,,proposed ,,roads ,,to ,,freedom ,,by ,,bertrand ,,russell1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,,contents ,,introduction ,,part ,i4 ,,historical ,i4 ,,marx ,,and ,,socialist ,,doctrine ,,ii4 ,,bakunin ,,and ,,anarchism ,,iii4 ,,the ,,syndicalist ,,revolt ,,part ,,ii4 ,,problems ,,of ,,the ,,future ,,iv4 ,,work ,,and ,,pay ,v4 ,,government ,,and ,,law ,,vi4 ,,international ,,relations ,,vii4 ,,science ,,and ,,art ,,under ,,socialism ,,viii4,,the ,,world ,,as ,,it ,,could ,,be ,,made ,,introduction ,,the attempt to conceive imaginatively a better ordering of human society than the destructive and cruel chaos in which mankind has hitherto existed is by no means modern3 it is at least as old as ,plato1 whose ,republic'' set the model for the ,utopias of subsequent philosophers4 ,whoever contemplates the world in the light of an ideal--whether what he seeks be intellect1 or art1 or love1 or simple happiness1 or all together--must feel a great sorrow in the evils that men needlessly allow to continue1 and--if he be a man of force and vital energy--an urgent desire to lead men to the realization of the good which inspires his creative vision4 ,it is this desire which has been the primary force moving the pioneers of ,socialism and ,anarchism1 as it moved the inventors of ideal commonwealths in the past4 ,in this there is nothing new4 ,what is new in ,socialism and ,anarchism1 is that close relation of the ideal to the present sufferings of men1 which has enabled powerful political movements to grow out of the hopes of solitary thinkers4 ,it is this that makes ,socialism and ,anarchism important1 and it is this that makes them dangerous to those who batten1 consciously or unconsciously upon the evils of our present order of society4 ,the great majority of men and women1 in ordinary times1 pass through life without ever contemplating or criticising1 as a whole1 either their own conditions or those of the world at large4 ,they find themselves born into a certain place in society1 and they accept what each day brings forth1 without any effort of thought beyond what the immediate present requires4 ,almost as instinctively as the beasts of the field1 they seek the satisfaction of the needs of the moment1 without much forethought1 and without considering that by sufficient effort the whole conditions of their lives could be changed4 ,a certain percentage1 guided by personal ambition1 make the effort of thought and will which is necessary to place themselves among the more fortunate members of the community2 but very few among these are seriously concerned to secure for all the advantages which they seek for themselves4 ,it is only a few rare and exceptional men who have that kind of love toward mankind at large that makes them unable to endure patiently the general mass of evil and suffering1 regardless of any relation it may have to their own lives4 ,these few1 driven by sympathetic pain1 will seek1 first in thought and then in action1 for some way of escape1 some new system of society by which life may become richer1 more full of joy and less full of preventable evils than it is at present4 ,but in the past such men have1 as a rule1 failed to interest the very victims of the injustices which they wished to remedy4 ,the more unfortunate sections of the population have been ignorant1 apathetic from excess of toil and weariness1 timorous through the imminent danger of immediate punishment by the holders of power1 and morally unreliable owing to the loss of self-respect resulting from their degradation4 ,to create among such classes any conscious1 deliberate effort after general amelioration might have seemed a hopeless task1 and indeed in the past it has generally proved so4 ,but the modern world1 by the increase of education and the rise in the standard of comfort among wage-earners1 has produced new conditions1 more favorable than ever before to the demand for radical reconstruction4 ,it is above all the ,socialists1 and in a lesser degree the ,anarchists 7chiefly as the inspirers of ,syndicalism71 who have become the exponents of this demand4 ,what is perhaps most remarkable in regard to both ,socialism and ,anarchism is the association of a widespread popular movement with ideals for a better world4 ,the ideals have been elaborated1 in the first instance1 by solitary writers of books1 and yet powerful sections of the wage-earning classes have accepted them as their guide in the practical affairs of the world4 ,in regard to ,socialism this is evident2 but in regard to ,anarchism it is only true with some qualification4 ,anarchism as such has never been a widespread creed1 it is only in the modified form of ,syndicalism that it has achieved popularity4 ,unlike ,socialism and ,anarchism1 ,syndicalism is primarily the outcome1 not of an idea1 but of an organization3 the fact of ,trade ,union organization came first1 and the ideas of ,syndicalism are those which seemed appropriate to this organization in the opinion of the more advanced ,french ,trade ,unions4 ,but the ideas are1 in the main1 derived from ,anarchism1 and the men who gained acceptance for them were1 for the most part1 ,anarchists4 ,thus we may regard ,syndicalism as the ,anarchism of the market-place as opposed to the ,anarchism of isolated individuals which had preserved a precarious life throughout the previous decades4 ,taking this view1 we find in ,anarchist-,syndicalism the same combination of ideal and organization as we find in ,socialist political parties4 ,it is from this standpoint that our study of these movements will be undertaken4 ,socialism and ,anarchism1 in their modern form1 spring respectively from two protagonists1 ,marx and ,bakunin1 who fought a lifelong battle1 culminating in a split in the first ,international4 ,we shall begin our study with these two men--first their teaching1 and then the organizations which they founded or inspired4 ,this will lead us to the spread of ,socialism in more recent years1 and thence to the ,syndicalist revolt against ,socialist emphasis on the ,state and political action1 and to certain movements outside ,france which have some affinity with ,syndicalism-- notably the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 in ,america and ,guild ,socialism in ,england4 ,from this historical survey we shall pass to the consideration of some of the more pressing problems of the future1 and shall try to decide in what respects the world would be happier if the aims of ,socialists or ,syndicalists were achieved4 ,my own opinion--which ,i may as well indicate at the outset--is that pure ,anarchism1 though it should be the ultimate ideal1 to which society should continually approximate1 is for the present impossible1 and would not survive more than a year or two at most if it were adopted4 ,on the other hand1 both ,marxian ,socialism and ,syndicalism1 in spite of many drawbacks1 seem to me calculated to give rise to a happier and better world than that in which we live4 ,i do not1 however1 regard either of them as the best practicable system4 ,marxian ,socialism1 ,i fear1 would give far too much power to the ,state1 while ,syndicalism1 which aims at abolishing the ,state1 would1 ,i believe1 find itself forced to reconstruct a central authority in order to put an end to the rivalries of different groups of producers4 ,the ,,best practicable system1 to my mind1 is that of ,guild ,socialism1 which concedes what is valid both in the claims of the ,state ,socialists and in the ,syndicalist fear of the ,state1 by adopting a system of federalism among trades for reasons similar to those which are recommending federalism among nations4 ,the grounds for these conclusions will appear as we proceed4 ,before embarking upon the history of recent movements ,in favor of radical reconstruction1 it will be worth while to consider some traits of character which distinguish most political idealists1 and are much misunderstood by the general public for other reasons besides mere prejudice4 ,i wish to do full justice to these reasons1 in order to show the more effectually why they ought not to be operative4 ,the leaders of the more advanced movements are1 in general1 men of quite unusual disinterestedness1 as is evident from a consideration of their careers4 ,although they have obviously quite as much ability as many men who rise to positions of great power1 they do not themselves become the arbiters of contemporary events1 nor do they achieve wealth or the applause of the mass of their contemporaries4 ,men who have the capacity for winning these prizes1 and who work at least as hard as those who win them1 but deliberately adopt a line which makes the winning of them impossible1 must be judged to have an aim in life other than personal advancement2 whatever admixture of self-seeking may enter into the detail of their lives1 their fundamental motive must be outside ,self4 ,the pioneers of ,socialism1 ,anarchism1 and ,syndicalism have1 for the most part1 experienced prison1 exile1 and poverty1 deliberately incurred because they would not abandon their propaganda2 and by this conduct they have shown that the hope which inspired them was not for themselves1 but for mankind4 ,nevertheless1 though the desire for human welfare is what at bottom determines the broad lines of such men's lives1 it often happens that1 in the detail of their speech and writing1 hatred is far more visible than love4 ,the impatient idealist--and without some impatience a man will hardly prove effective--is almost sure to be led into hatred by the oppositions and disappointments which he encounters in his endeavors to bring happiness to the world4 ,the more certain he is of the purity of his motives and the truth of his gospel1 the more indignant he will become when his teaching is rejected4 ,often he will successfully achieve an attitude of philosophic tolerance as regards the apathy of the masses1 and even as regards the whole-hearted opposition of professed defenders of the status quo4 ,but the men whom he finds it impossible to forgive are those who profess the same desire for the amelioration of society as he feels himself1 but who do not accept his method of achieving this end4 ,the intense faith which enables him to withstand persecution for the sake of his beliefs makes him consider these beliefs so luminously obvious that any thinking man who rejects them must be dishonest1 and must be actuated by some sinister motive of treachery to the cause4 ,hence arises the spirit of the sect1 that bitter1 narrow orthodoxy which is the bane of those who hold strongly to an unpopular creed4 ,so many real temptations to treachery exist that suspicion is natural4 ,and among leaders1 ambition1 which they mortify in their choice of a career1 is sure to return in a new form3 in the desire for intellectual mastery and for despotic power within their own sect4 ,from these causes it results that the advocates of drastic reform divide themselves into opposing schools1 hating each other with a bitter hatred1 accusing each other often of such crimes as being in the pay of the police1 and demanding1 of any speaker or writer whom they are to admire1 that he shall conform exactly to their prejudices1 and make all his teaching minister to their belief that the exact truth is to be found within the limits of their creed4 ,the result of this state of mind is that1 to a casual and unimaginative attention1 the men who have sacrificed most through the wish to benefit mankind ,,appear to be actuated far more by hatred than by love4 ,and the demand for orthodoxy is stifling to any free exercise of intellect4 ,this cause1 as well as economic prejudice1 has made it difficult for the intellectuals'' to co-operate prac- tically with the more extreme reformers1 however they may sympathize with their main purposes and even with nine-tenths of their program4 ,another reason why radical reformers are misjudged by ordinary men is that they view existing society from outside1 with hostility towards its institutions4 ,although1 for the most part1 they have more belief than their neighbors in human nature's inherent capacity for a good life1 they are so conscious of the cruelty and oppression resulting from existing institutions that they make a wholly misleading impression of cynicism4 ,most men have instinctively two entirely different codes of behavior3 one toward those whom they regard as companions or colleagues or friends1 or in some way members of the same herd''2 the other toward those whom they regard as enemies or outcasts or a danger to society4 ,radical reformers are apt to concentrate their attention upon the behavior of society toward the latter class1 the class of those toward whom the herd'' feels ill-will4 ,this class includes1 of course1 enemies in war1 and criminals2 in the minds of those who consider the preservation of the existing order essential to their own safety or privileges1 it includes all who advocate any great political or economic change1 and all classes which1 through their poverty or through any other cause1 are likely to feel a dangerous degree of discontent4 ,the ordinary citizen probably seldom thinks about such individuals or classes1 and goes through life believing that he and his friends are kindly people1 because they have no wish to injure those toward whom they entertain no group-hostility4 ,but the man whose attention is fastened upon the relations of a group with those whom it hates or fears will judge quite differently4 ,in these relations a surprising ferocity is apt to be developed1 and a very ugly side of human nature comes to the fore4 ,the opponents of capitalism have learned1 through the study of certain historical facts1 that this ferocity has often been shown by the capitalists and by the ,state toward the wage-earning classes1 particularly when they have ventured to protest against the unspeakable suffering to which industrialism has usually condemned them4 ,hence arises a quite different attitude toward existing society from that of the ordinary well-to-do citizen3 an attitude as true as his1 perhaps also as untrue1 but equally based on facts1 facts concerning his relations to his enemies instead of to his friends4 ,the class-war1 like wars between nations1 produces two opposing views1 each equally true and equally untrue4 ,the citizen of a nation at war1 when he thinks of his own countrymen1 thinks of them primarily as he has experienced them1 in dealings with their friends1 in their family relations1 and so on4 ,they seem to him on the whole kindly1 decent folk4 ,but a nation with which his country is at war views his compatriots through the medium of a quite different set of experiences3 as they appear in the ferocity of battle1 in the invasion and subjugation of a hostile territory1 or in the chicanery of a juggling diplomacy4 ,the men of whom these facts are true are the very same as the men whom their compatriots know as husbands or fathers or friends1 but they are judged differently because they are judged on different data4 ,and so it is with those who view the capitalist from the standpoint of the revolutionary wage-earner3 they appear inconceivably cynical and misjudging to the capitalist1 because the facts upon which their view is based are facts which he either does not know or habitually ignores4 ,yet the view from the outside is just as true as the view from the inside4 ,both are necessary to the complete truth2 and the ,socialist1 who emphasizes the outside view1 is not a cynic1 but merely the friend of the wage-earners1 maddened by the spectacle of the needless misery which capitalism inflicts upon them4 ,i have placed these general reflections at the beginning of our study1 in order to make it clear to the reader that1 whatever bitterness and hate may be found in the movements which we are to examine1 it is not bitterness or hate1 but love1 that is their mainspring4 ,it is difficult not to hate those who torture the objects of our love4 ,though difficult1 it is not impossible2 but it requires a breadth of outlook and a comprehensiveness of understanding which are not easy to preserve amid a desperate contest4 ,if ultimate wisdom has not always been preserved by ,socialists and ,anarchists1 they have not differed in this from their opponents2 and in the source of their inspiration they have shown themselves superior to those who acquiesce ignorantly or supinely in the injustices and oppressions by which the existing system is preserved4 ,,proposed ,,roads ,,to ,,freedom ,,socialism1 ,,anarchism ,,and ,,syndicalism ,,part ,i ,,historical ,,chapter ,i ,,marx ,,and ,,socialist ,,doctrine ,,socialism1 like everything else that is vital1 is rather a tendency than a strictly definable body of doctrine4 ,a definition of ,socialism is sure either to include some views which many would regard as not ,socialistic1 or to exclude others which claim to be included4 ,but ,i think we shall come nearest to the essence of ,socialism by defining it as the advocacy of communal ownership of land and capital4 ,communal ownership may mean ownership by a democratic ,state1 but cannot be held to include ownership by any ,state which is not democratic4 ,communal ownership may also be understood1 as ,anarchist ,communism understands it1 in the sense of ownership by the free association of the men and women in a community without those compulsory powers which are necessary to constitute a ,state4 ,some ,socialists expect communal ownership to arrive suddenly and completely by a catastrophic revolution1 while others expect it to come gradually1 first in one industry1 then in another4 ,some insist upon the necessity of completeness in the acquisition of land and capital by the public1 while others would be content to see lingering islands of private ownership1 provided they were not too extensive or powerful4 ,what all forms have in common is democracy and the abolition1 virtual or complete1 of the present capitalistic system4 ,the distinction between ,socialists1 ,anarchists and ,syndicalists turns largely upon the kind of democracy which they desire4 ,orthodox ,socialists are content with parliamentary democracy in the sphere of government1 holding that the evils apparent in this form of constitution at present would disappear with the disappearance of capitalism4 ,anarchists and ,syndicalists1 on the other hand1 object to the whole parliamentary machinery1 and aim at a different method of regulating the political affairs of the community4 ,but all alike are democratic in the sense that they aim at abolishing every kind of privilege and every kind of artificial inequality3 all alike are champions of the wage- earner in existing society4 ,all three also have much in common in their economic doctrine4 ,all three regard capital and the wages system as a means of exploiting the laborer in the interests of the possessing classes1 and hold that communal ownership1 in one form or another1 is the only means of bringing freedom to the producers4 ,but within the framework of this common doctrine there are many divergences1 and even among those who are strictly to be called ,socialists1 there is a very considerable diversity of schools4 ,socialism as a power in ,europe may be said to begin with ,marx4 ,it is true that before his time there were ,socialist theories1 both in ,england and in ,france4 ,it is also true that in ,france1 during the revolution of #ahdh1 ,socialism for a brief period acquired considerable influence in the ,state4 ,but the ,socialists who preceded ,marx tended to indulge in ,utopian dreams and failed to found any strong or stable political party4 ,to ,marx1 in collaboration with ,engels1 are due both the formulation of a coherent body of ,socialist doctrine1 sufficiently true or plausible to dominate the minds of vast numbers of men1 and the formation of the ,international ,socialist movement1 which has continued to grow in all ,european countries throughout the last fifty years4 ,in order to understand ,marx's doctrine1 it is necessary to know something of the influences which formed his outlook4 ,he was born in #ahah at ,treves in the ,rhine ,provinces1 his father being a legal official1 a ,jew who had nominally accepted ,christianity4 ,marx studied jurisprudence1 philosophy1 political economy and history at various ,german universities4 ,in philosophy he imbibed the doctrines of ,hegel1 who was then at the height of his fame1 and something of these doctrines dominated his thought throughout his life4 ,like ,hegel1 he saw in history the development of an ,idea4 ,he conceived the changes in the world as forming a logical development1 in which one phase passes by revolution into another1 which is its antithesis--a conception which gave to his views a certain hard abstractness1 and a belief in revolution rather than evolution4 ,but of ,hegel's more definite doctrines ,marx retained nothing after his youth4 ,he was recognized as a brilliant student1 and might have had a prosperous career as a professor or an official1 but his interest in politics and his ,radical views led him into more arduous paths4 ,already in #ahdb he became editor of a newspaper1 which was suppressed by the ,prussian ,government early in the following year on account of its advanced opinions4 ,this led ,marx to go to ,paris1 where he became known as a ,socialist and acquired a knowledge of his ,french predecessors4#a ,here in the year #ahdd began his lifelong friendship with ,engels1 who had been hitherto in business in ,manchester1 where he had become acquainted with ,english ,socialism and had in the main adopted its doctrines4#b ,in #ahde ,marx was expelled from ,paris and went with ,engels to live in ,brussels4 ,there he formed a ,german ,working ,men's ,association and edited a paper which was their organ4 ,through his activities in ,brussels he became known to the ,german ,communist ,league in ,paris1 who1 at the end of #ahdg1 invited him and ,engels to draw up for them a manifesto1 which appeared in ,january1 #ahdh4 ,this is the famous ,communist ,manifesto1'' in which for the first time ,marx's system is set forth4 ,it appeared at a fortunate moment4 ,in the following month1 ,february1 the revolution broke out in ,paris1 and in ,march it spread to ,germany4 ,fear of the revolution led the ,brussels ,government to expel ,marx from ,belgium1 but the ,german revolution made it possible for him to return to his own country4 ,in ,germany he again edited a paper1 which again led him into a conflict with the authorities1 increasing in severity as the reaction gathered force4 ,in ,june1 #ahdi1 his paper was suppressed1 and he was expelled from ,prussia4 ,he returned to ,paris1 but was expelled from there also4 ,this led him to settle in ,england--at that time an asylum for friends of freedom--and in ,england1 with only brief intervals for purposes of agitation1 he continued to live until his death in #ahhc4 #a ,chief among these were ,fourier and ,saint-,simon1 who constructed somewhat fantastic ,socialistic ideal commonwealths4 ,proudhon1 with whom ,marx had some not wholly friendly relations1 is to be regarded as a forerunner of the ,anarchists rather than of orthodox ,socialism4 #b ,marx mentions the ,english ,socialists with praise in ,the ,poverty of ,philosophy'' 7#ahdg74 ,they1 like him1 tend to base their arguments upon a ,ricardian theory of value1 but they have not his scope or erudition or scientific breadth4 ,among them may be mentioned ,thomas ,hodgskin 7#aghg-ahfi71 originally an officer in the ,navy1 but dismissed for a pamphlet critical of the methods of naval discipline1 author of ,labour ,defended ,against the ,claims of ,capital'' 7#ahbe7 and other works2 ,william ,thompson 7#aghe-ahcc71 author of ,inquiry into the ,principles of ,distribution of ,wealth ,most ,conducive to ,human ,happiness'' 7#ahbd71 and ,labour ,rewarded'' 7#ahbe72 and ,piercy ,ravenstone1 from whom ,hodgskin's ideas are largely derived4 ,perhaps more important than any of these was ,robert ,owen4 ,the bulk of his time was occupied in the composition of his great book1 ,capital4''#c ,his other important work during his later years was the formation and spread of the ,international ,working ,men's ,association4 ,from #ahdi onward the greater part of his time was spent in the ,british ,museum1 accumulating1 with ,german patience1 the materials for his terrific indictment of capitalist society1 but he retained his hold on the ,international ,socialist movement4 ,in several countries he had sons-in-law as lieutenants1 like ,napoleon's brothers1 and in the various internal contests that arose his will generally prevailed4 #c ,the first and most important volume appeared in #ahfg2 the other two volumes were published posthumously 7#ahhe and #ahid74 ,the most essential of ,marx's doctrines may be reduced to three3 first1 what is called the material- istic interpretation of history2 second1 the law of the concentration of capital2 and1 third1 the class-war4 #a4 ,the ,materialistic ,interpretation of ,history4-- ,marx holds that in the main all the phenomena of human society have their origin in material conditions1 and these he takes to be embodied in economic systems4 ,political constitutions1 laws1 religions1 philosophies--all these he regards as1 in their broad outlines1 expressions of the economic regime in the society that gives rise to them4 ,it would be unfair to represent him as maintaining that the conscious economic motive is the only one of importance2 it is rather that economics molds character and opinion1 and is thus the prime source of much that appears in consciousness to have no connection with them4 ,he applies his doctrine in particular to two revolutions1 one in the past1 the other in the future4 ,the revolution in the past is that of the bourgeoisie against feudalism1 which finds its expression1 according to him1 particularly in the ,french ,revolution4 ,the one in the future is the revolution of the wage- earners1 or proletariat1 against the bourgeoisie1 which is to establish the ,socialist ,commonwealth4 ,the whole movement of history is viewed by him as necessary1 as the effect of material causes operating upon human beings4 ,he does not so much advocate the ,socialist revolution as predict it4 ,he holds1 it is true1 that it will be beneficent1 but he is much more concerned to prove that it must inevitably come4 ,the same sense of necessity is visible in his exposition of the evils of the capitalist system4 ,he does not blame capitalists for the cruelties of which he shows them to have been guilty2 he merely points out that they are under an inherent necessity to behave cruelly so long as private ownership of land and capital continues4 ,but their tyranny will not last forever1 for it generates the forces that must in the end overthrow it4 #b4 ,the ,law of the ,concentration of ,capital4-- ,marx pointed out that capitalist undertakings tend to grow larger and larger4 ,he foresaw the substitution of trusts for free competition1 and predicted that the number of capitalist enterprises must diminish as the magnitude of single enterprises increased4 ,he supposed that this process must involve a diminution1 not only in the number of businesses1 but also in the number of capitalists4 ,indeed1 he usually spoke as though each business were owned by a single man4 ,accordingly1 he expected that men would be continually driven from the ranks of the capitalists into those of the proletariat1 and that the capitalists1 in the course of time1 would grow numerically weaker and weaker4 ,he applied this principle not only to industry but also to agriculture4 ,he expected to find the landowners growing fewer and fewer while their estates grew larger and larger4 ,this process was to make more and more glaring the evils and injustices of the capitalist system1 and to stimulate more and more the forces of opposition4 #c4 ,the ,class ,war4--,marx conceives the wage- earner and the capitalist in a sharp antithesis4 ,he imagines that every man is1 or must soon become1 wholly the one or wholly the other4 ,the wage- earner1 who possesses nothing1 is exploited by the capitalists1 who possess everything4 ,as the capitalist system works itself out and its nature becomes more clear1 the opposition of bourgeoisie and proletariat becomes more and more marked4 ,the two classes1 since they have antagonistic interests1 are forced into a class war which generates within the capitalist regime internal forces of disruption4 ,the working men learn gradually to combine against their exploiters1 first locally1 then nationally1 and at last internationally4 ,when they have learned to combine internationally they must be victorious4 ,they will then decree that all land and capital shall be owned in common2 exploitation will cease2 the tyranny of the owners of wealth will no longer be possible2 there will no longer be any division of society into classes1 and all men will be free4 ,all these ideas are already contained in the ,communist ,manifesto1'' a work of the most amazing vigor and force1 setting forth with terse compression the titanic forces of the world1 their epic battle1 and the inevitable consummation4 ,this work is of such importance in the development of ,socialism and gives such an admirable statement of the doctrines set forth at greater length and with more pedantry in ,capital1'' that its salient passages must be known by anyone who wishes to understand the hold which ,marxian ,socialism has acquired over the intellect and imagination of a large proportion of working-class leaders4 ,a spectre is haunting ,europe1'' it begins1 the spectre of ,communism4 ,all the ,powers of old ,europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre--,pope and ,czar1 ,metternich and ,guizot1 ,french ,radicals and ,german police-spies4 ,where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power8 ,where the ,opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of ,communism against the more advanced opposition parties1 as well as against its re-actionary adversaries8'' ,the existence of a class war is nothing new3 ,the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles4'' ,in these struggles the fight each time ended1 either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large1 or in the common ruin of the contending classes4'' ,our epoch1 the epoch of the bourgeoisie 4 4 4 has simplified the class antagonisms4 ,society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps1 into two great classes directly facing each other3 ,bourgeoisie and ,proletariat4'' ,then follows a history of the fall of feudalism1 leading to a description of the bourgeoisie as a revolutionary force4 ,the bourgeoisie1 historically1 has played a most revolutionary part4'' ,for exploitation1 veiled by religious and political illusions1 it has substituted naked1 shameless1 direct1 brutal exploitation4'' ,the need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe4'' ,the bourgeoisie1 during its rule of scarce one hundred years1 has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together4'' ,feudal relations became fetters3 ,they had to be burst asunder2 they were burst asunder4 4 4 4 ,a similar movement is going on before our own eyes4'' ,the weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself4 ,but not only has the bourgoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself2 it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons-- the modern working class--the proletarians4'' ,the cause of the destitution of the proletariat are then set forth4 ,the cost of production of a workman is restricted1 almost entirely1 to the means of subsistence that he requires for his maintenance and for the propagation of his race4 ,but the price of a commodity1 and therefore also of labor1 is equal to its cost of production4 ,in proportion1 therefore1 as the repulsiveness of the work increases1 the wage decreases4 ,nay more1 in proportion as the use of machinery and diversion of labor increases1 in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases4'' ,modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist4 ,masses of laborers1 crowded into the factory1 are organized like soldiers4 ,as privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants4 ,not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class1 and of the bourgeois ,state1 they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine1 by the over-looker1 and1 above all1 by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself4 ,the more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim1 the more petty1 the more hateful1 and the more embittering it is4'' ,the ,manifesto tells next the manner of growth of the class struggle4 ,the proletariat goes through various stages of development4 ,with its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie4 ,at first the contest is carried on by individual laborers1 then by the workpeople of a factory1 then by the operatives of one trade1 in one locality1 against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them4 ,they direct their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production1 but against the instruments of production themselves4'' ,at this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country1 and broken up by their mutual competition4 ,if anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies1 this is not yet the consequence of their own active union1 but of the union of the bourgeoisie1 which class1 in order to attain its own political ends1 is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion1 and is moreover yet1 for a time1 able to do so4'' ,the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes4 ,thereupon the workers begin to form combinations 7,trades ,unions7 against the bourgeois2 they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages2 they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts4 ,here and there the contest breaks out into riots4 ,now and then the workers are victorious1 but only for a time4 ,the real fruit of their battles lies1 not in the immediate result1 but in the ever-expanding union of the workers4 ,this union is helped on by the im- proved means of communication that are created by modern industry1 and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another4 ,it was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles1 all of the same character1 into one national struggle between classes4 ,but every class struggle is a political struggle4 ,and that union1 to attain which the burghers of the ,middle ,ages1 with their miserable highways1 required centuries1 the modern proletarians1 thanks to railways1 achieve in a few years4 ,this organization of the proletarians into a class1 and consequently into a political party1 is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves4 ,but it ever rises up again1 stronger1 firmer1 mightier4 ,it compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers1 by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself4'' ,in the conditions of the proletariat1 those of old society at large are already virtually swamped4 ,the proletarian is without property2 his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family-relations2 modern industrial labor1 modern subjection to capital1 the same in ,england as in ,france1 in ,america as in ,germany1 has stripped him of every trace of national character4 ,law1 morality1 religion1 are to him so many bourgeois prejudices1 behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests4 ,all the preceding classes that got the upper hand1 sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation4 ,the proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society1 except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation1 and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation4 ,they have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify2 their mission is to destroy all previous securities for1 and insurances of1 individual property4 ,all previous historical movements were movements of minorities1 or in the interest of minorities4 ,the proletarian movement is the self-conscious1 independent movement of the immense majority1 in the interest of the immense majority4 ,the proletariat1 the lowest stratum of our present society1 cannot stir1 cannot raise itself up1 without the whole super- incumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air4'' ,the ,communists1 says ,marx1 stand for the proletariat as a whole4 ,they are international4 ,the ,communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality4 ,the working men have no country4 ,we cannot take from them what they have not got4'' ,the immediate aim of the ,communists is the conquests of political power by the proletariat4 ,the theory of the ,communists may be summed up in the single sentence3 ,abolition of private property4'' ,the materialistic interpretation of history is used to answer such charges as that ,communism is anti-,christian4 ,the charges against ,communism made from a religious1 a philosophical1 and1 generally1 from an ideological standpoint1 are not deserving of serious examination4 ,does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas1 views and conceptions1 in one word1 man's consciousness1 changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence1 in his social relations1 and in his social life8'' ,the attitude of the ,manifesto to the ,state is not altogether easy to grasp4 ,the executive of the modern ,state1'' we are told1 is but a ,committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie4'' ,nevertheless1 the first step for the proletariat must be to acquire control of the ,state4 ,we have seen above1 that the first step in the revolution by the working class1 is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class1 to win the battle of democracy4 ,the proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest1 by degrees1 all capital from the bourgeoisie1 to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the ,state1 i4e41 of the proletariat organized as the ruling class2 and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible4'' ,the ,manifesto passes on to an immediate program of reforms1 which would in the first instance much increase the power of the existing ,state1 but it is contended that when the ,socialist revolution is accomplished1 the ,state1 as we know it1 will have ceased to exist4 ,as ,engels says elsewhere1 when the proletariat seizes the power of the ,state it puts an end to all differences of class and antagonisms of class1 and consequently also puts an end to the ,state as a ,state4'' ,thus1 although ,state ,socialism might1 in fact1 be the outcome of the proposals of ,marx and ,engels1 they cannot themselves be accused of any glorification of the ,state4 ,the ,manifesto ends with an appeal to the wage- earners of the world to rise on behalf of ,communism4 ,the ,communists disdain to conceal their views and aims4 ,they openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions4 ,let the ruling classes tremble at a ,communistic revolution4 ,the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains4 ,they have a world to win4 ,working men of all countries1 unite6'' ,in all the great countries of the ,continent1 except ,russia1 a revolution followed quickly on the publication of the ,communist ,manifesto1 but the revolution was not economic or international1 except at first in ,france4 ,everywhere else it was inspired by the ideas of nationalism4 ,accordingly1 the rulers of the world1 momentarily terrified1 were able to recover power by fomenting the enmities inherent in the nationalist idea1 and everywhere1 after a very brief triumph1 the revolution ended in war and reaction4 ,the ideas of the ,communist ,manifesto appeared before the world was ready for them1 but its authors lived to see the beginnings of the growth of that ,socialist movement in every country1 which has pressed on with increasing force1 influencing ,governments more and more1 dominating the ,russian ,revolution1 and perhaps capable of achieving at no very distant date that international triumph to which the last sentences of the ,manifesto summon the wage-earners of the world4 ,marx's magnum opus1 ,capital1'' added bulk and substance to the theses of the ,communist ,manifesto4 ,it contributed the theory of surplus value1 which professed to explain the actual mechanism of capitalist exploitation4 ,this doctrine is very complicated and is scarcely tenable as a contribution to pure theory4 ,it is rather to be viewed as a translation into abstract terms of the hatred with which ,marx regarded the system that coins wealth out of human lives1 and it is in this spirit1 rather than in that of disinterested analysis1 that it has been read by its admirers4 ,a critical examination of the theory of surplus value would require much difficult and abstract discussion of pure economic theory without having much bearing upon the practical truth or falsehood of ,socialism2 it has therefore seemed impossible within the limits of the present volume4 ,to my mind the best parts of the book are those which deal with economic facts1 of which ,marx's knowledge was encyclopaedic4 ,it was by these facts that he hoped to instil into his disciples that firm and undying hatred that should make them soldiers to the death in the class war4 ,the facts which he accumulates are such as are practically unknown to the vast majority of those who live comfortable lives4 ,they are very terrible facts1 and the economic system which generates them must be acknowledged to be a very terrible system4 ,a few examples of his choice of facts will serve to explain the bitterness of many ,socialists3-- ,mr4 ,broughton ,charlton1 county magistrate1 declared1 as chairman of a meeting held at the ,assembly ,rooms1 ,nottingham1 on the #adth ,january1 #ahfj1 that there was an amount of privation and suffering among that portion of the population connected with the lace trade1 unknown in other parts of the kingdom1 indeed1 in the civilized world4 4 4 4 ,children of nine or ten years are dragged from their squalid beds at two1 three1 or four o clock in the morning and compelled to work for a bare subsistence until ten1 eleven1 or twelve at night1 their limbs wearing away1 their frames dwindling1 their faces whitening1 and their humanity absolutely sinking into a stone-like torpor1 utterly horrible to contemplate4''#d #d ,vol4 i1 p4 #bbg4 ,three railway men are standing before a ,london coroner's jury--a guard1 an engine-driver1 a signalman4 ,a tremendous railway accident has hurried hundreds of passengers into another world4 ,the negligence of the employes is the cause of the misfortune4 ,they declare with one voice before the jury that ten or twelve years before1 their labor only lasted eight hours a day4 ,during the last five or six years it had been screwed up to #ad1 #ah1 and #bj hours1 and under a specially severe pressure of holiday-makers1 at times of excursion trains1 it often lasted #dj or #ej hours without a break4 ,they were ordinary men1 not ,cyclops4 ,at a certain point their labor-power failed4 ,torpor seized them4 ,their brain ceased to think1 their eyes to see4 ,the thoroughly respectable'' ,british jurymen answered by a verdict that sent them to the next assizes on a charge of manslaughter1 and1 in a gentle rider'' to their verdict1 expressed the pious hope that the capitalistic magnates of the railways would1 in future1 be more extravagant in the purchase of a sufficient quantity of labor-power1 and more abstemious1'' more self-denying1'' more thrifty1'' in the draining of paid labor-power4#e #e ,vol4 i1 pp4 #bcg1 #bch4 ,in the last week of ,june1 #ahfc1 all the ,london daily papers published a paragraph with the sensational'' heading1 ,death from simple over-work4'' ,it dealt with the death of the milliner1 ,mary ,anne ,walkley1 #bj years of age1 employed in a highly respectable dressmaking establishment1 exploited by a lady with the pleasant name of ,elise4 ,the old1 often-told story was once more recounted4 ,this girl worked1 on an average1 #af #a_/b hours1 during the season often #cj hours1 without a break1 whilst her failing labor-power was revived by occasional supplies of sherry1 port1 or coffee4 ,it was just now the height of the season4 ,it was necessary to conjure up in the twinkling of an eye the gorgeous dresses for the noble ladies bidden to the ball in honor of the newly- imported ,princess of ,wales4 ,mary ,anne ,walkley had worked without intermission for #bf #a_/b hours1 with #fj other girls1 #cj in one room1 that only afforded #a_/c of the cubic feet of air required for them4 ,at night1 they slept in pairs in one of the stifling holes into which the bedroom was divided by partitions of board4 ,and this was one of the best millinery establishments in ,london4 ,mary ,anne ,walkley fell ill on the ,friday1 died on ,sunday1 without1 to the astonishment of ,madame ,elise1 having previously completed the work in hand4 ,the doctor1 ,mr4 ,keys1 called too late to the death bed1 duly bore witness before the coroner's jury that ,mary ,anne ,walkley had died from long hours of work in an over- crowded workroom1 and a too small and badly ventilated bedroom4'' ,in order to give the doctor a lesson in good manners1 the coroner's jury thereupon brought in a verdict that the deceased had died of apoplexy1 but there was reason to fear that her death had been accelerated by over-work in an over-crowded workroom1 c4'' ,our white slaves1'' cried the ,morning ,star1'' the organ of the free-traders1 ,cobden and ,bright1 our white slaves1 who are toiled into the grave1 for the most part silently pine and die4''#f #f ,vol4 i1 pp4 #bci1 #bdj4 ,edward ,,vi3 ,a statue of the first year of his reign1 #aedg1 ordains that if anyone refuses to work1 he shall be condemned as a slave to the person who has denounced him as an idler4 ,the master shall feed his slave on bread and water1 weak broth and such refuse meat as he thinks fit4 ,he has the right to force him to do any work1 no matter how disgusting1 with whip and chains4 ,if the slave is absent a fortnight1 he is condemned to slavery for life and is to be branded on forehead or back with the letter ,s2 if he runs away thrice1 he is to be executed as a felon4 ,the master can sell him1 bequeath him1 let him out on hire as a slave1 just as any other personal chattel or cattle4 ,if the slaves attempt anything against the masters1 they are also to be executed4 ,justices of the peace1 on information1 are to hunt the rascals down4 ,if it happens that a vagabond has been idling about for three days1 he is to be taken to his birthplace1 branded with a redhot iron with the letter ,v on the breast and be set to work1 in chains1 in the streets or at some other labor4 ,if the vagabond gives a false birthplace1 he is then to become the slave for life of this place1 of its inhabitants1 or its corporation1 and to be branded with an ,s4 ,all persons have the right to take away the children of the vagabonds and to keep them as apprentices1 the young men until the #bdth year1 the girls until the #bjth4 ,if they run away1 they are to become up to this age the slaves of their masters1 who can put them in irons1 whip them1 c41 if they like4 ,every master may put an iron ring around the neck1 arms or legs of his slave1 by which to know him more easily and to be more certain of him4 ,the last part of this statute provides that certain poor people may be employed by a place or by persons1 who are willing to give them food and drink and to find them work4 ,this kind of parish-slaves was kept up in ,england until far into the #aith century under the name of roundsmen4''#g #g ,vol4 i1 pp4 #geh1 #gei4 ,page after page and chapter after chapter of facts of this nature1 each brought up to illustrate some fatalistic theory which ,marx professes to have proved by exact reasoning1 cannot but stir into fury any passionate working-class reader1 and into unbearable shame any possessor of capital in whom generosity and justice are not wholly extinct4 ,almost at the end of the volume1 in a very brief chapter1 called ,historical ,tendency of ,capitalist ,accumulation1'' ,marx allows one moment's glimpse of the hope that lies beyond the present horror3-- ,as soon as this process of transformation has sufficiently decomposed the old society from top to bottom1 as soon as the laborers are turned into proletarians1 their means of labor into capital1 as soon as the capitalist mode of production stands on its own feet1 then the further socialization of labor and further transformation of the land and other means of production into so- cially exploited and1 therefore1 common means of production1 as well as the further expropriation of private proprietors1 takes a new form4 ,that which is now to be expropriated is no longer the laborer working for himself1 but the capitalist exploiting many laborers4 ,this expropriation is accomplished by the action of the immanent laws of capitalistic production itself1 by the centralization of capital4 ,one capitalist always kills many1 and in hand with this centralization1 or this expropriation of many capitalists by few1 develop1 on an ever extending scale1 the co-operative form of the labor-process1 the conscious technical application of science1 the methodical cultivation of the soil1 the transformation of the instruments of labor into instruments of labor only usable in common1 the economizing of all means of production by their use as the means of production of combined1 socialized labor1 the entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world-market1 and with this1 the international character of the capitalistic regime4 ,along with the constantly diminishing number of the magnates of capital1 who usurp and monopolize all advantages of this process of transformation1 grows the mass of misery1 oppression1 slavery1 degradation1 exploitation2 but with this1 too1 grows the revolt of the working- class1 a class always increasing in numbers1 and disciplined1 united1 organized by the very mechanism of the process of capitalist production itself4 ,the monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production1 which has sprung up and flourished along with1 and under it4 ,centralization of the means of production and socialization of labor at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument4 ,this integument is burst asunder4 ,the knell of capitalist private property sounds4 ,the expropriators are expropriated1#h #h ,vol4 i pp4 #ghh1 #ghi4 ,that is all4 ,hardly another word from beginning to end is allowed to relieve the gloom1 and in this relentless pressure upon the mind of the reader lies a great part of the power which this book has acquired4 ,two questions are raised by ,marx's work3 ,first1 ,are his laws of historical development true8 ,second1 ,is ,socialism desirable8 ,the second of these questions is quite independent of the first4 ,marx professes to prove that ,socialism must come1 but scarcely concerns himself to argue that when it comes it will be a good thing4 ,it may be1 however1 that if it comes1 it will be a good thing1 even though all ,marx's arguments to prove that it must come should be at fault4 ,in actual fact1 time has shown many flaws in ,marx's theories4 ,the development of the world has been sufficiently like his prophecy to prove him a man of very unusual penetration1 but has not been sufficiently like to make either political or economic history exactly such as he predicted that it would be4 ,nationalism1 so far from diminishing1 has increased1 and has failed to be conquered by the cosmopolitan tendencies which ,marx rightly discerned in finance4 ,although big businesses have grown bigger and have over a great area reached the stage of monopoly1 yet the number of shareholders in such enterprises is so large that the actual number of individuals interested in the capitalist system has continually increased4 ,moreover1 though large firms have grown larger1 there has been a simultaneous increase in firms of medium size4 ,meanwhile the wage-earners1 who were1 according to ,marx1 to have remained at the bare level of subsistence at which they were in the ,england of the first half of the nineteenth century1 have instead profited by the general increase of wealth1 though in a lesser degree than the capitalists4 ,the supposed iron law of wages has been proved untrue1 so far as labor in civilized countries is concerned4 ,if we wish now to find examples of capitalist cruelty analogous to those with which ,marx's book is filled1 we shall have to go for most of our material to the ,tropics1 or at any rate to regions where there are men of inferior races to exploit4 ,again3 the skilled worker of the present day is an aristocrat in the world of labor4 ,it is a question with him whether he shall ally himself with the unskilled worker against the capitalist1 or with the capitalist against the unskilled worker4 ,very often he is himself a capitalist in a small way1 and if he is not so individually1 his trade union or his friendly society is pretty sure to be so4 ,hence the sharpness of the class war has not been maintained4 ,there are gradations1 intermediate ranks between rich and poor1 instead of the clear-cut logical antithesis between the workers who have nothing and the capitalists who have all4 ,even in ,germany1 which became the home of orthodox ,marxianism and developed a powerful ,social-,democratic party1 nominally accepting the doctrine of ,das ,kapital'' as all but verbally inspired1 even there the enormous increase of wealth in all classes in the years preceding the war led ,socialists to revise their beliefs and to adopt an evolutionary rather than a revolutionary attitude4 ,bernstein1 a ,german ,socialist who lived long in ,england1 inaugurated the ,revisionist'' movement which at last conquered the bulk of the party4 ,his criticisms of ,marxian orthodoxy are set forth in his ,evolutionary ,socialism4''#i ,bernstein's work1 as is common in ,broad ,church writers1 consists largely in showing that the ,founders did not hold their doctrines so rigidly as their followers have done4 ,there is much in the writings of ,marx and ,engels that cannot be fitted into the rigid orthodoxy which grew up among their disciples4 ,bernstein's main criticisms of these disciples1 apart from such as we have already mentioned1 consist in a defense of piecemeal action as against revolution4 ,he protests against the attitude of undue hostility to ,liberalism which is common among ,socialists1 and he blunts the edge of the ,internationalism which undoubtedly is part of the teachings of ,marx4 ,the workers1 he says1 have a ,fatherland as soon as they become citizens1 and on this basis he defends that degree of nationalism which the war has since shown to be prevalent in the ranks of ,socialists4 ,he even goes so far as to maintain that ,european nations have a right to tropical territory owing to their higher civilization4 ,such doctrines diminish revolutionary ardor and tend to transform ,socialists into a left wing of the ,liberal ,party4 ,but the increasing prosperity of wage-earners before the war made these developments inevitable4 ,whether the war will have altered conditions in this respect1 it is as yet impossible to know4 ,bernstein concludes with the wise remark that3 ,we have to take working men as they are4 ,and they are neither so universally paupers as was set out in the ,communist ,manifesto1 nor so free from prejudices and weaknesses as their courtiers wish to make us believe4'' #i ,die ,voraussetzungen des ,sozialismus und die ,aufgaben der ,sozial-,demokratie4'' ,in ,march1 #aiad1 ,bernstein delivered a lecture in ,budapest in which he withdrew from several of the positions he had taken up 7vide ,budapest ,volkstimme1'' ,march #ai1 #aiad74 ,berstein represents the decay of ,marxian orthodoxy from within4 ,syndicalism represents an attack against it from without1 from the standpoint of a doctrine which professes to be even more radical and more revolutionary than that of ,marx and ,engels4 ,the attitude of ,syndicalists to ,marx may be seen in ,sorel's little book1 ,la ,decomposition du ,marxisme1'' and in his larger work1 ,reflections on ,violence1'' authorized translation by ,t4 ,e4 ,hulme 7,allen ,unwin1 #aiae74 ,after quoting ,bernstein1 with approval in so far as he criticises ,marx1 ,sorel proceeds to other criticisms of a different order4 ,he points out 7what is true7 that ,marx's theoretical economics remain very near to ,manchesterism3 the orthodox political economy of his youth was accepted by him on many points on which it is now known to be wrong4 ,according to ,sorel1 the really essential thing in ,marx's teaching is the class war4 ,whoever keeps this alive is keeping alive the spirit of ,socialism much more truly than those who adhere to the letter of ,social-,democratic orthodoxy4 ,on the basis of the class war1 ,french ,syndicalists developed a criticism of ,marx which goes much deeper than those that we have been hitherto considering4 ,marx's views on historical development may have been in a greater or less degree mistaken in fact1 and yet the economic and political system which he sought to create might be just as desirable as his followers suppose4 ,syndicalism1 however1 criticises1 not only ,marx's views of fact1 but also the goal at which he aims and the general nature of the means which he recommends4 ,marx's ideas were formed at a time when democracy did not yet exist4 ,it was in the very year in which ,das ,kapital'' appeared that urban working men first got the vote in ,england and universal suffrage was granted by ,bismarck in ,northern ,germany4 ,it was natural that great hopes should be entertained as to what democracy would achieve4 ,marx1 like the orthodox economists1 imagined that men's opinions are guided by a more or less enlightened view of economic self-interest1 or rather of economic class interest4 ,a long experience of the workings of political democracy has shown that in this respect ,disraeli and ,bismarck were shrewder judges of human nature than either ,liberals or ,socialists4 ,it has become increasingly difficult to put trust in the ,state as a means to liberty1 or in political parties as instruments sufficiently powerful to force the ,state into the service of the people4 ,the modern ,state1 says ,sorel1 is a body of intellectuals1 which is invested with privileges1 and which possesses means of the kind called political for defending itself against the attacks made on it by other groups of intellectuals1 eager to possess the profits of public employment4 ,parties are constituted in order to acquire the conquest of these employments1 and they are analogous to the ,state4''#aj #aj ,la ,decomposition du ,marxisme1'' p4 #ec4 ,syndicalists aim at organizing men1 not by party1 but by occupation4 ,this1 they say1 alone represents the true conception and method of the class war4 ,accordingly they despise all ,,political action through the medium of ,parliament and elections3 the kind of action that they recommend is direct action by the revolutionary syndicate or trade union4 ,the battle- cry of industrial versus political action has spread far beyond the ranks of ,french ,syndicalism4 ,it is to be found in the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 in ,america1 and among ,industrial ,unionists and ,guild ,socialists in ,great ,britain4 ,those who advocate it1 for the most part1 aim also at a different goal from that of ,marx4 ,they believe that there can be no adequate individual freedom where the ,state is all-powerful1 even if the ,state be a ,socialist one4 ,some of them are out-and- out ,anarchists1 who wish to see the ,state wholly abolished2 others only wish to curtail its authority4 ,owing to this movement1 opposition to ,marx1 which from the ,anarchist side existed from the first1 has grown very strong4 ,it is this opposition in its older form that will occupy us in our next chapter4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,bakunin ,,and ,,anarchism ,,in the popular mind1 an ,anarchist is a person who throws bombs and commits other outrages1 either because he is more or less insane1 or because he uses the pretense of extreme political opinions as a cloak for criminal proclivities4 ,this view is1 of course1 in every way inadequate4 ,some ,anarchists believe in throwing bombs2 many do not4 ,men of almost every other shade of opinion believe in throwing bombs in suitable circumstances3 for example1 the men who threw the bomb at ,sarajevo which started the present war were not ,anarchists1 but ,nationalists4 ,and those ,anarchists who are in favor of bomb-throwing do not in this respect differ on any vital principle from the rest of the community1 with the exception of that infinitesimal portion who adopt the ,tolstoyan attitude of non-resistance4 ,anarchists1 like ,socialists1 usually believe in the doctrine of the class war1 and if they use bombs1 it is as ,governments use bombs1 for purposes of war3 but for every bomb manufactured by an ,anarchist1 many millions are manufactured by ,governments1 and for every man killed by ,anarchist violence1 many millions are killed by the violence of ,states4 ,we may1 therefore1 dismiss from our minds the whole question of violence1 which plays so large a part in the popular imagination1 since it is neither essential nor peculiar to those who adopt the ,anarchist position4 ,anarchism1 as its derivation indicates1 is the theory which is opposed to every kind of forcible government4 ,it is opposed to the ,state as the embodiment of the force employed in the government of the community4 ,such government as ,anarchism can tolerate must be free government1 not merely in the sense that it is that of a majority1 but in the sense that it is that assented to by all4 ,anarchists object to such institutions as the police and the criminal law1 by means of which the will of one part of the community is forced upon another part4 ,in their view1 the democratic form of government is not very enormously preferable to other forms so long as minorities are compelled by force or its potentiality to submit to the will of majorities4 ,liberty is the supreme good in the ,anarchist creed1 and liberty is sought by the direct road of abolishing all forcible control over the individual by the community4 ,anarchism1 in this sense1 is no new doctrine4 ,it is set forth admirably by ,chuang ,tzu1 a ,chinese philosopher1 who lived about the year #cjj ,b4 ,c43-- ,horses have hoofs to carry them over frost and snow2 hair1 to protect them from wind and cold4 ,they eat grass and drink water1 and fling up their heels over the champaign4 ,such is the real nature of horses4 ,palatial dwellings are of no use to them4 ,one day ,po ,lo appeared1 saying3 ,i understand the management of horses4'' ,so he branded them1 and clipped them1 and pared their hoofs1 and put halters on them1 tying them up by the head and shackling them by the feet1 and disposing them in stables1 with the result that two or three in every ten died4 ,then he kept them hungry and thirsty1 trotting them and galloping them1 and grooming1 and trimming1 with the misery of the tasselled bridle before and the fear of the knotted whip behind1 until more than half of them were dead4 ,the potter says3 ,i can do what ,i will with ,clay4 ,if ,i want it round1 ,i use compasses2 if rectangular1 a square4'' ,the carpenter says3 ,i can do what ,i will with wood4 ,if ,i want it curved1 ,i use an arc2 if straight1 a line4'' ,but on what grounds can we think that the natures of clay and wood desire this application of compasses and square1 of arc and line8 ,nevertheless1 every age extols ,po ,lo for his skill in managing horses1 and potters and carpenters for their skill with clay and wood4 ,those who govern the empire make the same mistake4 ,now ,i regard government of the empire from quite a different point of view4 ,the people have certain natural instincts3--to weave and clothe themselves1 to till and feed themselves4 ,these are common to all humanity1 and all are agreed thereon4 ,such instincts are called ,heaven-sent4'' ,and so in the days when natural instincts prevailed1 men moved quietly and gazed steadily4 ,at that time there were no roads over mountains1 nor boats1 nor bridges over water4 ,all things were produced1 each for its own proper sphere4 ,birds and beasts multiplied1 trees and shrubs grew up4 ,the former might be led by the hand2 you could climb up and peep into the raven's nest4 ,for then man dwelt with birds and beasts1 and all creation was one4 ,there were no distinctions of good and bad men4 ,being all equally without knowledge1 their virtue could not go astray4 ,being all equally without evil desires1 they were in a state of natural integrity1 the perfection of human existence4 ,but when ,sages appeared1 tripping up people over charity and fettering them with duty to their neighbor1 doubt found its way into the world4 ,and then1 with their gushing over music and fussing over ceremony1 the empire became divided against itself4#aa #aa ,musings of a ,chinese ,mystic4'' ,selections from the ,philosophy of ,chuang ,tzu4 ,with an ,introduction by ,lionel ,giles1 ,m4,a4 7,oxon474 ,wisdom of the ,east ,series1 ,john ,murray1 #aiaa4 ,pages #ff-fh4 ,the modern ,anarchism1 in the sense in which we shall be concerned with it1 is associated with belief in the communal ownership of land and capital1 and is thus in an important respect akin to ,socialism4 ,this doctrine is properly called ,anarchist ,com- munism1 but as it embraces practically all modern ,anarchism1 we may ignore individualist ,anarchism altogether and concentrate attention upon the communistic form4 ,socialism and ,anarchist ,communism alike have arisen from the perception that private capital is a source of tyranny by certain individuals over others4 ,orthodox ,socialism believes that the individual will become free if the ,state becomes the sole capitalist4 ,anarchism1 on the contrary1 fears that in that case the ,state might merely inherit the tyrannical propensities of the private capitalist4 ,accordingly1 it seeks for a means of reconciling communal ownership with the utmost possible diminution in the powers of the ,state1 and indeed ultimately with the complete abolition of the ,state4 ,it has arisen mainly within the ,socialist movement as its extreme left wing4 ,in the same sense in which ,marx may be regarded as the founder of modern ,socialism1 ,bakunin may be regarded as the founder of ,anarchist ,communism4 ,but ,bakunin did not produce1 like ,marx1 a finished and systematic body of doctrine4 ,the nearest approach to this will be found in the writings of his follower1 ,kropotkin4 ,in order to explain modern ,anarchism we shall begin with the life of ,bakunin#ab and the history of his conflicts with ,marx1 and shall then give a brief account of ,anarchist theory as set forth partly in his writings1 but more in those of ,kropotkin4#ac #ab ,an account of the life of ,bakunin from the ,anarchist standpoint will be found in vol4 ii of the complete edition of his works3 ,michel ,bakounine1 ,o,euvres1'' ,tome ,,ii4 ,avec une notice biographique1 des avant-propos et des notes1 par ,james ,guillaume4 ,paris1 ,p4-,v1 ,stock1 editeur1 pp4 v-lxiii4 #ac ,criticism of these theories will be reserved for ,part ,,ii4 ,michel ,bakunin was born in #ahad of a ,russian aristocratic family4 ,his father was a diplomatist1 who at the time of ,bakunin's birth had retired to his country estate in the ,government of ,tver4 ,bakunin entered the school of artillery in ,petersburg at the age of fifteen1 and at the age of eighteen was sent as an ensign to a regiment stationed in the ,government of ,minsk4 ,the ,polish insurrection of #ahhj had just been crushed4 ,the spectacle of terrorized ,poland1'' says ,guillaume1 acted powerfully on the heart of the young officer1 and contributed to inspire in him the horror of despotism4'' ,this led him to give up the military career after two years' trial4 ,in #ahcd he resigned his commission and went to ,moscow1 where he spent six years studying philosophy4 ,like all philosophical students of that period1 he became a ,hegelian1 and in #ahdj he went to ,berlin to continue his studies1 in the hope of ultimately becoming a professor4 ,but after this time his opinions underwent a rapid change4 ,he found it impossible to accept the ,hegelian maxim that whatever is1 is rational1 and in #ahdb he migrated to ,dresden1 where he became associated with ,arnold ,ruge1 the publisher of ,deutsche ,jahrbuecher4'' ,by this time he had become a revolutionary1 and in the following year he incurred the hostility of the ,saxon ,government4 ,this led him to go to ,switzerland1 where he came in contact with a group of ,german ,communists1 but1 as the ,swiss police importuned him and the ,russian ,government demanded his return1 he removed to ,paris1 where he remained from #ahdc to #ahdg4 ,these years in ,paris were important in the formation of his outlook and opinions4 ,he became acquainted with ,proudhon1 who exercised a considerable influence on him2 also with ,george ,sand and many other well- known people4 ,it was in ,paris that he first made the acquaintance of ,marx and ,engels1 with whom he was to carry on a lifelong battle4 ,at a much later period1 in #ahga1 he gave the following account of his relations with ,marx at this time3-- ,marx was much more advanced than ,i was1 as he remains to-day not more advanced but incomparably more learned than ,i am4 ,i knew then nothing of political economy4 ,i had not yet rid myself of metaphysical abstractions1 and my ,socialism was only instinctive4 ,he1 though younger than ,i1 was already an atheist1 an instructed materialist1 a well-considered ,socialist4 ,it was just at this time that he elaborated the first foundations of his present system4 ,we saw each other fairly often1 for ,i respected him much for his learning and his passionate and serious devotion 7always mixed1 however1 with personal vanity7 to the cause of the proletariat1 and ,i sought eagerly his conversation1 which was always instructive and clever1 when it was not inspired by a paltry hate1 which1 alas6 happened only too often4 ,but there was never any frank intimacy between as4 ,our temperaments would not suffer it4 ,he called me a sentimental idealist1 and he was right2 ,i called him a vain man1 perfidious and crafty1 and ,i also was right4 ,bakunin never succeeded in staying long in one place without incurring the enmity of the authorities4 ,in ,november1 #ahdg1 as the result of a speech praising the ,polish rising of #ahcj1 he was expelled from ,france at the request of the ,russian ,embassy1 which1 in order to rob him of public sympathy1 spread the unfounded report that he had been an agent of the ,russian ,government1 but was no longer wanted because he had gone too far4 ,the ,french ,government1 by calculated reticence1 encouraged this story1 which clung to him more or less throughout his life4 ,being compelled to leave ,france1 he went to ,brussels1 where he renewed acquaintance with ,marx4 ,a letter of his1 written at this time1 shows that he entertained already that bitter hatred for which afterward he had so much reason4 ,the ,germans1 artisans1 ,bornstedt1 ,marx and ,engels--and1 above all1 ,marx--are here1 doing their ordinary mischief4 ,vanity1 spite1 gossip1 theoretical overbearingness and practical pusillanimity--reflections on life1 action and simplicity1 and complete absence of life1 action and simplicity--literary and argumentative artisans and repulsive coquetry with them3 ,feuerbach is a bourgeois1' and the word bourgeois' grown into an epithet and repeated ad nauseum1 but all of them themselves from head to foot1 through and through1 provincial bourgeois4 ,with one word1 lying and stupidity1 stupidity and lying4 ,in this society there is no possibility of drawing a free1 full breath4 ,i hold myself aloof from them1 and have declared quite decidedly that ,i will not join their communistic union of artisans1 and will have nothing to do with it4'' ,the ,revolution of #ahdh led him to return to ,paris and thence to ,germany4 ,he had a quarrel with ,marx over a matter in which he himself confessed later that ,marx was in the right4 ,he became a member of the ,slav ,congress in ,prague1 where he vainly endeavored to promote a ,slav insurrection4 ,toward the end of #ahdh1 he wrote an ,appeal to ,slavs1'' calling on them to combine with other revolutionaries to destroy the three oppressive monarchies1 ,russia1 ,austria and ,prussia4 ,marx attacked him in print1 saying1 in effect1 that the movement for ,bohemian independence was futile because the ,slavs had no future1 at any rate in those regions where they hap- pened to be subject to ,germany and ,austria4 ,bakunin accused ,mars of ,german patriotism in this matter1 and ,marx accused him of ,pan-,slavism1 no doubt in both cases justly4 ,before this dispute1 however1 a much more serious quarrel had taken place4 ,marx's paper1 the ,neue ,rheinische ,zeitung1'' stated that ,george ,sand had papers proving ,bakunin to be a ,russian ,government agent and one of those responsible for the recent arrest of ,poles4 ,bakunin1 of course1 repudiated the charge1 and ,george ,sand wrote to the ,neue ,rheinische ,zeitung1'' denying this statement in toto4 ,the denials were published by ,marx1 and there was a nominal reconciliation1 but from this time onward there was never any real abatement of the hostility between these rival leaders1 who did not meet again until #ahfd4 ,meanwhile1 the reaction had been everywhere gaining ground4 ,in ,may1 #ahdi1 an insurrection in ,dresden for a moment made the revolutionaries masters of the town4 ,they held it for five days and established a revolutionary government4 ,bakunin was the soul of the defense which they made against the ,prussian troops4 ,but they were overpowered1 and at last ,bakunin was captured while trying to escape with ,heubner and ,richard ,wagner1 the last of whom1 fortunately for music1 was not captured4 ,now began a long period of imprisonment in many prisons and various countries4 ,bakunin was sentenced to death on the #adth of ,january1 #ahej1 but his sentence was commuted after five months1 and he was delivered over to ,austria1 which claimed the privilege of punishing him4 ,the ,austrians1 in their turn1 condemned him to death in ,may1 #ahea1 and again his sentence was commuted to imprisonment for life4 ,in the ,austrian prisons he had fetters on hands and feet1 and in one of them he was even chained to the wall by the belt4 ,there seems to have been some peculiar pleasure to be derived from the punishment of ,bakunin1 for the ,russian ,government in its turn demanded him of the ,austrians1 who delivered him up4 ,in ,russia he was confined1 first in the ,peter and ,paul fortress and then in the ,schluesselburg4 ,there be suffered from scurvy and all his teeth fell out4 ,his health gave way completely1 and he found almost all food impossible to assimilate4 ,but1 if his body became enfeebled1 his spirit remained inflexible4 ,he feared one thing above all4 ,it was to find himself some day led1 by the debilitating action of prison1 to the condition of degradation of which ,silvio ,pellico offers a well-known type4 ,he feared that he might cease to hate1 that he might feel the sentiment of revolt which upheld him becoming extinguished in his hearts that he might come to pardon his persecutors and resign himself to his fate4 ,but this fear was superfluous2 his energy did not abandon him a single day1 and he emerged from his cell the same man as when he entered4''#ad #ad ,ibid4 p4 xxvi4 ,after the death of the ,tsar ,nicholas many political prisoners were amnested1 but ,alexander ,,ii with his own hand erased ,bakunin's name from the list4 ,when ,bakunin's mother succeeded in obtaining an interview with the new ,tsar1 he said to her1 ,know1 ,madame1 that so long as your son lives1 he can never be free4'' ,however1 in #aheg1 after eight years of captivity1 he was sent to the comparative freedom of ,siberia4 ,from there1 in #ahfa1 he succeeded in escaping to ,japan1 and thence through ,america to ,london4 ,he had been imprisoned for his hostility to governments1 but1 strange to say1 his sufferings had not had the intended effect of making him love those who inflicted them4 ,from this time onward1 he devoted himself to spreading the spirit of ,anarchist revolt1 without1 however1 having to suffer any further term of imprisonment4 ,for some years he lived in ,italy1 where he founded in #ahfd an ,international ,fraternity'' or ,alliance of ,socialist ,revolutionaries4'' ,this contained men of many countries1 but apparently no ,germans4 ,it devoted itself largely to combating ,mazzini's nationalism4 ,in #ahfg he moved to ,switzerland1 where in the following year he helped to found the ,international ,alliance of ,so- cialist ,democracy1'' of which he drew up the program4 ,this program gives a good succinct resume of his opinions3-- ,the ,alliance declares itself atheist2 it desires the definitive and entire abolition of classes and the political equality and social equalization of individuals of both sexes4 ,it desires that the earth1 the instrument of labor1 like all other capital1 becoming the collective property of society as a whole1 shall be no longer able to be utilized except by the workers1 that is to say1 by agricultural and industrial associations4 ,it recognizes that all actually existing political and authoritarian ,states1 reducing themselves more and more to the mere administrative functions of the public services in their respective countries1 must disappear in the universal union of free associations1 both agricultural and industrial4 ,the ,international ,alliance of ,socialist ,democracy desired to become a branch of the ,international ,working ,men's ,association1 but was refused admission on the ground that branches must be local1 and could not themselves be international4 ,the ,geneva group of the ,alliance1 however1 was admitted later1 in ,july1 #ahfi4 ,the ,international ,working ,men's ,association had been founded in ,london in #ahfd1 and its statutes and program were drawn up by ,marx4 ,bakunin at first did not expect it to prove a success and refused to join it4 ,but it spread with remarkable rapidity in many countries and soon became a great power for the propagation of ,socialist ideas4 ,originally it was by no means wholly ,socialist1 but in successive ,congresses ,marx won it over more and more to his views4 ,at its third ,congress1 in ,brussels in ,september1 #ahfh1 it became definitely ,socialist4 ,meanwhile ,bakunin1 regretting his earlier abstention1 had decided to join it1 and he brought with him a considerable following in ,french-,switzerland1 ,france1 ,spain and ,italy4 ,at the fourth ,congress1 held at ,basle in ,september1 #ahfi1 two currents were strongly marked4 ,the ,germans and ,english followed ,marx in his belief in the ,state as it was to become after the abolition of private property2 they followed him also in his desire to found ,labor ,parties in the various countries1 and to utilize the machinery of democracy for the election of representatives of ,labor to ,parliaments4 ,on the other hand1 the ,latin nations in the main followed ,bakunin in opposing the ,state and disbelieving in the machinery of representative government4 ,the conflict between these two groups grew more and more bitter1 and each accused the other of various offenses4 ,the statement that ,bakunin was a spy was repeated1 but was withdrawn after investigation4 ,marx wrote in a confidential communication to his ,german friends that ,bakunin was an agent of the ,pan-,slavist party and received from them #be1jjj francs a year4 ,meanwhile1 ,bakunin became for a time interested in the attempt to stir up an agrarian revolt in ,russia1 and this led him to neglect the contest in the ,international at a crucial moment4 ,during the ,franco-,prussian war ,bakunin passionately took the side of ,france1 especially after the fall of ,napoleon ,,iii4 ,he endeavored to rouse the people to revolutionary resistance like that of #agic1 and became involved in an abortive attempt at revolt in ,lyons4 ,the ,french ,government accused him of being a paid agent of ,prussia1 and it was with difficulty that he escaped to ,switzerland4 ,the dispute with ,marx and his followers had become exacerbated by the national dispute4 ,bakunin1 like ,kropotkin after him1 regarded the new power of ,germany as the greatest menace to liberty in the world4 ,he hated the ,germans with a bitter hatred1 partly1 no doubt1 on account of ,bismarck1 but probably still more on account of ,marx4 ,to this day1 ,anarchism has remained confined almost exclusively to the ,latin countries1 and has been associated with1 a hatred of ,germany1 growing out of the contests between ,marx and ,bakunin in the ,international4 ,the final suppression of ,bakunin's faction occurred at the ,general ,congress of the ,international at the ,hague in #ahgb4 ,the meeting-place was chosen by the ,general ,council 7in which ,marx was unopposed71 with a view--so ,bakunin's friends contend-- to making access impossible for ,bakunin 7on account of the hostility of the ,french and ,german governments7 and difficult for his friends4 ,bakunin was expelled from the ,international as the result of a report accusing him inter alia of theft backed2 up by intimidation4 ,the orthodoxy of the ,international was saved1 but at the cost of its vitality4 ,from this time onward1 it ceased to be itself a power1 but both sections continued to work in their various groups1 and the ,socialist groups in particular grew rapidly4 ,ultimately a new ,international was formed 7#ahhi7 which continued down to the outbreak of the present war4 ,as to the future of ,international ,socialism it would be rash to prophesy1 though it would seem that the international idea has acquired sufficient strength to need again1 after the war1 some such means of expression as it found before in ,socialist congresses4 ,by this time ,bakunin's health was broken1 and except for a few brief intervals1 he lived in retirement until his death in #ahgf4 ,bakunin's life1 unlike ,marx's1 was a very stormy one4 ,every kind of rebellion against authority always aroused his sympathy1 and in his support he never paid the slightest attention to personal risk4 ,his influence1 undoubtedly very great1 arose chiefly through the influence of his personality upon important individuals4 ,his writings differ from ,marx's as much as his life does1 and in a similar way4 ,they are chaotic1 largely1 aroused by some passing occasion1 abstract and metaphysical1 except when they deal with current politics4 ,he does not come to close quarters with economic facts1 but dwells usually in the regions of theory and metaphysics4 ,when he descends from these regions1 he is much more at the mercy of current international politics than ,marx1 much less imbued with the consequences of the belief that it is economic causes that are fundamental4 ,he praised ,marx for enunciating this doctrine1#ae but nevertheless continued to think in terms of nations4 ,his longest work1 ,l',empire ,knouto-,germanique et la ,revolution ,sociale1'' is mainly concerned with the situation in ,france during the later stages of the ,franco-,prussian ,war1 and with the means of resisting ,german imperialism4 ,most of his writing was done in a hurry in the interval between two insurrections4 ,there is something of ,anarchism in his lack of literary order4 ,his best-known work is a fragment entitled by its editors ,god and the ,state4''#af ,in this work he represents belief in ,god and belief in the ,state as the two great obstacles to human liberty4 ,a typical passage will serve to illustrate its style4 #ae ,marx1 as a thinker1 is on the right road4 ,he has established as a principle that all the evolutions1 political1 religious1 and juridical1 in history are1 not the causes1 but the effects of economic evolutions4 ,this is a great and fruitful thought1 which he has not absolutely invented2 it has been glimpsed1 expressed in part1 by many others besides him2 but in any case to him belongs the honor of having solidly established it and of having enunciated it as the basis of his whole economic system4 7#ahgj2 ib4 ii4 p4 xiii47 #af ,this title is not ,bakunin's1 but was invented by ,cafiero and ,elisee ,reclus1 who edited it1 not knowing that it was a fragment of what was intended to he the second version of ,l',empire ,knouto-,germanique'' 7see ib4 ii4 p #bhc74 ,the ,state is not society1 it is only an historical form of it1 as brutal as it is abstract4 ,it was born historically in all countries of the marriage of violence1 rapine1 pillage1 in a word1 war and conquest1 with the gods successively created by the theological fantasy of nations4 ,it has been from its origin1 and it remains still at present1 the divine sanction of brutal force and triumphant inequality4 ,the ,state is authority2 it is force2 it is the ostentation and infatuation of force3 it does not insinuate itself2 it does not seek to convert4 4 4 4 ,even when it commands what is good1 it hinders and spoils it1 just because it commands it1 and because every command provokes and excites the legitimate revolts of liberty2 and because the good1 from the moment that it is commanded1 becomes evil from the point of view of true morality1 of human morality 7doubtless not of divine71 from the point of view of human respect and of liberty4 ,liberty1 morality1 and the human dignity of man consist precisely in this1 that he does good1 not because it is commanded1 but because he conceives it1 wills it and loves it4 ,we do not find in ,bakunin's works a clear picture of the society at which he aimed1 or any argument to prove that such a society could be stable4 ,if we wish to understand ,anarchism we must turn to his followers1 and especially to ,kropotkin--like him1 a ,russian aristocrat familiar with the prisons of ,europe1 and1 like him1 an ,anarchist who1 in spite of his internationalism1 is imbued with a fiery hatred of the ,germans4 ,kropotkin has devoted much of his writing to technical questions of production4 ,in ,fields1 ,factories and ,workshops'' and ,the ,conquest of ,bread'' he has set himself to prove that1 if production were more scientific and better organized1 a comparatively small amount of quite agreeable work would suffice to keep the whole population in comfort4 ,even assuming1 as we probably must1 that he somewhat exaggerates what is possible with our present scientific knowledge1 it must nevertheless be conceded that his contentions contain a very large measure of truth4 ,in attacking the subject of production he has shown that he knows what is the really crucial question4 ,if civilization and progress are to be compatible with equality1 it is necessary that equality should not involve long hours of painful toil for little more than the necessaries of life1 since1 where there is no leisure1 art and science will die and all progress will become impossible4 ,the objection which some feel to ,socialism and ,anarchism alike on this ground cannot be upheld in view of the possible productivity of labor4 ,the system at which ,kropotkin aims1 whether or not it be possible1 is certainly one which demands a very great improvement in the methods of production above what is common at present4 ,he desires to abolish wholly the system of wages1 not only1 as most ,socialists do1 in the sense that a man is to be paid rather for his willingness to work than for the actual work demanded of him1 but in a more fundamental sense3 there is to be no obligation to work1 and all things are to be shared in equal proportions among the whole population4 ,kropotkin relies upon the possibility of making work pleasant3 he holds that1 in such a community as he foresees1 practically everyone will prefer work to idleness1 because work will not involve overwork or slavery1 or that excessive specialization that industrialism has brought about1 but will be merely a pleasant activity for certain hours of the day1 giving a man an outlet for his spontaneous constructive impulses4 ,there is to be no compulsion1 no law1 no government exercising force2 there will still be acts of the community1 but these are to spring from universal consent1 not from any enforced submission of even the smallest minority4 ,we shall examine in a later chapter how far such an ideal is realizable1 but it cannot be denied that ,kropotkin presents it with extraordinary persuasiveness and charm4 ,we should be doing more than justice to ,anarchism if we did not say something of its darker side1 the side which has brought it into conflict with the police and made it a word of terror to ordinary citizens4 ,in its general doctrines there is nothing essentially involving violent methods or a virulent hatred of the rich1 and many who adopt these general doctrines are personally gentle and temperamentally averse from violence4 ,but the general tone of the ,anarchist press and public is bitter to a degree that seems scarcely sane1 and the appeal1 especially in ,latin countries1 is rather to envy of the fortunate than to pity for the unfortunate4 ,a vivid and readable1 though not wholly reliable1 account1 from a hostile point of view1 is given in a book called ,le ,peril ,anarchiste1'' by ,felix ,dubois1#ag which incidentally reproduces a number of cartoons from anarchist journals4 ,the revolt against law naturally leads1 except in those who are controlled by a real passion for humanity1 to a relaxation of all the usually accepted moral rules1 and to a bitter spirit of retaliatory cruelty out of which good can hardly come4 #ag ,paris1 #ahid4 ,one of the most curious features of popular ,anarchism is its martyrology1 aping ,christian forms1 with the guillotine 7in ,france7 in place of the cross4 ,many who have suffered death at the hands of the authorities on account of acts of violence were no doubt genuine sufferers for their belief in a cause1 but others1 equally honored1 are more questionable4 ,one of the most curious examples of this outlet for the repressed religious impulse is the cult of ,ravachol1 who was guillotined in #ahib on account of various dynamite outrages4 ,his past was dubious1 but he died defiantly2 his last words were three lines from a well-known ,anarchist song1 the ,chant du ,pere ,duchesne''3-- ,si tu veux etre heureux1 ,nom de ,dieu6 ,pends ton proprietaire4 ,as was natural1 the leading ,anarchists took no part in the canonization of his memory2 nevertheless it proceeded1 with the most amazing extravagances4 ,it would be wholly unfair to judge ,anarchist doctrine1 or the views of its leading exponents1 by such phenomena2 but it remains a fact that ,anarchism attracts to itself much that lies on the borderland of insanity and common crime4#ah ,this must be remembered in exculpation of the authorities and the thoughtless public1 who often confound in a common detestation the parasites of the movement and the truly heroic and high-minded men who have elaborated its theories and sacrificed comfort and success to their propagation4 #ah ,the attitude of all the better ,anarchists is that expressed by ,l4 ,s4 ,bevington in the words3 ,of course we know that among those who call themselves ,anarchists there are a minority of unbalanced enthusiasts who look upon every illegal and sensational act of violence as a matter for hysterical jubilation4 ,very useful to the police and the press1 unsteady in intellect and of weak moral principle1 they have repeatedly shown themselves accessible to venal considerations4 ,they1 and their violence1 and their professed ,anarchism are purchasable1 and in the last resort they are welcome and efficient partisans of the bourgeoisie in its remorseless war against the deliverers of the people4'' ,his conclusion is a very wise one3 ,let us leave indiscriminate killing and injuring to the ,government--to its ,statesmen1 its ,stockbrokers1 its ,officers1 and its ,law4'' 7,anarchism and ,violence1'' pp4 #i-aj4 ,liberty ,press1 ,chiswick1 #ahif47 ,the terrorist campaign in which such men as ,ravachol were active practically came to an end in #ahid4 ,after that time1 under the influence of ,pelloutier1 the better sort of ,anarchists found a less harmful outlet by advocating ,revolutionary ,syndicalism in the ,trade ,unions and ,bourses du ,travail4#ai #ai ,see next ,chapter4 ,the ,,economic organization of society1 as conceived by ,anarchist ,communists1 does not differ greatly from that which is sought by ,socialists4 ,their difference from ,socialists is in the matter of government3 they demand that government shall require the consent of all the governed1 and not only of a majority4 ,it is undeniable that the rule of a majority may be almost as hostile to freedom as the rule of a minority3 the divine right of majorities is a dogma as little possessed of absolute truth as any other4 ,a strong democratic ,state may easily be led into oppression of its best citizens1 namely1 those those independence of mind would make them a force for progress4 ,experience of democratic parliamentary government has shown that it falls very far short of what was expected of it by early ,socialists1 and the ,anarchist revolt against it is not surprising4 ,but in the form of pure ,anarchism1 this revolt has remained weak and sporadic4 ,it is ,syndicalism1 and the movements to which ,syndicalism has given rise1 that have popularized the revolt against parliamentary government and purely political means of emancipating the wage earner4 ,but this movement must be dealt with in a separate chapter4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,the ,,syndicalist ,,revolt ,,syndicalism arose in ,france as a revolt against political ,socialism1 and in order to understand it we must trace in brief outline the positions attained by ,socialist parties in the various countries4 ,after a severe setback1 caused by the ,franco- ,prussian war1 ,socialism gradually revived1 and in all the countries of ,western ,europe ,socialist parties have increased their numerical strength almost continuously during the last forty years2 but1 as is invariably the case with a growing sect1 the intensity of faith has diminished as the number of believers has increased4 ,in ,germany the ,socialist party became the strongest faction of the ,reichstag1 and1 in spite of differences of opinion among its members1 it preserved its formal unity with that instinct for military discipline which characterizes the ,german nation4 ,in the ,reichstag election of #aiab it polled a third of the total number of votes cast1 and returned #aaj members out of a total of #cig4 ,after the death of ,bebel1 the ,revisionists1 who received their first impulse from ,bernstein1 overcame the more strict ,marxians1 and the party became in effect merely one of advanced ,radicalism4 ,it is too soon to guess what will be the effect of the split between ,majority and ,minority ,socialists which has occurred during the war4 ,there is in ,germany hardly a trace of ,syndicalism2 its characteristic doctrine1 the preference of industrial to political action1 has found scarcely any support4 ,in ,england ,marx has never had many followers4 ,socialism there has been inspired in the main by the ,fabians 7founded in #ahhc71 who threw over the advocacy of revolution1 the ,marxian doctrine of value1 and the class-war4 ,what remained was ,state ,socialism and a doctrine of permeation4'' ,civil servants were to be permeated with the realization that ,socialism would enormously increase their power4 ,trade ,unions were to be permeated with the belief that the day for purely industrial action was past1 and that they must look to government 7inspired secretly by sympathetic civil servants7 to bring about1 bit by bit1 such parts of the ,socialist program as were not likely to rouse much hostility in the rich4 ,the ,independent ,labor ,party 7formed in #ahic7 was largely inspired at first by the ideas of the ,fabians1 though retaining to the present day1 and especially since the outbreak of the war1 much more of the original ,socialist ardor4 ,it aimed always at co-operation with the industrial organizations of wage-earners1 and1 chiefly through its efforts1 the ,labor ,party#bj was formed in #aijj out of a combination of the ,trade ,unions and the political ,socialists4 ,to this party1 since #aiji1 all the important ,unions have belonged1 but in spite of the fact that its strength is derived from ,trade ,unions1 it has stood always for political rather than industrial action4 ,its ,socialism has been of a theoretical and academic order1 and in practice1 until the outbreak of war1 the ,labor members in ,parliament 7of whom #cj were elected in #aijf and #db in ,december1 #aiaj7 might be reckoned almost as a part of the ,liberal ,party4 #bj ,of which the ,independent ,labor ,party is only a section4 ,france1 unlike ,england and ,germany1 was not content merely to repeat the old shibboleths with continually diminishing conviction4 ,in ,france#ba a new movement1 originally known as ,revolutionary ,syndicalism--and afterward simply as ,syndicalism-- kept alive the vigor of the original impulse1 and remained true to the spirit of the older ,socialists1 while departing from the letter4 ,syndicalism1 unlike ,socialism and ,anarchism1 began from an existing organization and developed the ideas appropriate to it1 whereas ,socialism and ,anarchism began with the ideas and only afterward developed the organizations which were their vehicle4 ,in order to understand ,syndicalism1 we have first to describe ,trade ,union organization in ,france1 and its political environment4 ,the ideas of ,syndicalism will then appear as the natural outcome of the political and economic situation4 ,hardly any of these ideas are new2 almost all are derived from the ,bakunist section of the old ,international4#ba ,the old ,international had considerable success in ,france before the ,franco- ,prussian ,war2 indeed1 in #ahfi1 it is estimated to have had a ,french membership of a quarter of a million4 ,what is practically the ,syndicalist program was advocated by a ,french delegate to the ,congress of the ,international at ,bale in that same year4#bb #bj ,and also in ,italy4 ,a good1 short account of the ,italian movement is given by ,a4 ,lanzillo1 ,le ,mouvement ,ouvrier en ,italie1'' ,bibliotheque du ,mouvement ,proletarien4 ,see also ,paul ,louis1 ,le ,syndicalisme ,europeen1'' chap4 vi4 ,on the other hand ,cole 7,world of ,labour1'' chap4 vi7 considers the strength of genuine ,syndicalism in ,italy to be small4 #ba ,this is often recognized by ,syndicalists themselves4 ,see1 e4g41 an article on ,the ,old ,international'' in the ,syndicalist of ,february1 #aiac1 which1 after giving an account of the struggle between ,marx and ,bakunin from the standpoint of a sympathizer with the latter1 says3 ,bakounin's ideas are now more alive than ever4'' #bb ,see pp4 #db-dc1 and #afj of ,syndicalism in ,france1'' ,louis ,levine1 ,ph4,d4 7,columbia ,university ,studies in ,political ,science1 vol4 xlvi1 ,no4 #c47 ,this is a very objective and reliable account of the origin and progress of ,french ,syndicalism4 ,an admirable short discussion of its ideas and its present position will be found in ,cole's ,world of ,labour'' 7,g4 ,bell ,sons71 especially chapters iii1 iv1 and xi4 ,the war of #ahgj put an end for the time being to the ,socialist ,movement in ,france4 ,its revival was begun by ,jules ,guesde in #ahgg4 ,unlike the ,ger- man ,socialists1 the ,french have been split into many different factions4 ,in the early eighties there was a split between the ,parliamentary ,socialists and the ,communist ,anarchists4 ,the latter thought that the first act of the ,social ,revolution should be the destruction of the ,state1 and would therefore have nothing to do with ,parliamentary politics4 ,the ,anarchists1 from #ahhc onward1 had success in ,paris and the ,south4 ,the ,socialists contended that the ,state will disappear after the ,socialist society has been firmly established4 ,in #ahhb the ,socialists split between the followers of ,guesde1 who claimed to represent the revolutionary and scientific ,socialism of ,marx1 and the followers of ,paul ,brousse1 who were more opportunist and were also called possibilists and cared little for the theories of ,marx4 ,in #ahij there was a secession from the ,broussists1 who followed ,allemane and absorbed the more revolutionary elements of the party and became leading spirits in some of the strongest syndicates4 ,another group was the ,independent ,socialists1 among whom were ,jaures1 ,millerand and ,viviani4#bc #bc ,see ,levine1 op4 cit41 chap4 ii4 ,the disputes between the various sections of ,socialists caused difficulties in the ,trade ,unions and helped to bring about the resolution to keep politics out of the ,unions4 ,from this to ,syndicalism was an easy step4 ,since the year #aije1 as the result of a union between the ,parti ,socialiste de ,france 7,part2 ,ouvrier ,socialiste ,revolutionnaire ,francais led by ,guesde7 and the ,parti ,socialiste ,francais 7,jaures71 there have been only two groups of ,socialists1 the ,united ,socialist ,party and the ,independents1 who are intellectuals or not willing to be tied to a party4 ,at the ,general ,election of #aiad the former secured #ajb members and the latter #cj1 out of a total of #eij4 ,tendencies toward a rapprochement between the various groups were seriously interfered with by an event which had considerable importance for the whole development of advanced political ideas in ,france1 namely1 the acceptance of office in the ,waldeck- ,rousseau ,ministry by the ,socialist ,millerand in #ahii4 ,millerand1 as was to be expected1 soon ceased to be a ,socialist1 and the opponents of political action pointed to his development as showing the vanity of political triumphs4 ,very many ,french politicians who have risen to power have begun their political career as ,socialists1 and have ended it not infrequently by employing the army to oppress strikers4 ,millerand's action was the most notable and dramatic among a number of others of a similar kind4 ,their cumulative effect has been to produce a certain cynicism in regard to politics among the more class-conscious of ,french wage-earners1 and this state of mind greatly assisted the spread of ,syndicalism4 ,syndicalism stands essentially for the point of view of the producer as opposed to that of the consumer2 it is concerned with reforming actual work1 and the organization of industry1 not ,,merely with securing greater rewards for work4 ,from this point of view its vigor and its distinctive character are derived4 ,it aims at substituting industrial for political action1 and at using ,trade ,union organization for purposes for which orthodox ,socialism would look to ,parliament4 ,syndicalism'' was originally only the ,french name for ,trade ,unionism1 but the ,trade ,unionists of ,france became divided into two sections1 the ,reformist and the ,revolutionary1 of whom the latter only professed the ideas which we now associate with the term ,syndicalism4'' ,it is quite impossible to guess how far either the organization or the ideas of the ,syndicalists will remain intact at the end of the war1 and everything that we shall say is to be taken as applying only to the years before the war4 ,it may be that ,french ,syndicalism as a distinctive movement will be dead1 but even in that case it will not have lost its importance1 since it has given a new impulse and direction to the more vigorous part of the labor movement in all civilized countries1 with the possible exception of ,germany4 ,the organization upon which ,syndicalism de- pended was the ,confederation ,generale du ,travail1 commonly known as the ,c4 ,g4 ,t41 which was founded in #ahie1 but only achieved its final form in #aijb4 ,it has never been numerically very powerful1 but has derived its influence from the fact that in moments of crisis many who were not members were willing to follow its guidance4 ,its membership in the year before the war is estimated by ,mr4 ,cole at somewhat more than half a million4 ,trade ,unions 7,syndicats7 were legalized by ,waldeck-,rousseau in #ahhd1 and the ,c4 ,g4 ,t41 on its inauguration in #ahie1 was formed by the ,federation of #gjj ,syndicats4 ,alongside of this organization there existed another1 the ,federation des ,bourses du ,travail1 formed in #ahic4 ,a ,bourse du ,travail is a local organization1 not of any one trade1 but of local labor in general1 intended to serve as a ,labor ,exchange and to perform such functions for labor as ,chambers of ,commerce perform for the employer4#bd ,a ,syndicat is in general a local organization of a single industry1 and is thus a smaller unit than the ,bourse du ,travail4#be ,under the able leadership of ,pelloutier1 the ,federation des ,bourses prospered more than the ,c4 ,g4 ,t41 and at last1 in #aijb1 coalesced with it4 ,the result was an organization in which the local ,syndicat was fed- erated twice over1 once with the other ,syndicat in its locality1 forming together the local ,bourse du ,travail1 and again with the ,syndicats in the same industry in other places4 ,it was the purpose of the new organization to secure twice over the membership of every syndicat1 to get it to join both its local ,bourse du ,travail and the ,federation of its industry4 ,the ,statutes of the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 7,i4 #c7 put this point plainly3 ,no ,syndicat will be able to form a part of the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 if it is not federated nationally and an adherent of a ,bourse du ,travail or a local or departmental ,union of ,syndicats grouping different associations4' ,thus1 ,m4 ,lagardelle explains1 the two sections will correct each other's point of view3 national federation of industries will prevent parochialism 7localisme71 and local organization will check the corporate or ,trade ,union' spirit4 ,the workers will learn at once the solidarity of all workers in a locality and that of all workers in a trade1 and1 in learning this1 they will learn at the same time the complete solidarity of the whole working-class4''#bf #bd ,cole1 ib41 p4 #fe4 #be ,syndicat in ,france still means a local union--there are at the present day only four national syndicats'' 7ib41 p4 #ff74 #bf ,cole1 ib4 p4 #fi4 ,this organization was largely the work of ,pellouties1 who was ,secretary of the ,federation des ,bourses from #ahid until his death in #aija4 ,he was an ,anarchist ,communist and impressed his ideas upon the ,federation and thence posthumously on the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 after its combination with the ,federation des ,bourses4 ,he even carried his principles into the government of the ,federation2 the ,committee had no chairman and votes very rarely took place4 ,he stated that the task of the revolution is to free mankind1 not only from all authority1 but also from every institution which has not for its essential purpose the development of production4'' ,the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 allows much autonomy to each unit in the organization4 ,each ,syndicat counts for one1 whether it be large or small4 ,there are not the friendly society activities which form so large a part of the work of ,english ,unions4 ,it gives no orders1 but is purely advisory4 ,it does not allow politics to be introduced into the ,unions4 ,this decision was originally based upon the fact that the divisions among ,socialists disrupted the ,unions1 but it is now reinforced in the minds of an important section by the general ,anarchist dislike of politics4 ,the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 is essentially a fighting organization2 in strikes1 it is the nucleus to which the other workers rally4 ,there is a ,reformist section in the ,c4 ,g4 ,t41 but it is practically always in a minority1 and the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 is1 to all intents and purposes1 the organ of revolutionary ,syndicalism1 which is simply the creed of its leaders4 ,the essential doctrine of ,syndicalism is the class- war1 to be conducted by industrial rather than politi- cal methods4 ,the chief industrial methods advocated are the strike1 the boycott1 the label and sabotage4 ,the boycott1 in various forms1 and the label1 showing that the work has been done under trade- union conditions1 have played a considerable part in ,american labor struggles4 ,sabotage is the practice of doing bad work1 or spoiling machinery or work which has already been done1 as a method of dealing with employers in a dispute when a strike appears for some reason undesirable or impossible4 ,it has many forms1 some clearly innocent1 some open to grave objections4 ,one form of sabotage which has been adopted by shop assistants is to tell customers the truth about the articles they are buying2 this form1 however it may damage the shopkeeper's business1 is not easy to object to on moral grounds4 ,a form which has been adopted on railways1 particularly in ,italian strikes1 is that of obeying all rules literally and exactly1 in such a way as to make the running of trains practically impossible4 ,another form is to do all the work with minute care1 so that in the end it is better done1 but the output is small4 ,from these innocent forms there is a continual progression1 until we come to such acts as all ordinary morality would consider criminal2 for example1 causing railway accidents4 ,advocates of sabotage justify it as part of war1 but in its more violent forms 7in which it is seldom defended7 it is cruel and probably inexpedient1 while even in its milder forms it must tend to encourage slovenly habits of work1 which might easily persist under the new regime that the ,syndicalists wish to introduce4 ,at the same time1 when capitalists express a moral horror of this method1 it is worth while to observe that they themselves are the first to practice it when the occasion seems to them appropriate4 ,if report speaks truly1 an example of this on a very large scale has been seen during the ,russian ,revolution4 ,by far the most important of the ,syndicalist methods is the strike4 ,ordinary strikes1 for specific objects1 are regarded as rehearsals1 as a means of perfecting organization and promoting enthusiasm1 but even when they are victorious so far as concerns the specific point in dispute1 they are not regarded by ,syndicalists as affording any ground for industrial peace4 ,syndicalists aim at using the strike1 not to secure such improvements of detail as employers may grant1 but to destroy the whole system of employer and employed and win the complete emancipation of the worker4 ,for this purpose what is wanted is the ,general ,strike1 the complete cessation of work by a sufficient proportion of the wage-earners to secure the paralysis of capitalism4 ,sorel1 who represents ,syndicalism too much in the minds of the reading public1 suggests that the ,general ,strike is to be regarded as a myth1 like the ,second ,coming in ,christian doctrine4 ,but this view by no means suits the active ,syndicalists4 ,if they were brought to believe that the ,general ,strike is a mere myth1 their energy would flag1 and their whole outlook would become disillusioned4 ,it is the actual1 vivid belief in its possibility which inspires them4 ,they are much criticised for this belief by the political ,socialists who consider that the battle is to be won by obtaining a ,parliamentary majority4 ,but ,syndicalists have too little faith in the honesty of politicians to place any reliance on such a method or to believe in the value of any revolution which leaves the power of the ,state intact4 ,syndicalist aims are somewhat less definite than ,syndicalist methods4 ,the intellectuals who endeavor to interpret them--not always very faithfully-- represent them as a party of movement and change1 following a ,bergsonian elan vital1 without needing any very clear prevision of the goal to which it is to take them4 ,nevertheless1 the negative part1 at any rate1 of their objects is sufficiently clear4 ,they wish to destroy the ,state1 which they regard as a capitalist institution1 designed essentially to terrorize the workers4 ,they refuse to believe that it would be any better under ,state ,socialism4 ,they desire to see each industry self-governing1 but as to the means of adjusting the relations between different industries1 they are not very clear4 ,they are anti-militarist because they are anti-,state1 and because ,french troops have often been employed against them in strikes2 also because they are internationalists1 who believe that the sole interest of the working man everywhere is to free himself from the tyranny of the capitalist4 ,their outlook on life is the very reverse of pacifist1 but they oppose wars between ,states on the ground that these are not fought for objects that in any way concern the workers4 ,their anti-militarism1 more than anything else1 brought them into conflict with the authorities in the years preceding the war4 ,but1 as was to be expected1 it did not survive the actual invasion of ,france4 ,the doctrines of ,syndicalism may be illustrated by an article introducing it to ,english readers in the first number of ,the ,syndicalist ,railwayman1'' ,september1 #aiaa1 from which the following is quoted3-- ,all ,syndicalism1 ,collectivism1 ,anarchism aims at abolishing the present economic status and existing private ownership of most things2 but while ,collectivism would substitute ownership by everybody1 and ,anarchism ownership by nobody1 ,syndicalism aims at ownership by ,organized ,labor4 ,it is thus a purely ,trade ,union reading of the economic doctrine and the class war preached by ,socialism4 ,it vehemently repudiates ,parliamentary action on which ,collectivism relies2 and it is1 in this respect1 much more closely allied to ,anarchism1 from which1 indeed1 it differs in practice only in being more limited in range of action4'' 7,times1 ,aug4 #be1 #aiaa74 ,in truth1 so thin is the partition between ,syndicalism and ,anarchism that the newer and less familiar ism'' has been shrewdly defined as ,organized ,anarchy4'' ,it has been created by the ,trade ,unions of ,france2 but it is obviously an international plant1 whose roots have already found the soil of ,britain most congenial to its growth and fructification4 ,collectivist or ,marxian ,socialism would have us believe that it is distinctly a ,,labor ,movement2 but it is not so4 ,neither is ,anarchism4 ,the one is substantially bourgeois2 the other aristocratic1 plus an abundant output of book-learning1 in either case4 ,syndicalism1 on the contrary1 is indubitably laborist in origin and aim1 owing next to nothing to the ,classes1'' and1 indeed11 resolute to uproot them4 ,the ,times 7,oct4 #ac1 #aiaj71 which almost single-handed in the ,british ,press has kept creditably abreast of ,continental ,syndicalism1 thus clearly set forth the significance of the ,general ,strike3 ,to understand what it means1 we must remember that there is in ,france a powerful ,labor ,organization which has for its open and avowed object a ,revolution1 in which not only the present order of ,society1 but the ,state itself1 is to be swept away4 ,this movement is called ,syndicalism4 ,it is not ,socialism1 but1 on the contrary1 radically opposed to ,socialism1 because the ,syndicalists hold that the ,state is the great enemy and that the ,socialists' ideal of ,state or ,collectivist ,ownership would make the lot of the ,workers much worse than it is now under private employers4 ,the means by which they hope to attain their end is the ,general ,strike1 an idea which was invented by a ,french workman about twenty years ago1#bg and was adopted by the ,french ,labor ,congress in #ahid1 after a furious battle with the ,socialists1 in which the latter were worsted4 ,since then the ,general ,strike has been the avowed policy of the ,syndicalists1 whose organization is the ,confederation ,generale du ,travail4'' #bg ,in fact the ,general ,strike was invented by a ,londoner ,william ,benbow1 an ,owenite1 in #ahca4 ,or1 to put it otherwise1 the intelligent ,french worker has awakened1 as he believes1 to the fact that ,society 7,societas7 and the ,state 7,civitas7 connote two separable spheres of human activity1 between which there is no connection1 necessary or desirable4 ,without the one1 man1 being a gregarious animal1 cannot subsist3 while without the other he would simply be in clover4 ,the statesman'' whom office does not render positively nefarious is at best an expensive superfluity4 ,syndicalists have had many violent encounters with the forces of government4 ,in #aijg and #aijh1 protesting against bloodshed which had occurred in the suppression of strikes1 the ,committee of the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 issued manifestoes speaking of the ,government as a ,government of assassins'' and alluding to the ,prime ,minister as ,clemenceau the murderer4'' ,similar events in the strike at ,villeneuve ,st4 ,georges in #aijh led to the arrest of all the leading members of the ,committee4 ,in the railway strike of ,october1 #aiaj1 ,monsieur ,briand arrested the ,strike ,committee1 mobilized the railway men and sent soldiers to replace strikers4 ,as a result of these vigorous measures the strike was completely defeated1 and after this the chief energy of the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 was directed against militarism and nationalism4 ,the attitude of ,anarchism to the ,syndicalist movement is sympathetic1 with the reservation that such methods as the ,general ,strike are not to be regarded as substitutes for the violent revolution which most ,anarchists consider necessary4 ,their attitude in this matter was defined at the ,international ,anarchist ,congress held in ,amsterdam in ,august1 #aijg4 ,this ,congress recommended comrades of all countries to actively participate in autonomous movements of the working class1 and to develop in ,syndicalist organizations the ideas of revolt1 individual initiative and solidarity1 which are the essence of ,anarchism4'' ,comrades were to propagate and support only those forms and manifestations of direct action which carry1 in themselves1 a revolutionary character and lead to the transformation of society4'' ,it was resolved that the ,anarchists think that the destruction of the capitalist and authoritary society can only be realized by armed insurrection and violent expropriation1 and that the use of the more or less ,general ,strike and the ,syndicalist movement must not make us forget the more direct means of struggle against the military force of government4'' ,syndicalists might retort that when the movement is strong enough to win by armed insurrection it will be abundantly strong enough to win by the ,general ,strike4 ,in ,labor movements generally1 success through violence can hardly be expected except in circumstances where success without violence is attainable4 ,this argument alone1 even if there were no other1 would be a very powerful reason against the methods advocated by the ,anarchist ,congress4 ,syndicalism stands for what is known as industrial unionism as opposed to craft unionism4 ,in this respect1 as also in the preference of industrial to political methods1 it is part of a movement which has spread far beyond ,france4 ,the distinction between industrial and craft unionism is much dwelt on by ,mr4 ,cole4 ,craft unionism unites in a single association those workers who are engaged on a single industrial process1 or on processes so nearly akin that any one can do another's work4'' ,but organization may follow the lines1 not of the work done1 but of the actual structure of industry4 ,all workers working at producing a particular kind of commodity may be organized in a single ,union4 4 4 4 ,the basis of organization would be neither the craft to which a man belonged nor the employer under whom he worked1 but the service on which he was engaged4 ,this is ,industrial ,unionism properly so called4#bh #bh ,world of ,labour1'' pp4 #bab1 #bac4 ,industrial unionism is a product of ,america1 and from ,america it has to some extent spread to ,great ,britain4 ,it is the natural form of fighting organization when the union is regarded as the means of carrying on the class war with a view1 not to obtaining this or that minor amelioration1 but to a radical revolution in the economic system4 ,this is the point of view adopted by the ,industrial ,workers of the ,world1'' commonly known as the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 ,this organization more or less corresponds in ,america to what the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 was in ,france before the war4 ,the differences between the two are those due to the different economic circumstances of the two countries1 but their spirit is closely analogous4 ,the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 is not united as to the ultimate form which it wishes society to take4 ,there are ,socialists1 ,anarchists and ,syndicalists among its members4 ,but it is clear on the immediate practical issue1 that the class war is the fundamental reality in the present relations of labor and capital1 and that it is by industrial action1 especially by the strike1 that emancipation must be sought4 ,the ,i4 ,w4 ,w41 like the ,c4 ,g4 ,t41 is not nearly so strong numerically as it is supposed to be by those who fear it4 ,its influence is based1 not upon its numbers1 but upon its power of enlisting the sympathies of the workers in moments of crisis4 ,the labor movement in ,america has been characterized on both sides by very great violence4 ,indeed1 the ,secretary of the ,c4 ,g4 ,t41 ,monsieur ,jouhaux1 recognizes that the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 is mild in comparison with the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 ,the ,i4 ,w4 ,w41'' he says1 preach a policy of militant action1 very necessary in parts of ,america1 which would not do in ,france4''#bi ,a very interesting account of it1 from the point of view of an author who is neither wholly on the side of labor nor wholly on the side of the capitalist1 but disinterestedly anxious to find some solution of the social question short of violence and revolution1 is the work of ,mr4 ,john ,graham ,brooks1 called ,american ,syndicalism3 the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4'' 7,macmillan1 #aiac74 ,american labor conditions are very different from those of ,europe4 ,in the first place1 the power of the trusts is enormous2 the concentration of capital has in this respect proceeded more nearly on ,marxian lines in ,america than anywhere else4 ,in the second place1 the great influx of foreign labor makes the whole problem quite different from any that arises in ,europe4 ,the older skilled workers1 largely ,american born1 have long been organized in the ,american ,federation of ,labor under ,mr4 ,gompers4 ,these represent an aristocracy of labor4 ,they tend to work with the employers against the great mass of unskilled immigrants1 and they cannot be regarded as forming part of anything that could be truly called a labor movement4 ,there are1'' says ,mr4 ,cole1 now in ,america two working classes1 with different standards of life1 and both are at present almost impotent in the face of the employers4 ,nor is it possible for these two classes to unite or to put forward any demands4 4 4 4 ,the ,american ,federation of ,labor and the ,industrial ,workers of the ,world represent two different principles of combination2 but they also represent two different classes of labor4''#cj ,the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 stands for industrial unionism1 whereas the ,american ,federation of ,labor stands for craft unionism4 ,the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 were formed in #aije by a union of organizations1 chief among which was the ,western ,federation of ,miners1 which dated from #ahib4 ,they suffered a split by the loss of the followers of ,deleon1 who was the leader of the ,socialist ,labor ,party'' and advocated a ,don't vote'' policy1 while reprobating violent methods4 ,the headquarters of the party which he formed are at ,detroit1 and those of the main body are at ,chicago4 ,the ,i4 ,w4 ,w41 though it has a less definite philosophy than ,french ,syndicalism1 is quite equally determined to destroy the capitalist system4 ,as its secretary has said3 ,there is but one bargain the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 will make with the employing class-- complete surrender of all control of industry to the organized workers4''#ca ,mr4 ,haywood1 of the ,western ,federation of ,miners1 is an out-and-out follower of ,marx so far as concerns the class war and the doctrine of surplus value4 ,but1 like all who are in this movement1 he attaches more importance to industrial as against political action than do the ,european followers of ,marx4 ,this is no doubt partly explicable by the special circumstances of ,america1 where the recent immigrants are apt to be voteless4 ,the fourth convention of the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 revised a preamble giving the general principles underlying its action4 ,the working class and the employing class1'' they say1 have nothing in common4 ,there can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of the working people and the few1 who make up the employing class1 have all the good things of life4 ,between these two classes1 a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class1 take possession of the earth and the machinery of production1 and abolish the wage system4 4 4 4 ,instead of the conservative motto1 ,a fair day's wages for a fair day's work1' we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword1 ,abolition of the wage system4' ''#cb #bi ,quoted in ,cole1 ib4 p4 #abh4 #cj ,ib41 p4 #ace4 #ca ,brooks1 op4 cit41 p4 #gi4 #cb ,brooks1 op4 cit41 pp4 #hf-hg4 ,numerous strikes have been conducted or encouraged by the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 and the ,western ,federation of ,miners4 ,these strikes illustrate the class-war in a more bitter and extreme form than is to be found in any other part of the world4 ,both sides are always ready to resort to violence4 ,the employers have armies of their own and are able to call upon the ,militia and even1 in a crisis1 upon the ,united ,states ,army4 ,what ,french ,syndicalists say about the ,state as a capitalist institution is peculiarly true in ,america4 ,in consequence of the scandals thus arising1 the ,federal ,government appointed a ,commission on ,industrial ,relations1 whose ,report1 issued in #aiae1 reveals a state of affairs such as it would be difficult to imagine in ,great ,britain4 ,the report states that the greatest disorders and most of the outbreaks of violence in connection with industrial disputes arise from the violation of what are considered to be fundamental rights1 and from the perversion or subversion of governmental institutions'' 7p4 #adf74 ,it mentions1 among such perversions1 the subservience of the judiciary to the mili- tary authorities1#cc the fact that during a labor dispute the life and liberty of every man within the ,state would seem to be at the mercy of the ,governor 7p4 #gb71 and the use of ,state troops in policing strikes 7p4 #bih74 ,at ,ludlow 7,colorado7 in #aiad 7,april #bj7 a battle of the militia and the miners took place1 in which1 as the result of the fire of the militia1 a number of women and children were burned to death4#cd ,many other instances of pitched battles could be given1 but enough has been said to show the peculiar character of labor disputes in the ,united ,states4 ,it may1 ,i fear1 be presumed that this character will remain so long as a very large proportion of labor consists of recent immigrants4 ,when these difficulties pass away1 as they must sooner or later1 labor will more and more find its place in the community1 and will tend to feel and inspire less of the bitter hostility which renders the more extreme forms of class war possible4 ,when that time comes1 the labor movement in ,america will probably begin to take on forms similar to those of ,europe4 #cc ,although uniformly held that the writ of habeas corpus can only be suspended by the legislature1 in these labor disturbances the executive has in fact suspended or disregarded the writ4 4 4 4 ,in cases arising from labor agitations1 the judiciary has uniformly upheld the power exercised by the military1 and in no case has there been any protest against the use of such power or any attempt to curtail it1 except in ,montana1 where the conviction of a civilian by military commission was annulled'' 7,final ,report of the ,commission on ,industrial ,relations'' 7#aiae7 appointed by the ,united ,states ,congress1'' p4 #eh74 #cd ,literary ,digest1 ,may #b and ,may #af1 #aiad4 ,meanwhile1 though the forms are different1 the aims are very similar1 and industrial unionism1 spreading from ,america1 has had a considerable influence in ,great ,britain--an influence naturally reinforced by that of ,french ,syndicalism4 ,it is clear1 ,i think1 that the adoption of industrial rather than craft unionism is absolutely necessary if ,trade ,unionism is to succeed in playing that part in altering the economic structure of society which its advocates claim for it rather than for the political parties4 ,industrial unionism organizes men1 as craft unionism does not1 in accordance with the enemy whom they have to fight4 ,english unionism is still very far removed from the industrial form1 though certain industries1 especially the railway men1 have gone very far in this direction1 and it is notable that the railway men are peculiarly sympathetic to ,syndicalism and industrial unionism4 ,pure ,syndicalism1 however1 is not very likely to achieve wide popularity in ,great ,britain4 ,its spirit is too revolutionary and anarchistic for our temperament4 ,it is in the modified form of ,guild ,socialism that the ideas derived from the ,c4 ,g4 ,t4 and the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 are tending to bear fruit4#ce ,this movement is as yet in its infancy and has no great hold upon the rank and file1 but it is being ably advocated by a group of young men1 and is rapidly gaining ground among those who will form ,labor opinion in years to come4 ,the power of the ,state has been so much increased during the war that those who naturally dislike things as they are1 find it more and more difficult to believe that ,state omnipotence can be the road to the millennium4 ,guild ,socialists aim at autonomy in industry1 with consequent curtailment1 but not abolition1 of the power of the ,state4 ,the system which they advocate is1 ,i believe1 the best hitherto proposed1 and the one most likely to secure liberty without the constant appeals to violence which are to be feared under a purely ,anarchist regime4 #ce ,the ideas of ,guild ,socialism were first set forth in ,national ,guilds1'' edited by ,a4 ,r4 ,orage 7,bell ,sons1 #aiad71 and in ,cole's ,world of ,labour'' 7,bell ,sons71 first published in #aiac4 ,cole's ,self-,government in ,industry'' 7,bell ,sons1 #aiag7 and ,rickett ,bechhofer's ,the ,meaning of ,national ,guilds'' 7,palmer ,hayward1 #aiah7 should also be read1 as well as various pamphlets published by the ,national ,guilds ,league4 ,the attitude of the ,syndicalists to ,guild ,socialism is far from sympathetic4 ,an article in ,the ,syndicalist'' for ,february1 #aiad1 speaks of it in the following terms3 a ,middle-class of the middle-class1 with all the shortcomings 7we had almost said stupidities'7 of the middle- classes writ large across it1 ,guild ,socialism' stands forth as the latest lucubration of the middle-class mind4 ,it is a cool steal' of the leading ideas of ,syndicalism and a deliberate perversion of them4 4 4 4 ,we do protest against the ,state' idea 4 4 4 in ,guild ,socialism4 ,middle-class people1 even when they become ,socialists1 cannot get rid of the idea that the working-class is their inferior'2 that the workers need to be educated1' drilled1 disciplined1 and generally nursed for a very long time before they will be able to walk by themselves4 ,the very reverse is actually the truth4 4 4 4 ,it is just the plain truth when we say that the ordinary wage-worker1 of average intelligence1 is better capable of taking care of himself than the half-educated middle-class man who wants to advise him4 ,he knows how to make the wheels of the world go round4'' ,the first pamphlet of the ,national ,guilds ,league'' sets forth their main principles4 ,in industry each factory is to be free to control its own methods of production by means of elected managers4 ,the different factories in a given industry are to be federated into a ,national ,guild which will deal with marketing and the general interests of the industry as a whole4 ,the ,state would own the means of production as trustee for the community2 the ,guilds would manage them1 also as trustees for the community1 and would pay to the ,state a single tax or rent4 ,any ,guild that chose to set its own interests above those of the community would be violating its trust1 and would have to bow to the judgment of a tribunal equally representing the whole body of producers and the whole body of consumers4 ,this ,joint ,committee would be the ultimate sovereign body1 the ultimate appeal court of industry4 ,it would fix not only ,guild taxation1 but also standard prices1 and both taxation and prices would be periodically readjusted by it4'' ,each ,guild will be entirely free to apportion what it receives among its members as it chooses1 its members being all those who work in the industry which it covers4 ,the distribution of this collective ,guild income among the members seems to be a matter for each ,guild to decide for itself4 ,whether the ,guilds would1 sooner or later1 adopt the principle of equal payment for every member1 is open to discussion4'' ,guild ,socialism accepts from ,syndicalism the view that liberty is not to be secured by making the ,state the employer3 ,the ,state and the ,municipality as employers have turned out not to differ essentially from the private capitalist4'' ,guild ,socialists regard the ,state as consisting of the community in their capacity as consumers1 while the ,guilds will represent them in their capacity as producers2 thus ,parliament and the ,guild ,congress will be two co-equal powers representing consumers and producers respectively4 ,above both will be the joint ,committee of ,parliament and the ,guild ,congress for deciding matters involving the interests of consumers and producers alike4 ,the view of the ,guild ,socialists is that ,state ,socialism takes account of men only as consumers1 while ,syndicalism takes account of them only as producers4 ,the problem1'' say the ,guild ,socialists1 is to reconcile the two points of view4 ,that is what advocates of ,national ,guilds set out to do4 ,the ,syndicalist has claimed everything for the industrial organizations of producers1 the ,collectivist everything for the territorial or political organizations of consumers4 ,both are open to the same criticism2 you cannot reconcile two points of view merely by denying one of them4''#cf ,but although ,guild ,socialism represents an attempt at readjustment between two equally legitimate points of view1 its impulse and force are derived from what it has taken over from ,syndicalism4 ,like ,syndicalism2 it desires not primarily to make work better paid1 but to secure this result along with others by making it in itself more interesting and more democratic in organization4 #cf ,the above quotations are all from the first pamphlet of the ,national ,guilds ,league1 ,national ,guilds1 an ,appeal to ,trade ,unionists4'' ,capitalism has made of work a purely commercial activity1 a soulless and a joyless thing4 ,but substitute the national service of the ,guilds for the profiteering of the few2 substitute responsible labor for a saleable commodity2 substitute self-government and decentralization for the bureaucracy and demoralizing hugeness of the modern ,state and the modern joint stock company2 and then it may be just once more to speak of a joy in labor1'' and once more to hope that men may be proud of quality and not only of quantity in their work4 ,there is a cant of the ,middle ,ages1 and a cant of joy in labor1'' but it were better1 perhaps1 to risk that cant than to reconcile ourselves forever to the philosophy of ,capitalism and of ,collectivism1 which declares that work is a necessary evil never to be made pleasant1 and that the workers' only hope is a leisure which shall be longer1 richer1 and well adorned with municipal amenities4#cg #cg ,the ,guild ,idea1'' ,no4 #b of the ,pamphlets of the ,national ,guilds ,league1 p4 #ag4 ,whatever may be thought of the practicability of ,syndicalism1 there is no doubt that the ideas which it has put into the world have done a great deal to revive the labor movement and to recall it to certain things of fundamental importance which it had been in danger of forgetting4 ,syndicalists consider man as producer rather than consumer4 ,they are more concerned to procure freedom in work than to increase material well-being4 ,they have revived the quest for liberty1 which was growing somewhat dimmed under the regime of ,parliamentary ,socialism1 and they have reminded men that what our modern society needs is not a little tinkering here and there1 nor the kind of minor readjustments to which the existing holders of power may readily consent1 but a fundamental reconstruction1 a sweeping away of all the sources of oppression1 a liberation of men's constructive energies1 and a wholly new way of conceiving and regulating production and economic relations4 ,this merit is so great that1 in view of it1 all minor defects become insignificant1 and this merit ,syndicalism will continue to possess even if1 as a definite movement1 it should be found to have passed away with the war4 ,,part ,,ii ,,problems ,,of ,,the ,,future ,,chapter ,,iv ,,work ,,and ,,pay ,,the man who seeks to create a better order of society has two resistances to contend with3 one that of ,nature1 the other that of his fellow-men4 ,broadly speaking1 it is science that deals with the resistance of ,nature1 while politics and social organization are the methods of overcoming the resistance of men4 ,the ultimate fact in economics is that ,nature only yields commodities as the result of labor4 ,the necessity of ,,some labor for the satisfaction of our wants is not imposed by political systems or by the exploitation of the working classes2 it is due to physical laws1 which the reformer1 like everyone else1 must admit and study4 ,before any optimistic economic project can be accepted as feasible1 we must examine whether the physical conditions of production impose an unalterable veto1 or whether they are capable of being sufficiently modified by science and organization4 ,two connected doctrines must be considered in examining this question3 ,first1 ,malthus' doctrine of population2 and second1 the vaguer1 but very prevalent1 view that any surplus above the bare necessaries of life can only be produced if most men work long hours at monotonous or painful tasks1 leaving little leisure for a civilized existence or rational enjoyment4 ,i do not believe that either of these obstacles to optimism will survive a close scrutiny4 ,the possibility of technical improvement in the methods of production is1 ,i believe1 so great that1 at any rate for centuries to come1 there will be no inevitable barrier to progress in the general well-being by the simultaneous increase of commodities and diminution of hours of labor4 ,this subject has been specially studied by ,kropotkin1 who1 whatever may be thought of his general theories of politics1 is remarkably instructive1 concrete and convincing in all that he says about the possibilities of agriculture4 ,socialists and ,anarchists in the main are products of industrial life1 and few among them have any practical knowledge on the subject of food production4 ,but ,kropotkin is an exception4 ,his two books1 ,the ,conquest of ,bread'' and ,fields1 ,factories and ,workshops1'' are very full of detailed information1 and1 even making great allowances for an optimistic bias1 ,i do not think it can be denied that they demonstrate possibilities in which few of us would otherwise have believed4 ,malthus contended1 in effect1 that population always tends to increase up to the limit of subsistence1 that the production of food becomes more expensive as its amount is increased1 and that therefore1 apart from short exceptional periods when new discoveries produce temporary alleviations1 the bulk of mankind must always be at the lowest level consistent with survival and reproduction4 ,as applied to the civilized races of the world1 this doctrine is becoming untrue through the rapid decline in the birth-rate2 but1 apart from this decline1 there are many other reasons why the doctrine cannot be accepted1 at any rate as regards the near future4 ,the century which elapsed after ,malthus wrote1 saw a very great increase in the standard of comfort throughout the wage-earning classes1 and1 owing to the enormous increase in the productivity of labor1 a far greater rise in the standard of comfort could have been effected if a more just system of distribution had been introduced4 ,in former times1 when one man's labor produced not very much more than was needed for one man's subsistence1 it was impossible either greatly to reduce the normal hours of labor1 or greatly to increase the proportion of the population who enjoyed more than the bare necessaries of life4 ,but this state of affairs has been overcome by modern methods of production4 ,at the present moment1 not only do many people enjoy a comfortable income derived from rent or interest1 but about half the population of most of the civilized countries in the world is engaged1 not in the production of commodities1 but in fighting or in manufacturing munitions of war4 ,in a time of peace the whole of this half might be kept in idleness without making the other half poorer than they would have been if the war had continued1 and if1 instead of being idle1 they were productively employed1 the whole of what they would produce would be a divisible surplus over and above present wages4 ,the present productivity of labor in ,great ,britain would suffice to produce an income of about #a pound per day for each family1 even without any of those improvements in methods which are obviously immediately possible4 ,but1 it will be said1 as population increases1 the price of food must ultimately increase also as the sources of supply in ,canada1 the ,argentine1 ,australia and elsewhere are more and more used up4 ,there must come a time1 so pessimists will urge1 when food becomes so dear that the ordinary wage-earner will have little surplus for expenditure upon other things4 ,it may be admitted that this would be true in some very distant future if the population were to continue to increase without limit4 ,if the whole surface of the world were as densely populated as ,london is now1 it would1 no doubt1 require almost the whole labor of the population to produce the necessary food from the few spaces remaining for agriculture4 ,but there is no reason to suppose that the population will continue to increase indefinitely1 and in any case the prospect is so remote that it may be ignored in all practical considerations4 ,returning from these dim speculations to the facts set forth by ,kropotkin1 we find it proved in his writings that1 by methods of intensive cultivation1 which are already in actual operation1 the amount of food produced on a given area can be increased far beyond anything that most uninformed persons suppose possible4 ,speaking of the market-gardeners in ,great ,britain1 in the neighborhood of ,paris1 and in other places1 he says3-- ,they have created a totally new agriculture4 ,they smile when we boast about the rotation system having permitted us to take from the field one crop every year1 or four crops each three years1 because their ambition is to have six and nine crops from the very same plot of land during the twelve months4 ,they do not understand our talk about good and bad soils1 because they make the soil themselves1 and make it in such quantities as to be compelled yearly to sell some of it2 otherwise it would raise up the level of their gardens by half an inch every year4 ,they aim at cropping1 not five or six tons of grass on the acre1 as we do1 but from #ej to #ajj tons of various vegetables on the same space2 not #e pound sworth of hay1 but #ajj pounds worth of vegetables1 of the plainest description1 cabbage and carrots4#ch #ch ,kropotkin1 ,fields1 ,factories and ,workshops1'' p4 #gd4 ,as regards cattle1 he mentions that ,mr4 ,champion at ,whitby grows on each acre the food of two or three head of cattle1 whereas under ordinary high farming it takes two or three acres to keep each head of cattle in ,great ,britain4 ,even more astonishing are the achievements of the ,culture ,maraicheres round ,paris4 ,it is impossible to summarize these achievements1 but we may note the general conclusion3-- ,there are now practical ,maraichers who venture to maintain that if all the food1 animal and vegetable1 necessary for the #c1ejj1jjj inhabitants of the ,departments of ,seine and ,seine-et-,oise had to be grown on their own territory 7#cbej square miles71 it could be grown without resorting to any other methods of culture than those already in use--methods already tested on a large scale and proved successful4#ci #ci ,ib4 p4 #ha4 ,it must be remembered that these two departments include the whole population of ,paris4 ,kropotkin proceeds to point out methods by which the same result could be achieved without long hours of labor4 ,indeed1 he contends that the great bulk of agricultural work could be carried on by people whose main occupations are sedentary1 and with only such a number of hours as would serve to keep them in health and produce a pleasant diversification4 ,he protests against the theory of exces- sive division of labor4 ,what he wants is ,,integration1 a society where each individual is a producer of both manual and intellectual work2 where each able- bodied human being is a worker1 and where each worker works both in the field and in the industrial workshop4''#dj #dj ,kropotkin1 ,field1 ,factories1 and ,workshops1'' p4 #f4 ,these views as to production have no essential connection with ,kropotkin's advocacy of ,anarchism4 ,they would be equally possible under ,state ,socialism1 and under certain circumstances they might even be carried out in a capitalistic regime4 ,they are important for our present purpose1 not from any argument which they afford in favor of one economic system as against another1 but from the fact that they remove the veto upon our hopes which might otherwise result from a doubt as to the productive capacity of labor4 ,i have dwelt upon agriculture rather than industry1 since it is in regard to agriculture that the difficulties are chiefly supposed to arise4 ,broadly speaking1 industrial production tends to be cheaper when it is carried on on a large scale1 and therefore there is no reason in industry why an increase in the demand should lead to an increased cost of supply4 ,passing now from the purely technical and material side of the problem of production1 we come to the human factor1 the motives leading men to work1 the possibilities of efficient organization of production1 and the connection of production with distribution4 ,defenders of the existing system maintain that efficient work would be impossible without the economic stimulus1 and that if the wage system were abolished men would cease to do enough work to keep the community in tolerable comfort4 ,through the alleged necessity of the economic motive1 the problems of production and distribution become intertwined4 ,the desire for a more just distribution of the world's goods is the main inspiration of most ,socialism and ,anarchism4 ,we must1 therefore1 consider whether the system of distribution which they propose would be likely to lead to a diminished production4 ,there is a fundamental difference between ,socialism and ,anarchism as regards the question of distribution4 ,socialism1 at any rate in most of its forms1 would retain payment for work done or for willingness to work1 and1 except in the case of persons incapacitated by age or infirmity1 would make willingness to work a condition of subsistence1 or at any rate of subsistence above a certain very low minimum4 ,anarchism1 on the other hand1 aims at granting to everyone1 without any conditions whatever1 just as much of all ordinary commodities as he or she may care to consume1 while the rarer com- modities1 of which the supply cannot easily be indefinitely increased1 would be rationed and divided equally among the population4 ,thus ,anarchism would not impose any ,,obligations of work1 though ,anarchists believe that the necessary work could be made sufficiently agreeable for the vast majority of the population to undertake it voluntarily4 ,socialists1 on the other hand1 would exact work4 ,some of them would make the incomes of all workers equal1 while others would retain higher pay for the work which is considered more valuable4 ,all these different systems are compatible with the common ownership of land and capital1 though they differ greatly as regards the kind of society which they would produce4 ,socialism with inequality of income would not differ greatly as regards the economic stimulus to work from the society in which we live4 ,such differences as it would entail would undoubtedly be to the good from our present point of view4 ,under the existing system many people enjoy idleness and affluence through the mere accident of inheriting land or capital4 ,many others1 through their activities in industry or finance1 enjoy an income which is certainly very far in excess of anything to which their social utility entitles them4 ,on the other hand1 it often happens that inventors and discoverers1 whose work has the very greatest social utility1 are robbed of their reward either by capitalists or by the failure of the public to appreciate their work until too late4 ,the better paid work is only open to those who have been able to afford an expensive training1 and these men are selected in the main not by merit but by luck4 ,the wage earner is not paid for his willingness to work1 but only for his utility to the employer4 ,consequently1 he may be plunged into destitution by causes over which he has no control4 ,such destitution is a constant fear1 and when it occurs it produces undeserved suffering1 and often deterioration in the social value of the sufferer4 ,these are a few among the evils of our existing system from the standpoint of production4 ,all these evils we might expect to see remedied under any system of ,socialism4 ,there are two questions which need to be considered when we are discussing how far work requires the economic motive4 ,the first question is3 ,must society give higher pay for the more skilled or socially more valuable work1 if such work is to be done in sufficient quantities8 ,the second question is3 ,could work be made so attractive that enough of it would be done even if idlers received just as much of the produce of work8 ,the first of these questions concerns the division between two schools of ,socialists3 the more moderate ,socialists sometimes concede that even under ,socialism it would be well to retain unequal pay for different kinds of work1 while the more thoroughgoing ,socialists advocate equal incomes for all workers4 ,the second question1 on the other hand1 forms a division between ,socialists and ,anarchists2 the latter would not deprive a man of commodities if he did not work1 while the former in general would4 ,our second question is so much more fundamental than our first that it must be discussed at once1 and in the course of this discussion what needs to be said on our first question will find its place naturally4 ,wages or ,free ,sharing8--,abolition of the wages system'' is one of the watchwords common to ,anarchists and advanced ,socialists4 ,but in its most natural sense it is a watchword to which only the ,anarchists have a right4 ,in the ,anarchist conception of society all the commoner commodities will be available to everyone without stint1 in the kind of way in which water is available at present4#da ,advo- cates of this system point out that it applies already to many things which formerly had to be paid for1 e4g41 roads and bridges4 ,they point out that it might very easily be extended to trams and local trains4 ,they proceed to argue--as ,kropotkin does by means of his proofs that the soil might be made indefinitely more productive--that all the commoner kinds of food could be given away to all who demanded them1 since it would be easy to produce them in quantities adequate to any possible demand4 ,if this system were extended to all the necessaries of life1 everyone's bare livelihood would be secured1 quite regardless of the way in which he might choose to spend his time4 ,as for commodities which cannot be produced in indefinite quantities1 such as luxuries and delicacies1 they also1 according to the ,anarchists1 are to be distributed without payment1 but on a system of rations1 the amount available being divided equally among the population4 ,no doubt1 though this is not said1 something like a price will have to be put upon these luxuries1 so that a man may be free to choose how he will take his share3 one man will prefer good wine1 another the finest ,havana cigars1 another pictures or beautiful furniture4 ,presumably1 every man will be allowed to take such luxuries as are his due in whatever form he prefers1 the relative prices being fixed so as to equalize the demand4 ,in such a world as this1 the economic stimulus to production will have wholly disappeared1 and if work is to continue it must be from other motives4#db #da ,notwithstanding the egotistic turn given to the public mind by the merchant-production of our century1 the ,communist tendency is continually reasserting itself and trying to make its way into public life4 ,the penny bridge disappears before the public bridge2 and the turnpike road before the free road4 ,the same spirit pervades thousands of other institutions4 ,museums1 free libraries1 and free public schools2 parks and pleasure grounds2 paved and lighted streets1 free for everybody's use2 water supplied to private dwellings1 with a growing tendency towards disregarding the exact amount of it used by the individual1 tramways and railways which have already begun to introduce the season ticket or the uniform tax1 and will surely go much further on this line when they are no longer private property3 all these are tokens showing in what direction further progress is to be expected4''--,kropotkin1 ,anarchist ,communism4'' #db ,an able discussion of this question1 at of various others1 from the standpoint of reasoned and temperate opposition to ,anarchism1 will be found in ,alfred ,naquet's ,l',anarchie et le ,collectivisme1'' ,paris1 #aijd4 ,is such a system possible8 ,first1 is it technically possible to provide the necessaries of life in such large quantities as would be needed if every man and woman could take as much of them from the public stores as he or she might desire8 ,the idea of purchase and payment is so familiar that the proposal to do away with it must be thought at first fantastic4 ,yet ,i do not believe it is nearly so fantastic as it seems4 ,even if we could all have bread for nothing1 we should not want more than a quite limited amount4 ,as things are1 the cost of bread to the rich is so small a proportion of their income as to afford practically no check upon their consumption2 yet the amount of bread that they consume could easily be supplied to the whole population by improved methods of agriculture 7,i am not speaking of war-time74 ,the amount of food that people desire has natural limits1 and the waste that would be incurred would probably not be very great4 ,as the ,anarchists point out1 people at present enjoy an unlimited water supply but very few leave the taps running when they are not using them4 ,and one may assume that public opinion would be opposed to excessive waste4 ,we may lay it down1 ,i think1 that the principle of unlimited supply could be adopted in regard to all commodities for which the demand has limits that fall short of what can be easily produced4 ,and this would be the case1 if production were efficiently organized1 with the necessaries of life1 including not only commodities1 but also such things as education4 ,even if all education were free up to the highest1 young people1 unless they were radically transformed by the ,anarchist regime1 would not want more than a certain amount of it4 ,and the same applies to plain foods1 plain clothes1 and the rest of the things that supply our elementary needs4 ,i think we may conclude that there is no technical impossibility in the ,anarchist plan of free sharing4 ,but would the necessary work be done if the individual were assured of the general standard of comfort even though he did no work8 ,most people will answer this question unhesitatingly in the negative4 ,those employers in particular who are in the habit of denouncing their employes as a set of lazy1 drunken louts1 will feel quite certain that no work could be got out of them except under threat of dismissal and consequent starvation4 ,but is this as certain as people are inclined to sup- pose at first sight8 ,if work were to remain what most work is now1 no doubt it would be very hard to induce people to undertake it except from fear of destitution4 ,but there is no reason why work should remain the dreary drudgery in horrible conditions that most of it is now4#dc ,if men had to be tempted to work instead of driven to it1 the obvious interest of the community would be to make work pleasant4 ,so long as work is not made on the whole pleasant1 it cannot be said that anything like a good state of society has been reached4 ,is the painfulness of work unavoidable8 #dc ,overwork is repulsive to human nature--not work4 ,overwork for supplying the few with luxury--not work for the well- being of all4 ,work1 labor1 is a physiological necessity1 a necessity of spending accumulated bodily energy1 a necessity which is health and life itself4 ,if so many branches of useful work are so reluctantly done now1 it is merely because they mean overwork1 or they are improperly organized4 ,but we know--old ,franklin knew it--that four hours of useful work every day would be more than sufficient for supplying everybody with the comfort of a moderately well-to-do middle-class house1 if we all gave ourselves to productive work1 and if we did not waste our productive powers as we do waste them now4 ,as to the childish question1 repeated for fifty years3 ,who would do disagreeable work8' frankly ,i regret that none of our savants has ever been brought to do it1 be it for only one day in his life4 ,if there is still work which is really disagreeable in itself1 it is only because our scientific men have never cared to consider the means of rendering it less so3 they have always known that there were plenty of starving men who would do it for a few pence a day4'' ,kropotkin1 ,anarchist ,communism4'' ,at present1 the better paid work1 that of the business and professional classes1 is for the most part enjoyable4 ,i do not mean that every separate moment is agreeable1 but that the life of a man who has work of this sort is on the whole happier than that of a man who enjoys an equal income without doing any work4 ,a certain amount of effort1 and something in the nature of a continuous career1 are necessary to vigorous men if they are to preserve their mental health and their zest for life4 ,a considerable amount of work is done without pay4 ,people who take a rosy view of human nature might have supposed that the duties of a magistrate would be among disagreeable trades1 like cleaning sewers2 but a cynic might contend that the pleasures of vindictiveness and moral superiority are so great that there is no difficulty in finding well-to-do elderly gentlemen who are willing1 without pay1 to send helpless wretches to the torture of prison4 ,and apart from enjoyment of the work itself1 desire for the good opinion of neighbors and for the feeling of effectiveness is quite sufficient to keep many men active4 ,but1 it will be said1 the sort of work that a man would voluntarily choose must always be exceptional3 the great bulk of necessary work can never be anything but painful4 ,who would choose1 if an easy life were otherwise open to him1 to be a coal-miner1 or a stoker on an ,atlantic liner8 ,i think it must be conceded that much necessary work must always remain disagreeable or at least painfully monotonous1 and that special privileges will have to be accorded to those who undertake it1 if the ,anarchist system is ever to be made workable4 ,it is true that the introduction of such special privileges would somewhat mar the rounded logic of ,anarchism1 but it need not1 ,i think1 make any really vital breach in its system4 ,much of the work that needs doing could be rendered agreeable1 if thought and care were given to this object4 ,even now it is often only long hours that make work irksome4 ,if the normal hours of work were reduced to1 say1 four1 as they could be by better organization and more scientific methods1 a very great deal of work which is now felt as a burden would quite cease to be so4 ,if1 as ,kropotkin suggests1 agricultural work1 instead of being the lifelong drudgery of an ignorant laborer living very near the verge of abject poverty1 were the occasional occupation of men and women normally employed in industry or brain-work2 if1 instead of being conducted by ancient traditional methods1 without any possibility of intelligent participation by the wage- earner1 it were alive with the search for new methods and new inventions1 filled with the spirit of freedom1 and inviting the mental as well as the physical cooperation of those who do the work1 it might become a joy instead of a weariness1 and a source of health and life to those engaged in it4 ,what is true of agriculture is said by ,anarchists to be equally true of industry4 ,they maintain that if the great economic organizations which are now managed by capitalists1 without consideration for the lives of the wage-earners beyond what ,trade ,unions are able to exact1 were turned gradually into self-governing communities1 in which the producers could decide all questions of methods1 conditions1 hours of work1 and so forth1 there would be an almost boundless change for the better3 grime and noise might be nearly eliminated1 the hideousness of industrial regions might be turned into beauty1 the interest in the scientific aspects of production might become diffused among all producers with any native intelligence1 and something of the artist's joy in creation might inspire the whole of the work4 ,all this1 which is at present utterly remote from the reality1 might be produced by economic self-government4 ,we may concede that by such means a very large proportion of the necessary work of the world could ultimately be made sufficiently agreeable to be preferred before idleness even by men whose bare livelihood would be assured whether they worked or not4 ,as to the residue let us admit that special rewards1 whether in goods or honors or privileges1 would have to be given to those who undertook it4 ,but this need not cause any fundamental objection4 ,there would1 of course1 be a certain proportion of the population who would prefer idleness4 ,provided the proportion were small1 this need not matter4 ,and among those who would be classed as idlers might be included artists1 writers of books1 men devoted to abstract intellectual pursuits--in short1 all those whom society despises while they are alive and honors when they are dead4 ,to such men1 the possibility of pursuing their own work regardless of any public recognition of its utility would be invaluable4 ,whoever will observe how many of our poets have been men of private means will realize how much poetic capacity must have remained undeveloped through poverty2 for it would be absurd to suppose that the rich are better endowed by nature with the capacity for poetry4 ,freedom for such men1 few as they are1 must be set against the waste of the mere idlers4 ,so far1 we have set forth the arguments in favor of the ,anarchist plan4 ,they are1 to my mind1 sufficient to make it seem possible that the plan might succeed1 but not sufficient to make it so probable that it would be wise to try it4 ,the question of the feasibility of the ,anarchist proposals in regard to distribution is1 like so many other questions1 a quantitative one4 ,the ,anarchist proposals consist of two parts3 7#a7 ,that all the common commodities should be supplied ad lib4 to all applicants2 7#b7 ,that no obligation to work1 or economic reward for work1 should be imposed on anyone4 ,these two proposals are not necessarily inseparable1 nor does either entail the whole system of ,anarchism1 though without them ,anarchism would hardly be possible4 ,as regards the first of these proposals1 it can be carried out even now with regard to some commodities1 and it could be carried out in no very distant future with regard to many more4 ,it is a flexible plan1 since this or that article of consumption could be placed on the free list or taken of as circumstances might dictate4 ,its advantages are many and various1 and the practice of the world tends to develop in this direction4 ,i think we may conclude that this part of the ,anarchists' system might well be adopted bit by bit1 reaching gradually the full extension that they desire4 ,but as regards the second proposal1 that there should be no obligation to work1 and no economic reward for work1 the matter is much more doubtful4 ,anarchists always assume that if their schemes were put into operation practically everyone would work2 but although there is very much more to be said for this view than most people would concede at first sight1 yet it is questionable whether there is enough to be said to make it true for practical purposes4 ,perhaps1 in a community where industry had become habitual through economic pressure1 public opinion might be sufficiently powerful to compel most men to work2#dd but it is always doubtful how far such a state of things would be permanent4 ,if public opinion is to be really effective1 it will be necessary to have some method of dividing the community into small groups1 and to allow each group to consume only the equivalent of what it produces4 ,this will make the economic motive operative upon the group1 which1 since we are supposing it small1 will feel that its collective share is appreciably diminished by each idle individual4 ,such a system might be feasible1 but it would be contrary to the whole spirit of ,anarchism and would destroy the main lines of its economic system4 #dd ,as to the so-often repeated objection that nobody would labor if he were not compelled to do so by sheer necessity1 we heard enough of it before the emancipation of slaves in ,america1 as well as before the emancipation of serfs in ,russia2 and we have had the opportunity of appreciating it at its just value4 ,so we shall not try to convince those who can be convinced only by accomplished facts4 ,as to those who reason1 they ought to know that1 if it really was so with some parts of humanity at its lowest stages--and yet1 what do we know about it8--or if it is so with some small communities1 or separate individuals1 brought to sheer despair by ill-success in their struggle against unfavorable conditions1 it is not so with the bulk of the civilized nations4 ,with us1 work is a habit1 and idleness an artificial growth4'' ,kropotkin1 ,anarchist ,communism1'' p4 #cj4 ,the attitude of orthodox ,socialism on this question is quite different from that of ,anarchism4#de ,among the more immediate measures advocated in the ,communist ,manifesto'' is equal liability of all to labor4 ,establishment of industrial armies1 especially for agriculture4'' ,the ,socialist theory is that1 in general1 work alone gives the right to the enjoyment of the produce of work4 ,to this theory there will1 of course1 be exceptions3 the old and the very young1 the infirm and those whose work is temporarily not required through no fault of their own4 ,but the fundamental conception of ,socialism1 in regard to our present question1 is that all who can should be compelled to work1 either by the threat of starvation or by the operation of the criminal law4 ,and1 of course1 the only kind of work recognized will be such as commends itself to the authorities4 ,writing books against ,socialism1 or against any theory embodied in the government of the day1 would certainly not be recognized as work4 ,no more would the painting of pictures in a different style from that of the ,royal ,academy1 or producing plays unpleasing to the censor4 ,any new line of thought would be banned1 unless by influence or corruption the thinker could crawl into the good graces of the pundits4 ,these results are not foreseen by ,socialists1 because they imagine that the ,socialist ,state will be governed by men like those who now advocate it4 ,this is1 of course1 a delusion4 ,the rulers of the ,state then will bear as little resemblance to the pres- ent ,socialists as the dignitaries of the ,church after the time of ,constantine bore to the ,apostles4 ,the men who advocate an unpopular reform are exceptional in disinterestedness and zeal for the public good2 but those who hold power after the reform has been carried out are likely to belong1 in the main1 to the ambitious executive type which has in all ages possessed itself of the government of nations4 ,and this type has never shown itself tolerant of opposition or friendly to freedom4 #de ,while holding this synthetic view on production1 the ,anarchists cannot consider1 like the ,collectivists1 that a remuneration which would be proportionate to the hours of labor spent by each person in the production of riches may be an ideal1 or even an approach to an ideal1 society4'' ,kropotkin1 ,anarchist ,communism1'' p4 #bj4 ,it would seem1 then1 that if the ,anarchist plan has its dangers1 the ,socialist plan has at least equal dangers4 ,it is true that the evils we have been foreseeing under ,socialism exist at present1 but the purpose of ,socialists is to cure the evils of the world as it is2 they cannot be content with the argument that they would make things no worse4 ,anarchism has the advantage as regards liberty1 ,socialism as regards the inducements to work4 ,can we not find a method of combining these two advantages8 ,it seems to me that we can4 ,we saw that1 provided most people work in moderation1 and their work is rendered as productive as science and organization can make it1 there is no good reason why the necessaries of life should not be supplied freely to all4 ,our only serious doubt was as to whether1 in an ,anarchist regime1 the motives for work would be sufficiently powerful to prevent a dan- gerously large amount of idleness4 ,but it would be easy to decree that1 though necessaries should be free to all1 whatever went beyond necessaries should only be given to those who were willing to work--not1 as is usual at present1 only to those in work at any moment1 but also to all those who1 when they happened not to be working1 were idle through no fault of their own4 ,we find at present that a man who has a small income from investments1 just sufficient to keep him from actual want1 almost always prefers to find some paid work in order to be able to afford luxuries4 ,so it would be1 presumably1 in such a community as we are imagining4 ,at the same time1 the man who felt a vocation for some unrecognized work of art or science or thought would be free to follow his desire1 provided he were willing to scorn delights and live laborious days4'' ,and the comparatively small number of men with an invincible horror of work--the sort of men who now become tramps-- might lead a harmless existence1 without any grave danger of their becoming sufficiently numerous to be a serious burden upon the more industrious4 ,in this ways the claims of freedom could be combined with the need of some economic stimulus to work4 ,such a system1 it seems to me1 would have a far greater chance of success than either pure ,anarchism or pure orthodox ,socialism4 ,stated in more familiar terms1 the plan we are advocating amounts essentially to this3 that a certain small income1 sufficient for necessaries1 should be secured to all1 whether they work or not1 and that a larger income1 as much larger as might be warranted by the total amount of commodities produced1 should be given to those who are willing to engage in some work which the community recognizes as useful4 ,on this basis we may build further4 ,i do not think it is always necessary to pay more highly work which is more skilled or regarded as socially more useful1 since such work is more interesting and more respected than ordinary work1 and will therefore often be preferred by those who are able to do it4 ,but we might1 for instance1 give an intermediate income to those who are only willing to work half the usual number of hours1 and an income above that of most workers to those who choose a specially disagreeable trade4 ,such a system is perfectly compatible with ,socialism1 though perhaps hardly with ,anarchism4 ,of its advantages we shall have more to say at a later stage4 ,for the present ,i am content to urge that it combines freedom with justice1 and avoids those dangers to the community which we have found to lurk both in the proposals of the ,anarchists and in those of orthodox ,socialists4 ,,chapter ,v ,,government ,,and ,,law ,,government and ,law1 in their very essence1 consist of restrictions on freedom1 and freedom is the greatest of political goods4#df ,a hasty reasoner might conclude without further ado that ,law and government are evils which must be abolished if freedom is our goal4 ,but this consequence1 true or false1 cannot be proved so simply4 ,in this chapter we shall examine the arguments of ,anarchists against law and the ,state4 ,we shall proceed on the assumption that freedom is the supreme aim of a good social system2 but on this very basis we shall find the ,anarchist contentions very questionable4 #df ,i do not say freedom is the greatest of ,,all goods3 the best things come from within--they are such things as creative art1 and love1 and thought4 ,such things can be helped or hindered by political conditions1 but not actually produced by them2 and freedom is1 both in itself and in its relation to these other goods the best thing that political and economic conditions can secure4 ,respect for the liberty of others is not a natural impulse with most men3 envy and love of power lead ordinary human nature to find pleasure in interferences with the lives of others4 ,if all men's actions were wholly unchecked by external authority1 we should not obtain a world in which all men would be free4 ,the strong would oppress the weak1 or the majority would oppress the minority1 or the lovers of violence would oppress the more peaceable people4 ,i fear it cannot be said that these bad impulses are ,,wholly due to a bad social system1 though it must be conceded that the present competitive organization of society does a great deal to foster the worst elements in human nature4 ,the love of power is an impulse which1 though innate in very ambitious men1 is chiefly promoted as a rule by the actual experience of power4 ,in a world where none could acquire much power1 the desire to tyrannize would be much less strong than it is at present4 ,nevertheless1 ,i cannot think that it would be wholly absent1 and those in whom it would exist would often be men of unusual energy and executive capacity4 ,such men1 if they are not restrained by the organized will of the community1 may either succeed in establishing a despotism1 or1 at any rate1 make such a vigorous attempt as can only be defeated through a period of prolonged disturbance4 ,and apart from the love or political power1 there is the love of power over individuals4 ,if threats and terrorism were not prevented by law1 it can hardly be doubted that cruelty would be rife in the relations of men and women1 and of parents and children4 ,it is true that the habits of a community can make such cruelty rare1 but these habits1 ,i fear1 are only to be produced through the prolonged reign of law4 ,experience of backwoods communities1 mining camps and other such places seems to show that under new conditions men easily revert to a more barbarous attitude and practice4 ,it would seem1 therefore1 that1 while human nature remains as it is1 there will be more liberty for all in a community where some acts of tyranny by individuals are forbidden1 than in a community where the law leaves each individual free to follow his every impulse4 ,but1 although the necessity of some form of government and law must for the present be conceded1 it is important to remember that all law and government is in itself in some degree an evil1 only justifiable when it prevents other and greater evils4 ,every use of the power of the ,state needs1 therefore1 to be very closely scrutinized1 and every possibility of diminishing its power is to be welcomed provided it does not lead to a reign of private tyranny4 ,the power of the ,state is partly legal1 partly economic3 acts of a kind which the ,state dislikes can be punished by the criminal law1 and individuals who incur the displeasure of the ,state may find it hard to earn a livelihood4 ,the views of ,marx on the ,state are not very clear4 ,on the one hand he seems willing11 like the modern ,state ,socialists1 to allow great power to the ,state1 but on the other hand he suggests that when the ,socialist revolution has been consummated1 the ,state1 as we know it1 will disappear4 ,among the measures which are advocated in the ,communist ,manifesto as immediately desirable1 there are several which would very greatly increase the power of the existing ,state4 ,for example1 ,centralization of credit in the hands of the ,state1 by means of a national bank with ,state capital and an exclusive monopoly2'' and again1 ,centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the ,state4'' ,but the ,manifesto goes on to say3 ,when1 in the course of development1 class distinctions have disappeared1 and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation1 the public power will lose its political character4 ,political power1 properly so called1 is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another4 ,if the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled1 by the force of circumstances1 to organize itself as a class1 if1 by means of a revolution1 it makes itself the ruling class1 and1 as such1 sweeps away by force the old conditions of production1 then it will1 along with these conditions1 have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms1 and of classes generally1 and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class4 ,in place of the old bourgeois society1 with its classes and class antagonisms1 we shall have an association1 in which2 the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all4#dg #dg ,communist ,manifesto1 p4 #bb4 ,this attitude ,marx preserved in essentials throughout his life4 ,accordingly1 it is not to be wondered at that his followers1 so far as regards their immediate aims1 have in the main become out-and-out ,state ,socialists4 ,on the other hand1 the ,syndicalists1 who accept from ,marx the doctrine of the class war1 which they regard as what is really vital in his teaching1 reject the ,state with abhorrence and wish to abolish it wholly1 in which respect they are at one with the ,anarchists4 ,the ,guild ,socialists1 though some persons in this country regard them as extremists1 really represent the ,english love of compromise4 ,the ,syndicalist arguments as to the dangers inherent in the power of the ,state have made them dissatisfied with the old ,state ,socialism1 but they are unable to accept the ,anarchist view that society can dispense altogether with a central authority4 ,accordingly they propose that there should be two co-equal instruments of ,government in a community1 the one geographical1 representing the consumers1 and essentially the continuation of the democratic ,state2 the other representing the producers1 organized1 not geographically1 but in guilds1 after the manner of industrial unionism4 ,these two author- ities will deal with different classes of questions4 ,guild ,socialists do not regard the industrial authority as forming part of the ,state1 for they contend that it is the essence of the ,state to be geographical2 but the industrial authority will resemble the present ,state in the fact that it will have coercive powers1 and that its decrees will be enforced1 when necessary4 ,it is to be suspected that ,syndicalists also1 much as they object to the existing ,state1 would not object to coercion of individuals in an industry by the ,trade ,union in that industry4 ,government within the ,trade ,union would probably be quite as strict as ,state government is now4 ,in saying this we are assuming that the theoretical ,anarchism of ,syndicalist leaders would not survive accession to power1 but ,i am afraid experience shows that this is not a very hazardous assumption4 ,among all these different views1 the one which raises the deepest issue is the ,anarchist contention that all coercion by the community is unnecessary4 ,like most of the things that ,anarchists say1 there is much more to be urged in support of this view than most people would suppose at first sight4 ,kropotkin1 who is its ablest exponent1 points out how much has been achieved already by the method of free agreement4 ,he does not wish to abolish government in the sense of collective decisions3 what he does wish to abolish is the system by which a decision is en- forced upon those who oppose it4#dh ,the whole system of representative government and majority rule is to him a bad thing4#di ,he points to such instances as the agreements among the different railway systems of the ,continent for the running of through expresses and for co-operation generally4 ,he points out that in such cases the different companies or authorities concerned each appoint a delegate1 and that the delegates suggest a basis of agreement1 which has to be subsequently ratified by each of the bodies ap- pointing them4 ,the assembly of delegates has no coercive power whatever1 and a majority can do nothing against a recalcitrant minority4 ,yet this has not prevented the conclusion of very elaborate systems of agreements4 ,by such methods1 so ,anarchists contend1 the ,,useful functions of government can be carried out without any coercion4 ,they maintain that the usefulness of agreement is so patent as to make co-operation certain if once the predatory motives associated with the present system of private property were removed4 #dh ,on the other hand1 the ,,state has also been confused with ,,government4 ,as there can be no ,state without government1 it has been sometimes said that it is the absence of government1 and not the abolition of the ,state1 that should be the aim4 ,it seems to me1 however1 that ,state and government represent two ideas of a different kind4 ,the ,state idea implies quite another idea to that of government4 ,it not only includes the existence of a power placed above society1 but also a territorial concentration and a concentration of many functions of the life of society in the hands of a few or even of all4 ,it implies new relations among the members of society4 ,this characteristic distinction1 which perhaps escapes notice at first sight1 appears clearly when the origin of the ,state is studied4'' ,kropotkin1 ,the ,state4'' p4 #d4 #di ,representative government has accomplished its historical mission2 it has given a mortal blow to ,court-rule2 and by its debates it has awakened public interest in public questions4 ,but1 to see in it the government of the future ,socialist society1 is to commit a gross error4 ,each economical phase of life implies its own political phase2 and it is impossible to touch the very basis of the present economical life--private property-- without a corresponding change in the very basis of the political organization4 ,life already shows in which direction the change will be made4 ,not in increasing the powers of the ,state1 but in resorting to free organization and free federation in all those branches which are now considered as attributes of the ,state4'' ,kropotkin1 ,anarchist ,communism1'' pp4 #bh-bi4 ,attractive as this view is1 ,i cannot resist the conclusion that it results from impatience and represents the attempt to find a short-cut toward the ideal which all humane people desire4 ,let us begin with the question of private crime4#ej ,anarchists maintain that the criminal is manufactured by bad social conditions and would disappear in such a world as they aim at creating4#ea ,no doubt there is a great measure of truth in this view4 ,there would be little motive to robbery1 for example1 in an ,anarchist world1 unless it were organized on a large scale by a body of men bent on upsetting the ,anarchist regime4 ,it may also be conceded that impulses toward criminal violence could be very largely eliminated by a better education4 ,but all such contentions1 it seems to me1 have their limitations4 ,to take an extreme case1 we cannot suppose that there would be no lunatics in an ,anarchist community1 and some of these lunatics would1 no doubt1 be homicidal4 ,probably no one would argue that they ought to be left at liberty4 ,but there are no sharp lines in nature2 from the homicidal lunatic to the sane man of violent passions there is a continuous gradation4 ,even in the most perfect community there will be men and women1 otherwise sane1 who will feel an impulse to commit murder from jealousy4 ,these are now usually restrained by the fear of punishment1 but if this fear were removed1 such murders would probably become much more common1 as may be seen from the present behavior of certain soldiers on leave4 ,moreover1 certain kinds of conduct arouse public hostility1 and would almost inevitably lead to lynching1 if no other recognized method of punishment existed4 ,there is in most men a certain natural vindictiveness1 not always directed against the worst members of the community4 ,for example1 ,spinoza was very nearly murdered by the mob because he was suspected of undue friendliness to ,france at a time when ,holland was at war with that country4 ,apart from such cases1 there would be the very real danger of an organized attempt to destroy ,anarchism and revive ancient oppressions4 ,is it to be supposed1 for example1 that ,napoleon1 if he had been born into such a community as ,kropotkin advocates1 would have acquiesced tamely in a world where his genius could find no scope8 ,i cannot see what should prevent a combination of ambitious men forming themselves into a private army1 manufacturing their own munitions1 and at last enslaving the defenseless citizens1 who had relied upon the inherent attractiveness of liberty4 ,it would not be consistent with the principles of ,anarchism for the community to interfere with the drilling of a private army1 no matter what its objects might be 7though1 of course1 an opposing private army might be formed by men with different views74 ,indeed1 ,kropotkin instances the old volunteers in ,great ,britain as an example of a movement on ,anarchist lines4#eb ,even if a predatory army were not formed from within1 it might easily come from a neighboring nation1 or from races on the borderland of civilization4 ,so long as the love of power exists1 ,i do not see how it can be prevented from finding an outlet in oppression except by means of the organized force of the community4 #ej ,on this subject there is an excellent discussion in the before-mentioned work of ,monsieur ,naquet4 #ea ,as to the third--the chief--objection1 which maintains the necessity of a government for punishing those who break the law of society1 there is so much to say about it that it hardly can be touched incidentally4 ,the more we study the question1 the more we are brought to the conclusion that society itself is responsible for the anti-social deeds perpetrated in its midst1 and that no punishment1 no prisons1 and no hangmen can diminish the numbers of such deeds2 nothing short of a reorganization of society itself4 ,three-quarters of all the acts which are brought every year before our courts have their origin1 either directly or indirectly1 in the present disorganized state of society with regard to the production and distribution of wealth--not in the perversity of human nature4 ,as to the relatively few anti-social deeds which result from anti-social inclinations of separate individuals1 it is not by prisons1 nor even by resorting to the hangmen1 that we can diminish their numbers4 ,by our prisons1 we merely multiply them and render them worse4 ,by our detectives1 our price of blood1' our executions1 and our jails1 we spread in society such a terrible flow of basest passions and habits1 that he who should realize the effects of these institutions to their full extent1 would be frightened by what society is doing under the pretext of maintaining morality4 ,we must search for other remedies1 and the remedies have been indicated long since4'' ,kropotkin1 ,anarchist ,communism1'' pp4 #ca-cb4 #eb ,anarchist ,communism1'' p4 #bg4 ,the conclusion1 which appears to be forced upon us1 is that the ,anarchist ideal of a community in which no acts are forbidden by law is not1 at any rate for the present1 compatible with the stability of such a world as the ,anarchists desire4 ,in order to obtain and preserve a world resembling as closely as possible that at which they aim1 it will still be necessary that some acts should be forbidden by law4 ,we may put the chief of these under three heads3 #a4 ,theft4 #b4 ,crimes of violence4 #c4 ,the creation of organizations intended to subvert the ,anarchist regime by force4 ,we will briefly recapitulate what has been said already as to the necessity of these prohibitions4 #a4 ,theft4--,it is true that in an ,anarchist world there will be no destitution1 and therefore no thefts motivated by starvation4 ,but such thefts are at present by no means the most considerable or the most harmful4 ,the system of rationing1 which is to be applied to luxuries1 will leave many men with fewer luxuries than they might desire4 ,it will give opportunities for peculation by those who are in control of the public stores1 and it will leave the possibility of appropriating such valuable objects of art as would naturally be preserved in public museums4 ,it may be contended that such forms of theft would be prevented by public opinion4 ,but public opinion is not greatly operative upon an individual unless it is the opinion of his own group4 ,a group of men combined for purposes of theft might readily defy the public opinion of the majority unless that public opinion made itself effective by the use of force against them4 ,probably1 in fact1 such force would be applied through popular indignation1 but in that case we should revive the evils of the criminal law with the added evils of uncertainty1 haste and passion1 which are inseparable from the practice of lynching4 ,if1 as we have suggested1 it were found necessary to provide an economic stimulus to work by allowing fewer luxuries to idlers1 this would afford a new motive for theft on their part and a new necessity for some form of criminal law4 #b4 ,crimes of ,violence4--,cruelty to children1 crimes of jealousy1 rape1 and so forth1 are almost certain to occur in any society to some extent4 ,the prevention of such acts is essential to the existence of freedom for the weak4 ,if nothing were done to hinder them1 it is to be feared that the customs of a society would gradually become rougher1 and that acts which are now rare would cease to be so4 ,if ,anarchists are right in maintaining that the existence of such an economic system as they desire would prevent the commission of crimes of this kind1 the laws forbidding them would no longer come into operation1 and would do no harm to liberty4 ,if1 on the other hand1 the impulse to such actions persisted1 it would be necessary that steps should be taken to restrain men from indulging it4 #c4 ,the third class of difficulties is much the most serious and involves much the most drastic interference with liberty4 ,i do not see how a private army could be tolerated within an ,anarchist community1 and ,i do not see how it could be prevented except by a general prohibition of carrying arms4 ,if there were no such prohibition1 rival parties would organize rival forces1 and civil war would result4 ,yet1 if there is such a prohibition1 it cannot well be carried out without a very considerable interference with individual liberty4 ,no doubt1 after a time1 the idea of using violence to achieve a political object might die down1 as the practice of duelling has done4 ,but such changes of habit and outlook are facilitated by legal prohibition1 and would hardly come about without it4 ,i shall not speak yet of the international aspect of this same problem1 for ,i propose to deal with that in the next chapter1 but it is clear that the same considerations apply with even greater force to the relations between nations4 ,if we admit1 however reluctantly1 that a criminal law is necessary and that the force of the community must be brought to bear to prevent certain kinds of actions1 a further question arises3 ,how is crime to be treated8 ,what is the greatest measure of humanity and respect for freedom that is compatible with the recognition of such a thing as crime8 ,the first thing to recognize is that the whole conception of guilt or sin should be utterly swept away4 ,at present1 the criminal is visited with the displeasure of the community3 the sole method applied to prevent the occurrence of crime is the infliction of pain upon the criminal4 ,everything possible is done to break his spirit and destroy his self-respect4 ,even those pleasures which would be most likely to have a civilizing effect are forbidden to him1 merely on the ground that they are pleasures1 while much of the suffering inflicted is of a kind which can only brutalize and degrade still further4 ,i am not speaking1 of course1 of those few penal institutions which have made a serious study of reforming the criminal4 ,such institutions1 especially in ,america1 have been proved capable of achieving the most remarkable results1 but they remain everywhere exceptional4 ,the broad rule is still that the criminal is made to feel the displeasure of society4 ,he must emerge from such a treatment either defiant and hostile1 or submissive and cringing1 with a broken spirit and a loss of self-respect4 ,neither of these results is anything but evil4 ,nor can any good result be achieved by a method of treatment which embodies reprobation4 ,when a man is suffering from an infectious disease he is a danger to the community1 and it is necessary to restrict his liberty of movement4 ,but no one associates any idea of guilt with such a situation4 ,on the contrary1 he is an object of commiseration to his friends4 ,such steps as science recommends are taken to cure him of his disease1 and he submits as a rule without reluctance to the curtailment of liberty involved meanwhile4 ,the same method in spirit ought to be shown in the treatment of what is called crime4'' ,it is supposed1 of course1 that the criminal is actuated by calculations of self-interest1 and that the fear of punishment1 by supplying a contrary motive of self-interest affords the best deterrent1 ,the dog1 to gain some private end1 ,went mad and bit the man4 ,this is the popular view of crime2 yet no dog goes mad from choice1 and probably the same is true of the great majority of criminals1 certainly in the case of crimes of passion4 ,even in cases where self-interest is the motive1 the important thing is to prevent the crime1 not to make the criminal suffer4 ,any suffering which may be entailed by the process of prevention ought to be regarded as regrettable1 like the pain involved in a surgical operation4 ,the man who commits a crime from an impulse to violence ought to be subjected to a scientific psychological treatment1 designed to elicit more beneficial impulses4 ,the man who commits a crime from calculations of self- interest ought to be made to feel that self-interest itself1 when it is fully understood1 can be better served by a life which is useful to the community than by one which is harmful4 ,for this purpose it is chiefly necessary to widen his outlook and increase the scope of his desires4 ,at present1 when a man suffers from insufficient love for his fellow-creatures1 the method of curing him which is commonly adopted seems scarcely designed to succeed1 being1 indeed1 in essentials1 the same as his attitude toward them4 ,the object of the prison administration is to save trouble1 not to study the individual case4 ,he is kept in captivity in a cell from which all sight of the earth is shut out3 he is subjected to harshness by warders1 who have too often become brutalized by their occupation4#ec ,he is solemnly denounced as an enemy to society4 ,he is compelled to perform mechanical tasks1 chosen for their wearisomeness4 ,he is given no education and no incentive to self-improvement4 ,is it to be wondered at if1 at the end of such a course of treatment1 his feelings toward the community are no more friendly than they were at the beginning8 #ec ,this was written before the author had any personal experience of the prison system4 ,he personally met with nothing but kindness at the hands of the prison officials4 ,severity of punishment arose through vindictiveness and fear in an age when many criminals escaped justice altogether1 and it was hoped that savage sentences would outweigh the chance of escape in the mind of the criminal4 ,at present a very large part of the criminal law is concerned in safeguarding the rights of property1 that is to say--as things are now--the unjust privileges of the rich4 ,those whose principles lead them into conflict with government1 like ,anarchists1 bring a most formidable indictment against the law and the authorities for the unjust manner in which they support the status quo4 ,many of the actions by which men have become rich are far more harmful to the community than the obscure crimes of poor men1 yet they go unpunished because they do not interfere with the existing order4 ,if the power of the community is to be brought to bear to prevent certain classes of actions through the agency of the criminal law1 it is as necessary that these actions should really be those which are harmful to the community1 as it is that the treatment of criminals'' should be freed from the conception of guilt and inspired by the same spirit as is shown in the treatment of disease4 ,but1 if these two conditions were fulfilled1 ,i cannot help thinking that a society which preserved the existence of law would be preferable to one conducted on the unadulterated principles of ,anarchism4 ,so far we have been considering the power which the ,state derives from the criminal law4 ,we have every reason to think that this power cannot be entirely abolished1 though it can be exercised in a wholly different spirit1 without the vindictiveness and the moral reprobation which now form its essence4 ,we come next to the consideration of the economic power of the ,state and the influence which it can exert through its bureaucracy4 ,state ,socialists argue as if there would be no danger to liberty in a ,state not based upon capitalism4 ,this seems to me an entire delusion4 ,given an official caste1 however selected1 there are bound to be a set of men whose whole instincts will drive them toward tyranny4 ,together with the natural love of power1 they will have a rooted conviction 7visible now in the higher ranks of the ,civil ,service7 that they alone know enough to be able to judge what is for the good of the community4 ,like all men who administer a system1 they will come to feel the system itself sacrosanct4 ,the only changes they will desire will be changes in the direction of further regulations as to how the people are to enjoy the good things kindly granted to them by their benevolent despots4 ,whoever thinks this picture overdrawn must have failed to study the influence and methods of ,civil ,servants at present4 ,on every matter that arises1 they know far more than the general public about all the ,,definite facts involved2 the one thing they do not know is where the shoe pinches4'' ,but those who know this are probably not skilled in stating their case1 not able to say off-hand exactly how many shoes are pinching how many feet1 or what is the precise remedy required4 ,the answer prepared for ,ministers by the ,civil ,service is accepted by the respectable'' public as impartial1 and is regarded as disposing of the case of malcontents except on a first-class political question on which elections may be won or lost4 ,that at least is the way in which things are managed in ,england4 ,and there is every reason to fear that under ,state ,socialism the power of officials would be vastly greater than it is at present4 ,those who accept the orthodox doctrine of democracy contend that1 if ever the power of capital were removed1 representative institutions would suffice to undo the evils threatened by bureaucracy4 ,against this view1 ,anarchists and ,syndicalists have directed a merciless criticism4 ,french ,syndicalists especially1 living1 as they do1 in a highly democratized country1 have had bitter experience of the way in which the power of the ,state can be employed against a progressive minority4 ,this experience has led them to abandon altogether the belief in the divine right of majorities4 ,the ,constitution that they would desire would be one which allowed scope for vigorous minorities1 conscious of their aims and prepared to work for them4 ,it is undeniable that1 to all who care for progress1 actual experience of democratic representative ,government is very disillusioning4 ,admitting-- as ,i think we must--that it is preferable to any ,,previous form of ,government1 we must yet acknowledge that much of the criticism directed against it by ,anarchists and ,syndicalists is thoroughly justified4 ,such criticism would have had more influence if any clear idea of an alternative to parliamentary democracy had been generally apprehended4 ,but it must be confessed that ,syndicalists have not presented their case in a way which is likely to attract the average citizen4 ,much of what they say amounts to this3 that a minority1 consisting of skilled workers in vital industries1 can1 by a strike1 make the economic life of the whole community impossible1 and can in this way force their will upon the nation4 ,the action aimed at is compared to the seizure of a power station1 by which a whole vast system can be paralyzed4 ,such a doctrine is an appeal to force1 and is naturally met by an appeal to force on the other side4 ,it is useless for the ,syndicalists to protest that they only desire power in order to promote liberty3 the world which they are seeking to establish does not1 as yet1 appeal to the effective will of the community1 and cannot be stably inaugurated until it does do so4 ,persuasion is a slow process1 and may sometimes be accelerated by violent methods2 to this extent such methods may be justified4 ,but the ultimate goal of any reformer who aims at liberty can only be reached through persuasion4 ,the attempt to thrust liberty by force upon those who do not desire what we consider liberty must always prove a failure2 and ,syndicalists1 like other reformers1 must ultimately rely upon persuasion for success4 ,but it would be a mistake to confuse aims with methods3 however little we may agree with the proposal to force the millennium on a reluctant community by starvation1 we may yet agree that much of what the ,syndicalists desire to achieve is desirable4 ,let us dismiss from our minds such criticisms of parliamentary government as are bound up with the present system of private property1 and consider only those which would remain true in a collectivist community4 ,certain defects seem inherent in the very nature of representative institutions4 ,there is a sense of self-importance1 inseparable from success in a contest for popular favor4 ,there is an all-but unavoidable habit of hypocrisy1 since experience shows that the democracy does not detect insincerity in an orator1 and will1 on the other hand1 be shocked by things which even the most sincere men may think necessary4 ,hence arises a tone of cynicism among elected representatives1 and a feeling that no man can retain his position in politics without deceit4 ,this is as much the fault of the democracy as of the representatives1 but it seems unavoidable so long as the main thing that all bodies of men demand of their champions is flattery4 ,however the blame may be apportioned1 the evil must be recognized as one which is bound to occur in the existing forms of democracy4 ,another evil1 which is especially noticeable in large ,states1 is the remoteness of the seat of government from many of the constituencies--a remoteness which is psychological even more than geographical4 ,the legislators live in comfort1 protected by thick walls and innumerable policemen from the voice of the mob2 as time goes on they remember only dimly the passions and promises of their electoral campaign2 they come to feel it an essential part of statesmanship to consider what are called the interests of the community as a whole1 rather than those of some discontented group2 but the interests of the community as a whole are sufficiently vague to be easily seen to coincide with self-interest4 ,all these causes lead ,parliaments to betray the people1 consciously or unconsciously2 and it is no wonder if they have produced a certain aloofness from democratic theory in the more vigorous champions of labor4 ,majority rule1 as it exists in large ,states1 is subject to the fatal defect that1 in a very great number of questions1 only a fraction of the nation have any direct interest or knowledge1 yet the others have an equal voice in their settlement4 ,when people have no direct interest in a question they are very apt to be influenced by irrelevant considerations2 this is shown in the extraordinary reluctance to grant autonomy to subordinate nations or groups4 ,for this reason1 it is very dangerous to allow the nation as a whole to decide on matters which concern only a small section1 whether that section be geographical or industrial or defined in any other way4 ,the best cure for this evil1 so far as can be seen at present1 lies in allowing self-government to every important group within a nation in all matters that affect that group much more than they affect the rest of the community4 ,the government of a group1 chosen by the group1 will be far more in touch with its constituents1 far more conscious of their interests1 than a remote ,parliament nominally representing the whole country4 ,the most original idea in ,syndicalism-- adopted and developed by the ,guild ,socialists--is the idea of making industries self-governing units so far as their internal affairs are concerned4 ,by this method1 extended also to such other groups as have clearly separable interests1 the evils which have shown themselves in representative democracy can1 ,i believe1 be largely overcome4 ,guild ,socialists1 as we have seen1 have another suggestion1 growing naturally out of the autonomy of industrial guilds1 by which they hope to limit the power of the ,state and help to preserve individual liberty4 ,they propose that1 in addition to ,parliament1 elected 7as at present7 on a territorial basis and representing the community as consumers1 there shall also be a ,guild ,congress1'' a glorified successor of the present ,trade ,union ,congress1 which shall consist of representatives chosen by the ,guilds1 and shall represent the community as producers4 ,this method of diminishing the excessive power of the ,state has been attractively set forth by ,mr4 ,g4 ,d4 ,h4 ,cole in his ,self-,government in ,industry4''#ed ,where now1'' he says1 the ,state passes a ,factory ,act1 or a ,coal ,mines ,regulation ,act1 the ,guild ,congress of the future will pass such ,acts1 and its power of enforcing them will be the same as that of the ,state'' 7p4 #ih74 ,his ultimate ground for advocating this system is that1 in his opinion1 it will tend to preserve individual liberty3 ,the fundamental reason for the preservation1 in a democratic ,society1 of both the industrial and the political forms of ,social organization is1 it seems to me1 that only by dividing the vast power now wielded by industrial capitalism can the individual hope to be free'' 7p4 #ia74 #ed ,bell1 #aiag4 ,will the system suggested by ,mr4 ,cole have this result8 ,i think it is clear that it would1 in this respect1 be an improvement on the existing system4 ,representative government cannot but be improved by any method which brings the representatives into closer touch with the interests concerned in their legislation2 and this advantage probably would be secured by handing over questions of production to the ,guild ,congress4 ,but if1 in spite of the safeguards proposed by the ,guild ,socialists1 the ,guild ,congress became all-powerful in such questions1 if resistance to its will by a ,guild which felt ill-used became practically hopeless1 ,i fear that the evils now connected with the omnipotence of the ,state would soon reappear4 ,trade ,union officials1 as soon as they become part of the governing forces in the country1 tend to become autocratic and conservative2 they lose touch with their constituents and gravitate1 by a psychological sympathy1 into co-operation with the powers that be4 ,their formal installation in authority through the ,guilds ,congress would accelerate this process4 ,they would soon tend to combine1 in effect if not obviously1 with those who wield authority in ,parliament4 ,apart from occasional conflicts1 comparable to the rivalry of opposing financiers which now sometimes disturbs the harmony of the capitalist world1 there would1 at most times1 be agreement between the dominant personalities in the two ,houses4 ,and such harmony would filch away from the individual the liberty which he had hoped to secure by the quarrels of his masters4 ,there is no method1 if we are not mistaken1 by which a body representing the whole community1 whether as producers or consumers or both1 can alone be a sufficient guardian of individual liberty4 ,the only way of preserving sufficient liberty 7and even this will be inadequate in the case of very small minorities7 is the organization of citizens with special interests into groups1 determined to preserve autonomy as regards their internal affairs1 willing to resist interference by a strike if necessary1 and sufficiently powerful 7either in themselves or through their power of appealing to public sympathy7 to be able to resist the organized forces of government successfully when their cause is such as many men think just4 ,if this method is to be successful we must have not only suitable organizations but also a diffused respect for liberty1 and an absence of submissiveness to government both in theory and practice4 ,some risk of disorder there must be in such a society1 but this risk is as nothing compared to the danger of stagnation which is inseparable from an all-powerful central authority4 ,we may now sum up our discussion of the powers of ,government4 ,the ,state1 in spite of what ,anarchists urge1 seems a necessary institution for certain purposes4 ,peace and war1 tariffs1 regulation of sanitary conditions and of the sale of noxious drugs1 the preservation of a just system of distribution3 these1 among others1 are functions which could hardly be performed in a community in which there was no central government4 ,take1 for example1 the liquor traffic1 or the opium traffic in ,china4 ,if alcohol could be obtained at cost price without taxation1 still more if it could be obtained for nothing1 as ,anarchists presumably desire1 can we believe that there would not be a great and disastrous increase of drunkenness8 ,china was brought to the verge of ruin by opium1 and every patriotic ,chinaman desired to see the traffic in opium restricted4 ,in such matters freedom is not a panacea1 and some degree of legal restriction seems imperative for the national health4 ,but granting that the ,state1 in some form1 must continue1 we must also grant1 ,i think1 that its powers ought to be very strictly limited to what is absolutely necessary4 ,there is no way of limiting its powers except by means of groups which are jealous of their privileges and determined to preserve their autonomy1 even if this should involve resistance to laws decreed by the ,state1 when these laws interfere in the internal affairs of a group in ways not warranted by the public interest4 ,the glorification of the ,state1 and the doctrine that it is every citizen's duty to serve the ,state1 are radically against progress and against liberty4 ,the ,state1 though at present a source of much evil1 is also a means to certain good things1 and will be needed so long as violent and destructive impulses remain common4 ,but it is ,,merely a means1 and a means which needs to be very carefully and sparingly used if it is not to do more harm than good4 ,it is not the ,state1 but the community1 the worldwide community of all human beings present and future1 that we ought to serve4 ,and a good community does not spring from the glory of the ,state1 but from the unfettered development of individuals3 from happiness in daily life1 from congenial work giving opportunity for whatever constructiveness each man or woman may possess1 from free personal relations embodying love and taking away the roots of envy in thwarted capacity from affection1 and above all from the joy of life and its expression in the spontaneous creations of art and science4 ,it is these things that make an age or a nation worthy of existence1 and these things are not to be secured by bowing down before the ,state4 ,it is the individual in whom all that is good must be realized1 and the free growth of the individual must be the supreme end of a political system which is to re-fashion the world4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,international ,,relations ,,the main objects which should be served by international relations may be taken to be two3 ,first1 the avoidance of wars1 and1 second1 the prevention of the oppression of weak nations by strong ones4 ,these two objects do not by any means necessarily lead in the same direction1 since one of the easiest ways of securing the world's peace would be by a combination of the most powerful ,states for the exploitation and oppression of the remainder4 ,this method1 however1 is not one which the lover of liberty can favor4 ,we must keep account of both aims and not be content with either alone4 ,one of the commonplaces of both ,socialism and ,anarchism is that all modern wars are due to capitalism1 and would cease if capitalism were abolished4 ,this view1 to my mind1 is only a half-truth2 the half that is true is important1 but the half that is untrue is perhaps equally important when a fundamental reconstruction of society is being considered4 ,socialist and ,anarchist critics of existing society point1 with perfect truth1 to certain capitalistic factors which promote war4 ,the first of these is the desire of finance to find new fields of investment in undeveloped countries4 ,mr4 ,j4 ,a4 ,hobson1 an author who is by no means extreme in his views1 has well stated this point in his book on ,the ,evolution of ,modern ,capitalism4''#ee ,he says3 #ee ,walter ,scott ,publishing ,company1 #aijf1 p4 #bfb4 ,the economic tap-root1 the chief directing motive of all the modern imperialistic expansion1 is the pressure of capitalist industries for markets1 primarily markets for investment1 secondarily markets for surplus products of home industry4 ,where the concentration of capital has gone furthest1 and where a rigorous protective system prevails1 this pressure is necessarily strongest4 ,not merely do the trusts and other manufacturing trades that restrict their output for the home market more urgently require foreign markets1 but they are also more anxious to secure protected markets1 and this can only be achieved by extending the area of political rule4 ,this is the essential significance of the recent change in ,american foreign policy as illustrated by the ,spanish ,war1 the ,philippine annexation1 the ,panama policy1 and the new application of the ,monroe doctrine to the ,south ,american ,states4 ,south ,america is needed as a preferential market for investment of trust profits'' and surplus trust products3 if in time these states can be brought within a ,zollverein under the suzerainty of the ,united ,states1 the financial area of operations receives a notable accession4 ,china as a field of railway enterprise and general industrial development already begins to loom large in the eyes of foresighted ,american business men2 the growing trade in ,american cotton and other goods in that country will be a subordinate consideration to the expansion of the area for ,american investments4 ,diplomatic pressure1 armed force1 and1 where desirable1 seizure of territory for political control1 will be engineered by the financial magnates who control the political destiny of ,america4 ,the strong and expensive ,american navy now beginning to be built incidentally serves the purpose of affording profitable contracts to the shipbuilding and metal industries3 its real meaning and use is to forward the aggressive political policy imposed upon the nation by the economic needs of the financial capitalists4 ,it should be clearly understood that this constant pressure to extend the area of markets is not a necessary implication of all forms of organized industry4 ,if competition was displaced by combinations of a genuinely cooperative character in which the whole gain of improved economies passed1 either to the workers in wages1 or to large bodies of investors in dividends1 the expansion of demand in the home markets would be so great as to give full employment to the productive powers of concentrated capital1 and there would be no self-accumulating masses of profit expressing themselves in new credit and demanding external employment4 ,it is the monopoly'' profits of trusts and combines1 taken either in construction1 financial operation1 or industrial working1 that form a gathering fund of self-accumulating credit whose possession by the financial class implies a contracted demand for commodities and a correspondingly restricted employment for capital in ,american industries4 ,within certain limits relief can be found by stimulation of the export trade under cover of a high protective tariff which forbids all interference with monopoly of the home markets4 ,but it is extremely difficult for trusts adapted to the requirements of a profitable tied market at home to adjust their methods of free competition in the world markets upon a profitable basis of steady trading4 ,moreover1 such a mode of expansion is only appropriate to certain manufacturing trusts3 the owners of railroad1 financial and other trusts must look always more to foreign investments for their surplus profits4 ,this ever-growing need for fresh fields of investment for their profits is the great crux of the financial system1 and threatens to dominate the future economics and the politics of the great ,republic4 ,the financial economy of ,american capitalism exhibits in more dramatic shape a tendency common to the finance of all developed industrial nations4 ,the large1 easy flow of capital from ,great ,britain1 ,germany1 ,austria1 ,france1 etc41 into ,south ,african or ,australian mines1 into ,egyptian bonds1 or the precarious securities of ,south ,american republics1 attests the same general pressure which increases with every development of financial machinery and the more profitable control of that machinery by the class of professional financiers ,the kind of way in which such conditions tend toward war might have been illustrated1 if ,mr4 ,hobson had been writing at a later date1 by various more recent cases4 ,a higher rate of interest is obtainable on enterprises in an undeveloped country than in a developed one1 provided the risks connected with an unsettled government can be minimized4 ,to minimize these risks the financiers call in the assistance of the military and naval forces of the country which they are momentarily asserting to be theirs4 ,in order to have the support of public opinion in this demand they have recourse to the power of the ,press4 ,the ,press is the second great factor to which critics of capitalism point when they wish to prove that capitalism is the source of modern war4 ,since the running of a big newspaper requires a large capital1 the proprietors of important organs necessarily belong to the capitalist class1 and it will be a rare and exceptional event if they do not sympathize with their own class in opinion and outlook4 ,they are able to decide what news the great mass of newspaper readers shall be allowed to have4 ,they can actually falsify the news1 or1 without going so far as that1 they can carefully select it1 giving such items as will stimulate the passions which they desire to stimulate1 and suppressing such items as would provide the antidote4 ,in this way the picture of the world in the mind of the average newspaper reader is made to be not a true picture1 but in the main that which suits the interests of capitalists4 ,this is true in many directions1 but above all in what con- cerns the relations between nations4 ,the mass of the population of a country can be led to love or hate any other country at the will of the newspaper proprietors1 which is often1 directly or indirectly1 influenced by the will of the great financiers4 ,so long as enmity between ,england and ,russia was desired1 our newspapers were full of the cruel treatment meted out to ,russian political prisoners1 the oppression of ,finland and ,russian ,poland1 and other such topics4 ,as soon as our foreign policy changed1 these items disappeared from the more important newspapers1 and we heard instead of the misdeeds of ,germany4 ,most men are not sufficiently critical to be on their guard against such influences1 and until they are1 the power of the ,press will remain4 ,besides these two influences of capitalism in promoting war1 there is another1 much less emphasized by the critics of capitalism1 but by no means less important3 ,i mean the pugnacity which tends to be developed in men who have the habit of command4 ,so long as capitalist society persists1 an undue measure of power will be in the hands of those who have acquired wealth and influence through a great position in industry or finance4 ,such men are in the habit1 in private life1 of finding their will seldom questioned2 they are surrounded by obsequious satellites and are not infrequently engaged in conflicts with ,trade ,unions4 ,among their friends and acquaintances are included those who hold high positions in government or administration1 and these men equally are liable to become autocratic through the habit of giving orders4 ,it used to be customary to speak of the governing classes1'' but nominal democracy has caused this phrase to go out of fashion4 ,nevertheless1 it still retains much truth2 there are still in any capitalist community those who command and those who as a rule obey4 ,the outlook of these two classes is very different1 though in a modern society there is a continuous gradation from the extreme of the one to the extreme of the other4 ,the man who is accustomed to find submission to his will becomes indignant on the occasions when he finds opposition4 ,instinctively he is convinced that opposition is wicked and must be crushed4 ,he is therefore much more willing than the average citizen to resort to war against his rivals4 ,accordingly we find1 though1 of course1 with very notable exceptions1 that in the main those who have most power are most warlike1 and those who have least power are least disposed to hatred of foreign nations4 ,this is one of the evils inseparable from the concentration of power4 ,it will only be cured by the abolition of capitalism if the new system is one which allows very much less power to single individuals4 ,it will not be cured by a system which substitutes the power of ,ministers or officials for the power of capitalists ,this is one reason1 additional to those mentioned in the preceding chapter1 for desiring to see a diminution in the authority of the ,state4 ,not only does the concentration of power tend to cause wars1 but1 equally1 wars and the fear of them bring about the necessity for the concentration of power4 ,so long as the community is exposed to sudden dangers1 the possibility of quick decision is absolutely necessary to self-preservation4 ,the cumbrous machinery of deliberative decisions by the people is impossible in a crisis1 and therefore so long as crises are likely to occur1 it is impossible to abolish the almost autocratic power of governments4 ,in this case1 as in most others1 each of two correlative evils tends to perpetuate the other4 ,the existence of men with the habit of power increases the risk of war1 and the risk of war makes it impossible to establish a system where no man possesses great power4 ,so far we have been considering what is true in the contention that capitalism causes modern wars4 ,it is time now to look at the other side1 and to ask ourselves whether the abolition of capitalism would1 by itself1 be sufficient to prevent war4 ,i do not myself believe that this is the case4 ,the outlook of both ,socialists and ,anarchists seems to me1 in this respect as in some others1 to be unduly divorced from the fundamental instincts of human nature4 ,there were wars before there was capital- ism1 and fighting is habitual among animals4 ,the power of the ,press in promoting war is entirely due to the fact that it is able to appeal to certain instincts4 ,man is naturally competitive1 acquisitive1 and1 in a greater or less degree1 pugnacious4 ,when the ,press tells him that so-and-so is his enemy1 a whole set of instincts in him responds to the suggestion4 ,it is natural to most men to suppose that they have enemies and to find a certain fulfillment of their nature when they embark upon a contest4 ,what a man believes upon grossly insufficient evidence is an index to his desires--desires of which he himself is often unconscious4 ,if a man is offered a fact which goes against his instincts1 he will scrutinize it closely1 and unless the evidence is overwhelming1 he will refuse to believe it4 ,if1 on the other hand1 he is offered something which affords a reason for acting in accordance with his instincts1 he will accept it even on the slenderest evidence4 ,the origin of myths is explained in this way1 and much of what is currently believed in international affairs is no better than myth4 ,although capitalism affords in modern society the channel by which the instinct of pugnacity finds its outlet1 there is reason to fear that1 if this channel were closed1 some other would be found1 unless education and environment were so changed as enormously to diminish the strength of the competitive instinct4 ,if an economic reorganization can effect this it may pro- vide a real safeguard against war1 but if not1 it is to be feared that the hopes of universal peace will prove delusive4 ,the abolition of capitalism might1 and very likely would1 greatly diminish the incentives to war which are derived from the ,press and from the desire of finance to find new fields for investment in undeveloped countries1 but those which are derived from the instinct of command and the impatience of opposition might remain1 though perhaps in a less virulent form than at present4 ,a democracy which has power is almost always more bellicose than one which is excluded from its due share in the government4 ,the internationalism of ,marx is based upon the assumption that the proletariat everywhere are oppressed by the ruling classes4 ,the last words of the ,communist ,manifesto embody this idea-- ,let the ruling classes tremble at a ,communistic revolution4 ,the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains4 ,they have a world to win4 ,working men of all countries1 unite6 ,so long as the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains1 it is not likely that their enmity will be directed against other proletarians4 ,if the world had developed as ,marx expected1 the kind of internationalism which he foresaw might have inspired a universal social revolution4 ,russia1 which devel- oped more nearly than any other country upon the lines of his system1 has had a revolution of the kind which he expected4 ,if the development in other countries had been similar1 it is highly probable that this revolution would have spread throughout the civilized world4 ,the proletariat of all countries might have united against the capitalists as their common enemy1 and in the bond of an identical hatred they might for the moment have been free from hatred toward each other4 ,even then1 this ground of union would have ceased with their victory1 and on the morrow of the social revolution the old national rivalries might have revived4 ,there is no alchemy by which a universal harmony can be produced out of hatred4 ,those who have been inspired to action by the doctrine of the class war will have acquired the habit of hatred1 and will instinctively seek new enemies when the old ones have been vanquished4 ,but in actual fact the psychology of the working man in any of the ,western democracies is totally unlike that which is assumed in the ,communist ,manifesto4 ,he does not by any means feel that he has nothing to lose but his chains1 nor indeed is this true4 ,the chains which bind ,asia and ,africa in subjection to ,europe are partly riveted by him4 ,he is himself part of a great system of tyranny and exploitation4 ,universal freedom would remove1 not only his own chains1 which are comparatively light1 but the far heavier chains which he has helped to fasten upon the subject races of the world4 ,not only do the working men of a country like ,england have a share in the benefit accruing from the exploitation of inferior races1 but many among them also have their part in the capitalist system4 ,the funds of ,trade ,unions and ,friendly ,societies are invested in ordinary undertakings1 such as railways2 many of the better-paid wage-earners have put their savings into government securities2 and almost all who are politically active feel themselves part of the forces that determine public policy1 through the power of the ,labor ,party and the greater unions4 ,owing to these causes their outlook on life has become to a considerable extent impregnated with capitalism and as their sense of power has grown1 their nationalism has increased4 ,this must continue to be true of any internationalism which is based upon hatred of the capitalist and adherence to the doctrine of the class war4 ,something more positive and constructive than this is needed if governing democracies are not to inherit the vices of governing classes in the past4 ,i do not wish to be thought to deny that capitalism does very much to promote wars1 or that wars would probably be less frequent and less destructive if private property were abolished4 ,on the contrary1 ,i believe that the abolition of private ownership of land and capital is a necessary step toward any world in which the nations are to live at peace with one another4 ,i am only arguing that this step1 necessary as it is1 will not alone suffice for this end1 but that among the causes of war there are others that go deeper into the roots of human nature than any that orthodox ,socialists are wont to acknowledge4 ,let us take an instance4 ,in ,australia and ,california there is an intense dislike and fear toward the yellow races4 ,the causes of this are complex2 the chief among them are two1 labor competition and instinctive race-hatred4 ,it is probable that1 if race- hatred did not exist1 the difficulties of labor competition could be overcome4 ,european immigrants also compete1 but they are not excluded4 ,in a sparsely populated country1 industrious cheap labor could1 with a little care1 be so utilized as to enrich the existing inhabitants2 it might1 for example1 be confined to certain kinds of work1 by custom if not by law4 ,but race-hatred opens men's minds to the evils of competition and closes them against the advantages of co-operation2 it makes them regard with horror the somewhat unfamiliar vices of the aliens1 while our own vices are viewed with mild toleration4 ,i cannot but think that1 if ,australia were completely socialized1 there would still remain the same popular objection as at present to any large influx of ,chinese or ,japanese labor4 ,yet if ,japan also were to become a ,socialist ,state1 the ,japanese might well continue to feel the pressure of population and the desire for an outlet4 ,in such circumstances1 all the passions and interests required to produce a war would exist1 in spite of the establishment of ,socialism in both countries4 ,ants are as completely ,socialistic as any community can possibly be1 yet they put to death any ant which strays among them by mistake from a neighboring ant-heap4 ,men do not differ much from ants1 as regards their instincts in this respect1 where- ever there is a great divergence of race1 as between white men and yellow men4 ,of course the instinct of race-hostility can be overcome by suitable circumstances2 but in the absence of such circumstances it remains a formidable menace to the world's peace4 ,if the peace of the world is ever to become secure1 ,i believe there will have to be1 along with other changes1 a development of the idea which inspires the project of a ,league of ,nations4 ,as time goes on1 the destructiveness of war grows greater and its profits grow less3 the rational argument against war acquires more and more force as the increasing productivity of labor makes it possible to devote a greater and greater proportion of the population to the work of mutual slaughter4 ,in quiet times1 or when a great war has just ended1 men's moods are amenable to the rational grounds in favor of peace1 and it is possible to inaugurate schemes designed to make wars less frequent4 ,probably no civilized nation would embark upon an aggressive war if it were fairly certain in advance that the aggressor must be defeated4 ,this could be achieved if most great nations came to regard the peace of the world as of such importance that they would side against an aggressor even in a quarrel in which they had no direct interest4 ,it is on this hope that the ,league of ,nations is based4 ,but the ,league of ,nations1 like the abolition of private property1 will be by no means sufficient if it is not accompanied or quickly followed by other reforms4 ,it is clear that such reforms1 if they are to be effective1 must be international2 the world must move as a whole in these matters1 if it is to move at all4 ,one of the most obvious necessities1 if peace is to be secure1 is a measure of disarmament4 ,so long as the present vast armies and navies exist1 no system can prevent the risk of war4 ,but disarmament1 if it is to serve its purpose1 must be simultaneous and by mutual agreement among all the ,great ,powers4 ,and it is not likely to be successful so long as hatred and suspicion rule between nations1 for each nation will suspect its neighbor of not carrying out the bargain fairly4 ,a different mental and moral atmosphere from that to which we are accustomed in international affairs will be necessary if agreements between nations are to succeed in averting catastrophes4 ,if once such an atmosphere existed it might be perpetuated and strengthened by wise institutions2 but it cannot be ,,created by institutions alone4 ,international co-operation requires mutual good will1 and good will1 however it has arisen1 is only to be ,,preserved by co-operation4 ,the international future depends upon the possibility of the initial creation of good will between nations4 ,it is in this sort of matter that revolutions are most useful4 ,if the ,russian ,revolution had been accompanied by a revolution in ,germany1 the dramatic suddenness of the change might have shaken ,europe1 for the moment1 out of its habits of thought3 the idea of fraternity might have seemed1 in the twinkling of an eye1 to have entered the world of practical politics2 and no idea is so practical as the idea of the brotherhood of man1 if only people can be startled into believing in it4 ,if once the idea of fraternity between nations were inaugurated with the faith and vigor belonging to a new revolution1 all the difficulties surrounding it would melt away1 for all of them are due to suspicion and the tyranny of ancient prejudice4 ,those who 7as is common in the ,english-speaking world7 reject revolution as a method1 and praise the gradual piecemeal development which 7we are told7 constitutes solid progress1 overlook the effect of dramatic events in changing the mood and the beliefs of whole populations4 ,a simultaneous revolution in ,germany and ,russia would no doubt have had such an effect1 and would have made the creation of a new world possible here and now4 ,dis aliter visum3 the millennium is not for our time4 ,the great moment has passed1 and for ourselves it is again the distant hope that must inspire us1 not the immediate breathless looking for the deliverance4#ef ,but we have seen what might have been1 and we know that great possibilities do arise in times of crisis4 ,in some such sense as this1 it may well be true that the ,socialist revolution is the road to universal peace1 and that when it has been traversed all the other conditions for the cessation of wars will grow of themselves out of the changed mental and moral atmosphere4 #ef ,this was written in ,march1 #aiah1 almost the darkest moment of the war4 ,there is a certain class of difficulties which surrounds the sober idealist in all speculations about the not too distant future4 ,these are the cases where the solution believed by most idealists to be universally applicable is for some reason impossible1 and is1 at the same time1 objected to for base or interested motives by all upholders of existing inequalities4 ,the case of ,tropical ,africa will illustrate what ,i mean4 ,it would be difficult seriously to advocate the immediate introduction of parliamentary government for the natives of this part of the world1 even if it were accompanied by women's suffrage and proportional representation4 ,so far as ,i know1 no one supposes the populations of these regions capable of self- determination1 except ,mr4 ,lloyd ,george4 ,there can be no doubt that1 whatever regime may be introduced in ,europe1 ,african negroes will for a long time to come be governed and exploited by ,europeans4 ,if the ,european ,states became ,socialistic1 and refused1 under a ,quixotic impulse1 to enrich themselves at the expense of the defenseless inhabitants of ,africa1 those inhabitants would not thereby gain2 on the contrary1 they would lose1 for they would be handed over to the tender mercies of individual traders1 operating with armies of reprobate bravos1 and committing every atrocity to which the civilized barbarian is prone4 ,the ,european governments cannot divest themselves of responsibility in regard to ,africa4 ,they must govern there1 and the best that can be hoped is that they should govern with a minimum of cruelty and rapacity4 ,from the point of view of preserving the peace of the world1 the problem is to parcel out the advantages which white men derive from their position in ,africa in such a way that no nation shall feel a sense of injustice4 ,this problem is comparatively simple1 and might no doubt be solved on the lines of the war aims of the ,inter-,allied ,socialists4 ,but it is not this problem which ,i wish to discuss4 ,what ,i wish to consider is1 how could a ,socialist or an ,anarchist community govern and administer an ,african region1 full of natural wealth1 but inhabited by a quite uncivilized population8 ,unless great precautions were taken the white community1 under the circumstances1 would acquire the position and the instincts of a slave-owner4 ,it would tend to keep the negroes down to the bare level of subsistence1 while using the produce of their country to increase the comfort and splendor of the ,communist community4 ,it would do this with that careful unconsciousness which now characterizes all the worst acts of nations4 ,administrators would be appointed and would be expected to keep silence as to their methods4 ,busybodies who reported horrors would be disbelieved1 and would be said to be actuated by hatred toward the existing regime and by a perverse love for every country but their own4 ,no doubt1 in the first generous enthusiasm accompanying the establishment of the new regime at home1 there would be every intention of making the natives happy1 but gradually they would be forgotten1 and only the tribute coming from their country would be remembered4 ,i do not say that all these evils are unavoidable2 ,i say only that they will not be avoided unless they are foreseen and a deliberate conscious effort is made to prevent their realization4 ,if the white communities should ever reach the point of wishing to carry out as far as possible the principles underlying the revolt against capitalism1 they will have to find a way of establishing an absolute disinterestedness in their dealings with subject races4 ,it will be necessary to avoid the faintest suggestion of capitalistic profit in the government of ,africa1 and to spend in the countries themselves whatever they would be able to spend if they were self-governing4 ,moreover1 it must always be remembered that backwardness in civilization is not necessarily incurable1 and that with time even the populations of ,central ,africa may become capable of democratic self-government1 provided ,europeans bend their energies to this purpose4 ,the problem of ,africa is1 of course1 a part of the wider problems of ,imperialism1 but it is that part in which the application of ,socialist principles is most difficult4 ,in regard to ,asia1 and more particularly in regard to ,india and ,persia1 the application of principles is clear in theory though difficult in political practice4 ,the obstacles to self-government which exist in ,africa do not exist in the same measure in ,asia4 ,what stands in the way of freedom of ,asiatic populations is not their lack of intelligence1 but only their lack of military prowess1 which makes them an easy prey to our lust for dominion4 ,this lust would probably be in temporary abeyance on the morrow of a ,socialist revolution1 and at such a moment a new departure in ,asiatic policy might be taken with permanently beneficial results4 ,i do not mean1 of course1 that we should force upon ,india that form of democratic government which we have developed for our own needs4 ,i mean rather that we should leave ,india to choose its own form of government1 its own manner of education and its own type of civilization4 ,india has an ancient tradition1 very different from that of ,western ,europe1 a tradition highly valued by educated ,hindoos1 but not loved by our schools and colleges4 ,the ,hindoo ,nationalist feels that his country has a type of culture containing elements of value that are absent1 or much less marked1 in the ,west2 he wishes to be free to preserve this1 and desires political freedom for such reasons rather than for those that would most naturally appeal to an ,englishman in the same subject position4 ,the belief of the ,european in his own ,kultur tends to be fanatical and ruthless1 and for this reason1 as much as for any other1 the independence of extra-,european civilization is of real importance to the world1 for it is not by a dead uniformity that the world as a whole is most enriched4 ,i have set forth strongly all the major difficulties in the way of the preservation of the world's peace1 not because ,i believe these difficulties to be insuperable1 but1 on the contrary1 because ,i believe that they can be overcome if they are recognized4 ,a correct diagnosis is necessarily the first step toward a cure4 ,the existing evils in international relations spring1 at bottom1 from psychological causes1 from motives forming part of human nature as it is at present4 ,among these the chief are competitiveness1 love of power1 and envy1 using envy in that broad sense in which it includes the instinctive dislike of any gain to others not accompanied by an at least equal gain to ourselves4 ,the evils arising from these three causes can be removed by a better education and a better economic and political system4 ,competitiveness is by no means wholly an evil4 ,when it takes the form of emulation in the service of the public1 or in discovery or the production of works of art1 it may become a very useful stimulus1 urging men to profitable effort beyond what they would otherwise make4 ,it is only harmful when it aims at the acquisition of goods which are limited in amount1 so that what one man possesses he holds at the expense of another4 ,when competitiveness takes this form it is necessarily attended by fear1 and out of fear cruelty is almost inevitably developed4 ,but a social system providing for a more just distribution of material goods might close to the instinct of competitiveness those channels in which it is harmful1 and cause it to flow instead in channels in which it would become a benefit to mankind4 ,this is one great reason why the communal ownership of land and capital would be likely to have a beneficial effect upon human nature1 for human nature1 as it exists in adult men and women1 is by no means a fixed datum1 but a product of circumstances1 education and opportunity operating upon a highly malleable native disposition4 ,what is true of competitiveness is equally true of love of power4 ,power1 in the form in which it is now usually sought1 is power of command1 power of imposing one's will upon others by force1 open or concealed4 ,this form of power consists1 in essence1 in thwarting others1 for it is only displayed when others are compelled to do what they do not wish to do4 ,such power1 we hope1 the social system which is to supersede capitalist will reduce to a minimum by the methods which we outlined in the preceding chapter4 ,these methods can be applied in international no less than in national affairs4 ,in international affairs the same formula of federalism will apply3 self- determination for every group in regard to matters which concern it much more vitally than they concern others1 and government by a neutral authority embracing rival groups in all matters in which conflicting interests of groups come into play2 lout always with the fixed principle that the functions of government are to be reduced to the bare minimum compatible with justice and the prevention of private violence4 ,in such a world the present harmful outlets for the love of power would be closed4 ,but the power which consists in persuasion1 in teaching1 in leading men to a new wisdom or the realization of new possibilities of happiness--this kind of power1 which may be wholly beneficial1 would remain untouched1 and many vigorous men1 who in the actual world devote their energies to domination1 would in such a world find their energies directed to the creation of new goods rather than the perpetuation of ancient evils4 ,envy1 the third of the psychological causes to which we attributed what is bad in the actual world1 depends in most natures upon that kind of fundamental discontent which springs from a lack of free development1 from thwarted instinct1 and from the impossibility of realizing an imagined happiness4 ,envy cannot be cured by preaching2 preaching1 at the best1 will only alter its manifestations and lead it to adopt more subtle forms of concealment4 ,except in those rare natures in which generosity dominates in spite of circumstances1 the only cure for envy is freedom and the joy of life4 ,from populations largely deprived of the simple instinctive pleasures of leisure and love1 sunshine and green fields1 generosity of outlook and kindliness of dispositions are hardly to be expected4 ,in such populations these qualities are not likely to be found1 even among the fortunate few1 for these few are aware1 however dimly1 that they are profiting by an injustice1 and that they can only continue to enjoy their good fortune by deliberately ignoring those with whom it is not shared4 ,if generosity and kindliness are to be common1 there must be more care than there is at present for the elementary wants of human nature1 and more realization that the diffusion of happiness among all who are not the victims of some peculiar misfortune is both possible and imperative4 ,a world full of happiness would not wish to plunge into war1 and would not be filled with that grudging hostility which our cramped and narrow existence forces upon average human nature4 ,a world full of happiness is not beyond human power to create2 the obstacles imposed by inanimate nature are not insuperable4 ,the real obstacles lie in the heart of man1 and the cure for these is a firm hope1 informed and fortified by thought4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,science ,,and ,,art ,,under ,,socialism ,,socialism has been advocated by most of its champions chiefly as a means of increasing the welfare of the wage earning classes1 and more particularly their material welfare4 ,it has seemed accordingly1 to some men whose aims are not material1 as if it has nothing to offer toward the general advancement of civilization in the way of art and thought4 ,some of its advocates1 moreover--and among these ,marx must be included--have written1 no doubt not deliberately1 as if with the ,socialist revolution the millennium would have arrived1 and there would be no need of further progress for the human race4 ,i do not know whether our age is more restless than that which preceded it1 or whether it has merely become more impregnated with the idea of evolution1 but1 for whatever reason1 we have grown incapable of believing in a state of static perfection1 and we demand1 of any social system1 which is to have our approval1 that it shall contain within itself a stimulus and opportunity for progress toward something still better4 ,the doubts thus raised by ,socialist writers make it necessary to inquire whether ,socialism would in fact be hostile to art and science1 and whether it would be likely to produce a stereotyped society in which progress would become difficult and slow4 ,it is not enough that men and women should be made comfortable in a material sense4 ,many members of the well-to-do classes at present1 in spite of opportunity1 contribute nothing of value to the life of the world1 and do not even succeed in securing for themselves any personal happiness worthy to be so called4 ,the multiplication of such individuals would be an achievement of the very minutest value2 and if ,socialism were merely to bestow upon all the kind of life and outlook which is now enjoyed by the more apathetic among the well-to-do1 it would offer little that could inspire enthusiasm in any generous spirit4 ,the true role of collective existence1'' says ,m4 ,naquet1#eg'' 4 4 4 is to learn1 to discover1 to know4 ,eating1 drinking1 sleeping1 living1 in a word1 is a mere accessory4 ,in this respect1 we are not distinguished from the brute4 ,knowledge is the goal4 ,if ,i were condemned to choose between a humanity materially happy1 glutted after the manner of a flock of sheep in a field1 and a humanity existing in misery1 but from which emanated1 here and there1 some eternal truth1 it is on the latter that my choice would fall4'' #eg ,l',anarchie et le ,collectivisme1'' p4 #aad4 ,this statement puts the alternative in a very extreme form in which it is somewhat unreal4 ,it may be said in reply that for those who have had the leisure and the opportunity to enjoy eternal truths'' it is easy to exalt their importance at the expense of sufferings which fall on others4 ,this is true2 but1 if it is taken as disposing of the question1 it leaves out of account the importance of thought for progress4 ,viewing the life of mankind as a whole1 in the future as well as in the present1 there can be no question that a society in which some men pursue knowledge while others endure great poverty offers more hope of ultimate good than a society in which all are sunk in slothful comfort4 ,it is true that poverty is a great evil1 but it is not true that material prosperity is in itself a great good4 ,if it is to have any real value to society1 it must be made a means to the advancement of those higher goods that belong to the life of the mind4 ,but the life of the mind does not consist of thought and knowledge alone1 nor can it be completely healthy unless it has some instinctive contact1 however deeply buried1 with the general life of the community4 ,divorced from the social instinct1 thought1 like art1 tends to become finicky and precious4 ,it is the position of such art and thought as is imbued with the instinctive sense of service to mankind that we wish to consider1 for it is this alone that makes up the life of the mind in the sense in which it is a vital part of the life of the community4 ,will the life of the mind in this sense be helped or hindered by ,socialism8 ,and will there still be a sufficient spur to progress to prevent a condition of ,byzantine immobility8 ,in considering this question we are1 in a certain sense1 passing outside the atmosphere of democracy4 ,the general good of the community is realized only in individuals1 but it is realized much more fully in some individuals than in others4 ,some men have a comprehensive and penetrating intellect1 enabling them to appreciate and remember what has been thought and known by their predecessors1 and to discover new regions in which they enjoy all the high delights of the mental explorer4 ,others have the power of creating beauty1 giving bodily form to impalpable visions out of which joy comes to many4 ,such men are more fortunate than the mass1 and also more important for the collective life4 ,a larger share of the general sum of good is concentrated in them than in the ordinary man and woman2 but also their contribution to the general good is greater4 ,they stand out among men and cannot be wholly fitted into the framework of democratic equality4 ,a social system which would render them unproductive would stand condemned1 whatever other merits it might have4 ,the first thing to realize--though it is difficult in a commercial age--is that what is best in creative mental activity cannot be produced by any system of monetary rewards4 ,opportunity and the stimulus of an invigorating spiritual atmosphere are important1 but1 if they are presented1 no financial inducements will be required1 while if they are absent1 material compensations will be of no avail4 ,recognition1 even if it takes the form of money1 can bring a certain pleasure in old age to the man of science who has battled all his life against academic prejudice1 or to the artist who has endured years of ridicule for not painting in the manner of his predecessors2 but it is not by the remote hope of such pleasures that their work has been inspired4 ,all the most important work springs from an uncalculating impulse1 and is best promoted1 not by rewards after the event1 but by circumstances which keep the impulse alive and afford scope for the activities which it inspires4 ,in the creation of such circumstances our present system is much at fault4 ,will ,socialism be better8 ,i do not think this question can be answered without specifying the kind of ,socialism that is intended3 some forms of ,socialism would1 ,i believe1 be even more destructive in this respect than the present capitalist regime1 while others would be immeasurably better4 ,three things which a social system can provide or withhold are helpful to mental creation3 first1 technical training2 second1 liberty to follow the creative impulse2 third1 at least the possibility of ultimate appreciation by some public1 whether large or small4 ,we may leave out of our discussion both individual genius and those intangible conditions which make some ages great and others sterile in art and science--not because these are unimportant1 but because they are too little understood to be taken account of in economic or political organization4 ,the three conditions we have mentioned seem to cover most of what can be ,,seen to be useful or harmful from our present point of view1 and it is therefore to them that we shall confine ourselves4 #a4 ,technical ,training4--,technical training at present1 whether in science or art1 requires one or other of two conditions4 ,either a boy must be the son of well-to-do parents who can afford to keep him while he acquires his education1 or he must show so much ability at an early age as to enable him to subsist on scholarships until he is ready to earn his living4 ,the former condition is1 of course1 a mere matter of luck1 and could not be preserved in its present form under any kind of ,socialism or ,communism4 ,this loss is emphasized by defenders of the present system1 and no doubt it would be1 to same extent1 a real loss4 ,but the well-to-do are a small proportion of the population1 and presumably on the average no more talented by nature than their less fortunate contemporaries4 ,if the advantages which are enjoyed now by those few among them who are capable of good work in science or art could be extended1 even in a slightly attenuated form1 to all who are similarly gifted1 the result would almost infallibly be a gain1 and much ability which is now wasted would be rendered fruitful4 ,but how is this to be effected8 ,the system of scholarships obtained by competition1 though better than nothing1 is objectionable from many points of view4 ,it introduces the competitive spirit into the work of the very young2 it makes them regard knowledge from the standpoint of what is useful in examinations rather than in the light of its intrinsic interest or importance2 it places a premium upon that sort of ability which is displayed precociously in glib answers to set questions rather than upon the kind that broods on difficulties and remains for a time rather dumb4 ,what is perhaps worse than any of these defects is the tendency to cause overwork in youth1 leading to lack of vigor and interest when manhood has been reached4 ,it can hardly be doubted that by this cause1 at present1 many fine minds have their edge blunted and their keenness destroyed4 ,state ,socialism might easily universalize the system of scholarships obtained by competitive examination1 and if it did so it is to he feared that it would be very harmful4 ,state ,socialists at present tend to be enamored of the systems which is exactly of the kind that every bureaucrat loves3 orderly1 neat1 giving a stimulus to industrious habits1 and involving no waste of a sort that could be tabulated in statistics or accounts of public expenditure4 ,such men will argue that free higher education is expensive to the community1 and only useful in the case of those who have exceptional abilities2 it ought1 therefore1 they will say1 not to be given to all1 but only to those who will become more useful members of society through receiving it4 ,such arguments make a great appeal to what are called practical'' men1 and the answers to them are of a sort which it is difficult to render widely convincing4 ,revolt against the evils of competition is1 however1 part of the very essence of the ,socialist's protest against the existing order1 and on this ground1 if on no other1 those who favor ,socialism may be summoned to look for some better solution4 ,much the simplest solution1 and the only really effective one1 is to make every kind of education free up to the age of twenty-one for all boys and girls who desire it4 ,the majority will be tired of education before that age1 and will prefer to begin other work sooner2 this will lead to a natural selection of those with strong interests in some pursuit requiring a long training4 ,among those selected in this way by their own inclinations1 probably almost all tho have marked abilities of the kind in question will be included4 ,it is true that there will also be many who have very little ability2 the desire to become a painter1 for example1 is by no means confined to those who can paint4 ,but this degree of waste could well be borne by the community2 it would be immeasurably less than that now entailed by the support of the idle rich4 ,any system which aims at avoiding this kind of waste must entail the far more serious waste of rejecting or spoiling some of the best ability in each generation4 ,the system of free education up to any grade for all who desire it is the only system which is consistent with the principles of liberty1 and the only one which gives a reasonable hope of affording full scope for talent4 ,this system is equally compatible with all forms of ,socialism and ,anarchism4 ,theoretically1 it is compatible with capitalism1 but practically it is so opposite in spirit that it would hardly be feasible without a complete economic reconstruction4 ,the fact that ,socialism would facilitate it must be reckoned a very powerful argument in favor of change1 for the waste of talent at present in the poorer classes of society must be stupendous4 #b4 ,liberty to follow the creative impulse4-- ,when a man's training has been completed1 if he is possessed of really great abilities1 he will do his best work if he is completely free to follow his bent1 creating what seems good to him1 regardless of the judgment of experts4'' ,at present this is only possible for two classes of people3 those who have private means1 and those who can earn a living by an occupation that does not absorb their whole energies4 ,under ,socialism1 there will be no one with private means1 and if there is to be no loss as regards art and science1 the opportunity which now comes by accident to a few will have to be provided deliberately for a much larger number4 ,the men who have used private means as an opportunity for creative work have been few but important3 one might mention ,milton1 ,shelley1 ,keats and ,darwin as examples4 ,probably none of these would have produced as good work if they had had to earn their livelihood4 ,if ,darwin had been a university teacher1 he would of course have been dismissed from his post by the influence of the clerics on account of his scandalous theories4 ,nevertheless1 the bulk of the creative work of the world is done at present by men who subsist by some other occupation4 ,science1 and research generally1 are usually done in their spare time by men who live by teaching4 ,there is no great objection to this in the case of science1 provided the number of hours devoted to teaching is not excessive4 ,it is partly because science and teaching are so easily combined that science is vigorous in the present age4 ,in music1 a composer who is also a performer enjoys similar advantages1 but one who is not a performer must starve1 unless he is rich or willing to pander to the public taste4 ,in the fine arts1 as a rule1 it is not easy in the modern world either to make a living by really good work or to find a subsidiary profession which leaves enough leisure for creation4 ,this is presumably one reason1 though by no means the only one1 why art is less flourishing than science4 ,the bureaucratic ,state ,socialist will have a simple solution for these difficulties4 ,he will appoint a body consisting of the most eminent celebrities in an art or a science1 whose business it shall be to judge the work of young men1 and to issue licenses to those whose productions find favor in their eyes4 ,a licensed artist shall be considered to have performed his duty to the community by producing works of art4 ,but of course he will have to prove his industry by never failing to produce in reasonable quantities1 and his continued ability by never failing to please his eminent judges--until1 in the fulness of time1 he becomes a judge himself4 ,in this way1 the authorities will insure that the artist shall be competent1 regular1 and obedient to the best traditions of his art4 ,those who fail to fulfil these conditions will be compelled by the withdrawal of their license to seek some less dubious mode of earning their living4 ,such will be the ideal of the ,state ,socialist4 ,in such a world all that makes life tolerable to the lover of beauty would perish4 ,art springs from a wild and anarchic side of human nature2 between the artist and the bureaucrat there must always be a profound mutual antagonism1 an age-long battle in which the artist1 always outwardly worsted1 wins in the end through the gratitude of mankind for the joy that he puts into their lives4 ,if the wild side of human nature is to be permanently subjected to the orderly rules of the benevolent1 uncomprehending bureaucrat1 the joy of life will perish out of the earth1 and the very impulse to live will gradually wither and die4 ,better a thousandfold the present world with all its horrors than such a dead mummy of a world4 ,better ,anarchism1 with all its risks1 than a ,state ,socialism that subjects to rule what must be spontaneous and free if it is to have any value4 ,it is this nightmare that makes artists1 and lovers of beauty generally1 so often suspicious of ,socialism4 ,but there is nothing in the essence of ,socialism to make art impossible3 only certain forms of ,socialism would entail this danger4 ,william ,morris was a ,socialist1 and was a ,socialist very largely because he was an artist4 ,and in this he was not irrational4 ,it is impossible for art1 or any of the higher creative activities1 to flourish under any system which requires that the artist shall prove his competence to some body of authorities before he is allowed to follow his impulse4 ,any really great artist is almost sure to be thought incompetent by those among his seniors who would be generally regarded as best qualified to form an opinion4 ,and the mere fact of having to produce work which will please older men is hostile to a free spirit and to bold innovation4 ,apart from this difficulty1 selection by older men would lead to jealousy and intrigue and back-biting1 producing a poisonous atmosphere of underground competition4 ,the only effect of such a plan would be to eliminate the few who now slip through owing to some fortunate accident4 ,it is not by any system1 but by freedom alone1 that art can flourish4 ,there are two ways by which the artist could secure freedom under ,socialism of the right kind4 ,he might undertake regular work outside his art1 doing only a few hours' work a day and receiving proportionately less pay than those who do a full day's work4 ,he ought1 in that case1 to be at liberty to sell his pictures if he could find purchasers4 ,such a system would have many advantages4 ,it would leave absolutely every man free to become an artist1 provided he were willing to suffer a certain economic loss4 ,this would not deter those in whom the impulse was strong and genuine1 but would tend to exclude the dilettante4 ,many young artists at present endure voluntarily much greater poverty than need be entailed by only doing half the usual day's work in a well-organized ,socialist community2 and some degree of hardship is not objectionable1 as a test of the strength of the creative impulse1 and as an offset to the peculiar joys of the creative life4 ,the other possibility#eh would be that the necessaries of life should be free1 as ,anarchists desire1 to all equally1 regardless of whether they work or not4 ,under this plan1 every man could live without work3 there would be what might be called a vagabond's wage1'' sufficient for existence but not for luxury4 ,the artist who preferred to have his whole time for art and enjoyment might live on the vagabond's wage''--traveling on foot when the humor seized him to see foreign countries1 enjoying the air and the sun1 as free as the birds1 and perhaps scarcely less happy4 ,such men would bring color and diversity into the life of the community2 their outlook would be different from that of steady1 stay-at-home workers1 and would keep alive a much-needed element of light- heartedness which our sober1 serious civilization tends to kill4 ,if they became very numerous1 they might be too great an economic burden on the workers2 but ,i doubt if there are many with enough capacity for simple enjoyments to choose poverty and free- dom in preference to the comparatively light and pleasant work which will be usual in those days4 #eh ,which we discussed in ,chapter ,,iv4 ,by either of these methods1 freedom can be preserved for the artist in a socialistic commonwealth-- far more complete freedom1 and far more widespread1 than any that now exists except for the possessors of capital4 ,but there still remain some not altogether easy problems4 ,take1 for example1 the publishing of books4 ,there will not1 under ,socialism1 be private publishers as at present3 under ,state ,socialism1 presumably the ,state will be the sole publisher1 while under ,syndicalism or ,guild ,socialism the ,federation du ,livre will have the whole of the trade in its hands4 ,under these circumstances1 who is to decide what ,,mss4 are to be printed8 ,it is clear that opportunities exist for an ,index more rigorous than that of the ,inquisition4 ,if the ,state were the sole publisher1 it would doubtless refuse books opposed to ,state ,socialism4 ,if the ,federation du ,livre were the ultimate arbiter1 what publicity could be obtained for works criticising it8 ,and apart from such political difficulties we should have1 as regards literature1 that very censorship by eminent officials which we agreed to regard as disastrous when we were considering the fine arts in general4 ,the difficulty is serious1 and a way of meeting it must be found if literature is to remain free4 ,kropotkin1 who believes that manual and intellectual work should be combined1 holds that authors themselves should be compositors1 bookbinders1 etc4 ,he even seems to suggest that the whole of the manual work involved in producing books should be done by authors4 ,it may be doubted whether there are enough authors in the world for this to be possible1 and in any case ,i cannot but think that it would be a waste of time for them to leave the work they understand in order to do badly work which others could do far better and more quickly4 ,that1 however1 does not touch our present point1 which is the question how the ,,mss4 to be printed will be selected4 ,in ,kropotkin's plan there will presumably be an ,author's ,guild1 with a ,committee of ,management1 if ,anarchism allows such things4 ,this ,committee of ,management will decide which of the books submitted to it are worthy to be printed4 ,among these will be included those by the ,committee and their friends1 but not those by their enemies4 ,authors of rejected ,,mss4 will hardly have the patience to spend their time setting up the works of successful rivals1 and there will have to be an elaborate system of log-rolling if any books are to be printed at all4 ,it hardly looks as if this plan would conduce to harmony among literary men1 or would lead to the publication of any book of an unconventional tendency4 ,kropotkin's own books1 for example1 would hardly have found favor4 ,the only way of meeting these difficulties1 whether under ,state ,socialism or ,guild ,socialism or ,anarchism1 seems to be by making it possible for an author to pay for the publication of his book if it is not such as the ,state or the ,guild is willing to print at its own expense4 ,i am aware that this method is contrary to the spirit of ,socialism1 but ,i do not see what other way there is of securing freedom4 ,the payment might be made by undertaking to engage for an assigned period in some work of recognized utility and to hand over such proportion of the earnings as might be necessary4 ,the work undertaken might of course be1 as ,kropotkin suggests1 the manual part of the production of books1 but ,i see no special reason why it should be4 ,it would have to be an absolute rule that no book should be refused1 no matter what the nature of its contents might be1 if payment for publication were offered at the standard rate4 ,an author who had admirers would be able to secure their help in payment4 ,an unknown author might1 it is true1 have to suffer a considerable loss of comfort in order to make his payment1 but that would give an automatic means of eliminating those whose writing was not the result of any very profound impulse and would be by no means wholly an evil4 ,probably some similar method would be desirable as regards the publishing and performing of new music4 ,what we have been suggesting will1 no doubt1 be objected to by orthodox ,socialists1 since they will find something repugnant to their principles in the whole idea of a private person paying to have certain work done4 ,but it is a mistake to be the slave of a system1 and every system1 if it is applied rigidly1 will entail evils which could only be avoided by some concession to the exigencies of special cases4 ,on the whole1 a wise form of ,socialism might afford infinitely better opportunities for the artist and the man of science than are possible in a capitalist community1 but only if the form of ,socialism adopted is one which is fitted for this end by means of provisions such as we have been suggesting4 #c4 ,possibility of ,appreciation4--,this condition is one which is not necessary to all who do creative work1 but in the sense in which ,i mean it the great majority find it very nearly indispensable4 ,i do not mean widespread public recognition1 nor that ignorant1 half-sincere respect which is commonly accorded to artists who have achieved success4 ,neither of these serves much purpose4 ,what ,i mean is rather understanding1 and a spontaneous feeling that things of beauty are important4 ,in a thoroughly commercialized society1 an artist is respected if he makes money1 and because he makes money1 but there is no genuine respect for the works of art by which his money has been made4 ,a millionaire whose fortune has been made in button-hooks or chewing-gum is regarded with awe1 but none of this feeling is bestowed on the articles from which his wealth is derived4 ,in a society which measures all things by money the same tends to be true of the artist4 ,if he has become rich he is respected1 though of course less than the millionaire1 but his pictures or books or music are regarded as the chewing-gum or the button- hooks are regarded1 merely as a means to money4 ,in such an atmosphere it is very difficult for the artist to preserve his creative impulse pure3 either he is contaminated by his surroundings1 or he becomes embittered through lack of appreciation for the object of his endeavor4 ,it is not appreciation of the artist that is necessary so much as appreciation of the art4 ,it is difficult for an artist to live in an environment in which everything is judged by its utility1 rather than by its intrinsic quality4 ,the whole side of life of which art is the flower requires something which may be called disinterestedness1 a capacity for direct enjoyment without thought of tomorrow's problems and difficulties4 ,when people are amused by a joke they do not need to be persuaded that it will serve some important purpose4 ,the same kind of direct pleasure is involved in any genuine appreciation of art4 ,the struggle for life1 the serious work of a trade or profession1 is apt to make people too solemn for jokes and too pre-occupied for art4 ,the easing of the struggle1 the diminution in the hours of work1 and the lightening of the burden of existence1 which would result from a better economic system1 could hardly fail to increase the joy of life and the vital energy1 available for sheer delight in the world4 ,and if this were achieved there would inevitably be more spontaneous pleasure in beautiful things1 and more enjoyment of the work of artists4 ,but none of these good results are to be expected from the mere removal of poverty3 they all require also a diffused sense of freedom1 and the absence of that feeling of oppression by a vast machine which now weighs down the individual spirit4 ,i do not think ,state ,socialism can give this sense of freedom1 but some other forms of ,socialism1 which have absorbed what is true in ,anarchist teaching1 can give it to a degree of which capitalism is wholly incapable4 ,a general sense of progress and achievement is an immense stimulus to all forms of creative work4 ,for this reason1 a great deal will depend1 not only in material ways1 upon the question whether methods of production in industry and agriculture become stereotyped or continue to change rapidly as they have done during the last hundred years4 ,improved methods of production will be much more obviously than now to the interest of the community at large1 when what every man receives is his due share of the total produce of labor4 ,but there will probably not be any individuals with the same direct and intense interest in technical improvements as now belongs to the capitalist in manufacture4 ,if the natural conservatism of the workers is not to prove stronger than their interest in increasing production1 it will be necessary that1 when better methods are introduced by the workers in any industry1 part at least of the benefit should be allowed for a time to be retained by them4 ,if this is done1 it may be presumed that each ,guild will be continually seeking for new processes or inventions1 and will value those technical parts of scientific research which are useful for this purpose4 ,with every improvement1 the question will arise whether it is to be used to give more leisure or to increase the dividend of commodities4 ,where there is so much more leisure than there is now1 there will be many more people with a knowledge of science or an understanding of art4 ,the artist or scientific investigator will be far less cut off than he is at present from the average citizen1 and this will almost inevitably be a stimulus to his creative energy4 ,i think we may fairly conclude that1 from the point of view of all three requisites for art and science1 namely1 training1 freedom and appreciation1 ,state ,socialism would largely fail to remove existing evils and would introduce new evils of its own2 but ,guild ,socialism1 or even ,syndicalism1 if it adopted a liberal policy toward those who preferred to work less than the usual number of hours at recognized occupations1 might be immeasurably preferable to anything that is possible under the rule of capitalism4 ,there are dangers1 but they will all vanish if the importance of liberty is adequately acknowledged4 ,in this as in nearly everything else1 the road to all that is best is the road of freedom4 ,,chapter ,,viii ,,the ,,world ,,as ,,it ,,could ,,be ,,made ,,in the daily lives of most men and women1 fear plays a greater part than hope3 they are more filled with the thought of the possessions that others may take from them1 than of the joy that they might create in their own lives and in the lives with which they come in contact4 ,it is not so that life should be lived4 ,those whose lives are fruitful to themselves1 to their friends1 or to the world are inspired by hope and sustained by joy3 they see in imagination the things that might be and the way in which they are to be brought into existence4 ,in their private relations they are not pre-occupied with anxiety lest they should lose such affection and respect as they receive3 they are engaged in giving affection and respect freely1 and the reward comes of itself without their seeking4 ,in their work they are not haunted by jealousy of competitors1 but concerned with the actual matter that has to be done4 ,in politics1 they do not spend time and passion defending unjust privileges of their class or nation1 but they aim at making the world as a whole happier1 less cruel1 less full of conflict between rival greeds1 and more full of human beings whose growth has not been dwarfed and stunted by oppression4 ,a life lived in this spirit--the spirit that aims at creating rather than possessing--has a certain fundamental happiness1 of which it cannot be wholly robbed by adverse circumstances4 ,this is the way of life recommended in the ,gospels1 and by all the great teachers of the world4 ,those who have found it are freed from the tyranny of fear1 since what they value most in their lives is not at the mercy of outside power4 ,if all men could summon up the courage and the vision to live in this way in spite of obstacles and discouragement1 there would be no need for the regeneration of the world to begin by political and economic reform3 all that is needed in the way of reform would come automatically1 without resistance1 owing to the moral regeneration of individuals4 ,but the teaching of ,christ has been nominally accepted by the world for many centuries1 and yet those who follow it are still persecuted as they were before the time of ,constantine4 ,experience has proved that few are able to see through the apparent evils of an outcast's life to the inner joy that comes of faith and creative hope4 ,if the domination of fear is to be overcome1 it is not enough1 as regards the mass of men1 to preach courage and indifference to misfortune3 it is necessary to remove the causes of fear1 to make a good life no longer an unsuccessful one in a worldly sense1 and to diminish the harm that can be inflicted upon those who are not wary in self- defense4 ,when we consider the evils in the lives we know of1 we find that they may be roughly divided into three classes4 ,there are1 first1 those due to physical nature3 among these are death1 pain and the difficulty of making the soil yield a subsistence4 ,these we will call physical evils4'' ,second1 we may put those that spring from defects in the character or aptitudes of the sufferer3 among these are ignorance1 lack of will1 and violent passions4 ,these we will call evils of character4'' ,third come those that depend upon the power of one individual or group over another3 these comprise not only obvious tyranny1 but all interference with free development1 whether by force or by excessive mental influence such as may occur in education4 ,these we will call evils of power4'' ,a social system may be judged by its bearing upon these three kinds of evils4 ,the distinction between the three kinds cannot be sharply drawn4 ,purely physical evil is a limit1 which we can never be sure of having reached3 we cannot abolish death1 but we can often postpone it by science1 and it may ultimately become possible to secure that the great majority shall live till old age2 we cannot wholly prevent pain1 but we can diminish it indefinitely by securing a healthy life for all2 we cannot make the earth yield its fruits in any abundance without labor1 but we can diminish the amount of the labor and improve its conditions until it ceases to be an evil4 ,evils of character are often the result of physical evil in the shape of illness1 and still more often the result of evils of power1 since tyranny degrades both those who exercise it and 7as a rule7 those who suffer it4 ,evils of power are intensified by evils of character in those who have power1 and by fear of the physical evil which is apt to be the lot of those who have no power4 ,for all these reasons1 the three sorts of evil are intertwined4 ,nevertheless1 speaking broadly1 we may distinguish among our misfortunes those which have their proximate cause in the material world1 those which are mainly due to defects in ourselves1 and those which spring from our being subject to the control of others4 ,the main methods of combating these evils are3 for physical evils1 science2 for evils of character1 education 7in the widest sense7 and a free outlet for all impulses that do not involve domination2 for evils of power1 the reform of the political and economic organization of society in such a way as to reduce to the lowest possible point the interference of one man with the life of another4 ,we will begin with the third of these kinds of evil1 because it is evils of power specially that ,socialism and ,anarchism have sought to remedy4 ,their protest against ,inequalities of wealth has rested mainly upon their sense of the evils arising from the power conferred by wealth4 ,this point has been well stated by ,mr4 ,g4 ,d4 ,h4 ,cole3-- ,what1 ,i want to ask1 is the fundamental evil in our modern ,society which we should set out to abolish8 ,there are two possible answers to that question1 and ,i am sure that very many well-meaning people would make the wrong one4 ,they would answer ,,poverty1 when they ought to answer ,,slavery4 ,face to face every day with the shameful contrasts of riches and destitution1 high dividends and low wages1 and painfully conscious of the futility of trying to adjust the balance by means of charity1 private or public1 they would answer unhesitatingly that they stand for the ,,abolition ,,of ,,poverty4 ,well and good6 ,on that issue every ,socialist is with them4 ,but their answer to my question is none the less wrong4 ,poverty is the symptom3 slavery the disease4 ,the extremes of riches and destitution follow inevitably upon the extremes of license and bondage4 ,the many are not enslaved because they are poor1 they are poor because they are enslaved4 ,yet ,socialists have all too often fixed their eyes upon the material misery of the poor without realizing that it rests upon the spiritual degradation of the slave4#ei #ei ,self-,government in ,industry1'' ,g4 ,bell ,sons1 #aiag1 pp4 #aaj-aaa4 ,i do not think any reasonable person can doubt that the evils of power in the present system are vastly greater than is necessary1 nor that they might be immeasurably diminished by a suitable form of ,socialism4 ,a few fortunate people1 it is true1 are now enabled to live freely on rent or interest1 and they could hardly have more liberty under another system4 ,but the great bulk1 not only of the very poor1 but1 of all sections of wage-earners and even of the professional classes1 are the slaves of the need for getting money4 ,almost all are compelled to work so hard that they have little leisure for enjoyment or for pursuits outside their regular occupation4 ,those who are able to retire in later middle age are bored1 because they have not learned how to fill their time when they are at liberty1 and such interests as they once had apart from work have dried up4 ,yet these are the exceptionally fortunate3 the majority have to work hard till old age1 with the fear of destitution always before them1 the richer ones dreading that they will be unable to give their children the education or the medical care that they consider desirable1 the poorer ones often not far removed from starvation4 ,and almost all who work have no voice in the direction of their work2 throughout the hours of labor they are mere machines carrying out the will of a master4 ,work is usually done under disagreeable conditions1 involving pain and physical hardship4 ,the only motive to work is wages3 the very idea that work might be a joy1 like the work of the artist1 is usually scouted as utterly ,utopian4 ,but by far the greater part of these evils are wholly unnecessary4 ,if the civilized portion of mankind could be induced to desire their own happiness more than another's pain1 if they could be induced to work constructively for improvements which they would share with all the world rather than destructively to prevent other classes or nations from stealing a march on them1 the whole system by which the world's work is done might be reformed root and branch within a generation4 ,from the point of view of liberty1 what system would be the best8 ,in what direction should we wish the forces of progress to move8 ,from this point of view1 neglecting for the moment all other considerations1 ,i have no doubt that the best system would be one not far removed from that advocated by ,kropotkin1 but rendered more practicable by the adoption of the main principles of ,guild ,socialism4 ,since every point can be disputed1 ,i will set down without argument the kind of organization of work that would seem best4 ,education should be compulsory up to the age of #af1 or perhaps longer2 after that1 it should be continued or not at the option of the pupil1 but remain free 7for those who desire it7 up to at least the age of #ba4 ,when education is finished no one should be ,,compelled to work1 and those who choose not to work should receive a bare livelihood1 and be left completely free2 but probably it would be desirable that there should be a strong public opinion in favor of work1 so that only comparatively few should choose idleness4 ,one great advantage of making idleness economically possible is that it would afford a powerful motive for making work not disagreeable2 and no community where most work is disagreeable can be said to have found a solution of economic problems4 ,i think it is reasonable to assume that few would choose idleness1 in view of the fact that even now at least nine out of ten of those who have 7say7 #ajj pounds a year from investments prefer to increase their income by paid work4 ,coming now to that great majority who will not choose idleness1 ,i think we may assume that1 with the help of science1 and by the elimination of the vast amount of unproductive work involved in internal and international competition1 the whole community could be kept in comfort by means of four hours' work a day4 ,it is already being urged by experienced employers that their employes can actually produce as much in a six-hour day as they can when they work eight hours4 ,in a world where there is a much higher level of technical instruction than there is now the same tendency will be accentuated4 ,people will be taught not only1 as at present1 one trade1 or one small portion of a trade1 but several trades1 so that they can vary their occupation according to the seasons and the fluctuations of demand4 ,every industry will be self-governing as regards all its internal affairs1 and even separate factories will decide for themselves all questions that only concern those who work in them4 ,there will not be capitalist management1 as at present1 but management by elected representatives1 as in politics4 ,relations between different groups of producers will be settled by the ,guild ,congress1 matters concerning the community as the inhabitants of a certain area will continue to be decided by ,parliament1 while all disputes between ,parliament and the ,guild ,congress will be decided by a body composed of representatives of both in equal numbers4 ,payment will not be made1 as at present1 only for work actually required and performed1 but for willingness to work4 ,this system is already adopted in much of the better paid work3 a man occupies a certain position1 and retains it even at times when there happens to be very little to do4 ,the dread of unemployment and loss of livelihood will no longer haunt men like a nightmare4 ,whether all who are willing to work will be paid equally1 or whether exceptional skill will still command exceptional pay1 is a matter which may be left to each guild to decide for itself4 ,an opera-singer who received no more pay than a scene-shifter might choose to be a scene-shifter until the system was changed3 if so1 higher pay would probably be found necessary4 ,but if it were freely voted by the ,guild1 it could hardly constitute a grievance4 ,whatever might be done toward making work agreeable1 it is to be presumed that some trades would always remain unpleasant4 ,men could be attracted into these by higher pay or shorter hours1 instead of being driven into them by destitution4 ,the community would then have a strong economic motive for finding ways of diminishing the disagreeableness of these exceptional trades4 ,there would still have to be money1 or something analogous to it1 in any community such as we are imagining4 ,the ,anarchist plan of a free distribution of the total produce of work in equal shares does not get rid of the need for some standard of exchange value1 since one man will choose to take his share in one form and another in another4 ,when the day comes for distributing luxuries1 old ladies will not want their quota of cigars1 nor young men their just proportion of lap-dog2 this will make it necessary to know how many cigars are the equivalent of one lap-dog4 ,much the simplest way is to pay an income1 as at present1 and allow relative values to be adjusted according to demand4 ,but if actual coin were paid1 a man might hoard it and in time become a capitalist4 ,to prevent this1 it would be best to pay notes available only during a certain period1 say one year from the date of issue4 ,this would enable a man to save up for his annual holiday1 but not to save indefinitely4 ,there is a very great deal to be said for the ,anarchist plan of allowing necessaries1 and all commodities that can easily be produced in quantities adequate to any possible demand1 to be given away freely to all who ask for them1 in any amounts they may require4 ,the question whether this plan should be adopted is1 to my mind1 a purely technical one3 would it be1 in fact1 possible to adopt it without much waste and consequent diversion of labor to the production of necessaries when it might be more usefully employed otherwise8 ,i have not the means of answering this question1 but ,i think it exceedingly probable that1 sooner or later1 with the continued improvement in the methods of production1 this ,anarchist plan will become feasible2 and when it does1 it certainly ought to be adopted4 ,women in domestic work1 whether married or unmarried1 will receive pay as they would if they were in industry4 ,this will secure the complete economic independence of wives1 which is difficult to achieve in any other way1 since mothers of young children ought not to be expected to work outside the home4 ,the expense of children will not fall1 as at present1 on the parents4 ,they will receive1 like adults1 their share of necessaries1 and their education will be free4#fj ,there is no longer to be the present competition for scholarships among the abler children3 they will not be imbued with the competitive spirit from infancy1 or forced to use their brains to an unnatural degree with consequent listlessness and lack of health in later life4 ,education will be far more diversified than at present2 greater care will be taken to adapt it to the needs of different types of young people4 ,there will be more attempt to encourage initiative young pupils1 and less desire to fill their minds with a set of beliefs and mental habits regarded as desirable by the ,state1 chiefly because they help to preserve the status quo4 ,for the great majority of children it will probably be found desirable to have much more outdoor education in the country4 ,and for older boys and girls whose interests are not intellectual or artistic1 technical education1 undertaken in a liberal spirit1 is far more useful in promoting mental activity than book-learning which they regard 7however falsely7 as wholly useless except for purposes of examination4 ,the really useful educa- tion is that which follows the direction of the child's own instinctive interests1 supplying knowledge for which it is seeking1 not dry1 detailed information wholly out of relation to its spontaneous desires4 #fj ,some may fear that the result would be an undue increase of population1 but such fears ,i believe to be groundless4 ,see above1 7,chapter ,,iv1 on ,work and ,pay4'' ,also1 ,chapter vi of ,principles of ,social ,reconstruction'' 7,george ,allen and ,unwin1 ,ltd474 ,government and law will still exist in our community1 but both will be reduced to a minimum4 ,there will still be acts which will be forbidden--for example1 murder4 ,but very nearly the whole of that part of the criminal law which deals with property will have become obsolete1 and many of the motives which now produce murders will be no longer operative4 ,those who nevertheless still do commit crimes will not be blamed or regarded as wicked2 they will be regarded as unfortunate1 and kept in some kind of mental hospital until it is thought that they are no longer a danger4 ,by education and freedom and the abolition of private capital the number of crimes can be made exceedingly small4 ,by the method of individual curative treatment it will generally be possible to secure that a man's first offense shall also be his last1 except in the case of lunatics and the feeble-minded1 for whom of course a more prolonged but not less kindly detention may be necessary4 ,government may be regarded as consisting of two parts3 the one1 the decisions of the community or its recognized organs2 the other1 the enforcing of those decisions upon all who resist them4 ,the first part is not objected to by ,anarchists4 ,the second part1 in an ordinary civilized ,state1 may remain entirely in the background3 those who have resisted a new law while it was being debated will1 as a rule1 submit to it when it is passed1 because resistance is generally useless in a settled and orderly community4 ,but the possibility of governmental force remains1 and indeed is the very reason for the submission which makes force unnecessary4 ,if1 as ,anarchists desire1 there were no use of force by government1 the majority could still band themselves together and use force against the minority4 ,the only difference would be that their army or their police force would be ad hoc1 instead of being permanent and professional4 ,the result of this would be that everyone would have to learn how to fight1 for fear a well- drilled minority should seize power and establish an old-fashioned oligarchic ,state4 ,thus the aim of the ,anarchists seems hardly likely to be achieved by the methods which they advocate4 ,the reign of violence in human affairs1 whether within a country or in its external relations1 can only be prevented1 if we have not been mistaken1 by an authority able to declare all use of force except by itself illegal1 and strong enough to be obviously capable of making all other use of force futile1 except when it could secure the support of public opinion as a defense of freedom or a resistance to injustice4 ,such an authority exists within a country3 it is the ,state4 ,but in international affairs it remains to be created4 ,the difficulties are stupendous1 but they must be overcome if the world is to be saved from periodical wars1 each more destructive than any of its predecessors4 ,whether1 after this war1 a ,league of ,nations will be formed1 and will be capable of performing this task1 it is as yet impossible to foretell4 ,however that may be1 some method of preventing wars will have to be established before our ,utopia becomes possible4 ,when once men ,,believe that the world is safe from war1 the whole difficulty will be solved3 there will then no longer be any serious resistance to the disbanding of national armies and navies1 and the substitution for them of a small international force for protection against uncivilized races4 ,and when that stage has been reached1 peace will be virtually secure4 ,the practice of government by majorities1 which ,anarchists criticise1 is in fact open to most of the objections which they urge against it4 ,still more objectionable is the power of the executive in matters vitally affecting the happiness of all1 such as peace and war4 ,but neither can be dispensed with suddenly4 ,there are1 however1 two methods of diminishing the harm done by them3 7#a7 ,government by majorities can be made less oppressive by devolution1 by placing the decision of questions primarily affecting only a section of the community in the hands of that section1 rather than of a ,central ,chamber4 ,in this way1 men are no longer forced to submit to decisions made in a hurry by people mostly ignorant of the matter in hand and not personally interested4 ,autonomy for internal affairs should be given1 not only to areas1 but to all groups1 such as industries or ,churches1 which have important common interests not shared by the rest of the community4 7#b7 ,the great powers vested in the executive of a modern ,state are chiefly due to the frequent need of rapid decisions1 especially as regards foreign affairs4 ,if the danger of war were practically eliminated1 more cumbrous but less autocratic methods would be possible1 and the ,legislature might recover many of the powers which the executive has usurped4 ,by these two methods1 the intensity of the interference with liberty involved in government can be gradually diminished4 ,some interference1 and even some danger of unwarranted and despotic interference1 is of the essence of government1 and must remain so long as government remains4 ,but until men are less prone to violence than they are now1 a certain degree of governmental force seems the lesser of two evils4 ,we may hope1 however1 that if once the danger of war is at an end1 men's violent impulses will gradually grow less1 the more so as1 in that case1 it will be possible to diminish enormously the individual power which now makes rulers autocratic and ready for almost any act of tyranny in order to crush opposition4 ,the development of a world where even governmental force has become unnecessary 7except against lunatics7 must be gradual4 ,but as a gradual process it is perfectly possible2 and when it has been completed we may hope to see the principles of ,anarchism embodied in the management of communal affairs4 ,how will the economic and political system that we have outlined bear on the evils of character8 ,i believe the effect will be quite extraordinarily beneficent4 ,the process of leading men's thought and imagination away from the use of force will be greatly accelerated by the abolition of the capitalist system1 provided it is not succeeded by a form of ,state ,socialism in which officials have enormous power4 ,at present1 the capitalist has more control over the lives of others than any man ought to have2 his friends have authority in the ,state2 his economic power is the pattern for political power4 ,in a world where all men and women enjoy economic freedom1 there will not be the same habit of command1 nor1 consequently1 the same love of despotism2 a gentler type of character than that now prevalent will gradually grow up4 ,men are formed by their circumstances1 not born ready- made4 ,the bad effect of the present economic system on character1 and the immensely better effect to be expected from communal ownership1 are among the strongest reasons for advocating the change4 ,in the world as we have been imagining fit1 economic fear and most economic hope will be alike removed out of life4 ,no one will be haunted by the dread of poverty or driven into ruthlessness by the hope of wealth4 ,there will not be the distinction of social classes which now plays such an immense part in life4 ,the unsuccessful professional man will not live in terror lest his children should sink in the scale2 the aspiring employe will not be looking forward to the day when he can become a sweater in his turn4 ,ambitious young men will have to dream other daydreams than that of business success and wealth wrung out of the ruin of competitors and the degradation of labor4 ,in such a world1 most of the nightmares that lurk in the background of men's minds will no longer exist2 on the other hand1 ambition and the desire to excel will have to take nobler forms than those that are encouraged by a commercial society4 ,all those activities that really confer benefits upon mankind will be open1 not only to the fortunate few1 but to all who have sufficient ambition and native aptitude4 ,science1 labor-saving inventions1 technical progress of all kinds1 may be confidently expected to flourish far more than at present1 since they will be the road to honor1 and honor will have to replace money among those of the young who desire to achieve success4 ,whether art will flourish in a ,socialistic community depends upon the form of ,social- ism adopted2 if the ,state1 or any public authority1 7no matter what71 insists upon controlling art1 and only licensing those whom it regards as proficient1 the result will be disaster4 ,but if there is real freedom1 allowing every man who so desires to take up an artist's career at the cost of some sacrifice of comfort1 it is likely that the atmosphere of hope1 and the absence of economic compulsion1 will lead to a much smaller waste of talent than is involved in our present system1 and to a much less degree of crushing of impulse in the mills of the struggle for life4 ,when elementary needs have been satisfied1 the serious happiness of most men depends upon two things3 their work1 and their human relations4 ,in the world that we have been picturing1 work will be free1 not excessive1 full of the interest that belongs to a collective enterprise in which there is rapid progress1 with something of the delight of creation even for the humblest unit4 ,and in human relations the gain will be just as great as in work4 ,the only human relations that have value are those that are rooted in mutual freedom1 where there is no domination and no slavery1 no tie except affection1 no economic or conventional necessity to preserve the external show when the inner life is dead4 ,one of the most horrible things about commercialism is the way in which it poisons the relations of men and women4 ,the evils of prostitution are generally recognized1 but1 great as they are1 the effect of economic conditions on marriage seems to me even worse4 ,there is not infrequently1 in marriage1 a suggestion of purchase1 of acquiring a woman on condition of keeping her in a certain standard of material comfort4 ,often and often1 a marriage hardly differs from prostitution except by being harder to escape from4 ,the whole basis of these evils is economic4 ,economic causes make marriage a matter of bargain and contract1 in which affection is quite secondary1 and its absence constitutes no recognized reason for liberation4 ,marriage should be a free1 spontaneous meeting of mutual instinct1 filled with happiness not unmixed with a feeling akin to awe3 it should involve that degree of respect of each for the other that makes even the most trifling interference with liberty an utter impossibility1 and a common life enforced by one against the will of the other an unthinkable thing of deep horror4 ,it is not so that marriage is conceived by lawyers who make settlements1 or by priests who give the name of sacrament'' to an institution which pretends to find something sanctifiable in the brutal lusts or drunken cruelties of a legal husband4 ,it is not in a spirit of freedom that marriage is conceived by most men and women at present3 the law makes it an opportunity for indulgence of the desire to interfere1 where each submits to some loss of his or her own liberty1 for the pleasure of curtailing the liberty of the other4 ,and the atmosphere of private property makes it more difficult than it otherwise would be for any better ideal to take root4 ,it is not so that human relations will be conceived when the evil heritage of economic slavery has ceased to mold our instincts4 ,husbands and wives1 parents and children1 will be only held together by affection3 where that has died1 it will be recognized that nothing worth preserving is left4 ,because affection will be free1 men and women will not find in private life an outlet and stimulus to the love of domineering1 but all that is creative in their love will have the freer scope4 ,reverence for whatever makes the soul in those who are loved will be less rare than it is now3 nowadays1 many men love their wives in the way in which they love mutton1 as something to devour and destroy4 ,but in the love that goes with reverence there is a joy of quite another order than any to be found by mastery1 a joy which satisfies the spirit and not only the instincts2 and satisfaction of instinct and spirit at once is necessary to a happy life1 or indeed to any existence that is to bring out the best impulses of which a man or woman is capable4 ,in the world which we should wish to see1 there will be more joy of life than in the drab tragedy of modern every-day existence4 ,after early youth1 as things are1 most men are bowed down by forethought1 no longer capable of light-hearted gaiety1 but only of a kind of solemn jollification by the clock at the appropriate hours4 ,the advice to become as little children'' would be good for many people in many respects1 but it goes with another precept1 take no thought for the morrow1'' which is hard to obey in a competitive world4 ,there is often in men of science1 even when they are quite old1 something of the simplicity of a child3 their absorption in abstract thought has held them aloof from the world1 and respect for their work has led the world to keep them alive in spite of their innocence4 ,such men have succeeded in living as all men ought to be able to live2 but as things are1 the economic struggle makes their way of life impossible for the great majority4 ,what are we to say1 lastly1 of the effect of our projected world upon physical evil8 ,will there be less illness than there is at present8 ,will the produce of a given amount of labor be greater8 ,or will population press upon the limits of subsistence1 as ,malthus taught in order to refute ,godwin's optimism8 ,i think the answer to all these questions turns1 in the end1 upon the degree of intellectual vigor to be expected in a community which has done away with the spur of economic competition4 ,will men in such a world become lazy and apathetic8 ,will they cease to think8 ,will those who do think find themselves confronted with an even more impenetrable wall of unreflecting conservatism than that which confronts them at present8 ,these are important questions2 for it is ultimately to science that mankind must look for their success in combating physical evils4 ,if the other conditions that we have postulated can be realized1 it seems almost certain that there must be less illness than there is at present4 ,population will no longer be congested in slums2 children will have far more of fresh air and open country2 the hours of work will be only such as are wholesome1 not excessive and exhausting as they are at present4 ,as for the progress of science1 that depends very largely upon the degree of intellectual liberty existing in the new society4 ,if all science is organized and supervised by the ,state1 it will rapidly become stereotyped and dead4 ,fundamental advances will not be made1 because1 until they have been made1 they will seem too doubtful to warrant the expenditure of public money upon them4 ,authority will be in the hands of the old1 especially of men who have achieved scientific eminence2 such men will be hostile to those among the young who do not flatter them by agreeing with their theories4 ,under a bureaucratic ,state ,socialism it is to be feared that science would soon cease to be progressive and acquired a medieval respect for authority4 ,but under a freer system1 which would enable all kinds of groups to employ as many men of science as they chose1 and would allow the vagabond's wage'' to those who desired to pursue some study so new as to be wholly unrecognized1 there is every reason to think that science would flourish as it has never done hitherto4#fa ,and1 if that were the case1 ,i do not believe that any other obstacle would exist to the physical possibility of our system4 #fa ,see the discussion of this question in the preceding chapter4 ,the question of the number of hours of work necessary to produce general material comfort is partly technical1 partly one of organization4 ,we may assume that there would no longer be unproductive labor spent on armaments1 national defense1 advertisements1 costly luxuries for the very rich1 or any of the other futilities incidental to our competitive system4 ,if each industrial guild secured for a term of years the advantages1 or part of the advantages1 of any new invention or methods which it introduced1 it is pretty certain that every encouragement would be given to technical progress4 ,the life of a discoverer or inventor is in itself agreeable3 those who adopt it1 as things are now1 are seldom much actuated by economic motives1 but rather by the interest of the work together with the hope of honor2 and these motives would operate more widely than they do now1 since fewer people would be prevented from obeying them by economic necessities4 ,and there is no doubt that intellect would work more keenly and creatively in a world where instinct was less thwarted1 where the joy of life was greater1 and where consequently there would be more vitality in men than there is at present4 ,there remains the population question1 which1 ever since the time of ,malthus1 has been the last refuge of those to whom the possibility of a better world is disagreeable4 ,but this question is now a very different one from what it was a hundred years ago4 ,the decline of the birth-rate in all civilized countries1 which is pretty certain to continue1 whatever economic system is adopted1 suggests that1 especially when the probable effects of the war are taken into account1 the population of ,western ,europe is not likely to increase very much beyond its present level1 and that of ,america is likely only to increase through immigration4 ,negroes may continue to increase in the tropics1 but are not likely to be a serious menace to the white inhabitants of temperate regions4 ,there remains1 of course1 the ,yellow ,peril2 but by the time that begins to be serious it is quite likely that the birth-rate will also have begun to decline among the races of ,asia ,if not1 there are other means of dealing with this question2 and in any case the whole matter is too conjectural to be set up seriously as a bar to our hopes4 ,i conclude that1 though no certain forecast is possible1 there is not any valid reason for regarding the possible increase of population as a serious obstacle to ,socialism4 ,our discussion has led us to the belief that the communal ownership of land and capital1 which constitutes the characteristic doctrine of ,socialism and ,anarchist ,communism1 is a necessary step toward the removal of the evils from which the world suffers at present and the creation of such a society as any humane man must wish to see realized4 ,but1 though a necessary step1 ,socialism alone is by no means sufficient4 ,there are various forms of ,socialism3 the form in which the ,state is the employer1 and all who work receive wages from it1 involves dangers of tyranny and interference with progress which would make it1 if possible1 even worse than the present regime4 ,on the other hand1 ,anarchism1 which avoids the dangers of ,state ,socialism1 has dangers and difficulties of its own1 which make it probable that1 within any reasonable period of time1 it could not last long even if it were established4 ,nevertheless1 it remains an ideal to which we should wish to approach as nearly as possible1 and which1 in some distant age1 we hope may be reached completely4 ,syndicalism shares many of the defects of ,anarchism1 and1 like it1 would prove unstable1 since the need of a central government would make itself felt almost at once4 ,the system we have advocated is a form of ,guild ,socialism1 leaning more1 perhaps1 towards ,anarchism than the official ,guildsman would wholly approve4 ,it is in the matters that politicians usually ignore-- science and art1 human relations1 and the joy of life --that ,anarchism is strongest1 and it is chiefly for the sake of these things that we included such more or less ,anarchist proposals as the vagabond's wage4'' ,it is by its effects outside economics and politics1 at least as much as by effects inside them1 that a social system should be judged4 ,and if ,socialism ever comes1 it is only likely to prove beneficent if non- economic goods are valued and consciously pursued4 ,the world that we must seek is a world in which the creative spirit is alive1 in which life is an adventure full of joy and hope1 based rather upon the impulse to construct than upon the desire to retain what we possess or to seize what is possessed by others4 ,it must be a world in which affection has free play1 in which love is purged of the instinct for domination1 in which cruelty and envy have been dispelled by happiness and the unfettered development of all the instincts that build up life and fill it with mental delights4 ,such a world is possible2 it waits only for men to wish to create it4 ,meantime1 the world in which we exist has other aims4 ,but it will pass away1 burned up in the fire of its own hot passions2 and from its ashes will spring a new and younger world1 full of fresh hope1 with the light of morning in its eyes4 ,,index ,academy1 ,royal1 #ajg ,africa1 #adi1 #afe ,agriculture1 #ij ff4 ,alexander ,,ii1 #dc ,allemane1 #fj ,america1 xi1 #ca1 #gd ff41 #abe1 #adj1 #baj ,american ,federation of ,labor1 #gf ,anarchism1 passim-- defined1 #cc and law1 #cc1 #ea1 #aaa ff41 #aih ff4 and violence1 #cc1 #eb-d1 #gb1 #aba ff4 and distribution1 #ic ff4 and wages1 #if ff4 anti-,german1 #df attitude to syndicalism1 #gi congress in ,amsterdam1 #gi ,ants1 #aeb ,army1 private1 #abj1 #abc ,art1 #aji1 #aaa1 #ach1 #aff ff41 #bjc and appreciation1 #afi1 #aha-f and commercialism1 #aha and freedom1 #ahb ,artists1 #ajc under ,state ,socialism1 #agd ,asia1 #adi1 #aeh1 #baj ,australia1 #aea ,authors1 ,guild of1 #agi ,autonomy1 #acc1 #acg1 #afj ,backwoods1 #acc ,bakunin1 x1 #cfdi biography1 #cgdg writings1 #dgdi and ,marx1 #ch ff41 #ei n4 and ,pan-,slavism1 #da1 #de and ,dresden insurrection1 #da imprisonments1 #da anti-,german1 #de and production1 #ej ,bebel1 #ff ,benbow1 ,william1 #ga n4 ,bergson1 #fh ,bernstein1 #bg-bi1 #ef ,bevington1 #ec ,bismarck1 #cj ,books under ,socialism1 #agh ,bornstedt1 #ci ,bourgeoisie1 #aa ,bourses du ,travail1 #ed1 #fc ,boycott1 #fh ,briand1 #gb ,bright1 #ba ,brooks1 ,john ,graham1 #ge1 #ggn4 ,brousse1 ,paul1 #fj ,bureaucracy1 #abh1 #agd ,button-hooks1 #ahb ,cafiero1 #dhn4 ,capital1 #f1 #aj1 #ah-be ,capitalism1 #b1 #bjb and war1 #aci ff4 ,california1 #aha ,censor of plays1 #ajg ,champion1 #ia ,charlton1 ,broughton1 #ai ,chewing-gum1 #ahi ,china1 #acg1 #adj ,christ1 #ahg ,chuang ,tzu1 #cc ,churches1 #bja ,civil ,service1 #abh ,class war1 xvi1 #i ff41 #bg1 #bi1 #ha1 #ff1 #aaf #adi ,clemenceau1 #ga ,cobden1 #ba ,cole1 ,g4 ,i74 ,h41 #hin41 #fc1 #fdn41 #gc1 #gf1 #han41 #acd1 #aij ,communism1 #aj ff4 anarchist1 #a1 #ch;ff41 #fj1 #ifn41 #ajjn41 #ajfn4 ,communist ,manifesto1 #e1 #i-ah1 #aad1 #adh ,competitiveness1 #afj ,concentration of ,capital1 ,law of1 #h1 #bc-e ,confederation ,general du ,travail1 #fc-fe1 #ga1 #gd ,conquest of ,bread1 ,the1 #hj1 #hg ,constantine1 #ajh1 #ahg ,creativeness1 #ahf-g ,crime1 #aah ff4 ,cultivation1 intensive1 #hi ,cultures maraicheres1 #ia ,darwin1 #agc ,deleon1 #gf ,democracy1 #b1 #cj1 #abi ff41 #adh1 #afg ,deutche ,jahrbuscher1 #ch ,devolution1 #bjj ,disarmament1 #aec ,disraeli1 #cj ,distribution1 #ii ff4 ,dubois1 ,felix1 #fb ,duelling1 #abc ,education1 #afi ff41 #ahi1 #aic1 #aif ,edward ,,vi1 #bb ,empire ,knouto-,germanique1 #dh ,engels1 #c1 #f1 #ag1 #ch ,envy1 #afj-afi ,evils-- physical1 #ahh1 #bjg-aa of character1 #ahh1 #b-jg of power1 #ahh ff4 ,evolution1 #afd ,fabians1 #fg ,fear1 #ahf1 #bjc ,feudalism1 #aj ,fields1 ,factories and ,workshops1 #hj1 #hg ff4 ,finance and war1 #adj ,finland1 #add ,fourier1 #dn4 ,franco-,prussian ,war1 #df1 #hf1 #fi ,franklin1 #ajjn4 ,freedom1 see ,liberty ,george1 ,lloyd1 #ahf ,german ,communist ,league1 #h ,german ,working ,men's ,association1 #h ,germany1 #add ,giles1 ,lionel1 #cfn4 ,god and the ,state1 #dh ,godwin1 #bjg ,gompers1 #gf ,gospels1 ,the1 #ahg ,government1 #aaa ff41 #aih ff4 representative1 #aag1 #abi ff41 #acg ff4 ,guesde1 ,jules1 #hi-fj ,guild ,congress1 #hc1 ,cal ff41 ,guild ,socialism1 xi1 #hj ff41 #acc1 #aib1 #baa and the ,state1 #hb-d1 #aad1 #ahd-e ,guillaume1 ,james1 #cfn41 #cg ,haywood1 #gg ,hegel1 #d ,herd instinct1 xv ,heubner1 #da ,history1 materialistic interpretation of1 #g ,hobson1 ,j4 ,a41 #add ,hodgskin1 #en4 ,hulme1 ,t4 ,e41 #bi ,hypocrisy1 #acb ,idleness1 #ajc ff4 ,independent ,labor ,party1 #hg ,india1 #ahh ,individual #ach ,industrial ,relations1 ,american ,commission on1 #gh ,industrial ,workers of the ,world 7,i4,w4,w471 xi1 #ca1 #gd ,international alliance of socialist democracy1 #dd ,international fraternity1 #dc ,international ,working ,men's ,association1 #f1 #dd ff41 #fi ,internationalism1 #adh1 #aej ,japan1 #afa ,jaures1 #fj ,jouhaux1 #ge ,joy of ,life1 #bjf ,keats1 #agc ,knowledge1 #afh ,kropotkin1 #cf1 #df1 #hj-fa1 #hg ff41 #ifn41 #ajjn41 #ajb1 #ajfn41 #aaf ff41 #agi1 #aib ,kultur1 #aei ,labor1 integration of1 #ii ,labor ,party1 #eg1 #aej ,lagardelle1 #fd ,law1 #aaa ff41 #aih ,levine1 ,louis1 #fin41 #fjn4 ,liberal ,party1 #bh1 #cj ,liberty1 #aaa ff41 #aib1 #bja and syndicalism1 #he and anarchism1 #ajh and creative impulse1 #afi1 #agb-ha and art1 #ahb-c1 #bjd and human relations1 #bjd ,liquor ,traffic1 #acg ,livre1 ,federation du1 #agh ,lunatics1 #aai ,lynching1 #abb ,magistrates1 #aja ,majorities1 divine right of1 #acj1 #bjj ,malthus1 #hf ff41 #bjg ff4 ,manchesterism1 #bi ,marriage1 #bjd ,marx1 x1 #a-ca1 #cf1 #fj1 #gg1 #adh4 #afd biography1 #c-g doctrines1 #g-ca1 #aac and ,bakunin1 #ch ff4 and ,international ,working ,men's ,association1 #dd ff41 #hin4 ,marzisme1 ,la decomposition du1 #bi ,mazzini1 #dc ,millennium by force1 #afd ,millerand1 #fj1 #fa ,milton1 #agc ,miners1 ,western ,federation of1 #gf1 #gh ,money1 #aif ,monroe ,doctrine1 #adj ,morning ,star1 #ba ,morris1 ,william1 #agf ,napoleon1 #abj ,napoleon ,,iii1 #df ,naquet1 ,alfred1 #ihn41 #aahn1 #afe ,national ,guilds1 #han4 ,national ,guilds ,league1 #hb ,nationalism1 #ag1 #be1 #bh1 #cb ,nations-- relations of1 #aci ff4 ,league of1 #acb1 #bjj ,necessaries1 free8 #aji1 #aif ,neue ,reinische ,zeitung1 #da ,nicholas1 ,tsar1 #dc ,opera ,singers1 #aif ,opium ,traffic1 #acg ,orage1 #han4 ,owen1 ,robert1 #en4 ,pellico1 ,silvio1 #db ,pelloutier1 #ed1 #fc ,permeation1 #eg ,persia1 #aeh ,plato1 vii ,poets1 #ajd ,poland1 #cg1 #add ,population1 #aign4 ,possibilists1 #fj ,poverty1 #aij ,power1 love of1 #aaa1 #add1 #afj1 #afa ,press1 #adc ,production1 methods of1 #hg ff4 ,proletariat1 #aa ff4 ,proportional ,representation1 #afe ,proudhon1 #dn41 #ch ,pugnacity1 #adg ,punishment1 #abc ff4 ,rarachol1 #ec ,ravenstone1 ,piercy1 #fn4 ,reclue1 ,elisee1 #dhn4 ,revisionism1 #bg1 #ff ,revolution-- ,french1 #g ,russian1 #ah1 #fg1 #adh1 #afd ,social1 #f1 #ag1 #gj1 #aac1 #adh1 #afd1 #afd of #ahdh1 #c1 #f1 #dj ,ruge1 #ch ,sabotage1 #ff ,saint-,simon1 #dn4 ,sand1 ,george1 #ch1 #da ,sarajevo1 #cb ,scholarships1 #agj1 #aig ,science1 #hf1 #aji1 #ach #aff ff41 #ahi1 #bjg men of1 #bjg ,self-interest1 #abe ,sharing1 free1 #if ff41 #aie ,shelley1 #agc ,single ,tax1 #hb ,slavery1 #aij ,socialism1 passim-- defined1 #a ,english1 #e ,french1 #d1 #ei ,german1 #ff evolutionary1 #bg ,state1 #fg1 #ajg1 #aae1 #abh1 #agj1 #agd1 #bjb1 #bjh and distribution1 #ic ff4 and art and science1 #afd ff4 #bjc ,guild1 see ,guild ,socialism ,socialist ,labor ,party1 #gf ,socialist ,revolutionaries1 ,alliance of1 #dc ,socialists1 ,inter-,allied1 #aef ,sorel1 #bi1 #fg ,spinoza1 #abj ,state1 x1 xi1 #a1 #af1 #cj1 #dh1 #fj1 #fh1 #gh1 #hb-d1 #ajg ff41 #ach1 #adf ,strikes1 #ff1 #fg1 #gj1 #gh ff41 #acj ,syndicalism1 passim-- and ,marx1 #bh1 #aaf and party1 #cj and liberty1 #he and political action1 #cj1 #fi #abi ff4 and anarchism1 x1 #ff1 #gb1 in ,france1 #eh ff4 in ,italy1 #ehn4 reformist and revolutionary1 #fb and class-war1 #fe1 #aaf and general strike1 #fg1 #fi1 #acj and the ,state1 #fh1 #aaf and ,guild ,socialism1 #han41 #acd ,syndicalist ,railwayman1 #fi ,syndicates1 #fe ,tariffs1 #acg ,technical ,training1 #afi ff41 #aig ,theft1 #aba ,thompson1 ,william1 #en4 ,tolstoy1 #cb ,trade ,unionism1 x1 #ac1 #fb industrial1 #ca1 #gd ff4 craft1 #gc ,trusts1 #ge1 #ada ,utopias1 vii1 1 #bjj ,vagabond's wage1 #agg1 #aic1 #bjh1 #bab ,villeneuves ,saint ,georges1 #ga ,violence1 crimes of1 #aba1 #abb1 #aii ,violence1 ,reflections on1 #bi ,viviani1 #fj ,volkstimme1 #bgn4 ,volunteers1 #aba ,wages1 #i1 #gh1 #i ff41 #aii iron law of1 #bf and art and science1 #afh ff4 ,wagner1 ,richard1 #da ,waldeck-,rousseau1 #fa1 #fc ,walkley1 ,mary ,anne1 #ij ,war-- avoidance of1 #aci ff41 #aii and capitalism1 #aci ff4 and the ,press #adc ff4 ,women-- votes for1 #aee economic independence of1 #aif ,work-- and wages1 #ic ff41 #aid hours of1 #ajb1 #aic1 #bji can it be made pleasant8 #ajj1 #aic1 #ijd ,yellow races1 #aea1 #baj