footnotes3 #a ,i4 #bh4 #cf3 #8,iniecto ter pulvere curras4' #b ,benndorf1 ,griech4 und ,sicil4 ,vasenbilder1 pl4 i4 #c ,benndorf1 ,griech4 und ,sicil4 ,vasenbilder1 pl4 xxxiii4 #d ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 ix4 #ci4 #e ,rayet1 ,monum4 de l',art ,antique1 pl4 lxxv4 #f ,rayet1 text to above plate4 #g ,see below1 ,ch4 ,,vii1 ,,viii4 #h ,iliad1 xvi4 #fff4 #i ,klein1 ,euphronios1 p4 #bgb4 ,iris and a female figure stand on either side4 ,some writers1 interpreting the latter as ,eos1 have seen in the dead body that of ,memnon4 ,the point is immaterial to our present purpose4 #aj ,dumont1 ,cramiques de la ,grce propre1 pl4 xxvii4 #aa ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 ix4 #cb4 ,we reproduce only the central group of the painting4 #ab ,grber der ,hellenen1 p4 #db1 pl4 viii4 ,stackelberg found the coffin himself near the ,acharnian ,gate at ,athens1 and drew it immediately on discovery4 #ac ,pottier et ,reinach1 ,la ,ncropole de ,myrina1 p4 #aja4 #ad ,herodotus1 iv4 #bf4 ,the word may perhaps mean1 as some have suggested1 the anniversary of the death1 if death be regarded as birth into a new life4 ,the early ,christians seem to have adopted this view4 #ae ,p4 #eai2 ,charon1 #bb4 #af ,,ii4 p4 #ibf2 ,de ,luctu1 #i4 #ag ,plutarch1 ,solon1 #ba4 #ah ,athen4 ,mittheil4 i4 #adc4 #ai ,plutarch1 ,aristides4 #ba4 #bj ,athen4 ,mittheil4 #ahic1 p4 #ec4 #ba ,see below1 ,chap4 ,,vi4 #bb ,ephem4 ,archaiol4 #ahhf1 pl4 iv4 #bc ,benndorf1 ,griech4 und ,sicil4 ,vasenb4 pl4 xxi1 #b3 cf4 xxi4 #a1 xxii1 xxv1 c4 #bd ,dumont1 ,cram4 de la ,grce1 pl4 xxv4 #be ,pottier1 ,lcythes blancs1 pl4 iv3 cf4 p4 #gd4 #bf ,no4 #gce of the ,athens ,museum4 #bg ,pl4 lx4 #bh ,in a later ,chapter 7,x7 ,i show by instances how close is sometimes the resemblance in reliefs and on vases between the toilet scenes of daily life and scenes of offering to the dead4 #bi ,catalogue of ,vases1 ,,iv4 pl4 iv4 ,i cannot accept the view of the author of the ,catalogue1 that all three figures are those of mourners4 #cj ,as to the pillar 77 and table 771 see ,chap4 ,,viii4 #ca ,psyche1 ,seelencult und ,unsterblichkeitsglaube der ,griechen1 #ahid4 #cb ,odyssey1 iv4 #efj4 #cc x4 #bh4 ,cf4 ,robert1 ,die ,nekyia des ,polygnot4 ,halle1 #ahib4 #cd ,antike ,denkmler1 published by the ,german ,archaeological ,institute1 vol4 i4 pl4 xxiii4 #c4 #ce ,nos4 #a and #b on the plate already cited4 #cf ,pottier1 ,lcythes blancs1 pl4 #c3 cf4 ,benndorf1 ,griech4 und ,sicil4 ,vasenb4 pl4 #bg4 #cg ,x4 #bh4 #g4 #ch ,see ,wiener ,vorlegebltter1 ,series ,e1 pl4 i-iii3 cf4 ,baumeister1 ,denkmler1 article #8,unterwelt4' #ci ,cf4 the relief published in ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iv4 pl4 ix4 #dj ,l4 #ej4 #da ,i4 #bh4 #f4 #db ,agesilaus1 xi4 #h4 #dc ,see ,chap4 ,,xi4 #dd ,,ii4 p4 #cfd ,e 7translation of ,davies and ,vaughan74 #de ,chap4 ,,xii4 #df ,plutarch1 ,pelopidas1 #bj-bb4 #dg ,odyssey1 xi4 #fjb4 #dh ,for this see1 among other works1 ,schliemann1 ,mycenae and ,tiryns2 ,schuchhardt1 ,excavations of ,schliemann 7,eng4 trans472 ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,la ,grce ,primitive2 ,gardner1 ,new ,chapters in ,greek ,history4 #di ,schuchhardt1 ,schliemann's ,ausgrabungen1 p4 #agf4 #ej ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ,la ,grce ,primitive1 p4 #fch4 #ea ,schliemann1 ,mycenae1 pl4 ,e4 #eb ,perrot et ,chipiez1 pl4 vi4 #ec ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 ii4 p4 #acf1 pl4 xiii4 #ed ,helbig1 ,la ,question mycnenne4 #ahif4 #ee ,schliemann1 ,mycenae1 p4 #ha4 #ef ,ibid4 p4 #hf4 #eg ,perrot et ,chipiez1 p4 #ggj4 #eh ,the most recent account of these1 by ,m4 ,joubin1 will be found in the ,bulletin de ,corresp4 helln4 #ahie1 p4 #fi4 #ei ,,ii4 #bb1 #b 77 4 #fj ,texier1 ,description1 pl4 cxxx4 #fa ,weber1 ,le ,sipyle1 pl4 i4 #fb ,perrot et ,chipiez1 v4 #hc4 ,mr4 ,ramsay1 while allowing the general excellence of this drawing1 disputes its accuracy in some particulars4 ,see ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 #ahhi1 p4 #aee4 #fc ,perrot et ,chipiez1 v4 p4 #ajc4 #fd ,perrot et ,chipiez1 v4 p4 #aaa4 ,another drawing in ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 #ahhh1 p4 #cfh 7,ramsay74 #fe ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 pl4 xviii4 #ff ,with ,m4 ,perrot's work on ,phrygia1 it is necessary to compare ,mr4 ,ramsay's #8,study of ,phrygian ,art' in the ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies for #ahhi and #ahij4 #fg ,i4 p4 #fa4 #fh ,see the ,catalogue of ,sculpture of the ,british ,museum1 or ,perrot and ,chipiez1 vol4 v4 #fi ,brit4 ,mus4 ,cat4 of ,sculpture1 i4 ,no4 #hj2 cf4 ,perrot and ,chipiez1 vol4 v4 p4 #cif4 #gj ,anabasis1 vi4 #bi4 #ga ,odyssey1 xx4 #ff4 #gb ,catalogue of ,sculpture1 i4 p4 #ec1 ,no4 #ic4 #gc ,brit4 ,mus4 ,cat4 of ,sculpture1 i4 ,no4 #hf4 ,engraved in ,murray1 ,hist4 ,sculpture1 i4 pl4 iii-v2 ,cesnola1 ,cyprus1 pl4 #af1 #ag2 ,brunn1 ,denkmler1 pl4 #ajb4 #gd ,cat4 of ,sculpture1 ,no4 #ig2 ,murray1 i4 pl4 v4 #ge ,ann4 dell' ,inst4 xix4 pl4 ,f4 #gf ,plutarch1 ,lycurgus1 #bg4 #gg ,athen4 ,mittheil4 vii4 #afc4 #gh ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 v4 #aca4 ,i return to the subject in the next chapter4 #gi ,athen4 ,mittheil4 x4 #afj4 #hj ,see ,maspro1 ,life in ,ancient ,egypt and ,assyria1 p4 #ade4 #ha ,athen4 ,mittheil4 ii4 #be4 #hb ,catalogue1 ,no4 #adag4 #hc ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ii4 p4 #ajg4 #hd ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iv4 pl4 #g4 #he ,see a paper by ,pervanoglu1 ,das ,familienmahl auf altgriech4 ,grabsteinen4 #hf ,brit4 ,mus4 ,cat4 of ,coins3 ,thrace1 p4 #ij4 #hg ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 v4 p4 #aaf4 #hh ,ibid4 v4 p4 #ajf4 #hi ,athen4 ,mittheil4 #ahgi1 p4 #afe4 #ij ,cf4 ,furtwngler1 ,sabouroff ,coll4 ,introd4 p4 #ci4 #ia ,buchholz1 ,homerische ,realien1 iii4 #a1 #ccd4 #ib ,chap4 vii4 p4 #bj1 ed4 ,kenyon4 #ic ,brit4 ,mus4 ,cat4 of ,marbles1 ,no4 #gec4 #id ,here the female figure seems decidedly the taller1 but this may be the result of the law of ,greek reliefs1 to place the heads of persons represented on one level4 #ie ,coll4 ,sabouroff1 pl4 #bi4 #if ,pl4 #af4 #ig ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 i4 p4 #beee4 #ih ,la ,collection ,sabouroff1 ,introd4 p4 #bh4 #ii ,athen4 ,mittheil4 viii4 #af2 ,le ,bas1 ,voyage1 pl4 #ajc4 #ajj ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iii4 #chj2 ,friedrichs-,wolters1 ,gipsabgsse1 ,no4 #ajgf2 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 i4 p4 #beeg4 #aja ,museum ,marbles1 ix4 pl4 #cd4 #ajb ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 xi4 #ee4 #ajc ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 vii4 #a4 #ajd ,arch4 ,zeitung1 #ahhc1 p4 #bhe4 #aje ,monum4 ,grecs1 pl4 i2 ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 i4 p4 #dje1 where the figures are wrongly called ,ares and ,aphrodite4 #ajf ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 i4 p4 #bega4 #ajg ,chap4 ,i4 #ajh ,il4 xi4 #cga2 ,od4 xii4 #ad1 c4 ,cf4 the phrase1 1 4 #aji ,,ii4 #bf4 #aaj #8,opere tectorio exornari4' #aaa #8,columellam1 aut mensam aut labellam40 #aab ,these passages are collected by ,messrs4 ,pottier and ,reinach in the ,bulletin de ,corresp4 hellnique1 #ahhb1 p4 #cif4 #aac ,gerhard1 ,auserl4 ,vasenbilder1 pl4 #aii3 cf4 ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 viii4 pl4 #e2 ,benndorf1 ,griech4 und ,sicil4 ,vasenbilder1 pl4 #bd4 #aad ,arch4 ,jahrbuch1 #ahia1 p4 #aig4 #aae e4g4 ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 viii4 #e4 #aaf ,stackelberg1 ,grber der ,hellenen1 xlv4 #c4 ,the deceased lady1 seated on the 1 was1 no doubt1 represented as draped1 but the wash of colour has worn away4 #aag ,paus4 ix4 #cj1 #g4 #aah ,ibid4 ix4 #be1 #b4 #aai ,ibid4 iv4 #cb1 #c4 #abj ,,vii4 #gjj4 #aba ,athen4 ,mittheil4 x4 pl4 #ac4 #abb ,ecclesiazusae1 l4 #iif4 ,cf4 l4 #ech4 #abc ,ibid4 l4 #aaaj4 #abd ,an exhaustive article on these vases will be found in ,athen4 ,mittheil4 #ahia1 p4 #cga 7,wolters74 ,the writer maintains that they appear only on the tombs of the unmarried4 ,for a representation of a terra-cotta vase on a see p4 #cgi4 #abe ,athen4 ,mittheil4 #ahhg1 pl4 ix4 #abf ,athens ,cat4 #hhd4 ,the lekythos on the right1 however1 is a restoration1 all except part of its foot4 #abg ,anthology1 vii4 #ahb4 #abh ,ad ,leocharem1 p4 #ajhf4 #abi ,for the colouring of these votive figures see ,collignon1 ,hist4 de la ,sculpture grecque1 vol4 i1 frontispiece2 ,ephemeris ,arch4 #ahhg1 pl4 ix2 ,antike ,denkmler des ,arch4 ,inst4 i4 pl4 #ci4 #acj ,athen4 ,mittheil4 #ahic1 p4 #hc4 #aca ,this matter is treated in detail in ,brckner's ,ornament und ,format der ,attischen ,grabstelen3 see pl4 i4 of that work4 #acb ,perrot et ,chipiez1 ii4 #bgj4 #acc ,brckner1 ,ornament und ,formen der ,att4 ,grabstelen1 pl4 i4 #b4 #acd ,athens ,cat4 #ige4 #ace ,ibid4 #gbi4 #acf ,ibid4 #ged4 #acg ,ibid4 #bh4 #ach ,athen4 ,mittheil4 vol4 iv4 #aci ,grber der ,hellenen1 pl4 #ef4 #adj ,septem c4 ,theb4 #ebd4 #ada ,athen4 ,mittheil4 xii4 #aje4 #adb ,chap4 ,i1 above4 #adc ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #gge4 #add ,l4 #afh4 #ade ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #ghc4 #adf ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #gdd4 #adg ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #ggj4 #adh ,anthol4 ,palat4 vii4 #cdd4 #adi ,see ,f4 ,imhoof-,blumer and ,p4 ,gardner1 ,numismatic ,commentary on ,pausanias1 pl4 ,e1 p4 #ai4 #aej ,published in the ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 vi4 p4 #cb4 #aea ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #afi4 #aeb ,plutarch1 ,cic4 #bf4 #aec ,,vii4 #cg4 ,cf4 #gjg4 #aed ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #fb4 #aee ,see especially a paper by ,professor ,loeschcke in ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iv4 #bib4 #aef ,pliny1 ,n4 ,h4 xxxv4 #aec4 #aeg ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iv4 pl4 vi4 #aeh ,for example1 ,dr4 ,waldstein1 in the first volume of the ,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 p4 #afh4 #aei ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iv4 pl4 iii4 #afj ,i4 #ij4 444 4 #afa ,the head also does not belong to the statue1 and the right arm and other parts are restorations4 ,see the ,berlin ,denkmler1 i4 pl4 #ca1 #cb4 #afb ,for the basket see ,fig4 #fb3 for the attitude cf4 ,pl4 ,,xxvi4 ,epigrams to be placed on tombs adorned with statues of women are to be found in the ,anthology1 vii4 #fdi1 c4 ,as a replica of the #8,penelope' in very high relief exists in the ,vatican1 we may regard it as likely that the original was not entirely detached from the background4 #afc ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #bah4 #afd ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #bai4 #afe e4g4 ,kaibel1 ,no4 #eje1 from ,tricca4 ,the formula of dedication is 4 #aff ,see ,plates ,,xxv1 ,,xxvi4 #afg ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iv4 pl4 i1 ii4 ,cf4 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 i4 #afh ,michaelis1 ,ancient ,marbles in ,great ,britain1 p4 #che1 whence our engraving is taken4 #afi ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 iv4 ,as to the pentathlon1 see the ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 i4 p4 #baj4 #agj ,athen4 ,mittheil4 iii4 pl4 #ad4 #aga ,these are lost1 but the holes in which they were fixed remain over the forehead4 #agb ,reins1 sword1 and lance were added in metal1 as is shown by the remaining holes in which these were fixed4 ,colour was doubtless freely added4 #agc ,bull4 ,corr4 ,helln4 iv4 pl4 #g4 #agd ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #hgc4 #age ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #hbh4 #agf ,it has been suggested that the gesture is one of adoration in presence of the deities of the next world4 #agg ,anthologia1 vii4 #cch4 #agh ,for instance1 ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #aaib4 #agi ,at ,rome4 ,published in the ,ann4 e ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 #ahee1 pl4 xv4 ,cf4 ,friedrichs-,wolters1 ,gipsabgsse1 ,no4 #ajaj4 #ahj ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #geb4 #aha ,,vii4 #bgi4 #ahb ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #gca4 #ahc ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xv4 #ahd ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xvii4 #ahe ,br4 ,mus4 ,cat4 of ,marbles1 ,no4 #gba2 ,mus4 ,marb4 ix4 pl4 #ch4 #ahf ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 vi4 pl4 ,b4 #ahg ,such as ,friedrichs-,wolters ,gipsabgsse1 ,no4 #ajbd3 ,arch4 ,zeitung1 #ahga1 pl4 #ec4 #ahh ,anthol4 ,palat4 vi4 #bhj4 #ahi ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #aaif4 #aij ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xxxvii4 #aia ,museum ,marbles1 x4 #c4 #aib ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #gaa4 #aic ,ibid4 ,no4 #gfe2 ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pl4 xlviii4 #aid ,the two notions that in such groups it is always the seated or that it is always the standing person who is dead are alike fallacious4 #aie ,kaibel1 ,no4 #eeg4 #aif ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 ,nos4 #acd1 #aci4 #aig ,ibid4 ,no4 #aeh4 #aih ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #gag4 #aii ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #hgj4 #bjj ,ibid4 ,no4 #gdi4 ,a photograph of the relief being unsatisfactory1 we copy the engraving at p4 #gj of the ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 #bja ,,vii4 #gcj1 by ,perses4 #bjb ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 ,no4 #ccc1 pl4 lxxxiv4 #bjc ,i have a vivid recollection of the admiration expressed for the examples in the ,british ,museum by ,mr4 ,ruskin4 #bjd ,pl4 xxxix2 cf4 ,athens ,cat4 ,no4 #gbd4 #bje ,sabouroff ,coll4 ,introd4 p4 #ab4 #bjf ,plato1 ,theaetetus1 p4 #aih ,a4 #bjg ,rangabe1 ,antiq4 ,hell4 ii4 pp4 #eci1 #hdb2 cf4 ,c4 ,i4 ,g4 #ajab b1 #gjcd1 and ,aristophanes1 ,acharn4 l4 #di4 #bjh ,benndorf1 ,griech4 und ,sicil4 ,vasenbilder1 pl4 xv4 #bji e4g4 ,benndorf1 op4 cit4 pl4 xxv2 ,dumont1 ,cr4 de la ,grce propre1 i4 pl4 xxv4 #baj ,op4 cit4 pl4 ix4 #baa ,griech4 ,vasenbilder1 pl4 xi4 #bab #iej and #iea in the ,national ,museum1 ,athens3 ,no4 #cbc1 pl4 lxxvii1 and ,no4 #ceg1 pl4 lxxxviii1 of the ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 #bac ,figured in ,brckner's ,griech4 ,grabreliefs1 p4 #ab4 #bad ,gazette archol4 i4 pl4 vii4 #bae ,hermes also appears on a monument of the ,british ,museum1 a sort of round altar on which are sculptured a man and woman hand in hand4 ,br4 ,mus4 ,cat4 ,sculpture1 ,no4 #gaj4 #baf ,the example in our plate is that at ,paris4 ,the inscriptions1 ,zetus1 ,amphion1 ,antiopa1 are modern1 and utterly incorrect4 #bag ,good statements of the arguments will be found in the ,introduction to ,furtwngler's ,sabouroff ,collection1 and in ,brckner's ,griech4 ,grabreliefs1 #ahhh4 #bah ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 ,no4 #a1 pl4 i4 ,see above1 p4 #ada4 #bai ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 ,no4 #cf1 pl4 xv4 #bbj ,athen4 ,mittheil4 viii4 pl4 #ag4 #bba ,ibid4 pl4 #b4 #bbb ,ibid4 pl4 #c4 #bbc ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 ,no4 #bb1 pl4 xiii4 #bbd ,ibid4 ,no4 #ff1 pl4 xxviii4 #bbe ,michaelis1 ,anc4 ,marbles in ,gr4 ,britain1 p4 #bbi1 ,no4 #g4 #bbf ,luke ii4 #bd4 #bbg ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 ,no4 #ai1 pl4 xi4 #bbh ,ibid4 ,no4 #ad1 pl4 ix4 ,barracco ,collection4 #bbi ,c4 ,a4 ,g4 pls4 ciii1 cxxxi1 c4 #bcj ,a physician named ,jason examining a patient1 on a stele of the ,british ,museum3 ,cat4 ,no4 #fbi4 #bca ,epitaph4 #ac4 #bcb ,see above1 ,chap4 ,,iii4 #bcc ,arch4 ,zeitung1 #ahga1 pl4 #di2 ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 v4 p4 #ach4 #bcd ,roscher1 ,lexikon1 i4 p4 #beci4 ,the relief is in the ,louvre4 #bce ,i4 #b4 #c4 #bcf ,,vii4 #bb4 #f4 #bcg ,overbeck1 ,geschichte der gr4 ,plastik1 ed4 #d4 ii4 p4 #bb4 #bch ,i have transcribed these inscriptions as they stand1 letter by letter1 retaining for 1 for 1 for 1 and so on4 #bci ,,vii4 #cjd1 by ,peisander4 #bdj ,,vii4 #dfc1 by ,leonidas4 #bda ,grabgedichte der griechischen ,anthologie4 ,vienna1 #ahhi4 #bdb ,jahrbuch des ,inst4 #ahie1 p4 #bjd4 #bdc ,new ,chapters in ,greek ,history1 chap4 x4 #bdd ,kaibel1 ,epigrammata ,graeca1 ,no4 #dfa2 ,c4,i4,g4 i4 #ajea4 ,cf4 ,paus4 i4 #dc4 #c4 #bde ,the published copy is very defective1 and of the last two lines only the general sense can be made out4 #bdf ,brit4 ,mus4 ,greek ,inscr4 i4 p4 #ajb4 ,cf4 ,new ,chapters in ,greek ,history p4 #cbb4 #bdg ,kaibel1 ,no4 #ahc4 #bdh ,kaibel1 ,no4 #agi4 ,roehl1 ,inscrr4 ,gr4 ,antiqq4 ,no4 #cdb4 #bdi ,this is the rendering of ,roehl4 ,the conceit is rather far-fetched for so early a period4 #bej ,kaibel1 ,no4 #ahj3 ,roehl1 ,no4 #cdc4 #bea ,kaibel1 ,no4 #ahb4 #beb ,ibid4 ,no4 #dhg4 #bec ,ibid4 ,no4 #dhf4 #bed ,ibid4 ,no4 #dhh4 #bee ,ibid4 ,no4 #bji4 #bef ,ibid4 ,no4 #dij4 #beg ,kaibel1 ,no4 #ch4 #beh ,ibid4 ,no4 #cd4 #bei ,kaibel1 ,no4 #ahi4 #bfj ,ibid4 ,no4 #dhb4 #bfa ,ibid4 ,no4 #dic4 #bfb ,ibid4 ,no4 #dia4 #bfc ,fortune1 1 was represented in art as holding a rudder and a cornucopia4 #bfd ,that is1 the ,charitesia1 games held at ,orchomenus4 #bfe ,kaibel1 ,no4 #aia4 #bff ,ibid4 ,no4 #bbd4 #bfg ,ibid4 ,no4 #dif4 #bfh ,ibid4 ,no4 #dig4 #bfi ,kaibel1 ,no4 #dgc4 #bgj ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #fd1 anonymous4 #bga ,stephani1 ,der ausruhende ,herakles1 p4 #ei4 ,the relief has disappeared4 #bgb ,kaibel1 ,no4 #dfc4 #bgc ,ibid4 ,no4 #dfb4 #bgd ,,vii4 #ede4 #bge ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 #c p4 #aab4 #bgf ,kaibel1 ,no4 #dfe4 #bgg ,ibid4 ,no4 #bah4 #bgh ,ibid4 ,no4 #aie4 #bgi ,ibid4 ,no4 #aij4 #bhj ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #afc4 ,version of ,j4 ,williams4 #bha ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #dhi4 ,version of ,j4 ,williams4 #bhb ,ibid4 vii4 #dea4 ,version of ,j4 ,williams4 #bhc ,ibid4 vii4 #cba4 ,version of ,j4 ,williams4 #bhd ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #feg4 ,version of ,j4 ,williams4 #bhe ,ibid4 vii4 #bjg4 ,version of ,j4 ,williams4 #bhf ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #dgf4 ,version of ,j4 ,williams4 #bhg ,ibid4 vii4 #eed4 ,my version4 #bhh ,ibid4 vii4 #dfe4 #bhi ,ibid4 vii4 #gce4 ,my version4 #bij ,anth4 ,palat4 vii4 #ade4 ,my version4 #bia ,brit4 ,mus4 ,cat4 of ,sculpture1 i4 ,no4 #gff2 ,fellows1 ,lycia1 p4 #aaf2 ,petersen1 ,reisen in ,lykien1 ii4 p4 #aic4 #bib ,for a full account of this monument see ,annali dell' ,inst4 #ahgd and #ahge2 ,mon4 dell' ,inst4 x42 cf4 also ,benndorf and ,niemann1 ,reisen in ,carien und ,lykien1 p4 #hi1 pl4 xxiv4 #bic ,from ,overbeck1 ,geschichte der gr4 ,plastik1 ii4 #aia4 #bid ,annali dell' ,inst4 #ahge1 pl4 ,,de4 #bie ,all that is preserved of steed and rider is the foreleg of the rearing horse4 #bif ,arch4 ,zeit4 #ahhb1 p4 #cei4 #big ,das ,heroon von ,gjlbaschi-,trysa4 ,o4 ,benndorf and ,g4 ,niemann4 ,wien1 #ahhi4 ,our engraving is taken from pl4 i4 of this admirable work4 #bih ,newton1 ,travels and ,discoveries1 ii4 pl4 #bc4 #bii ,as to these see the ,antiquits du ,bosphore ,cimmrien1 a magnificent work1 now republished at a moderate price by ,m4 ,salomon ,reinach4 ,also ,newton1 ,essays in ,art and ,archaeology1 ch4 ix41 ,greek ,art in the ,kimmerian ,bosporos4 #cjj ,the ,antiquary1 vol4 liv4 pp4 #bgc-cfb4 #cja ,mr4 ,oldfield has kindly allowed me to copy a drawing in which his latest views are incorporated4 #cjb ,fab4 #bbc4 #cjc #8,aere 444 uacuo pendentia ,mausolea4' ,epig4 #a4 #cjd ,comparing ,martial1 ,epig4 ii4 #ad3 #8,inde petit centum pendentia tecta columnis4' #cje ,n4 ,h4 #cf1 #cj4 #cjf v4 l4 cvi4 #cjg v4 l4 centenos sexagenos4 #cjh v4 l4 pedes ccccxl4 #cji v4 l4 uocauere circumitum4 #caj v4 l4 altitudinem inferiorem aequat4 #caa ,in a rough statement like this it is unnecessary to take into account the slight difference between the ,english and the ,greek foot4 #cab ,hist4 ,disc4 ii4 p4 #aia4 #cac ,funrailles et diverses manires d'ensevelir1 c41 quoted by ,newton in his ,history of ,discoveries1 vol4 i4 p4 #gf4 #cad ,journ4 ,hell4 ,stud4 xiii4 p4 #ahh4 #cae ,the whole of the ,amazon frieze is now figured in the ,berlin ,denkmler1 vol4 ii41 and in ,overbeck's ,plastik1 #dth ed41 ii4 p4 #ajf4 #caf ,for an account of these see the ,berlin ,antike ,denkmler1 vol4 i4 part #d2 also ,bulletin de ,corr4 helln4 #ahie1 p4 #fi4 #cag ,une ncropole royale ,sidon4 ,hamdy ,bey and ,thodore ,reinach4 ,a good account by ,studniczka in the ,jahrbuch of the ,german ,institute for #ahid1 p4 #bjd4 #cah ,this and the subsequent engravings are taken from the plates of the magnificent work of ,hamdy ,bey and ,m4 ,thodore ,reinach1 ,une ncropole royale ,sidon1 by kind permission of authors and publisher4 #cai ,chaps4 ,,ix1 ,x4 #cbj #b ,sam4 i4 #bd4 #cba ,hicks1 ,greek ,historical ,inscriptions1 p4 #aee4 ,the marble is in the ,oxford ,museum4 #cbb ,the evidence is put together by ,mr4 ,chinnock in the ,classical ,review of ,june1 #ahic4 #cbc ,cyropaedeia1 viii4 #c1 #aj4 #cbd ,it must be observed that although we are obliged in the engraving to bisect this relief1 it is really continuous4 ,the head of the lion in the upper line fits on to the body of the lion in the lower line4 #cbe ,it is figured not only in the works already cited1 but also in ,overbeck's ,geschichte der ,plastik1 ii4 p4 #djc1 and in other works4 #cbf ,as to this and all other details1 see the valuable remarks of ,m4 ,reinach1 op4 cit4 p4 #cbe4 #cbg ,robert1 ,die antiken ,sarkophag-,reliefs1 ii4 pl4 #bg4 ,typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber3 can scarely have aimed can scarcely have aimed pg #ha in ,attica1 at ,spata1 and at ,menidi in ,attica1 at ,sparta1 and at ,menidi pg #aje