,,malthus ,,and ,,his ,,work ,illustration ,,malthus ,,and ,,his ,,work ,,by ,,james ,,bonar1 ,m4,a4 ,,balliol ,,college1 ,,oxford ,london ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co4 #ahhe ,the ,right of ,translation and ,reproduction is ,reserved ,,london3 ,,richard ,,clay ,,and ,,sons1 ,,bread ,,street ,,hill1 ,e4,c4 ,,to ,professor ,edward ,caird ,,this ,,book1 ,,which ,,owes ,,much ,,to ,,him1 ,,is ,,dedicated4 ,,introduction4 ,of the three ,english writers whose work has become a portion of all ,political ,economy1 ,malthus is the second in time and in honour4 ,his services to general theory are at least equal to ,ricardo's2 and his full illustration of one particular detail will rank with the best work of ,adam ,smith4 ,in the following pages the detail will be the main subject1 and general theory the episode4 ,the ,political ,economy and minor writings of ,malthus 7which are not few7 will be noticed only in relation to the ,essay on ,population4 ,accordingly1 the ,first of these ,five ,books will deal with the genesis1 history1 and contents of the ,essay1 plunging the reader in medias res and keeping him there1 till the facts force him1 in the ,second ,book1 to recur with the author to ,economical theory4 ,the ,third will show the mind of ,malthus more clearly by adding to his economics his ,ethics and ,political ,philosophy2 and the ,fourth1 with the case now fully stated1 will criticize the ,critics of the ,essay1 and try to determine how much of its doctrine remains still valuable4 ,the ,fifth ,book1 with its ,biography1 may help the reader to associate the living personality of the man with his writings4 ,london1 ,june #ahhe4 ,,contents4 ,,page ,,introduction vii ,,book ,i4 ,,the ,,essay4 ,,chap4 ,i4 ,,first ,,thoughts1 #agih #a ,,ii4 ,,second ,,thoughts1 #ahjc #de ,,iii4 ,,theses #fj ,,iv4 ,,the ,,savage1 ,,barbarian1 ,,and ,,oriental #he ,v4 ,,north ,,and ,,mid ,,europe #aai ,,vi4 ,,france #aec ,,vii4 ,,england1 ,,scotland1 ,,and ,,ireland #agj ,,book ,,ii4 ,,economics4 ,,chap4 ,i4 ,,the ,,landlords #bjg ,,ii4 ,,the ,,working ,,man #bed ,,iii4 ,,general ,,gluts #bhb ,,iv4 ,,the ,,beggar #cjc ,,book ,,iii4 ,,moral ,,and ,,political ,,philosophy #cai ,,iv4 ,,the ,,critics #cee ,v4 ,,biography #cii ,,index #dbh ,,malthus ,,and ,,his ,,work ,,book ,i4 ,,the ,,essay4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,first ,,thoughts1 #agih4 ,the ,common ,caricature--,the ,essay an ,inquiry into the ,poverty of ,nations--,godwin's ,political ,justice and ,enquirer--,the ,two ,postulates and ,conclusions from them--,condorcet's ,sketch of the ,progress of the ,human ,mind--,organic ,perfectibility of ,man and its ,obstacles--,historical ,context of the ,essay--,the ,crisis--,pitt's ,poor ,bill--,malthus and his ,teachers--,success explained--,theology and ,metaphysics--,faults of the ,essay--,immediate aim secured4 ,he was the 8best-abused man of the age40 ,bonaparte himself was not a greater enemy of his species4 ,here was a man who defended small-pox1 slavery1 and child-murder2 who denounced soup-kitchens1 early marriage1 and parish allowances2 who 8had the impudence to marry after preaching against the evils of a family20 who thought the world so badly governed that the best actions do the most harm2 who1 in short1 took all romance out of life and preached a dull sermon on the threadbare text--8,vanity of vanities1 all is vanity40 ,such was the character of ,malthus as described by his opponents4 ,if an angry man is probably in the wrong1 an abusive man is certainly so2 and1 when not one or two1 but one or two thousand are engaged in the abuse1 the certainty amounts to a demonstration4 ,we may measure the soundness of the victim's logic by the violence of the personal attacks made upon him4 ,for most worldly purposes1 to be ignored and to be refuted are the same thing4 ,malthus from the first was not ignored4 ,for thirty years it rained refutations4 ,the question1 as he stated it1 was thoroughly threshed out4 ,the ,essay on ,population passed in the author's lifetime through six editions 7#agih1 #ahjc1 #ahjf1 #ahjg1 #ahag1 and #ahbf72 even between the first edition1 in #agih1 and the second1 in #ahjc1 there were more than a score of #8,replies'2 and the discussion was carried on in private correspondence1 as well as in public journals and parliamentary speeches4 ,the case was fully argued2 and no one who fairly considers the extent of the discussion1 and the ability of the disputants1 can fail to believe that we have1 in the records of this controversy1 ample materials for forming our own judgment on the whole question in dispute4 ,such a privilege is seldom used4 ,the world has no time to consult authorities1 though it likes them to be within reach of consultation4 ,when an author becomes an authority1 he too often ceases to be read1 and his doctrines1 like current coin1 are worn by use till they lose the clear image and superscription of the issuer4 ,in this way an author's name may come to suggest1 not his own book1 but the current version of his doctrines4 ,malthus becomes ,malthusianism1--,darwin1 ,darwinism2 and if ,adam ,smith's name were more flexible he too would become an epithet4#a ,as it is1 ,adam ,smith has left a book which 8every one praises and nobody reads10 ,malthus a book which no one reads and all abuse4 ,the abuse is1 fortunately1 not quite unanimous2 but it is certain that ,malthus for a long time had an experience worse than ,cassandra's1 for his warnings were disbelieved without being heard or understood4 ,miss ,martineau1 in her girlhood1 heard him denounced 8very eloquently and forcibly by persons who never saw so much as the outside0#b of his book4 ,this was in #ahaf2 and when at a later time she inquired about him for herself1 she could never find any one who had read his book1 but scores who could 8make great argument about it and about10 or write sentimental pamphlets on supposed ,malthusian subjects4 ,this carelessness was not confined to the general public2 it infected the savants4 ,nothing more clearly shows how political economy1 or at least one question of it1 had descended into the streets and become a common recreation4 ,even ,nassau ,william ,senior1 perhaps the most distinguished professor of political economy in his day1 confessed with penitence that he had trusted more to his ears than to his eyes for a knowledge of ,malthusian doctrine1 and had written a learned criticism1 not of the opinion of ,mr4 ,malthus1 but of that which 8the multitudes who have followed and the few who have endeavoured to oppose0 ,mr4 ,malthus1 have assumed to be his opinion4#c ,the 8opinion0 so imagined by ,senior and the multitude is still the current ,malthusianism4 ,a ,malthusian is supposed to forbid all marriage4 ,mr4 ,malthus was supposed to believe that 8the desire of marriage1 which tends to increase population1 is a stronger principle than the desire of bettering our condition1 which tends to increase subsistence40#d ,this meant1 as ,southey said1 that 8,god makes men and women faster than ,he can feed them40 ,the old adage was wrong then3 ,providence does not send meat where ,he sends mouths2 on the contrary1 ,he sends mouths wherever ,he sends meat1 so that the poor can never cease out of the land1 for1 however abundant the food1 marriage will soon make the people equally abundant4 ,it is a question of simple division4 ,a fortune that is wealth for one will not give comfort to ten1 or bare life to twenty4 ,the moral is1 for all about to marry1 8,don't10 and for all statesmen1 8,don't encourage them40 ,this caricature had enough truth in it to save it from instant detection1 and its vitality is due to the superior ease in understanding1 and therefore greater pleasure in hearing1 a blank denial or a blank affirmation as compared with the necessary qualifications of a scientific statement4 ,the truth must be told1 however1 that ,malthus and the rest of the learned world were by no means at utter discord4 ,he always treated a hostile economist as a possible ally4 ,he was carrying on the work of their common ,founder4 ,in the ,essay on ,population he was inquiring into the nature and causes of poverty1 as ,adam ,smith had inquired into the nature and causes of wealth4 ,but ,malthus himself did not intend the one to be a mere supplement to the other4 ,he did not approach the subject from a purely scientific side4 ,he had not devoted long years of travel and reflection to the preparation of an economical treatise4 ,adam ,smith had written his ,moral ,sentiments seventeen years before his greater work4 ,when he wrote the latter he had behind him an academical and literary reputation2 and he satisfied the just expectations of the public by giving them1 in the two quarto volumes of the ,wealth of ,nations1 his full-formed and completely digested conclusions and reasonings definitively expressed 7#aggf74 ,malthus1 on the contrary1 gained his reputation by a bold and sudden stroke1 well followed up4 ,his ,essay was an anonymous pamphlet in a political controversy1 and was meant to turn the light of political economy upon the political philosophy of the day4 ,whatever the essay contained over and above politics1 and however far afield the author eventually travelled in the later editions1 there is no doubt about the first origin of the essay itself4 ,it was not1 as we are sometimes told1 that1 being a kind-hearted clergyman1 he set himself to work to inquire whether after all it was right to increase the numbers of the population without caring for the quality of it4 ,in #agih ,malthus was no doubt in holy orders and held a curacy at ,albury2 but he seems never to have been more than a curate4 ,the ,whigs offered him a living in his later years1 but he passed it to his son2#e and we should be far astray if we supposed his book no more than the 8recreations of a country parson40 8,parson0 was in his case a title without a rle and ,cobbett's immortal nickname is very unhappy4#f ,he had hardly more of the parson than ,condillac of the abb4 ,in #agih ,pitt's ,bill for extending relief to large families1 and thereby encouraging population1 was no doubt before the country2 but we owe the essay not to ,william ,pitt1 but to ,william ,godwin4 ,the changed aspect of the book in its later editions need not blind us to the efficient cause of its first appearance4 ,thomas ,robert ,malthus had graduated at ,cambridge as ninth wrangler in the year #aghh1 in the twenty-second year of his age4 ,in #agig1 after gaining a fellowship at ,jesus ,college1 he happened to spend some time at his father's house at ,albury in ,surrey4 ,father and son discussed the questions of the day1 the younger man attacking ,jacobinism1 the elder defending it4 ,daniel ,malthus had been a friend and executor of ,rousseau1 and was an ardent believer in human progress4 ,robert had written a ,whig tract1 which he called ,the ,crisis1 in the year of ,pitt's new loan and ,napoleon's ,italian campaign 7#agif72 but he did not publish it1 and his views were yet in solution4 ,we may be sure the two men did not spare each other in debate4 ,in the words of the elder ,malthus1 ,robert then1 if at no other time1 8threw little stones0 into his garden4 ,an old man must have the patience of ,job if he can look with calmness on a young man breaking his ideals4 ,but in this case he at least recognized the strength of the slinger1 and he bore him no grudge1 though he did not live to be won by the concessions of the second essay 7#ahjc74 ,that ,robert1 on his part1 was not wanting in respect1 is shown by an indignant letter1 written in ,february1 #ahjj1 on his father's death1 in reply to the supposed slight of a newspaper paragraph4#g ,the fireside debates had in that year 7#agig7 received new matter4 ,william ,godwin1 quondam parson1 journalist1 politician1 and novelist1 whose ,political ,justice was avowedly a 8child of the ,revolution10#h had written a new book1 the ,enquirer1 in which many of his old positions were set in a new light4 ,the father made it a point of honour to defend the ,enquirer2 the son played devil's advocate1 partly from conviction1 partly for the sake of argument2 and1 as often happens in such a case1 ,robert found his case stronger than he had thought4 ,hard pressed by an able opponent1 he was led1 on the spur of the moment1 to use arguments which had not occurred to him before1 and of which ,the ,crisis knows nothing4 ,in calmer moments he followed them up to their conclusions4 8,the discussion10 he tells us1#i 8started the general question of the future improvement of society1 and the author at first sat down with an intention of merely stating his thoughts to his friend upon paper in a clearer manner than he thought he could do in conversation40 ,but the subject opened upon him1 and he determined to publish4 ,this is the plain story of the publication of the ,essay on ,population1 reduced to its simplest terms4 ,at the very time when the best men in both worlds were talking only of progress1 ,malthus saw rocks ahead4 ,french and ,english reformers were looking forward to a golden age of perfect equality and happiness2 ,malthus saw an irremovable difficulty in the way1 and he refused to put the telescope to his blind eye4 ,there had been ,cassandras before ,malthus1 and even in the same century4 ,dr4 ,john ,bruckner of ,norwich had written in the same strain in his ,thorie du ,systme ,animal1 in #agfg2aj and a few years earlier 7in #agfa7 ,dr4 ,robert ,wallace1 writing of the ,various ,prospects of ,mankind1 ,nature1 and ,providence1 had talked of community of goods as a cure for the ills of humanity1 and then had found1 very reluctantly1 one fatal objection--the excessive population that would ensue4 ,men are always inclined to marry and multiply their numbers till the food is barely enough to support them all4 ,this objection had since ,wallace's time become a stock objection1 to be answered by every maker of ,utopias4 ,it was left for ,malthus to show the near approach which this difficulty makes to absolute hopelessness1 and to throw the burden of proof on the other side4 ,as the ,wealth of ,nations altered the standing presumption in favour of interference to one in favour of liberty in matters of trade1 so the ,essay on ,population altered the presumption in favour of the advocates of progress to a presumption against them4 ,this may not describe the final result of the essay1 but it is a true account of its immediate effect4 ,people had heard of the objection before2 it was only now that they began to look on it as conclusive4 ,how had ,godwin tried to meet it1 when it was still in the hands of weaker men1 and therefore not at all conclusive8 ,he could not ignore it4 ,in his ,political ,justice 7#agic7 he had given the outlines of a 8simple form of society1 without government10 on the principle of ,tom ,paine1 which was also a received ,jacobin motto1 8,society is produced by our wants1 government by our wickedness40#aa ,he says1 with the ruling philosophy1 that man is born a blank1 and his outward circumstances make him good or evil4 ,thanks to human institutions1 especially lawyers1 sovereigns1 and statesmen1 the outward circumstances1 he says1 are as bad as they can be4 ,everywhere there is inequality4 ,there is great poverty alongside of great riches1 and great tyranny with great slavery4 ,in the same way the best of his novels1 ,caleb ,williams 7#agid71 tells us how 8things as they are0 enable the rich sinner to persecute the poor righteous man4 ,but he is no pessimist4 ,the ,political ,justice does not end with a statement of evils4 ,it goes on to show that in the end truth will conquer2 men will listen to reason1 they will abandon their present laws1 and they will form a society without law or government or any kind of force2 no such things will be needed when every man listens to reason1 and contents himself with plain living and high thinking4 ,there will be no king in ,israel2 every man will do that which is right in his own eyes4 ,in our present society1 says ,godwin1 it is distribution and not production that is at fault4 ,there is more than enough of wealth for all1 but it is not shared amongst all4 ,one man has too much1 another little or nothing4 ,in the new society reason will change all that4 ,reason tells us that1 if we make an equal division1 not only of the good things of this life1 but of the labour of making them1 then we shall secure a production quite sufficient for the needs of plain livers1 at the cost of perhaps half-an-hour's labour in a day from each of them4#ab ,each of them will1 therefore1 have leisure1 which is the true riches1 and he will use the time for his own moral and intellectual improvement4 ,in this way1 by the omnipotence of truth and the power of persuasion1 not by any violence or power of the sword1 perfection and happiness will in time be established on the earth4 ,godwin made no essential change in these views in the later editions of the ,political ,justice 7#agif and #agih71 or in the ,enquirer 7#agig74 8,among the faithless1 faithful only he10 when the excesses of the ,terror made even ,sir ,james ,mackintosh 7not to say ,bishop ,watson1 ,southey1 and ,wordsworth7 a lukewarm reformer4 ,nothing in ,godwin's life is more admirable than the perfect confidence with which he holds fast to his old faith in democratic principles and the perfectibility of man4 ,if it is obstinacy1 it is very like devotion2 and perhaps the only author who shows an equal constancy is ,condorcet1 the ,girondist1 marked out for death1 and writing in his hiding-place1 almost under the eyes of the ,convention1 his eager book on the ,progress of the ,species4 ,nothing but intense sincerity and sheer depth of conviction could have enabled these men to continue the defence of a dishonoured cause4 ,they had not the martyr's greatest trial1 the doubt whether he is right4 ,the great impression made by their works was a sign that1 as they felt strongly1 they wrote powerfully4 ,malthus1 who refuted both of them1 apologized for giving serious criticism to ,condorcet's palpable extravagances by saying that ,condorcet has many followers who will hold him unanswerable unless he is specially answered4#ac ,of ,godwin1 ,mr4 ,sumner1 writing in #ahaf1 says that though his book 7the ,political ,justice7 was becoming out of date1 it was still 8the ablest and best known statement0 of the doctrines of equality that had ever appeared in ,england4#ad ,it has been justly called the 8first text-book of the philosophical radicals40 ,the actual effect of it cannot be measured by the number of copies sold on its first appearance4 ,godwin had placed it far beyond the reach of ordinary democrats by fixing the price at three guineas4 ,in #agic many who would have been his keenest readers could not have paid three shillings for it4 ,but the event proved him wise in his generation4 ,the ,privy ,council decided they might safely tolerate so dear a book2 and a small audience even of the rich was better to ,godwin than prosecution1 which might mean exile and no audience at all4#ae ,few writers of our own day have so good an excuse for making themselves inaccessible to the poor4 ,godwin1 however1 like ,ruskin1 reached the poor in spite of his arrangements for avoiding them4 ,he filtered down among the masses2 and his writings became a political as well as a literary power in ,england1 long before he had a poetic son-in-law to give him reflected glory4 ,if a species is to be judged by its best individual1 then ,godwin represents better than ,paine the class of political writers to which they both belong2 and many fell down with ,godwin when he fell down before ,malthus4 ,the ,enquirer was less popular than the ,political ,justice4 ,part of the charm of the latter undoubtedly lay in the elaborate completeness and systematic order of the whole discussion4 ,the foundations were laid in the psychology of ,locke2 and then the building was raised1 stone by stone1 until the whole was finished4 ,but in the ,enquirer ,godwin's dislike of law had extended even to the form of composition4 ,he had been wrong1 he said1 in trying to write a systematic treatise on society1 and he would now confine himself to detached essays1 wholly experimental1 and not necessarily in harmony with one another4 8,he 7the author7 has carried this principle so far that he has not been severely anxious relative to inconsistency that may be discovered between the speculations of one essay and the speculations of another40#af ,the contrast between these two styles is the contrast between a whole oratorio and a miscellaneous concert1 or between a complete poem and a volume of extracts4 ,the thoughts were the same1 though they had lost their attractive expression4 ,the essay on ,avarice and ,profusion#ag tells us1 among other things1 that 8a state of cultivated equality is that state which1 in speculation and theory1 appears most consonant to the nature of man1 and most conducive to the extensive diffusion of felicity40 ,this was the essay which led ,malthus and his father into their fruitful argument4 ,the essay on ,riches and ,poverty1 and the one on ,beggars1#ah contain other applications of the same idea1 with many moralizing digressions4 ,godwin has not lost his sweet ,utopian vision2 he has not yielded to the objections that baffled ,dr4 ,robert ,wallace2 he thinks he has removed all objections4 ,he meets them#ai by saying first of all3 8,there is a principle in the nature of human society by means of which everything seems to tend to its level10 when not interfered with2 and the population of a country when left to itself does not seem to increase beyond the food4 ,but in the second place1 supposing things not to find their level in this way1 the earth is wide and the evil day is far off4 ,it may take myriads of centuries to till the untilled acres and to replenish the empty earth with people1 and much may happen before then4 ,in fact1 he views the subject as many of us view the question of our coal supply4 ,before it is exhausted we may be beyond the need of it4#bj ,the earth itself may have collapsed with all its inhabitants4 ,don't let us refuse a present blessing from fear of a remote future danger4 ,besides1 it is not very hard to imagine a safeguard4 ,franklin says that 8mind will one day become omnipotent over matter20#ba why not over the matter of our own bodies8 ,does not the bodily health depend largely on the mind8 8,a merry heart goes all the day2 ,your sad tires in a mile1 ,o60 ,the time may come when we shall be so full of liveliness that we shall not sleep1 and so full of life that we shall not die4 ,the need for marriage will be superseded by earthly immortality1 and the desire for it by the development of intellect4 ,on the renewed earth of the future there will be neither marrying nor giving in marriage1 but we shall be as the angels4 8,the whole will be a people of men1 and not of children4 ,generation will not succeed generation1 nor truth have1 in a certain degree1 to recommence her career every thirty years4 ,other improvements may be expected to keep pace with those of health and longevity4 ,there will be no war1 no crimes1 no administration of justice as it is called1 and no government4 ,besides this1 there will be neither disease1 anguish1 melancholy1 nor resentment4 ,every man will seek with ineffable ardour the good of all40#bb ,this sweet strain had been enchanting the public for four or five years1 when ,malthus ventured to interrupt it with his modest anonymous ,essay on the ,principle of ,population as it affects the ,future ,improvement of ,society4 ,the writer claims to be as hearty a philanthropist as ,mr4 ,godwin1 but he cannot allow the wish to be father to the thought1 and believe in future perfection against evidence4 ,to prove a theory true1 he says1 it is not enough to show that you cannot prove its contradiction1 or that you can prove its usefulness4 ,it would be very useful to have eyes in both sides of our head2 but that does not prove that we are going to have them4 ,if you told me that man was becoming a winged creature like the ostrich1 ,i should not doubt that he would find wings very useful1 but ,i could hardly believe your prophecy without some kind of proof beyond the mere praises of flying4 ,i should ask you to show palpable signs in his body and habits that such a change was going on1 that his neck has been lengthening1 his lips hardening1 and his hair becoming feathery4 ,in the same way1 when you tell me that man is becoming a purely intellectual being1 content with plain living and high thinking1 ,i see there might be advantage in the change1 but ,i ask for signs that it is in progress4 ,i see none2 but1 on the contrary1 ,i see strong reasons for believing in its impossibility4 ,grant me two postulates1 and ,i disprove your millennium4 ,the first is1 that food is necessary2 the second1 that the instinct for marriage is permanent4 ,no one denies the first1 and ,godwin's denial of the second is purely dogmatic4 ,he has given us no proofs4 ,men have no doubt made progress in other respects2 they have passed from barbarism to civilization4 ,but in respect of the second postulate they are the same now as they were #djjj years ago4 ,individual exceptions are individual exceptions still4 ,i am bound1 therefore1 to believe in the truth of my postulates1 and ,i infer from them the impossibility of your millennium4 ,you speak of a society1 he continues1 where the members are all equally comfortable and at leisure4 ,suppose it established1 it could not last2 it would go to pieces through the principle of population alone4 ,the seven years of plenty would be at once devoured by seven years of want4 ,the proof of this is short and decisive3--,population1 when unchecked1 increases in a geometrical ratio2 subsistence only in an arithmetical4 8,a slight acquaintance with numbers will show the immensity of the first power in comparison with the second40#bc 8,the race of plants and animals shrinks under this great restrictive law1 and the race of man cannot by any efforts of reason escape from it4 ,among plants and animals its effects are waste of seed1 sickness1 and premature death1 among men misery and vice10 the former necessary1 the latter probable4 ,now1 in the old countries of ,europe1 population never is unchecked4 ,it is checked by want of room and food4 ,vice and misery1 and the fear of them1 are always 8equalizing0 the numbers of the people with the food of the people4 ,in the ,new ,world1 8the cynosure of neighbouring eyes10 there are fewer hindrances to early marriage2 there is more room and there is more food2 hard work is the only condition of a happy life4 ,but1 even there1 population is not entirely unchecked2 the hard work will at least interfere with the rearing of children2 and the people1 however comfortable1 are not at the very highest pitch of comfort1 or at the highest pitch of purity and simplicity of life2 whereas1 by assumption1 ,godwin's imaginary society is all these4 ,if1 therefore1 the people of old ,europe double their numbers once a century1 and the people of new ,america 7at least in the ,united ,states7 once in twenty-five years1 we may be sure that in the millennial society of ,godwin1 8,where all are proper and well-behaved1 ,and all are free from sorrow and pain10 the increase would be much faster4 ,the 8leisure0 he talks of would soon disappear1 and the old scramble for bread1 the old inequality of rank and property1 would again become the order of the day4 ,we should have our own kind of society back again1 with its masters and servants1 landlords and tenants1 rich and poor4#bd ,therefore 7argues the writer of the essay7 if ,godwin's society were once made it could not last4 ,but we grant too much in supposing it could ever be made4 ,we cannot believe this and believe in the second postulate at the same time2 and the second postulate is so certain that we can predict by it4 ,the same causes1 then1 that would have destroyed ,godwin's newly-formed society will prevent it from ever being formed at all4 8,the passion between the sexes has appeared in every age to be so nearly the same that it may always be considered1 in algebraic language1 as a given quantity40#be ,in spite of the whimpering of old men and rous1 8the pleasures of pure love will bear the contemplation of the most improved reason and the most exalted virtue40#bf ,godwin views the matter in a dry1 intellectual light1 and asks us to abstract from all accessories before we form an estimate of the passion in question4 ,one man or one woman will then be as good as another4 ,but he might as well tell us to strip off all the leaves before we estimate our liking for trees4 ,we do not admire the bare pole1 but the whole tree1 the tree with all the 8attendant circumstances0 of branches and foliage4 ,as well deprive a magnet of its chief powers of attraction1 and then ask us to confess it as weak as other minerals4#bg ,the fact is1 that man's large discourse1 which marks him out from the brutes1 makes him hide the marriage instinct under a mass of 8attendant circumstances0 before he lets himself be drawn by it4 ,he will not obey the instinct simply more fer1 or in animal fashion1 because he feels it4 ,but it is not destroyed1 only disguised4 ,the love is not purely intellectual4 ,reason1 with its calculation of consequences1 can save a man from the abuse of a passion1 but cannot destroy the passion itself2#bh and 7he might have added7 its 8looking before and after0 includes fancy as well as thought4 ,take this passion then as it is1 an adoration it may be of an assemblage of accessories2 it can never die out of the world4 ,from this cheerful premise1 what conclusion follows8 ,one not altogether cheerful3 ,wherever ,providence sends meat ,he will send mouths4 ,wherever the people have room and food1 they will marry and multiply their numbers1 till they press against the limits of both1 and begin a fierce struggle for existence1 in which death is the punishment of defeat4 ,godwin and the whole ,french school are sadly wrong in attributing all inequality to human institutions2 human nature is to blame1 and1 without any artificial aid1 this one passion of human nature will be the standing cause of inequality1 the most serious obstacle to the removal of it4#bi ,dr4 ,robert ,wallace had more wisdom than he wot of4 ,examine the meaning of this argument and its conclusion4 ,it involves an answer to ,godwin's first defence against ,wallace4 ,here is something very like a law of nature1 a truth past1 present1 and future1 or1 in other words1 a truth which1 being scientific1 ought not to be stated in terms of time at all3 8,where goods increase1 they are increased that eat them40 ,the 8struggle for existence0 7,malthus uses the very phrase7 is a present fact1 as it has been a past fact1 and will be a future4 ,no good is gained by rhetorical references to the wideness of the world and the possibilities of the ages4#cj ,in our own day and land we see people multiplying up to the limit of the food1 and a 8great restrictive law0 preventing them1 as it prevents all other animals1 from multiplying beyond that limit4#ca ,in our own day and country1 men marry when they cannot support a family2 the children whom they cannot support die of hunger or sickness1 if the charity of the public does not interfere2--or else the fear of misery makes men avoid a marriage for which they have not the means1 and their celibacy1 whether pure or impure1 keeps the numbers of the people on a level with the food4#cb ,godwin himself had written in so many words3 8,there is a principle in human society by which population is perpetually kept down to the level of the means of subsistence40#cc ,why did he not take one step more1 and discover what that principle is8#cd ,the fact is that ,godwin was at once intellectually sanguine and emotionally cold4 ,his ideal would have been a man 8of large brain and no affections20 and when he wrote the ,political ,justice he was not aware of his own defect4 ,at a later time he was not only aware of it1 but anxious to remove it4 ,in his ,memoir of his wife1 ,mary ,wollstonecraft 7#agih71 and in the story of ,st4 ,leon 7#agii71 the man who found the philosopher's stone1 and became1 to his own sorrow1 immortal on earth1 he confesses that he has hitherto taken too little thought of feeling as an element in human action4 ,if ,mary had been too much of a ,werther1 her husband had been too little4 ,like ,condorcet 7and like ,buckle71 he had believed civilization to be a purely intellectual movement4 ,he had dogmatized on the omnipotence of truth and reason1 and inferred the growth of a perfect society4 ,he had dogmatized on the development of intellect1 and inferred an earthly immortality4 ,moreover1 in the ,memoir1 and in ,st4 ,leon1 if he had added a little to his doctrines1 he had recanted little or nothing1 even in regard to immortality4 ,st4 ,leon is miserable only because his gift is peculiar to himself2 an immortality that is common to all would be acceptable to all4 ,a ,methuselah would not be melancholy among antediluvians4 ,such was probably ,godwin's position4 ,the mere belief in the possibility of earthly immortality was not uncommon2 ,godwin is careful to number ,bacon among its supporters4#ce ,malthus was probably right in tracing it to the unconscious influence of ,christianity1#cf though the progress in ,godwin's days of the new science of chemistry had perhaps more to do with it1 and ,godwin's religion was never more than a bare ,theism4#cg ,it was held by ,holcroft1 one of ,godwin's most intimate friends1#ch and it was an important part of ,condorcet's ,sketch of the ,progress of the ,human ,spirit4 ,in the days of the ,terror 7#agid7 ,condorcet1 from his hiding-place in the ,rue ,servandoni1 had written of the 8organic perfectibility of man40 ,he looked to medicine1 and to the arts and sciences in general1 to banish disease and prolong human life 8indefinitely40#ci ,godwin trusted to the inward development of the mind1 not to outward appliances4#dj ,but by different ways they arrive at the same terminus1 and receive from their great critic very much the same reception there4 ,malthus points out to ,godwin that there is no sign that the body is becoming subjugated to the mind4 ,even philosophers1 said he 7and he wrote feelingly1 as he had the malady at the time of writing71 cannot endure the toothache patiently1#da and even a merry heart will not enable a weak man to walk as fast and as far as a strong man4 ,there is no change in the human body1 and little or no change in the relation of the mind to it4 ,to ,condorcet he simply points out that1 while the arts have made the lengthening of life 8indefinite10 that does not mean 8infinite40 ,gardeners can grow carnations 8indefinitely0 large2 no man can ever say that he has seen the largest carnation that will ever be grown2 but this he can say1 that a carnation will never be as large as a cabbage4 ,the limit is there1 though it is undefined1 and there is a limit also to the lengthening of human life1 though no one can fix it to a year4 ,condorcet therefore has proved an earthly immortality only by a misuse of the word 8indefinite40 ,he has shown no organic change in man which would prove the possibility of perfection in this world4 ,neither has ,condorcet repelled the objection which troubled ,dr4 ,wallace4 ,it is true that1 like ,godwin1 he faces the difficulty and admits the importance of it4#db ,the growth of population will always1 he says1 cause inequality2 there will always be a rich leisured class and a poor industrial class2 and to lighten the hardships of the latter there ought to be a ,state ,insurance fund1 which will make all the poorest citizens sure of support4 ,but one cannot help thinking1 if all are sure of support1 all will marry1 and if all marry1 will not the difficulty be increased8#dc ,yes1 ,condorcet grants this2 the numbers will soon be too great1 and so throughout the ages there will be an 8oscillation0 between the blessings of progress and the evils of overcrowding1 now the one predominating1 now the other4 ,in despair he clutches at the old fallacy1 8the day is distant10 but he feels it fail him1 and must needs add a new and startling solution of his own which ,malthus freely denounces4#dd ,this is not the place to discuss the questions associated in our own times with ,neo-,malthusianism4#de ,but it is beyond all doubt that the ,neo-,malthusians are the children not of ,robert ,malthus1 but of ,robert ,owen4 ,malthus was not ,malthus because he said1 8,the people are too many2 thin them down0--any more than ,darwin was ,darwin because he said1 8,species are not made1 but grow40 ,if ,darwinians are to be judged by ,darwin1 ,malthusians must be judged by ,malthus2 and the originality of neither ,malthus nor ,darwin can be explained by a single phrase4 ,we cannot understand the meaning of an author's words1 far less of his work1 till we know the context in which they are set4 ,once know the context and we understand the text4 ,the devil1 citing ,scripture for his purpose1 only succeeds because he never quotes in full4 ,it follows that1 to understand the full meaning of the essay1 we must go beyond its efficient cause1 and take a view of its material cause1 or the whole circumstances in which it was written4 ,if the text of the sermon was ,godwin and ,condorcet1 the application was to the poor of ,england and the philanthropists who were trying to relieve them4 ,the early life of ,malthus1 coinciding1 as it largely does1 with the latter half of the eighteenth century1 coincides with ,england's greatest industrial revolution4 ,malthus was born in #agff1 three years after the ,peace of ,paris4 ,there was an end1 for the time1 to foreign wars1 and trade was making a brave start4 ,the discoveries of coal and iron in ,northern ,england1 going hand in hand with the inventions of cotton-spinning and weaving1 were beginning to convert the poorest counties into the richest1 upsetting the political balance4 ,the new science of chemistry had begun to prove its usefulness4 ,wedgwood was perfecting his earthenware1 ,brindley cutting his canals1 ,telford laying out his roads1 ,watt building his steam-engines4 ,england in ,roman days had been a granary2 in later ages she had been a pasture-ground2 she was now becoming the land of machinery and manufacture1 as well as the centre of foreign trade4 ,in other words1 she had begun an industrial change1 which was the greatest till then in her history1 and rich in the most magical improvements4 ,but in the early stages of the change1 the evils of it were nearly as much felt as the blessings4 ,the sufferings of displaced workmen1 and the anarchy of the new factory system1 supplanting home labour1 and making the word 8manufacturer0 forget its etymology1#df were real evils1 however transient4 ,combined with the general democratic influence of an expansive manufacturing industry1 they might easily have caused a social convulsion in these days of no extraordinary virtue2 and the country owed its escape in some degree to the evangelical movement under ,whitefield and the ,wesleys1 which was fatal at once to religious torpor and to political excitement4#dg ,the annoyances of a meddlesome tariff and the futile attempts to exclude foreign food were to vanish away before a hundred years had passed2 but in the boyhood of ,malthus the voice of ,adam ,smith raised against them in the ,wealth of ,nations 7#aggf7 was a cry in the wilderness4 ,there was a general agreement that1 whether the high prices prevailing after the ,peace of ,paris were caused by the growth of the population1 or by the lessened value of silver1 or by the troubles in ,poland1 the remedy was not to lie in a free corn trade4 ,the poor were not to have cheap corn1 they were to have large allowances4 ,legislation had gone backwards in this matter4 ,in #agbc a new law had introduced a wise workhouse test of destitution1 which might have prevented wilful poverty by reducing outdoor relief2 but the clause was repealed by ,gilbert's ,act in #aghb2 the poor were to be 8set on work0 at their own houses2 and the new stringency gave place to the old laxity1 with the usual results4 ,the close of the century saw the troubles of a ,european war added to the list1 and the tide of political reform ebbed for forty years 7#agib-ahcb74 ,because the ,french reform had gone too far1 the ,english reform was not allowed to take its first steps4 ,it is a commonplace with historians that the ,french ,revolution would have been very different without ,voltaire and ,rousseau to prepare the way for it4 ,hunger and new ideas are two advocates of change which always plead best in each other's company2 hunger makes men willing to act1 and the new ideas give them matter for enactment4 ,in ,france1 when the crisis came in #aghi1 the new ideas were not far to seek4 ,writers of ,utopias1 from ,plato to ,more1 and from ,rousseau to ,ruskin1 have always adopted one simple plan3 they have struck out the salient enormities of their own time and inserted the opposite1 as when men imagine heaven they think of their dear native country with its discomforts left out4 ,inequality at home had made ,frenchmen ready to dote on a vision of equality when ,rousseau presented it to them1 and the state of ,nature was the state of ,france reversed4 ,philosophically1 the theorists of the ,revolution traced their descent to ,locke1 and their ideas were not long in recrossing the ,channel to visit their birthplace4 ,even if ,englishmen had not had in ,america a visible ,utopia1 or1 at least1 ,arcadia1 there was hunger enough in ,england to recommend the new ideas to every rank in society4 ,this is the reason why1 in #agic1 ,godwin's book was so successful4 ,it was not only a good ,english statement of the ,french doctrines of equality1 and therefore a book for the times1 but it had a vigour of its own1 and was no mere translation4 ,rousseau and ,raynal had thought it necessary to sacrifice universal improvement to universal equality2 they saw 7or thought they saw7 that the two could not go together1 and they counted equality so desirable that they were willing to purchase it at the expense of barbarism4 ,now1 they were perhaps more logical than ,godwin2 equality may mean barbarism4 ,but ,godwin's ideal was at least higher than theirs2 he thought of civilization and equality as quite compatible1 for he thought that when all men were truly civilized they would of their own accord restore equality4 ,as he left everything to reason and nothing to force1 his book was in theory quite harmless2 but the tendency of it seemed dangerous1 for it criticized the ,british constitution in a free way to which the ,british nation was not accustomed4 ,in ,england1 moreover1 the people have always confounded ideas with persons4 ,they were not in love with liberty when it took the form of an ,american 8,war of ,independence0 against ,england1 and1 even if equality had pleased them in #aghi1 they would have nothing of it after the ,terror4 ,they forsook ,fox for ,burke1 and went to war for a sentiment4 ,at the time when ,malthus wrote1 the bulk of the ,english people had lost their enthusiasm for the new ideas4 ,it needed some fortitude to call oneself a ,reformer1 or even a ,whig1 when ,napoleon had overrun ,italy and was facing us in ,egypt4 ,pitt held all persons seditious who did not believe in the wisdom of the war4 ,but even ,pitt1 though he now ignored the need of reform1 could not overlook the existence of distress4 ,in #agie there had been a serious scarcity2 war prices had become famine prices4 ,it was the year when 8the lower orders0 were held down by special coercion acts2#dh it was the year when the king's carriage was stopped by a mob crying 8,bread1 bread60 ,mr4 ,whitbread and the rest thought ,parliament ought to 8do something02 and ,pitt proposed 7#agif7 to meet the difficulty by amending the ,poor ,laws4 ,his bill proposed 8to restore the original purity of the ,poor ,laws0 by modifying the law of settlement in the direction of greater freedom1 and by assisting the working man in other ways4 ,one of these other ways was an attempt of a harmless kind to found schools of industry1 another to attach every labourer to a friendly society4 ,but another less innocently proposed to encourage the growth of population by making the poor relief greater where the family was larger4 8,let us make relief10 in such cases1 8a matter of right and honour1 instead of a ground for opprobrium and contempt4 ,this will make a large family a blessing and not a curse2 and this will draw a proper line of distinction between those who are to provide for themselves by their labour1 and those who1 after enriching their country with a number of children1 have a claim upon its assistance for their support40#di ,malthus in #agif did not doubt the infallibility of ,pitt in such a matter2 ,the ,crisis gives no hint of objection4 ,but in #agih1 with his new light1 he could no longer take the recruiting officer's view of population4 ,if he had had a good case against ,godwin and ,condorcet1 who had simply failed to show how population could be kept from growing too fast1 he had still a better case against ,pitt1 who proposed to make it grow faster4 ,besides1 their schemes were merely on paper2 they had no chance of realizing them1 whereas ,pitt's majority would carry any measure on which he had set his heart4 ,the danger from this third quarter was therefore the most imminent4 ,but ,malthus needed no new argument for it2 he needed simply to shift round his old argument1 and point the muzzle of it at his new enemy4 ,there is no need1 he said1 to encourage marriage2 there is no need for ,government to make population grow faster4 ,wherever ,providence has sent meat1 ,he will soon send mouths to eat it2 and1 if by your artificial encouragements you increase the mouths without increasing the meat1 you will only bring the people one step nearer starvation1 you will only multiply the nation without increasing the joy4 ,if stalwart numbers are strength1 starving numbers are weakness4#ej ,these commonplaces were then a paradox4 ,even at the end of the eighteenth century there was no party in the ,english ,house of ,commons identified with enlightened views on the position of the ,british workman4 ,whitbread had always some measure on hand for helping the labourer out of the rates1 or by some other ,state interference2 it was in opposing one of ,whitbread's bills that the ,prime ,minister promised to introduce his own memorable measure4 ,fox was free to follow either1 not professing to understand the new economical doctrines4 ,pitt1 who admired ,adam ,smith1--,fox1 ,condorcet1 and ,godwin1 who owed ,smith no allegiance1#ea--;all were equally purblind in this matter4 ,all ,pitt's study of the fourth book of the ,wealth of ,nations1 chapter fifth1 had not shown him the fallacy of a bounty on children4 ,yet ,malthus had got his light from no obscure sources1 but from 8,hume1 ,wallace1 ,adam ,smith1 and ,dr4 ,price10#eb who were all well-known and widely-read authors of the day4 8,the populousness of ancient nations0 had been a happy hunting-ground for learned antiquarian essay writers over half a century4 ,montesquieu1 ,wallace1 and ,price#ec claimed the advantage for the ancients4 ,david ,hume1 with his usual acute divination1 decides for the moderns1 though with his usual irony he professes to adopt a sceptical conclusion1 and makes several concessions to ,wallace4#ed ,this controversy itself might have been expected to bring men nearer to the truth on the subject of population than it actually did4 ,it was left to ,malthus to convert ,hume's probability into a certainty from a higher vantage-ground2 but the sifting of the arguments by the various writers before him must have simplified his task4#ee ,other aids and anticipations were not wanting4 ,as early as #aghf1 ,joseph ,townsend1 the ,wiltshire rector1 had written a ,dissertation on the ,poor ,laws1 which gives an admirable statement of those wise views of charity and poor relief that are only in these latter days becoming current among us4 ,malthus records his opinion of ,townsend's work in the best of all possible ways4 ,from his careful inquiry 7in the second edition of the ,essay7 into the population of ,european countries1 he omits ,spain on the ground that ,mr4 ,townsend's ,travels in ,spain has already done the work for him4#ef ,the ,essay on ,population was therefore not original in the sense of being a creation out of nothing1 but in the same way as the ,wealth of ,nations4 ,in both cases the author got most of his phrases1 and even many of his thoughts1 from his predecessors2 but he treated them as his predecessors were unable to do2 he saw them in their connection1 perspective1 and wide bearings4 ,we must not assume anticipation where there is mere identity of language or partial identity of thought2 the words of an earlier writer are not unfrequently quoted by a later away from their logical context1 and therefore not as part of an argument of which the writer sees the consecutive premises4 ,this is true of ,adam ,smith when he is compared with ,sir ,dudley ,north1 ,abraham ,tucker1 or the other prophets of free trade#eg catalogued by ,mac,culloch or ,blanqui4 ,they talked free trade almost as ,mons4 ,jourdain talked prose1 without knowing it4 ,precisely the same is true of ,adam ,smith himself in relation to ,malthus4 ,of his own generalizations he is complete master4 ,having reasoned up to them1 he can reason down from them4 ,but1 when he says1 8,every species of animals naturally multiplies in proportion to the means of their subsistence10 8,the demand for men necessarily regulates the production of men10#eh he has not anticipated ,malthus4 ,his phrases are touching a principle of which he does not see the most important bearings2 and not having reasoned up to it1 he makes hardly any attempt to reason down from it4 ,malthus1 on the other hand1 has taken fast hold of a general principle1 and is able to solve a number of dependent questions in the way of simple corollaries4 ,others may have given right answers to the special questions about the ,poor ,law and the populousness of ancient nations4 ,malthus is the first to show one comprehensive reason why all these answers must be right4 ,this was the secret of his success4 ,as ,godwin's ,political ,justice was successful because systematic1 the ,essay on ,population was successful because it seemed to put chaos in order4 ,the very sadness of his conclusion had a charm for some minds2 but the bulk of his readers did not love him for taking their hopes away1 they loved him for giving them new light4 ,pestilence and famine begin to lose their vague terrors when we know whence they come and what they do for the world4 ,even if the desire of marriage is itself an evil1 it is well to know the truth about it4 ,ignorance can only be blissful where it is total2 and wilful ignorance1 being of necessity partial1 is a perpetual unrest1 not even a fool's paradise4#ei ,the truth in this case was not all sadness4 ,in the last portion of the essay of #agih ,malthus expounds an argument which he afterwards reproduced in later editions with a more terrestrial application4 ,he uses the style of ,paley and the ,apologists1 and he tries to discover the final cause of the principle of population1 on metaphysical lines that were followed by ,mr4 ,sumner nearly twenty years afterwards1 when the discussion had taken a new turn4#fj ,the question is how to reconcile the suffering produced by the principle of population with the goodness of ,god4 ,malthus answers that the difficulty is only one part of the general problem of evil1 the difference between this part and the rest being that in this case we see farther into the causes2 and it is therefore the easier for us to justify the ways of ,god to man4 8,evil exists not to create despair but activity40#fa ,we ought not to reason from ,god to nature1 but from nature to ,god2 to know how ,god works1 let us observe how nature works4 ,we shall then find that nature sends all sentient creatures through a long and painful process1 by which they gain new qualities and powers1 presumably fitting them for a better place than they have in this world4 ,this world and this life are therefore in all probability 8the mighty process of ,god10 not indeed for the mere 8probation0 of man 7for that would imply that his ,maker was suspicious of him1 or ignorant of what was in him71 but for the 8creation and formation0 of the human mind out of the torpor and corruption of dead matter1#fb 8to sublimate the dust of the earth into soul1 to elicit an ethereal spark from the clod of clay40 ,the varied influences of life are the forming hand of the ,creator1 and they are infinitely diverse1 for 7in spite of ,solomon7 there is nothing old under the sun4#fc ,difficulties generate talents4#fd 8,the first awakeners of the mind are the wants of the body20 it is these that rouse the intellect of the infant and sharpen the wits of the savage4 ,not leisure but necessity is the mother of invention3 1 1 4 ,locke was right2 the desire to avoid pain is even stronger than the desire to find pleasure4 ,in this way evil leads to good2 for pain1 which is a kind of evil1 creates effort1 and effort creates mind4 ,this is the general rule4 ,a particular example of it is1 that want of food1 which is one of the most serious of evils1 leads to good4 ,by contriving that the earth shall produce food only in small quantities1 and in reward of labour1 ,god has provided a perpetual spur to human progress4 ,this is the key to the puzzle of population4 ,by nature man is a lotos-eater till hunger makes him a ,ulysses4 ,why should he toil1 the roof and crown of things8 ,mainly because1 if he does not toil1 neither can he live2 the lotos country will soon be over-peopled1 and he must push off his bark again4 8,the first awakeners of the mind are the wants of the body10 though1 once awakened1 the mind soon finds out wants beyond the body1 and the development of intellect and civilization goes on indefinitely4#fe ,the people 8tend to increase0 more quickly than their food1 not in order that men may suffer1 but in order that they may be roused to save themselves from suffering4 ,the partial ill of all such general laws is swallowed up in the general good2 and the general good is secured in two ways3 humanity is developed2 the resources of the world are developed4 ,in the first place1 the intellect of individual men is developed1 for the constancy of nature is the foundation of reasoning1 and human reason would never be drawn out unless men were absolutely unable to depend on miracles1 and were obliged as well as able to make calculations on the basis of a constant law4 ,to this constancy of nature we owe the immortal mind of a ,newton4 ,in the second place1 the world must be peopled4 ,if savages could have got all their food from one central spot of fertile ground1 the earth at large would have remained a wilderness2 but1 as it is1 no one settlement can support an indefinite increase of numbers2 the numbers must spread out over the earth till they find room and food4 ,if there were no law of increase1 a few such careers as ,alexander's or ,tamerlain's might unpeople the whole world2 but the law exists1 and the gaps made by any conqueror1 or by any pestilence1 are soon filled to overflowing1 while the overflowing flood passes on to reclaim new countries4#ff ,this is the cosmology of ,malthus4 8,life is1 generally speaking1 a blessing independent of a future state40#fg 8,the impressions and excitements of this world are the instruments with which the ,supreme ,being forms matter into mind40 ,the necessity of constant exertion1 to avoid evil and pursue good1 is the principal spring of these impressions1 and is therefore a sufficient reason for the existence of natural and moral evil1 including the difficulties which arise from the principle of population4 ,all these are present difficulties1 but they are not beyond remedy4 ,they do not serve their purpose unless human exertion succeeds in diminishing them4 ,absolute removal ,malthus does not promise2 but1 while believing in science and reason as strongly as ,condorcet or ,godwin1 declines to regard an earthly immortality as a reasonable hope1 and points us instead to a future life and to another world for perfection and happiness4#fh ,perhaps the great economist went beyond his province in attacking the problem of evil4 ,in the controversy that followed the essay there are few references to this part of it1 and after the appearance of the second edition1 where this part is omitted altogether1 people forgot the existence of the first edition4 ,from the way in which ,sumner speaks of the difference between his point of view and that of ,malthus1 it might fairly be suspected that he knew nothing of the first edition2 and yet the second of his two learned volumes is simply an expansion of its ideas4#fi ,the metaphysic itself might be deep or shallow2 it would be impossible to tell till we heard the sense in which the metaphysical phrases were used1 and that we have hardly any means of doing4 ,they point at least to the 8monistic0 view1 that there is no gulf between mind and matter4 ,we might believe them idealistic in a ,german sense2 but we cannot forget how closely the ethical views of ,malthus are connected with those of the ,english moralists of his century4 ,he cannot be said to have a place in the history of philosophy2 and it is mainly of a curious personal interest to discover that1 although he is nominally a utilitarian1 he separates himself from ,paley by refusing to allow moral value to action done from either fear of punishment or hope of reward4#gj ,there is no indication that he was a metaphysical genius4 ,his researches in the heavier ,german literature did not perhaps extend much farther than to the quaint optimist ,johann ,peter ,sssmilch1#ga from whose ,gttliche ,ordnung he freely drew his statistics4 ,malthus at one time intended to expound his metaphysical views at greater length4#gb ,in other words1 he meant to write a book in the manner of ,price's essays1 half economical and half literary4 ,we need not deeply regret the 8particular business10 whatever it was1 that nipped this intention in the bud1 besides delaying the publication of the essay as we now have it4#gc ,the metaphysical and theological passages1 as they stand1 have the look of an episode1 though the thought of them is logically enough connected with the tenor of the book4 ,the views of the author on the other world1 the punishment of the wicked1 and the use of miracles1 have1 like the philosophy1 mainly a personal interest4 ,adam ,smith1 in the later edition of his ,moral ,sentiments1 had omitted at least one very marked expression of theological opinion 7on the ,atonement7 that had appeared in the first edition1#gd and perhaps his disciple did well to follow suit4 ,at the same time1 omission is not recantation1 and we get light on an author's mind and character by discovering any views in which he once professed to believe4 ,a writer who reached absolute truth at a very early stage of study1 has patronized ,adam ,smith#ge by editing his chief work1 and honoured the other economists by tabulating their conclusions in an historical introduction4 ,he extends this favour to ,malthus4 ,the reasonings of ,malthus he finds1 though valuable1 are not free from error2 he has 8all but entirely overlooked0 the beneficial effects of the principle of population as a stimulus to invention and progress4#gf ,this charge is refuted by the essay even in its later form2 but1 placed alongside of the cosmology of the first edition1 it seems merely grotesque4 ,malthus is accused of ignoring the very phenomena which ,malthus glorifies as the 8final cause0 of the principle of population4 ,he thought he had explained not only one of the chief causes of poverty1 but one of the chief effects2 if ,adam ,smith had shown the power of labour as a cause of wealth1 ,malthus thought he had shown the power of poverty as a cause of labour4 ,no doubt the mistake was a common one2 and 7to say nothing of the encyclopdias and biographical dictionaries7 there are few economical text-books which do justice to ,malthus in this matter4#gg ,but one who speaks with authority should not be content with a borrowed knowledge4 ,the same authority tells us that 8the work of ,mr4 ,malthus is valuable rather for having awakened public attention to the subject than for its giving anything like a complete view of the department of the science of which it treats40#gh ,malthus for his part lays no claim to infallibility2 like most pioneers1 he is sure of little beyond his leading principles1 and he is never ashamed to change his views4#gi ,but1 if his ,essay on ,population1 gradually amended and expanded as it was1 to keep pace with the searching criticisms of thirty years1 has not reached the heart of the matter1 surely there is no profit in discussion4 ,the fact is1 that though the anonymous small #hvo of #agih was a mere draught of the completed work of later years1 its main fault was not incompleteness1 but wrongness of emphasis4 ,when a man is writing a controversial pamphlet1 he does not try to bring all truths into the front equally2 he sets the neglected ones in the foreground1 and allows the familiar to fall behind1 not as denied or ignored1 but simply as not emphasized4 ,it is always possible1 in such cases1 that the neglected truths1 though unworthy of the old neglect1 did not deserve the new pre-eminence1 and must not be allowed to retain it4 ,science1 seeking answers to its own questions1 and not to questions of the eighteenth century1 has no toleration for the false emphasis of passing controversy4 ,it puts the real beginning first1 the middle next1 and the end last1 not the end in the middle1 or the last first4 ,accordingly it takes up the first essay of ,malthus on population1 and requires the author to amend it4 ,he must be less critical and more creative1 if he is to give a satisfactory answer to the general problem which he has chosen to take in hand4 ,the times and the subject1 both1 demand a change of attitude1----the times1 because political theories have now become less important than social difficulties1 and the subject1 because he has hitherto1 while clearly explaining the difficulties1 done little more than hint at the expedients for overcoming them4 ,true1 no critic or iconoclast can ever fully vanquish an opponent except by a truth of his own which goes beyond the opponent's falsity2 and it is to this he owes the enthusiasm of his followers4 ,but he does not always expound the truth so fully as the error2 and so1 beyond the point of negation1 his friends often follow him rather by faith than by sight4 ,this1 then1 was what ,malthus had yet to do2 to state what were the trustworthy as well as the delusive methods of raising modern society1 and what were the right as well as the wrong ways of relieving the poor4 ,the success of the essay1 so far1 had been very remarkable4 ,it had provoked replies by the dozen1 and an unwilling witness tells us it had converted friends of progress by the hundred4#hj ,we find ,godwin writing to the author in ,august #agih1ha and we may conclude that the veil of anonymousness was not very thick1 though ,malthus used it again in #ahjj in the tract on ,high ,prices4 ,in a debate in the ,house of ,commons on the #aath ,february1 #ahjj1 ,pitt took occasion to say that1 though he still believed his new ,poor ,bill a good one1 he had dropped it in deference to the objections of 8those whose opinions he was bound to respect40#hb ,he meant ,bentham and ,malthus4 ,we cannot tell which had the greater share of the credit1 but we know that ,malthus regarded ,pitt and ,paley as his most brilliant converts4#hc ,pitt's declaration that he still believed his bill to be a good one could only mean that he still wished to believe it so4 ,it must have been peculiarly galling to a statesman who affected the political economist to find that not only the solemn criticisms of ,malthus1 but the jocose 8,observations0 of ,bentham1#hd which threshed the chaff out of the bill clause by clause1 had turned his favourite science against himself4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,second ,,thoughts1 #ahjc4 ,exaggerations of the ,first ,essay--,its two ,postulates not co-ordinate--,distinctive feature of the ,second ,essay--,its moderate ,optimism--,rough ,classification of ,checks--,moral ,restraint and ,mixed ,motives--,freedom as understood by ,godwin and by ,malthus--,the two men contrasted4 ,while ,malthus was making such converts as ,pitt1 ,paley1 and ,parr1 and when even ,godwin acknowledged the 8writer of the essay0 to have made a 8valuable addition to political economy10#he the essay was not beyond criticism4 ,there were some familiar facts of which the writer had taken too little account1 and they were impressed on him by his critics from all sides4 ,to use the language of philosophy1 he had not been sufficiently concrete2 he had gone far to commit ,godwin's fault1 and consider one feature of human nature apart by itself1 instead of seeing it in its place with the rest4 ,the position and prospects of civilized society in our own day depend on a combination of political1 intellectual1 physical1 and moral causes1 of which the growth or decrease of population may be only an effect4 ,if we are part man1 part lion1 and part hog1 it is not fair to assume the predominance of the hog any more than the predominance of the man4 ,in a herd of animals1 as distinguished from a society of men1 the units are simply the fittest who have survived in the struggle for existence4 ,the principle of population is in the foreground there2 there is no check to it but famine1 disease1 and death4 ,we can therefore understand how the study of the ,essay on ,population led ,charles ,darwin to explain the origin of species by a generalization which ,malthus had known and named1 though he did not pursue it beyond man4#hf ,the 8general struggle0 among animals 8for room and food0 means among civilized men something very like free trade1 the old orthodox economical panacea for economic evils2 and the essayist agrees with ,adam ,smith in a general resistance to legislative interference4 ,bad as are the effects of the irremovable causes of poverty1 interference makes them still worse4 ,but at least1 when we come to man1 the struggle is not so cruel4 8,plague take the hindmost0 is not the only or the supreme rule4 ,if the fear of starvation1 the most earthly and least intellectual of all motives1 is needed to force us to work at first1 it need not therefore be necessary ever afterwards4 ,the baser considerations are by their definition the lowest layers of our pile2 we rise by means of them1 but we tread them down1 and the higher the pile the less their importance4 ,within civilized countries1 in proportion to their civilization1 the struggle in the lowest stages is abolished2 the weakest are often saved1 and the lowest raised1 in spite of unfitness4#hg ,view man not as an animal1 but as a citizen2 view the principle of population as checked not only by vice1 misery1 and the fear of them1 but by all the mixed motives of human society1 and we recognize that ,malthus1 with the best intentions1 had treated the matter too abstractly4 ,godwin had over-rated the power of reason1 ,malthus the power of passion4 8,it is probable10 he wrote at a later time1 8that1 having found the bow bent too much one way1 ,i was induced to bend it too much the other1 in order to make it straight40#hh ,the abstract principle of increase getting more1 and concrete humanity less1 than justice1 the next step was1 naturally1 to deny the possibility of permanent improvement in this world1 and to regard every partial improvement as a labour of ,sisyphus4#hi ,it could hardly be otherwise1 if we began1 like ,malthus1 by setting down the desire of food and the desire of marriage as two co-ordinate principles4#ij ,they are not really co-ordinate4 ,it is true not merely of most men1 but of all men without a single exception1 that they cannot live without food4 ,even if a man survive an abstinence from solid food for forty days1 he cannot deny himself water1 and he is for all useful purposes dead to the world during his fast4 ,the second postulate of the first essay is1 on the contrary1 true only of most men1 and even then under qualifications4 ,it is not true of any till manhood1 and it is not true of all men equally4 ,some are beyond its scope by an accident of birth1 and a still larger number1 whether priests or laymen1 put themselves beyond its scope for moral reasons4#ia ,coleridge puts the case pertinently enough3 8,the whole case is this3 ,are they both alike passions of physical necessity1 and the one equally with the other independent of the reason and the will8 ,shame upon our race that there lives the individual who dares even ask the question40#ib ,malthus saw that he had been hasty1 and he did not republish the essay till he had given it five years of revision1 and added to it the results of foreign travel and wider reading4 ,in #agii he went abroad with some college friends1 ,otter1 ,clarke the antiquarian and naturalist1 and ,clarke's pupil ,cripps1#ic and visited ,germany1 ,sweden1 ,norway1 ,finland1 and part of ,russia1 these being the only countries at that time open to ,english travellers4 ,after his return he published his tract on the ,high ,price of ,provisions 7#ahjj71id and at the conclusion of it he promised a new edition of the ,essay on ,population4 ,some people1 he says1 have thought the essay 8a specious argument inapplicable to the present state of society10 because it contradicts preconceived opinions2 but two years of reflection have strengthened his conviction that he has discovered 8the real cause of the continued depression and poverty of the lower classes20 and he will not recant his essay3 8,i have deferred giving another edition of it in the hope of being able to make it more worthy of the public attention1 by applying the principle directly and exclusively to the existing state of society1 and endeavouring to illustrate the power and universality of its operation from the best authenticated accounts that we have of the state of other countries40 ,but he was not satisfied with the accounts of other people4 ,when the ,peace of ,amiens let loose thousands of pleasure-seekers on the ,continent1 ,malthus went to ,france and ,switzerland on no errand of mere pleasure2 and he was luckily at home again1 and passing his proof-sheets through the press1 before ,napoleon's unpleasant interference with ,english travellers4 ,it was a happy coincidence that in the dark fighting days of #agih1 ,malthus should write only of vice and misery1 while in the short gleam of peace in #ahjb and #ahjc1 when the tramp of armed men had ceased for the moment1 he should recollect himself1 and write of a less ghastly restraint on population1 a restraint which might perhaps1 like the truce of ,amiens1 hold out some faint hope for the future4 ,for the sake of the world let us hope that the parallel goes no further4 ,the wonder is not that he forgot there was such a thing as civilization1 but that amidst wars and rumours of wars he should ever have remembered it4 ,in the preface to the new edition 7,june #ahjc71 he says he has 8so far differed in principle0 from the old edition 8as to suppose the action of another check to population which does not come under the head either of vice or misery10 and he has 8tried to soften some of the harshest conclusions of the first essay40 ,there was really more change than this4 ,the first essay contained much of the imperfection of the sudden magazine-article2 and if the writer had lived half a century later he would probably1 instead of writing a small book1 have contributed a long article to a monthly or quarterly magazine1 giving a review of ,godwin's political writings1 with incidental remarks on the ,poor ,bill of ,mr4 ,pitt4 ,this was evidently the light in which he himself regarded his first work1 or he would not have handled it so freely in republication4 ,the new edition had new facts1 new arrangement1 and new emphasis4 ,he had not written a book once for all1 leaving the world to fight over it after his death4 ,he took the public into partnership with him1 and made every discussion a means of improving his book4 ,this gives the ,essay on ,population a unique character among economical writings4 ,it leads the author to interpret his thoughts to us from many various points of view1 leaving us1 unhappily1 often in doubt whether an alteration of language is or is not an alteration of thought4 ,malthus adds to the difficulty by omitting and inserting instead of rewriting in full4 ,his chapters cease to be old without becoming new4 ,the very face of the book revealed a change4 ,in #agih it was ,an ,essay on the ,principle of ,population as it affects the ,future ,improvement of ,society2 in #ahjc1 ,an ,essay on the ,principle of ,population1 or a ,view of its ,past and ,present ,effects on ,human ,happiness4 ,the dreams of the future are now in the background1 and the facts of the present in the foreground4 ,in #agih ,malthus had given ,godwin the lie3-- 8,colouring he1 dilating1 magniloquent1 glorying in picture1 ,he to a matter of fact still softening1 paring1 abating1 ,he to the great might-have-been upsoaring1 sublime and ideal1 ,he to the merest it--was restricting1 diminishing1 dwarfing40 ,he must do more now1 or his political economy is a dismal science4 ,he must show how we can cling to the matter of fact without losing our ideal4 ,it is not enough to refer us to the other world4 ,how far may we have hope in this world8 ,let ,malthus answer4 ,the second essay is his answer2 and if second thoughts are the best1 then we may rejoice over the second essay1 for it lifts the cloud from the first4 ,it tells us that on the whole the power of civilization is greater than the power of population2 the pressure of the people on the food is therefore less in modern than it was in ancient times or the middle ages2 there are now less disorder1 more knowledge1 and more temperance4#ie ,the merely physical checks are falling into a subordinate position4 ,there are two kinds of checks on population4 ,a check is 7a7 positive1 when it cuts down an existing population1 7b7 preventive1 when it keeps a new population from growing up4 ,among animals the check is only misery1 among savage men vice as well as misery1 and1 in civilized society1 moral restraint as well as1 till now1 both vice and misery4 ,even in civilized society there are strata which moral restraint hardly reaches1 for there are strata which are not civilized4 ,on the whole1 however1 it is true that among animals there is no sign of any other check than the positive1 while among men the positive is gradually subordinated to the preventive4 ,among men misery may act both positively and preventively4 ,in the form of war or disease it may slay its tens of thousands1 and cut down an existing population4 ,by the fear of its own coming it may prevent many a marriage1 and keep a new population from growing up4 ,vice may also act in both ways3 positively as in child-murder1 preventively as in the scheme of ,condorcet4 ,but in civilized society the forces of both order and progress are arrayed against their two common enemies2 and1 if we recognized no third check1 surely the argument that was used against ,godwin's society holds against all society2 its very purification will ruin it1 by forbidding vice and misery to check the growth of population1 and by thereby permitting the people to increase to excess4 ,there is1 however1 a third check1 which ,malthus knows under the title of moral restraint4 ,moral restraint is a distinct form of preventive check4 ,it is not to be confused with an impure celibacy1 which falls under the head of vice2 and yet the adjective 8moral0 does not imply that the motives are the highest possible4#if ,the adjective is applied not so much to the motive of the action as to the action itself1 from whatever motives proceeding2 and in the mouth of a ,utilitarian this language is not unphilosophical4 ,moral restraint1 in the pages of ,malthus1 means simply continence2 it is an abstinence from marriage followed by no irregularities4#ig ,he speaks of the 8moral stimulus0 of the bounty on corn1 meaning the expectations it produced in the minds of men1 as distinguished from the variations it produced in the prices of grain2#ih and the word 8moral0 is often1 like 8morale10 used in military matters to denote mental disposition1 as distinguished from material resources4 ,the vagueness of the word is perhaps not accidental1 for nothing is vaguer than the mixed motives which it denotes2 but continence1 which is unambiguous1 would seem the better word4 ,with the enunciation of the third check the theory of ,malthus entered definitively on a new phase2 and in sketching the outlines of his work we shall no longer need to treat it as paradoxical and overstrained1 but as a sober argument from the ground of accepted facts4 ,the author's analysis of human nature has been brought into harmony with common sense4 ,he confesses that it had hitherto been too abstract1 and had separated the inseparable4 ,the mind of man cannot be sawed into quantities2 and1 even if it is possible to distinguish the mixed motives that guide human action1 the fact remains that they only operate when together4 ,it is probable that no good man's motives were ever absolutely noble1 and no bad man's ever absolutely bestial4 ,even the good man is strongest when he can make his very circumstances war against his power to do evil4 ,mixed from the first of time1 human motives will1 in this world1 remain mixed unto the last1 whether in saint1 sage1 or savage4 ,but civilization1 involving1 as it does1 a progressive change in the dominant ideas of society1 will alter the character of the mixture and the proportion of the elements4 ,the laws of ,malthus will be obeyed1 though the name of ,malthus be not mentioned1 and the checks1 physical or moral1 be never brought to mind4 ,society1 moving all together1 if it move at all1 cannot cure its evils by one single heroic remedy2 but as little can it be content with self-denying ordinances1 prohibitions1 or refutations4 ,it needs a positive truth1 and an ideal1 that is to say1 a religion1 to give new life to the bodily members by giving new hope to the heart4 8,the fear of the ,lord is the beginning of wisdom1 but the end of wisdom is the love of the ,lord and the admiration of moral good40#ii ,it follows that an economist1 if he knows nothing but his economy1 does not know even that4 ,no economists are more reproached with their want of idealism than ,malthus and his brethren4 ,as the ,french ,revolutionists were said to believe that the death of their old rulers would of itself bring happiness and good government1 so these writers were said to teach that the mere removal of hindrances would lead to the best possible production and distribution of the good things of this life4 ,the ideal state then1 as far as wealth was concerned1 would be anarchy plus the police constable4 ,godwin would have dispensed with the constable4 8,give a state liberty enough10 he says1 8and vice cannot exist in it40#ajj ,but neither he nor the economists desired a merely negative change or removal of hindrances4 ,their political reformation was to be1 like the ,protestant1 only successful as it went beyond image-breaking4 ,malthus1 it will be seen1#aja is far from being an unqualified advocate of laissez faire2 and1 in all cases where he did desire it1 he wished to make the state small only to make public opinion great4 ,godwin was not far away from him here4 ,if he was wrong in attributing too much evil to institutions1 and too little to human nature1 he has furnished his own correction4 ,the ,political ,justice disclaimed all sympathy with violence2 it taught that a political reform was worthless unless effected peacefully by reason2 and ,malthus#ajb has the same cure for social evils--argument and instruction4 ,the difference between them is1 that ,malthus takes more into account the unreasonableness as well as the reasonableness of men4 ,in essentials they are agreed4 ,the thorough enlightenment of the people1 which includes their moral purification as well as their intellectual instruction1 is to complete the work of mending all1 in which men are to be fellow-workers with ,god--so runs the teaching of ,malthus and all the greatest economists of the last hundred years4 ,whether the evils of competition are many or few1 serious or trifling1 depends largely on the character of the competitors2 and the more free we make the competition1 the more thoroughly we must educate the competitors4 ,adam ,smith was well aware of this2 he recommended school-boards a hundred years before the ,acts of #ahgj and #ahgb2ajc and ,malthus was not behind him4#ajd ,they are aware that the more completely we exclude the interference of ,government1 the more actively we must employ every other moral and social agency4 ,whether ,malthus was prepared to exclude the interference of ,government entirely1 even under this condition1 we shall see by-and-by4 ,the characters of the two men1 ,malthus and ,godwin1 are a striking contrast4 ,malthus was the student1 of quiet settled life1 sharing his little wealth with his friends in unobtrusive hospitality1 and constantly using his pen for the good1 as he believed1 of the ,english poor1 that in these wretched times they might have domestic happiness like his own4 ,there never was a more singular delusion than the common belief in the hard-heartedness of ,malthus4 ,besides the unanimous voice of private friends1 he has left testimony enough in his own books to absolve him4 ,while ,adam ,smith and others owe their errors to intellectual fallibility1 ,malthus owes many of his to his tender heart4 ,his motive for studying political economy was no doubt a mixed motive2 it was partly the interest of an intelligent man in abstract questions2 but it was chiefly the desire to advance the greatest happiness of the greatest number4 ,in his eyes the elevation of human life was much more important than the solution of a scientific problem4 ,even when in #ahbj he wrote a book on the 8,principles of ,political ,economy10 he took care to add on the title-page1 8considered with a view to their practical application10 refusing to consider in abstractness what always exists in the concrete4 ,his keen sympathy for the sufferings of displaced workmen led him to fight a losing battle with ,say and ,ricardo in favour of something like an embargo on inventions1 and in protest against a fancied over-production4#aje ,his private life showed the power of gentleness2 ,miss ,martineau could hear his mild1 sonorous vowels without her eartrumpet1 and his few sentences were as welcome at her dinner-table as the endless babble of cleverer tongues4 ,he felt the pain of a thousand slanders 8only just at first10 and never let them trouble his dreams after the first fortnight1 saying1 with a higher than stoical calmness1 that they passed by him like the idle wind which he respected not4#ajf ,he outlived obloquy1 and saw the fruit of his labours in a wiser legislation and improved public feeling4 ,with ,godwin all was otherwise4 ,there were fightings within and fears without4 ,with an immovable devotion to ideas he combined a fickleness of affection towards human beings4 ,he heeded emotion too little in his books and too much in his own life1 yielding to the fancy of the moment1 quarrelling with his best friends twice a week1 and quickly knitting up the broken ties again4 ,he loved his wife well1 but hardly allowed her to share the same house with him1 lest they should weary of one another4#ajg ,he was the sworn enemy of superstition1 and himself the arch-dreamer of dreams4 ,yet when we contrast the haphazard literary life of the one1 ending his days ingloriously#ajh in a ,government sinecure1 unsuccessful and almost forgotten1 with the academical ease of the other1 centred in the sphere of common duties1 and passing from the world with a fair consciousness of success1 we feel a sympathy for ,godwin that is of a better sort than the mere liking for a loser4 ,it is a sympathy not sad enough for pity4 ,it is not wholly sad to find ,godwin in his old age a lonely man1 his friends dropping off one by one into the darkness and leaving him solitary in a world that does not know him4 ,the world that had begun to realize the ideas of ,malthus had begun to realize the ideas of ,godwin also4 ,it was a world far more in harmony with political justice than that into which ,godwin had sent his book forty years before4 ,it was good that ,malthus had lived to see the new ,poor ,law1 but still better that both had lived to see the ,reform of '#cb4 ,they passed away within two years of each other1 ,malthus in the winter of #ahcd1 ,godwin in the spring of #ahcf1 the year of the first league of the people against the ,corn ,laws4 ,in their death they were still divided1 but1 8si quis piorum manibus locus10 they are divided no longer1 and they think no hard thoughts of each other any more4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,theses4 ,position stated in the ,essay--,tendency of ,life to increase beyond ,food--,problem not the same for ,humanity as for the lower forms of ,life--,man's ,dilemma--,tendency to increase not predicable of ,food in same sense as of ,life--,the ,geometrical and ,arithmetical ,ratios--,position stated in ,encyclopdia ,britannica--,milne's ,confirmation of the ,geometrical ,ratio--,arithmetical ,ratio proved differently--,private ,property a condition of great ,production--,fallacy of confusing possible with actual ,production--,laws of ,man as well as of ,nature responsible for necessity of ,checks--,position stated in 8,summary ,view0--,the ,checks on ,population classified 7a7 objectively and 7b7 subjectively--,relation to previous ,classification--,cycle in the movement of ,population4 ,the second essay applies the theory of the first to new facts and with a new purpose4 ,the author1 having gained his case against ,godwin1 ceases to be the critic and becomes the social reformer4 ,despairing to master all the forms of evil1 he confines his study to one of them in particular1 the tendency of living beings to increase beyond their means of nourishment4 ,this phenomenon is important both from its cause and from its effects4 ,its cause is not the action of ,governments1 but the constitution of man2 and its effects are not of to-day or yesterday1 but constant and perpetual2#aji it frequently hinders the moral goodness and general happiness of a nation as well as the equal distribution of its wealth4 ,this is the general position1 which the several chapters of the essay are to expound in detail4 ,it is not by itself quite simple4 8,the constant tendency in all animated life sic#aaj to increase beyond the nourishment prepared for it0 is in one sense common to humanity with plants and animals1 but in another sense is not common to any two of the three4 ,it is certainly true of all of them that the seeds of their life1 whencesoever at first derived1 are now infinitely numerous on our planet1 while the means of rearing them are strictly limited4 ,in the case of plants and animals the strong instinct of reproduction is 8interrupted by no reasoning or doubts about providing for offspring10#aaa and they crowd fresh lives into the world only to have them at once shorn away by starvation4 ,with the exception of certain plants which ape their superiors1 like the drosera1 and certain men who ape their inferiors1 like the cannibals1 the lines of difference between the three classes of living things are tolerably distinct4 ,the first class1 in the struggle for room and food1 can only forestall each other and leave each other to die2 the second deliberately prey on the first and on each other2 while the third prey on both the rest4 ,but with man this 8tendency to increase beyond the food0 differs from the same instinct in the other two cases by more than the fact that man has larger resources and is longer in reaching his limit4 ,the instinct is equally strong in him1 but he does not unquestioningly follow it4 8,reason interrupts his career10 and asks him whether he may not be bringing into the world beings for whom he cannot provide the means of support4#aab ,if he brushes reason aside1 then he shares the fate of plants and animals2 he tends to multiply his numbers beyond the room and food accessible to them1 and the result is that his numbers are cut down to these limits by suffering and starvation4 ,there is nothing in this either more or less contrary to the notion of a benevolent ,providence than in the general power given to man of acting rationally or irrationally according to his own choice in any other instance4 ,on the other hand1 if he listens to reason1 he can no doubt defeat the tendency1 but too often he does it at the expense of moral purity4 ,the dilemma makes the desire for marriage almost an 8origin of evil40 ,if man obeys his instincts he falls into misery1 and1 if he resists them1 into vice4 ,though the dilemma is not perfect1 its plausibility demands that we should test it by details1 and to this test ,malthus may be said to have given his whole life4 ,his other economical works are subordinate to the essay1 and may be said to grow out of it4 ,though we cannot omit them if we would fully understand and illustrate the central work1 still the latter must come first2 and its matured form requires more than the brief summary which has been given in the two preceding chapters4 ,the body of the book consists of historical details1 and particular examples showing the checks to population in uncivilized and in civilized places1 in present and in past times4 ,the writer means to bring his conclusions home to his readers by the 8longer way0 of induction4 ,as this1 however1 was not the way in which he himself reached them1 or even stated them at first1 he will ask us first of all to look at the terms of the dilemma in the light of his two original postulates#aac--7;a7 food is necessary1 7b7 the desire of marriage is permanent4 ,what is the quickest possible increase of numbers in obedience to the second1 and of food in obedience to the first8 ,in the most crucial of the known instances1 the actual rapidity of the increase of population seems to be in direct proportion to the easy possession of food2 and we can infer that the ideally rapid increase would take place where all obstacles 7whether material or moral7 to the getting of food and rearing of a family were removed1 so that nature never needed to remonstrate with instinct4 8,in no state that we have yet known has the power of population been left to exert itself with perfect freedom40#aad ,we can guess what it would be from the animal and vegetable world1 where reason does not as a matter of fact interfere with instinct in any circumstances1 so far as we can judge4 ,benjamin ,franklin1 in a passage quoted by ,malthus in this connection1#aae supposes that if the earth were bared of other plants it might be replenished in a few years with fennel alone4 ,even as things are now1 fennel would fill the whole earth if the other plants would only allow it2 and the same is true of each of the others4 ,townsend's goats and greyhounds on ,juan ,fernandez are a better instance1 because not hypothetical4#aaf ,juan ,fernando1 the first discoverer1 had covered the island with goats from one pair4#aag ,the ,spaniards resolved to clear it of goats1 in order to make it useless to the ,english for provisioning4 ,they put on shore a couple of greyhounds1 whose offspring soon caused the goats to disappear4 ,but without some few goats to eat all the dogs must have died2 and the few were saved to them by their inaccessible refuges in the rocks1 from which they descended at risk of their lives4 ,in this way only the strongest and fleetest dogs and the hardiest and fleetest goats survived2 and a balance was kept up between goat food and hound population4 ,townsend thereupon remarks that human populations are kept down by want of food precisely in the same way4 ,there is nothing to prevent the increase of human numbers if we suppose reason to have no need 7as in the lower creatures it has no opportunity7 to interfere4 ,to understand the situation1 however1 it is best not to assume the truth of this parallelism1 but to take the actually recorded instances of human increase under the nearest known approaches to absolute plenty combined with moral goodness1 that is to say1 with a state of society in which vice is at a minimum4 8,in the northern states of ,america1 where the means of subsistence have been more ample1 the manners of the people more pure1 and the checks to early marriages fewer than in any of the modern states of ,europe1 the population was found to double itself for some successive periods every twenty-five years40#aah ,from this near approach to an unchecked increase1 we infer that the unchecked would mean a doubling in less than twenty-five years 7say twenty1 or perhaps fifteen71 and that all population1 in proportion as it is unchecked1 tends towards that rate of increase4 ,if it is difficult to find an unchecked increase of population1 it is still harder to find an unchecked increase of food2 for what is meant is not that a people should find their food in one fertile country with as much ease as in another1 but that1 for a new people1 new supplies should always be found with the same ease as the old ones4 ,now it is not necessary to suppose that the most fertile land is always used first2#aai very often it might only be used late after the rest1 through political insecurity1 imperfect agriculture1 incomplete explorations1 or the want of capital2 but1 when it is once occupied1 the question is1 will it supply new food to new-comers without any limit at all8 ,this would be an ideally fertile land corresponding to the ideally expanding population4 ,and on some such inexhaustible increase of food an unchecked increase of population would depend1 unless men became able to live without food altogether4 ,malthus afterwards pointed out1 in the course of controversy1#abj that there is strictly speaking no question here of the comparison of two tendencies1 for we cannot speak of a tendency to increase food in the same sense as a tendency to increase population4 ,population is increased by itself2 food is increased not by food itself1 but by an agency external to it1 the human beings that want it2 and1 while the former increase is due to an instinct1 the latter is 7in a sense7 acquired4 ,eating is instinctive1 but not the getting of the food4 ,we have1 therefore1 to compare an increase due to an instinctive desire with an increase due to labour1 and 8a slight comparison will show the immensity of the first power over the second40 ,malthus allows that it is difficult to determine this relation with exactness2#aba but1 with the natural liking of a ,cambridge man for a mathematical simile1#abb he says that the one is to the other as an arithmetical to a geometrical ratio1--that is to say1 in any given time 7say a century7 the one will have increased by multiplication1 the other only by addition4 ,if we represent both the population and the food at the beginning of that century by ten1 then the population will double itself in twenty-five years2 the ten will become twenty in the first twenty-five years1 forty in the second1 eighty in the third1 one hundred and sixty in the last1 while the food will only become twenty in the first1 thirty in the second1 forty in the third1 fifty in the fourth4 ,if this is true1 it shows the tendency of population to outrun subsistence4 ,but of course it needs to be shown from experience that1 while the strength of the desire remains the same in the later stages of the growth of population as in the earlier1 the laboriousness of the labour is greater in the later stages of the increase of food than in the earlier4 ,it is the plain truth1 says ,malthus1 that nature is niggardly in her gifts to man1 and by no means keeps pace with his desires4 ,if men would satisfy their desire of food at the old rate of speed1 they must exert their mind or their body much more than at first4#abc ,an obvious objection presents itself4 ,since man's food consists after all of the lower forms of life1 animal and vegetable1 and since these admittedly tend to increase1 unchecked by themselves1 in a geometrical ratio1 it might be thought that the increase of human population and the increase of its food could proceed together1 with equal ease4 ,but the answer is that this unchecked geometrical increase of the first could go on only so long as there was room for it4 ,it could only be true1 for example1 of wheat in the corn-field at the time when the seed of it was sown1 and the field was all before it4 ,the equality of the two ratios would only be true of the first crop4#abd ,at first there might be five or sixfold the seed2 but in after years1 though the geometrical increase from the seed would tend to be the same1 there could be no geometrical increase of the total crop by unassisted nature4 ,the earth has no tendency to increase its surface4 ,there is a tendency of animals and vegetables to increase geometrically1 in their quality of living things1 but not in their quality of being food for man4 ,the same amount of produce might no doubt be gained on a fresh field1 from the seed yielded by the first1 and at the same geometrical rate2 but this assumes that there is a fresh field1 and we should not then be at the proper stage to contrast the two ratios4 ,the contrast begins to show itself as soon as the given quantity of land has grown its crop1 and its animal and human population have used all its food4 ,the question is then how any increase of the said population1 if they are confined to their own supplies1 is at all to be made possible2 the answer is1 only by greater ingenuity and greater labour in the getting of food2 and1 however possible this may be1 it can hardly be so easy as the increase of living beings by their own act4 ,the degree of disparity between the two will of course depend on the degree of rapidity with which an unchecked population is supposed to double itself4 ,sir ,william ,petty1#abe with few trustworthy statistics1 had supposed ten years2 ,euler1 with somewhat better1 twelve and four-fifths2 but ,malthus prefers to go by the safe figures of the ,american colonies1 which he always regarded as a crucial proof that the period was not more than twenty-five4 ,he admits the risk of his own mathematical simile when he grants that it is more easy to determine the rate of the natural increase of population than the rate of the increase of food which is in a much less degree natural 7or spontaneous72 and he argues from what had been done in ,england in his own time that the increase would not even be in an arithmetical ratio1 though agricultural improvement 7thanks to ,arthur ,young and the ,board of ,agriculture1 and the long reign of high prices7 was raising the average produce very sensibly4 ,if the ,napoleonic times were the times of a forced population in ,england1 they were also the times of a forced agricultural production4 ,yet we ourselves1 long after this stimulus1 and after much high farming unknown to our fathers1 have reached only an average produce of twenty-eight bushels per acre of arable land as compared with twenty-three in #aggj1abf while the population has risen from about six millions to thirty-five4 ,it may be said that applies only to wheat4 ,but until lately wheat-growing was the chief object of all our scientific agriculture2 and this is the result of a century's improvements4 ,it is far from an arithmetical increase2 and1 even had the produce been multiplied sevenfold1 along with the population1 this would not overthrow the contention of ,malthus1 for he is not speaking of any and every increase of food1 but of such an increase made by the same methods and by the same kind of labour as raised the old supplies4#abg ,once it is acknowledged that to raise new food requires greater labour and new inventions1 while to bring new men into the world requires nothing more than in all times past1 the disparity of the two is already admitted4 ,the fact that the two processes are both dependent on the action of man1 and both practically illimitable1 does not prevent them from being essentially unlike4#abh ,objectors often suppose that the tendency of population to outrun subsistence is contradicted by the existence of unpeopled or thinly-peopled countries1 just as if the tendency of bodies to attract each other were contradicted by the incompressibility of matter4 ,the important point to notice is that the one power is greater than the other4 ,the one is to the other as the hare is to the tortoise in the fable4 ,to make the slow tortoise win the race1 we must send the hare to sleep4#abi ,carey 7,social ,science1 vol4 i4 ch4 iii4 #e7 represents the view of ,malthus by the following propositions3--#a4 8,matter tends to take upon itself higher forms10 passing from inorganic to vegetable and animal life1 and from these to man4 #b4 ,matter tends to take on itself the vegetable and animal forms in an arithmetic ratio only4 #c4 ,it tends to take its highest form1 man1 in a geometrical ratio1 so that the highest outstrips the lowest4 ,in short he believes that ,malthus holds the geometrical increase to be true of man alone1 and only the arithmetical to be true of animals and vegetables4 ,but ,malthus really attributed the tendency to geometrical increase to all life whatsoever1 and arithmetical to all food1 as such4 ,in ,macvey ,napier's ,supplement to the ,encyclopdia ,britannica 7#ahbd7 ,malthus has left his mature statement of his cardinal principles1 and1 at the risk of repetition1 that account may be added here4 ,the main difference from the essay is in arrangement of the leading ideas2 and we may learn at least what he conceived to be their relative importance towards the end of his life4 ,he begins by observing 7#a7 that all living things1 of whatever kind1 when furnished with their proper nourishment tend to increase in a geometrical ratio1 whether 7as wheat7 by multiplying sixfold in one year1 or 7as sheep7 by doubling their numbers in two years1 tending to fill the earth1 the one in fourteen1 the other in seventy-six years4 ,but 7#b7 as a matter of fact they do not so increase1 and the reason is either man's want of will or man's want of power to provide them their proper soil or pasture4 ,the actual rate of increase is extremely slow1 while the power of increase is prodigious4 7#c7 ,physically man is as the rest2 and if we ask what is the factor of his geometrical increase1 we can only tell it1 as in the case of wheat and sheep1 by experience4 7#d7 ,in the case of other living beings1 where there are most room and food there is greatest increase4 ,these conditions are best fulfilled for man in the ,united ,states1 where the distribution of wealth is better than in other equally fertile places1 and the greater number share the advantages4 ,the ,american census shows for the three decades between #agij and #ahbj a rate of increase that would double the numbers in #bb1 #bb1 and #bc years respectively1 after we deduct as immigrants ten thousand on an average every year4 ,a striking indirect confirmation of this view of the ,american increase was supplied to ,malthus#acj by ,joshua ,milne1 the author of the ,treatise on ,annuities4 ,his calculations were founded on the new ,swedish table of mortality4 ,this table had been drawn up from the registers of the first five years of the century1 years of unusual healthiness2 and might therefore be presumed to represent the normal condition of a new and healthy country like the ,united ,states better than the old table drawn up from the years before sanitary reform and vaccination4 ,milne took the ,swedish table as his guide1 and one million of people as his unit of measurement2 he calculated in what proportions the component individuals of the million must belong to childhood1 youth1 mature life1 and old age1 in order that by the principles of the ,swedish table the million might double itself by natural increase in twenty-five years2 and he arrived at a distribution so like that given by the ,american census1 that he was bound to conclude the ,american rate of increase to be at the least very like one that doubles a population in twenty-five years4 ,but the ,swedish law of mortality could not be exactly true of the ,united ,states1 which are healthier as a whole than ,sweden even in ,sweden's best years4#aca ,the ,united ,states themselves are not the very healthiest and wealthiest and happiest country conceivable2 and their increase is therefore not the fastest conceivable4 ,if the observed fact of increase is the best proof of the capacity for increase1 the observed presence of checks leads to an a fortiori reasoning1 whereby we infer the capacity for a greater increase than any actually observed4 ,to sum up the whole of this first branch of the argument1--8taking into consideration the actual rate of increase which appears from the best documents to have taken place over a very large extent of country in the ,united ,states of ,america1 very variously circumstanced as to healthiness and rapidity of progress1--considering further the rate of increase which has taken place in ,new ,spain and also in many countries of ,europe1 where the means of supporting a family1 and other circumstances favourable to increase1 bear no comparison with those of the ,united ,states1--and adverting particularly to the actual increase of population which has taken place in this country during the last twenty years#acb under the formidable obstacles which must press themselves upon the attention of the most careless observer1 it must appear that the assumption of a rate of increase such as would double the population in twenty-five years1 as representing the natural progress of population when not checked by the difficulty of procuring the means of subsistence or other peculiar causes of premature mortality1 must be decidedly within the truth4 ,it may be safely asserted1 therefore1 that population when unchecked increases in a geometrical ratio of such a nature as to double itself every twenty-five years40#acc ,the problem is only half stated2 it is still to be shown what is the rate of the increase of ,food4 ,the case does not admit the same kind of proof4 ,we can suppose an unchecked increase of men going on without any change in human nature2 we have only to suppose for the future the same encouragement to marriage and the same habits of life1 together with the same law of mortality4 ,but with the increase of food the causes do not remain the same4 ,if good land could be got in abundance1 the increase of food from it would be in a geometrical ratio far greater than that of the men2 that of wheat1 for example1 would be sixfold1 as we have seen4 ,but good lands are comparatively few2 they will in the nature of things soon be occupied2 and then the increase of the food will be a laborious process at a rate rather resembling a decreasing than an increasing geometrical ratio4 8,the yearly increment of food1 at least1 would have a constant tendency to diminish20 and the amount of the increase in each successive ten years would probably be less and less4 ,in practice1 the inequalities of distribution may check the increase of food with precisely the same efficacy as an actual arrival at the physical limits to the getting of the food4 8,a man who is locked up in a room may fairly be said to be confined by the walls of it1 though he may never touch them40#acd ,but the main point is1 that1 inequalities or no inequalities1 there is a tendency to diminished productiveness4 ,under either condition the quantity yielded this year will not be doubled or trebled for an indefinite period with the same ease as it was yielded this year4 ,in a tolerably well-peopled country such as ,england or ,germany the utmost might be an increase every twenty-five years equal to the present produce4 ,but the continuance of this would mean that in the next two hundred years every farm should produce eight times what it does now1 or1 in five hundred years1 twenty times as much2 and even this is incredible1 though it would be only an arithmetical progression4 ,no doubt almost all parts of the earth are now more thinly peopled than their capacities might allow2 but the difficulty is to use the capacities4 ,that this view of ,malthus need not imply any ignorance or any disregard of the resources of high farming may be judged from the fact that our highest agricultural authority1 who recognizes the power of ,english farming to provide on emergency even for our entire annual wants1 admits at the same time that1 8where full employment and the means of subsistence are abundant1 population increases in geometrical progression1 and therefore in a far more rapid proportion than the increased productiveness of the soil1 which after a certain point is stationary40#ace 8,it follows necessarily0 7sums up ,malthus7 8that the average rate of the actual increase of population over the greatest part of the globe1 obeying the same law as the increase of food1 must be totally of a different character from the rate at which it would increase if unchecked40 ,on no single farm could the produce be so increased as to keep pace with the geometrical increase of population2 and what is true of a single farm is true in this case of the whole earth4 ,machinery and invention can do less in agriculture than in manufacture1 and they can never do so much as to make preventive checks unnecessary4#acf ,this is the argument of the ,encyclopdia so far as it relates to the theses of the essay4 ,malthus follows it up by a remark on the institution of property4 ,the alternatives to his mind are always private property as we now have it1 and common property as desired by ,godwin4 ,he upholds the first because1 8according to all past experience and the best observation which can be made on the motives which operate upon the human mind10 the largest produce from the soil is got by that system1 and because 7what is socially much more important71 by making a man feel his responsibility and his dependence on his own efforts1 it tends to cause prudence in marriage as well as industry in work4 ,common property has not been successful1 historically2 and the widest extension of popular education would not make men the fitter for it4 ,there is indeed a sense in which common property might tend to carry production farther than private property2 cultivation1 not being for profit but for mere living1 would not1 like the present1 stop at the point where production ceased to be a good investment4 ,but this would mean#acg that the whole energies of the society were directed to the mere getting of food2 neither the whole society nor any part of it would have leisure1 for intellectual labour or enjoyment4 ,whereas private property not only secures the leisure1 but1 by stopping at the point of profitableness1 it keeps an unused reserve1 on which society may fall back in case of need4 ,malthus therefore would stand by private property1 though he thinks that private proprietors may damage the national wealth by game-preserving1 and injure the poorer classes by not spending enough on what they make4#ach ,the actual increase of population 7he goes on7 and the necessity of checks to it depend on the difficulty of getting food1 from whatever cause1 whether the exhaustion of the earth or the bad structure of society2 and the difficulty is not for the remote future but for the present4 ,it is chiefly the contrast between the actual and the possible supplies that makes men incredulous about the necessity of checks2 and we may grant that under an ideal government1 a perfect people1 and faultless social system the produce would at first be so great that the necessity for checks on population would be very much reduced2 but1 as the earth's productiveness does not expand with population1 it would be a very short time before the pressure of the checks would reassert itself--this time from no fault of man1 but from the mere nature of the soil4#aci ,the bad government of our ancestors left much produce unused1 and in consequence we have for the present a large margin to draw on4 ,but1 8if merely since the time of ,william the ,conqueror all the nations of the earth had been well governed1 and if the distribution of property and the habits both of the rich and the poor had been the most favourable to the demand for produce and labour1 though the amount of food and population would have been prodigiously greater than at present1 the means of diminishing the checks to population would unquestionably be less40 ,but1 though the laws of nature are responsible for the necessity of checks to population1#adj 8a vast mass of responsibility remains behind1 on man and the institutions of society40 ,to them in the first place is due the scantiness of the present population of the earth1 there being few parts of it that would not with better government and better morals support twice1 ten times1 or even one hundred times as many inhabitants as now4 ,in the second place1 though man cannot remove the necessity of checks1 or even make them press much more lightly in any given place1#ada he is responsible for their precise character and particular mode of operation4 ,a good government and good institutions can so direct them that they shall be least hurtful to the general virtue and happiness1 vice and misery disappearing before moral restraint1 though after all the influence of government and institutions is indirect1 and everything depends on the conduct of the individual citizens4 ,the rest of the article contains little that is not in the ,essay on ,population 7#eth ed41 #ahag7 and the treatise on ,political ,economy 7#ast ed41 #ahbj74 ,it gives the historical sketches of the former1 some small part of the economical discussions 7e4 g4 on wages7 of the latter1 and a short answer to current objections1 together with some tables of mortality and other figures1 of more special interest to the professional actuary than to the general reader4 ,the article is an authoritative summary of the author's doctrines in their final form4 ,it was not his last work4 ,from the fact that he undertook the paper in ,sept4 #ahba1adb we may perhaps infer that he placed it in ,macvey ,napier's hands in the year #ahbb4adc ,but it was his last attempt to restate the subject of the essay in an independent form with anything approaching to fulness of detail1 and it shows he had made no change in his position4 ,the ,summary ,view of the ,principle of ,population 7#ahcj7 was avowedly an abridgment of the article in the ,encyclopdia1 and is in fact that article with a few paragraphs omitted and a few pronouns altered4 ,the clear statement of the two tendencies was1 in his own eyes1 the least original part of his work4 ,it had been often perceived distinctly by other writers that population must always be kept down to the level of the means of subsistence4 8,yet few inquiries have been made into the various modes by which this level is effected1 and the principle has never been sufficiently pursued to its consequences1 nor those practical inferences drawn from it which a strict examination of its effects on society appears to suggest40#add ,what some people would count the more interesting question remained to be considered----the question that touches individuals and familiar circumstances more nearly1 and is not to be answered by a generality1 from which we easily in thought except our own individual selves4 ,since1 at any given time1 in any given place1 among any given people1 there is 7#a7 a tendency of population to outrun subsistence1 and there is 7#b7 no such excess as a matter of fact1 in what way or ways is the tendency prevented from carrying itself out8 ,as was said above1#ade this is effected in two kinds of ways--7#a7 by the way of a positive1 7#b7 by the way of a preventive check1 the former cutting down an actual population to the level of its food1 the second forbidding a population to need to be cut down1 and being1 so far as it is voluntary1 peculiar to man among living creatures4 ,of the positive1 all those that come from the laws of nature may be called misery pure and simple2 and all those that men bring on themselves by wars1 excesses1 and avoidable troubles of all kinds are of a mixed character1 their causes being vice and their consequences misery4 ,of the preventive1 that restraint from marriage which is not accompanied by any immoral conduct on the part of the person restraining himself or herself is called moral restraint4 ,any restraint which is prudential and preventive1 but immoral1 comes under the head of vice1 for every action may be so called which has 8a general tendency to produce misery10 however innocuous its immediate effects4#adf ,we find1 therefore1 that the positive and the preventive checks are all resolvable into vice1 misery1 and moral restraint1 or sin1 pain1 and self-control1 a threefold division that makes the second essay 8differ in principle0 from the first4#adg ,we have here a twofold alongside of a threefold division of the checks to population4 ,the one is made from an objective1 the other from a subjective point of view4 ,the division of checks 7#a7 into positive and preventive has regard simply to the outward facts2 a population is in those two ways kept down to the food4 ,the division of them 7#b7 into vice1 misery1 and moral restraint has regard to the human agent and his inward condition1 the state of his feelings and of his will4 ,for example1 the positive check viewed subjectively1 or from the human being's point of view1 is the feeling of pain2 the will is not directly concerned with it4 ,the preventive1 from the same point of view1 is of a less simple character4 ,first of all1 moral restraint involves a temporary misery or pain in the thwarting of a desire2 8considered as a restraint upon an inclination otherwise innocent and always natural1 it must be allowed to produce a certain degree of temporary unhappiness1 but evidently slight compared with the evils which result from any of the other checks to population10#adh and 8merely#adi of the same nature as many other sacrifices of temporary to permanent gratification which it is the business of a moral agent continually to make40 ,the reverse is true of vicious excesses and passions2 in their immediate gratification they are pleasant1 but their permanent effects are misery4 ,from the point of view of the will the case is clear1 for the state of the will would be described by ,malthus1 if he ever used such terms1 as in the one case good1 and in the other case evil1 pure and simple4 ,of course in treating the matter historically we may neglect the subjective point of view1 not because it is not necessary for proper knowledge of the facts1 but because it leads to a psychological inquiry1 the results of which are independent of dates4 ,malthus goes on to say that1 in all cases where there is the need for checks at all1 it is the sum total of all the preventive and positive checks that forms the check to population in any given country at any given time1#aej and his endeavour will be to show in what relative proportions and in what degree they prevail in various countries known to us4 ,he assumes further that the preventive and the positive checks will 8vary inversely as each other40 ,in countries where the mortality is great the influence of the preventive check will be small2 and1 where the preventive check prevails much1 the positive check1 or in brief the mortality1 will be small4#aea ,in society1 as it was in the first years of the nineteenth century1 ,malthus thinks he can trace out even by his own observation an 8oscillation10 or what it is the fashion to call a 8cycle10 in the movement of population4 ,history does not show it well1 simply because 8the histories of mankind which we possess are in general only of the higher classes10#aeb and it is the labouring classes to which the observation applies4 ,their painful experience of the ruder checks has not prevented a 8constant effort0 in the labouring population to have larger families than they can well support4 ,the consequence is that their numbers are increased2 they must divide amongst eleven and a half millions the food that was formerly divided among eleven millions2 they must have lower wages and dearer provisions4 ,but this state of distress will so check population that in process of time the numbers will be almost at a standstill1 while at the same time1 since the demand for food has been greater and labour has been cheaper1 the application of capital to agriculture will have increased the available food4 ,the result will be the same tolerable degree of comfort as at the beginning of the cycle1 and the same relapse from it as at the second stage4 ,he conceives the two stages to follow each other as naturally as sunshine rain and rain sunshine4 ,the existence of such a cycle may remain concealed from the ordinary historian1 if he looks merely to the money wages of the labourer1 for it frequently happens that the labourer gets the same sums of money for his wages during a long series of years when the real value of the sums has not remained the same1--the price of bread in what we have called the second stage of the cycle being much dearer than it was in the first1 and than it will be in the third4#aec ,though ,malthus expressly qualifies his statements by showing that civilization tends to counteract these fluctuations1 it certainly seemed to be his belief in #ahjc that on the whole the working classes of ,europe1 and especially of ,england1 were powerless to escape from them4 ,how far this view is justified will be seen presently4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,the ,,savage1 ,,barbarian1 ,,and ,,oriental4 ,simile supplanted by ,fact--,savage ,life--,population dependent not on possible but on actual ,food--,indirect ,action of ,positive ,checks--,hunger not a ,principle of ,progress--,otaheite a ,crux for ,common ,sense--,cycle in the ,movement of ,population--,pitcairn ,island--,barbarian and ,oriental--,nomad ,shepherds--,abram and ,lot--,cimbri and ,teutones--,gibbon versus ,montesquieu--8,at bay on the limits of the ,universe0--,misgovernment an indirect ,check on ,population--,ancient ,europe less populous than ,modern--,civilization the gradual ,victory of the third ,check4 ,the main position of the essay was so incontrovertible1 that when the critics despaired to convict ,malthus of a paradox1 they charged him with a truism4 ,to the friendly ,hallam#aed the mathematical basis of the argument appeared as certain as the multiplication table1 and the unfriendly ,hazlitt 8did not see what there was to discover after reading the tables of ,noah's descendants1 and knowing that the world is round40#aee ,if the essayist had done nothing more than put half-truths together into a whole1 he would have 8entrenched himself in an impregnable fortress0 and given his work a great 8air of mastery40#aef ,but he would have convinced the understanding without convincing the imagination4 ,adam ,smith himself would have done no more than half his work1 if he had been content to prove the reasonableness of free trade without showing1 in detail1 the effect of it and its opposites4 ,even the most competent reader has seldom all the relevant facts marshalled in his memory1 ready to command2 and he will always be thankful for illustrations4 ,the ,essay on ,population in its second form certainly excelled all economical works1 save one1 in its pertinent examples from life and history4 ,imagination in the narrower sense of the word is to be out of court4 ,malthus1 like ,adam ,smith1 not only leaves little to his reader's fancy1 but makes little use of his own4 ,his own had misled his readers in the first essay1 though it had certainly given that little book much of its piquancy2 and he resolves for the sake of truth to chain it up1 as ,coleridge chained up his understanding4 ,the self-denying ordinance is only too fully executed4 ,the style of his essay is truly described by himself#aeg as having gradually 8lost all pretensions to merit40 ,edition follows edition1 each with its footnotes1 supplements1 rearrangements1 and corrections1 till the reader feels that this writer 8would be clearer if he were not so clear40 ,but the title-page supplies a guiding thread4 ,from the second edition onwards to the last1 8,past0 and 8,present0 appear in large letters1 8,future0 in small4 ,the entire work may therefore be divided according to the three tenses1 with the emphasis on the two former4 ,the first book is devoted to the past1 the second to the present1 and the third and fourth to the future4 ,the ,first deals with the less civilized parts of the world as it now is1 and the uncivilized past times2 the ,second with the different states of modern ,europe2 the ,third criticizes popular schemes of future improvement2 while the ,fourth gives the author's own views of the possible progress of humanity4 ,after explaining his principles1 ,malthus takes a survey of human progress1 if not from brute to savage1 at least from savage to citizen4 ,he shows us how the rude and simple positive checks become complicated with the preventive2 and he leads us up from barbarism to civilization till we find ourselves in a society where the citizens think less of check than of chief end1 and less of self-sacrifice than of self-devotion1 to some cause or person1 and even the inferior members act1 at worst1 from mixed motives1 containing good as well as evil4 ,these are the two extreme ends of his line4 ,it would be useless to deny that he lingers longest over the less pleasing1 and gives ,godwin some excuse for questioning his logical right to believe in the more pleasing at all4#aeh ,at the same time it would have been 7even logically7 impossible for him to have attacked ,godwin for taking abstract views of human nature1 and then to have persisted in an abstraction of his own1 after all his own ,european travel and historical studies4 ,his fault had lain in defective premises1 not in false reasoning2 and he remedies the fault4 ,let us take his account in his own order4 ,beginning with present savagery1 which with some qualifications is a picture of our own past1 he sifts out the descriptions of ,cook1 ,vancouver1 and other travellers1 to see what checks to population operate in different grades of savage humanity4 ,at the very bottom of the scale comes ,tierra del ,fuego1 by general consent the abode of pure misery1 and therefore naturally the home of a sparse population4 ,next come the natives of the ,andaman ,islands and of ,van ,diemen's ,land4 8,their whole time is spent in search of food10 which consists of the raw products of the soil and sea2 the whole time of every individual is devoted to this one labour1 and there is neither room nor inducement for any other industries4 ,vice is hardly needed2 misery in the shape of perpetual scarcity and famine keeps down the people to the food4 ,third in the scale of human beings are the ,new ,hollanders1 the original inhabitants of ,north-,west ,australia1 among whom can be traced not only the check of misery1 but the check of vice4 ,the women are so cruelly treated at all times1 and the children have so harsh an upbringing1 that there is no difficulty in understanding how population does not even reach the full limit of the scanty food4 ,war and pestilence make the assurance doubly sure4 ,as savages are entirely innocent of sanitary science1 the dirt of their persons and their houses deprives them of 8the advantage which usually attends a thinly-peopled country10 comparative exemption from pestilence4#aei ,even the ,north ,american ,indians1 who are one step higher than the ,new ,hollanders1 come under the same condemnation for overcrowding1 and for much else besides4 ,the account which ,malthus gives of them may be compared with that of ,de ,tocqueville half a century later4 ,romance has clung to them only because they were the nearest and best known savages of their kind1 and their necessary labours were in ,europe rich men's pleasures4 ,but hunting and river-fishing cannot yield much food unless pursued over a wide area4 ,a hunter is so far like the beast of prey which he pursues1 that he must go long distances for his food1 and must either fly from or overcome every rival4 ,the ,north ,american ,indian must therefore either go ,west after his old food1 or else he must stay where he is1 to beat off the ,europeans1 or to adopt their food and their habits4 8,the ,indians have only two ways of saving themselves1 war and civilization4 ,they must either destroy the ,europeans or become their equals40#afj ,as the civilization of a nation of hunters is almost impossible1 their extinction seems inevitable4 ,the question remains1 ,how is this population cut down to the level of its food8 ,in ,malthus' answer to the question occur three remarks of great general importance4 ,first1 what limits the numbers of a people is not the possible but the actual food4#afa ,second1 want destroys a population less often directly by starvation than indirectly through the medium of manners and customs4#afb ,third1 the mere pressure of impending starvation does not lead to progress4#afc ,malthus is never tired of insisting on the first of these remarks2 and a proper understanding of it is essential to a fair judgment on his doctrine4 ,he never says that it is the tendency of a population to increase up to the limits of the greatest possible amount of food that can be produced in a given country4 ,the valley of the ,mississippi when highly cultivated may possibly support a hundred millions2 but the question is not what it would do when highly cultivated1 but what it can do when cultivated as it now is and as men now are4 8,in a general view of the ,american continent as described by historians1 the population seems to have been spread over the surface very nearly in proportion to the quantity of food which the inhabitants of the different parts in the actual state of their industry and improvements could as a matter of fact obtain2 and that with few exceptions it pressed hard against this limit1 rather than fell short of it1 appears from the frequent recurrence of distress for want of food in all parts of ,america40#afd ,what is said here of the ,indians a hundred years ago applies to the ,colonists now4 8,the actual state of industry0 is of course a much more improved one2 but the population the land will bear is still in proportion to it1 and the amount could not have been increased till the actual state of the industry had first been bettered4 ,one cause of the decay of the numbers of the ,indians was that their method of industry1 so far from becoming better1 became worse by their contact with ,europeans1 and therefore the limit of population was actually contracted instead of being extended4#afe ,this explains how it is that their diminishing numbers do not bring them greater comfort4 ,whether the numbers in any given case are too great or too small depends always on the quantity of the food that is divided among them2 and1 where the food decreases faster than the population1 a population that has become smaller numerically becomes actually larger in proportion to the food4 ,the statement that ,england or any other country could bear millions more than it does now is a mere reference to unexplored possibilities1 landing us in the infinite4 ,it may be answered in the same way as the ,eleatic puzzles about motion2 land infinitely improvable does not mean land infinitely improved1 as matter infinitely divisible does not mean matter infinitely divided4 ,the position of ,malthus is therefore as follows3 given a people's skill1 and given its standard of living at any time1 its numbers are always tending to be the utmost that can be furnished by that skill with a living up to that standard1--that is to say1 with what1 according to that standard1 are the necessaries of human life4 ,either a diminution of that skill or an increase in that standard would cause over-population4 ,the question is always a relative one4 ,the human as distinguished from the animal character of the problem appears not only in that relativity 7which affects mainly the preventive checks71 but in the indirect way in which the positive checks1 if we may say so1 prefer to act4 ,it is as if they were always desirous of resolving themselves as far as might be into preventive4 ,the ultimate check1 ,malthus says1 is starvation2 but1 he adds1 it is seldom the immediate one4 ,the higher up we go in the scale1 the more it is hidden away out of sight4 ,starvation is interpreted1 by all grades of society above the lowest1 to mean the loss of what they conceive to be the necessaries not of a bare living but of endurable life2 and even the lowest1 instead of apprehending some pain1 apprehend some bringer of it4 ,they do not allow famine to kill them2 they create manners and customs that do the work for it1 keeping the famine itself afar off4 8,both theory and experience uniformly instruct us that a less abundant supply of food operates with a gradually increasing pressure for a very long time before its progress is stopped4 ,it is difficult indeed to conceive a more tremendous shock to society than the event of its coming at once to the limits of the means of subsistence1 with all the habits of abundance and early marriages1 which accompany a largely increasing population4 ,but1 happily for mankind1 this never is nor ever can be the case4 ,the event is provided for by the concurrent interests and feelings of individuals long before it arrives2 and the gradual diminution of the real wages of the labouring classes of society slowly and almost insensibly generates the habits necessary for an order of things in which the funds for the maintenance of labour are stationary4444 ,the causes of the retardation of population will be generally felt and will generate a change of habits long before the period arrives40#aff 8,an insufficient supply of food to any people does not show itself merely in the shape of famine1 but in other more permanent forms of distress1 and in generating certain customs which operate sometimes with greater force in the prevention of a rising population0 than in the destruction of the risen4#afg ,robertson the historian truly says1 that whether civilization has improved the lot of men may be doubtful1 but it has certainly improved the condition of women4 ,among the ,indians and almost all savages1 8servitude is a name too mild to describe their wretched state40 ,the hard life of the men kills their instinctive fondness for the women2 the latter are therefore less likely to become mothers1 while1 if they do1 their own hardships and heavy tasks are a great hindrance to nursing4 ,it is not surprising that the surviving children are of good physique2 none but the exceptionally strong could weather the cruel discipline of childhood4#afh ,in ,south ,america the difficulty of upbringing actually led to an enforced monogamy1 as well as to late marriages and their not unfrequent accompaniment1 irregularities before marriage4 ,such customs diminish numbers4 ,but even the adult savages do not find life easy4 ,they are not the men to think of providing for a rainy day2 in the short moments of plenty they do not think of the long days of want4 ,intemperate living as well as the rigour and the accidents of a hunting life cut off numbers in their prime4 ,they are subject to diseases and invent no remedies4 ,their acquiescence in dirt leads to pestilences1 but they invent no sanitary reforms2 and their thinly-peopled country loses its natural exemption from epidemics4 ,their wars are internecine1 for they are largely prompted by sheer self-preservation1 and the thought that if the one combatant lives the other cannot4 ,cannibalism itself was at first due to extreme want1 though what occasional hunger had begun1 hate perpetuated in a custom4 ,this and the low cunning and mean strategy1 due to a resolve to survive at all costs1 are the prime inventions of the struggle for existence on these low levels4 ,such are the causes by which the numbers of the ,north ,american ,indians are kept down to a very low figure2 but1 low as it is1 the figure is high enough for the food4 ,apart from a difference in the standard of living1 the proportion of population to food is similar over the inhabited world2 and in the same neighbourhood or among cognate races it will be almost identical4 ,a diminution in one ,indian tribe1 not being voluntary1 will not be the cause of plenty to the survivors2 it has been the effect of want1 and it will simply weaken the collective force of the tribe in the struggle against others4#afi ,the supremacy of want as the ultimate check on population is illustrated by the instant expansion of population which is produced in these grades of humanity by an accession of plenty4 ,when a tribe falls upon fertile land1 its numbers swell1 and its collective might1 depending on numbers1 becomes greater4 ,the increase of food1 however1 seems in this case to lead to nothing else than increase of numbers4 ,there is a melancholy equality of suffering between tribe and tribe1 as well as between members of the same tribe4 ,there is no distinction of rank1 but only of sex and bodily strength1 as regards endurance of hardships4 ,it is in this connection that ,malthus throws some light on the question how progress could ever take place at all4 ,his answer is not unlike ,adam ,smith's remark about the connection of high wages with good work4 ,he says1 that beyond a certain limit1 hard fare and great want depress men below the very capacity of improvement2 comfort must reach a certain height before the desires of civilized life can come into being at all4 ,if the ,american tribes1 he says1 have remained hunters1 it is not simply because they have not increased in numbers sufficiently to render the pastoral or agricultural state necessary to them4 ,reasons which ,malthus does not pretend to particularize1#agj and which he allows to be unconnected with mere increase or decrease of numbers1 have prevented these tribes from ever trying to raise cattle or grow corn at all4 8,if hunger alone could have prompted the savage tribes of ,america to such a change in their habits1 ,i do not conceive that there would have been a single nation of hunters and fishers remaining2 but it is evident that some fortunate train of circumstances1 in addition to this stimulus1 is necessary for this purpose2 and it is undoubtedly probable that these arts of obtaining food will be first invented and improved in those spots which are best suited to them1 and where the natural fertility of the situation1 by allowing a greater number of people to subsist together1 would give the fairest chance to the inventive powers of the human mind40 8,a certain degree of political security is perhaps still more necessary than richness of soil to encourage the change from the pastoral to the agricultural state40#aga ,these passages are remarkable because they seem to contradict the general tenor of the author's writings4 ,we were told with great emphasis in the first edition of the essay that difficulties generate talents1#agb and even the second and later are full of approving commentaries on the proverb1 8,necessity is the mother of invention40#agc ,the contradiction is soon solved4 ,malthus has no faith in the civilizing power of competition when it means a struggle among starved men for bare life1 but much faith in it when it means the struggle for greater comfort among those who already have the animal necessaries4#agd ,the significance of his admissions will be noticed later4 ,meanwhile it must be observed that the passage just quoted is not perfectly precise4 ,the larger the society1 the greater might be the division of labour and consequent stimulus to invention2 but a tribe might be large and yet have little in it of a society1 and still less of a division of labour4 ,without such favouring circumstances as ,malthus mentions the progress cannot take place2 but even with them it need not2 they are therefore not the real motive power4 ,the account of the state of population among the ,south ,sea ,islanders1#age which comes next in order to the chapter on the ,american ,indians1 is an illustration of these remarks4 ,these savages live in a fertile country and yet they make no progress4 ,as this is not the only point illustrated1 it is worth while to look at the chapter in detail4 ,malthus begins by observing that population must not be thought more subject to checks on an island than on a continent4 ,the ,abb ,raynal1 in his book on the ,indies1 had tried to explain a number of modern customs that retarded population#agf by referring them to an insular origin4 ,he thought that they were caused at first by the over-population of ,britain and other islands1 and were imported therefrom into the continents1 to the perplexity of later ages4 ,but as a matter of fact population on the mainlands is subject to the same laws as on the islands1 though the limits are not so obvious to common observation1 and the case is not put so neatly in a nutshell4 ,a nation on the continent may be as completely surrounded by its enemies or its rivals1 savage or civilized1 as any islanders by the sea2 and emigration may be as difficult in the one case as in the other4 ,both continent and island are peopled up to their actual produce4 8,there is probably no island yet known1 the produce of which could not be further increased4 ,this is all that can be said of the whole earth4 ,both are peopled up to their actual produce4 ,and the whole earth is in this respect like an island40#agg ,the earth is indeed more isolated than any island of the sea1 for no emigration from it is possible4 ,the question1 therefore1 to be asked about the whole earth as about any part of it1 is1 8,by what means the inhabitants are reduced to such numbers as it can support80 ,this was the question which forced itself on ,captain ,cook when he visited the islands of the ,pacific and ,indian ,oceans4 ,some of his experiences there1 especially in ,new ,zealand1 show that the native population was kept down in nearly the same way as the ,american4 ,their chief peculiarity is the extreme violence of their local feuds4 ,the people of every village he visited petitioned him to destroy the people of the next1 and 8if ,i had listened to them ,i should have extirpated the whole race40 ,a sense of human kinship is impossible at so low a level of being2 and the internecine wars of the ,new ,zealanders were the chief check to their numbers1 which1 from the distressing effects of occasional scarcities1 would seem always at the best to have been close to the limits of the food4 ,the first impression of common sense is that distress is natural where food is scanty1 and unnatural where it is plentiful4 ,but 8if we turn our eyes from the thinly-scattered inhabitants of ,new ,zealand to the crowded shores of ,otaheite and the ,society ,islands0 we find no such phenomenon4 8,all apprehension of death seems at first sight to be banished from a country that is described to be fruitful as the garden of the ,hesperides40 ,but reflection tells us that happiness and plenty are the most powerful causes of increase4 ,we might1 therefore1 expect a large population in ,otaheite2 at its first start it might double itself not in twenty-five but in fifteen years4 ,captain ,cook estimated it 7on his second voyage in #aggc7 as #bjd1jjj4 ,how could a country about one hundred and twenty miles in circuit support an increase that doubled these numbers in twenty-five years8 ,emigration is impossible1 for the other islands are in the same situation4 ,further cultivation is inadequate1 for scientific invention is quite wanting4 ,the answer is that the increase does not take place1 and yet there is no miracle4 ,licentiousness among the higher classes1 and infanticide amongst all classes1 are freely practised4 ,the free permission of infanticide no doubt1 as ,hume remarks1#agh tends as a rule rather to increase than to diminish population1 for 8by removing the terrors of too numerous a family it would engage many people in marriage10 and such is the force of natural affection1 that comparatively few parents would carry out their first intentions4 ,but in ,otaheite in its old state custom had made infanticide easy1 and it was a real check4 ,war against other islands was a third check1 frequently destroying the food as well as the people1 thus striking down two generations at once4 ,all these checks notwithstanding1 the population was up to the level of the food1 and there was as much scarcity and keen distress as on any barren island4 ,such at least was the state of things discovered by ,captain ,cook in his three voyages 7the last in #aggh7 and ,captain ,vancouver 7in #agia74 ,on the other hand1 the author of ,a ,missionary ,voyage to the ,south ,pacific ,ocean in #agif-h 7,london1 #agii7 found a people very scanty as compared with the food4 ,the accuracy of both accounts is borne out by the description of the habits of the people at these two periods4 ,captain ,cook says they were careful to save up every scrap of food1 and yet suffered often from famine4 ,the missionaries observe the frequency of famine in the ,friendly ,islands and the ,marquesas1 but say of the ,otaheitans that they are extremely wasteful1 and yet never seem to be in want4 ,even in the intervals between one of ,cook's voyages and another the state of the island had altered4 ,malthus sees here an illustration of two facts4 ,the one is that1 apart from changes in the standard of living1 population fluctuates between great excess and great defect1 great numbers with great mortality1 and great comfort with rapid multiplication of numbers4 ,the other1 which explains the first1 is that any cause affecting population1 either towards increase or towards decrease1 continues to act for some time after the disappearance of the circumstances that first occasioned it4 ,for example1 over-populousness would lead to wars1#agi and the enmities of these wars would long survive their first occasion4 ,again1 over-populousness would lead to greater infanticide and vice1 which would become habitual4 ,new circumstances would1 no doubt1 after a time bring new habits1 and1 to use the author's words1 would 8restore the population1 which could not long be kept below its natural level without the most extreme violence4 ,how far ,european contact may operate in ,otaheite with this extreme violence and prevent it from recovering its former population is a point which experience only can determine4 ,but1 should this be the case1 ,i have no doubt that on tracing the causes of it1 we should find them to be aggravated vice and misery40#ahj ,as a matter of fact either ,european contact has caused a diminution1 or exacter inquiry has made a lower estimate of the population of all ,polynesia4 ,the people of the whole ,society ,islands is reckoned at between #ae1jjj and #ah1jjj1aha which is a long way from ,cook's estimate of #bjd1jjj for ,otaheite alone4 ,we can hardly believe1 however1 that the vice and misery of ,otaheite are more than ten times as great as they were in #aggc2 and perhaps we may suppose ,malthus to mean that1 if the ,european influences were of the same character at the end as they were at the beginning1 and were as pernicious to the ,polynesian as to the ,red ,indian1 the language of pessimism would be justified4 ,the passage at least shows how unfair it is to suppose ,malthus to desire at all costs a small population2 he is careful to say that1 while vice in ,otaheite by reducing the numbers caused a transient plenty among the survivors1 still 8a cause which may prevent any particular evil may be beyond comparison worse than the evil itself40#ahb ,life itself may be bought too dear4 ,no good is done1 however1 by denying that excessive numbers are an evil1 or by optimistic assertion that if men are only good they will be happy4 ,there is at least one ,polynesian island whose past history gives a picturesque proof of the contrary4 ,pitcairn1 8the lonely isle of the ,mutineers10 was a moral contrast to ,otaheite4 ,the inhabitants owed nothing good to their parents1 who were the mutineers of ,h4,m4,s4 #8,bounty1' and the women of ,otaheite that came with them in #agij1 when they first took refuge in ,pitcairn ,island4 ,they owed all to the religious teaching of ,john ,adams1 which made them so good1 that there were few like them on the earth4#ahc ,but in latitudes just touching the tropics1 with a single square mile of poor soil1 surrounded by wide ocean1 they had no outlet for trade and modern arts4 ,like the inhabitants of ,godwin's ,utopia1#ahd they soon peopled the little country to the full extent of the food that could be got by the old methods1 and1 unlike the ,utopians1 they had not skill to invent new4 ,if they had not drawn the line for themselves1 misery would have done it for them4 ,their little colony at its first founding consisted of fifteen men and twelve women4 ,fourteen men and many women died off in the course of the ten years which passed before the time of moral regeneration4 ,but they left many children2 and1 when the patriarch ,john ,adams was visited by a passing ship in #ahad1 he was surrounded by a happy circle of devout families4 ,rapidly outgrowing the resources of the place1 these simple folk removed in #ahca to ,tahiti1 eighty-seven strong4 ,some remained there2 others had no pleasure in their new abode1 and came back to suffer affliction with the people of ,god1 believing with ,malthus that 8a cause which may prevent any particular evil may be beyond all comparison worse than the evil itself40 ,the evil was real1 however1 and1 in default of celibacy or new ways of bread winning1 their only cure seemed emigration4 ,so in #ahee1 ,tahiti seeming ineligible1 they journeyed further west to ,norfolk ,island4 ,though there are more than four hundred and forty to the square mile in ,england and ,wales1 two hundred people of this primitive sort had been certainly too many for the single square mile of ,pitcairn ,island2 and they did not leave a moment too soon4 ,home sickness brought back two entire families 7of seventeen persons7 in #ahei4 ,one or two stray travellers joined them five years afterwards2 but1 with allowance for these1 we find that the increase of population on ,pitcairn ,island reaches the highest estimate of ,malthus4 ,when the ,english ,admiral ,d',horsey visited the place in #ahgh1 the quarter of a hundred had grown in nineteen years1 at the moderate cost of twelve deaths1 to a population of ninety#ahe persons4 ,the primeval virtues will avail little without the modern arts4 ,returning to ,malthus1 we find him following an order of his own1 in rough conformity with the orthodox progress from deer to sheep1 and from sheep to corn4 ,he takes us from ,polynesian savages to the nomad pastoral nations of ancient ,europe4#ahf ,the vast migrations and their momentous historical effects he ascribes to the 8constant tendency in the human race to increase0 beyond its food1 and thinks that when history has been rewritten it will contain more of this4#ahg 8,the misfortune of history is1 that while the particular motives of a few princes and leaders are sometimes detailed with accuracy1 the general causes which crowd their standards with willing followers are totally overlooked40#ahh ,at first sight the phenomenon of civilized agricultural nations unable to repel the invasion of shepherds seems incredible2 a country in pasture cannot possibly support so many inhabitants as a country in tillage4 ,a shepherd1 it is true1 is nearer to the skilled labourer than a hunter2 he does not simply take what nature gives him1 where nature puts it2 he keeps the desired objects of consumption under his own control1 and his life is stronger because more social4 ,early ,african colonization1 as ,adam ,smith pointed out1 was less successful than early ,american1 because the natives1 being shepherds and even farmers rather than fishermen1 were stronger in their resources and more united than the ,american aborigines1 so that the ,european intruders were not able to displace them4#ahi ,we should have expected the ,scythian1 ,cimbrian1 and ,gothic invaders of ancient times to have had a similar rebuff4 8,but what renders nations of shepherds so formidable is the power which they possess of moving altogether1 and the necessity they frequently feel of exerting this power in search of fresh pasture for their herds40#aij ,they have always in their breeding stock a reserve of food for an emergency4 ,the mere consciousness that their mode of life does not bind them to one place gives them less anxiety about providing for a family4 ,therefore1 when they exhaust one region and begin to feel the pinch of want1 they make an armed emigration on the scale of whole tribes at once1 for the occupation of more fruitful regions1 and1 as a rule1 the conquest of them by force4 ,the law of their life is a series of periodical 8struggles for existence0#aia between one nation and another1 in which the fittest survive at the cost of a prodigious waste of human life4 ,the milder initial stage of this process is illustrated by the separation of ,abram and ,lot in the book of ,genesis4#aib ,abram 8was very rich in cattle40 8,lot also had flocks and herds and tents4 ,and the land was not able to bear them that they might dwell together1 for their substance was great1 so that they could not dwell together4 ,and there was a strife between the herdmen of ,abram's cattle and the herdmen of ,lot's cattle40 ,they agreed1 therefore1 to separate1 ,lot choosing the fertile valley of the ,jordan1 ,abram going to the left into the land of ,canaan4 ,migrations of the same sort1 more or less peaceable1 are described by modern writers as extending the ,russian people from time to time farther and farther to the south and east4#aic ,in the instances best known to history the migrations were far from peaceable1 and the puzzle has been to account for their recurrence4 ,the slaughter of the ,german barbarians by ,marius1 ,csar1 ,drusus1 ,tiberius1 ,germanicus did not prevent the reappearance of similar hordes of invaders a generation later4 ,claudius destroyed a quarter of a million of ,goths2 ,aurelian and ,probus had the same work to do again4 ,under ,diocletian the barbarians1 finding the conquest of ,rome too much for them1 slaughtered one another in frontier wars4 ,no losses seemed to exhaust the permanent possibilities of population in those quarters4 ,at last in the fourth century 8clouds of barbarians seemed to collect from all parts of the northern hemisphere4 ,gathering fresh darkness and terror as they rolled on1 the congregated bodies at length obscured the sun of ,italy and sunk the ,western world in night40#aid ,why were the resources of the ,north so inexhaustible8 ,simply because the power of increase is inexhaustible4 ,the ,north was not1 it is true1 more densely peopled then than now4 8,the climate of ancient ,germany has been mollified and the soil fertilized by the labour of ten centuries from the time of ,charlemagne4 ,the same extent of ground which at present maintains in ease and plenty a million of husbandmen and artificers1 was unable to supply a hundred thousand lazy warriors with the simple necessaries of life4 ,the ,germans abandoned their immense forests to the exercise of hunting1 employed in pasturage the most considerable part of their lands1 bestowed on the small remainder a rude and careless cultivation1 and then accused the scantiness and sterility of a country that refused to maintain the multitude of its inhabitants4 ,when the return of famine severely admonished them of the importance of the arts1 the national distress was sometimes alleviated by the emigration of a third1 perhaps1 or a fourth part of their youth40#aie ,in short1 the countries were more than fully peopled up to their actual produce2 and1 though by agriculture the actual produce would have been made greater1 yet agriculture was not extended4 ,the passion of the ,germans for wine did not lead them to plant vineyards by the ,rhine and ,danube1 but to rob the vintage of ,italy4 8,pigrum quin immo et iners videtur sudore acquirere quod possis sanguine parare40#aif ,malthus supposes that even the ,mark system of land-holding1 with its absence of cities and its periodical redistributions of land1 may have sprung from a political motive1 the fear of accustoming the people to a settled agricultural life1 and the desire to make emigration less irksome to them4#aig ,so long as there were weaker peoples to be plundered1 the northern nations might freely double their numbers every twenty-five years1 or oftener1 and descend again on ,italy and the ,south4 ,only when the whole was occupied by their own people who were not likely to be less stout for defence than for conquest1 were the hordes forced back4 ,not perhaps till gunpowder was invented was ,europe finally safe against them4 ,long after their last inland invasions1 the ,norsemen found their way by sea to the shores of ,england and ,france4 ,gibbon's account of the matter is1 according to ,malthus1 substantially true4 ,the only flaw is that he thinks it necessary1 in denying the greater populousness of ,north ,europe in ancient times1 to deny the possibility of a rapid increase of population4#aih ,the ,german people were on the whole virtuous and healthy in their manners of living1 and1 the checks to increase being mainly the positive ones of war and famine1 the increase itself was prodigious4 ,but ,gibbon is greatly in advance of ,montesquieu1 who believes with ,sir ,william ,temple1 ,mariana1 and ,machiavelli1 that the northern countries were1 as a matter of fact1 more densely peopled then than they are now1 and that1 further1 when the ,romans repelled them1 a huge multitude was driven far north and remained there biding its time4 ,the same 7says ,montesquieu7 happened under ,charlemagne1 and would happen again if a modern prince were to make the same ravages in ,europe2 8the nations repulsed to the north1 backed against the limits of the universe1 would there make a firm stand1 till the moment when they would inundate and conquer ,europe a third time40#aii ,we are to suppose these immense multitudes living 8at the limits of the universe0 on ice and air for some hundreds of years4 ,if this is to answer to the question-begging question1 why the ,north is less fully peopled than it once was1 it involves a miracle4 ,but nothing more supernatural than ordinary laws is really needed to explain the movements of pastoral nations a thousand years ago4 ,they are the same that govern the ,tartars and ,bedouins now4#bjj ,in the modern nomads1#bja it is true1 the comparative simplicity of the circumstances and the comparative thoroughness of our knowledge about them1 enable us to see plainly that the local distribution of the people is in strict accordance with the local distribution of the food1 in other words1 with 8the quantity of food the people can obtain in the actual state of their industry and habits40 ,we should see the same thing of the rest of the world's inhabitants1 if the complicated commerce of civilized nations did not make it less gross and palpable4 ,the power of the earth to support life may be compared with the power of a horse to carry burdens4 ,he is strong in proportion to the strength of his weakest part1 as a chain to the strength of its weakest link2 and the earth's powers of nourishment are great in proportion to their greatness in the worst seasons of the year4#bjb ,again1 owing to imperfect facilities for distribution1 one part of a society may suffer want when another is in plenty4#bjc ,among the ,tartars and the ,arabs this is plainly seen2 and it is clear1 too1 how the waste of life from war not only acts as a direct check on population1 but checks it indirectly by repressing productive industry4 ,its fruits would have no chance of preservation4 8,even the construction of a well requires some funds or labour in advance1 and war may destroy in one day the work of many months and the resources of a whole year40#bjd ,when once warlike habits have become fixed1 the two evils1 war and scarcity1 reproduce and perpetuate one another4 ,the encouragements held out to large families by the ,mohammedan religion have a like effect4 8,the promise of ,paradise to every man who had ten children would but little increase their numbers1 though it might greatly increase their misery40#bje ,it could only increase their numbers if it increased their food1 and it could not increase their food without changing their warlike habits into habits of industry4 ,failing this1 it simply creates a constant uneasiness 7through want and poverty7 that multiplies occasions of war4 ,fortunately for himself1 the ,arab often proportions his religious obedience to the extent of his resources1#bjf and in hard times1 8when there is a pig at hand and no ,koran10 he thinks best to eat what ,god has given him4 ,nothing but increase of food will permanently increase population1 and where there is food the increase will reach up to it4 ,in those parts of ,africa that have furnished the ,western slave supplies1 there has been no discernible gap from the 8hundred years' exportation of negroes which has blackened half ,america40#bjg ,even in ,egypt1 where there is a striking contrast between natural fertility and human lethargy1 the cause is not any deficiency in the principle of increase4 ,it is that property is insecure1 the government being despotic and its exactions indefinite4 ,it is not the want of population that has checked industry1 but the want of industry that has checked population2 and it is bad government that has occasioned the want of industry4 8,ignorance and despotism seem to have no tendency to destroy the passion which prompts to increase1 but they effectually destroy the checks to it from reason and forethought4444 ,industry cannot exist without foresight and security2 the indolence of the savage is well known1 and the poor ,egyptian or ,abyssinian farmer without capital1 who rents land which is let out yearly to the highest bidder1 and who is constantly subject to the demands of his tyrannical masters1 to the casual plunder of an enemy1 and not unfrequently to the violation of his miserable contract1 can have no heart to be industrious1 and1 if he had1 could not exercise that industry with success4 ,even poverty itself1 which appears to be the great spur to industry1 when it has once passed certain limits almost ceases to operate4 ,the indigence which is hopeless destroys all vigorous exertion1 and confines the efforts to what is sufficient for bare existence4#bjh ,it is the hope of bettering our condition1 and the fear of want rather than want itself1 that is the best stimulus to industry2 and its most constant and best directed efforts will almost invariably be found among a class of people above the class of the wretchedly poor40#bji ,this passage repeats an idea expressed in every book of the essay4#baj ,government can retard the increase of population both directly and indirectly1 but can only advance it indirectly1 namely1 by encouraging industry1 more especially agriculture4 ,for example1 industrious agriculture has made ,china capable of bearing a great population1 though other causes of a more equivocal character have made it exceed its great capacities1 and its excessive numbers are cut down by famine and child murder4#baa ,the ,roman emperors found it impossible by legislation to promote the increase of the old ,roman stock1 because they found it impossible to restore the old ,roman habits of industry1 though believers in the superior populousness of ancient nations used to mistake their intentions for accomplished facts4 ,in the eighteenth-century dispute about the populousness of ancient nations 7one particular skirmish in the general battle of the books7 we have seen that ,malthus declares for the moderns4 ,he gives his opinion in detached passages2 but1 putting together the different parts wherever we can find them1 we discover his proof to depend on two principles1 which are corollaries of the primary doctrine of the essay4 ,the first is1 that without the extension of agriculture or the better distribution of its fruits there can be no increase of population2#bab the second is1 that whatever is unfavourable to industry is to that extent unfavourable to population4#bac ,now in the early days of ,greece and ,rome#bad the population ought on these principles to have been a large one1 for not only was agriculture actively prosecuted1 but property and wealth were more equally divided among the people than in later times4 ,on the other hand1 the numbers were always up to the level of the resources2 and the smallness of the political divisions made law-givers like ,solon1 and theorists like ,plato and ,aristotle1 conscious of the risk of over-population and full of plans to provide against it4 ,it is one of ,aristotle's criticisms of ,plato's ,republic that ,plato has not sufficiently met this difficulty1 or realized that a community of goods or an equal distribution of property is impossible without a limitation of families4 ,if every one may have as many children as he pleases1 the result will soon be poverty and sedition4 ,of the preventive checks actually recommended by the highest wisdom of the ,greek world1 the mildest is late marriages2 the rest include exposure and abortion4 ,colonization was rather adopted in practice than recommended in theory4 ,frequent wars and occasional plagues were the chief positive checks4 ,in ,rome even more evidently than in ,greece#bae the causes that produced inequality of property led also to thinness of population4 ,in our own days the absorption of small proprietors by large would have this effect in a less degree1 because the large would need to employ the labour of the small4 ,in ,rome the labour was done by slaves2 and the wonder was not that the number of free citizens should decrease1 but that any should exist at all1 except the proprietors4#baf ,yet the legislation of ,augustus in favour of marriage1 and the universal lamentation of the later ,roman writers over the extinction of the old ,roman stock1 are no more than a presumption that the population was decreasing1 not a proof of its actual smallness1 while the prevalence of war and infanticide1 so often used to prove the same point1 tend really to do the opposite4 ,they are for the time positive encouragements to marriage1 for people will not hesitate to bring children into the world1 if they are either free to kill off the superfluous or certain to find sad vacancies ready for them4#bag ,in the former case1 as we noticed1 parental feeling will often interfere with the infanticide1 and save rather too many than too few4#bah ,wars1 on the other hand1 may injure the quality of the population by removing the most stalwart and even the most intelligent men2 but there is as much food as before1 there is more room1 and there are therefore more marriages1 till all the gaps are filled1 even to overflowing4#bai ,livy need not have wondered that in the ,volscian wars the more were killed the more seemed to come on4 ,the like is true of plague and famine2 epidemics1 like the small-pox1 have never permanently lessened the population1 though they have increased the mortality of the infected countries4#bbj ,to take only one instance 7from ,sssmilch7--a third of the people in ,prussia and ,lithuania were destroyed by the plague in #agaj1 and in #agaa the number of marriages was very nearly double the average4#bba ,emigration in like manner may drain off the best blood of a nation1 but cannot reduce its numbers for any length of time1 unless the nation is learning a new standard of comfort4 ,greece and ,rome were not less populous because they were great colonizers4#bbb ,the known existence of a number of very active checks to population1 instead of proving that the population was absolutely small1 might more naturally1 other things being equal1 prove it to have been absolutely large4 ,it might be argued that1 if the population had not been great1 fewer and less potent checks would have done the work4#bbc ,but other things were not equal4 ,we know that the gratuitous distribution of foreign corn had ruined ,roman husbandry4#bbd ,we know that even the labour of the slaves who had supplanted the free labourers of ,italy had not been sufficiently 7or sufficiently well7 directed to agriculture4 ,moreover1 the increase by marriage in the number of slaves did not even balance the decrease in the number of the free men2 else why should the ,romans need to import fresh cargoes of slaves every year from all parts of the world8#bbe ,in short1 the ,roman habits had become 8unfavourable to industry1 and therefore to population40 ,the very necessity for such a law as the ,papia ,poppa would indicate a moral depravity inconsistent with habits of industry4 ,this strong argument had escaped even ,hume1 who thought that the people would increase very fast under the ,peace of ,trajan and the ,antonines1 forgetting that the people could not unlearn their habits in so short a time2 unlearning is harder than learning1 especially for a whole people2 and1 8if wars do not depopulate much when industry is in vigour1 peace does not increase population much when industry is languishing40#bbf ,contrariwise1 it might be argued that the prevention of child-murder in ,india will not cause over-population1 when it is part of a general policy accustoming the people to ,european habits4 ,allow1 then1 that general viciousness is inconsistent with general industry1 and it follows that those ancient nations in which the first prevailed were less populous than the modern4 ,this seems to be the argument of ,malthus brought to a focus4 ,from the absence of censuses1#bbg it is strictly deductive2 there could not have been so many people as now1 and therefore there were not4#bbh ,expressed in more technical language1 the meaning is1 that where there is nothing present but the positive check and the lower kind of preventive1 the habits of the people are necessarily such as to hinder an increase of food and thereby of population4 ,when ,europe was less civilized1 it was not more1 but less thickly peopled4#bbi ,this argument seems to be weakened by one consideration--that the poor in our day put more into their idea of necessaries2 they have a higher standard of living than the poor #bjjj years ago4 ,it might therefore be said with justice that over-population 7a peopling beyond the food7 begins much sooner with us than with them1 for it begins at a point much farther removed from starvation1 and that therefore with the ancients a given amount of food would go farther and feed more4 ,but1 if we look only to the poor in each case1 the difference between the ancient standard of comfort and the modern is unhappily much smaller than the difference between their meagre industrial resources and our ample ones1 for our powers of production have grown far more rapidly than the comfort of our labouring population4 ,such difference as there is in the standards is only made possible by moral restraint1 which has a closer affinity with modern civilization than with ancient or medival4#bcj ,the history of modern civilization is largely the history of the gradual victory of the third check over the two others2 and1 as one of the chief allies of the third has been commercial ambition1 the victory of moral restraint1 by causing a larger industry1 has caused in the end not a smaller1 but a larger population4#bca ,the increase by being deferred has been made only the more certain and permanent4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,north ,,and ,,mid ,,europe4 ,different ,effects of ,commercial ,ambition in different ,countries--,no single safe ,criterion of ,national ,prosperity--,sssmilch's 8,divine ,plan0--,malthus in the ,region of ,statistics--,his ,northern ,tour--,in ,norway the truth brought home by the very nature of ,place and ,industries--,in ,sweden less obvious--,in ,russia quite ignored--,foundling ,hospitals indefensible--,tendency of ,people to multiply beyond1 up to1 or simply with the ,food--,author tripping--,facts the ,interpreters and the ,interpreted--,holland--,the best pater patri--,emigration in various ,aspects--,evidence of the ,author before ,emigration ,committee--,switzerland1 ,st4 ,cergues and ,leysin--,the pons asinorum of the subject4 ,the broad difference between a savage and a civilized population is1 that the positive checks prevail in the one1 the preventive in the other1--and between ancient and modern civilizations1 that vice and misery prevail in the one1 moral restraint in the other4#bcb ,yet every civilized nation in modern times has not only passed through these three stages in the course of its past history1 but contains them all within it now as a matter of observation4 ,its early history was an endeavour after independence or bare life1 its later history an endeavour after full development2 but there are strata in it to which civilization has not descended1 and in which the struggle for bare existence prevails1 alongside of strata in which the struggle is towards ideals of commercial ambition and social perfection4 ,the view which ,malthus takes of commercial ambition is substantially that of ,adam ,smith4 ,as soon as commerce is separated from slavery1 as soon as wealth is a man's own acquisition1 got by the sweat of his own brow1 then the desire of wealth has a new social aspect4 ,it becomes what ,adam ,smith calls 8the natural desire of every man to better his own condition20 and as such it creates modern commercial society1 as opposed both to the ancient society built upon slavery1 and to the feudal built upon war4 ,this vis mediatrix reipublic1 the desire of rising in the world1 so glorified in the ,wealth of ,nations#bcc and in the ,essay on ,population1#bcd is really not easy to define4 ,it is a very composite motive2 and the same differences of race 7whatever their origin71 which lead to differences of intellect and language also affect a nation's standard of comfort1 as soon as it can be said to have one4 ,by the influence of good climate and much intercourse with foreigners1 along with advantages of upbringing1 and perhaps of race1 a nation of ,southern ,europe comes to put into its notion of happiness a great many more elements than a northern nation1 which has to hew its model out of much poorer materials4 ,the ,norwegian standard will be simpler than the ,parisian4 ,but there is more behind4 ,the question is not simply one of like and unlike elements1 or of many and few elements1 but of the treatment of them by the human subject4 ,the ,english notion of comfort differs from the ,french in its elements1 which are probably more in number as well as other in quality1 and have a third peculiarity quite distinct from the other two1 their effect on the habits of the persons concerned4 ,french writers have noticed that the ,english farmer works hard for such an income as will give him the innumerable little luxuries of toilet1 dinner-table1 and drawing-room1 that make up the ,english idea of comfort1 while the ,french farmer works hard that he may be able to buy another farm4#bce ,the one lives up to his income2 and in his efforts to preserve it he is enterprising and persevering2 he is always striving to rise to the class above him4 ,the other1 on the contrary1 is more content with his position in society2 and simply wishes to make it stronger1 by gaining more property4 ,his willing privations in time of plenty are rewarded by his secure provision in time of want2 he has always his land to sell4 ,both are moved by the civilizing 8desire to better one's own condition02 but it leads in the one case to simple saving1 the old stocking1 the piece of land1 or the rentes1 in the other to active using1 the steam-plough first1 that the piano and pony-carriage may follow afterwards4 ,there is some truth in ,m4 ,taine's paradox1 8,the ,englishman provides for the future not by his savings but by his expenses40#bcf ,if capitalizing means using as well as saving1 there is a sense in which the ,french and ,english divide the two functions between them4 ,this is what prevents the economist from making any exact predictions about the effect of the vis mediatrix reipublic4 ,he may1 like ,adam ,smith1 find it doing good work in the undermining of feudalism1#bcg and he may point out that at any rate it would make a better guide to the world than military glory1 which means unhappiness to one-half the world1 and a very mingled happiness to the other half4 ,but he cannot predict its effect on men whose characters are unknown to him4 ,he cannot even tell whether a man is wealthy or not1 till he knows what his wants are1 for wealth exists to satisfy wants1 wants change with human progress1 the notion of wealth expands with civilization1 and the luxuries of one age and one man are the necessaries of another4 ,it is impossible to treat this relative question as if its conditions were absolute1 and to deal with men as we would with figures on a slate4 ,two and two do not always make four in such a case1 but sometimes five1 and frequently only three4 ,a new vista of comfort spread before different men may stimulate one1 spoil another1 and leave a third unmoved4 ,it is not surprising then that the question1 8,by what various modes is population kept to the level of the food in the states of modern ,europe80 is not a simple one4 ,on some grounds it would seem comparatively easy to get the answer4 ,there are figures to be had1 and in many cases a census2 there is a general similarity of circumstances which produces a general similarity of habits1 and1 therewith1 of the movements of population4 ,but there is no invariable order of mortality and generation4 ,the rates of births and deaths are not the same for all nations2 they depend on the conduct of human beings1 and may differ not only in different countries1 but in different parts of the same country4 ,in the same way1 we have no single statistical criterion of the healthy state of a population1 just as it might be said we have no single criterion of the commercial prosperity of a country1 still less of its happiness4 ,the two former stand to the last as the parts to the whole4 ,a healthy population and a prosperous trade are parts of the happiness of a nation1 though they do not constitute the whole of it4 ,to ascertain whether a nation is happy or not1 we have to take into account these two parts of happiness along with many others4 ,the parts in their turn consist of many parts4 ,we measure the state of trade not only by imports and exports1 railway1 banking and ,clearing ,house returns1 and the gains of the public revenue1 but by subscriptions to churches1 charities1 and schools1 by savings banks and benefit societies1 sales of books1 pictures1 and luxuries of all kinds1 by the state of workmen's wages1 by the poor-law returns1 by the number of marriages1 emigrants1 and recruits for the army2 and we could make little use of most of these figures without the census returns and the reports of the ,registrar ,general4 ,in the same way1 to measure the healthiness of a population and ascertain whether it is safely under the level of its food1 tending to pass beyond it1 or simply rising up to it1 and to ascertain by what ways and means the process is going on1 we need instead of one single general criterion a whole array of particular tests4 ,it is in the infancy of statistical science that men yield to appearances and 8suppose a greater uniformity in things than is actually found there40#bch ,this was1 for example1 the failing of ,johann ,peter ,sssmilch1 one of the earliest inquirers into the movements of population4 ,a book like ,sssmilch's had the same relation to the ,essay on ,population as astrology to astronomy1 or alchemy to chemistry2 it prepared the way for the more accurate study4 ,sssmilch first published his researches in #agfa1 while the ,seven ,years' ,war was still in progress4 ,he dedicated it to ,frederick the ,great1 as became a patriot and ,church dignitary2 and entitled it1 ,the ,divine ,plan in the ,changes through which the ,human ,race passes in ,birth1 ,death1 and ,marriage4 ,the ,divine plan is the one set forth in the exhortation to ,noah in ,genesis--the peopling of the earth2#bci and the book tries to show the particular arrangements by which the plan is carried out4 ,one condition is1 he says1 that fertility be greater than mortality2 the births must exceed the deaths4 ,on an average at present each marriage produces four children2 and 8the present law of death0 is on an average1 taking town and country together1 #a in #cf2 out of #cf men now living1 #a must die every year4 ,in the country it is from #a in #dj to #a in #de2 in the town1 from #a in #ch to #a in #cb4 ,there is a yearly excess of births represented by #a in #aj and #e in #aj4 ,the increase must have been faster at first than it is now2 and the means ,god took to effect ,his end in each case was the lengthening and shortening of human life4 ,in the times of ,methuselah there must have been a very different law of mortality1 perhaps one death in a hundred2 the length of life was greater2 and probably the power of parentage lasted longer4 ,the average number of children might be about twenty in a family instead of four2 and the doubling of population would take place in ten or twenty years1 instead of as now in seventy or eighty4 ,antediluvians were long-lived because their long lives were needed for the replenishment of the earth2 and the extreme length was shortened so soon as the time came when the same end could be reached in other ways4 ,when we observe the remarkable adaptiveness of man which enables him alone among the creatures#bdj to live in any latitude1 and when we observe how he has been preserved while many animals have become extinct1 we need have no doubt that the replenishment of the earth was really the ,divine purpose4 ,it is remarkable too that1 though more sons are born than daughters1 death equalizes their numbers before mature life4 ,the 8system0 which prevails in the increase of man is like the march of a military regiment1 in which all the men have their places1 actions1 and accoutrements determined for them4 ,the proportion of sons to daughters1 and deaths to births1 ,sssmilch regards as a tolerably fixed one2 the discovery of unexpected uniformities overjoys him greatly1 and he regards the man who first used the ,london bill of mortality to detect these uniformities as a sort of statistical ,columbus4 ,in short1 his book is an economical ,thodice1 a long piece of pious deductive reasoning2 and it is curious to find ,germany producing two such optimistic books at a time when it was even further from the millennium than its neighbours4 ,the facts of ,sssmilch1 ill-sifted as they were1 gave ,malthus a much firmer ground of reasoning than the scanty patches of evidence about the population of ancient and barbarous nations4 ,he is at last in the region of statistics as opposed to conjecture1 and in the region of the personal observation and travel of men who were at least asking his own questions4 ,but the fate of the bills of mortality and other records1 in the hands of ,price and ,wallace1 to say nothing of ,petty and ,sssmilch1 shows how important was ,malthus' work as an interpreter of statistics4 ,statistics were a novelty in his day4 ,as ,adam ,smith wrote on the ,wealth of ,nations without any full statistics of the wealth1 and none at all of the population1 of his own country1 ,malthus wrote his first essay when there was no census2 and1 for some time afterwards1 so comparatively isolated were the nations of ,europe1 that to be at all certain of his facts1 an author needed to verify and collect them by journeying in person1 and seeing the scenes with his own eyes4 ,this essential work of an investigator ,malthus did not leave undone2 and his chapters on the state of population in modern ,european nations are to a large extent a record of his own observations4 ,he went for a summer trip in #agii with three college friends1 ,dr4 ,edward ,clarke1 ,mr4 ,cripps1 and ,mr4 ,otter1 afterwards ,bishop of ,chichester4 ,they went by ,hamburg to ,sweden1 and there the party broke up into two1 ,clarke and his pupil ,cripps going farther north1 ,otter and ,malthus going on through ,norway to visit ,finland and ,st4 ,petersburg4#bda ,these were the only ,european countries where ,english travellers could easily make their way in those years4#bdb ,in #ahjb he saw ,france and ,switzerland1#bdc but seems not to have left the kingdom again till #ahbe1 when the journey was taken for the sake of his wife's health1 on the death of one of his children1 and he was little in the mood for investigations4 ,the tours of #agii and #ahjb are the only ones that have left substantial traces on his economical work4#bdd ,in all his travels he found the foreigner as ignorant as the ,englishman on the subject of population4 ,only twice did he hear the truth expounded to him2 in ,norway during his first tour1 and in ,switzerland during his second4 ,in the latter case the enlightenment was confined to one individual2 but in the former the whole nation was wise4 ,while the ,swedish ,government was continually crying for more people1 and trying to 8encourage population10 the ,norwegian ,government and people seemed to have understood that the first question must be1 8,are there means to feed more people80 ,if not1 then we multiply the nation without increasing the joy4 ,of course there are cases where we might thin down the nation and still less increase the joy4 ,mere scantiness of numbers is no advantage to a nation1 any more than fewness of wants to an individual2 it may mean a low state of civilization1 in both cases4 ,it is not by any means so good for a country to be wasted by a pestilence as to be opened up by a new trade4 ,the denser the population1 the better2--so says ,malthus himself2--but1 he adds1 let it be a population of strong1 comfortable citizens1 or let us stand by the small numbers and the slow increase4 ,look now at ,norway4#bde ,if we were dealing with uncivilized times under the reign of positive checks1 we should expect an overflowing population1 a large body of poor1 and in times of scarcity a great deal of distress4 ,there had been no wars for half a century1 the cold climate kept away epidemics1 and what else was left but famine to keep down the population to the limits of the food8 ,vice was not taken into the service1 and emigration was seldom practised then in these regions4 ,but ,malthus visited the country in one of the hardest years ever known in ,europe1 #agii1 and found the ,norwegians 8wearing a face of plenty and content1 while their neighbours the ,swedes appeared to be starving40#bdf ,he found the death-rate lower in ,norway than in any country in ,europe4#bdg ,the population1 however1 was hardly increasing at all2 and the proportion of marriages to the whole numbers of the people was smaller than in any country except ,switzerland4#bdh ,the positive check was largely superseded by the preventive4 ,the virtue of foresight1 he says1 is elsewhere forced upon the upper classes by the smallness of their circle and the fewness of openings in business or professions2 in ,norway it is forced upon all classes alike by the evident smallness of the country's resources1 and by the peculiarities of the national industry4 ,there is almost no variety of occupation or division of labour4 ,the humbler classes are almost all 8housemen0 7husmnd71 labourers1 who receive from a farmer in quasi-feudal fashion a small house and a little piece of land in return for occasional labour on his fields4 ,in other countries men may easily fall into the fallacy of crediting the whole of the land with a greater power of supporting people than the power possessed by the sum of its parts4 ,in the great towns of ,central ,europe a man has perhaps some excuse for trusting to the chapter of accidents2 in the great variety of occupations he may have some excuse for thinking there will surely be a vacancy for him1 and he may 8e'en take ,peggie40 ,norway1 however1 is to manufacturing countries what the country districts elsewhere are to the towns elsewhere4 ,in the country districts an excess of population cannot be hidden1 and the superfluities must go to the towns4 ,those who marry1 therefore1 when there is no vacancy for them1 do so with the alternatives of poverty or migration clearly before their eyes4 ,in ,norway every peasant1 not to say every farmer1 knows quite certainly whether there is an opening for him or not1 and1 if there is not1 he cannot marry4#bdi ,the conditions of the problem were in this way simplified1 and the problem itself was satisfactorily answered4 ,the only districts where ,malthus saw signs of poverty were on the coast1 where the people live by fishing2 the openings for a fisherman are not so distinctly limited in their numbers as the openings for a farmer4 ,time has united ,norway and ,sweden under one king 7#ahad71 and ,sweden now presents no unfavourable contrast with ,norway4 ,even in #ahbe ,malthus wrote#bej that the progress of agriculture and industry1 and the practice of vaccination1 had caused a steady and healthful increase of population since #ahje4 ,he would be pleased to find too by the census that the population of ,norway had increased very greatly in proportion to its poor4 ,the improvement continues4 ,the paupers were about one per cent4 of the population in #ahfi 7when they were nearly five per cent4 in ,england71 which seems to have meant a decrease from previous years2#bea but between #ahfe and #ahge the population had increased fourteen per cent4 in spite of considerable emigration4#beb ,malthus would have recognized with satisfaction that the nation had been 8either increasing the quantity or facilitating the distribution0 of its food1#bec that is to say1 improving either its agriculture or its manufactures4 ,it has really done both4 ,though the growth of the population has been greater in the centres of manufacture1 there has been progress also in the country districts4 ,many of the old customs and laws that hampered agriculture have ceased to exist4#bed ,malthus himself says that1 if ,government would remove hindrances to agriculture1 and spread sound knowledge about it1 it would do more for the population of the country than by establishing five hundred foundling hospitals4#bee ,he need not have confined his recommendation to agriculture2 and elsewhere he states the truth in broader terms3 8,the true encouragement to marriage is the high price of labour1 and an increase of employments which require to be supplied with proper hands40#bef ,remove hindrances to trade and spread sound knowledge of it--that 7in his view7 is the way to increase the quantity and facilitate the distribution of the products of agriculture2 and1 to judge by results1 the ,norwegian ,government has followed it4 ,sweden1#beg as it then was1 furnished a striking contrast to ,norway4 ,malthus had the advantage there of the earliest and most regular of ,european censuses1 beginning with the year #agdh1 and continued at intervals first of three and then of five years4 ,he found that there was a large mortality1 though the conditions of life were superficially the same as in ,norway4 ,the only explanation he could see was that the size and shape of the country1 as well as its mode of government1 did not so forcibly bring home to the people the need of restraint as in ,norway1 while at the same time the hindrances to good farming were even more serious than in the smaller country4 ,from the very contiguity and general similarity of the two countries1 they proved ,malthus' point1 by the ,method of ,difference1 almost as well as a deliberate experiment could have done4 ,it was not that ,norway had an absolutely small and ,sweden an absolutely large population2 considerations of absolute greatness or smallness never enter into this1 if into any1 economical question4 ,but ,norway had a moderately large population in proportion to her food1 while ,sweden had in the same regard an excessive population1 a population which was sparely fed even in average years1 and decimated by famine and disease in years below the average4 ,russia1#beh which was the third scene of ,malthus' travels1 had this in common with ,norway and ,sweden1 that the movement of its population was unlike that of ,central ,europe1 and that the eccentricity was due to a clearly definable cause4 ,in ,norway the shape and climate of the country and the fewness of the available occupations forced the ,government and the people to restrain rather than to encourage the increase of numbers2 in ,sweden1 under conditions less simple1 the habits of the people conspired with a false policy of the ,government to produce an excessive increase4 ,in both cases we have something different from the typical modern society of ,central ,europe1 with its full division of labour1 its system of large factories1 and its extensive substitution of machinery for hand labour4 ,russia was as old-fashioned as ,norway and ,sweden in this respect2 and her physical vastness made her a difficult country to know1 in these days of slow communication4 ,it is not surprising that the statistics available in the days of ,malthus were open to grave suspicion4 ,the death-rate was given as #a in #fj1 while in ,norway itself it had not been lower than #a in #dh1 and it is about #a in #ec in ,england now1 yet the number of marriages and of births and the size of families were no smaller than elsewhere4#bei ,these facts by themselves would simply suggest a great rate of increase going on in the country concerned2 and ,malthus allows that there is great scope for such in ,russia4 ,but there was one other fact that strengthened his doubts about the vital statistics of that country2 contrary to the experience of all other countries1 it was said that in ,russia more women were born than men4 ,in others1 more men are born than women1 and the numbers are only equalized gradually1 by the greater risks of masculine life1 as the years go on4 ,in ,sweden1 with a climate not milder than ,russia1 this had long been observed4#bfj ,it turned out on inquiry that the ,russian method of registration allowed loopholes for more omissions in the deaths than in the births4 ,public institutions1 including hospitals and prisons1 had been left out of account2 and the deaths in the foundling hospitals were alone quite sufficient to alter the average very significantly for the worse4 ,malthus' hatred of ,foundling hospitals is only equalled by his dislike of ,poor laws4 ,the idea of such institutions was1 like that of ,pitt's ,poor ,bill1 purely philanthropic4 ,they were 8to enrich the country from year to year with an increasing number of healthy1 active1 and industrious burghers10#bfa that would otherwise be doomed to death soon after birth4 ,it used to be said of the bounty1 granted by the ,government of ,india1 on slaughtered snakes1 that it really kept up the supply1 for the natives bred them to catch the bounty4 ,the foundling hospitals had an opposite effect4 ,they were meant to multiply and they tended to destroy4 ,they encouraged a mother to desert her child at the precise time it needed the minute and careful attention that only a mother can give4 8,it is not to be doubted that1 if the children received into these hospitals had been left to the management of their parents1 taking the chance of all the difficulties in which they might be involved1 a much greater proportion of them would have reached the age of manhood and have become useful members of the state40#bfb ,but1 besides increasing the mortality of children1 they injure the very 8mainspring of population0#bfc by discouraging marriage and encouraging irregularities4 ,in his talks with his father1 ,malthus had no doubt discussed the propriety of ,rousseau's conduct in sending his children to the ,paris ,foundling ,hospital4 ,he would certainly have declared against ,rousseau4 ,to those who argue that the foundling basket may prevent child-murder1 he answers that an occasional murder from 8false 8 shame0 is saved at a very dear price by the violation of 8the best and most useful feelings of the human heart10 which the existence of such an institution teaches to the poor4 ,to relieve parents of the care of their children is bad for the parents1#bfd because it takes away from them a responsibility essential to full citizenship and civilizing in its effects on human character2--and it is unjust to their fellow-citizens1 because1 like the ,poor ,laws1 it relieves one portion of society 7in this case rather the worst than the poorest7 at the expense of all the rest1 and finds a career for pauper apprentices to the prejudice of independent workmen and their children4#bfe ,in the third place1 like the ,poor ,laws1 it promises an impossibility--to relieve all that come4 ,if children are to be received without limit1 the resources for maintaining them should be without limit2 otherwise an excessive mortality is quite unavoidable4#bff ,the second reason is no doubt an economical commonplace2 it is the first and third that are most characteristic of ,malthus4 ,he never forgets that human wants and human wills are an element in every economical phenomenon1 and therefore considers that the effects of character on actions and of actions on character are of great economical importance4 ,he will not allow that it can be right1 even for a ,government1 to make promises that cannot be performed4 ,these two plain principles give the tone to the later chapters1 where he interprets for us the comparatively full statistics of ,central ,europe and our own ,england4#bfg ,the law of population may be described 7though not in the exact words of ,malthus7 as among savage peoples the tendency to increase beyond the food1 and among civilized to increase up to it4 ,so ,professor ,rogers founds his estimate of the numbers of the ,english people in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries on the principle that 8there were generally as many people existing in this country as there have been1 on an average1 quarters of wheat to feed them with40#bfh ,in the case of highly progressive modern nations such statements would be beyond the truth2 and we must either say that they tend to increase not beyond but along with the food1 or else we must define food itself very widely4 ,in the first case 8tendency0 will mean the abstract possibility depending on the one physiological condition2 in the others it is the concrete nett possibility depending on all the various conditions together4 ,in a general preface to his chapters on ,central ,europe1 ,malthus quite recognizes these distinctions and warns us against exact statements4 8,it seldom happens10 he says1 8that the increase of food and of population is uniform2 and when the circumstances of a country are varying either from this cause or from any change in the national habits with respect to prudence and cleanliness1 it is evident that a proportion which is true at one period will not be at another4 ,nothing is more difficult than to lay down rules on this subject that do not admit of exceptions40#bfi ,after this it is hard to believe what he tells us elsewhere1 that 8the only criterion of a real and permanent increase in the population of any country is the increase of the means of subsistence40#bgj ,it would be at best a negative criterion and sine qu non1--there can be no increase of numbers without increase of food1--though even then it is not true of a 8forced population10 living down to a lower food4#bga ,but there clearly may be an increase of food without an increase of numbers1 unless the character of the people is such that they do nothing with the food except increase by it4 ,therefore1 though1 within certain wide limits fixed for us by invariable qualities of human nature1 predictions are justifiable on the ground of the law of population#bgb or any other economical laws1 none that specify a particular course of action as a result of a particular event are trustworthy1 till we know the character of the people concerned4#bgc ,malthus always tries to bear this in mind2 and1 when he tells us that the lists of births1 marriages1 and deaths in ,mid ,europe give more information about its internal economy than the observations of the wisest travellers1#bgd he is at once interpreting those figures in the light of a principle1 and interpreting the principle by means of the figures4 ,this appears when we look at the four chief conclusions of the general chapter in question4 ,the first is the proposition that in the present state of our industrial civilization the marriages depend very closely on the deaths1 and the births on the marriages4#bge ,montesquieu says that wherever there is room for two persons to live comfortably a marriage will certainly take place4#bgf ,in old countries experience is usually against any sure expectation of the means of supporting a family2 the place for a new marriage is only made by the dissolution of an old4 ,as a rule therefore the number of annual marriages is regulated by the number of annual deaths4 8,death is the most powerful of all the encouragements to marriage10#bgg while on the other hand the marriages are a frequent cause of the deaths4 ,in almost every country there is too great a frequency of marriages1 which causes as it were a forced mortality4 ,which of these two mutual influences is the more powerful depends on circumstances4 ,in last century the proportion of annual marriages to inhabitants was in ,holland generally as #a in #ajg or #ajh4 ,but in twenty-two ,dutch villages it was as #a in #fd4 ,sssmilch explained this anomaly by the number of new trades in ,holland and the new openings for workmen4 ,malthus would not have denied this possibility1 his startling paradox about death being only a particular case of the general principle that 8the high price of labour is the real encouragement to marriage40#bgh ,but in this case the explanation ought to have applied to all ,holland if to any part of it4 ,the real reason came out when ,malthus observed that the mortality1 which was as #a in #cf in ,holland generally1 was as #a in #bb in those villages4 ,the additional marriages did not really increase the population4 ,they were caused by the high number of deaths which provided openings for the living2 and the high number of deaths was caused by the unhealthiness of the region and of its prevailing industries1 which were manufacturing rather than agricultural4 ,the choice in every large population is between having many lives which end soon1 and few which last long4 ,greater healthiness in the conditions of life will result in the latter4 ,we find as a matter of fact that1 where there has been the sanitary improvement as well as simply the 8replenishment0 of an old country1 the marriage rate goes down at the expense of the death-rate1 and there is an economy of human life and suffering4 ,putting the parts of his exposition together1 we get something like a deductive scheme of the growth of population in old countries under an industrial revolution like that of the eighteenth century4 ,the first effect of the discovery of new minerals1 and even 7with some qualifications7 of the invention of new machines1 is to provide new employment for working men1 and many new opportunities for marriage2 the proportion of marriages therefore becomes at once greater without any alteration 7from this cause at least7 in the death-rate4 ,but1 when the first burst of progress has passed1 and the succeeding improvement is not by leaps and bounds1 but at a uniform rate1 then the proportion of marriages will decrease1 as the new situations are filled up and there is no more room for an increasing population4 ,once the country is really 8old0 in the sense of fully peopled and unprovided with new sources of employment1 then the marriages will be regulated principally by the deaths1 and 7the habits of the people remaining the same7 will bear much the same proportion to each other at one time as at another4 ,it is not1 however1 exactly the same proportion for all old countries1 simply because the habits and standards of living are different1 to say nothing of healthiness or unhealthiness of climate and occupation4 ,for similar reasons it is not the same for towns as for country districts4#bgi 8,a general measure of mortality for all countries taken together0 would be useless if procurable2 but it cannot be procured4#bhj ,habits1 however1 are sufficiently fixed to make us certain that 8any direct encouragements to marriage must be accompanied by an increased mortality40#bha ,they spur a willing horse4 ,montesquieu and ,sssmilch1 although they both enlarge on the evils of over-population1 still think it a statesman's duty to be1 like ,augustus and ,trajan1 the father of his people by encouraging their marriages4 ,but1 if many marriages mean many deaths1 the princes or statesmen who should really succeed in this patriotic policy might more justly be called the destroyers than the fathers of their people4#bhb ,if ,malthus had been asked how a prince could best become a real pater patri1 he would have named two or three ways4 ,the prince might direct his mind to the improvement of industry1 especially of agriculture4#bhc ,he might circulate news and knowledge on these subjects2#bhd or1 as we should say now1 he might institute agricultural exhibitions1 and regular agricultural statistics of home and foreign production4 ,he would in this way increase the population by helping to increase the food4 ,in the second place1 he might benefit trade everywhere by giving it the security of good government and impartial justice1 a peaceful foreign policy and light taxation4 ,in the third place1 he might1 together with all these1 encourage ,emigration4 ,malthus devotes a special chapter of the essay to this subject2 and1 though the chapter is in a later part of his work 7,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 iv4#bhe71 this seems the best place to touch on the subject4 ,emigration1 he says1 is1 apart from political distinctions1 the same thing as migration2 and1 if it is economically good for a man to go from a poor land at his door to a rich in the next county1 it cannot be economically bad for him to go from a poor district of his own country to a rich across the sea4 ,the mere length of the journey or the difference of latitude does not affect the economical nature of the change4 ,economical motives1 however1 have come very late in all the great ,european emigrations4 ,it was not the desire of finding room for the over-crowded families at home1 but desire of the metal gold1 or else it was the simple love of adventure1 or ambition of conquest1 that first sent the ,spanish1 ,portuguese1 ,english1 and ,dutch to the far ,east and far ,west4#bhf 8,these passions enabled the first adventurers to triumph0 over obstacles that would have deterred quiet industrial emigrants1 8but in many instances in a way to make humanity shudder1 and to defeat the very end of emigration4 ,whatever may be the character of the ,spanish inhabitants of ,mexico and ,peru at the present moment1 we cannot read the accounts of the first conquests of these countries without feeling strongly that the race destroyed was1 in moral worth as well as numbers1 superior to the race of their destroyers40 ,the settlers that followed on the heels of these pioneers1 though they were more like real emigrants1 went unskilfully to work4 ,they seemed to expect that 8the moral and mechanical habits0 which suited the old country would suit the new1#bhg and everything would go on as it did at home4 ,at first therefore there would be a redundant population#bhh in the new country rather than in the old1 for1 however great the possible produce of the colony1 the actual produce would be less than the wants of the new-comers on their first arrival4 ,to all this must be added the fact that1 though economically a far and a near place are alike1 they are very different to the sentiments of men4 ,patriotism is no fault1 and the breaking of home ties is a real evil to the individuals1 however beneficial the emigration may be to the nation4 ,men are slow to move1 not only from the uncertain prospects of success1 but from that vis inerti in man which is always counteracting the vis mediatri of commercial ambition4 ,in addition1 therefore1 to the mere uneasiness of poverty and the desire of getting a living1 there is need of some spirit of enterprise1 to make men willing and successful emigrants4#bhi ,those who felt distress most would often have been the most helpless in a new country2 they needed leaders who were 8urged by the spirit of avarice or enterprise1 or of religious or political discontent1 or were furnished with means and support by ,government20 otherwise1 8whatever degree of misery they might suffer in their own country from the scarcity of subsistence1 they would be absolutely unable to take possession of any of those uncultivated regions of which there is such an extent on the earth40 ,emigration then 7according to ,malthus7 is not likely to happen unless political discontent and extreme poverty have brought the emigrants to such a plight that it is better for their country as well as for themselves that they should go4 8,there are no fears so totally ill-grounded as the fears of depopulation from emigration40#bij ,emigration is not even a cure for an over-population2 and is much recommended only because little adopted4 ,gaps made in the population of old countries are soon filled up2 room found in the new is soon occupied4 ,if emigration is proposed as a means of securing an absolutely unrestricted increase of population by placing old countries in the position of new colonies1 the hope will be soon and for ever cut off4#bia ,towards the end of his life1 ,malthus had an opportunity of explaining his views on this subject to an audience of statesmen4 ,he appeared as a witness before the ,select ,committee#bib of the ,house of ,commons 8to inquire into the expediency of encouraging emigration from the ,united ,kingdom10 and his influence is traceable in their ,reports4 ,they reported#bic that there had been in the ,united ,kingdom a 8redundant population10 in ,ireland agricultural1 in ,scotland and ,england manufacturing2 that one cause of it had been the unavoidable displacement of hand labour by machinery2#bid that meanwhile the ,british colonies in ,america1 ,africa1 and ,australia had few men and plenty of land1 and that it would benefit the whole empire if parishes could convert their probable or actual paupers into emigrants1 always provided that the remaining population could be induced not to grow so fast as to fill the whole gap thus created4#bie 8,the testimony0 7said the ,committee in their third ,report#bif7 8which was uniformly given by the practical witnesses has been confirmed in the most absolute manner by that of ,mr4 ,malthus1 and your ,committee cannot but express their satisfaction at finding that the experience of facts is thus strengthened throughout by general reasoning and scientific principles40 ,they were more disposed than their witness himself to a priori reasoning1 and in many of their leading questions he declined to follow them4#big ,but he agreed with their main conclusions1 allowing that under certain conditions it would be even a financial advantage to remove unemployed workmen to the colonies rather than suffer them to become paupers at home1 and adding1 that1 if he was against the admission of any legal claim to relief in ordinary cases of pauperism1 still more would he be against it when the pauper had before him the alternative of assisted emigration4#bih ,his own view of emigration had not changed since he wrote in #ahjc4 ,it was to him a partial remedy2 and it is more useful when spontaneously adopted by the people#bii than when pressed on them by their ,government4 ,under the torture of the question he conceded no more4#cjj ,as a temporary expedient1 the essay tells us1#cja 8with a view to the more general cultivation of the earth and the wider extension of civilization1 it seems to be both useful and proper10 and is to be encouraged1 or at least not prevented1 by ,governments4 ,all depends on the rate of wages4 ,if wages were high enough to enable people to live with what they counted reasonable comfort at home1 we may be sure their domestic and patriotic ties would be strong enough to keep them there4 ,the complaint that emigration raises wages is most unreasonable4 ,at the utmost it prevents wages from falling too low1 and helps to heal the mischief caused by fluctuations in trade4 ,we shall find at a later stage that ,malthus is keenly aware of the unhappiness caused in modern industrial societies by changes in the demand for goods1 occurring even in the natural 7or uninterrupted7 course of trade4 ,a movement in favour of emigration in #ahjf and #ahjg led him to insert a paragraph in the fourth edition of his essay which explains the relation of emigration to these changes4 ,he accepts the statement of ,adam ,smith1 that 8the demand for men1 like that for any other commodity1 necessarily regulates the production of men20#cjb but he adds 7as ,cairnes added later7 that it takes some little time to bring more labour into the market when there is demand for it1 and some little time to check the supply when once it has begun to flow4#cjc ,a family may be reared to catch high wages1 and the high wages may have gone before the family has arrived at maturity4 ,malthus distinguishes between a normal or slight 8oscillation0 of this kind1 and an excessive redundancy caused by an unusual stimulus to production--the stimulus1 for example1 of the foreign wars and the foreign trade of the years before ,waterloo4 ,in the normal case we must submit to the inevitable2 in the exceptional we may find an outlet in emigration4 ,no doubt1 even if there be no emigration1 in the long run the labour market will right itself2 but the process will be a very painful one to the workmen concerned4 ,emigration is the humane and politic remedy4 ,in some cases1 such as ,norway and the uplands of ,switzerland1#cjd there would seem to be no need for ,government to teach the people to emigrate4 ,circumstances should do it for them2 but human beings are influenced by habit and 8chance0 as much as by any deliberate motive1 commercial or otherwise4 ,in the ,swiss uplands1 as ,malthus knew them1 8a habit of emigration depended not only on situation but often on accident40 ,three or four successful emigrations 8have frequently given a spirit of enterprise to a whole village1 and three or four unsuccessful ones a contrary spirit40#cje ,this is illustrated by the contrast of two parishes1 both in the ,canton de ,vaud1 ,st4 ,cergues in the ,jura1 and ,leysin#cjf in the ,bernese ,alps near ,aigle4 ,the movements of population in ,leysin puzzled ,m4 ,muret1 the ,swiss economist1 who drew up a paper on the depopulation of ,switzerland for the ,economical ,society of ,berne in the year #agff4 ,he found that in this parish of four hundred people there were born every year on an average only eight children1 whereas1 elsewhere in ,canton de ,vaud1 to the same number of people eleven 7in ,lyonnais sixteen7 children were a common proportion4 ,the difference1 he observed1 disappeared by the age of twenty1 when1 if we may say so1 the difference died off1 the eight in ,leysin being healthier than the eleven 7or sixteen7 elsewhere4 ,muret infers from this1 that 8in order to maintain in all places the proper equilibrium of population1 ,god has wisely ordered things in such a manner as that the force of life in each country should be in the inverse ratio of its fecundity40#cjg ,there is1 however1 no need to suppose a miracle4 ,the fact was simply that the place and the employments were healthy1 that the people had not formed habits of emigration1 that their resources were stationary1 that1 therefore1 they married late1 had few children1 and were long-lived4#cjh ,the subsisting marriages were to the annual births as #ab to #a2 the births were to the living population as #a to #di2 and the number of persons above sixteen were to those below as #c to #a4cji ,this would show that mere number of births is no criterion of the size of a population1 for it took only about half of the ordinary number of births to keep up a population of four hundred in the parish of ,leysin4 ,in ,st4 ,cergues the subsisting marriages were to the annual births as #d to #a 7instead of #ab to #a as at ,leysin71 the births were to the living population as #a to #bf1 and the number of persons above and below sixteen just equal4 ,that is to say1 ,st4 ,cergues had nearly twice as many births a year in proportion to the population1 and more than twice as many marriages2 but1 instead of three-fourths of its living population being above sixteen 7as at ,leysin71 those above and those below were equal in number1 and ,st4 ,cergues had a smaller proportion of adults than ,leysin4 ,on the other hand1 the death-rate was nearly the same2 the healthiness was nearly as great4 ,how came it then that the population of ,st4 ,cergues was only one hundred and seventy-one1 as against the four hundred and five of ,leysin8 ,what became of the children born8 ,seeing that they did not die1 and did not appear on the registers of the living1 we infer that they left their native village2 that is all4 ,the situation of the parish of ,st4 ,cergues1 on the high road from ,paris to ,geneva1 suggested emigration2 and1 as a matter of fact1 the place had become1 like most highland hamlets1 a breeding-place for the lowlands and the manufacturing towns4 ,the annual drain of adults made room for the favoured remnant to marry and have large families4 ,even ,leysin1 though it lay on no high road1 might conceivably 7says ,malthus7 have exchanged its stay-at-home character for a habit of emigration1 and might then have doubled its birth-rate without raising the death-rate4 ,it is one of the fallacies of old statisticians to infer a large population from a high birth-rate2 in an old country1 if the rate of births is high in comparison with the number of living inhabitants1 it means either many deaths or much emigration4 ,the people of an old country1 if they cannot or will not emigrate1 must1 according to ,malthus1 either look for a high death-rate or accustom themselves to late marriages4 ,m4 ,muret's figures showed that many cantons of ,switzerland had adopted this last course in the eighteenth century4 ,in the ,canton de ,vaud1 for example1 the proportion of marriages to living inhabitants 7#a to #adj7 was lower than in ,norway itself4 ,in a pastoral country the limits of human resources are so obvious that the people cannot fail to be impressed with the need of limiting their numbers4 ,pastoral industry1 again1 feeds more than it employs1#caj and the unemployed must look for employment elsewhere4 ,this was one reason why there were so many ,swiss in foreign service4 8,when a father has more than one son1 those who are not wanted on the farm are powerfully tempted to enrol themselves as soldiers1 or emigrate in some other way1 as the only chance to enable them to marry40#caa ,malthus was a little disappointed with the condition of the ,swiss peasantry when he saw them in #ahjc4 ,perhaps1 he says1 they were still suffering from the wars in which the 8,helvetic ,republic0 had been involved by its ,french allies2 but more probably they were suffering from the unwise attempts of their ,government in the previous century to 8encourage0 what they then thought was a declining population4#cab ,the peasant who guided ,malthus to the sources of the ,orbe#cac talked freely to him on the poverty of the district1 which he ascribed to early and imprudent marriages1 8le vice du pays02 he would have a law passed to prevent a man marrying till he was forty1 and a woman till she was elderly4 ,he said that at one time the introduction of stone polishing had given the people high wages and led them to expect constant employment2 changes of fashion#cad had helped to drive the industry away1 but the habits taught by it had remained so fast rooted in the people that emigration itself brought no relief to their overflowing numbers4 ,but this self-taught ,malthusian had not learned his lesson perfectly4 ,he fancied that the fertile lands of the low countries1 with their abundance of corn and employments1 could never experience the evil of over-population4 ,this was true only in the unhappy sense that they had greater unhealthiness and a greater mortality1 providing room for early marriages and many births4 ,it is easy to see that ,malthus over-valued his prize4 ,the pons asinorum of the subject is the doctrine that over-population is not a question of absolute numbers or absolute quantity of food and fertility of soil1 but of the numbers in relation to the food1 in whatever place or time2 and the young peasant had not crossed it4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,france4 ,french ,numbers a ,problem to ,europe in #ahjb1 because ,law of ,increase not understood--,effects of ,war--,lament for the unborn millions eighty years ago--,more fitting now--,good ,distribution and ,production sometimes inseparable--,the ,stationary ,state--,malthus and the ,french ,revolution4 ,in the order of his writing ,malthus follows the order of his travels1 and takes ,france#cae after ,switzerland4 ,france presents us with facts of an almost unique kind4 ,but before the ,revolution it had no trustworthy parish registers to show to the ,english inquirer2 and ,malthus would not have lingered over it1 if in #ahjb the public mind had not been perplexed by a riddle1 about ,french population and its increase during war1 of which he had the key4#caf ,the essay is not meant for a mere history1 and its author is not careful to be full in his historical details if he has a body of facts sufficient for his purpose4 ,he even says1 about some conjectures of his own based on ,french figures1 that he had only adopted the figures for the sake of illustration1 and had not supposed them to be strictly true4 8,it will be but of little consequence if any of the facts or calculations which have been assumed in the course of this chapter should turn out to be false4 ,the reader will see that the reasonings are of a general nature1 and may be true though the facts taken to illustrate them may be inapplicable40#cag ,this is not a wary admission4 ,nevertheless1 the chapter on ,france is one of the most telling in the essay4 ,the substance of it may be stated very shortly4 8,it has been seen10 he says1 8in many of the preceding chapters1 that the proportions of births1 deaths1 and marriages are extremely different in different countries1 and there is the strongest reason for believing that they are very different in the same country at different periods and under different circumstances40#cah ,the truth of this remark is borne out not only by the contrast between the ,france and the ,switzerland of that time1 but1 as we shall find1 by the contrast between the ,france of #ahjc and the ,france of to-day4 ,it is not singular that ,malthus should 7wrongly7 expect the ,swiss to become his pupils more easily than the ,french1 for in his day both the mortality and the number of marriages were greater in ,france than in ,switzerland4#cai ,he spends most pains in illustrating the contrast between the ,france before the ,revolution and the ,france at the ,peace of ,amiens4 ,in many ways it was fortunate that he confined himself to the ,republican period4 ,it was the time when the moral position of ,france was highest1 and she was warring not for conquest but for defence4 ,switzerland had exemplified the fact that ,emigration does not permanently check population1 but1 on the whole1 encourages it4 ,france1 at the time chosen1 exemplified the fact that even the most destructive ,wars have a similar effect on the growth of numbers4 ,what ,malthus had proved more or less deductively in regard to ancient nations he was able to show more inductively by statistics in regard to modern4 ,great surprise was expressed in the early days of this century that1 in spite of her enormous losses1 ,france had not diminished in population4 ,malthus says she had rather increased than diminished4 ,according to the estimate of the ,constituent ,assembly1 which was confirmed by the calculations of ,necker1 the population in #agib1 before the war1 was #bf1jjj1jjj4 ,in #ahja it seems1 from the returns of the ,prefects1 to have been about #bh1jjj1jjj4cbj ,in ten years the increase had been #b1jjj1jjj1 or #bjj1jjj a year4 ,yet at a medium calculation ,france1 in addition to the ordinary deaths1 had lost by the war about #a1jjj1jjj of men up to that time1#cba or #ajj1jjj a year4 ,how1 on the principles of ,malthus1 were the two facts to be reconciled8 ,to reconcile them he shows1 first1 how1 according to the figures given by ,frenchmen themselves1 the numbers of the unmarried survivors at home were more than enough to have kept up in case of necessity the old number of marriages and the old rate of increase2 second1 how from general principles there was a presumption in favour of a rapid increase at such a time2 and third1 how the social and industrial conditions of the ,french people since the ,revolution were favourable to an increase of population4 ,first1 then1 he shows that the entire body of unmarried persons was large enough in spite of the war to fill the vacancies and keep up the old rate of increase4 ,the body of the unmarried is formed by the 8accumulation0 year by year of the numbers of persons1 rising to marriageable age1 who are not married 7or say briefly of the marriageable unmarried1 including widows and widowers74 ,this accumulation will only stop when the yearly accessions thereto are no more than equal to the yearly mortality therein4 ,the size of this body will therefore vary with the character of the particular nation considered4 ,in the ,canton de ,vaud it was equal to the whole number of the married2 but in ,france both the mortality and the marriage rate were higher than in ,switzerland1 and the unmarried were therefore a smaller fraction of the total numbers4 ,assuming from the ,french authorities#cbb a certain birth and death-rate1 and assuming from the same authorities that the unmarried men for the period before the ,revolution were one and a half millions out of five millions that were marriageable1 it would appear that every year there were #fjj1jjj persons arriving at the marriageable age1 of whom 7since about #bbj1jjj is the annual number of marriages7 #ddj1jjj marry4 ,the surplus of unmarried is therefore #afj1jjj persons1 or about #hj1jjj men4 ,it follows that for war purposes 7if mere numbers be considered7 the reserve fund of men would be nearly one and a half millions1 and every new annual surplus of #hj1jjj youths above eighteen might be taken for military service without any diminution in the number of marriages4#cbc ,as a matter of fact1 it is putting the case somewhat strongly to suppose as many as #fjj1jjj to be taken for service in the first instance1 and #aej1jjj additional troops to keep up the supply every year4 ,but this would still leave in the first instance nearly #ijj1jjj for the reserve fund1 which with the annual #hj1jjj could bear a drain on it of #aej1jjj for ten years1 and leave a balance of #bjj1jjj altogether1 or #bj1jjj a year4 ,in other words1 there would be room for an increase in the number of marriages of nearly #bj1jjj4 ,it would not be miraculous then if the ,french population should continue to increase in the face of great losses in war1 for the increase before the war had been very much less than the greatest possible4 ,in the second place1 the circumstances of the civilian population made an increase very likely4 ,many out of the reserve fund of unmarried men will in the course of ten years be past the military age1 but not past the age of marriage4 ,the #aej1jjj recruits would probably be taken from the #cjj1jjj who every year rose to marriageable age1 and the marriages would be kept up from the older unmarried men1 in the scarcity of younger husbands4 ,it may be remembered1 too1 that in the early years of the war so many youths married prematurely to avoid service1#cbd that the ,directory were obliged 7in #agih7 to extend the conscription to the married men4 ,but even when the husbands were removed to the war the marriages were not necessarily childless1 and would thus1 at the least1 be a means of adding to the people's numbers that did not exist before the ,revolution4 ,the facility of divorce1 too1 though bad both in morals and in politics1 would at least1 in the existing scarcity of men1 act somewhat like polygamy1 and make the number of children greater in proportion to the number of husbands4 ,it is said1 too1 that there were more natural children born in ,france after the ,revolution than before it2 and1 since the peasants were better off after it than before it1 there was a better chance that more of the children than formerly should survive4 ,in the third place1 there is no doubt1 says ,malthus1 that the division of the domain lands and the creation 7or at least the multiplication7 of peasant properties have had a great influence both on wealth and on population4 ,they add to population more than to wealth1 for they increase the gross produce of food at the expense of the nett surplus4 8,if all the land of ,england were divided into farms of #bj a year1 we should probably be more populous than we are at present1 but as a nation we should be extremely poor4 ,we should be almost without disposable revenue1 and should be under a total inability of maintaining the same number of manufactures or collecting the same taxes as at present40#cbe ,but the division of lands was at least in favour of the gross produce1 and even the passing traveller was inclined to think1 from the appearance of the fields and the style of the field labour1 that1 however severely the manufacturing industry of ,france might have suffered during the war1 her agriculture had rather gained than lost4#cbf ,the absence of so many strong men with the armies would not only raise wages at home and make the labourers better off1 but by pro tanto lessening the demand for food and taking from those at home the burden of supporting so many men1 would not raise the price of food with the wages1 but would allow real wages to rise4 ,this would co-operate with political causes in making the people desert the towns for the country1 and thereby it would reduce the death-rate1 which is always higher in towns than in the country4 ,it is attested by ,arthur ,young 7no friend to the ,essay on ,population7 that the high mortality of ,france before the ,revolution 7according to ,necker #a in #cj7 was caused by an over-population which the changes at the ,revolution tended to remove4 ,the probability is1 therefore1 that the births increased and the deaths decreased during the ten years after the ,revolution2 and there could be no difficulty in understanding the increase of population in spite of the war4 ,in the later editions of the essay#cbg ,malthus confesses that his ,french figures need revision2 the returns of the ,prefects for #ahja-b and other ,government papers had given a smaller proportion of births than he had thought probable1 for the period before the ,revolution4 ,but 7he remarks7 the ,prefects' returns do not embrace the earlier years of the ,revolution1 precisely the time when the encouragement to marriage would be greatest and the proportion of births highest4 ,in any case they show that the population of ,france is not less but greater since the ,revolution4 ,if in the latter part of this period the increase was affected by the decrease of deaths rather than by increase of births1 they not only leave his position untouched1 but give him a result that would highly please him4 ,certainly in ,england and in ,switzerland1 and probably in every ,european country1 the rate of mortality has decreased in the last two hundred years1 through the greater healthiness of the conditions of life2 and it is not at all surprising that a population should be kept up or even made to increase with a smaller proportion of births1 deaths1 and marriages than before4#cbh ,the ,french labouring classes at the beginning of the ,revolution were seventy-six per cent4 worse fed1 clothed1 and supported than their fellows in ,england4#cbi ,their wages were #aj;d4 a day 7as compared with #as4 #e;d471 while the price of corn was about the same2 but their condition and their remuneration had been decidedly improved by the ,revolution and the division of the national domains4 ,wages in money 7since ,young wrote7 had risen to #as4 #c;d4 a day2 and1 according to some authorities1 the real wages had become even higher than in ,england4#ccj ,the new distribution of wealth had been followed by an immense increase in the production of it1 shared by the producers themselves1 and making ,france immensely stronger as a nation either for offence or defence4#cca ,such an improvement in the condition of the people would naturally be followed by diminution in the deaths2 and a diminution in the deaths must lead either to an increase of population or to a decrease in the marriages and births4 ,the latter 7which is presumably an increase of moral restraint7 has followed4 ,in the ten years after the ,peace of ,amiens the population seems to have increased only at a very slow rate4 8,there is perhaps no proposition more incontrovertible than this1 that in two countries1 in which the rate of increase1 the natural healthiness of climate1 and the state of towns and manufactures are supposed to be nearly the same1 the one in which the pressure of poverty is the greatest will have the greatest proportion of births1 deaths1 and marriages10 and vice vers4#ccb ,malthus' survey of population in ,france applies only to his own lifetime1 and indeed only to the earlier part of that4 ,to do him full justice we must place his picture of the real losses of war alongside of his description of the compensations4 ,the constant tendency of population to increase up to the limits of the food may be interpreted 7in the case of war7 as the tendency of the births in a country to supply the vacancies made by death4 ,the breaches are not permanent2 they are among the reparable as distinguished from the irreparable mischiefs of war4 ,but this does not1 from a moral or political aspect1 afford the slightest excuse for the misery caused thereby to the existing inhabitants4 8,can you by filling cradles empty graves80 ,there is an exchange of mature beings in the 8full vigour of their enjoyments0#ccc for an equal number of helpless infants4 ,not only is this a waste of the men who died1 but it is a deterioration1 for the time being1 of the quality of the whole people2 they will consist of more than the normal proportion of women and children2 and the married will be men and women who in ordinary times would have remained single4 ,when the drain of men for military service begins to exhaust the reserve of unmarried persons1 and the annual demands are in excess of the number annually rising to marriageable age1 then of course war will actually diminish population4#ccd ,till that point is reached1 war may alter the units and spoil the quality of the population1 but will not lessen its total volume4 ,sir ,francis ,ivernois1 from whom ,malthus took some of his figures1 went too far in the other direction when he told us we must not look so much at the deaths in battle or in hospital1 when we are counting up the destructive effects of war or revolution1 as at the remoter results2 8the number of men war has killed is of much less importance than the number of children whom it has prevented and will still prevent from coming into the world40 ,he supposes one million of men to have been lost in the ,revolution itself1 and one and a half millions in its wars2 and he says that1 if only two millions of these had been married1 they would have needed to have had six children each in order that a number of children equal to the number of their parents 7i4 e4 four millions7 should be alive thirty-nine years afterwards4 ,we ought1 he thinks1 to mourn not only for the two and a half millions of men killed1 but for the twelve millions whom their death prevented from being born4 ,to which ,malthus wisely answers that the slain1 being full-grown men1 reared at no little cost to themselves and their country1 may be fitly mourned1 but not the unborn twelve millions1 whose appearance in the world would only have sent or kept a corresponding number out of it1--and 8if in the best-governed country in ,europe we were to mourn the posterity which is prevented from coming into being1 we should always wear the habit of grief40#cce ,if ,sir ,francis ,ivernois could have foreseen the history of ,french population for seventy years after the time when he wrote1 he would have had more reason to utter his curious lament4 8,the effect of the ,revolution10 wrote ,malthus in #ahag1 8has been to make every person depend more upon himself and less upon others4 ,the labouring classes have therefore become more industrious1 more saving1 and more prudent in marriage than formerly2 and it is quite certain that without these effects the ,revolution would have done nothing for them40#ccf ,the country districts which took the least active part in the ,revolution have been the most resolute in conserving the results of it4 ,over-population in ,france is known only in the towns4 ,at the beginning of the eighteenth century--say one hundred and fifty years ago 7#agcb7--under ,louis ,,xv4 the population of ,france was estimated at twenty millions of people4#ccg ,there is good reason to believe that the habits of the people were entirely different from what they are now2 they were even said to be famous for their large families4#cch ,in #aggf their numbers were about twenty-four millions1#cci at the ,revolution of #aghi about twenty-six millions1#cdj in #ahca thirty-two and a half1 and in #ahff thirty-eight4 ,at the present time1 from loss of territory and from decrease of numbers in certain parts of the country1 they are little more than thirty-seven and a half millions--not much more than the population of ,great ,britain1 a country neither so large nor so fertile4 ,even in #ahae ,malthus spoke of ,france as having a more stationary and less crowded population than ,britain1 though it was richer in corn4#cda ,the population of #ahha showed an increase of #gff1bfj over that of #ahgf1 and was in all #cg1fgb1jdh4cdb ,it increases not by augmentation in the number of births1 for that has been actually lessening1 but by diminution in the deaths4 ,the population of ,britain has trebled itself within the present century2 that of ,france has not even doubled itself in a century and a half1 with every allowance for a varying frontier4 ,the fears which ,malthus expressed1#cdc that the law of inheritance and compulsory division of property would lead to an excessive and impoverished country population1 have not been realized4 ,the industrial progress of the country has been very great4 ,fifty years ago the production of wheat was only the half of what it is to-day1 of meat less than the half4 ,in almost every crop and every kind of food ,france is richer now than then in the proportion of more than #b to #a4 ,in all the conveniences of life 7if food be the necessaries7 the increased supply is as #d to #a1 while foreign trade has become as #f to #a4 ,since property is more widely distributed in ,france than elsewhere1 an increase of production is much more certain to mean a benefit to the whole people4 ,but there are certain classes of goods1 chiefly necessaries1 of which 7even in a land like ,england1 where the great wealth is in a few hands7 it is impossible profitably to extend the production without pari passu extending the distribution4 ,when articles of food are imported in vast quantities1 they cannot1 from the nature of things1 go entirely to the rich2 the rich can easily eat and drink beyond the normal value1 but not much 7without ,gargantua's mouth7 beyond the normal quantity2 and1 at least in the case of our own country1 very little is exported again4 ,generally speaking1 it is a true saying that1 the more the food1 the more are fed4 ,but what is true of necessaries in ,england is true even of other goods in ,france4#cdd ,the 8average wealth of each person0 is not there1 as often elsewhere1 a mere arithmetical entity1 but a very near approach to the ordinary state of the great majority of the people2 and this average wealth is thought by good authorities#cde to have more than doubled since the beginning of the century4 ,the population1 on the other hand1 has only increased by one-half2 and the average duration of life has lengthened from twenty-eight to thirty-seven years4 ,in a paper of ,chateauneuf's 7#ahbf7 quoted by ,mac,culloch1#cdf it was said that the ,french people were improving their condition by diminishing their marriages4 ,the statistician ,levasseur1 on the contrary1 with the facts of another half-century before him1 tells us that married people in ,france are the majority of the population1#cdg the average age of marriage being twenty-six for the women1 and rather more than thirty for the men4 ,the birth-rate1 however1 is the lowest in ,europe1#cdh being #a in #cg1 as opposed to #a in #bg for ,england4 ,it is by refusing to fill the cradles that they leave the graves empty4 ,yet ,france is less healthy than ,england4 ,its death-rate in #ahhb was #bb4b per thousand1 while in ,england it was #ai4f4cdi ,there are other features which make the case unique4 ,there are few foreigners in ,france2 the numbers of the ,french people are neither swelled by immigration nor reduced by emigration4 ,since the expulsion of the ,huguenots and the colonization of ,canada1 few nations have been so rooted in their own country2 even ,algerian and ,tunisian conquests are due to no popular passion for colonizing4 ,the peasant properties have made the people averse to movement4 ,at present most ,frenchmen remain during life in the same ,department in which they were born2#cej and recent observers tell us#cea that a military career is becoming distasteful to all classes4 ,taking the absence of immigration as balanced by the absence of emigration1 we are brought to the conclusion that the population of ,france is stationary by its own deliberate act4 ,how far this is in accordance with the views of ,malthus it is impossible to say in one word4 ,it is at least the result of the prudence which he was always preaching4 ,but his prudence lay in the deferring of marriage2 and this is not the form which prevails in ,france4 ,moreover1 he thought with ,adam ,smith that the progressive state and not the stationary was the normal one for humanity2 if the whole world became contented with what it had got1 there would1 in his opinion1 be no progress1 and the resources and capacities of human beings and of the world would not be developed4 ,in fact1 he retained the aspirations of the ,revolution1 which the country-folk in ,france seem in danger of losing2 he wished men to have hopes for the future as well as a comfortable life in the present2 he saw no virtue in mere smallness any more than in mere bigness of numbers2 he desired as great as possible a population of stalwart1 well-instructed1 wise1 and enterprising men2 he thought that1 without competition1 ambition1 and emulation1 and without the element of difficulty and hardship1 human beings would never fully exert their best powers1 though he also thought that a time might come when the lower classes would be as the middle classes1 or1 in his own words1 when the lower would be diminished and the middle increased1 and when1 mainly through the action of the labourers themselves1 inventions would become a real benefit1 because accompanied by lighter labour and shorter hours for the labourers4#ceb ,as for that love of humanity1 that was so much present in the words and thoughts if not in the deeds of the men of the ,revolution1 he had a full share of it4 ,he desired a longer life for the living1 and fewer births for the sake of fewer deaths4 ,his work was like that of the lighthouse1 to give light and to save life4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,england1 ,,scotland1 ,,and ,,ireland4 ,prevailing ,checks--,proposed ,census of #agec--;,brown's ,estimate--,depopulation of ,england in ,eighteenth ,century--,opposing ,arguments--,census of #ahja--;,interpretation of ,returns--,relative ,nature of the ,question of ,populousness--,scotland to ,england as ,country to ,town--,industrial changes since the ,union--,ireland under ,english rule in ,eighteenth ,century and after--,the ,wall of ,brass--,virtue without ,wisdom--,the ,potato ,standard--,the ,emigration ,committee--,the ,new ,departure4 ,in dealing with the question of population in his own country1#cec ,malthus tries to answer at least three distinct questions3--,what were the checks actually at work in those days8 ,had the numbers of the people increased1 or not1 in the eighteenth century8 ,what conclusions on either point may be drawn from the ,english census8 ,the first question was answered with comparative fulness in the essay of #agih4 ,it is remarked there that in ,england the middle and upper classes increase at a slow rate1 because they are always anxious to keep their station1 and afraid of the expense of marriage4#ced ,no man1 as a rule1 would like his wife's social condition to be out of keeping with her habits and inclinations4 ,two or three steps of descent will be considered by most people as a real evil4 8,if society be held desirable1 it surely must be free1 equal1 and reciprocal society1 where benefits are conferred as well as received1 and not such as the dependant finds with his patron or the poor with the rich40 ,so it happens that many men1 of liberal education and limited income1 do not give effect to an early attachment by an early marriage4 ,when their passion is too strong or their judgment too weak for this restraint1 no doubt they have blessings that counterbalance the obvious evils2 8but ,i fear it must be owned that the more general consequences of such marriages are rather calculated to justify than to repress the forebodings of the prudent40#cee ,what ,malthus desires1 as we infer from the general tenor of his book1 is that all classes without exception should show reluctance to impair their standard of living2 and his hatred of the ,poor ,laws is due to his conviction that they hinder this end4 ,the subject will be more fully discussed by-and-by4#cef ,in the chapters on ,england it is little more than mentioned1 the author devoting himself chiefly to the statistical data of the census and registers4 ,in this connection it was impossible for him to avoid the question that had long agitated the minds of politicians4 ,had the numbers of the ,english people been decreasing or increasing since the ,revolution of #afhh1 and especially in the course of the eighteenth century8 ,economists of the present day are overloaded with statistics2 but1 when ,adam ,smith wrote the ,wealth of ,nations1 he was unaware of the numbers of his own nation4 ,to estimate population without a census is to study language without a dictionary2 there had been no census since the coming of the ,armada1#ceg and it was not till one hundred years after that event that statistical studies came much into favour4 ,an annual enumeration of the people was proposed in the ,house of ,commons in #agec1 as a means of knowing the numbers of our poor4#ceh ,but the proposal was resisted as anti-,scriptural and un-,english1 exposing our weakness to the foreigner and spending public money to settle the wagers of the learned4 ,there was probably a fear#cei that the tax-gatherer would follow on the heels of the enumerator1 as he had done in ,france4 ,the ,house of ,lords beat off the bill1 and left ,england in darkness about the numbers of its people for another half-century1 though something like a census of ,scotland was made for ,government in #agee4cfj ,as without the ,irish ,famine we might not have had the total ,repeal of the ,corn ,laws1 so without the worst of all possible harvests in #agii we might have had no census in #ahja1 for ,parliament1 when they passed ,mr4 ,abbot's ,enumeration ,bill in #ahjj1 looked to an enumeration of the people to guide them in opening and closing the ports to foreign grain4 ,the practical question about the increase or decline of ,english numbers was connected1 in logic as well as in time1 with the controversy about the comparative populousness of ancient and modern nations4 ,the same year 7#agec7 which saw the attempt to settle by census the question of ,england's depopulation1 saw also the publication of ,dr4 ,robert ,wallace's reply to ,hume's ,essay on the ,populousness of ,ancient ,nations1 in his ,dissertations on the ,numbers of ,mankind in ,ancient and ,modern ,times4 ,one of ,henry ,fox's objections to ,hardwicke's ,marriage ,act 7of #agec7 was that it would check population4#cfa ,we are told#cfb that the academical discussion roused attention on the ,continent1 and a ,french savant1 ,deslandes1 published an estimate of the numbers of modern nations1 in which ,england was made much inferior to ,france1 having only eight millions against twenty4 ,this was too much for ,english patriotism4 ,even in our own day a great war and a few reverses usually fill ,england for a year or two with forebodings of decay4 ,written in #ageg 7at the beginning of the ,seven ,years' ,war71 ,dr4 ,john ,brown's ,estimate of the ,manners and ,principles of the ,times was only the most popular of a host of gloomy pamphlets too prejudiced to be of much use for statistics4#cfc ,dr4 ,adam ,anderson#cfd sides with the moderns and the optimists4 ,the contributions of ,dr4 ,brackenridge and ,richard ,forster to the discussion survive by the mention of them in ,price's ,observations 7pp4 #ahb-c7 and in ,george ,chalmers' ,estimate 7ch4 xi4 #aic71 this last giving on the whole perhaps the most lucid history of the whole depopulation controversy4 ,we know from ,goldsmith's ,traveller 7#agfd7 and ,deserted ,village 7#aggj71 with its charming illogical preface1 that even in peace the subject was not out of men's thoughts4 ,a similar panic in ,switzerland1 which owed its beginning to ,england1#cfe seems afterwards to have reacted on ,england itself4 ,the ,american ,war of ,independence revived the languishing interest in the controversy4 ,this time it was the ,english and not the antiquarian topic that fell into powerful hands4 ,dr4 ,richard ,price1 the ,radical dissenter1 the friend of ,dr4 ,franklin1 and the inventor of ,pitt's ,sinking ,fund1 did battle1 in his ,observations on ,reversionary ,payments 7#agfi71 on behalf of the pessimistic view2 ,arthur ,young1 the agriculturist1 the traveller and the talker1 led the opposition to him1#cff and was supported by ,sir ,frederick ,eden1 ,william ,wales1 ,john ,howlett1 and last but not least by ,george ,chalmers4#cfg ,gregory ,king#cfh and ,justice ,hale#cfi in the seventeenth century1 ,dr4 ,campbell#cgj in the eighteenth1 had agreed that the numbers of ,norman ,england must needs have been small1 for the government was bad2 ,dr4 ,price1 on the contrary1 had maintained the paradox that1 though the ,revolution of #afhh brought a 8happier government10 the numbers of the people had ever since declined4#cga ,he reasoned from the decreased number of dwelling-houses assessed to window tax and house duty1 as compared with those assessed to hearth 7or chimney7 money before the ,revolution4#cgb ,opponents denied the accuracy of his data1 and thought his estimate of four and a half or five inhabitants to a house too low4 ,he pointed to the evil influence of a 8devouring metropolis10 a head too large for the body1 and of great cities that were the 8graves of mankind40#cgc ,here1 too1 both the data and the inference were doubtful4 ,he argued from the decreasing produce of the ,excise duties4 ,opponents answered that1 even if the figures were right1 a changed public taste had lessened the consumption of many taxable articles1 and many taxed ones were supplied free by smuggling4#cgd ,he laid stress on the difficulty the ,government found in raising troops in the middle of the eighteenth century as compared with the end of the seventeenth1 though he took this as a symptom1 not a cause1 and complained at the same time quite consistently that the increase of the army and navy and of military expenditure in three great wars had been a potent cause of diminished population4 ,opponents answered that the first was really a symptom not of decline but of prosperity2 the abundance of other employments kept men from the need of enlisting in the army2 and they answered too often1 that the second 7the war expenditure7 was good for trade4 ,they were safer in urging that for the first part of the century the long peace 7#agbg-dj7 and the good harvests 7#agca-ej7 made the presumption of increase very strong4#cge ,price made much of the emigrations to ,america and to the ,east and ,west ,indies4 ,it was answered that the known possibility of emigration would give men at home the greater courage to have a family4 ,even the engrossing and consolidation of farms and the enclosure of commons1 which he considered to be against population1 would1 said his opponents1 increase the food1 and therefore the people1 though perhaps not the people on the spot2#cgf and the increase of paupers was thought to be a sign of overflowing numbers4 ,he saw a cause of depopulation in the increased luxury and extravagance of the people of ,england4 ,at the beginning of the century gin-drinking was credited with an evil effect on population4#cgg ,when the opponents of ,price did not meet this with ,mandeville's sophism1 luxury benefits trade1 they answered that what had become greater was not the national vices but the national standard of comfort1 the expansion of which implied an increase of general wealth and presumably of population4#cgh ,beyond doubt too 7it was argued7 the general health was better1 and medical science had won some triumphs4#cgi ,malthus1 however1 warns us against this argument2 great unhealthiness is no proof of a small population nor healthiness of a large4#chj ,in the ten years after the ,american ,war of ,independence 7#aghc-ic7 the prosperity of the country seems to have advanced by leaps and bounds1 only to make the subsequent depression the more observable4 ,dr4 ,price1 who did not live to see the relapse1 seems to have confessed his error4 8,in allusion to a diminishing population1 on which subject it appears that he has so widely erred1 he says very candidly that perhaps he may have been insensibly influenced to maintain an opinion once advanced40#cha ,yet public opinion was not fully convinced till #ahja1 when 8the answers to the ,population ,act at length happily rescued the question of the population of this country from the obscurity in which it had been so long involved40#chb ,there is no good reason to believe that at the end of last century the fear of depopulation had given place to a fear of over-population4#chc ,malthus and ,arthur ,young stood almost alone in their opinion4#chd ,alarm was felt by the agricultural interest1 not lest there should be an excessive population1 but lest the population should get its food from abroad4 ,the population it was feared had grown beyond the ,english supplies of food2 but of over-population1 in the wider sense of an excess beyond any existing food1 the general public and the squires had learned little or nothing in these years2 and we have no reason to attribute to ,malthus any share in the merit of passing the ,enumeration ,bill4 ,it was brought forward in an autumn session of ,parliament 7,nov4 #ahjj7 specially convened because of the scarcity4 ,it was moved by ,mr4 ,abbot1#che who had made his name more as a financier than as an economist1 and was chiefly remarkable afterwards as a vigorous opponent of ,catholic ,emancipation4 ,the motion was seconded by ,mr4 ,wilberforce2 and the combination of finance and philanthropy was irresistible4 ,malthus1 though he is the true interpreter of the census1 neither caused it in the first instance nor found it of immediate service in spreading his doctrines4 ,the first census would hardly have justified him in treating as obsolete the old quarrel about depopulation2 it had decided only the absolute numbers in the first year of the nineteenth century1 not the progress or relapse during the eighteenth4 ,besides giving the actual numbers of the people in #ahja1 the census no doubt gave 8a table of the population of ,england and ,wales throughout the last century calculated from the births40 ,but the births1 though a favourite1 were an unsafe criterion2 and1 for the population at the ,revolution of #afhh1 ,malthus would depend more on 8the old calculations from the number of houses40#chf ,he finds no difficulty of principle in admitting with ,mr4 ,rickman1 the editor of the census returns and observations thereon1 that the rapid increase of the ,english people since #aghj was due to the decrease of deaths rather than to the increase of births4#chg ,such a phenomenon was not only possible but common1 for the rate of births out of relation to the rate of deaths could give no sure means of judging the numbers4 ,after a famine#chh or pestilence1 for example1 the rate of births might be twice as high as usual1 and by the standard of births the numbers of the people would be at their maximum1 when a comparison with the rate of deaths or an actual enumeration would show them to be at the minimum1#chi whereas a low rate of births1 if lives were prolonged by great healthiness1 might certainly mean an increase1 perhaps a high increase1 of numbers4 ,but at the particular time in question the factory system was coming into being1 and manufacturing towns were growing great at the expense of the country districts4 ,the conditions of life in towns are at the best inferior to those in the country2 new openings for trade would add not only to the marriages but to the deaths and the births4#cij ,the presumption was not all in favour of healthiness2 and the registers at that particular time could not tell the whole truth2--the drain of recruits for foreign service would keep down the lists of burials at home1 while allowing an increase of births and marriages4#cia ,for these and other reasons1 ,malthus1 while he agrees with ,rickman that the general health has improved1 trusts little to his calculations from registers2 and concludes that even the census gives us no clear light on the movement of population in the eighteenth century4 ,we can be certain that population increased during the last twenty years of it1 and almost certain that the movement was not downwards but upwards since the ,peace of ,paris2 and we have good ground for believing that it was rather upwards than downwards even in the earliest years of the century1 during the good harvests and the long peace of ,walpole1#cib and that over the whole country the movement of population was less fluctuating in ,england than on the ,continent4#cic ,the author's admission1 that the proportions of the births1 deaths1 and marriages were very different in our country in his time from what they used to be1#cid seems to put the census of #ahja out of court altogether in the question of depopulation1 especially as there were no previous enumerations with which to compare it4 ,the figures from the parish registers for the whole of the century1 that were included in the 8returns pursuant to the ,population ,act10 in addition to the enumeration1 turned out on examination to be unsatisfactory4#cie ,malthus1 however1 was able to prove some solid conclusions from the census of #ahja4 ,it had shown1 for example1 as regards marriages1 that the proportion of them to the whole numbers of the people was1 in #ahja1 as #a to #abc1 a smaller proportion than anywhere except in ,norway and ,switzerland1#cif and the more likely to be true1 because ,hardwicke's ,marriage ,act had made registration of marriages more careful than of burials and baptisms4 ,in the early part of the eighteenth century1 the pessimist1 ,dr4 ,short1 had estimated the proportion 7with much probability7 as #a to #aae2 and it would appear1 therefore1 that at neither end of the century were the marriages in a high proportion to the numbers1 or had population increased at its highest rate4 ,again1 ,malthus thinks it proved by the census that1 since population has as a matter of fact increased in ,england in spite of a diminished rate of marriages1 the increase has been at cost of the mortality1 the fewer marriages being partly a cause1 partly a consequence1 of the fewer deaths of the later years4#cig ,those that married late might have consoled themselves with the reflection that they were lessening not the numbers but the mortality of the nation4 ,it was no doubt difficult to estimate the extent to which such causes operated1 or the degree in which the national health had been improved4 ,in any case the census guides us better than the registers1#cih for it carries us beyond the inferred numbers to numbers actually counted out at a given time4 ,neither the census nor the registers can be rightly interpreted without a knowledge of the social condition1 government1 and history of the people concerned4 ,in undeveloped countries1 like ,america and ,russia1 or in any old countries after special mortality1 a large proportion of births may be a good sign2 8but in the average state of a well-peopled territory there cannot well be a worse sign than a large proportion of births1 nor can there well be a better sign than a small proportion40 ,sir ,francis d',ivernois had very justly observed that1 if the various states of ,europe published annually an exact account of their population1 noting carefully in a second column the exact age at which the children die1 this second column would show the comparative goodness of the governments1 and the comparative happiness of their subjects2--a simple arithmetical statement might then be more conclusive than the cleverest argument4 ,malthus assents1 but adds that 8we should need to attend less to the column giving the number of children born1 than to the one giving the number which reached manhood1 and this number will almost invariably be the greatest where the proportion of the births to the whole population is the least40#cii ,tried by this standard1 which is much more truly the central doctrine of ,malthus than the ratios1 our own country was even then better than all1 save two1 ,european countries4 ,tried by it to-day1 we have still a good place4 ,though no great ,european countries1 except ,austro-,hungary and ,germany1 have had more marriages1 in the twenty years from #ahfa to #ahhj1 not only these1 but ,holland1 ,spain1 and ,italy1 have had more births1 and all of them except ,denmark1 ,norway1 and ,sweden have had more deaths1 in proportion to their numbers4#djj ,one great advantage of the census is1 that it enables the registrars to calculate from their own data1 with certain sure limits of told-out numbers behind and before them4 8,when the registers contain all the births and deaths1 and there are the means given by the census of setting out from a known population1 it is obviously the same as an actual enumeration40#dja ,malthus suggested in #ahjc that the experiment of #ahja should be repeated every ten years1 and that registrars' reports should be made every year4#djb ,this has been done2 and1 if both have been accurate1 then the registers of the intervening years1 on the basis of the decennial enumeration1 ought to make us able to calculate the numbers for any intervening year4 ,accordingly1 the population of ,england in #ahha1 as calculated from the births and deaths1 was little more than one-sixth of a million different from the numbers as actually counted over on the night of the #dth of ,april in that year4#djc ,the growth in the last decade1 #ahga to #ahha1 was higher than in any since #ahca-da2djd the births were more and the deaths fewer than usual4 ,another ,london has been added to our numbers in ten years4#dje ,this gives no sure ground1 however1 for prediction4 ,to suppose a country's rate of increase permanent is hardly less fallacious than to suppose an invariable order of births and deaths over the world generally4 ,even if we are beyond the time when we need to make any allowance for increasing accuracy and fulness1 and if we may assume that no given census has any units to sweep into its net that through their fear or an official's carelessness escaped its predecessor1 still we cannot take the rate of increase from one census to another as a sure indication of the future4 ,with some qualifications the words of ,malthus apply to us in #ahha quite as accurately as to our fathers in #ahaa3 8,this is a rate of increase which in the nature of things cannot be permanent4 ,it has been occasioned by the stimulus of a greatly increased demand for labour1 combined with a greatly increased power of production1 both in agriculture and manufactures4 ,these are the two elements which form the most effective encouragement to a rapid increase of population4 ,what has taken place is a striking illustration of the principle of population1 and a proof that1 in spite of great towns1 manufacturing occupations1 and the gradually acquired habits of an opulent and luxuriant people1 if the resources of a country will admit of a rapid increase1 and if these resources are so advantageously distributed as to occasion a constantly increasing demand for labour1 the population will not fail to keep pace with them40#djf ,it was a rate of increase which he saw would double the population in less than fifty-five years2 and this doubling has really happened4 ,the numbers for ,england in #ahja were #h1hib1ecf2 and in #ahea they were #ag1ibg1fji4 ,malthus had not anticipated any greater changes in manufacture and trade than those of his own day2 and he clearly expected that the rate of increase would not continue and the numbers would not be doubled4 ,the one thing certain was the impossibility of safe prediction on the strength of any existing rate4 ,a writer at the beginning of this century prophesied the extinction of the ,turkish people in one hundred years2 ,sir ,william ,petty at the end of the seventeenth century predicted that in #ahjj ,london would have #e1cei1jjj inhabitants4 ,but the ,turks are not yet extinct2 ,london in #ahjj had less than a million of people1 and has taken eighty years more to raise them to the number in the prophecy4#djg ,if prediction was difficult in the case of ,england1 it was not less so in the case of the other parts of the ,united ,kingdom4 ,the conditions of society and industry were quite different in the three countries2 and to judge of the actual or probable growth of population in ,scotland or ,ireland1 we must first1 as with ,england1 clearly understand these conditions4 ,in the early part of this century even more than now1 ,scotland#djh stood to ,england as the country districts of ,england now stand to its great towns4 ,continual migration from country to town may be said to have been its normal state2 and the largest towns were in ,england4 ,the change from a militant and feudal to an industrial society was nowhere so marked as in ,scotland after the ,union1 and especially after the rebellion of #agde4 ,the hereditary judgeships of highland chiefs were swept away2 the relation between chief and clansmen became the unromantic relation of landlord and tenant4 ,the displacement of household work by the factory system1 and of hand labour by machinery1 crowded the great towns of ,scotland at the expense of the country districts2 and crowded the great towns and manufacturing districts of ,england at the expense of ,scotland4 ,the flood of ,north ,britons into ,england was not of ,bute's making2 and it was greatest after and not before the ,peace of ,paris1 although under that peace and a stable government the farming1 the manufacturing1 the banking1 and the foreign trading of ,scotland itself had grown great enough 7it might have seemed7 to employ the whole population at home4 ,cotton manufacture1 which on the whole is the typical industry of these latter days1 was peculiarly ,english4#dji ,sheep-farming at home and cotton-spinning in ,england combined to depopulate the ,scotch highlands and much of the lowlands4 ,the highlands1 with their strongly-marked physical features and strictly limited industrial possibilities1 were somewhat in the position of ,norway4 ,in the highlands proper there were no mineral riches2 there were moorlands1 mountains1 streams1 lochs1 heather1 bracken1 peat1 and bog2 the patches of cultivable soil would bear a scanty crop of oats1 and perhaps clover1 barley1 or potatoes4#daj ,this description applied to a large half of entire ,scotland2 and we must bear it in mind to understand the saying of ,malthus in #ahjc3 8,scotland is certainly over-peopled1 but not so much as it was a century or half a century ago1 when it contained fewer inhabitants40#daa ,the highlands are over their whole extent what the lowlands are as regards their hills1 fit only for sheep4 ,sutherland has about thirteen inhabitants to the square mile now1 and ,midlothian seven hundred and forty-six2 but ,sutherland and not ,midlothian may be over-peopled4 ,sutherland as compared with her former self1 when she had thirty or forty to the square mile1 may be more or she may be less over-peopled than she once was2 we cannot tell till we know what her wealth was and how it was distributed4 ,under the patriarchal government#dab of early times the wealth of the country consisted literally in its men4 ,if a chief were asked the rent of his estate1 he would answer that it raised five hundred men2 the tenant paid him in military service4 ,adam ,smith remembers that in the ,jacobite ,rebellion1 which disturbed his country at the time he was studying at ,oxford1 8,mr4 ,cameron of ,lochiel1 a gentleman of ,lochaber in the west highlands of ,scotland1 whose rent never exceeded #ejj ,english a year1 carried1 in #agde1 eight hundred of his own people into the rebellion with him40#dac ,subdivision of land meant more retainers and greater honour2 and so the highlands were peopled not to the full extent of the work to be done1 but actually to the full extent of the bare food got from the soil4#dad ,on the establishment of a strong government and the abolition of their hereditary judicial privileges1#dae the chiefs soon became willing to convert the value in men into a value in money1 exchanging dignity for profit4 ,they no longer encouraged their tenants to have large families2 and yet they made no efforts to remove the habits1 which the tenants had formed1 of having them4#daf ,it was this change that gave ,sir ,walter ,scott the materials for his most powerful pictures in ,waverley and other novels4 ,but it is the distress of the chiefs that is tragic to him1 rather than the misery of the clansmen4 ,the clansmen for their part had under feudalism been brought up to be farmers or cattle-dealers and nothing else2 there was as little variety of occupation in the highlands then as in ,ireland now4 ,undoubtedly too they had that customary right of long possession1 which law so often construed into a legal title in the case of more influential men4 ,it was true also that1 if the native highlanders would not cultivate that poor soil1 no strangers would1 and1 if it was politically desirable that the country should remain peopled1 the only way to secure this was to prevent the native exodus4#dag ,no such attempt was made2 but1 on the contrary1 the highland landlords followed the way that led to the highest rents2 they consolidated their farms2 they exchanged agriculture for pasture2 they substituted deer for sheep4 ,almost every highland district has sooner or later passed through all these three stages1 and with the same result1 the employment of fewer and fewer men4#dah ,the discarded men had two courses before them1 migration to the lowlands#dai or emigration to the colonies4 ,the farm labourer would migrate1 the farmer emigrate4 ,the landlords incurred and often deserved odium for the manner of their evictions2 but they treated the evicted better than the average ,british capitalist treats his dismissed hands4 ,they usually provided passages and often procured settlements abroad for them4 ,lord ,selkirk1 one of the few writers on this subject that preserves a judicial calmness1 advised his countrymen to acquiesce in the 8depopulation0 of the highlands1 but to draw the stream of emigration to our own colonies4 ,he himself drew it1 so far as he could1 to the ,red ,river settlement and ,prince ,edward ,island4 ,from the middle of last century to the beginning of this1 emigration went on except when war made it impossible4 ,the dangerous qualities of the highlanders made them very valuable in the three great wars that prevented them from leaving the country with their families4 ,it may be that this very military consideration induced the ,english ,government to connive at the clearances at first2 and interference at any later stage was very difficult4 ,as it is1 in the end even the ,sutherland evictions#dbj seem simply to have shifted the population and not removed it4 ,in spite of emigration ,sutherland had as many inhabitants at the last census of #ahha1 as at the first in #ahja1 namely1 above #bc1jjj4 ,fishing1 an industry new to a great part of the highlands1 made this phenomenon possible4 ,fishing villages have grown at the expense of inland farms4 ,but this is not the whole truth4 ,till the time when free trade began to distend ,glasgow and other great towns of ,scotland1 the highland counties taken altogether had actually increased in population1 as compared with what they were in #ahja4 ,the subsequent fall is due not to any great clearances or emigrations1 but to another cause that had been acting though not conspicuously for some time before4 ,this was migration to the industrial centres of the lowlands4 ,in the days of the ,tudors there were complaints in ,england of the decay of towns1 because a strong government had at last made the protection of walled towns superfluous1 and industry had spread itself in peace1 where it was wanted4 ,but two centuries later there was decay not of the towns but of the country districts1 because industry was taking forms that made concentration necessary4 ,at first1 both in ,england and ,scotland1 there was a real diminution in the rural population2 there had been for the time a real diminution of the work to be done in the country1 and a transference of it to the towns4 ,the hand-loom weaver had been supplanted by the power-loom4 ,the little villages1 where the workman lived idyllically1 half in his farm and half in his workshop1 now either sent their whole families to the towns1 thus stopping their contributions to the parish registers in the country and swelling those of the town1 or1 still keeping the parents1 sent three-fourths of the children there1 thus making the country registers a very untrustworthy reflection of the real state of the population in the country districts4 ,that country villages in every part of ,scotland1 but especially near the large cities1 are 8breeding grounds0 of this latter description#dba is perfectly well known2 and the same is true1 in a less degree1 of ,england4 ,this is one reason why even the purely rural districts of ,scotland have greatly increased in apparent population since #ahja1 and most of them are increasing still2 the readiness of the ,scotch to emigrate has caused the large families quite as much as the large families the emigration4 ,another reason is1 that even in the country districts there is now more work to be done and it is done better4 ,orthodox economists may count this an example of the self-healing effects of an economical change that causes much suffering at first4 ,it is fair to say that this eventual cure is neither more nor less complete than the cure of the analogous hardships of the newly-introduced factory system1 and the temporary inconveniences of sudden free trade4 ,what keen commercial ambition can do it has done1 and its success is at least sufficiently complete to justify us in saying of ,scotland to-day what ,malthus said of it eighty years ago3 it was most over-populated when it had fewest inhabitants4 ,modern improvements1 however short of perfection1 have at least both in ,england and in ,scotland absolutely put an end to periodical famines4 ,even the scarcities of #agii and #ahjj1 though they caused great distress in both countries1 were not famines in either of them2 and1 since the repeal of the ,corn ,laws in #ahdf1 even such general distress as was caused in ,scotland by the potato blight cannot occur again4 ,that distress itself was as nothing compared with the terrible dearths from which ,scotland used to suffer five or six times a century1 and which ,england experienced as late as the seventeenth4#dbb ,the dismal picture#dbc which ,malthus draws of the condition of the ,scottish peasantry reminds us that it is not much more than a century since ,scotland took her first steps in civilization and turned her energies from war to commerce4 ,her population at the '#de was about one and a quarter millions1 in #ahja about one and a half2 but in #ahfa more than three1 and in #ahha three and three-quarters4 ,population therefore has more than doubled within the century4 ,but even now there are only a hundred and twenty-one inhabitants to the square mile1 as compared with four hundred and forty-five in ,england4 ,the wealth of the country has increased immensely faster than the population2 it has multiplied fivefold since the middle of this century1 and tenfold since the beginning of it4#dbd ,the history of population in ,ireland would have furnished ,malthus with still more striking illustrations of his principles1 if his life had lasted a few years longer4 ,he contents himself 7till the #fth edition of the ,essay#dbe7 with a single paragraph3 8,the details of the population of ,ireland are but little known4 ,i shall only observe1 therefore1 that the extended use of potatoes has allowed of a very rapid increase of it during the last century4 ,but the cheapness of this nourishing root1 and the small piece of ground which1 under this kind of cultivation1 will in average years produce the food for a family1 joined to the ignorance and depressed state#dbf of the people1 which have prompted them to follow their inclinations with no other prospect than an immediate bare subsistence1 have encouraged marriage to such a degree1 that the population is pushed much beyond the industry and present resources of the country2 and the consequence naturally is1 that the lower classes of people are in the most impoverished#dbg and miserable state4 ,the checks to the population are of course chiefly of the positive kind1 and arise from the diseases occasioned by squalid poverty1 by damp and wretched cabins1 by bad and insufficient clothing1#dbh and occasional want4 ,to these positive checks have of late years been added the vice and misery of intestine commotion1 of civil war1 and of martial law40#dbi ,in his review of ,newenham's ,statistical and ,historical ,enquiry into the ,population of ,ireland in #ahjh1dcj and in his evidence before the ,emigration ,committee in #ahbg1 ,malthus uses even stronger language4 ,we may quote from the latter document as the less known of the two4 ,in #ahag he had spent a college vacation in visiting ,westmeath and the lakes of ,killarney1#dca and was able to speak from personal knowledge of the country4 ,he was asked3-- ,qu4 #ccjf4 8,with reference to ,ireland1 what is your opinion as to the habits of the people1 as tending to promote a rapid increase of population80--8,their habits are very unfavourable in regard to their own condition1 because they are inclined to be satisfied with the very lowest degree of comfort1 and to marry with little other prospect than that of being able to get potatoes for themselves and their children40#dcb #ccjg4 8,what are the circumstances which contribute to introduce such habits in a country80--8,the degraded condition of the people1 oppression1 and ignorance40 #ccaa4 8,you have mentioned that oppression contributes to produce those habits to which you have alluded2 in what way do you imagine in ,ireland there is oppression80--8,i think that the government of ,ireland has1 upon the whole1 been very unfavourable to habits of that kind2 it has tended to degrade the general mass of the people1 and consequently to prevent them from looking forward and acquiring habits of prudence40 #ccab4 8,is it your opinion that the minds of the people may be so influenced by the circumstances under which they live1 in regard to civil society1 that it may contribute very much to counteract that particular habit which leads to the rapid increase of population80--8,i think so40 #ccac4 8,what circumstances in your opinion contribute to produce a taste for comfort and cleanliness among a people80--8,civil and political liberty and education40#dcc ,then the subject of one acre holdings is introduced1 and ,malthus is asked3-- #ccag4 8,what effect would any change of the moral or religious state of the government of that country produce upon persons occupying such possessions80--8,it could not produce any immediate effect if that system were continued2 with that system of occupancy there must always be an excessive redundancy of people1 because1 from the nature of tolerably good land1 it will always produce more than can be employed upon it1 and the consequence must be that there will be a great number of people not employed40 #ccah4 8,is1 therefore1 not the first step towards improvement in ,ireland necessarily to be accomplished by an alteration of the present state of the occupancy of the land80 ,this was a leading question1 but ,malthus would not be led4 ,he replied1 8,i think that such an alteration is of the greatest possible importance1 but that the other 7the change in the government7 should accompany it2 it would not have the same force without40 ,in his answers to later questions he gave his view at greater length on the causes of the difference between ,english and ,irish character4 ,answ4 to qu4 #cdaa4 8,at the time of the introduction of the potato into ,ireland the ,irish people were in a very low and degraded state1 and the increased quantity of food was only applied to increase the population4 ,but when our ,english wages of labour in wheat were high in the early part of the last century1 it did not appear that they were employed merely in the maintenance of more families1 but in improving the condition of the people in their general mode of living40#dcd #cdac4 8,you attribute the difference of the character of the people to the difference of food80--8,in a great measure40 #cdad4 8,what circumstance determines the difference of food in the two countries80--8,the circumstances are partly physical and partly moral4#dce ,it will depend in a certain degree upon the soil and climate whether the people live on maize1 wheat1 oats1 potatoes1 or meat40#dcf #cdae4 8,is not the selection in some degree dependent on the general state of society80--8,very much on moral causes1 on their being in so respectable a situation that they are in the habit of looking forward1 and exercising a certain degree of prudence2 and there is no doubt that in different countries this kind of prudence is exercised in very different degrees40 #cdaf4 8,does it depend at all on the government under which they live80--8,very much on the government1 on the strict and equal administration of justice1 on the perfect security of property1 on civil1 religious1 and political liberty2 for people respect themselves more under favourable circumstances of this kind1 and are less inclined to marry1 without the prospect of more physical sustenance for their children40 #cdag4 8,on the degree of respect with which they are treated by their superiors80--8,yes2 one of the greatest faults in ,ireland is that the labouring classes there are not treated with proper respect by their superiors2 they are treated as if they were a degraded people40 ,thereupon he is again asked a leading question of a somewhat cynical character1 but he is again cautious in his answer4 #cdah4 8,does not that treatment mainly arise from their existing in such redundancy as to be no object to their superiors80--8,in part it does perhaps2 but it appeared to take place before that redundancy was the case1 to the same degree40 ,the questioner1 however1 begs the question and asks3 #cdai4 8,the number being the cause of their treatment1 will not their treatment tend to the increase of that number80 and the answer is3 8,yes1 they act and react on each other40 ,accordingly his opinion in #ahbg is1 as it was in #ahjc1 that emigration conjoined with other agencies will be good for ,ireland1 but by itself will leave matters no better than they were4 ,alongside of his weighty words in the essay and in the evidence it is worth while to place the words written by ,adam ,smith half a century earlier3-- 8,by the union with ,england1 the middling and inferior ranks of people in ,scotland gained a complete deliverance from the power of an aristocracy which had always before oppressed them4 ,by a union with ,great ,britain1 the greater part of the people of all ranks in ,ireland would gain an equally complete deliverance from a much more oppressive aristocracy1 an aristocracy not founded1 like that of ,scotland1 in the natural and respectable distinctions of birth and fortune1 but in the most odious of all distinctions1 those of religious and political prejudices2 distinctions which1 more than any other1 animate both the insolence of the oppressors and the hatred and indignation of the oppressed1 and which commonly render the inhabitants of the same country more hostile to one another than those of different countries ever are40#dcg ,with such passages before us1 we cannot consider the two economists to have been behind their age in their ,irish policy4 ,in regard to accurate figures1 the later economist was little better off than the earlier4 ,ireland was not included in the first two censuses of #ahja and #ahaa4 ,in #afie its population was estimated by ,captain ,south as little more than one million2#dch in #agca1 by inquiry of ,irish ,house of ,lords1 at two millions2 in #agib by ,dr4 ,beaufort at a little above four millions2#dci in #ahje by ,newenham at five and a half millions2 in #ahab an imperfect census gave it as nearly six millions2 in the census of #ahba it was #f1hjj1jjj4 ,it was clear that the population of ,ireland was increasing even then faster than that of ,england4#ddj ,but between these dates and our own times comes an episode striking enough to provide all economical histories with a purpureus pannus4 ,for about two generations ,england had perpetrated in ,ireland her crowning feats of commercial jealousy1 a jealousy not more foolish or wicked against ,ireland than it was against the ,american colonies1 or1 till #agjg1 against ,scotland1 but more easily victorious4 ,ireland had not begun to be in any sense an industrial country till the reigns of ,elizabeth and ,james ,i42 and the wars of the succeeding reigns hampered her early efforts4 ,she had fair corn and meadow lands1 and perhaps the best pastures in the world for sheep and cattle4 ,the ,english farming interest became impatient of ,irish competition1 and a law was passed to forbid the importation of ,irish sheep and cattle and dairy produce into ,england 7#affe1 #afhj74 ,by reason of the later ,navigation ,acts1 ,ireland could not make amends for this by trading with ,america1 for all such trading must be by way of ,england and in ,english ships1 nor by trading with ,france for the same reason4 ,england in her jealousy would have surrounded her with a cordon quite as close as ,berkeley's wall of brass4#dda ,as soon as a considerable woollen manufacture grew up1 ,england stopped it by legislation1 which 7in #afii7 forbade the exportation of ,irish woollens not only to ,england but to any other country whatever4 ,english interference1 if it had done no more1 added immensely to the uncertainties#ddb and fluctuations of ,irish trade4 ,the growth of industries like the woollen manufacture had set on foot a growth of population which did not stop with the arrest of the industries4 ,as often happens1#ddc the effects of an impulse to marriage lasted far beyond the industrial progress that gave the impulse4 ,but this means hunger and suffering1 if not death4 ,in the case of ,ireland1 the ruin of all industries but farming over more than three-fourths of the land led to an absolute dependence of the people on the harvest of their own country2 and1 where it failed them1 they were brought face to face with dearth or famine4 ,it led also to the peopling of the country districts at the expense of the towns1#ddd instead of 7as usual7 the towns at the expense of the country4 ,if ,goldsmith's ,deserted ,village is not ,english1 it is not ,irish4 ,by the year #aghj1 when ,lord ,north from fear of rebellion granted free trade to ,ireland with ,great ,britain1 the mischief had been made almost incurable4 ,the great increase in the ,irish population1 like the great increase in the ,english1 may be said to begin in a free trade movement4 ,in the worst days of legal persecution it might have been said of the ,irish ,catholic population1 the more they were afflicted the more they multiplied and grew4 ,lavergne#dde thinks their greater increase was due first to the physiological law1 that in the case of all animals the means of reproduction are multiplied in proportion to the chances of destruction81 and second to the instinctively sound tactics of a people otherwise defenceless4 ,the probability is1 too1 that they remained quiet under their multitudinous industrial1 political1 and religious disqualifications so long1 because they were reduced to that depth of misery that kills the very power of resistance2 and poverty at its extreme point is a positive but not a preventive check on population4 ,where things are so bad1 marriage1 it is thought1 cannot make them worse1 and marriage would go on at the expense of a high mortality1 general pauperism1 or continuous emigration4 ,the pureness of marriage relations in ,ireland1 though in itself a much greater good than its consequences were evil1 acted as it would have done in ,godwin's ,utopia2#ddf apart from wisdom1 virtue itself had its evils4 ,potatoes by-and-by came into general use2 and the bad harvests1 which taught even the ,scotch and ,english poor#ddg to make frequent use of this substitute for corn1 converted it in ,ireland from a substitute into a staple4 ,economists viewed this change with almost unanimous disapproval4 ,in the view of ,malthus it was the cheapness of this food that made it dangerous for the labourers2 his theory of wages led him to object to cheap corn on the same grounds4#ddh ,on the principle that it needs difficulties to generate energy1 the ,irish are made indolent by their cheap food1 and make no use of it except to increase by it4 ,living on the cheapest food procurable1 they could not in scarcity fall back on anything else4 ,every man who wished to marry might obtain a cabin and potatoes4#ddi ,at the lowest calculation1 an acre of land planted with potatoes will support twice as much as one of the same quality sown with wheat4#dej ,there are other objections to a potato diet4 ,it is a simple 7as opposed to a composite7 diet1 and it involves a low standard of comfort4 ,the second is not the same as the first1 for a people that had no variety in their food might conceivably have a great variety in their other comforts4 ,as a matter of fact1 however1 it was none of these three supposed disadvantages of the potato that proved the bane of the ,irish population1 but a fourth one1 its liability to blight4#dea ,the figures of the census tell their own tale4 ,in #ahba the ,irish people numbered #f1hja1hbg2 in #ahca1 #g1gfg1dja2 in #ahda1 #h1aii1hec2 but in #ahea1 #f1ead1dgc4 ,in each previous decade the increase approached a million2 in the last there was not only no increase1 but a decrease of more than a million and a half4 ,there had been a disastrous famine followed by great emigrations4 ,what happened on ,lord ,lansdowne's estate in ,kerry is an example of what took place over ,ireland generally4#deb ,that estate comprehended about #ajj1jjj acres1 on which before the famine there was a population of #af1jjj souls4 ,when the famine came a fourth part of them perished and another fourth emigrated4 ,in course of time1 thanks to money sent by relatives from ,america and advances made by ,lord ,lansdowne1 the emigration continued with such rapidity that only #bjjj souls were left on the estate4 ,the famine taught the people how to emigrate1 and gave them some idea of the meaning of over-population4 ,the rural districts of ,ireland are probably over-peopled now2 but there seems reason to believe that a body of tenants1 who are little short of peasant proprietors in security of tenure1 and who have been forced into a knowledge of the world outside ,ireland1 will not retain the habits of the old occupiers4#dec ,without a change of habits1 peasant proprietorships would have done little for ,france1 and will do little for ,ireland4 ,this would certainly have been the judgment of ,malthus on things as they are now in ,ireland1 after ,catholic ,emancipation1 ,disestablishment1 and the ,land ,act4 ,in his own time he was wise enough to see that the first could not be delayed without injustice and danger4 ,the rapid increase of the ,catholic population would soon1 he foresaw in #ahjh1ded bring the question of ,emancipation within the range of 8practical politics10 and if the measure had been passed1 as he urged1 in #ahjh1 instead of twenty years later1 the labour of conciliating ,ireland might have proved easier1 and the political change might have helped to produce that change in the habits of the people which ,malthus deemed essential to its permanent prosperity4 ,,book ,,ii4 ,,economics4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,the ,,landlords4 ,need of an ,economical ,digression--,the ,hegemony of ,adam ,smith's ,school--,cardinal ,doctrines of the ,malthusian ,economy--,scope1 ,method1 ,details--,malthus doing ,injustice to his ,economics--,human ,character of his ,doctrines--,agricultural ,situation in #agid--;,history of ,corn ,laws--,malthus on ,rent in #ahjc and afterwards--,observations on the ,corn ,laws--,grounds of an ,opinion--,nature and ,progress of ,rent--,ricardo's ,criticisms--,agricultural ,improvements--,malthusian ,ideal of ,commercial ,policy--,the ,wall of ,brass--,limits to ,commercial ,progress4 ,the ,essay on ,population deals with the past1 the present1 and the future4 ,we have tried to follow its account of past and present1 and must now consider the author's view of future prospects and of the various schemes 7including his own7 for making the future better than the present4 ,to do justice to this half of the essay1 we must take further liberties with its arrangement4 ,for the sake of explaining the historical genesis of the essay1 we have already taken first#dee that criticism of ,godwin and ,condorcet which in the later essay comes in the centre of the work1#def on the heels of the account of population in the ,united ,kingdom1 the point where we have now arrived2 and the chapter on emigration has been used before its time4 ,there remain1 out of the fourteen chapters of the third book of the essay1 eleven still untouched2 and in all but one#deg a knowledge of the general economical doctrine of ,malthus is indispensable to a clear and just understanding of him4 ,no apology is needed then for a somewhat long digression1 in which the chief economical writings of our author are briefly analyzed4 ,it is not wholly a digression1 as the substance of seven#deh out of ten chapters will be found incorporated with it1 and their logical connection with the author's economical theories 7so far as it exists7 will be shown4 ,as a thoroughly practical man1 ,malthus knew that philanthropy can do little without sound doctrine2 and his economical theories belong to the substance of his work4 ,they were developed1 unlike the ,essay on ,population1 in quiet controversy among friends2 ,ricardo1 ,james ,mill1 and ,jean ,baptiste ,say1 who were critics of the ,political ,economy1 had been converts of the ,essay4 ,these were1 however1 the very men who came nearest to identify orthodox economics with rigorous abstraction4 ,malthus himself1 labouring to build up the neglected pathology of economic science1 was not chargeable with this fault4 ,his first work had happily fixed into an intellectual principle his natural inclination to look at speculative questions in their relations to practice1 and to look at 8things as they are0#dei rather than as they might be4 ,ricardo's first work1 bearing wholly on finance1#dfj had unhappily fixed for him his inclination to treat every social question as a problem in arithmetic4 ,in both cases the excitement of controversy would make the impression deeper4 ,the two economists both start from ,adam ,smith1#dfa as theologians from the ,bible4 ,it was becoming clear that these ,scriptures were of doubtful interpretation4 ,men were to choose between the ,calvinism of ,ricardo and the ,arminianism of ,malthus2 and1 when the two writers turned from their debates with the public to debates with each other1 no less a prize was in question than the hegemony of the school4 ,this was won by ,ricardo1 whose ,principles of ,political ,economy and ,taxation 7#ahag7 were accepted by ,james ,mill1 ,mac,culloch1 ,nassau ,senior1 to say nothing of others1 as the ,institutes of their creed4 ,mac,culloch thought it not worth his while to print what ,ricardo had thought it worth his while to write1 in vindication of his positions against ,malthus4#dfb ,the strongest ally of ,malthus was ,sismondi4 ,it was not till ,ricardo had reigned for thirty years that there was serious sign of defection1 when the son of ,james ,mill broke with his father's traditions2#dfc and1 though in the hands of ,thornton1 ,cliffe ,leslie1 ,walker1 and others1 the reaction has been carried to the utmost1 the eclipse of ,ricardo has done nothing to rescue ,malthus from obscurity4 ,the very success of the ,essay on ,population may have deepened the oblivion of the other writings in virtue of the popular fallacy that a man cannot be equally great in general theory and in the advocacy of one particular reform4 ,the ,political ,economy of ,malthus has its faults2 but it contains in outline the main truths which writers of our own time think they have established against ,ricardo4 ,first and foremost1 he maintains with them that the proper study of the science is not ,wealth1 but ,man1 or more definitely1 ,wealth in relation to ,man4 ,the qualities of man and the earth he cultivates are according to ,malthus so many and variable in relation to each other that a study of their relations cannot be an exact science like mathematics2 it may contain 8great general principles0 to which there are few exceptions1 and 8prominent landmarks0 that will be safe guides to us in legislation or in life2 but 8even these when examined will be found to resemble the most general rules in morals and politics founded upon the known passions and propensities of human nature40#dfd ,human conduct is characterized by such variation and aberration that we must always be prepared for exceptions to our principles1 and for qualifications which spoil the charm of uniformity1 but are faithful to facts1#dfe like ,george ,eliot's 8analyses in small and subtle characters10 which stimulate no enthusiasm but alone tell the whole truth4 ,in the second place1 we are told that the nature of the subject makes a peculiarly cautious ,method necessary4 ,our first business being to account for things as they are1#dff till we are sure that our theories do so we cannot act on them4#dfg ,a good economical definition must conform to the ordinary usage of words4 ,we must take if possible a meaning which would agree with the ordinary use of words 8in the conversation of educated persons40#dfh ,if this does not give sufficient distinctness1 we must fall back on the authority of the most celebrated writers on the science1 particularly of the founder or founders of it2 8in this case1 whether the term be a new one born with the science1 or an old one used in a new sense1 it will not be strange to the generality of readers1 or liable to be misunderstood40#dfi ,if any word must have a different meaning from that adopted by either of these authorities1 the new sense must not only be free from the faults of the old1 but must have a clear and recognizable positive usefulness4 ,the new definitions should be consistent with the old2 and the same terms should be used in the same sense1 except where inveterate custom insists on an exception4 ,when all is done1 it is still impossible in a social science like political economy to find a definition entirely beyond cavil4#dgj 8,wealth0 must include all the 8material objects that are necessary1 useful1 or agreeable to mankind20#dga 8productive labour0 must be the labour which realizes itself either in such material objects or the increased value of them2 or else we wander from common language1 and our discussions travel off into indefiniteness4 ,economical reasoning must be a deduction from observed facts of nature and of human nature verified by general experience4 ,malthus professes to have used this cautious method throughout1 and the theory of population was only the particular instance where circumstances enabled him to make his verification most complete4 8,i should never have had that steady and unshaken confidence in the theory of population which ,i have invariably felt1 if it had not appeared to me to be confirmed1 in the most remarkable manner1 by the state of society as it actually exists in every country with which we are acquainted40#dgb ,on the other hand1 ,ricardo1 legislating for ,saturn1 gives us little or no verification by experience4 ,it is true that he admits qualifications and exceptions to his own statements2 and he would have winced a little at his own biographer's assertion that 8,mr4 ,ricardo paid comparatively little attention to the practical application of general principles2 his is not a practical work40#dgc ,but he makes no use of the admissions2 his illustrations as a rule are not historical1 but imaginary cases and the verification is wanting4 ,in a letter to ,malthus 7written on the #bdth ,november1 #ahbj7 he says3 8,our differences may in some respects1 ,i think1 be ascribed to your considering my book as more practical than ,i intended it to be4 ,my object was to elucidate principles1 and to do this ,i imagined strong cases1 that ,i might show the operation of these principles40#dgd ,in ,malthus and ,adam ,smith1 imaginary cases are rare exceptions1 actual examples from life or history are the rule4 ,malthus goes so far in this direction that 7to use his own phraseology7 he is tempted to subordinate science to 8utility40 ,even ,adam ,smith1 though he had abundance of good-will to his kind1 did not write to do good but to expound truth4 ,to ,malthus the discovery of truth was less important than the improvement of society4 ,when an economical truth could not be made the means of improvement1 he seems to have lost interest in it4 ,his pointed warning to others against this error#dge may be regarded as a confession of his own liability to it2 and1 if he obeyed his own warning at all1 his position was at the best like that of the latter-day utilitarians1 who try to reach happiness by making believe not to think of it4 ,if his science had been less biassed by utility1 it might have been more thorough2 and we might not have had in our own time a ,ricardian socialism1 appearing like the ghost of the deceased ,ricardian orthodoxy sitting crowned upon the grave thereof4 ,he has the virtue of refusing to join the economical ,pharisees1#dgf who would not admit the elasticity of economical laws1 lest they should discredit their science2 but he is to blame for not pushing his quarrel against ,ricardo with the same energy as against ,godwin4 ,his forces1 in this campaign1 were worse drilled and worse handled4 ,it is justly said by ,garnier 7,dict4 de l'con4 ,pol41 art4 #8,malthus'71 that in spite of its title1 the ,political ,economy of ,malthus is not the exposition of a system1 but simply a collection of economical papers on various subjects that had been brought specially under his notice in discussion with his friends1 or 7we might add7 in his college class4 ,this itself would lead him to present a much less solid front to the enemy than he did in the ,essay4 ,to come1 in the third place1 to ,details1 we find the human character of the ,political ,economy of ,malthus appearing not only in his view of population1 where all is at last made to depend on the personal responsibility of the individual man1 and legislation is good or bad according as it strengthens or weakens that responsibility1--but in his view of the ,value of goods1 as measured by human labour1--in his view of demand and supply1 as sharing the inconstancy of the human desires that enter into both of them1--in his view of the ,rent of land1 as determined by the effects of human industry and skill as well as by the natural qualities of the soil1--in his view of the ,wages of labour1 as regulated not by an unchangeable but by a progressive minimum1--in his view of luxury1 as being equally with parsimony necessary to production1 and preventive of over-production1--and in his view of free trade1 as a rule to which we must make exceptions if we would not cause sufferings4 ,these doctrines had a distinct relation to current events4 ,political and social changes were reacting on political economy4 ,as ,godwin and ,pitt provoked the essay of #agih1 the scarcity of #agii and #ahjj called forth the pamphlet on ,high ,prices 7#ahjj74 ,as the latter bears directly on the ,poor ,law1 it will best be considered when the thread of the ,essay on ,population is taken up again2#dgg and the same applies to the letter of ,malthus to ,whitbread 7#ahjg74 ,the distresses of a time when wheat went so high as #f the quarter instead of its normal #djs4 or #ejs41 would naturally make the relief of the poor a question of the day4 ,the high prices of corn increased the number of enclosures and ,enclosure ,bills4 ,more than three millions of acres1 or about a twelfth part of the entire area of ,england and ,wales1 are said to have been taken from waste into cultivation between #ahjj and #ahbj4 ,the average price of wheat1 always the staple food of the people when they could get it1 had been #ees4 #aa;d4 for the years preceding1 viz4 from #agij to #agii inclusive2 it was #hbs4 #b;d4 from #ahjj to #ahji inclusive1 and #hhs4 #h;d4 from #ahaj to #ahai inclusive1 after which it fell 7for the next decade7 to #ehs4 #e;d4#dgh ,in #ahhc-d it was #ces4 #h;d4 a quarter1 which means a four-pound loaf 7of medium quality7 at #d;d4 or #e;d42 but at its lowest during the war 7in #ahjc7 it was at #egs4 #a;d41 and the loaf was at #f;d4 or #g;d4 ,yet agriculture had not been standing still4 ,arthur ,young1 whose eccentric energy benefited every one but himself1 and fell little short of genius1 betted his nineteen volumes of ,annals of ,agriculture against ,sir ,john ,sinclair's twenty-one volumes of the ,statistical ,account of ,scotland1 that the ,government of ,pitt would not establish a ,board of ,agriculture4 ,but ,farmer ,george did establish one1 in #agic2dgi ,young paid his bet and became ,secretary2 ,sinclair gained his nineteen volumes and became ,president of the new ,board2 and together they did much to make farmers and landlords aware of the rotations of crops1 disuse of fallows1 new manures1 road-makings1 that the ,secretary had been preaching in vain for thirty years4#dhj ,when the great scarcities of #agii-ahjj took place1 the ,board was equal to the occasion4 ,it urged the ,government to get supplies of rice from ,india2 it preached earnestly the cultivation of waste lands and the temporary conversion of grass lands into cornfields4 ,the last was done widely enough when the prices of corn were high4 ,the second1 except when it meant enclosure of commons1 was hardly done at all2 and there was a strange impression that the efforts of the ,board were at bottom a political movement against ecclesiastical titles and the ,established ,church4 ,the importation of rice would have been of immense immediate service2 but by the time the order had reached ,india and the rice ships had come back to ,england1#dha the famine was over1 the people preferred wheat1 and #cej1jjj of bounty were thrown away4#dhb ,nothing shows the insularity of ,english commercial policy better than the remedies generally proposed in those days for curing the evils of a bad harvest4 ,the ,house of ,commons passed self-denying ordinances#dhc and brown-bread bills1 and offered a bounty on potatoes4#dhd ,there was some talk inside the ,house of enforcing a minimum rate of wages1 and outside of enforcing a maximum price of bread4 ,the people were told to eat red herrings instead of bread2 philanthropic soup shops were opened2 distilleries and starch manufactories were threatened with prohibition4 ,relief from the poor rates was1 however1 the favourite way of cutting the knot4 ,better that our people should depend on each other than on the foreigner4 ,this fear of dependence was the more pardonable then1 as there were times1 in the war with ,napoleon1 when ,england was more completely alone against the world than she is ever likely to be again4 ,it was a much more culpable folly to pretend#dhe that the scarcity was due to 8forestalling and regrating10#dhf and that ,england could have provided for herself well enough1 even in #agii and #ahjj1 but for the corn-dealers and the large farms and the enclosures and the new-fashioned husbandry4 ,the new learning1 however1 went on its way4#dhg ,the benefits of it may have gone to farmer#dhh or to landlord1--the question was much debated1--but they did not go to the labourers4 ,the same is true of the improvements in cattle-breeding introduced by ,bakewell of ,leicester and ,chaplin of ,lincoln1 and encouraged by the ,smithfield ,club 7#agih71 which has long outlived the ,board of ,agriculture4 ,the life of the country labourers was little changed4 ,they and their wages could not remain entirely unaffected by the growth of manufacturing towns4 ,but custom still had the chief power over wages1 and had no little influence on rents4 ,from the reports sent from the ,scotch1 ,english1 and ,welsh counties to the ,board of ,agriculture in #agid1 it does not appear that wages were at all1 or rent very closely1 in correspondence with the amount of the produce4#dhi ,rents were far from being rack rents1 and wages were far from varying with the necessary expenses of the labourer4 ,in truth each country district in the days before railways and steamboats was nearly in the same isolation with regard to the rest as all ,england was with regard to foreign nations4 ,the price of farm produce was indeed tending to be equal over ,england1 as now over the world4 ,wages were displaying no such tendency4 ,of all goods a man is the most difficult to move1#dij for you must first persuade him2 and human inertia by making men stationary will keep wages low4 ,so it was in #agid4 ,the exertions of landlord and tenant were directed therefore rather to keep up corn than to keep down wages4 ,they were beginning to fear for their monopoly of the corn market4 ,the ,english ,government had done its best to keep their market for them4 ,a law of ,charles ,,ii4 passed in #afgj virtually prohibited importation of foreign wheat till the price of home wheat was over #ecs4 #d;d4 a quarter1 and made it free only when the home price was #hjs4 ,the ,revolution of #afhh brought a new phase of commercial policy4 ,the new rulers1 to conciliate the agricultural classes and atone for the burdens which had been transferred to them from the industrial classes1 granted a bounty of #es4 a quarter on the exportation of wheat so long as the home price was not over #dhs4 ,in this way1 after exportation in the days of the ,romans1 and alternate exportation and importation according to the seasons in after times1 there was1 after the ,revolution1 exportation encouraged by a bounty1 while importation was still hindered by duties4 ,the intention was at once to attract capitalists to agriculture and to reward those already engaged in it4 ,by this means not only would the farmers be attached to the new dynasty1 but ,england would provide all her own food4#dia ,but the very increase of tillage kept down prices and gave the landowners little benefit4 ,whenever a scarcity occurred the laws were suspended1 and the bounty and duties were taken off together4#dib ,exportation1 however1 was the rule till a little after the middle of the century1 say at the beginning of ,george ,,iii4's reign1 when the tide had fairly turned4 ,especially after the ,peace of ,paris 7,nov4 #agfb71 commerce was extended and population with it4 ,canals were made1 roads improved1 and home trade prospered4#dic ,we could no longer raise enough corn for our own wants4#did ,in #agff1 the year of our author's birth1 there were scarcities1 ,corn ,riots1 and suspensions of the ,corn ,laws2#die but the bounty was kept up in name to the end of the century4 ,in #agie and #agif the price of wheat rose to #hjs4 a quarter1 in #agig and #agih it sank to #eds42 but1 at the end of harvest1 #agii1 it rose to #ibs41 in #ahjj to #abhs41 and before the harvest of #ahja to #aggs4 ,the quartern loaf 7under #f;d4 in #ahhe7 was once within d4 of #bs46 ,then came a cycle of comparative plenty4 ,wheat between #ahjb and #ahjg was at #ges4 on an average1 and a new ,corn ,law in #ahjd prohibited importation till the home price should rise to #fcs4 ,between #ahjh and #ahac it was #ajhs4 on an average2 and it was as high as #adjs4 #i;d4 in the severe winter 7#ahab-ac7 of ,napoleon's retreat from ,moscow4 ,but in the spring of #ahae wheat was at #fjs4 ,if it should rise to #fcs4 the ports would be opened1 and there was not even the ,protection of war4 ,the farmers and landowners were terror-stricken1 the political economists divided1 and the bill for raising the importation price to #hjs4 was hurried through the ,house4 ,the bounty1 relaxed in #aggc1 had been finally repealed1 in #ahad4dif ,as the sliding scale of duties was not introduced till #ahbg1 we are to regard ,malthus and ,ricardo as writing on rent 7in #ahae and #ahbj7 under the severe ,corn ,law of #ahae1 as well as when the wisdom of passing that measure was still under debate4 ,all their discussions on rent bear consciously or unconsciously upon the ,corn ,laws of their own time4 ,malthus is rightly considered the first clear expounder in ,england of the economical doctrine of rent4 ,dr4 ,james ,anderson1 a contemporary of ,adam ,smith1 was no doubt before his age in his view of the subject2#dig but1 perhaps because he was better known as an agriculturist than as an economist1 he does not seem to have made converts4 ,the 8simultaneous rediscovery0 of the true doctrine by ,west and ,malthus in #ahae may be compared with the simultaneous discovery of the ,darwinian theory by ,wallace and ,darwin in #ahei4 ,the times were ripe for it4 ,malthus gives no certain sound on the subject in the early editions of the ,essay on ,population4 ,in the second he even says that 8one of the principal ingredients in the price of ,british corn is the high rent of land0 7p4 #dfj2 cf4 p4 #ddd74 ,however1 needing to lecture on ,rent to his pupils at ,haileybury in #ahje1 he saw the unsoundness of this position1 and in #ahjf1 in the third edition of the essay1 the passage is dropped1 and we are told1 8universally it is price that determines rent1 not rent that determines price0 7vol4 ii4 p4 #bff74 ,the passage is repeated in the fourth edition 7#ahjg74dih ,but when the time came for a fifth edition1 in #ahag1 the whole of the chapters on ,corn ,laws and bounties1 which are the only chapters of the essay that deal much with rent1 were recast1 to express the clearer views which the author had already expounded elsewhere4 ,in the spring of #ahad1 in the excitement of debates on the abolition of the bounty and on new laws to keep out foreign grain1 ,malthus was led for the fourth or fifth time in his life to take the field as a pamphleteer4#dii ,this time1 however1 he came forward1 he said1 not to take a side but to act as arbitrator4 ,his 8,observations on the effects of the ,corn ,laws1 and of a rise or fall in the price of corn on the agriculture and general wealth of the country0 7#ahad71ejj professed to balance the arguments for and against the ,corn ,laws1 and did it1 he said1 so judiciously1 that his own friends were in doubt to which opinion he leaned4#eja ,to later readers the bias is not doubtful4 ,it appears even in such a passage as the following1 which1 incidentally1 shows us his view of rent1 nearly matured3--8,it is a great mistake to suppose that the effects of a fall in the price of corn on cultivation may be fully compensated by a diminution of rents4 ,rich land1 which yields a large nett rent1 may be kept up in its actual state1 notwithstanding a fall in the price of its produce1 as a diminution of rent may be made entirely to compensate this fall1 and all the additional expenses that belong to a rich and highly-taxed country4 ,but in poor land the fund of rent will often be found quite insufficient for this purpose4 ,there is a good deal of land in this country of such a quality1 that the expenses of its cultivation1 together with the outgoings of poor's rates1 tithes1 and taxes1 will not allow the farmer to pay more than a fifth or sixth of the value of the whole produce in the shape of rent4 ,if we were to suppose the prices of grain to fall from #ges4 to #ejs4 the quarter1 the whole of such a rent would be absorbed1 even if the price of the whole produce of the farm did not fall in proportion to the price of grain1 and making some allowance for a fall in the price of labour4 ,the regular cultivation of such land for grain would of course be given up1 and any sort of pasture1 however scanty1 would be more beneficial both to the landlord and farmer40#ejb ,the drift of the pamphlet may be shortly stated4 ,the writer refused to go with ,adam ,smith in identifying corn with food1 and attributing to it in that capacity an unchangeable value1 which made any rise of price futile for the encouragement of tillage4 ,he thought that it was perfectly possible to encourage tillage by ,corn ,laws2 but was it good policy8 ,before he could answer this question1 he felt bound to consider several others4#ejc ,under free trade would ,great ,britain grow her own corn8--if not1 ought ,government to interfere to secure this8--if so1 would laws to hinder importation be the best kind of interference8 ,the answer to the first is1 that other countries have soils more fertile than ,britain2 ,poland can ship corn at ,dantzig for ,england at #cbs4 a quarter2#ejd and1 if there were free trade over ,europe1 the rich lands which are not ,english would send their plenty to relieve the wants of their neighbours4 ,if ,corn ,laws have not made us grow our own corn1 free trade would not4 ,in answer to the second question1 no doubt it is sound economy to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest2 and1 if we had regard to nothing but the greatest 8wealth1 population1 and power10 the rule would be invariable2 foreign imports of food are in every case a good thing for the country1 and1 if there is evil in the matter1 it is not in them but in the bad season which makes them necessary2 moreover1 a free trade in corn secures a steadier as well as cheaper supply of grain4#eje ,but1 on the other hand1 dependence on other nations for the first necessary of life is a source of political insecurity to the nation so depending2 and1 though the dependence is mutual1 identity of commercial interests seldom prevents nations from going to war with each other2 8we have latterly seen the most striking instances1 in all quarters1 of ,governments acting from passion rather than interest40#ejf ,and it might be argued that1 if we give up agriculture for manufacture1 we change the character of our people2 manufacturing industry conduces to mental activity1 to an expansion of comforts1 to the growth of the middle classes1 and to the growth with them of political moderation2 but it is more subject than agriculture to the fluctuations of fashion1 which lead to chronic destitution and discontent1 and the conditions of artizan life are 8even in their best state unfavourable to health and virtue40#ejg ,virtue and happiness after all are the end2 wealth1 population1 and power are but the means4 ,malthus himself believes in something like a golden mean1 a balance of the two industries1 which legislation might possibly preserve4#ejh ,there is another and less plausible argument on the same side4 ,assuming that wages vary with the price of corn1 high money wages1 and therefore high prices of corn1 are an advantage to working men1 who would have more money to buy the goods of the foreign countries where prices of corn were low and goods were cheap4 ,this argument1 though our author is inclined to yield to it1 is inconsistent with his own views of wages and the facts he cites in support of them4#eji ,more cogent is the plea that it would be unfair suddenly to withdraw a long-established protection1 though 7it might be replied7 we are no more bound to be gradual in abolishing protection than in concluding peace during war4 ,but the real question is1 whether once protected is to mean always protected1 and protected in an always increasing degree1 for it was this increased protection that was proposed in #ahad and #ahae4 ,it may be true that if we protect manufacture we ought to protect agriculture2 but1 instead of protecting both1 why not set both free8 ,statesmen had no courage1 however1 to be free-traders1 in days when the separate articles protected were as many as the millions in the ,national ,debt1 and each article represented a vested interest4 ,malthus does not seem to expect ,parliament to give free trade a moment's consideration4 ,but the friends of the new ,corn ,laws1 besides using the commonplaces of protectionism1 argued from the change in the value of the ,english currency4 ,when paper were paper prices1#eaj the importation price of the law of #ahjd could be soon reached1 and foreign corn came in much faster than the real or the bullion prices of it would have allowed4 ,there was also the long array of standing arguments for ,corn ,laws that lay stress on the heavy taxation of the country1 and are meant to show that the agricultural classes bear most of it1 and are thus handicapped against the foreigner4 ,from ,malthus himself the old leaven of protectionism was never wholly purged away4 ,like ,pitt1 though in a less degree1 he suffered his politics to corrupt his political economy1 and drag him back from the 8simple system of natural liberty0 into 8the mazes of the old system40#eaa ,english people since the ,repeal of the ,corn ,laws will hardly care to thrash the old straw out again4 ,perronet ,thompson's ,catechism of the ,corn ,laws is the best storehouse of the old arguments and their refutations1 set forth with a liveliness to which no other ,english economical writing has the slightest claim4#eab ,the real opinion of ,malthus came out in the second ,corn ,law pamphlet on the ,grounds of an ,opinion on the ,policy of restricting the ,importation of ,foreign ,corn 7#ahae74 ,between the two came the tract on ,rent1 which is rather an economical book than a political pamphlet1 and will be noticed immediately4 ,he now declares himself in favour of a temporary duty on imported corn to countervail the artificially low value of the currency1--8to get rid of that part of our prices which belongs to great wealth1 combined with a system of restrictions40#eac ,he warns the ,government that they should not take such a step to benefit a particular trade1 but only to benefit the public4 ,the motives are those constantly professed by defenders of the ,navigation ,act--not private interests but public policy4 ,since he wrote his ,observations circumstances had changed4 ,the sudden peace had brought the then unprecedented combination of a bad harvest and low prices2 the value of the currency had fallen fast2 and last1 and not least1 ,france1 the best corn country in ,europe1 had begun to prohibit the exportation of grain#ead in dear years4 ,we must therefore1 he says1 keep up the high farming which the war taught us1 by keeping up the high prices of the war4 ,eighty shillings might not be too high a price1 for the limit of prohibited importation4 ,it seems extraordinary that1 after so clearly recognizing that 8wealth does not consist in the dearness or cheapness of the usual measures of value1 but in the quantity of produce10 and that exports are not so good a criterion of wealth as the 8quantity of produce consumed at home10#eae ,malthus should recommend the increase of abundance by means of artificial dearness4 ,it is a poor consolation to us that he was no worse than ,brougham1 who voted for the ,corn ,law in #ahae1 and for the support of the ,navigation ,act in #ahdi1--;and little worse than ,ricardo1 who would allow a temporary restriction for the sake of leaseholders4#eaf ,a better is that he was advocating a policy that was against his private interests as a holder of a fixed salary and owner of three per cents4#eag ,but at the best the atmosphere of these two tracts is a little depressing4 ,the tract on ,rent is more bracing4 ,it was the first-fruits of the larger work on ,political ,economy 7#ahbj72 and its substance had been delivered in the professor's lectures at ,haileybury4 ,it expounds the ,nature and ,progress of ,rent with clearness and intelligibility1 if without the liveliness of #agih4 ,malthus gives us to understand that1 to explain this or any other economical notion1 we must keep as closely as possible to the usage of ordinary language1 the language of clear-thinking ordinary men4#eah ,to them1 rent does not mean1 as by derivation1 simply produce or profit2 nor1 as to a ,frenchman now and to ,bailie ,nicol ,jarvie in his days1 interest on a debt4 ,it means a certain price paid to a landlord for the use of his land4 ,but such a definition is too wide4 ,it might include the proceeds of a monopoly1 or an interest on capital1 or a ,government tax1 or a legal rate1 or a toll1 or a payment for service rendered4 ,we must define the term a little more clearly4 ,there is a certain portion of a landlord's income and of a peasant proprietor's earnings that has an origin and character distinct from the rest1 and demands the economist's separate attention1 whether it alone receives the name of rent or not2--this is1 the excess of the produce of land beyond the cost of production and the current rate of profits4 ,represent these in money2 and suppose the current profit five per cent4 ,suppose that a tenant lays out #ejj on his farm1 and gets by the harvest and farm produce not only #ejj plus #be1 but #fjj2 the additional #ge1 which would if retained by him be over or extra profits as compared with the rate usual among farmers and men of like business1 is the value of his rent2 and the landlord can take that from him without impoverishing him4 ,rent is that portion of the produce which remains1 after all the outlay of the cultivator has been repaid him together with the current profits4 ,from accidental or temporary causes the money rents of land may be more or less than this2 but this is the point to which actual rents will gravitate4#eai ,so far as this account goes1 it might seem that ,malthus' description is too general2 it would include the extra profits1 for example1 of any monopoly or a royalty for the use of a patent2 and ,ricardo's definition1 8the price paid for the indestructible powers of the soil10 might seem more definite4 ,but ,malthus is rather too specific than too general4 ,he is thinking of agricultural land only1 and that mainly as producing food for man4 ,if his description of the ,nature of rent adds little to that of ,adam ,smith1#ebj his account of its ,causes1 which he himself was the first to grasp1 is characteristic and peculiar4 ,first1 he says1 fertile#eba soils yield a produce that more than feeds the producer4 ,this may be put more generally than ,malthus has put it4 ,if rent is to be paid1 there must be wherewithal to pay it2 and there cannot be so if production does no more than repay cost4 ,there may1 however1 be a production beyond mere repayment of cost1 not only in farming but in all trades4 ,the very principle of the division of labour and the separation of trades implies that devotion to one occupation makes men so dexterous in production that1 besides providing for themselves1 they have an overplus wherewith to supply their other wants and the wants of others4#ebb ,this overplus1 where the facilities for trading were specially good1 might be so much above the overplus of an ordinary profit that the granter of the facilities1 who is usually the ground landlord1 might get the lion's share of it1 and still leave the user of the facilities as thriving as his neighbours4 ,on the other hand1 if no such overplus can be earned1 no such rent can be paid4 ,rent1 in short1 when it is paid by men of business1 either in town or in country1 means over-profits1 and ground-rents mean advantage of situation4 ,the second cause of rent1 according to ,malthus1 who is considering1 be it remembered1 the cause of the ,progress of rents as well as of their actual volume at any given time1#ebc is the peculiarity belonging to agricultural land1 that the demand increases with the supply2 in other cases the demand is external to the supply1 but in this case#ebd the supply creates its demand4 ,where there is food there will be mouths4 ,in the supply of food no over-production is possible4#ebe ,it is here that the ,essay on ,rent is connected with the ,essay on ,population4 ,by the law of population the tendency is that where food enough for six is being produced by two1 the other four will soon make their appearance2 and so1 thinks ,malthus1 the farmer makes his customers by simply making his wares4 ,something like this1 we might add1 would happen in a completely developed co-operative society1 where the makers would sell to each other and buy from each other4 ,it is even true1 in a sense1 of all manufacturers as things now are1 in proportion as their articles come near to being necessaries2--if they supply that without which people cannot live1 they go far to bring people into being4 ,malthus1 however1 regarded it as much more true of agricultural production than of any other4 ,he regarded food as the chief necessary1 and thought with ,adam ,smith1 that 8when food is provided it is comparatively easy to find the necessary clothing and lodging40#ebf ,against this we need only remember1 how the ,essay on ,population showed that it was only in the lower stages of existence that increase of mere food involved increase of population2 and so the tendency of the supply to create its own demand was1 on the author's own showing1 nothing more than a tendency4#ebg ,his economical reasoning was swayed a little by his circumstances4 ,the insularity of ,english life in his days prevented him from conceiving how a nation could safely derive half its food from abroad2 what ,adam ,smith had thought too good to be likely1#ebh he thought too dangerous to be desirable4 ,good or bad1 it is our position now1 and the result is1 first1 that the supply of food does not1 in the same degree or way1 produce its own demand as formerly1 and1 second1 that our other productions are1 even more truly than the agricultural1 the supply that creates its own demand1 for they give the power of buying the food that feeds new demanders4 ,the production carried on1 on the surface of the land1 has come in this way to be a more potent cause of the ,progress of rents than production from the soil itself4 ,with this restatement the second of ,malthus' causes of rent becomes perhaps a little more intelligible4 ,his third cause is that good land is scarce4 ,lands differ in fertility1 and there is not1 as in a new country1 enough of the most fertile to supply all our wants4 ,when the produce of the inferior begins to be absolutely necessary1 the inferior will be cultivated at a price enough to repay cost and give ordinary profits to the farmer4 ,but what is simply enough to do that for him will do much more than that for all the holders of superior lands1 and all that is much more can be taken by a landlord as rent without placing the tenant at any disadvantage as compared with his neighbours4 ,as soon as this happens in a country1 the extra profits1 which are called by economists rent1 will appear in it2 and the growth of population1 by leading to an increased demand for food and to an increased price of it1 will cause the cultivation of inferior lands1 or else a more expensive cultivation of the old ones2 and again1 since the necessary new supplies cannot be permanently kept up without one or other of these two resources1 the price1 and with it the rent1 will1 in the absence of inventions1 remain permanently higher4 ,in other words1 this third cause is the 8law of diminishing returns40 ,it is this law of diminishing returns which bulks most largely in the tract of ,sir ,edward ,west1 written in the same year as that of ,malthus4 ,west's theory of rent is simply1 8that in the progress of the improvement of cultivation the raising of rude produce becomes progressively more expensive1 or in other words1 the ratio of the net produce of land to the gross produce is continually diminishing40#ebi ,he sees how near ,adam ,smith came to it when he said1 that in the progress of cultivation the total amount of rent increased1 but the proportion of it to the produce diminished1 so that from being e4 g4 half the produce it became one-third4#ecj ,he sees1 as even in #agih ,malthus had seen1#eca that but for this law population might increase indefinitely on a few fertile lands instead of spreading over the globe 7,west1 p4 #ac71 whereas because of this law inventions in agriculture are not able to remove 8the necessity of having recourse to inferior land1 and of bestowing capital with diminished advantage on land already in tillage0 7p4 #ej74 ,he pushes the principle so far as to say broadly that whatever increases agricultural production increases cost1 while whatever increases manufacturing production diminishes cost 7p4 #dh71 inferring that the former must tend abroad and the latter at home to prevent the displacement of ,english agriculture by foreign competition4 ,as he had little or no influence on ,malthus1 his tract need not be noticed in detail2 it is enough to say that1 while ,west is superior in style and arrangement1 ,malthus is the more comprehensive4 ,west is clearer and simpler because he includes less4 ,looking at the three causes together1 we see that the first and last relate to the statics1 and the second to the dynamics of the subject4 ,we need to remember that ,malthus is having regard in the first instance not to the value but to the quantity of the produce4 ,now1 apart from questions of value1 it is possible there might be1 in a country1 land yielding to the sower more than he sowed2 but it might be an ordinary excess1 secured by all producers in that country1 for the land might be all equally fertile1 and production from land might be the most fertile of industries4 ,in that case1 even if the land was a ,state monopoly and the producer's gains could be taken from him by a tax1 there would be nothing corresponding to rent1 in the received sense4 ,but1 as soon as there were differences in the fertility1 and therefore differences in the quantity produced at the same cost1 the farmer who had the difference on his side could be said to have a rent4 ,it is this surplus1 conjoined with the institution of private property1 that1 according to ,malthus1 makes leisure and mental progress1 and even great material prosperity1 possible4#ecb ,the rent is properly the extra profits1 and not the equivalent paid over for them to a landlord2 rent can easily exist without a landlord4 8,it may be laid down1 therefore1 as an incontrovertible truth1 that1 as a nation reaches any considerable degree of wealth1 and any considerable fulness of population1 which of course cannot take place without a great fall both in the profits of stock and the wages of labour1 the separation of rents1 as a kind of fixture upon lands of a certain quality1 is a law as invariable as the action of the principle of gravity4 ,and that rents are neither a mere nominal value1 nor a value unnecessarily and injuriously transferred from one set of people to another1 but a most real and essential part of the whole value of the national property1 and placed by the laws of nature where they are1 on the land1 by whomsoever possessed1 whether the landlord1 the crown1 or the actual cultivator40#ecc ,it is the second cause that brings the first and third into operation in such a way as to produce the rents that we actually know in an old country4 ,the fertility which secures a produce beyond cost makes extra profits possible2 the growing population1 which gives the produce a value1 makes them actual2 and the gradations in fertility1 whereby a uniform increase in the value of produce creates far from uniform extra profits to different cultivators1 give the extra profits the peculiar graduated character1 which is characteristic of rent in the economical sense of the word4 ,malthus believed himself to have included1 in this theory of rent1 what truth there was in the view of the ,french economists and of ,adam ,smith1 when they spoke of rent as due to the qualities of the soil and not to an ordinary monopoly4 ,his contemporaries admitted him to have been the first clear expounder of the subject4 ,but his most eminent brother economist found general agreement quite consistent with emphatic divergence in details1#ecd not wonderful in a writer who regarded every economical question as a particular case of the problem of value rather than of wealth4 ,ricardo admits that his own theory of rent is simply a farther development of the ,malthusian4 ,in an essay on ,the ,influence of a low price of ,corn on the ,profits of ,stock1 showing the inexpediency of ,restrictions on ,importation 7#ahae71ece published in answer to the two tracts of ,malthus above mentioned1 he makes this quite clear1 and1 unlike his disciples1 is warm in praise of his rival's powers as an economist4#ecf ,he agrees with the definition 7of the ,tract on ,rent7 that rent is 8that portion of the value of the whole produce which remains to the owner after all the outgoings belonging to its cultivation have been paid10 including an ordinary rate of profits for the employed4#ecg ,but1 whereas ,malthus regards rent as increased by whatever lessens the outgoings in any shape or form1 ,ricardo considers that can happen in one way only1 namely1 by the increased cost of raising the last part of the necessary supplies4 ,arithmetically it was clear that1 if you had four items making up the total expense of cultivation1 whatever reduced any one of the items pro tanto reduced the total4#ech ,accordingly1 ,malthus said that rent could be increased by such an accumulation of capital as will lower the profits of stock1--such an increase of population as will lower the wages of labour1--such agricultural improvements or such increase of the cultivator's exertions as will diminish the number of labourers needed1--or such an increase in the prices of produce from increased demand as will increase the difference between the expense of production and the price of produce4#eci ,ricardo1 on the other hand1 says that profits can never be reduced by mere accumulation of capital or competition of capitals1 but only by the progressively less fruitful character of the investments to be found for capital as accumulation goes on4 ,as long as there is fertile land to be had1 yielding a rich return to capital1 no one will accept a poor return4 8,if in the progress of countries in wealth and population new portions of fertile land can be added to such countries with every increase of capital1 profits would never fall nor rents rise40#edj ,in things as they are1 capital soon accumulates beyond the rich investments and has to take the poorer4 ,sooner or later1 even in a new colony1 a point is reached where fertile land will not supply food enough for the growing population except at an increased cost4#eda ,now1 if the supply is absolutely required1 the most costly portion of it1 whether it be got by an extension of cultivation to poorer lands1 or by a more thorough cultivation of the richer1 will determine the price of all the rest1 for there cannot be two prices in the same market2 and the profits of the producer of it will determine the profits of all his fellow-cultivators1 for there cannot be two rates of profit in the same business4 ,furthermore1 the agricultural profits will determine the rate in other businesses1 for in a full-formed society the rate in the others must bear a fixed relation to the rate in this business1 so that the one cannot materially vary without the other4#edb ,therefore the greater cost of the last portion of the necessary supply of food will lower profits generally1 will thereby increase the range of extra profits from the richer soils1 and will thereby raise rents4 ,the difference between the two men is1 that what ,malthus makes only one cause1 ,ricardo makes the only one1 the increased cost of cultivation4#edc ,ricardo and his friends have certainly put cause for effect4#edd ,it is of course in the first instance the high prices that lead to the costly cultivation1 and not vice vers1 for without the high prices the produce of the costly cultivation would not be profitable4 ,malthus was asked by the ,committee on ,emigration3 8,among other effects of resorting to a soil inferior to any now in cultivation1 which is involved in the proposition of cultivating waste lands1 would not one be to raise the rents of all the landlords throughout ,great ,britain and ,ireland80--,he answered3 8,i think not4 ,the cultivating of poor lands is not the cause of the rise of rents2 the rise of the price of produce compared with the costs of production1 which is the cause of the rise of rents1 takes place first1 and then such rise induces the cultivation of the poorer land4 ,that is the doctrine ,i originally stated1 and ,i believe it to be true2 it was altered by others afterwards40#ede ,on the other hand1 what makes the high prices permanent instead of temporary1 is the fact that the cultivation essential to the completeness of the supply cannot be other than costly4#edf ,it is1 therefore1 not wrong to consider costly cultivation as one cause of the permanence of high prices1 and therewith of high rents4 ,but ,ricardo goes further1 and counts it the only cause4 ,through the whole progress of society1 he says1 profits are regulated by the difficulty or facility of procuring food2 and1 8if the smallness of profits do not check accumulation1 there are hardly any limits to the rise of rent and the fall of profit40 ,nothing can increase the general rate of profit but the cheapening of food2#edg as by improvements in agriculture1 which1 by securing the same production with less labour1 for the time increase the profits and lower the rents4#edh ,the landlord's interest is therefore at all times opposed to that of every other class in the community1#edi for it means dear food1 low profits1 and high rents4 ,still1 high rents are not the cause either of the dear food or the low profits1 but are1 equally with them1 the effect of a common cause1 more costly cultivation4 ,the effect of a costly cultivation on wages might seem vi terminorum to be a raising of them1 for wages depend on the proportion of the supply of labourers to capital's demand#eej for them1 and by assumption there was a greater demand4 ,but since the cause of the rise of price was in the first instance an increase of population1 it follows that the increased cost of raising the most costly supplies of corn will be incurred not by higher payment of old labourers1 but by employment of new4 ,wages again will buy less corn1 for corn has risen4 8,while the price of corn rises ten per cent41 wages will always rise less than ten per cent41 but rent will always rise more2 the condition of the labourer will generally decline1 and that of the landlord will always be improved40#eea ,in his statement of the doctrine of wages1 ,ricardo is perhaps more careful in #ahae than he is in #ahag1 saying that1 8as experience demonstrates that capital and population alternately take the lead1 and wages in consequence are liberal or scanty1 nothing can be positively laid down respecting profits as far as wages are concerned40#eeb ,but even in #ahag his exposition is hardly more rigid than that of ,malthus himself4 ,so far is he from recognizing an iron law driving wages down to 8the natural price0 or bare necessaries1 that he thinks the market rate may be constantly above the natural for an indefinite period1 and he regards the natural itself as expansive4 ,the whole chapter on wages#eec shows a just understanding of the ,essay on ,population4 ,nevertheless1 if ,ricardo in one sense made too much of the principle of population in relation to ,rent1 in another sense he made too little of it4 ,he does not see that in a progressive country it counteracts the tendency of improvements in agriculture to cheapen produce1 and thereby reduce rents2#eed agricultural rents have risen since #ahdf largely because of high farming4 ,he does not grant that high or low wages can affect rent1 because he regards them as purely relative to profits1 and making with profits a total amount1 of which only the proportions vary2 but it is difficult to believe that the rise in agricultural wages since #ahgc or so can have failed to play a part in keeping down farmers' rents since that date4 ,as1 however1 our view of the power or powerlessness of lowered profits or lowered wages to increase rent will be found to depend on our view of the causes of value1 and as the difference of the two economists on the relation of wages to profits might have the appearance of a technical subtlety1 these two items of the total may be passed by for the present4 ,in regard to agricultural improvements the issue seemed plainer1 and the evidence seemed all for ,ricardo and against ,malthus4 ,in a country depending chiefly on itself for grain1 a general adoption of improvements would seem to make supplies cheaper because less costly1 and therefore to lower rents because forcing farmers to lower prices4 ,even ,mr4 ,mill did not break away from ,ricardianism at this point1#eee though he speaks less unreservedly than ,ricardo upon it4 ,malthus1 on the other hand1 who regards rent as depending largely on the ability of the agricultural supply to create its own demands1 regards rent1 accordingly1 as at all times keeping pace with the increase of grain caused by improvements1 unless the improvements outrun population4 ,what cheapness does in other cases is to make an article accessible to a circle of buyers previously excluded from it4 ,every one is a buyer of agricultural produce and no one is excluded2 but the temporary cheapness of grain creates new buyers by making marriage accessible to a wider circle4 ,the progress of rents in fact results from the conflict of two economical tendencies--the tendency of economical expedients to lower prices1 and the tendency of an increasing population to raise them4 ,if ,malthus' ripest view of population be true1 then a cheapening of food among a civilized people by no means leads to a corresponding increase of their numbers1 and therefore the course of improvement would tend so far towards a diminution of price1 and therewith of rent4 ,if rents depended on the price of corn alone1 economical expedients 7including not only the direct aids to tillage1 mechanical and chemical inventions directly applied to it1 but the indirect aids1 free trade1 railways1 and steamers7 must certainly have lowered rents in the last hundred years4 ,but the reverse is true1#eef chiefly because the produce of a farm is ceasing to mean wheat1 and coming more and more to mean cattle and dairy produce1 which have not fallen but risen in price in one hundred years1 while corn has actually fallen4 ,this variety of productions has proved financially an equivalent to what ,malthus 7seventy years ago7 considered the main cause of greater extra profits to the farmer and greater money rents to the landlord----the increased fertility of the soil in the matter of grain1 and an increased price keeping pace with it4 ,the commercial policy of ,england has become what ,malthus describes in the latter part of the ,essay on ,population as a combination of the agricultural and the commercial systems4 ,his views on this subject became modified as he grew older4 ,in the second edition he says3#eeg 8,two nations might increase exactly with the same rapidity in the exchangeable value of the annual produce of their land and labour2 yet 444 in that which had applied itself chiefly to agriculture1 the poor would live in greater plenty1 and population would rapidly increase2 in that which had applied itself chiefly to commerce1 the poor would be comparatively but little benefited1 and consequently population would either be stationary or increase very slowly40 8,in the history of the world the nations whose wealth has been derived principally from manufactures and commerce have been perfectly ephemeral beings compared with those the basis of whose wealth has been agriculture4 ,it is in the nature of things that a state which subsists upon a revenue furnished by other countries must be infinitely more exposed to all the accidents of time and chance than one which produces its own40#eeh ,it is not1 he thinks1 because of her trade1 but because of her agriculture that ,england is so rich in resources2 it is not without danger that our commercial policy has diverted capital from agriculture into manufacture and commerce4 ,about the middle of the eighteenth century we were strictly an agricultural nation1 and we were safe1 for in a country whose commerce and manufacture increase from and with the improvement in agriculture there is no discoverable germ of decay4 ,but all is changed now2 and there is reason to fear that our prosperity is temporary1 and we have only risen by the depression of other nations4#eei ,when the nations that now supply us with cheap corn shall have prospered like ourselves and increased their population till corn is dear among them1 then we shall be ruined4 ,the evils of scarcity are so dreadful that it is worth our while to give special encouragements to agriculture1 and1 in order to be certain to have enough1 to have in general too much4#efj ,otherwise 8we shall be laid so bare to the shafts of fortune that nothing but a miracle can save us from being struck40#efa 8,if ,england continues yearly her importations of corn1 she cannot ultimately escape that decline which seems to be the natural and necessary consequence of excessive commercial wealth2 and the growing prosperity of those countries which supply her with corn must in the end diminish her population1 her riches1 and her power10--not indeed in the next twenty or thirty years1 but 8in the next two hundred or three hundred40#efb ,in #ahjc ,malthus had much in common with the author of ,great ,britain independent of ,commerce1 to say nothing of the ,french economists4 ,he cannot be said to have entirely lost the bias in favour of ,agriculture in later years4 ,in the ,political ,economy1 reviewing the last five centuries of ,english work and wages1#efc he tries to explain away the instances where rising prices of corn and an 8influx of bullion0 seem to have injured the condition of the labourer2 and there can be little doubt he was indirectly answering an objection to ,corn ,laws4 ,when depreciation of the currency1 whether through ,american discoveries or suspensions of cash payment1 has occurred1 the rebound from it 7he says7 has made prices fall much more than wages1 and so 7we are to infer71 when prices are kept high1 wages will follow4 ,it may be doubted if he had weighed the full consequences of such a contention in the light of his own principles of free trade4 ,professor ,rogers#efd has had the valuable aid of old ,college accounts4 ,malthus had little besides ,eden1 ,arthur ,young1 and the ,reports to the ,board of ,agriculture2 and it is doubtful if he fully understood the effects on the labourer of ,henry ,,vii4's debasement of the currency1 or could apply the analogy to the depreciation in his own day4#efe ,but on the whole1 as years went on1 he became less physiocratic4 ,he came to acknowledge that1 if a purely agricultural country might in some cases1 like ,america1 be the best possible for the labourer1 it might in other cases1 like ,poland or ,ireland1 be the worst possible for him4 ,if we hear that the labourer in one country earns in a year fifteen and in another nine quarters of wheat1 we cannot be sure that the former is the better off till we know the value of other things in the country in comparison with wheat4 ,if manufactures were very dear in comparison1 then the labourer's wages except in food would go very little way1 unless in a case like ,america1 where the quantity is so great that it makes up for the little value of corn wages4 ,in ,poland the value of corn is so low1 and there is so little capital in the country1 that the high corn wages mean low real wages1 and the population is either stationary or very slow in its increase4 ,the prosperity of an agricultural country1 then1 depends on other causes than the direction of its attention to the one industry of agriculture1 and without knowing these we could not infer or predict it4#eff ,malthus in fact reached the point at which he was always glad to arrive1 the medium between two extreme views4#efg ,he would neither approve of a purely agricultural nation1 whose danger was want of capital1 nor of a purely commercial1 whose danger was want of food4 ,in a purely commercial1 everything depends on a superiority in industry1 machinery1 and trade1 which from the nature of things cannot last4 ,not only foreign but domestic competition will bring down profits1 and thereby1 by discouraging saving and enterprise1 diminish the demand for labour and bring the population to a standstill4 ,christendom has seen ,venice1 ,bruges1 ,holland lose their trade by their neighbours' gain4#efh ,to say that the nations of the world ought to be allowed to develope their trade as freely as the provinces of a single empire1 is1 in his opinion1 to overlook the reality of political obstacles4 ,if ,england were still separated into the kingdoms of the ,heptarchy1 ,london could not be what it is4 ,the interest of a province and the interest of an independent state are never the same4#efi ,to one who believes political divisions inevitable1 there can be little hope for universal free trade4 ,malthus is unable to rise to the cosmopolitan view of ,cobden1 and he never seems to see that by ignoring political barriers1 free trade may really weaken them4 ,his ideal is a state which combines agriculture and commerce in equal proportions4#egj ,the prosperity of the latter implies the decay of feudalism and the establishment of secure government2 with security comes the spontaneous extension of enterprise and a steady demand for labour4 ,since the two great classes of producers provide a market for each other1 wealth will constantly grow1 and without risk of sudden check by a foreign influence4 ,the prosperity of such a country may 7he thinks7 last practically for ever1 and we might answer in the affirmative for our own country the query of ,bishop ,berkeley about his4#ega 8,the countries which unite great landed resources with a prosperous state of commerce and manufactures1 and in which the commercial part of the population never essentially exceeds the agricultural part1 are eminently secure from sudden reverses4 ,their increasing wealth seems to be out of the reach of all common accidents1 and there is no reason to say that they might not go on increasing in riches and population for hundreds1 nay almost thousands of years40#egb ,they would go on in fact till they reached the extreme practical limits of population1 which under the system of private property would mean such a state of the land as would 8enable the last employed labourers to produce the maintenance of as many probably as four persons10 the man1 his wife1 and two children4 ,as soon as the labour ceases to produce more than this1 it ceases to be worth the employer's while to give the wages and employ the labour4 ,these practical limits are far from the limits of the earth's power to produce food1 and a ,government which compelled every member of society to devote himself wholly to the raising of food and necessaries1 would succeed in coming nearer to those farther limits1 though at the expense of everything we mean by civilization4#egc ,as a matter of fact1 even the practical limit is not approached by way of a uniform decline of profits and of population4 ,various causes1 acting at irregular intervals1 stave off the event4 ,the decline of general profits1 the introduction of long leases and large farming1 would bring more capital to the land2 improvements in agriculture will increase the produce1 inventions in manufacture will lessen the cost of the agriculturist's comforts1 and make his wages and profits go farther2 the opening of a foreign market may raise home prices2 a temporary rise in the value of agricultural produce may stimulate the investment of capital in farming4 ,so ,malthus concludes1 for reasons not unlike ,cliffe ,leslie's1#egd that1 though there is a tendency of profits to fall1 yet the tendency is often defeated4 ,though there is much truth still in many of his statements1 the conclusion he draws from them1#ege that we ought by a judicious system of corn duties and corn bounties to keep the price of food steady and secure a large home supply1 is quite out of court now4 ,the variations in price have been under free trade very moderate2 and the supply from one quarter or another has never failed us4 ,free trade is no longer among our problems4 ,it must be added1 however1 that there is no reason why the 8practical limits0 should not exist under a paternal or fraternal socialism as well as under the present social system4 ,even if industry were initiated and directed not by individuals but socialistically by ,government1 the sole motive need not be to increase the mere numbers of the people1 and therefore the mere total quantity of food needed for a bare life4 ,the motive of socialistic government would be to secure a high degree of comfort1 not a bare subsistence1 for all2 and therefore1 at the cost of a limitation of numbers1 society would still remain at a distance from its greatest possible production of food4 ,whether such a limitation of numbers is likely to take place in the reconstituted society is discussed elsewhere4#egf ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,working ,,man4 ,measure of ,value1 #ahbc--;,in what sense ,labour a ,measure--,difficulties--,arguments of the ,tract on ,value--,measure in the same ,country--,measure in different ,countries--,measure at different ,periods in the same--,measure as applied to varying ,value of ,currency--,the ,royal ,literary ,society--,the ,definitions--,wages--,the ,minimum of ,social different from the ,minimum of ,physical ,necessaries--,high ,wages1 how made ,permanent--,the 8,wages ,fund10 whose ,invention1 and how far a ,reality--8,the ,new ,school of ,political ,economy10 its three ,tenets--,a ,general ,glut in what ,sense possible4 ,as the ,rent and ,corn pamphlets deal chiefly with ,mother ,earth1 the tract on the ,measure of ,value#egg deals chiefly with ,father ,work4 ,the search for a common measure of value is not1 to ,malthus1 a purely academical problem4 ,he considers such a measure desirable because in any inquiry into the wealth of nations it is important to distinguish between the rise of one commodity and the fall of another4 ,the former is an intrinsic alteration of value which will affect every exchange in which the object is concerned2 the latter an extrinsic which affects only the one exchange1 of the object in question with the foreign object that has been altered4 ,by value of course is to be understood economic value1 or 8the power of commanding other objects in exchange10 not value in the 7not uncommon7 wider sense1 of usefulness in supplying wants4#egh ,the economic value of anything1 taken in relation to some object which never changes its value from intrinsic causes1 may be called the 8natural or absolute value0 of that thing1 and the object with which it was compared may be called the 8measure0 of absolute or natural value1 in other words1 of the value which a thing must fetch if its supply is to be continued4 ,while not only money but any and every object may be such a measure of value for a limited place and time1 even money itself is not a good measure for widely different places or for long periods of time2 and corn1 which is better for long periods1 is worse for short4 ,labour is better than either1 but ,labour is ambiguous4 ,we may measure the value of anything either by the labour it has cost us in the making of it1 which gives us ,ricardo's sense of natural value1 or by the labour it will purchase after it is made4 ,adam ,smith1#egi who preferred labour both to money and corn as the measure of value1 wavered between these two meanings of the terms4 ,malthus declares at once against the first sense4 ,labour1 he says1 in the sense of cost does not altogether determine value and therefore cannot measure it1 even for similar places and times4 ,in #ahbj ,malthus had been of opinion that a mean between corn and labour was a better measure of value than labour itself2 but since #ahbc he recurred to the view of ,adam ,smith1#ehj and held that the amount of the unskilled common day labour of the agricultural labourer1 which a thing will purchase or command1 is a good measure of the value of it even at widely different places and times4 8,agricultural labour is taken for the obvious reasons that it is the commonest species of labour1 that it directly produces the food of the labourer1 and that it is the most immediately connected with the gradations of soil and the necessary variations of profits4 ,it is also assumed with ,adam ,smith1 ,mr4 ,ricardo1 and other political economists1 that1 on an average1 other kinds of labour continue to bear the same proportions to agricultural labour40#eha ,the bodily exertion of the labourer does not change2 it is the same sweat of the brow1 the same sacrifice of physical force4 ,when corn1 for example1 will command a less amount of labour than it would have done a century before1 we may be sure it is because of a change not in the labour but in the corn2 and we ought therefore to say not that labour has risen in value1 but that corn has fallen4 ,malthus' search for a permanent element in the changeable has led him to individual human labour as the economical unit4 ,if the ,chinese labourer has lower wages than the ,english1 it is not because his labour is of lower value1 but because his necessaries are of higher4 ,wages are higher in the ,united ,states not because labour is of higher value1 but because necessaries are of lower4#ehb ,of course when skill enters into the labour1 the unit is not the same2 but1 when we look only at unskilled1 we find confirmation of ,malthus' view in the experience of the elder and the younger ,brassey as employers of labour1 that quantity for quantity 8the cost of the labour the expense of it to the employer is the same everywhere0 over the world4#ehc ,the measure1 however1 is by no means out of court as regards skilled labour2 the difference in kind may be stated in terms of a difference in degree4 ,if the watchmaker's labour be paid at the rate of #ajs4 a day1 and the common agricultural labourer's only at #as4 #h;d41 the former may be stated as equivalent to six days' common labour4#ehd ,malthus has in his mind a scale of compensation such as is drawn out by ,adam ,smith in the tenth chapter of the first book of the ,wealth of ,nations4#ehe ,disagreeableness1 difficulty1 inconstancy1 responsibility1 risk of failure1 are so many disabilities1 for each of which a compensation must be made to the workman in the scale of his wages1 as adding in effect so many more hours' labour2 and each higher class of workman must be paid the unit of common labourer's wages1 with the compensations superadded4 ,in practice this means that men will not be found in sufficient numbers to do the higher class work unless the wages are sufficient to make it worth their while to undergo the disabilities4 ,it is assumed that this scale has been adjusted by custom and the 8higgling of the market0 from generation to generation1 till in any given neighbourhood each of the several skilled trades has a definitely recognized place in the series4#ehf ,this reasoning seems less convincing when we consider that the translation of skill into terms of hours would be different in different localities1 and that the common labour1 which is the unit1 would vary in the same way4 ,the measure of value would hold only for a given place1 time1 and people4 ,to escape from the difficulty1 we must consider the difference between the common labour at one time and place and the common labour at another as itself measurable1 and allow for it2 or else we must consider it as too small to disturb our conclusions1 and so neglect it altogether4 ,to reduce common labour to its theoretically simplest terms is to reduce it to something below our experience2 and to reduce it to its actually simplest in the given cases is to reduce it to one thing in ,england1 a second in ,france1 a third in ,india1 a fourth in ,america4 ,there are differences of quality which cannot be with any certainty resolved into differences of quantity2 such are the differences of individuals1 the differences of nations1 the differences of races4 ,it will be found1 also1 that the part played by common as opposed to skilled labour1 and by agricultural as opposed to manufacturing labour1 differs so much between country and country that1 in order to use labour as a measure1 we should need other measures in addition to it4 ,in short1 if we had data enough to apply this measure1 we should have data enough to dispense with it4 ,it was possibly the force of these considerations that led ,malthus1 as time went on1 to approach somewhat nearer to ,ricardo1 whose measure1 so far as he had one1 was not the labour purchased but the labour that entered into cost4 ,but he adhered to the substance of his doctrine as expressed in the tract2 and his positions1 in detail1 were as follows3-- ,the power of one object to command another in exchange is influenced either by a change in the object itself1 or by a change in the other4 ,if we found a case where there was never a change in the first object itself1 then we should have1 in that first1 a measure of natural or absolute as opposed to nominal or relative value1 i4 e4 a measure of that value of an article which satisfies the 8conditions of the supply0 of it1 and enables its production to be continued without loss to the producers4 ,by 8conditions of supply0 is meant ,ricardo's 8cost of production0 with the addition of ordinary profits4 ,no measure of market or relative values is possible2 and to have a measure of natural value itself we must make two postulates1--that natural value depends on 8labour and profits0 7sic71 on rent little if at all1 and that the 8wages0 of labour are also the 8value0 of labour1--what labour is paid is also what labour will fetch4 ,it is easy to apply the measure where only labour is concerned1 for then the labour that the things cost is a sufficient measure2 it would be evident1 at any change1 that the things had become cheaper1 not the labour dearer4 ,but in present society value is more complicated2 labour is no doubt the chief source of it1 but profits are a very considerable one4#ehg ,the natural conditions of supply1 however1 may be stated in terms of labour1 just as if labour had been the sole ingredient4 ,this would give us a measure for the same country at the same place and time4 ,the total quantity of labour that an article cost1 with the addition of ordinary profits stated in terms of labour1 would be the same as that quantity of labour which an article would purchase in its natural value4 ,in the case of different countries1 at the same time1 the difficulties are not quite the same4 ,exchange is there determined not by labour but by money prices2 and money is of very different value in the one country and in the other4 ,but the differences in the value of money in different countries are in proportion to the different prices of agricultural labour--#aejj days' labour at #d;d4 a day in ,india1 at #bs4 in ,england1 meaning #be and #aej respectively2 and1 if fixed capital to the value of #cjj days' labour were advanced to each of them1 while profits calculated in days' labour were twenty per cent4 in the one case1 ten in the other1 the result would be an article whose conditions of supply would require in the one case a money price of #ca1 in the other of #afh4 ,the difference is no doubt due to the superior efficiency of ,english industry and skill which enables ,england to purchase the precious metals more cheaply1#ehh but the cost of getting the money would not tell us the true present value of the money in ,england or in ,india4 ,it is not the labour spent on the gold1 but the labour purchased by it1 that will help us here4 ,in each country within itself we would measure the natural value of money as well as of anything else by what labour it will purchase2 know the difference between the value of money in the one and its value in the other by the difference between the amount of labour it will purchase in the one case and the amount it will purchase in the other4#ehi ,in the case of different periods in the same country1 though we have not1 as in the case of two different countries1 the test of an actual exchange1 we can still use labour as the measure4 ,we must allow for the higher profits of the earlier period2 and on the 7,ricardian7 principle that profits and wages vary inversely1 though corn wages have risen1 profits have in proportion fallen1 and the total value of the produce measured by its power of purchasing labour must be the same1#eij the purchased labour then representing the producing labour plus the then rate of profits4 ,from ,ricardo's dogma it seems 7to ,malthus7 to follow directly that the value of labour is constant4#eia ,taking the labour they will purchase as the best measure of the value of the precious metals1 as of anything else1 we have light on one of the pressing questions of the day 7in #ahbc71 the causes of the changing value of money4 ,the causes affect not the labour but the money1 and they are of two kinds4 ,the first ,malthus describes as a primary or necessary cause1 namely1 the variation in profits depending on the 7,ricardian7 theory of the interlocking of wages and profits1 and the 7,malthusian7 theory of the relation of profits to rent4 ,dear corn due to difficult cultivation would lower profits1 and would alter the value of money1 but only in relation to raw1 not in relation to manufactured produce1 or at least 7from the effects of ,ricardo's principle of the inverse variation of wages and profits7 not to the same extent4 ,but the second1 which is a 8secondary and incidental0 class of causes1 affects both raw and manufactured goods1 and is often enough to completely dwarf the effects of the primary cause2#eib--;it is the general commercial situation of a country1--8the fertility and vicinity of the mines1 the different efficiency of labour in different countries1 the abundance or scarcity of exportable commodities1 and the state of the demand and supply of commodities and labour compared with0 the precious metals4#eic ,the efficiency of labour and a prosperous commerce1 with a great consequent demand for corn and labour1 are often more powerful in making bullion cheap than agricultural productiveness and high profits in making bullion dear and corn cheap4 ,during the war--say from #agij to #ahad--we had an instance of this1 and since the war--say from #ahad to #ahbc--we have had a clear instance1 he thinks1 of the converse4#eid ,two elaborate papers on the measure of value1 written in #ahbe and #ahbg1 show that ,malthus was becoming inclined to make less of his differences with ,ricardo4#eie ,they were intimate friends2 their discussions had no bitterness2 and1 to use the words of one of them1 8both were so anxious for the truth that sooner or later they would have agreed40#eif ,these papers are a fulfilment of his duty not 7as we might guess7 as a fellow of the ,royal ,society or a member of the ,political ,economy ,club1#eig but as an associate of the ,royal ,society of ,literature4#eih 8,that branch of literature0 sic 8on which it shall be his duty to communicate with the ,society once a year at least0 is described as 8political economy and statistics40#eii ,he does little credit in these papers to his literary faculty4 ,their composition is laboured and devoid of ornament4 ,the first is ,on the ,measure of the ,conditions necessary to the ,supply of ,commodities2 and the thesis is1 that 8the natural and necessary conditions of the supply of all commodities10 that are not monopolies1 are represented and measured by the labour which they will on an average command1 and by nothing else4 ,the second is ,on the ,meaning which is most usually and most correctly attached to the term1 ,value of ,commodities2 and the thesis is1 that1 when value is used without a qualifying adjective or reference to any special equivalent in a possible exchange1#fjj the term refers to the 8conditions of supply40 ,when we say1 for example1 anything is sold at a price far above its true value1 we mean far above its cost price1 including under 8cost0 the average rate of profits that must go to the maker if he is to live by his trade4 ,the two papers taken together form a sort of indirect proof of the position taken up in the tract on the ,measure of ,value 7#ahbc71 and the relevant parts of the second edition of the ,political ,economy 7#ahcf71 and may be stated briefly thus3--,the labour commanded by an article is generally the measure of that article's cost2--but that article's cost is what people generally mean by its value2--therefore the labour commanded by an article is the measure of that article's value in the ordinary sense of the word4 ,the second paper was written at the same time as the ,definitions in ,political ,economy1 and illustrates the rule laid down there1 prescribing adherence1 when possible1 to the meaning which economical terms bear in the mouths of ordinary folk4#fja ,the ,definitions1 for example1 repeat from 7or with7 the second paper1 8when no second object is specified1 the value of the commodity naturally refers to the causes0 which determine 8the estimation in which it is held0 8and the object which measures it40#fjb 8,the natural value of a commodity at any place and time0 is 8the estimation in which it is held when it is in its natural and ordinary state10 as 8determined by the elementary costs of its production10 or in other words1 by 8the conditions of its supply40 ,and the measure of the natural value of a commodity at any place and time is 8the quantity of labour for which it will exchange at that place and time when it is in its natural and ordinary state40#fjc ,as a literary production the book written for the public is superior to the papers prepared for the men of letters4 ,next to the first ,essay on ,population1 the critical parts of the ,definitions give the most pleasant examples of the author's style4 ,the two papers above mentioned are chiefly important as showing the importance which ,malthus1 unlike ,ricardo1 attached to the question of a measure of value4#fjd ,a contemporary writer said very happily that the fault of ,ricardo was to generalize too much1 and of ,malthus to generalize too little4 ,malthus1 he added1 is a keen observer but poor in analysis2 he is 8so occupied with particulars that he neglects that inductive process which extends individual experience throughout the infinitude of things10 and converts knowledge into science4 8,as presented by ,mr4 ,ricardo1 political economy possesses a regularity and simplicity beyond what exists in nature2 as exhibited by ,mr4 ,malthus1 it is a chaos of original but unconnected elements40#fje ,on the other hand1 the testimony of a recent ,german writer is very different4 ,malthus1 he tells us1 resembles ,ricardo in his sombre view of human life and frank statement of unpleasant facts4 ,their names are often associated1 and no doubt both are children of their times4 ,but their leanings were really unlike4 ,ricardo took up certain ideas of his time in their narrowest1 clearest1 and harshest form1 and applied them wholly in the interest of capital4 ,malthus is far less narrow4 ,his influence on economics has been much smaller than ,ricardo's2 but he will be found 8by far the more suggestive and less prejudiced of the two10 and1 if he found more opponents1 it is because he was less understood and less read4#fjf ,the sprightly ,dialogues#fjg of ,de ,quincey contribute nothing to the discussion on value2 but they show how completely ,ricardo had won the ear of the literary world1 and how little pains the opponents of ,malthus took to do him justice4 ,malthus reduced the problem to many elements2 ,ricardo to few2 and the latter1 as certainly easier to understand1 was readily represented as the likelier to be true4 ,simplicity in such a case is a treacherous virtue2 and the apparent chaos may have been much nearer the truth than the apparent cosmos1 if there was a hidden flaw in the latter and a latent principle of union in the former4 ,sound or unsound1 such a principle may be traced in the most abstract discussions of ,malthus4 ,we shall find this true when we compare his views with ,ricardo's on the nature and causes of value itself1 and the movements of prices4 ,we may recognize it even in these discussions on the measure of value4 ,the measurement of all value by individual human labour is of a piece with the author's final view of population1 where all is made to depend on individual responsibility4#fjh ,the main weakness of the position is perhaps that by unskilled labour he means always agricultural1 and does not sufficiently recognize how in manufacturing ,england it has perhaps become easier to measure unskilled by skilled than the latter by the former4 ,the difficulty met ,robert ,owen1 when in his ,labour ,exchanges#fji he not only tried to reduce all values to a common measure in labour1 but to make labour a means of exchange1 for which it is certainly worse suited than money4 ,labour as something to be rewarded by ,wages has a more evident connection with the principles of the ,essay on ,population than labour as the measure of all values4 ,in this case unskilled agricultural labour is again the unit4 ,the first 8condition of the supply0 of this labour is the necessaries of life1 in such quantities as will enable the labourers to maintain their numbers or to increase them1#faj as the case may be4 ,if the former only1 the price of labour is not1 as ,ricardo says1 the 8natural10 but really a most unnatural price1 for it would mean that the country giving it had arrived at the final limit of its resources4#faa ,necessaries1 however1 are not a simple or even a fixed element4 ,we can of course measure them in corn if we like2 but they consist not only of the prime necessary1 the staff of life1 but of other absolute necessaries1 of shelter and clothing1 and many 8conveniences0 which have become necessaries1 inasmuch as they are essential to healthy life1 such as soap and shoes and candle-light4 ,it has happily become a truism that the necessaries of life are not a fixed but an expanding factor4 ,even if competition were always to drive wages down to a 8minimum of social necessaries10#fab social are always beyond animal necessaries2 our basest beggars are in the poorest thing superfluous2 and 8the barest social necessaries0 seem likely in process of time to mean a high standard of comfort4 ,to raise the minimum of social necessaries is the way to raise wages really1 universally1 and almost irrevocably4#fac ,malthus himself declares that 8it is the diffusion of luxury0 in this sense of the word1 8among the mass of the people1 and not an excess of it in a few10 that seems to be advantageous1 both for national wealth and national happiness4 ,paley's ideal of national prosperity1 8a laborious frugal people ministering to the demands of an opulent luxurious nation10 is heartily scouted by him4 ,the luxuries of the few rich1 he says1 harass the industry of the poor by varying with the fashion2 but the luxuries of the poor1 when embodied in their general standard of living1 are not only the best kind of check to population1 but the steadiest encouragement to general trade4#fad ,he seems to have supposed the elevation in the standard of living to have been effected1 like the progress of nations in civilization1 by the happy improvement of an accidental advantage1 by the retention of high wages1 when once secured in a time of brisk trade in the ordinary way of competition2 the workmen1 in short1 succeeded in making permanent and de jure a change once de facto for the time effected4#fae 8,when our wages of labour in wheat were high in the early part of the last century1 it did not appear that they were employed merely in the maintenance of more families1 but in improving the condition of the people in their general mode of living40#faf ,malthus1 without knowing it1 was certainly father of the theory of a ,wages ,fund4 ,the theory is that the average wages of the labouring classes at any given time are high or low in proportion to the great or small amount of circulating capital devoted to the payment of wages1 or1 as it is sometimes expressed 7more tersely and inexactly71 wages depend on 8the ratio of population to capital40 ,this might mean no more than the arithmetical truism that we may always find the average wages by dividing the total sum received by the total number of recipients2 and the quotient would be unalterable only in the sense in which all other facts might be said to be so1 in retrospect4 ,but it is usually taken to mean that the first total could not at any given time have been greater or less than it actually was1 being fixed unalterably by circumstances1#fag and so 8devoted0 or 8determined0 to the payment of wages4 ,the simplest test of this theory is the application of it to the case of a single individual capitalist and his payments in wages4 ,suppose he has a capital of #aj1jjj1 #ejjj fixed and #ejjj circulating2 and suppose that the latter means wages only 7instead of chiefly71 and is paid to one hundred men2--#ej a year will be the average wages of the hundred men2 and1 by the theory1 given the rate of ordinary profits and given the 8desire of accumulation0 at the time and place1 it could not possibly have been either more or less4 ,but1 as the profits are not unconditional1 neither are the wages2 the capitalist might conceivably1 to save his business1 keep it up in bad times at a loss1 and pay wages at the expense of profits and at the expense of his personal pleasures4#fah ,he has often the choice before him to spend more on fixtures1 or more on new hands1 or more on further employment of the old hands4 ,in truth1 too1 though wages1 especially in ,england1 are often in the first instance advanced out of capital1 they are always meant to be paid out of the gross returns1 and in every sound business really are so4 ,the workman and employer make their contract beforehand1 and expect each other to abide by it1 be the profit much or little2 the wages depend1 therefore1 directly on this contract1 and indirectly on that which is the means of fulfilling the contract on the master's side1 the price of the article made4 ,the price of the article is the real wages fund2#fai and therefore the wages fund must be as flexible as market prices1 and the actual wages as changeable as are the powers1 habits1 and desires of the two contracting parties4 ,the theory of a wages fund was formed from the facts of a perfectly exceptional time1 and on the strength of two truths misapplied1 the doctrine of ,malthus 7on ,population7 in its most unripe form1 and of ,ricardo 7on ,value7 in its most abstract4 ,j4 ,r4 ,mac,culloch seems to have been the first who put the two together to deduce a rigid law of wages4 8,the market rate of wages10 he says1 8is exclusively dependent on the proportion which the capital of the country1 or the means of employing labour1 bears to the number of labourers4 ,there is plainly1 therefore1 only one way of really improving the condition of the great majority of the community or of the labouring class1 and that is by increasing the ratio of capital to population10 which the labourers for their part can only do by diminishing the supply of labour4#fbj ,even ,mrs4 ,marcet1 a docile ,ricardian1 had put the case more carefully4 8,work to be performed is the immediate cause of the demand for labour2 but1 however great or important is the work which a man may wish to undertake1 the execution of it must always be limited by the extent of his capital1 i4 e4 by the funds he possesses for the maintenance or payment of his labourers40#fba ,she professes to be expounding the received doctrine of her day4 ,mac,culloch's exposition is much more rigid4 ,when he speaks of the 8funds devoted to the payment of wages10 he means 8that portion of the capital or wealth of a country which the employers of labour intend or are willing to lay out in the purchase of labour40 ,it 8may be larger at one time than at another4 ,but1 whatever be its magnitude1 it obviously forms the only source from which any portion of the wages of labour can be derived4 ,no other fund is in existence from which the labourers as such can draw a single shilling4 ,and hence it follows that the average rate of wages or the share of the national capital appropriated to the employment of labour falling1 at an average1 to each labourer1 must entirely depend on its amount as compared with the number of those amongst whom it has to be divided40#fbb ,neither ,mac,culloch1 nor ,james ,mill1 nor ,john ,mill in his early writings1 nor apparently any of the expounders of the theory1 were in the habit of describing the fund as 8unconditionally0 devoted to the payment of wages1 though ,john ,mill1 in restating the position after he abandoned it1 gives us so to understand4#fbc ,something like unconditional determination1 however1 is assumed in all the reasonings of the school4 ,adam ,smith's frequent use of the words 8funds devoted0 or 8funds determined0 to this or that purpose may easily have been misunderstood4 ,certainly in his pages they mean no inflexible compulsion4 ,he says the demand of those who live by wages can only increase in proportion to the increase of the 8funds0 which are 8destined0 for the payment of wages1 these funds being 7he adds7 either the surplus revenue of an idle monied man who will 8naturally0 use any addition to them in increasing his staff of domestic servants1 or the increased capital of the capitalist who will just as 8naturally0 use them in employing more workmen4#fbd ,the word 8destined0 is so far1 with him1 from implying any iron necessity that it means simply 8intended02 and the intention is one that can be foiled or altered4 ,he speaks of the 8funds destined for the consumption0 of the manufacturing class1#fbe and of the townsfolk's 8fund of subsistence10#fbf meaning simply their food2 he even speaks of the funds destined for the repair of the high roads in ,france4#fbg ,even the strong passage in ,book ,i4 chap4 viii41 8the demand for those who live by wages necessarily increases with the increase of the revenue and stock of every country1 and cannot possibly increase without it10 stops considerably short of the doctrine of a rigid wages fund4 ,it is never suggested by ,adam ,smith that the wages fund is inelastic1 and that wages could not at any given time have been greater or less than they actually were4 ,the doctrine is seldom traced further back than to ,malthus2 and ,malthus cannot be shown to have held the doctrine4 ,with express reference to the passage last cited from the ,wealth of ,nations1 he says that 8it will be found that the funds for the maintenance of labour do not necessarily increase with the increase of wealth1 and very rarely increase in proportion to it1 and that the condition of the lower classes of society does not depend exclusively upon the increase of the funds for the maintenance of labour or the power of supporting a greater number of labourers0 7,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iii4 xiii4 #cfh74 ,the condition of the working classes depended1 he thought1 partly on the rate at which the 8funds for the maintenance of labour10#fbh or1 as he expressed it at first1 8the resources of the country0#fbi and the demand for labour are increasing1 and partly on the 8habits of the people40 ,among their habits we should need to put their education and their power of union among themselves1 and consequent strength in a struggle with the masters1 to obtain or to raise the market rate of wages4 ,from ,ricardo he differed on the subject of wages very much as on the subject of value4 ,ricardo looked at cost price as the natural value of an article1 and mere subsistence as the natural wages of labour4 ,malthus could do neither4 ,the issues between the two economists are nowhere so well or so calmly stated as in a paper written by ,malthus 7a few months after ,ricardo's death7 in the ,quarterly ,review1#fcj where he deals with ,mac,culloch's treatise on ,political ,economy4#fca ,in that article ,malthus professes to regard the political economy of ,ricardo1 ,james ,mill1 and most of the economical writers in the ,encyclopdia1 as a new and wrong departure4 ,it is said to have been regarded by the writer as one of the best economical papers he ever wrote2#fcb and1 among other virtues1 it has the merit of perfect courtesy and respect towards the persons criticized4 ,their system1 he says1#fcc is remarkably like that of the ,french economists4 ,they 8were equally men of the most unquestionable genius1 of the highest honour and integrity1 and of the most simple1 modest1 and amiable manners4 ,their systems were equally distinguished for their discordance with common notions1 the apparent closeness of their reasonings1 and the mathematical precision of their calculations and conclusions founded on their assumed data4 ,these qualities in the systems and their founders1 together with the desire so often felt by readers of moderate abilities of being thought to understand what is considered by competent judges as difficult1 increased the number of their devoted followers in such a degree1 that in ,france it included almost all the able men who were inclined to attend to such subjects1 and in ,england a very large proportion of them4 8,the specific error of the ,french economists was the having taken so confined a view of wealth and its sources as not to include the results of manufacturing and mercantile industry4 8,the specific error of the new school in ,england is the having taken so confined a view of value as not to include the results of demand and supply1 and of the relative abundance and competition of capital4 8,facts and experience have1 in the course of some years1 gradually converted the economists of ,france from the erroneous and inapplicable theory of ,quesnay to the juster and more practical theory of ,adam ,smith2 and1 as we are fully convinced that an error equally fundamental and important is involved in the system of the new school in ,england as in that of the ,french economists1 we cannot but hope and expect that similar causes will1 in time1 produce in our own country similar effects in the correction of error and the establishment of truth40 ,the new school has1 according to ,malthus1 three main principles4 ,the first is1 that what determines value is the quantity of labour that a thing costs to make1--the second1 that supply and demand do not as a rule affect values1--and the third1 that fertility of soil and not competition regulates the rate of profits4 ,the new school thinks that profits enter so little into the price of an article that they may be neglected altogether in the computation of the causes of value4 ,but 7says ,malthus7 the value of a stone wall would be due1 nearly all of it1 to labour1 and the value of a cask of old wine kept for twenty or thirty years would be largely due to profits4 #ej worth of stone wall would have much more labour 8worked up in it0 than #ej worth of old wine4 ,it is not sufficient to answer that profits are simply accumulated wages4 ,as well say that five is another name for four4 ,ricardo himself introduced many qualifications into his own statement that value is due to labour4 ,the principle 7he confessed7 was modified by the use of machinery and by the unequal durability of capital4#fcd ,malthus admits the truth of ,ricardo's dogma that profits and wages can only increase at each other's expense1 and he even applies this principle of ,ricardo's in a new way to the facts of the commercial depression that had prevailed since the peace4#fce ,it was universally allowed there had been a less demand for labour and a great fall in wages1 but1 it was also allowed1 a much greater fall in profits2 so that wages while lower in gross amount bore a higher proportion to profits than before4 ,the reason was that1 while the competition of labourers was great1 the competition of capitalists with capitalists was still greater4 ,the result was a universal fall of prices2 the wages1 though relatively greater1 were absolutely less in amount1 and the demand for labour would have been greater if prices had risen and the capitalist had got greater returns to his capital4 ,malthus would not go farther than this1 and the ,ricardian doctrine needs to be otherwise applied to yield the doctrine of a wages fund4 ,it was applied in some such way as follows3--,competition drives prices down to the cost of production2 this means that at any given time the sum total of profits and wages cannot be more than they actually are1 and both are kept down by competition to their minimum2 the masters could not give higher wages without cutting down their profits1 the men could not get less wages without either starving or being driven to seek other employments4 ,malthus does not so apply his doctrines4 ,to him1 what fixes the sum total of wages and profits is not the cost of production1 but the demand for the thing produced2 not the labour spent on a thing1 but the labour that others are willing to give for it2 and the cause of value is not cost1 but demand acting with supply4 ,ricardo1 who prefers to confine his theories to natural value1 allows that the state of the demand and supply raises market value above or depresses it below cost price2 and he does not see how seriously his own qualifications#fcf impair the truth of his theory of value even when the value is 8natural40#fcg ,it is true1 on the other hand1 that the supply at any given time is a supply that will not be kept up unless the cost price be paid back4 ,the cost price would certainly be the minimum below which prices could not permanently pass4 ,but to ,ricardo the cost in labour is the formal as well as the material cause of a value2 to ,malthus it is only the material1 and only part of that1 a mere sine qu non1 while the efficient is the demand1 and the final is the consumption of the article by its last buyer or user4 ,the third leading tenet of the new school1 says ,malthus1 is that the rate of profits in a country depends on the fertility of the soil there1 and not1 as ,adam ,smith thought1 on the competition of capital with capital for employment4 ,against them ,malthus maintains that there is no necessary 7though there is a frequent7 connection between the productiveness of industry and the rate of profits1 still less between the latter and the productiveness of any one single industry1 such as agriculture4 ,profits depend on the proportion of the whole produce which 8goes to replace the advances of the capitalist02 but this proportion may remain the same when the productiveness of industry is very various4 ,in the previous eight or nine years1 say from #ahae to #ahbd1 there had certainly been no costliness in production4 ,corn had been cheap1 and farmers' losses had led to the discontinuance of high farming1 and especially of the forced cultivation of the dear years4 ,the production1 therefore1 was at the cost of much less labour4 ,but profits1 instead of higher1 were much lower4 ,abundance of produce and competition of producers had caused a fall in the value of produce1 so that it was possible for the labourer to receive a greater share of what he made1 though his labour had not become more productive4 ,ricardo does not take sufficient account of the influence of prices1 both on wages and on profits4 ,there had in fact been over-production and a general glut4 ,james ,mill's ,elements of ,political ,economy#fch contain a careful demonstration that general gluts are impossible4 ,it was emphatically a controversial passage1 and in the pages of ,john ,mill it has the look of an anachronism4 ,all depended on the meaning of 8general40 ,if it meant universal1 the case was impossible4 ,it is incredible that all without exception should have something to sell and no wish to buy4 ,to offer anything for sale must of itself imply a desire to buy something else with it1 either directly or by means of money4 ,even a very near approach to universality is not easy to understand2 and it would mean simply that a bad organization of the world's markets had prevented buyers and sellers from reaching each other1 and prevented goods from going where they are wanted1 at the time when they are wanted2 it would mean that not the malady but the scale and degree of it had passed belief4#fci ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,general ,,gluts4 ,french ,war and ,english ,trade--,english ,currency--,bullion ,committee--,restriction not the only ,cause of ,high ,prices--,ricardo on ,currency--,tooke on ,prices--,say on ,gluts--,english ,trade from #ahbd--;,high and ,low ,wages--,some ,fallacies of ,malthus4 ,the discussion on ,general ,gluts was simply a phase of the discussions on ,value2 and the prominence of such discussions in the political economy of sixty years ago was largely due to the peculiar effects on trade and prices of a twenty years' war with ,france4 ,the theories of economists were becoming most abstract precisely at the time when the justest generalizations were most severely tested by abnormal conditions4 ,even if the ,industrial ,revolution heralded by the ,wealth of ,nations had been allowed a free course1 the new conditions of manufacture would have raised new economical questions2 and they could not have failed to turn1 to some extent1 on the subject of value1 which ,adam ,smith had by no means exhausted4 ,but there was no free course4 ,war was declared against ,england by ,france in #agic4 ,in the same year ,pitt was forced to offer ,english merchants a loan of public money1 to cure a financial crisis4 ,then followed1 under the long ,tory supremacy1 heavy taxes1 repressive laws1 and something more nearly approaching a war of classes than anything known in ,england before or since4 ,the effects of the first ten years of the ,french war 7#agic to #ahjb7 were to all appearance rather good than bad4 ,britain itself1 unlike the other belligerent countries1 was always intact1 and the labours of ,british manufacturers could go on as if nothing unusual was happening on the ,continent4 ,our command of the sea1 to say nothing of the conquest of new countries1 gave us trade which others lost1 and made amends for the annulment of the ,french treaty of commerce1 and the loss of the ,dutch trade4 ,in #ahjf the situation became less pleasant4 ,the ,berlin and ,milan decrees excluding us from almost every country in ,europe1 the retaliatory ,orders in ,council and consequent alienation of ,america did real damage to ,english commerce4 ,the very expectations they caused of a probable scarcity of particular goods sent up prices2 and1 with the real scarcity1 contributed to an acute disturbance of trade1 which lasted about five years for the ,continent and three years more for ,america 7#ahjg-ab1 #ahjg-ae74 ,new markets were opened to us in ,south ,america2 and the pent-up commercial enterprise of our countrymen vented itself in that direction1 with wild disregard of the needs of consumers in that quarter4#fdj ,the same happened1 with more reason1 in #ahad and #ahae4 ,when peace was restored1 it was thought that the whole ,continent must be eager to have our goods1 after being so long without them2 and we sent them lavishly everywhere without waiting for orders4 ,unhappily the rest of ,europe was exhausted by the war1 which had lessened their production2 and such products as they could offer us in exchange for our manufactures we seldom took without taxing4 ,the very food that we most wanted from them we were careful to keep out till the last moment4#fda ,anything more unlike the 8simple system of natural liberty0 could not be conceived2 and the result certainly seemed to be an over-production on our part2--it was at any rate a reign of low prices and deep commercial depression4 ,this was not all4 ,since #agig we had had a paper currency of uncertain value4 ,in that year the ,bank of ,england1 whose department of issue was not then separated from its department of banking1 gave advances to ,government1 in return for which it was relieved of immediate obligation to pay gold to the holders of its notes4 ,as long as the issues were moderate1 the notes kept their value2 but this was a time when economical substitutes for the currency1 cheques and bills and ,county notes1 were lessening the proportion of the ,bank's notes to the total transactions of trade2 and the ,bank's power of calculating the public need without the natural safety-valve of convertibility became more and more fallible2 the circulation soon contained superfluous paper1 which dragged down the whole currency4 ,in these circumstances1 discussions on currency gained an interest they could never have had in the abstract2 and they led to measures of the most practical and permanent usefulness4 ,ricardo's tract ,the ,high ,price of ,gold ,bullion a ,proof of the ,depreciation of ,bank-,notes 7#ahji7 prepared the way for the ,bullion ,committee of the ,house of ,commons 7#ahaj71 and through them for our own ,bank ,charter ,act 7#ahdd74 ,malthus played a more quiet part4 ,his chief writings on the subject of the currency were two magazine articles1 one in the ,edinburgh ,review of ,february #ahaa1fdb and another in the ,quarterly ,review of ,april #ahbc4 ,the first treats of ,the ,depreciation of ,paper ,currency1 and is a review of pamphlets by the leading advocates and assailants of the principles of the ,bullion ,committee's ,report4 ,the ,committee had inquired into three subjects3 the high price of gold bullion1 the state of the currency1 and the state of the foreign ,exchanges4 ,as to the first1 they found that1 while an ounce of standard gold was converted at the ,mint into #c #ags4 #aj;d4 7which sum was therefore the ,mint price of gold bullion71 the said ounce could not in the years #ahjf-h be bought by the ,mint for less than #d in bank-notes1 or in #ahji for less than #d #ajs4 ,the market price had risen to that extent above the ,mint price1 of gold bullion4 ,as to the second1 they found that guineas had gone out of circulation1 and were practically replaced by small notes between #a and #e4 ,finally1 as to the third1 they found that from the end of #ahjh the ,exchanges had become more and more unfavourable to ,england1 till in #ahji-aj they were with ,hamburg nine1 with ,amsterdam seven1 with ,paris more than fourteen per cent4 below par4 ,after examination of witnesses and consideration of their evidence1 the ,committee resolved 8that there is at present an excess in the paper circulation of this country1 of which the most unequivocal symptom is the very high price of bullion1 and next to that the low state of the ,continental ,exchanges2 that this excess is to be ascribed to the want of a sufficient check and control in the issues of paper from the ,bank of ,england1 and originally to the suspension of cash payments1 which removed the natural and true control40 ,the effects had been very serious1 especially on the wages of common country labour 7,report1 p4 #gc72 and the ,committee recommend a speedy return to the principle of cash payments1 whether the nation be at peace or war1 though caution demands that this take place gradually1 in the space of two years4 ,it took place1 not in two years1 but in more than ten1 namely on #ast ,may #ahba1fdc ,parliament not agreeing to the change till #ahai4fdd ,cobbett's venture 7to be broiled on a gridiron when the ,bank paid in gold7 seemed a perfectly safe one4 ,both ,malthus and ,ricardo agreed with the ,report of the ,bullion ,committee4 ,ricardo indeed is in a sense the father of it4 ,malthus 7in the ,edin4 ,review7 speaks strongly of the bad policy and injustice of continuing the suspension1 and he does not spare the ,bank of ,england and its mischievous monopoly1#fde or the 8practical men0 and their narrow views4#fdf ,yet he finds fault with ,ricardo here as elsewhere for making his statements too absolute4 ,malthus' fault is in the contrary direction2 he qualifies too much4#fdg ,he thinks that ,ricardo has gone too far in attributing all the movements of the ,exchanges to excessive or defective currency2 a purely commercial excess of imports over exports might1 he thinks1 cause the same effects1 and even in the high price of bullion it was the commercial difficulty that began what the depreciation of currency continued4 ,ricardo1 who replies in a long appendix1#fdh answers1 in substance1 that in any and every case money goes from where it is cheaper to where it is dearer1 and therefore from where the currency has lost value to where it has gained it4 ,but this hardly meets the contention of ,malthus1 that the efficient cause1 though it affects the currency1 is not in all cases the currency itself1 and in the case of an unequal balance of trade1 however temporary1 the cause of the exportation of the money is rather the superfluity of the goods in the foreign country than the deficiency of the money there2--it would be otherwise when the first cause was in the currency itself4 ,the rest of the article contains little that is new to readers of the ,political ,economy1 and the reference to a possible over-production is chiefly valuable as a sign of the authorship1 and as showing that the views of the author were becoming fixed4 ,the personal acquaintance of ,malthus with ,ricardo dates probably from the appearance of this article2#fdi and they continued to discuss and correspond1 in perfect friendship1 till the death of ,ricardo in ,sept4 #ahbc4fej ,his friendship with the ,edinburgh ,reviewers remained unbroken2 and1 when he wrote in the ,quarterly ,review1 it was the ,review not the writer that had changed4 ,on finance1 indeed1 the ,quarterly ,review had been saved from unsoundness by ,canning's influence1#fea and an article on ,tooke's ,prices need have no politics4 ,there can be little doubt that ,thomas ,tooke#feb was right in holding the difference between the ,mint price and the market price of gold bullion to be the full measure of the effect of this depreciation upon prices1 the rest of the increase being due to great demand with small supply1 being as a rule much exaggerated and in its worst forms purely local4 ,he pointed out that there was1 as a matter of fact1 no coincidence between the ,bank's contraction or extension of its issues and the fall or rise of prices in the market outside4 ,prices rose1 for example1 in #agie and #agif1 when the ,bank's circulation had been not extended but contracted to meet the commercial crisis2 and in #agih1 when the ,bank's issues were larger1 prices actually fell to what they had been in #agic4 ,moreover1 when some prices went up1 others went down4 ,when the prices of provisions went up in #agii and #ahjj1 the prices of colonial wares went down4 ,the ruling cause 7,tooke argues7 was not the issue of many or few bank-notes1 but scarcity and plenty1 especially the plenty of a good harvest and the scarcity of a bad one4 ,wages in the same way fluctuated rather by the harvests than by the currency1 but not by either so much as by the changes in general trade2 it would not be true to say that the high or low prices produced high or low wages1 but what produced the one produced the other4 ,the recoil of the speculation that followed the ,peace brought down both together2 there was a glut not only of goods but of hands2 and there were the discarded men of the army to swell the numbers of the unemployed4 ,the ,luddite outbreaks against machines1 as taking work away from the hands1 had made a notable beginning in #ahab during the war2 in #ahaf1 the year after the ,peace1 they began again with greater violence4 ,the discussions of ,say and ,malthus on ,over-production1 and the reasonings in ,ricardo 7#ahag7 and ,james ,mill 7#ahba7 on ,wages and the ,wages ,fund1 are as truly commentaries on these events as the ,letter of ,cobbett to the ,luddites#fec or the volumes of ,tooke on ,prices4 ,malthus has adroitly used the work of ,tooke to support his own economical positions4 ,in a review in the ,quarterly for ,april #ahbcfed 7pages #bad seq47 he tries to show that ,mr4 ,tooke's conclusions as to the high and low prices of the past thirty years prove the following general statements3--,first1 that values and therefore prices depend on the supply compared with the demand1 and are only affected by the labour required to produce goods 7i4 e4 by what ,ricardo counts the main cause of value7 so far as this labour is the main condition of their supply2 second1 that the supply and demand are chiefly affected by the seasons1 and1 of the other causes1 war may limit the supply but can hardly cause a demand2 third1 that when demand outruns supply trade is brisk1 when supply outruns demand trade is dull2 and that1 finally1 a long-continued deficiency or a long-continued excess of this kind brings with it a fall or a rise in the value of the precious metals4#fee ,malthus1 however1 goes further than ,tooke with the ,bullion ,committee4 ,though on the bullion question the opposing parties1 ,bosanquet and ,ricardo1 seemed to him to be devoted to a preconceived theory1#fef the ,report itself was 8more free from this error of preconception than any work that had appeared on the subject20#feg and he agreed with it that there had been a greater rise of prices and of wages at the end of the period of restriction1 than could be explained by the bad seasons1 and demand for men1 and the difference between paper and gold4 ,he is old-fashioned enough to think that even with convertibility there might be over-issue and depreciation1 and speculation on a basis of paper4 ,his reasoning on this point is hardly sound4 ,it depends on a misapplication of the axiom that1 in the case of necessaries1 a very small deficiency in the supply will cause a very great increase in the price1--e4 g4 that wheat may rise from #ajj to #bjj per cent4 when the deficiency of the crops is not more than #ae or #cj4feh ,the profits of ,english farmers between #agic and #ahae must therefore have been enormous2 and ,malthus1 though he loves agriculture above manufacture1 has taken account of these high gains of individuals in judging the cause of the ,agricultural ,interest against the public4#fei ,but in connection with currency he actually speaks as if those gains were a public advantage2 be does not see they were a mere transference of public wealth1 not an addition to it4 ,the farmer1 he says1 is obviously 8able to set in motion a much greater quantity of industry than before10 at least till wages have risen4 8,the specific funds destined for the maintenance of labour1 though diminished in quantity1 are by this happy provision of nature increased in their efficiency20 labourers get more employment1 and there is 8a burst of prosperity to the producing classes40#ffj ,this is a near approach to a worse fallacy than the ,wages ,fund4 ,the archaic reasoning is the more unhappy1 because the reasoner proceeds to use it in a good cause4 ,jean ,baptiste ,say#ffa had taught that all increased or diminished demand depended on increased or diminished supply1 and argued thence1 with ,james ,mill and ,ricardo1 the impossibility of general or rather universal gluts4 ,goods#ffb being always meant to be exchanged with goods1 one-half will furnish a market for the other half2 and thus1 as production 7which gives the means of buying7 is the sole source of demand 7so far as demand is effective71 an excess in the supply of one article merely proves a deficiency in the supply of another1 and is improperly called over-production4 ,indeed1 whereas consumption takes an article away from the market1 production brings one into it1 and thereby increases1 pro tanto1 the demand by increasing the means of buying4 ,james ,mill's neat demonstration of this doctrine#ffc would be quite conclusive if we1 first of all1 defined demand and supply so as to include each other1 and1 second1 supposed general to mean universal4 ,the reply of ,malthus himself is that goods are not always exchanged for goods1 but frequently1 perhaps most frequently1 for labour4 ,say rejoins that he for his part used a term 78products07 which includes both goods and services1 and that the latter are always the real object of an exchange4#ffd ,malthus makes a better point when he accuses his opponents of treating goods as if they were mathematical symbols1 instead of objects of human consumption owing their whole character to human wants4#ffe ,but his case could be made convincing even on his opponents' premises4 ,division of labour1 all admitted1 is limited by the extent of the market2#fff allow that the most satisfactory cure for the limitation is to widen the market1 not to lessen the division of the labour--still1 given the limitation of the market1 the extension of the division of the labour will cause an over-production4 ,all that ,malthus maintained was that this might happen in a great many cases as well as in a few2 ,say went as near as he dared to the assertion that it could not happen at all4 ,the question of a market1 again1 is not a mere question of numbers but of wants4 ,a carpet factory1 for example1 among a people who preferred bare floors would have no market1 whatever the numbers and even the wealth of the people4 ,say does not do full justice to ,malthus in this connection4 ,he thinks that the author of the ,essay on ,population cannot consistently believe in the possibility of a great abundance of products together with a stationary number of parsimonious consumers4 ,but ,malthus had allowed that in one case1 the case of food1 there could be no over-production1#ffg the want in that case being constant1 whereas1 curiously enough1 ,ricardo thinks that food is the one object of which there might be a glut4 8,if every man were to forego the use of luxuries and be intent only on accumulation1 a quantity of necessaries might be produced for which there could not be any immediate consumption4 ,of commodities so limited in number there might undoubtedly be a universal glut1 and consequently there might neither be demand for an additional quantity of such commodities nor profits on the employment of more capital4 ,if men ceased to consume they would cease to produce4 ,this admission does not impugn the general principle10 for there is no likelihood of such a contingency as it supposes2--there is a limit to the desire of food1 but there is no limit to the desire of other good things4#ffh ,the insatiableness of human desires is here assumed by ,ricardo to be always full-grown1 instead of what it is1 in perhaps three-fourths of the world1 an undeveloped possibility4 ,till we know that the possibility has become actual1 we cannot take for granted that all we produce will be wanted4 ,malthus did not enter with sympathy or even with full intelligence into the spirit of modern trade4 ,but he sees that large manufacture1 with its complement of speculative trading1 must succeed or fail precisely as it has judged rightly or judged wrongly of its markets1 for it no longer1 like the old ,english small production1 waits for orders--it anticipates1 woos1 and coaxes them4 ,he believes that the awakening of man's insatiable wants will tend to secure us against both over-population and over-production1 by creating a high standard of living4 ,the taste for luxuries1 whatever its positive advantages1 from the educational or artistic point of view1 confers at least this economical benefit4#ffi ,malthus gets a similar result by applying to wages his favourite idea of the golden mean4 ,the 8funds destined to pay wages0 may1 he says1 be increased either by high prices or by great production at low prices1--increased value without increased quantity1 or increased quantity without increased value4 ,the latter is the more secure way1 but it lies on the road to 8glut40 ,the most desirable plan is the union of the two4 8,there is somewhere a happy mean1 where1 under the actual resources of a country1 both the increase of wealth and the demand for labour may be a maximum4 ,a taste for conveniences and comforts not only tends to create a more steady demand for labour than a taste for personal services1 but by cheapening manufactures and the products of foreign commerce1 including many of the necessaries of the labouring classes1 it actually enlarges the limits of the effectual demand for labour1 and renders it for a longer time effective40#fgj ,if any one had urged against this1 in the words of ,mill1 that a demand for goods is not a demand for labour1 but simply gives labour a new direction1 ,malthus would probably have answered that the new direction was all important1 because the trade begun in it might be a trade in goods more widely used1 and might therefore last longer and more steadily than the old trade4 ,we see that in his views of this subject1 expounded tediously enough1 and at unnecessary length1 ,malthus had constant thought of the relations of production and distribution to consumption as well as to each other1 for the condition of the people was always more important to him than the state of the articles concerned4 ,but he never yielded to his feelings so far as to adopt ,sismondi's reactionary ideas on the effects of machinery on the workmen4#fga ,he never wrote any description of the evils of division of labour at all so strong as ,adam ,smith's4#fgb ,he goes little farther than ,ricardo1 who says in a well-known passage3--8,the same cause which may increase the nett revenue of the country may at the same time render the population redundant and deteriorate the condition of the labourer10 for all the increase may possibly be devoted to fixed and not circulating capital1 to machinery and buildings instead of wages4#fgc ,ricardo's admission1 that he was wrong in not recognizing this sooner1 makes us wonder 7as men were even then doing in ,germany over similar confessions of their philosophers7 whether his demonstrations are more accurate than ordinary reasonings4 ,his brother economists never claimed infallibility4 ,adam ,smith gave up his defence of ,usury ,laws4#fgd ,malthus amended his first views on population1 to say nothing of the measure of value4#fge ,mill gave up the ,wages ,fund4 ,it was only the minor economists who proudly remained at the end where they were at the beginning4 ,james ,mill refused to follow ,ricardo in allowing that food could be over-produced1 and ,mac,culloch refused to go with him in the admission above quoted1 that increase of wealth might go to fixed capital instead of wages4#fgf ,orthodox economy became most abstract when on the death of ,ricardo in #ahbc its doctrines passed into the hands of the ,minor ,prophets4 ,in the last ten years of his life ,malthus made no serious change in his economical views1 and approached no nearer to the ,ricardians4 ,they were years when economists and political reformers had not learned to work together so harmoniously as they were to do after his death4 ,huskisson's changes in commercial policy were preparing the way in high quarters for free trade4 ,the sliding scale of corn duties introduced in #ahbf pointed on the whole in the same direction4 ,but the agitation of the humbler classes for political freedom1 made solid as it was by an appreciable progress in popular education1#fgg and kept within bounds of law by the influence of ,cobbett1#fgh went on in a way apart2 and it will be remembered how ,chartism stood aloof from the ,anti-,corn-,law ,league4 ,a man might be an advanced economist and social reformer and a reactionary in politics4 ,in #ahbd1 when trades unions were for the first time allowed by law and the ,factory ,acts were still too imperfect to give the weak a fair chance against the strong1 the 8natural state of things10 free development of individual and national faculties1 did not exist2 and ,malthus1 who missed them keenly1 would have been much amazed to hear that his doctrines were1 like ,ricardo's1 a vindication of things as they are4 ,not only the notorious fact of his opposition to ,ricardo1 but his views on commercial policy are against the notion4#fgi ,at the ,peace there were many fallacies current about wages4 ,the new ,corn ,law of #ahae had inaugurated the aggressive policy of the agricultural interest1 who frankly endeavoured1 by forms of law1 to convert an occasional scarcity into a permanent one1 and keep prices at #hjs4 a quarter4 ,not a few false friends of the working man recommended him to countenance the law and let his bread be made dear1 for then1 said they1 his wages would be made high4 ,many manufacturers1 on the other hand1 were declaring the interest of the country to be low wages1 and1 unto that end1 cheap food and a great population4 ,malthus was with neither4 ,his partial approval of the new ,corn ,law was no doubt based on erroneous grounds2 but he held no such mistaken views of wages4 ,his opinion1 if not sufficiently obvious from his general views of population1 was laid down explicitly in all his writings4 ,he says1 for example3 8,if a country can only be rich1 by running a successful race for low wages1 ,i should be disposed to say at once #8,perish such riches6'0#fhj 8,it is most desirable that the labouring classes should be well paid1 for a much more important reason than any that can relate to wealth1 namely1 the happiness of the great mass of society40#fha ,being asked1 8,in a national point of view1 even if it were admitted that the low rate of wages was an advantage to the capitalist1 do you think it fitting that labour should be kept permanently in a state bordering on distress1 to avoid the injury that might accrue to the national wealth from diminishing the rate of profit80 he answered1 8,i should say1 by no means fitting2 ,i consider the labouring classes as forming the largest part of the nation1 and therefore that their general condition is the most important of all40#fhb ,he thinks1 however1 that the change from low to high wages might quite possibly so reduce profits as to make trade unprofitable4 ,we might need to sacrifice something of our commercial prosperity4 ,he cannot rise to the conception of a society in which the entire body of workmen as consumers would be a sufficient market for the same body as producers4 ,he cannot rid himself of the idea that a body of unproductive consumers is a social necessity1 to give a stimulus to production by developing the wants which the manufactures are to satisfy4 ,it seems easy to answer that those unproductive consumers can only pay for the manufactures by means of other products1 whencesoever obtained1 and there seems no reason why their producers should not obtain them4#fhc ,if the workmen themselves had the wants and supplied them by their own labour1 all the results that ,malthus desires would be obtained without invidious distinctions of classes1 and with distinct improvement in the condition of the workmen4 ,his aims1 at least1 were good4 ,the indispensable leisure would be secured if the hours of labour were shortened1 as he desired them to be4 8,i have always thought and felt that many among the labouring classes in this country work too hard for their health1 happiness1 and intellectual improvement40#fhd ,the general wealth therefore1 if need be1 must be sacrificed to the general happiness4 ,factory ,acts that would prevent children from labouring too young or too long#fhe he thoroughly approves2 though such ,factory ,acts as would interfere with adult labour he considers an injustice to the work-people themselves1 and a hopeless interference with 8the principles of competition1 one of the most general principles by which the business of society is carried on40#fhf ,the salvation of the labouring classes must come from themselves1 from their own 8simultaneous resolution to work fewer hours in the day40 ,but trades unions1 as we now know them1 had not then come into being2 and he talks of a future improvement of the working classes in knowledge1 comfort1 and self-restraint1#fhg with much hesitation4 ,we have seen that the economics of ,malthus1 whether in relation to the landlords1 the employers1 or the workmen1 are by no means identical with the economics of ,ricardo and his school1 which have been the ruling and orthodox doctrine for the first half of the nineteenth century4 ,it would be neither complimentary nor true to ascribe the difference to the logic of sentiment2 but it is true that the acute sensitiveness of ,malthus to the evils of poverty kept constantly before him large classes of facts which ,ricardo seemed willing to forget1 and the path that he took1 though long ago obscured and forgotten1 led him in some important points away from laissez faire to doctrines of our own day1 in which society acting through its ,government is allowed an originative and not merely a regulative action in the matter of industry and wealth4 ,resuming the thread of the essay1 we shall find that the relation of society to its destitute poor is not to ,malthus1 as to ,ricardo1 a question of taxation and finance1 but a problem of morals and politics1 which could only be solved by a clear view of the relation of the citizen to the commonwealth4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,the ,,beggar4 ,arrangement of the ,essay--,nature's ,mighty ,feast--,tract on ,high ,price of ,provisions--,i cannot1 therefore ,i ought not--,poor ,laws condemned--,frederick the ,great's ,army--,mitigation of ,bad ,effects of ,poor ,law--,step towards ,abolition--,new ,poor ,law4 ,in the foregoing brief review of the economical doctrines of ,malthus1 the chapters on commercial policy and the ,corn ,laws1#fhh in the third book of the ,essay on ,population1 have been already noticed4 ,as the ,first and ,second books of the essay were supposed to deal with the state of population in past and in present times1 the ,third is supposed to deal with the 8different systems of expedients which have been proposed or have prevailed in society0 for curing the evils arising from the principle of population1 while the ,fourth relates to the future prospects of society1 and the possibility of removing the evils in question4 ,this division of the subject could not be maintained very strictly4 ,the 8systems proposed0 no doubt were in most cases mere theories and could be considered by themselves2 but the 8systems that prevailed0 included such laws as the ,corn ,laws and ,poor ,laws1 which directly affected the present habits and wealth of the people1 and might fairly have been considered in the second book4 ,the fourth book might quite logically have been part of the third1 for it simply adds to the 8systems proposed0 the proposal of ,malthus himself4 ,the arrangement is not in itself so perfect or so closely respected by its author that we need have any remorse for disregarding it4 ,the earliest chapters of the third book 7i4 and ii47 are substantially the refutation of ,godwin1 ,wallace1 ,condorcet1 as it appeared in #agih1 with a postscript 7ch4 iii47 on ,owen and ,spence1 which will be best considered in another place4#fhi ,in point of style they are probably the best in the book4 ,after a chapter 7iv47 on ,emigration#fij come three chapters on the ,poor ,laws1 to be viewed with ch4 viii4 of the fourth book1 which deals with ,plans for their ,abolition4 ,of all the applications of the doctrines of ,malthus1 their application to pauperism was probably1 at the time1 of the greatest public interest4 ,even the first essay had distinct bearing on ,pitt's ,poor ,bill2 the next writing of the author was on a question of parish relief2 and these three chapters in the later ,essay on ,population have influenced public opinion and legislation about the destitute poor almost as powerfully as the ,wealth of ,nations has influenced commercial policy4 ,malthus is the father not only of the new ,poor ,law1 but of all our latter-day societies for the organization of charity4 ,the subject is best introduced in the words of a celebrated parable1 which ,malthus having used once was never afterwards allowed to forget3#fia--8;,a man who is born into a world already possessed1 if he cannot get subsistence from his parents1 on whom he has a just demand1 and if the society do not want his labour1 has no claim of right to the smallest portion of food1 and1 in fact1 has no business to be where he is4 ,at nature's mighty feast there is no vacant cover for him4 ,she tells him to be gone1 and will quickly execute her own orders1 if he do not work upon the compassion of some of her guests4 ,if these guests get up and make room for him1 other intruders immediately appear demanding the same favour4 ,the report of a provision for all that come1 fills the hall with numerous claimants4 ,the order and harmony of the feast is disturbed1 the plenty that before reigned is changed into scarcity2 and the happiness of the guests is destroyed by the spectacle of misery and dependence in every part of the hall1 and by the clamorous importunity of those1 who are justly enraged at not finding the provision which they had been taught to expect4 ,the guests learn too late their error1 in counteracting those strict orders to all intruders1 issued by the great mistress of the feast1 who1 wishing that all her guests should have plenty1 and knowing that she could not provide for unlimited numbers1 humanely refused to admit fresh comers when her table was already full40#fib ,our neighbours' misfortunes have seldom been made so picturesque4 ,the figure itself was no new one4 ,lucretius had written3-- 8,cur non1 ut plenus vit conviva1 recedis80#fic and ,fenton1 in ,pope's#fid familiar lines3-- 8,from ,nature's temperate feast rose satisfied1 ,thanked heaven that he had lived and that he died40 ,but the new application took hold on the public fancy4 ,sir ,william ,pulteney and ,windham are said to have been1 beyond others1 delighted with its conservative moral4#fie ,malthus may have got the hint of it from a passage in ,paley's ,moral and ,political ,philosophy4 ,paley was criticizing a justification of private property1 which founded it on every man's right to take what he wants of the things ,god made for the use of all1 just as1 when an entertainment is given to the freeholders 7as the free and independent electors87 of a county1 we see them coming in and eating and drinking each what he chooses1 without asking the consent of the other guests4 ,the simile1 says ,paley1 is not perfect1 for in a freeholder's feast nobody is allowed to fill his pockets or to throw anything away1 8especially if by so doing he pinched the guests at the lower end of the table40#fif ,even the friends of ,malthus thought the passage too gloomy2 and1 as every one noticed1#fig it was not retained after #ahjc4 ,it contains1 however1 at least two positions that were never retracted3--that the poor cannot claim relief as a right1 but only as a favour1 and that poor relief can only raise one man by depressing another4 ,the latter position may be illustrated from the tract written in #ahjj on the ,high ,price of ,provisions4 ,the main aim of the tract was to show that the price was too extravagantly high to be due to the deficiency1 which was admittedly only one-fourth4 ,but the author throws light on his own general doctrines4#fih ,he argues1 in substance1 that to give relief in money is to enable the relieved persons to retain their ordinary rate of consumption at the expense of the rest4 ,to this the reply is obvious3--the sufficiency of the stock is not so finely calculated1 neither is the amount of it so fixed that it cannot be increased from home or foreign stores1--and to withdraw money from the rich for the poor1 and increase the country's total expenditure on necessaries1 might be simply to divert the stream of importation into the channel of necessaries1 and lead to a larger use of food other than bread4 ,under the conditions of the time1 however1 the author's views were not unnatural4 ,on his return from ,sweden in #ahjj he found scarcity prevailing in ,england as elsewhere1 but with prices much higher than in other countries4 ,these were the days when ,chief ,justice ,kenyon and a jury enforced the antiquated laws against forestalling and regrating4#fii ,malthus had not read his ,adam ,smith to so little purpose that he could approve such proceedings2 much of his pamphlet was simply an application1 to one particular case1 of the principles of the ,wealth of ,nations 7,book ,,iv4 chap4 v474#gjj ,neither could he agree with the notion that the paper currency had done it all4#gja ,settling down to his parish work in ,surrey1 he watched the course of events4 ,what happened1 he said1 there and presumably elsewhere was as follows3--,in progress of the scarcity the poor complained to the justices that their wages were too low to buy bread at present prices2 the justices thereupon inquired at what1 as the lowest wages1 they would have been able to buy it1 and then 8very humanely1 and ,i am far from saying improperly10 gave parish relief accordingly4#gjb ,but1 like the water from the mouth of ,tantalus1 the corn slipped from the grasp of the poor2 prices rose a step further1 and the relief had to follow the prices4 ,the rates accordingly rose in many places from four to fourteen shillings in the pound4 ,by the double burden of dear food and high rates1 perhaps five or six millions of the richer classes were certainly made to feel the pinch of the scarcity1 which would otherwise have been borne1 say by two millions of the poorest1 who would have died under it4#gjc ,in this instance the ,poor ,laws did the country a distinct service4 ,but it was done by taking from the first guests to give to the importunate intruders1 and could not justify a general eulogy of the ,poor ,laws4 ,the whole drift of the ,essay on ,population had gone against such institutions2 and 8two years' reflection10 says the writer of the ,essay1 8have served strongly to convince me of the truth of the principle there advanced1 and of its being the real cause of the continued depression and poverty of the lower classes of society1 of the total inadequacy of all the present establishments in their favour to relieve them1 and of the certainty of periodical returns of such seasons of distress as we have of late experienced40#gjd ,in the first essay he had spoken strongly not only against ,pitt's new ,poor ,bill1 but against all legal relief1 and amongst other reasons precisely on the ground that it caused food to rise in price beyond the point to which scarcity would have raised it apart from interference4#gje ,the second was a stronger reason2--in the language of ,kant1 the claim allowed 7with little qualification#gjf7 by the ,english ,poor ,laws was a claim that could not be made universal without contradiction4 ,if every one exercised the supposed right of demanding relief1 no community could fulfil the supposed duty of granting it4#gjg ,if it could have been fulfilled1 ,malthus thinks1 the obligation would have held2 and1 instead of declaring 8,i cannot1 therefore ,i ought not10 he would have confessed1 8,i can1 therefore ,i ought40#gjh ,as the case stands1 he agrees with ,sir ,frederick ,eden in thinking the giving of legal relief impracticable1 and therefore no duty1 and also that1 8upon the whole1 the sum of good to be expected from a compulsory maintenance of the poor will be far outbalanced by the sum of evil which it will inevitably create40#gji ,it relieved individual suffering at the cost of making the suffering general4 ,it created the poor which it maintained1 for it led men to marry with the certainty of parish assistance4 ,it thereby increased the population without increasing the food of the country1 and it has to a large extent broken down the ancient spirit of independence4 8,hard as it may appear in individual instances1 dependent poverty ought to be held disgraceful40#gaj ,high wages and independence and moral restraint are better than low wages with a parish supplement and a pauper family4 8,i feel persuaded that if the ,poor ,laws had never existed in this country1 though there might have been a few more instances of very severe distress1 the aggregate mass of happiness among the common people would have been much greater than it is at present40#gaa ,this was his belief to the end4#gab ,an allegory of these things may be found in ,dr4 ,john ,moore's description of the army of ,frederick the ,great4 ,dr4 ,moore saw a man caned for being a few seconds late in replacing his ramrod2 and the officers told him that1 since they could not distinguish wilful blunders from accidental1 they punished all alike1 and the result1 they said1 was excellent2 all the men were on the alert1 and fewer blunders were committed on the whole4 ,it used to be common on field-days for dragoons to have their hats blown off and to be thrown from their horses4 ,at last a general gave orders to punish every man to whom either of these accidents happened2 since then hardly anybody lost his hat or fell from his horse4 ,dr4 ,moore heard of a poor hussar who had fallen from his horse at last review1 and was to be punished for it as soon as he could leave the hospital4 ,this seemed hard1 but the ,king of ,prussia thought he could only hope to make his army superior to others by improving its discipline1 training its officers by honour and disgrace1 and its privates by physical punishment2 he considered that the occasional suffering of an innocent individual does less harm to an army than the toleration of negligence1 which makes the negligence greater4#gac ,so far as legal relief goes1 ,malthus would recommend the same martial severity1 and try to put men on their guard against poverty by making them bear the discipline of its consequences4 ,there are other points in which the allegory applies to the 8simple system of natural liberty20 the discipline of industrial competition is certainly in some respects as severe as the discipline of an army4 ,on the other hand1 society does not consist of picked strong men1 but includes the weak also1 and its privates are supposed not to take their orders from a commander1 but to 8fend for themselves40 ,society under socialism may resemble an army1 but not society under individualism4 ,malthus1 therefore1 would have repudiated the analogy4 ,he does not reach his conclusions by a preconceived theory of the state1 but by observing the ill results of the common preconceived theory that every citizen when destitute has a right to be supported by the state4 ,he finds that1 as a matter of fact1 where material relief has been given as a duty1 and claimed as a right1 the effect on the recipient has been clearly bad2 the ,poor ,law stands condemned by experience4 ,yet he admits that the badness of the law has been largely counteracted by the remissness of its execution4 ,the attempt to secure a fixed rate of wages to the labourer in all states of trade has not really been made in ,england as the ,elizabethan ,poor ,law enjoined4 ,the scantiness of the relief actually given1 together with the insolence of the officials concerned in the giving of it1 has disturbed the sense of complete security1 which in the view of ,malthus would in such a case have been fatal4 8,the desire of bettering our condition and the fear of making it worse1 like the vis mediatrix natur in physics1 is the vis mediatrix reipublic in politics1 and is continually counteracting the disorders arising from narrow human institutions40 ,the ,poor ,law has been so imperfectly carried out that it has left some room still for prudential motives among the labourers2 they cannot count on complete provision for their families if they marry recklessly1 and some few of them still think caution needful4 ,moreover1 from fear of the ,poor ,law the rich will often refuse to build cottages1 lest their occupants become paupers4#gad ,in the third place1 pauper children1 like foundlings1 do not live long4#gae ,in his ,letter to ,samuel ,whitbread1 ,m4,p41 on his proposed ,bill for the amendment of the ,poor ,laws 7#ahjg71 ,malthus allows that abolition must not come till public opinion is ripe for it2 but he recommends legislation in the direction of abolition1 to prepare the minds of all classes for the final steps1 and to expose to the working classes the delusiveness of the present boon4 ,poor ,laws1 he says1 are peculiar to ,england1 and their absence in other countries does not seem to have the effects expected from their abolition here4 ,in reply to ,malthus1 it might be urged that the ,poor ,laws are not entirely peculiar to ,england1 but occur in ,denmark and elsewhere4#gaf ,in the second place1 as ,mac,culloch argues in a letter1 aimed at ,malthus1 to ,macvey ,napier1#gag ,britain is peculiarly subject to fluctuations in trade1 due1 for example1 to the changes in foreign tariffs1 and therefore there are more cases of sudden and unavoidable distress1 that need such a provision as the ,poor ,law's4 ,in the third place1 too1 it is difficult to see how we can make begging unlawful if we make legal relief inaccessible1#gah any more than we can logically make education compulsory while we insist on the payment of fees4 ,in the fourth place1 an indiscriminate private charity is probably more mischievous than a discriminating public relief4 ,malthus1 however1 was not against all relief1 but only against it when claimed as a right2 and he was fully aware that the risks of the ,english working man were greater than those of his ,continental brethren4 ,all he desired was to give the workman scope for that sense of personal responsibility out of which the ,poor ,law was beguiling him4 ,he knew quite well that no good end would be served by the removal of the ,poor ,law1 unless the public had been educated out of the evil ways of it4 ,he proposed therefore to make a gradual change1 the essence of which was to be the disclaimer of any right on the part of a poor man to be supported at the public expense2 children have a right to be supported by their parents1 but not by the public4#gai ,let a law be passed1 he said1 declaring that no legitimate child born from any marriage taking place a year after the law's enactment1 and no illegitimate born two years thereafter1 shall ever be entitled to parish relief4 8,and to give a more general knowledge of this law1 and to enforce it more strongly on the minds of the lower classes of people1 the clergyman of each parish should1 previously to the solemnization of a marriage1 read a short address to the parties1 stating the strong obligation on every man to support his own children2 the impropriety1 and even immorality1 of marrying without a fair prospect of being able to do this2 the evils which had resulted to the poor themselves1 from the attempt which had been made to assist1 by public institutions1 in a duty which ought to be exclusively appropriated to parents1 and the absolute necessity which had at length appeared1 of abandoning all such institutions1 on account of their producing effects totally opposite to those which were intended4 ,this would operate as a fair1 distinct1 and precise notice which no man could well mistake1 and without pressing hard upon any particular individuals1 would at once throw off the rising generation from their miserable and helpless dependence upon the ,government and the rich40#gbj ,both their irritation against the upper classes and their helplessness in devising expedients in time of want1 arise from 8the wretched system of governing too much4 ,when the poor were once taught1 by the abolition of the ,poor ,laws1 and a proper knowledge of their real situation1 to depend more upon themselves1 we might rest secure that they would be fruitful enough in resources1 and that the evils which were absolutely irremediable they would bear with the fortitude of men and the resignation of ,christians40#gba ,however comical may be the picture of a clergyman following up the very un-,malthusian marriage service by such a moral lecture as is here recommended1 the principle of the recommendation is sober sense1 and has largely influenced the benevolence of later philanthropists4 ,dr4 ,chalmers applied it in his ,parochial ,system1 which would have been an admirable substitute for the ,poor ,law on the 7unfortunately untrue7 hypothesis of an absence of sects4 ,the ,mendicity ,society 7dating from #ahae7 and the ,charity ,organisation 7from #ahfi7 build on the same foundation4 ,the new ,poor ,law of #ahcd differed from ,malthus in that it did not deny the right to relieve1 and still kept up the fiction that the law of ,elizabeth was good1 and we had degenerated from it4#gbb ,but it allowed the right only to the indigent1#gbc refusing all relief in aid of wages to the merely poor and the able-bodied2 and it carried out the principle that dependent poverty 7in the words of ,malthus7 should be held disgraceful and made disagreeable4 8,every penny bestowed that tends to render the condition of a pauper more eligible than that of the independent labourer is a bounty on indolence and vice40 8,in proportion as the condition of any pauper class is elevated above the condition of independent labourers1 the condition of the independent class is depressed40#gbd ,if this meant that poor relief should run a race with the average wages of labour1 keeping always one stage behind them1 it might be argued that in good times a pauper would get too much comfort and in bad times too little food4 ,but the disgrace of dependence and the discomfort of constraint are the deterrents which ,malthus himself has most in mind4 ,without the discussions raised by the ,essay on ,population it is very doubtful if public opinion would have been so far advanced in #ahcd as to make a bill1 drawn on such lines1 at all likely to pass into law4 ,the abolition of outdoor relief to the able-bodied was nothing short of a revolution4 ,it had needed a lifetime of economical doctrine1 reproof1 and correction to convince our public men1 and to some extent the nation1 that the way of rigour was at once the way of justice1 of mercy1 and of self-interest4 ,the history of the ,english ,poor ,law is ample proof that men do not instinctively follow their own interest4 ,it was the ratepayer's interest1#gbe unless he was an employer1 that relief should be sparely given2 and it was given lavishly4 ,it was the poor man's interest to be thrifty and sober2 and as a rule he was neither4 ,there was no hope of reform till both rich and poor learned a deeper sense of their personal responsibility for the remoter effects of their own acts1 whether unwisely benevolent or heedlessly selfish4 ,the clear consciousness of personal responsibility seems to ,malthus to be the soul and centre of every healthy reform4 ,in this sense1 at least1 he would say that virtue is knowledge4 ,his thoughts on society are connected at this point with his thoughts on man's place and duty in the world4 ,his psychology and ethics1 slightly as they are sketched1 throw light on his sociology and economics1 and must be considered before we can estimate his position in social philosophy4 ,this will lead us over the greater portion of the fourth book of the essay1 leaving the critical chapters till we come to deal with the ,critics as a body4 ,,book ,,iii4 ,,moral ,,and ,,political ,,philosophy4 ,cardinal ,doctrines of the ,malthusian ,ethics--,application to ,desire of ,marriage--,place of ,man on the ,earth--,criticism of ,moral ,philosophy--,teleology and ,utility--,benevolence and ,self-love--,malthus and ,paley--,greatest ,happiness--,earthly ,paradise--,malthus and the ,french ,revolution--,malthus not a ,political ,reactionary--,not committed to laissez faire--,his ,modifications of that ,doctrine--,utilitarianism plus ,nationality--,experience as much the ,riddle as the ,interpretation--,the ,state an ,organism--,political ,ideals before and after #ahdf4 ,the moral philosophy of ,malthus1 like that of ,aristotle1 starts from a teleology4 ,nature makes nothing in vain4 ,every desire has its proper place and proper gratification1 if we can find them4 ,the passions are the materials out of which happiness is made2 and they are therefore to be regulated and harmonized2 they are not to be extinguished1 or even diminished in intensity4#gbf ,there is a way of so gratifying the desires that they produce a general balance of consequences in favour of happiness2 and there is an opposite way with opposite effects4 ,the former is evidently the way of nature1 for utility is the only guide of conduct we have apart from ,scripture4#gbg ,we must not eradicate any impulses2 but we must follow none so far 8as to trench upon some other law sic which equally demands our attention40 ,what is the golden mean1 and what is too much or too little1 we can only know by our own and others' experience of the consequences of actions4#gbh ,nature shows us the wrongness of an act by bringing from it a train of painful consequences4 ,diseases1 instead of being the 8inevitable inflictions of ,providence10 are 8indications that we have offended against some of the laws of nature4 ,the plague at ,constantinople and in other towns of the ,east is a constant admonition of this kind to the inhabitants4 ,the human constitution cannot support such a state of filth and torpor2 and as dirt1 squalid poverty1 and indolence are in the highest degree unfavourable to happiness and virtue1#gbi it seems a benevolent dispensation that such a state should by the laws of nature produce disease and death1 as a beacon to others to avoid splitting on the same rock40#gcj ,as epidemics indicate bad food1 unwholesome houses1 or bad drainage1 and as indigestion follows over-eating1 so the misery that follows on too great an increase of numbers is simply the law of nature recoiling on the law-breaker4#gca ,in this case it has taken a longer experience to teach men the conduct most favourable to happiness1 and therefore the conduct right for them4 ,but even the best food1 best clothing1 and best housing have not been taught all at once2 and the principle of the lesson is clearly the same in all the cases4 ,to say1 therefore1 that the desire of marriage is to be restrained and regulated is not to treat it exceptionally or to deny its naturalness4 ,there is a lawful and there is an irregular gratification even of hunger and thirst2 and the irregular is punished both by nature and1 when it takes1 for example1 the form of theft1 by human laws4 ,society could give such punishment only on the ground that the action punished tended to injure the general happiness4 ,the act of the hungry man who steals a loaf is only distinguishable from the act of the hungry man who takes a loaf of his own1 by means of its consequences4 ,if all were to steal loaves there would in the end be fewer loaves for everybody4#gcb ,we must apply the same criterion to the irregular gratification of all other desires4 ,after the desire for food1 the desire of marriage is the most powerful and general of our desires4 8,when we contemplate the constant and severe toil of the greatest part of mankind1 it is impossible not to be forcibly impressed with the reflection that the sources of human happiness would be most cruelly diminished if the prospect of a good meal1 a warm house1 and a comfortable fireside in the evening were not incitements sufficiently vivid to give interest and cheerfulness to the labours and privations of the day40#gcc ,this desire gives strength of character to a man in proportion as the animal element in it is hidden away out of sight1 and in proportion as the gratification of it is won by exertion and1 it may be1 by waiting4 ,to do as ,jacob did for ,rachel1 a man must have some strength of character4 ,most of us1 in the opinion of ,malthus1 owe whatever of definite plan there is in our lives to the existence of such a central object of affection4#gcd ,malthus himself1 it will appear1 did not marry till on the eve of becoming a professor at the ,east ,india ,college1 nearly a year after these passages were written4 ,even in #agih he wrote3 8,perhaps there is scarcely a man who has once experienced the genuine delights of virtuous love1 however great his intellectual pleasures may have been1 that does not look back to the period as the sunny spot in his whole life1 where his imagination loves to bask1 which he recollects and contemplates with the fondest regrets1 and which he would most wish to live over again40#gce ,such a passage1 though it disappeared1 with other flowers of language1 in the later editions of the essay1 show us that ,malthus1 though wiser1 was not colder than his fellow-men1 and drew his facts from experience as well as observation1 of the matters concerned4#gcf ,if we assume the intention of the ,creator to replenish the earth1 we can see a reason in cosmical polity for the strength of this desire of marriage4 ,if the fertility of fertile soils had been as great as the power of population to increase1 there would have been no inducement to men to cultivate the poorer soils or frequent the less attractive parts of the earth's surface2 human industry and ingenuity would have wanted their first stimulus4#gcg ,as it is1 the disparity of the two powers leads to an over-spreading of the world2 men are led to avoid overcrowding from fear of the evils that spring from it4 ,man's duties vary with his situations2 and1 as these are not uniform1 but infinitely various1 all his powers are kept in play4 ,this language might make us doubt whether the final cause is the development of man1 or simply the replenishment of the earth4 ,if the first essay be allowed in evidence1 it is clear that man 7with whatever justice7 is made the chief end of the earth1 though his own chief end is not supposed to be realized there4#gch ,the natural theology of ,malthus and ,paley is the foundation of their ethics4 ,it was the ,english ethics of last century1 not only before ,kant1 but before ,bentham4 ,there are signs that ,malthus1 in his views of metaphysics and of the 8moral sentiments10#gci preferred where he could to draw rather from ,tucker than from ,paley4 ,abraham ,tucker#gdj 7the 8,edward ,search0 who began the ,light of ,nature in #agef1 and finished it1 blind1 in #aggd7 lived for nearly fifty years#gda at ,betchworth ,castle near ,dorking4 ,it is possible in these days1 when near neighbours knew each other better than they care to do now1 that ,daniel ,malthus1 though the younger man1 may have known ,tucker4 ,they were both of them ,oxford men1 small proprietors1 eccentric1 literary1 and fond of philosophizing4 ,whether through his father at home or through ,paley at college1 it is certain that ,malthus at an early date studied the ,light of ,nature and adopted much of its teaching4 ,before he appeared in public as an author1 he had formed some settled philosophical convictions1 which 7whatever their value7 at least left his mind free for its other work1 and kept it at peace with itself as regards the problems of philosophy4 ,the substantial agreement of his views with the doctrines of the ,moral and ,political ,philosophy no doubt helped to bring ,malthus under the common prejudice against 8,pigeon ,paley10#gdb the defender of things as they are and preacher of contentment to starving labourers4 ,when ,paley became an open convert to the ,essay on ,population1 the public would no doubt believe their suspicions confirmed4 ,but ,malthus and ,paley agree not as disciple and master1 but at most as disciples of the same master4 ,malthus tries to work out his own philosophy for himself4#gdc ,it is open to many criticisms4 ,in his ethics he seems to have made no distinct analysis or classification of the passions4 ,he takes for granted that the ,passions are on one side and ,reason on the other1 and there is no middle term between the two except the ,design of ,god1 which is worked out by the passions of men as by external nature1 and which is 7we are left to infer7 in some way akin to human reason1 for human reason can find it out4 ,the impulse of benevolence1 for example1 is said to be1 like all our natural passions1 8general0 7by which he seems to mean vague71 8and in some degree indiscriminate and blind20 and1 like the impulses of love1 anger1 ambition1 the desire of eating and drinking1 or any other of our 8natural propensities10 it must be regulated by experience and frequently brought to the test of utility1 or it will defeat its own purpose4#gdd ,in other words1 ,malthus treats all human impulses as if they were appetites1 co-ordinate with each other1 primary and irresolvable4 ,all desires are equally natural1 and abstractedly considered equally virtuous1#gde though not equally strong1 and therefore not equally fit at first sight to carry out their ,creator's purpose4 ,the ,reason of ,man1 therefore1 must assist the ,reason of his ,maker in carrying out the teleology of his passions1 as well as the teleology of nature itself4#gdf ,the 8apparent object0 7or evident final cause71 for example1 of the desire of marriage is the continuance of the race and the care of the weak1 and not merely the happiness of the two persona most concerned4#gdg ,to take another example1 the object of the impulse of benevolence is to increase the sum of human happiness by binding the human race together4#gdh ,self-love is made a stronger motive than benevolence for a wise and perfectly ascertainable purpose4 ,the ascertainment of the purpose1 however1 presents a difficulty4 ,acknowledging that we ought to do the will of ,god1 how are we to discover it8 ,we are told in answer to this question1 that the intention of the ,creator to procure the good of ,his creatures is evident partly from ,scripture and partly from experience2 and it is that intention1 so manifested1 which we are bound to promote4 ,what on ,god's side is teleology1 on man's is utility2 utility is the ruling principle of morals4 ,not being a passion it cannot itself lead to action2 but it regulates passion1 and that1 so powerfully1 that all our most important laws and customs1 such as the institution of property and the institution of marriage1 are simply disguised forms of it4#gdi ,as animals1 we follow the dictates of nature1 which would mean unhindered passion2 but as reasonable beings we are under the strongest obligations to attend to the consequences of our acts1 and1 if they be evil to ourselves or others1 we may justly infer that such a mode of indulging those passions is 8not suited to our state or conformable to the will of ,god40 ,as moral agents1 therefore1 it is clearly our duty to restrain the indulgence of our passions in those particular directions1 that by thus carefully examining their consequences1 and by frequently bringing them to the test of utility1 we may gradually acquire a habit of gratifying them only in the way which1 being unattended with evil1 will clearly 8add to the sum of human happiness1 and fulfil the apparent purpose of the ,creator40#gej ,all the moral codes which have laid down the subjection of the passions to reason have been really 7thinks ,malthus7 built on this foundation1 whether their promulgators were aware of it or not4 8,it is the test alone by which we can know independently of the revealed will of ,god whether a passion ought or ought not to be indulged1 and is therefore the surest criterion of modern rules which can be collected from the light of nature40 ,in other words1 our theological postulates lead us to control our passions so as to secure not merely our own individual happiness1 but 8the greatest sum of human happiness40 ,and the tendency of an action to promote or diminish the general happiness is our only criterion of its morality4#gea ,from this it directly follows that1 because the free and indiscriminate indulgence of benevolence leads to the reverse of general happiness1 we ought to practise a discriminating charity which blesses him that gives and him that takes4 ,there is what ,bastiat would call a harmony between the two4#geb ,in this case1 indeed1 nature reinforces utility by making the passion of self-love stronger in men than the passion of benevolence4 ,every man pursues his own happiness first as his primary object1 and it is best that he should do so4 ,it is best that every man should1 in the first instance1 work out his own salvation1 and have a sense of his own responsibility4 ,not only charity but moral reformation must begin at home4 ,benevolence apart from wisdom is even more mischievous than mere self-love1 which is not to be identified with the 8odious vice of selfishness10 but simply with personal ambition1 the person to whom it is personal including as a rule children and parents1 and in fact a whole world besides the single atom or 8dividual self40#gec ,if the desire of giving to others had been as ardent as the desire of giving to ourselves1 the human race would not have been equal to the task of providing for all its possible members4 ,but because it is impossible for it to provide for all1 there is a tendency in all to provide for themselves first2 and1 though we consider that the selfish element in this feeling ought to grow less in a man in proportion as he becomes richer and less embarrassed by his own wants1 we must recognize that its existence has been due to a wise provision for the general happiness4#ged ,malthus does not deny at the same time that benevolence is always the weaker motive1 and needs continually to be strengthened by doctrine1 reproof1 and correction4 ,it ought always to be thought a 8great moral duty0 to assist our fellow-creatures in distress4#gee ,with these ethical views1 it was easy for ,malthus to meet the objection that the general adoption of the moral restraint recommended in his ,essay on ,population would diminish the numbers of the people too far4 ,he 7or his spokesman7 answers#gef that we might as well fear to teach benevolence lest we should make men too careless of their private interests4 8,there is in such a case a mean point of perfection1 which it is our duty to be constantly aiming at2 and the circumstance of this point being surrounded on all sides with dangers is only according to the analogy of all ethical experience40 ,there is as much danger of making men too generous or too compassionate1 as there is of 8depopulating the world by making them too much the creatures of reason1 and giving prudence too great a mastery over the natural passions and affections4 ,the prevailing error in the game of life is1 not that we miss the prizes through excess of timidity1 but that we overlook the true state of the chances in our eager and sanguine expectations of winning them4#geg ,of all the objections that were ever made to a moralist who offered to arm men against the passions that are everywhere seducing them into misery1 the most flattering1 but undoubtedly the most chimerical1 is that his reasons are so strong that1 if he were allowed to diffuse them1 passion would be extinguished altogether1 and the activity as well as the enjoyments of man annihilated along with his vices40#geh ,in his view of the passions and of the moral sentiments1 ,malthus is clearly a man of the eighteenth century1 and on the whole is more nearly at one with ,paley than with any moralist after ,tucker4 ,there are points of divergence4 ,he could not1 in view of his cosmology1 have fully approved ,paley's definition of virtue1 8doing good to mankind in obedience to the will of ,god and for the sake of everlasting happiness40#gei ,he may have seen how it followed that a solitary man had no duties1 that a pagan had no power to do right1 that the moral imperative was hypothetical1 and that it had no force for any who abjured their future bliss4 ,at least he contents himself with agreeing that 8the will of ,god is plainly general happiness1 as we discover both by ,scripture and the light of nature20#gfj and1 8provided we discover it1 it matters nothing by what means20--there are clear marks of design in the world showing that its ,maker willed the happiness of ,his creatures2 and what ,he willed they should will4 ,in other words1 the ethical system of both is a utilitarianism which is narrow and personal in its motive 7the private happiness of the individual in another world71 but broad and catholic in its end 7the general happiness of human beings in the present world74 ,it is as if ,god induced us to promote other people's happiness now1 by telling us that ,he would in return promote our own by-and-by4 ,there are signs that ,malthus took a larger view1 and thought rather of the development of the human faculties#gfa than of mere satisfaction of desires1 both in this world and in the next2 but he nowhere distinctly breaks with ,paley1 and his division of passions into self-love 7or prudence7 and benevolence is taken straight from that theologian4#gfb ,by the vagueness of their phraseology when they spoke of the general sum of happiness1 the older utilitarians avoided some of the difficulties that encounter their successors4 ,apart from the hardness of defining happiness and a sum of happiness1#gfc there is a difficulty in fixing the precise extent of the generality4 ,the tendency of utilitarianism in the hands of ,bentham was towards equality and the removal of privilege2 every one to count as one1 no one as more than one4 ,but both with him and with the older members it may be doubted whether the doctrine did not tend to benefit the majority at the expense of the minority4 ,we find ,malthus thinking#gfd that1 had the ,poor ,laws never existed1 there 8might have been a few more instances of very severe distress10 but 8the aggregate mass of happiness among the common people would have been much greater than it is at present40 ,in other words1 what he wanted was the 8greatest amount of happiness0 on the whole1 whatever an 8amount0 of happiness may mean4 ,malthus would probably have refused to use the formula of ,bentham1 8the greatest happiness of the greatest number02 he would have counted the first item1 the happiness1 out of all proportion more important than the second4#gfe ,he had refused something like it at the hands of ,paley4 8,i cannot agree with ,archdeacon ,paley1 who says that the quantity of happiness in any country is best measured by the number of its people4 ,increasing population is the most certain possible sign of the happiness and prosperity of a state2 but the actual population may be only a sign of the happiness that is past40#gff ,malthus would not1 for example1 have wished to see the highlands of ,scotland brought back to their ancient condition1 in which they had greater numbers than now living in rude comfort1 but also greater numbers exposed to precarious indigence4#gfg ,on the other hand1 it is certain 7in spite of a common prejudice7 that ,malthus desired the great numbers as well as the great happiness1 and was indeed quite naturally led by his theological views to prefer a little happiness for each of many individuals to a great deal for each of a few4 ,he 8desires a great actual population and a state of society in which abject poverty and dependence are comparatively but little known10#gfh--two perfectly compatible requirements1 which if realized together would lead to what may be called ,malthus' secondary or earthly paradise1 which is not above mundane criticism4 ,this earthly paradise is1 even in our author's opinion1 the end most visibly concerned in our schemes of reform4 ,his idea of it as a society where moral restraint is perfect1 invites the remark that the chief end of society cannot be the mere removal of evil2 it must be the establishment of some good1 the former being at the utmost an essential condition sine qu non of the latter4 ,moreover1 moral restraint is not the removal of every but only of one evil2 and it kills only one cause of poverty4 ,a complete reformation must not only remove all the evils1 but must positively amend and transform all the three branches of social economy1--the making1 the sharing1 and the using of wealth1--not one or even two of them alone4 ,every ,utopian scheme should be tested by the question3 ,does it reform all three1 or only one1 or two1 of the three8 ,neglect of the third might spoil all4 ,a scheme which affects all three1 however1 must have something like a ,religion in it4 ,with these reservations ,malthus' picture of the good time coming has much value and interest4#gfi ,unlike ,godwin1 he relies on the ordinary motives of men1 which he regards as forms of an enlightened self-love4 ,self-love is the mainspring of the social machine2#ggj but self-love1 when the self is so expanded as to include other selves1 is not a low motive4 ,commercial ambition1 encouraged by political liberty1 and unhampered by ,poor ,laws1 leads naturally to prosperity4#gga ,the happiness of the whole is to result from the happiness of individuals1 and to begin first with them4 ,he 8sees in all forms of thought and work the life and death struggles of separate human beings40#ggb 8,no co-operation is required4 ,every step tells4 ,he who performs his duty faithfully will reap the full fruits of it1 whatever may be the number of others who fail4 ,this duty is intelligible to the humblest capacity4 ,it is merely that he is not to bring beings into the world for whom he cannot find the means of support4 ,when once this subject is cleared from the obscurity thrown over it by parochial laws and private benevolence1 every man must feel the strongest conviction of such an obligation4 ,if he cannot support his children1 they must starve2 and1 if he marry in the face of a fair probability that he will not be able to support his children1 he is guilty of all the evils which he thus brings upon himself1 his wife1 and his offspring4 ,it is clearly his interest1 and will tend greatly to promote his happiness1 to deter marrying till by industry and economy he is in a capacity to support the children that he may reasonably expect from his marriage2 and1 as he cannot in the mean time gratify his passions without violating an express command of ,god1 and running a great risk of injuring himself or some of his fellow-creatures1 considerations of his own interest and happiness will dictate to him the strong obligation to a moral conduct while he remains unmarried40#ggc ,supposing passion to be thus controlled1 we should see a very different scene from the present4 8,the period of delayed gratification would be passed in saving the earnings which were above the wants of a single man40 ,savings ,banks and ,friendly ,societies would have their perfect work2 and 8in a natural state of society such institutions1 with the aid of private charity well directed1 would probably be all the means necessary to produce the best practicable effects40#ggd ,the people's numbers would be constantly within the limits of the food1 though constantly following its increase2 the real value of wages would be raised1 in the most permanent way possible2 8all abject poverty would be removed from society1 or would at least be confined to a very few who had fallen into misfortunes against which no prudence or foresight could provide40#gge ,it must be brought home to the poor that 8they are themselves the cause of their own poverty40#ggf ,while ,malthus insists against ,godwin that it is not institutions and laws but ourselves that are to blame1 he still shares1 with ,godwin1 the desire to lessen the number of institutions2 and1 as a first reform1 would repeal at least one obnoxious law4 ,the relation of ,malthus to the ,french ,revolution and its ,english partisans is indeed not to be expressed in a sentence4 ,it has been said that he cannot be justly described as being a reactionary2#ggg and1 in truth1 besides being a critic of ,godwin and of ,condorcet1 he is influenced to some extent by the same ideas that influenced them4 ,the ,essay on ,population is coloured throughout by a tacit or open reference to the ,rights of ,man1 a watchword borrowed from ,france by the ,american ,republic1 to be restored again at the ,revolution4 ,paine's book on the ,rights of ,man1 in reply to ,burke's ,reflections on the ,french ,revolution1 had been widely read before it was suppressed by the ,english ,government2 and ,godwin and ,mackintosh#ggh were not silenced4 ,malthus himself1 as a ,whig1 does not disparage the rights of man when they meant political freedom and equality1 but only when they included the right to be supported by one's neighbour1 as had been asserted by the ,abb ,raynal and some other writers of the ,revolution4#ggi ,as the same assertion was practically made by the ,english ,poor ,law1 which had venerable conservative prejudice on its side1 our author's opposition to it was no proof that his politics were reactionary4 ,his economical antecedents and his political views bound him to the ,french ,revolution4 ,in his range of ideas and his habitual categories he could not depart far from the ,french ,economists1 who had helped to prepare the way for the ,jacobins4 ,adam ,smith himself had felt their influence4 ,though he had criticized the noble savage and the state of nature1#ghj he had himself a lingering preference for agriculture over manufacture2 and he himself spoke of a 8natural0 price1 a 8natural0 progress of opulence1 a 8natural0 rate of wages1 and 8natural liberty40 ,to him as to the ,french writers1 ,nature#gha meant what would grow of itself if men did not interfere1--the difficulty being that the interference seems also to grow of itself1 and it is impossible to separate the necessary protection from the mischievous interference4 ,malthus retains the phraseology with an even nearer approach to personification4 ,nature points out to us certain courses of conduct4#ghb ,if we break ,nature's laws1 she will punish us4 ,at ,nature's mighty feast there is no cover laid for the superfluous new-comer4 ,the ,poor ,laws offend against ,nature2 they interfere with human action in a case where it would spontaneously right itself by ordinary motives of self-interest2 if men knew they could not count on parish relief1 they would probably help themselves4 ,be the argument worth much or little1 its strength is not the greater because of this figure2 and his use of it shows that ,malthus had not risen above the metaphysical superstitions of his age4 ,but the charge sometimes made against him is that he was not merely not before his age but positively behind it2 and this is certainly false4 ,in politics he was as little of a reactionary as his opponent1 who if 8in principle a ,republican was in practice a ,whig40#ghc ,he followed ,fox rather than ,burke1 and lost neither his head nor his temper over the ,revolution4 8,malthus will prove a peace-monger10 wrote ,southey in #ahjh4ghd ,he was a steady friend of ,catholic ,emancipation4 ,he saw the folly of attributing with ,godwin and ,paine all evil to the ,government1 and with ,cobbett all evil to taxation and the funds2#ghe but he is one with them all in dislike of standing armies1 and is more alarmed at the overbearing measures of the ,government against sedition than at the alleged sedition itself4 ,one of the most remarkable chapters in the second edition of the essay#ghf is on 8the effects of the knowledge of the principal cause of poverty on civil liberty40 ,its main argument is1 that1 where there is much distress and destitution1 there will be much discontent and sedition1 and1 where there is much of the two last1 there will be much coercion and despotism4 ,a knowledge of the chief cause of poverty by taking away the distress would leave ,government at least no excuse for tyranny4 8,the pressure of distress on the lower classes of people1 together with the habit of attributing this distress to their rulers1 appears to me to be the rock of defence1 the castle1 the guardian spirit of despotism4 ,it affords to the tyrant the fatal and unanswerable plea of necessity4 ,it is the reason why every free ,government tends constantly to destruction1 and that its appointed guardians become daily less jealous of the encroachments of power40#ghg ,the ,french people had been told that their unhappiness was due to their rulers2 they overthrew their rulers1 and1 finding their distress not removed1 they sacrificed the new rulers2 and this process would have continued indefinitely if despotism had not been found preferable to anarchy4 ,in ,england 8the ,government of the last twenty years#ghh has shown no great love of peace or liberty10 and the country gentlemen have apparently surrendered themselves to ,government on condition of being protected from the mob4#ghi ,a few more scarcities like #ahjj might cause such convulsions and lead to such sternness of repression that the ,british constitution would end as ,hume foretold1#gij in 8absolute monarchy1 the easiest death1 the true euthanasia of the ,british constitution40 ,the 8tendency of mobs to produce tyranny0 can only be counteracted by the subversion1 not of the tyrants1 but of the mobs4 ,the result would be a lean and wiry people1 weak for offence1 but strong for defence2 there would be freedom at home and peace abroad4#gia ,of course the 8knowledge of the principal cause of poverty0 is not conceived by ,malthus as the only lesson worth learning4 ,he shares the growing enthusiasm of all friends of the people for popular education1#gib and thinks the ,tory arguments against instructing the poorer classes 8not only illiberal1 but to the last degree feeble1 if not really disingenuous40#gic 8,an instructed and well-informed people would be much less likely to be led away by inflammatory writings1 and much better able to detect the false declamation of interested and ambitious demagogues than an ignorant people40#gid ,these words were written in #ahjc1 four years before ,whitbread made his motion on ,schools and ,savings ,banks1 and thirteen years before ,brougham's ,committee on ,education4#gie ,malthus in fact was in politics an advanced ,whig1 ahead of his party in ideas of social reform4 ,this may be seen from the following passage1 which is only one out of many1 that show his large view of his subject4 ,he says that in most countries among the poor there seems to be something like 8a standard of wretchedness1 a point below which they will not continue to marry40 8,this standard is different in different countries1 and is formed by various concurring circumstances of soil1 climate1 government1 degree of knowledge1 civilization1 c40 ,it is raised by liberty1 security of property1 the diffusion of knowledge1 and a taste for the conveniences and the comforts of life4 ,it is lowered by despotism and ignorance4 8,in an attempt to better the condition of the labouring classes of society1 our object should be to raise this standard as high as possible by cultivating a spirit of independence1 a decent pride1 and a taste for cleanliness and comfort4 ,the effect of a good ,government in increasing the prudential habits and personal respectability of the lower classes of society has already been insisted on2 but certainly this effect will always be incomplete without a good system of education1 and indeed it may be said that no ,government can approach to perfection that does not provide for the instruction of the people4 ,the benefits derived from education are among those which may be enjoyed without restriction of numbers2 and1 as it is in the power of ,governments to confer these benefits1 it is undoubtedly their duty to do it40#gif ,our author's historical sense saved him from ,ricardian presumptions in favour of laissez faire4 ,writers go too far1 however1 in declaring unlimited competition to be against the spirit of his work1 and asserting that he undervalued the influence of institutions1 only that he might save his country's institutions from hasty reform4#gig ,he knew that society did not grow up on economical principles2 instead of beginning with non-interference1 and extending interference by degrees where it was found imperative1 it began with interference everywhere1 and relaxed the interference by degrees where it was found possible and thought desirable4 ,we have begun with status and paternal government1 and have made our way towards contract and laissez faire2 but we have never reached them1 because1 as men now are1 we cannot go on without damage to the common weal4 ,but it seemed to ,malthus that experience had shown the need as clearly as the dangers of natural liberty2--history1 for example1 had clearly proved that the material relief of the poor1 which had never been abandoned by the ,government1 might best have been left to private action4 ,the extreme view would have been that it was not every one's duty in general1 but every one's in particular1 a responsibility of which no one could divest himself4 ,but1 though ,malthus often speaks as if the burden ought to lie specially on a man's relatives and private friends1 he does not share ,adam ,smith's antipathy to associations1 and would probably have recognized division of labour to be as necessary in charity as in industry4 ,still1 even as administered by an organization of men specially fitted for the work by nature and choice1 the distribution of material relief never seems to him a case where society can help the poor without in some degree injuring their independence and their strength of character4 ,in the matter of charity he is clearly on the side of natural liberty and individualism4 ,but1 in other directions1 he has made admissions which seriously modify the unlimited competition of natural liberty4 ,he admits1 first of all1 that the struggle for existence when it is the struggle for bare life does not lead to progress2#gih and he admits1 therefore1 in the second place1 that the state should interfere with the 8system of natural liberty10 positively1 to educate the citizens1#gii and to grant medical aid to the poor1#hjj to assist emigration1#hja and even to give direct relief in money to men that have a family of more than six children1#hjb--;as well as negatively1 to restrict foreign trade when it causes more harm to the public than good to the traders1#hjc and to restrict the home trade where children's labour is concerned4#hjd ,a critic might ask on what principle he justifies these admissions2 or might hint that he makes them on no conscious principle at all1 but in the spirit of a judge1 who is administering a law that he knows to be bad1 but prefers to make continual exceptions rather than suggest a new law2--otherwise could any rule stand the test of so many exceptions8 ,it might be replied that ,malthus nowhere writes a treatise on political philosophy1 and his views must be inferred from scattered hints1 but it does not follow that he was not1 consciously or unconsciously1 possessed of a guiding principle4 ,his several admissions have a certain logical connection4 ,it is more doubtful whether their connecting principle will seem adequate to a modern reader whose questions in political philosophy have been stated for him by ,comte and the latter-day socialists4 ,the first of the admissions is the more significant1 as ,malthus1 while making it1 refuses to approve of the means then actually adopted 7by the ,poor ,law7 for raising the level of the weakest citizens1 and so fitting them for their struggle4 ,if the absence of provision was an evil1 the existing provision was hardly a less one4 ,it was bad for society to give help by giving bread and butter1 for that was a gift to full-grown men and women1 not really weak1 but quite ready to be indolent4 ,a gift of education1 on the other hand1 is given1 he considers1 to those who are really incapable of helping themselves and really ignorant of their powers4#hje ,it makes the weak strong1 and tends to remove indolence1 not create it4#hjf ,in the same way ,factory ,acts assist the weak and not the indolent1 while the 7rare7 interference with free trade1 the granting of medical relief1 the special aid in case of large families1 and the aid to ,irish peasants1 are all of them special remedies in cases where the sufferers could not be expected to foresee and provide against the distress1 and were therefore sufferers from circumstances rather than from indolence4 ,malthus continually takes the view that security is a greater blessing than wealth itself1 and insecurity a worse evil than poverty4 ,the circumstances that cause insecurity were therefore in his view the most distressing2 they baffled individual effort4 ,his critics might have answered3 8,in all the cases mentioned by you as justifying interference1 a perfectly enlightened self-interest would have provided against the mishap2 and relief of any kind would be in the end equivalent to relief in bread and butter1 for1 as far as it goes1 it allows the more to be left over either to the man or his parents for bread and butter1 and thereby it is a relief that fosters indolence40 ,he could rejoin1 however1 that 7even if we grant the practical possibility of such a perfect enlightenment7 direct relief appeals far more to indolence than indirect1#hjg and the good of the indirect can often1 the good of the direct very seldom1 outweigh the evil4 ,he would have added that even the direct relief in bread and butter was not opposed by him on any theory1 but on the ground of its known tendency to evil1--and1 if it had been possible from the nature of men and things to keep the promises of the ,poor ,law1 he would have given his voice for it4 ,he was committed to free trade itself only because and only so far as experience was in its favour4 ,his only axiom in political philosophy was that the end of politics is the greatest happiness of the great body of the people2 and his only rule for securing that end was the observation of what1 as a matter of experience1 actually did secure it4 ,on the other hand1 nothing is clearer from his own writings than that the language of experience owes much of its meaning to its interpreter2 and we ask 8,what were his principles of interpretation80 ,the answer is1 that1 in spite of the affinity between utilitarianism in morals and individualism in politics1 he tried to retain the first without the second4 ,he understood moral goodness to consist in the tendency of actions to produce a balance of pleasures over pains2 but his utility when examined turned out1 as we have seen1 to be much nearer the notion of self-development than simply a sum of pleasures irrespective of their quality4 ,at this point the strong grasp which family life held on his fancy lifted him above the notion that the chief end could be the individual happiness of isolated units1 and showed him that the real unit was a group4 ,the state to ,malthus1 as to ,aristotle1 is an aggregate of families1 though he recognizes very clearly that1 besides the connection of householder with householder by the common subjection to the laws1 there is the common bond of nationality1 a community of feeling1 a partnership of past traditions1 present privileges1 and future hopes4#hjh ,it is one of the plainest facts of experience that men are often led by their attachment to their country and countrymen to run counter to their worldly interests4#hji ,the nation is a little world within the great world1 and on the analogy of the great world it is the scene where difficulties generate talents and bring out the character4#haj ,from this point of view it is not far from the truth to parody a well-known description of modern ,judaism1 and describe the political philosophy of ,malthus as ,utilitarianism plus a ,nationality4 ,the individualism of ,malthus is limited by the particular institutions and particular interests of the ,english nation4#haa ,in his intellectual history a strong emphasis on the state preceded the emphasis on the individual2 and even in his mature view the state is limited in its interference with the citizens only by its powers of doing good to them4 ,but he holds with ,adam ,smith and the other economists that its powers of doing good to them are very much narrower than on the old conception of the state1 as a kind of family4 ,the duties of a state to the citizens are narrower than those of a father to his children1 because what the father can and must do for his children the state cannot do for its citizens with equal safety to their independence4 ,it remains1 however1 true that the relation of state to citizen is not the commercial relation of one contracting party with another2 it is a relation prior to the commercial1 and gives to all contracts whatever validity they have4 ,if ,malthus himself had been asked to reconcile his departure from the general principle of natural liberty with his general adherence to it1 he would have made some such answer as the following3 8,from the first1 when ,i wrote in #agih1 it appeared to me that the action of ,government could neither have so uniformly bad an effect as ,godwin supposed1 nor so uniformly good as ,pitt's ,bill implied4 ,if1 as ,godwin desires1 there were no ,government1 but only a chastened laissez faire1 unsophisticated human nature would be quite enough to bring back misery and sin4#hab ,but the chastening of the laissez faire could not in my opinion take place without the ,government1 for it is one of the most proper functions of ,government1 not adequately dischargeable by individuals1 to provide for the people the education that is supposed to chasten4 ,even when that provision has been made1 the education will not do its perfect work if it has not included the particular doctrines which it has fallen to me more than any man to bring home to the public mind4 ,with such an education there will be hope for better things4 ,things as they are and the struggle for existence as it now is among the helpless classes can please me as little as ,godwin4 ,it is a struggle which leads to no progress4 ,but1 unlike ,godwin1 ,i do not regard ,government as necessarily creating the distress2 and ,i certainly regard it as the necessary engine for removing the distress by education in the end1 and toning down its effects by restrictions for the present4 ,if only as an engine of education1 paternal government must be a permanent factor of society4 ,where a public necessity has been well supplied by individual action1 ,i should leave it in the hands of individuals2 but not otherwise4 ,i did not object to the ,poor ,law on the broad ground that it took the place of private action1 but because its own action was mischievous4 ,i should try every case on its merits1 and be guided to interfere or not interfere by the known results of the existing policies40 ,in so speaking1 ,malthus would no doubt have justified his own consistency4 ,but the modern reader might justly reply to ,malthus1 that we have often to judge tendencies as well as results1 and experience becomes then an uncertain guide2 he might complain that ,malthus himself is sometimes led to judge both of them by a half-acknowledged supplementary principle of the balance of classes and safety of the mean1 which can be applied in a way very unfavourable to popular rights4 ,he might urge that the apparent success of an institution might have been due to a concurrent cause that cancelled its defects1 and we cannot always pronounce on its merits from experience of it4 ,how can experience help us unless we have the key to its interpretation8 ,without such a key nothing would be so false as facts except figures4 ,in human politics mere survival is seldom the test of fitness4 ,if we compare the state to an organism and convert our simile into a rule of judgment1 we may say that1 when each part has its function and contributes to the efficiency of the whole1 the body politic is well2 when any part does not1 there is need of the doctor or surgeon4 ,this figure seems to give us a key for the interpretation of social experience2 but unhappily the figure itself needs an interpreter4#hac ,if we interpret organism as the ideal union of members in one body1 it ceases to be a simile1 for the body politic is not merely like this union1--it is the best example of it4 ,for in the body politic the general life is the source of all individual energy1 and at the same time the individual members are continually paying back the debt1 by an active sympathy and conscious union with the commonwealth1 to which the commonwealth in its turn owes all its collective energy2 the citizen is nothing without his state1 or the state without its citizens4 ,this is to make the figure useful1 by making it change places with the thing prefigured4 ,so long as the same idea is grasped in both1 their relation in rhetoric need not affect us4 ,such an idea of the state would lead us beyond the admissions of ,malthus to some such demands as the following3--,for his every possession1 the citizen must be able to show some service rendered to his countrymen1 and must be taught and expected to hold his property in trust for the common good1 that so the body politic may have no useless member4 ,in proportion as private possession involves monopoly1 its use should be jealously restricted in the public interest1 which in the extreme cases would lead to the withdrawing of it1 with as little friction as might be1 from the private owner to the state4 ,education acts1 sanitary laws1 and factory acts should be strictly and universally enforced1 not for the sake of the parents1 guardians1 and employers1 or even altogether for the sake of the sufferers themselves1 but for the sake of the community1 in order that in the struggle for existence every competitor should start fair as an efficient citizen1 with full possession of his powers of mind and body4 ,for the rest1 security and order should be the watchword of the state1 free course being allowed to commercial and industrial enterprise1 scientific inquiry1 and speculative discussion1 in order that progress may be made in the surest of all ways1 by the moral and intellectual development of the individual citizens1 which will soon express itself in their institutions4 ,with these postulates1 half from the old economists and half from the new reformers1 on the way to be realized1 and with industrial co-operation in prospect1 we need not despair of the future of man on our part of the earth4 ,tried by such a standard ,malthus certainly fails to give us a perfect political philosophy1 and seems little farther advanced than his master ,adam ,smith1 who taught that the state was profitable only for defence1 for justice1 and for such public works as could not be so well done by individuals4 ,with all his regard for the nation1 ,malthus looks at social problems too much from the individual's point of view4 ,he speaks much1 for example1 of the good effect1 on the individual man1 of the domestic ideal1 and of the ideals of personal prosperity in the world1 both built on security of property and liberty of action4 ,he speaks little of the duty of the citizen to the community1 and of the return he owes it for his security and liberty4 ,the citizen in his picture of him seems to have nothing but duties to his family and nothing but claims on the state4 ,the citizen is lost in the householder4 ,he is content to be let alone1 and does not positively and actively recognize his identity with the legislative power1 and his obligation to repay service with service4 ,later political philosophy would press the counter-claims of the community on the citizen4 ,it would demand1 for example1 that he shall neither leave his lands waste nor preserve his game1 if either practice is contrary to the public good4 ,it would keep in mind that the holders of large fortunes owe more to the public for protection of them than the holders of small1 and should bear a heavier burden of taxes4 ,it would not leave men to do as they willed with their own4#had ,in regard to the lowest classes that are hardly to be called citizens1 for they are struggling in hopeless weakness for mere bread1 ,malthus never seems to see that his own acknowledgment of their powerlessness to rise must justify much more than the mere establishment of compulsory education for their children or even mechanics' institutes for themselves4 ,it would justify the adoption of such measures as will make their surroundings likely to give and preserve to them a higher standard of living4 ,it would sanction measures of 8local option0 to keep away from them the infection of dangerous moral diseases2 and it would enforce the obligation on the owners of houses to make them habitable and healthy4 ,it would give town and country tenants secure tenure by law1 where an insecure tenure of custom had induced them to spend labour on their holdings4 ,the older economists had the just idea that security in possession was the first condition of industrial progress2 but they did not see that this very principle would justify very large restrictions on the use of property1 and that the restrictions would increase in largeness as the property approached the nature of a monopoly2 they did not see that for the public interest it may be as necessary to prohibit deer forests as to pull down unsanitary dwellings or enforce vaccination4 ,the reason was that for a long time in ,england it was a hard enough task for reformers to secure the negative freedom of being let alone1 the freedom of trade and of the press and of local government1 with the abolition of privileges4 ,cobden's attempt to resolve ,politics into ,economics was well-timed and fruitful in its generation2 and the ,manchester school has still a part to play in our own time4 ,but the special work of political reform in the future is to achieve the positive freedom1 8the maximum of power1 for all members of human society alike1 to make the best of themselves40#hae ,of this programme neither ,malthus nor any writer of his day had any clear conception4 ,he himself had no claim to a seer's vision2 and the horizon of his opponents was never wider than his own4 ,it is time to go back to the ,essay and confront its opponents4 ,we have now a sufficient knowledge of the economics and philosophy of ,malthus to be able to sympathize with him under misconception1 or at least to understand what appearance an objection would wear to his mind4 ,not that we have a complete picture of the man1 or even a view of his entire mental furniture1 which is more than this curta supellex2 but we see enough to judge the cause of the ,essay on its merits1 not prejudiced1 favourably or unfavourably1 by the life and character of the author4 ,,book ,,iv4 ,,the ,,critics4 ,three ,questions for the ,critics--,parr and ,thoughts on ,parr--,pulpit ,philosophy--,godwin's ,blessing in #ahja--,the ,cursing in #ahbj--,theology--,the ,command to ,noah--,the ,ratios--,population 8fitful0--,s4 ,t4 ,coleridge among the ,economists--,james ,grahame--,empson's ,classification of ,critics--,weyland and ,arthur ,young--8,cannot1 therefore ought not0--,spence's ,plan and ,owen's--,progress and ,poverty--,das ,kapital--,herbert ,spencer--,classification of ,critics--,ethics of the ,hearth and of the ,world--,end and ,means of ,malthus4 ,the critics of ,malthus had three questions before them3 ,do the conclusions of ,malthus follow from his premises8 ,does he himself draw them8 ,are they true as a matter of fact8 ,the answers will be best given by a short survey of the principal critics with whom ,malthus contended in his lifetime1 and those who have most formidably contended with his followers since his death4 ,there is a sense in which the ,essay on ,population begins and ends with ,godwin1 for it begins and ends with the question of human perfectibility4 ,the relations of ,malthus and ,godwin are as it were the tale on which the play is founded4 ,godwin's ,political ,justice was written in #agic1 his ,enquirer in #agig1 and ,malthus' ,essay in #agih4 ,others kept the ball a-rolling4 ,on the ,easter ,tuesday of #ahjj ,dr4 ,samuel ,parr preached an anniversary sermon in ,christ's ,hospital before the ,corporation of ,london4 ,he chose his text from ,galatians vi4 #aj3 8,as we have therefore opportunity1 let us do good unto all men1 especially unto them who are of the household of faith40 ,like ,butler's sermons in the ,rolls ,chapel1 the discourse was really a treatise on moral philosophy4 ,it began by contrasting the selfish and the benevolent system of ethics1 pronouncing both of them faulty4 ,if the one has done less harm1 the other has done less good than might have been expected1 for it has been connected with the new doctrine of universal philanthropy4 ,the new doctrine is false because local neighbourhood of all men is impossible1 vi terminorum1 and a widening out of the feelings that usually prevail between local neighbours would only make those feelings thin and watery4#haf ,man's obligations cannot be stretched beyond his powers2 he has no powers1 and therefore no obligation to do good unto all men4#hag ,love of the universe1 in the intense sense of the word love1 can only belong to the omnipotent ,being who has the care of the universe upon ,him4 ,we1 being men1 must only see to it that our benevolence is of ,his quality1 extending1 like ,his1 to the unthankful and to the evil4 ,but a universal philanthropist exaggerates and pampers this one particular form of the duty of benevolence at the expense of the rest1 and forgets duties that lie near to him1 towards kindred and friends and neighbours2 he neglects common duties of life in favour of the uncommon and fanciful4 ,very different is 8the calm desire of general happiness10 which draws those that are near still nearer1 and makes us value and assist the benevolent institutions1 like ,christ's ,hospital1 which are at our own doors4 ,the hearers of the sermon could have no doubt at whom it was aimed2 and the footnotes of the published version of it contained large quotations from the ,essay on ,population and large direct commendations of its author1 which made the sermon's oblique censure of ,godwin the more stinging4 ,pulpit philosophizing was not rare in those times2 it had been practised since ,butler's days by ,dr4 ,ezra ,styles#hah in #agfa2 and ,dr4 ,richard ,price had used a dissenter's pulpit to utter his enthusiastic views on the future improvement of mankind 7#aghg7 and the love of our country 7#aghi74hai ,burke had denounced him for this in his ,reflections2#hbj but1 if ,parr could do the same thing on the other side a few years afterwards1 it cannot have been any great singularity4 ,parr's sermon was the subject of ,sydney ,smith's first paper in the ,edinburgh ,review 7,oct #ahjb72 but its economical interest is due to its effect on ,godwin4 ,godwin had been assailed shortly before by ,sir ,james ,mackintosh1 a former friend and political ally1 in his ,discourse on the ,law of ,nature and ,nations1 delivered in ,lincoln's ,inn ,hall1 #agii2 but ,dr4 ,parr's censures were more severe4 ,parr may have been alienated by an offensive description in the ,enquirer#hba of the clergy1 as characterized by 8a perennial stationariness of understanding1 abortive learning1 artificial manners1 infantine prejudices1 and arrogant infallibility40 ,as all the other professions were equally well abused1 the censure need not have been taken to heart4 ,the letter of ,malthus to ,godwin1 written after the publication of the ,enquirer1 is full of courtesy4 ,at that time1 and indeed for a few years afterwards1 there was nothing but good-will between the two writers4 ,when ,godwin in #ahja made his letters to his three critics into a book1#hbb under the title1 ,thoughts on ,dr4 ,parr's ,spital ,sermon1 with remarks on ,mackintosh and the writer of the ,essay on ,population1 he was bitter only against the two former4 ,he was surprised at the 8overbearing scornfulness0 of ,mackintosh1 and at the 8venom0 of ,dr4 ,parr4 ,if he had changed some of his views it was not in deference to their criticism4 ,of the ,essay on ,population1 8and the spirit in which it is written10 he 8can never speak but with unfeigned respect20 contending only that it is meant to attack his conclusions and not his premises4#hbc ,parr had hailed it as a complete demonstration that ,godwin's scheme of equality would not work1 and many better men had felt their mouths shut1 and had begged ,godwin to speak for them4 ,godwin consents in these ,thoughts4 ,if he was sincere in saying1 8,i confess ,i could not see that the essay had any very practical bearing on my own hopes0 7p4 #ee71 he must have been in the state which the ,enquirer ascribes to the clergyman3 8,he lives in the midst of evidence and is insensible to it4 ,he is in daily contemplation of contradictions and finds them consistent4 ,he listens to arguments that would impress conviction upon every impartial hearer and is astonished at their futility4 ,he never dares trust himself to one unprejudiced contemplation4 ,he starts with impatience and terror from its possible result40 ,malthus1 on the other hand1 though in orders1 has behaved very unlike the clergyman of the ,enquirer1 for we are told by ,godwin himself1 8he has neither laboured to excite hatred nor contempt against me and my tenets2 he has argued the questions between us just as if they had never been made a theme for political party and the intrigues of faction2 he has argued just as if he had no end in view but the investigation of evidence and the development of truth0 7p4 #ee ft474 ,moreover1 he has 8made as unquestionable an addition to the theory of political economy as any writer for a century past4 ,the grand propositions and outlines of his work will1 ,i believe1 be found not less conclusive and certain than they are new4 ,for myself1 ,i cannot refuse to take some pride in so far as by my writings ,i gave the occasion and furnished an incentive to the producing so valuable a treatise0 7p4 #ef74 ,surely concession could no further go4 ,godwin even admits the arithmetical and geometrical ratios4#hbd ,his criticisms are all on the checks1 which 7be it remembered7 were only the checks of the first essay1 vice1 misery1 and the fear of them4 ,are ,governments henceforward to prevent the evils of an excessive population by encouraging these unsightly counter-agents8 and is every scheme for the amelioration of man's lot foredoomed8 ,no1 the 8author of the essay0 has too small an idea of the resources of the human mind2 it is no conclusive argument against a scheme to say that when it is realized it will probably not last4#hbe ,he does not attach sufficient weight to the fact that in ,england1 for example1 8prudence and pride0 prevent early marriages1 and from late ones come smaller families4 ,in a state of universal improvement there would be not less but more of these feelings1 and a similar effect would follow in a greater degree4#hbf ,that there was force in this reasoning appears from the way in which ,malthus received it when stated to him by letter a few months after the publication of the essay4 ,he replied that the 8prudence0 in question1 if existing in ,godwin's new society1 would mean an eye to the main chance2 it would mean that one man is strengthening his position and getting to himself more than the minimum of necessaries2 if you prevent this1 what becomes of your freedom8 if you do not1 what becomes of your equality and wealth8 ,secondly1 the effect of the prudence would be that the population would not be the greatest possible1 but considerably within the limits of the food2 and yet you object to present society1 that its arrangements prevent the 8greatest practicable population40 ,in all our political theories1 if we would trace to particular institutions the evil that is really due to them1 we must deduct the evil that is known to be due to other causes4 8,the very admission of the necessity of prudence to prevent the misery from an overcharged population1 removes the blame from public institutions to the conduct of individuals4 ,and certain it is1 that almost under the worst form of government1 where there was any tolerable freedom of competition1 the race of labourers1 by not marrying1 and consequently decreasing their numbers1 might immediately better their condition1 and under the very best form of government1 by marrying and greatly increasing their numbers they would immediately make their condition worse40#hbg ,this was no doubt a point against ,godwin1 but it was also a point against ,malthus himself4 ,the essay in its first form had not made sufficient allowance for 8prudence02 and the introduction of moral restraint in the second edition might very plausibly have been ascribed by ,godwin's friends to ,godwin himself1 in spite of the elaborate reply to the ,thoughts in a chapter afterwards dropped4#hbh ,godwin said to him afterwards that he had no right to introduce a new element into his solution of the problem1 and pretend that it was the same solution as before2#hbi if he altered his premises he ought to alter his conclusion4 ,to which ,malthus might have answered1 that1 though his conclusion is altered1 it retains its value as an argument against ,godwin4 ,at first the tendency of numbers to increase up to the food was described as an obstacle fatal to progress2 now it is indeed an obstacle which must be faced and overcome1 but it is fatal not to progress1 but only to equality4 ,godwin himself had at first considered it an entirely imaginary obstacle which might be ignored for the present by reformers2 and his very doctrine of prudence amounts to an admission that his view of it had changed4 ,godwin himself was not conscious of his change of front2 as the seventh of thirteen children he may have thought the matter personal2 and whatever concessions he had made in #ahja he withdrew in #ahbj4 ,in that year1 with ,david ,booth1 the patient author of the ,english ,analytical ,dictionary1 to arrange his statistics and vouch for his calculations1 he published an elaborate reply to the ,essay on ,population4 ,the politicians1 the political economists1 the bulk of the press1 and the public had accepted the ,malthusian doctrines1 though the conversion of the public was no deeper than it was on ,free ,trade1 and the statesmen with a few exceptions were not sorry to make capital out of the 8odiousness0 of the doctrines whenever the 8acknowledged truth0 of them would not serve their turn4 ,still it seemed true that time had declared for ,malthus1 and ,godwin had fallen out of notice4 ,sydney ,smith's assertion1#hcj 8,malthus took the trouble of refuting him1 and we hear no more of ,mr4 ,godwin10 is not very far from the truth4 ,malthus had survived his refutation1 and ,godwin his reputation4 ,pitt1 ,paley1 and ,copleston were with ,malthus2 he had gained over ,hallam among historians1 ,james ,mill1 ,senior1 and ,ricardo among economists1 ,brougham1 ,mackintosh1 and even ,whitbread among politicians4 ,southey1 ,hazlitt1 and ,cobbett were not a sufficient make-weight4 ,hazlitt in his ,reply to the ,essay on ,population 7in letters of which some appeared in ,cobbett's ,pol4 ,register1 #ahjg7 acknowledges the popularity1 though he predicts its decay4#hca ,it seems clear that in educated circles at least the view of ,malthus was as early as #ahbj what it was in #ahbi1 8the popular view10#hcb which is quite compatible1 as ,darwin long experienced1 with great unpopularity in particular quarters4 ,no better evidence could be given of this popularity than the unwilling testimony given by ,godwin himself in his new book4#hcc ,at the end of #ahai ,brougham had referred in the ,house of ,commons to the principle of ,malthus as 8one of the soundest principles of political economy10 and said it was melancholy to observe how the press scouted it and abused its defenders4#hcd ,the press1 however1 was divided4 ,the ,edinburgh ,review from the first had sided with ,malthus4 ,the ,quarterly had begun by strong hostility 7,dec4 #ahab1 pp4 #cbj seq472 had softened its tone as time went on 7,dec4 #ahac1 pp4 #aeg seq41 and ,oct4 #ahad1 pp4 #aed-e72 had spoken with hesitation and doubtfulness 7,oct4 #ahaf1 pp4 #ej seq472 and had at last completely surrendered 7,july #ahag1 pp4 #cfi seq471 confessing it to be 8much easier to disbelieve ,mr4 ,malthus than to refute him0 7p4 #cif71 thereafter utilizing his doctrine for the support of things as they are1 only regretting that ,malthus himself would not do the same a little more stoutly 7pp4 #djb-c74 ,finally1 as we have seen1 ,malthus1 after having contributed to the ,edinburgh1 became a contributor to the ,quarterly4 ,the change of public opinion1 illustrated by the conversion of the ,quarterly1 gave greater bitterness to the attacks of the enemies that remained unconverted4 ,but it gave them no new arguments4 ,in ,godwin's ,enquiry concerning ,population 7when we neglect mere epigrams such as 8a man is surer that he has ancestors than that he will have posterity07 there are substantially four arguments3--,malthus has changed his position2 the world is not peopled2 the ratios are not as he represents2 and experience is against him4 ,we have already discussed the first4 ,the use of the second implies a misunderstanding of the ,malthusian position1 for it ignores distinction between actual and possible supplies of food1 and does not allow that a man is 8confined0 by four walls unless he touches them4#hce ,godwin does not mend the argument by comparing it to the objection brought against ,christianity--8the world is not yet ,christianized02 still less by appealing to ,christianity itself1 and taunting ,malthus with the texts1 8,increase and multiply10 8,happy is the man that hath his quiver full of them10 8made a little lower than the angels10 8forty sons and thirty grandsons1 which rode on threescore and ten ass colts10 8,in the last days some shall depart from the faith1 forbidding to marry40#hcf ,malthus had been attacked in #ahjg by a ,puritan or ,covenanting pamphlet entitled1 #8,a summons of ,wakening1 or the evil tendency and danger of ,speculative ,philosophy1 exemplified in ,mr4 ,sir ,john ,leslie's ,enquiry into the ,nature of ,heat1 and ,mr4 ,malthus' ,essay on ,population1 and in that speculative system of common law which is at present administered in these kingdoms4'#hcg ,the body of this book had been even more remarkable than its title1 for it had proved ,malthus guilty not merely of heterodoxy1 but of atheism4 8,it is evident to any one who attentively reads the ,essay on ,population that its author does not believe in the existence of ,god1 but substitutes for ,him sometimes the principle of ,population1 sometimes that of ,necessity40 ,sadler many years later declared in the same spirit that 8the insults the theory of ,malthus levels at ,god1 and the injuries it meditates inflicting upon man1 will be endured by neither40#hch ,once for all1 let ,parson ,malthus explain his consistency with the religious text-book of his ,church4 ,prior to the injunction given to men to increase and multiply1 come1 says ,malthus1 all the moral and physical laws without which they cannot increase or multiply4 ,suppose the command had been to increase and multiply not men but vegetables2 this could not mean1 8,sow the seed broadcast1 in the air1 over the sea1 on stony ground10 but1 8,take all the means made necessary1 by pre-existing laws1 to secure the best growth of vegetables40 ,that man would best obey the command1 who should prepare the soil1 and provide for the watering and tilling of it1 where those things were wanting before4 ,so he will best obey the command to increase and multiply ,men1 who prepares food for men where there was none before1 and not he who brings them recklessly into the world without any such provision4 8,i believe it is the intention of the ,creator that the earth should be replenished1 but certainly with a healthy1 virtuous1 and happy population1 not an unhealthy1 vicious1 and miserable one4 ,and1 if1 in endeavouring to obey the command to increase and multiply1 we people it only with beings of the latter description and suffer accordingly1 we have no right to impeach the justice of the command1 but our irrational mode of executing it40#hci ,he might have added1 that to give any other interpretation of the passage in ,genesis is to forget the circumstances in which the words were spoken4 ,the ,deluge had just swept away all the earth's inhabitants except one family1 expressly on the score of wickedness2 and1 if a wicked replenishing were not desirable1 an unhappy or a poor one would be at the best only one degree less so4 ,regarding the question then purely from the outside1 we cannot find anything in the writings of ,parson ,malthus inconsistent with his ecclesiastical orthodoxy2 and we can hardly believe that free-thinking ,godwin was very serious in the objection4 ,malthus himself replies to it as a charge commonly brought against him by others1 with no reference to ,godwin in particular4 ,for the most part he ignores ,godwin's book on ,population1 as mere rhetoric and scurrility4#hdj ,godwin1 however1 had given more than two years of hard labour to the writing of it2#hda and his biographer regards it as the last work of his best days4 ,he employed his son ,william and his friend ,henry ,blanch ,rosser to help him1 in addition to ,booth4 ,his whole mind was occupied with ,booth's calculations and his own deductions from them4 ,he himself 8could not pursue a calculation for an hour without being sick to the lowest ebb40#hdb ,if ,booth lagged behind him he was miserable4 ,he rose in early morning to note down an idea and was ill for the rest of the day after it4 ,he is satisfied1 however1 with the result of his labours4 ,he thinks his chapter on the ,geometrical ,ratio will delight his friends and astonish his foes4 ,in any case his comfort is that 8truth0 will prevail1 and1 whether through him or another1 8the system of ,malthus can never rise again1 and the world is delivered from this accursed apology in favour of vice and misery and hard-heartedness and oppression10#hdc and the world will see that there is 8no need of any remedies10 for the numbers of mankind never did and never can increase in the ways described by ,malthus4#hdd ,a few of his younger friends#hde believed him successful2 and the book was mentioned in the ,house of ,commons as a conclusive refutation of ,malthus1 especially in regard to the ratios4#hdf ,but the fact remains not only that poor ,godwin made no bread and butter by it1#hdg but that he converted no one whose opinion in such a matter was of any weight4 ,mackintosh1 though at peace again with his old friend1 when he writes to him in ,september #ahba1hdh cannot praise his work2 even thinks its tone intolerant2 and will only say that he sees nothing in the ,malthusian doctrines inconsistent with perfectibility4 ,he takes pains at the same time to disclaim the authorship of the notice in the ,edinburgh ,review for ,july #ahba1 which was lacking in the courtesy due to ,godwin1 though it did not reproduce the scurrility of the earliest review of him4#hdi ,the inconclusiveness of the book1 even in the view of ,malthus' opponents1 appears from the stream of new refutations1 which made no pause4 ,even the question of the ratios was not settled4 ,godwin had counted his discussion of them the most important part of his book4 ,it gives us his third substantial argument against ,malthus4 ,godwin takes up1#hej what seems to have been a common charge1 that the essayist had written a quarto volume to prove that population increases in a geometrical and food in an arithmetical ratio4 ,the essayist had answered1 as long ago as #ahjf1hea that the first proposition was proved as soon as the facts about ,america were authenticated1 and the second was self-evident2 his book was meant less to prove the ratios than to trace their effects4 ,his authorities1 as he told ,godwin afterwards1#heb were ,dr4 ,price1 ,styles1 ,benjamin ,franklin1 ,euler1 and ,sir ,william ,petty1 supplemented1 for figures1 by ,short and ,sssmilch and the censuses of the ,united ,states and ,england1 and1 for principles1 by ,adam ,smith and ,hume4 ,we have already seen#hec how far the simile of geometrical and arithmetical ratios was meant to be pressed4 ,godwin thinks he exposes it by arguing that the increase of population can never be quite exactly geometrical#hed 7which ,malthus would admit71--that ,america was an exception#hee 7in face of the maxim that the exception tests the rule71--that1 in order to suppose population doubling itself in the ,united ,states1 we must suppose it1 as regards births1 doing the same in the ,old ,world 7in other words1 fact is the same as tendency71--that the normal increase is not that of ,america but that of ,sweden1#hef in which case 7,malthus would answer7 the normal increase must be one that takes place in face of very severe restrictions4 ,to the charge of damaging the borrowed kettle the old ,irishwoman had three answers3--,it was cracked when ,i got it2 it was whole when ,i returned it2 ,i never had it4 ,so ,godwin's views of the ,american colonies vacillated between three inconsistent propositions3 the great increase of the numbers is natural 7or spontaneous71 but that of the food is greater still2#heg the great increase is not natural1 but due to immigration2#heh there has been no great increase at all4#hei ,the reader has three alternative arguments presented to him1 and it matters little whereby he is convinced1 if only in the end he is persuaded to believe with ,godwin1 that population requires no checks at all1#hfj and is a fitful principle4#hfa ,in history1 says ,godwin1 it seems to operate by fits and starts2 and such irregular effects cannot have a uniform cause4 ,it might be replied that in the same sense gravitation is fitful1 for we seem to break it by walking upstairs as well as down1 by using a siphon as well as a water-jug1 or by drying up a drop of ink with blotting-paper instead of letting it sink down into the paper4 ,yet in these cases the fitfulness is never imputed to the absence of a cause1 but to the presence of more causes than one4 ,to believe1 as ,godwin seems to do1 in occult laws which vary with the circumstances is to believe in no laws at all4 ,the only constancy would be the constant probability of miracles4#hfb ,freethinkers had not as yet identified themselves with the party of order in physics2 and perhaps ,godwin was simply carrying out his dislike of law one step farther4 ,having applied it to politics 7#agic7 and to style 7#agig71 he now applied it to nature 7#ahbj74 ,he deliberately placed a whole army of facts out of the range of science4 ,it was fortunate for himself that he appeared no more in the character of an economist1 but left ,booth the task of replying to the ,edinburgh reviewer4#hfc ,if economical criticism was weak with ,godwin1 the political philosopher1 it was still weaker with ,coleridge1 the philosophizing poet4 ,the main criticisms of ,coleridge#hfd are contained in manuscript marginal comments with pen and pencil written on his copy of the second 7quarto7 edition of the ,essay 7#ahjc71 now in the ,british ,museum4 ,when ,malthus writes 7in ,preface1 p4 vi7 that if he had confined himself to general views1 his main principle was so incontrovertible that he could have entrenched himself in an impregnable fortress1 ,coleridge breaks in3 8,if by the main principle the author means both the ,fact#hfe 7i4 e4 that population unrestrained should infinitely outrun food7 and the deduction from the fact1 i4 e4 that the human race is therefore not indefinitely improvable1 a pop-gun would batter down the impregnable ,fortress4 ,if only the ,fact be meant1 the assertion is quite nugatory1 in the former case vapouring1 in the latter a vapour40 7,and on p4 vii37 8,are we now to have a quarto to teach us that great misery and great vice arise from poverty1 and that there must be poverty in its worst shape wherever there are more mouths than loaves and more ,heads than ,brains80 ,this may be taken as simply the argument of ,hazlitt1 who 8did not see what there was to be proved20--the principle of ,malthus is a truism4 ,even when commenting on the statement of the ,ratios 7on p4 #h71 after some denunciation of the 8verbiage and senseless repetition0 of the essay1 ,coleridge goes on to agree with it4 ,he would restate the whole so as to substitute 8a proportion which no one in his senses would consider as other than axiomatic1 viz43 ,suppose that the human race amount to a thousand millions4 ,divide the square acres of food-producing surface by #ejj1jjj1jjj1 that is to say1 so much to each married couple4 ,estimate this quotum as high as you like1 and1 if you will1 even at a thousand or even at ten thousand acres to each family4 ,suppose population without check1 and take the average increase from two families at five 7which is irrationally small1 supposing the human race healthy1 and each man married at twenty-one to a woman of eighteen71 and in twelve generations the increase would be #dh1hbh1abe4 ,now as to any conceivable increase in the production or improvement in the productiveness of the thousand or ten thousand acres1 it is ridiculous even to think of production at all1 inasmuch as it is demonstrable that either already in this twelfth generation1 or certainly in a few generations more 7,i leave the exact statement to schoolboys1 not having ,cocker's ,arithmetic by me1 and having forgotten the number of square feet in an acre71 the quotum of land would not furnish standing room to the descendants of the first agrarian proprietors4 ,best do the sum at once4 ,find out the number of square acres on the globe 7of land71 and divide the number by #ejj1jjj4 ,i have myself been uselessly prolix1 and in grappling with the man have caught his itch of verbiage40 ,he goes on to say that if every man were to marry and have a family1 and each of his children were to do the same1 their posterity would soon want standing room1 and1 if all checks were removed1 this would of course happen much faster4 8,any schoolboy who has learned arithmetic as far as compound interest may astonish his younger sister both by the fact and by the exact number of years in which it would take place4 ,on the other hand1 let the productiveness of the earth be increased beyond the hopes of the most visionary agriculturist1 still the productions take up room4 ,if the present crop of turnips occupy one-fifth of the space of the turnip field1 the increase can never be more than quintupled1 and1 if you suppose two planted for one1 the increase still cannot exceed ten2 so that1 supposing a little island of a single acre1 and its productions occupying one-fifth of its absolute space1 and sufficient to maintain two men and two women1 four generations would outrun its possible power of furnishing them with food2 and we may boldly affirm that a truth so self-evident as this was never overlooked or even by implication contradicted4 ,what proof has ,mr4 ,malthus brought8 ,what proof can he bring that any writer or theorist has overlooked this fact1 which would not apply 7with reverence be it spoken7 to the ,almighty ,himself when ,he pronounced the awful command1 #8,increase and multiply'80 ,from some of the phrases dropped in the course of these comments1 we should infer they were the preparation for a formal review of the book by ,coleridge himself4 ,it is therefore extremely puzzling to find the whole comments printed almost word for word and letter for letter in a review#hff hitherto considered by every one 7,southey included7 to be ,southey's4 ,this applies to the subsequent ,,ms4 notes1 which are happily briefer4 ,coleridge finds fault with ,malthus 7p4 #aa7 for using the words virtue and vice without defining them1 apparently overlooking the footnote under his very eyes 7p4 #aa n47 which says1 8,the general consequence of vice is misery1 and this consequence is the precise reason why an action is termed vicious40#hfg ,coleridge says1 in relation to the list of irregularities given in the last paragraph but one of the page 7#aa73 8,that these and all these are vices in the present state of society1 who doubt8 ,so was ,celibacy in the patriarchal ages4 ,vice and ,virtue subsist in the agreement of the habits of a man with his reason and conscience1 and these can have but one moral guide1 ,utility1 or the ,virtue#hfh and ,happiness of ,rational beings4 ,we mention this not under the miserable notion that any state of society will render those actions capable of being performed with conscience and virtue1 but to expose the utter unguardedness of this speculation40 ,then after some remarks on ,new ,malthusians 7as they would be now called7 he goes on3 8,all that follows to the three hundred and fifty-fifth page#hfi may be an entertaining farrago of quotations from books of travels1 c41 but surely very impertinent in a philosophical work4 ,bless me1 three hundred and forty pages--for what purpose6 ,a philosophical work can have no legitimate purpose but proof and illustration1 and three hundred and fifty pages to prove an axiom6 to illustrate a self-evident truth6 ,it is neither more nor less than bookmaking60 ,he thinks1 however1 that what ,malthus wrote of ,condorcet applies to himself2--though his paradox is very absurd1 it must be refuted1 or he will think the toleration of his contemporaries due to their mental inferiority and his own sublimity of intellect4#hgj ,the remaining marginal notes are chiefly of an interjectional character1#hga many of them not very refined4 ,malthus himself never falls into coarseness2 but his opponents seldom avoid it1 and ,coleridge 7or ,southey7 is no exception to the rule4#hgb ,except for the interest attaching even to the foolish words of a great man1 it would not have been worth while to revive his obiter scripta on a matter beyond his ken4 ,a few words are necessary in regard to ,grahame and ,weyland1 who form the chief subject of the long second appendix of later editions of the essay4 ,grahame's charges were such as owed all their force to the general ignorance of the actual writings of ,malthus himself4#hgc ,mr4 ,malthus regards famine as nature's benevolent remedy for want of food2 ,mr4 ,malthus believes that nature teaches men to invent 7p4 #ajj7 diseases in order to prevent over-population2 ,mr4 ,malthus1 regarding vice and misery generally as benevolent remedies for over-population1 thinks that they are rather to be encouraged than otherwise 7p4 #ajj74 ,malthus1 for his part1 deploring the fact that this last charge has been current 8in various quarters for fourteen years0 7or since his quarto essay of #ahjc71 thinks he may well pass it by4 8,vice and ,misery1 and these alone1 are the evils which it has been my great object to contend against4 ,i have expressly proposed moral restraint as their rational and proper remedy10 a sufficient proof that he regarded them as the disease4#hgd ,grahame himself does not deny the tendency to increase beyond food 7p4 #ajb71 but thinks emigration a sufficient remedy 7p4 #ajd74 ,empson1#hge playfully classifying the opponents of ,malthus1 says there are some who will not comprehend 8out of sheer stupidity1 like ,mr4 ,grahame10 or out of sentimental horror1 like ,southey1#hgf ,coleridge1 and ,bishop ,huntingford2#hgg or because1 like ,sadler#hgh and ,godwin1 who followed ,price and ,muret1#hgi they imagine the law of population to vary with the circumstances2 or else because they invent laws of their own1 like ,anderson1 ,owen1 and ,poulett ,scrope2#hhj or because1 like ,weyland1#hha they deny the premises of ,malthus as well as the conclusion4 ,weyland1 like ,grahame1 has the honour of a special refutation from ,malthus4 ,he allows that ,malthus in his essay has raised his subject from the level of desultory academical discussion to that of scientific inquiry1 and his book is the point from which every later investigation must start4 ,he allows that his order is lucid and his reasoning fair1 and that he enables an opponent at once to discuss the question on its merits4 ,granting his premises1 says ,weyland1 we cannot deny his conclusion2 but that premise of his is false which assumes that the highest known rate of increase in a particular state of society is the natural or spontaneous rate in all2#hhb we cannot take the height of ,chang or of the ,hale ,child as the natural standard of the height of all4 ,to this ,malthus answers1 that1 if we had observed in any country that all the people who were short carried weights upon their heads1 and the people who were tall did not1 we should infer that the weights had something to do with the height1--and so1 when we find that the increase of a people is fast or slow in proportion as the pressure of certain checks on increase is heavy or light1 we cannot but believe that the rate would be at its fastest if there were no checks at all4 ,to say with ,weyland1 in the terms of his first cardinal proposition1#hhc that 8population has a natural tendency to keep within the powers of the soil to afford it subsistence in every gradation through which society passes10 is to say 8that every man has a natural tendency to remain in prison who is necessarily confined to it by four strong walls40 ,one might as well infer that the pine of the crowded ,norwegian forest has no tendency to have lateral branches1 because as a matter of fact there is no room for it to have any4#hhd ,weyland thinks that1 without any moral restraint1 population will keep within limits of the food1 in proportion as it reaches a high state of morality1 religion1 and political liberty4#hhe ,malthus1 on the contrary1 would say that1 without moral restraint1 even morality1 religion1 and political liberty will not save a people from wretchedness2#hhf and1 for his part1 the design always uppermost in his mind when writing has been 8to improve the condition and increase the happiness of the lower classes of society40#hhg ,one argument of ,weyland's#hhh has some weight in it4 ,with a rich soil1 high farming1 and abundant food1 the bulk of the people of a country might by the natural division of labour be employed in manufacture1 and their unhealthy manner of life in towns might so check population that it might be far from keeping up to the level of the food4 ,malthus replies that this case is rare1 for our town populations have increased rapidly1--but1 such as it is1 he has allowed for it in the second clause of his second proposition3 8,population invariably increases where the means of subsistence increase1 unless prevented by some very powerful and obvious checks40#hhi ,there are two other critics to whom ,malthus replies in some detail1 one the visionary ,owen1 who is embraced in ,empson's classification1 the other the practical man ,arthur ,young1 who cannot so easily be classified4 8,i mean10 says the latter1 8to deal in facts alone1 happy when ,i can discover them pure and unalloyed with prejudice40#hij ,as this was his practice as well as his profession1 it may easily be believed that in his voluminous records of fifty years' travelling and experimenting#hia he has spun rope enough to hang himself4 ,it ought to be added that1 like ,godwin1 he claims the privilege of being inconsistent4 ,nothing could be more clear than his recognition in his ,travels in ,france of the evils of over-population4#hib ,yet in #ahjj1 in his ,question of ,scarcity plainly stated and ,remedies considered1 he recommends as his remedy that each country labourer who has three children be provided with a cow and half an acre of potato ground4#hic ,in other words1 he would reduce the ,english standard of living to the common ,irish one1 milk and potatoes4 ,malthus replies by giving reasons why people should 8live dear10 and by reminding ,arthur ,young of his own comments on the proceedings of the ,national ,assembly4 ,recognizing their duty to grant relief1 but wishing to avoid an ,english ,poor ,law1 the ,national ,assembly set aside fifty millions of francs a year for support of the poor4 ,if it had been really a duty1 wrote ,arthur ,young 7in his ,travels71 necessity might have occasioned them to extend the relief to one hundred1 two hundred1 or three hundred millions1 and so on1 8in the same miserable progression that has taken place in ,england40#hid ,malthus hardly needed to go back to the ,travels1 as ,young himself confessed in his later writings that his plan did not apply to large cities1 and though he still held by the claim of right1 he confessed that his faith must be without works2 in other words1 he claimed the right to be inconsistent4 ,but he continued to question ,malthus' axiom that what cannot be ought not to be2 and he thinks that1 if a man marries without the means to keep a family1 he may justly blame society for not providing him with the means4 ,he argues1 too1 that ,malthus for the success of his scheme assumes perfect chastity in the unmarried4 ,malthus really assumed only that the evils1 which on an average in a civilized country attend the prudential check1 are less than the evils of premature mortality and other miseries entailed by the opposite course2 he declares himself not against but in favour of schemes that improve the condition of the poor even on a limited scale2 and he only asks that every such scheme be tested not by its first success1 for hardly any scheme of the kind is unsuccessful at first1 but by its effect on a new generation4#hie ,this test might be applied to schemes like ,owen's and later ones on the same model4 ,malthus perhaps deals too peremptorily with them4 ,speaking of ,owen's system of the community of labour and goods1 and of ,spence's ,plan for ,parochial ,partnerships in the ,land#hif 78the only remedy for the distresses and oppressions of the people10 the land to be 8the people's farm071 he answers that there are two 8decisive arguments against systems of equality03 first1 the inability of a state of equality to furnish adequate motives for exertion1 the goad of necessity being absent1--and1 second1 the tendency of population to increase faster than subsistence4 ,in reply it must be said that there might be socialism without communism2 there might even be communism without an absolute equality1 such as would put idle and industrious on the same footing2 there might be an approximation of the social extremes1 bringing poor and rich nearer1 and giving the former not weaker but stronger motives to exertion2 finally1 it is not at all inconceivable that at least one-half of this result might come1 as ,godwin wished1 by the act of the rich themselves1 which means also as ,malthus wished1 for it would come from a strong sense of personal obligation4 ,it cannot be denied that ,malthus1 in using the argument in question1 seems to forget his own admission1 that the goad of necessity does not act with effect either on the lowest or on the highest classes4#hig ,moreover1 he allows1 there have been cases1 e4 g4 among the ,moravian communities1 where industry and community of goods have existed side by side4 8,it may be said that1 allowing the stimulus of inequality of conditions to have been necessary in order to raise man from the indolence and apathy of the savage to the activity and intelligence of civilized life1 it does not follow that the continuance of the same stimulus should be necessary when this activity and energy of mind has been once gained40#hih ,the second of his arguments against ,owen is of course his more cogent and characteristic one4 ,as we have seen1 it is not deprived of its point by the inclusion of moral restraint among the checks to population4 ,it was argued against him that his own ideal of a society where moral restraint universally prevailed would involve precisely what is necessary to make such systems as ,godwin's and ,owen's permanently possible4#hii ,there is an air of conclusiveness in the remark that1 in proportion as moral restraint prevails in the world1 ,malthus approximates to ,godwin4 ,but ,malthus believes that equality and community would destroy the motive for moral restraint4 ,the passions would still be present1 and no man would be in a position where there seemed any need to restrain them2 the restraint would be the interest of the whole society1 but not of the individual himself1 for the effects were to be borne not by himself1 but by the whole society4 ,no doubt the good of the whole society ought to be a sufficient reason2 but it would be so in a very few men now2 and1 unless it were in all men then1 the result would be an expansion of population1 with the results ,malthus described4 ,owen is aware of this1 and suggests artificial checks1 allowing men to gratify desire without the usual consequences1 and dispensing with any effort of will4 ,malthus1 on the other hand1 would throw all the responsibility and burden on the individual1 which he thinks it impossible to do without allowing the individual his private property4#ijj ,no further justification of things as they are is to be found in ,malthus2 and1 so far from being reactionary1 his principles 7with all their qualifications7 were probably the most advanced individualism that was ever preached in these days4 ,they are adopted in full view of the facts that have been again vividly brought before the public mind in our day by writers who are to our generation what ,godwin1 ,spence1 and ,owen were to theirs4 ,malthus seems to believe1 with ,dugald ,stewart1 that ,utopian schemes are like the tunes of a barrel-organ1 recurring at melancholy intervals from age to age with damnable iteration4#ija ,but1 unless society itself has moved in a circle1 the ,utopias will resemble each other no more and no less than do the states of society which they would replace4 ,our own socialists1 therefore1 can hardly be dismissed by the stroke of the pen1 that classifies them with people so curiously unlike them and each other as ,plato1 ,ball1 ,more1 the ,fifth ,monarchy men1 the ,levellers1 ,godwin and ,spence and ,owen4 ,malthus does not1 in fact1 so dismiss them4 ,besides bringing forward his own argument1 he examines ,owen's attempt to deal with it4#ijb ,since ,malthus1 every complete reform has needed to face in some way or other the question which he treated2 but he left little for others to do4 ,of the two most prominent schemes of our own day for the reconstruction of society1 one1 that of ,mr4 ,henry ,george1 involves an unconscious recourse to the old weapons of ,godwin1 ,sadler1 and other opponents of ,malthus2 ,progress and ,poverty does not contain any argument not to be found in these writers4 ,the conjecture about a 8fixed quantity of human life on the earth0 7ed4 #ahha1 p4 #ig7 is hardly an argument4 ,it may be compared with what is stated by ,st4 ,g4 ,mivart#ijc to be the basis of ,darwinism4 8,every individual has to endure a very severe struggle for existence owing to the tendency to geometrical increase of all kinds of animals and plants1 while the total animal and vegetable population 7man and his agency excepted7 remains almost stationary40 ,mr4 ,mivart's reason for excepting man seems to be ,mr4 ,george's reason for including him4 ,the latter's more direct arguments against ,malthus are as follows3--first1 the difficulty is in the future 7p4 #he72--second1 ,malthus shifts the responsibility from man to the ,creator 7p4 #hg72--third1 ,malthus justifies the status quo and parries the demand for reform 7p4 #hh72--;fourth1 ,malthus ascribes excessive increase of numbers to a general tendency of human nature1 while it is really due to the badness of our institutions in old countries1 as in ,india and ,ireland 7pp4 #aja-aad71 or the very thinness of population in new 7p4 #ib72--;fifth1 ,malthus does not distinguish between tendency to increase and actual increase1 and is therefore refuted by the fact that the world is not yet peopled 7p4 #id74 ,in the sixth place1 we are told1 if there had been such a law as the ,malthusian1 it would have been sooner and more widely recognized 7p4 #ih72--that families often become extinct 7p4 #ii71 and it is more certain that we have ancestors than that we shall have descendants2#ijd--that better industry would keep a larger population 7p4 #ajg72--,malthus says that vice and misery are necessary 7p4 #aji72--,malthus does not see that vegetables and animals increase faster than population 7p4 #aae71--or that the increase of man involves the increase of his food 7p4 #aaf71 for a division of labour makes man produce more than he consumes 7p4 #abf71 and so the most populous countries are always the most wealthy 7p4 #abh72--,malthus forgets that the world is wide 7p4 #aai71--;and that the tendency to increase is checked by development of intellect1#ije--;and by the elevation of the standard of comfort 7pp4 #aba1 #abc72--;he forgets that 8the power of population to produce the necessaries of life is not to be measured by the necessaries of life0 it actually produces1 but by its powers to produce wealth in all forms 7p4 #abg72--,malthus will not see that twenty men where nature is niggardly 7e4 g4 on a bare rock87 will produce more than twenty times what one man will where nature is bountiful 7p4 #acd72--;and the ,malthusian theory 8attributes want to the decrease of productive power0 7p4 #acd72--;finally ,malthus does not know 8the real law of population10 which is that 8the tendency to increase1 instead of being always uniform1 is strong where a greater population would give increased comfort1 and where the perpetuity of the race is threatened by the mortality induced by adverse conditions1 but weakens just as the higher development of the individual becomes possible1 and the perpetuity of the race is assured0 7p4 #abc74 ,what is right in this view of the real law of population is common to ,mr4 ,george with ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer2#ijf what is wrong is common to him with ,godwin4#ijg ,the view of ,karl ,marx1#ijh the prophet of the ,international and of modern economic ,socialism1 is built on much more solid foundations4 ,it is a corollary of his view of capital4 ,the general law of the accumulation of capital1 in these days of large manufactories and machinery1 involves not only a progressive addition to the quantity of capital1 which is all that ,adam ,smith contemplated1 but a qualitative change in the proportion between fixed capital1 such as machinery1 and the circulating which is paid in wages4 ,to use the author's words1 the progress of accumulation brings with it a relative decrease of the variable component of capital and a relative increase of its constant component4 ,new machinery is constantly supplanting labour without any real compensation in increased demand1 either at once or in the long run4 ,the constant element increases at the cost of the variable2 and this can only result in the progressive production of a population which1 in relation to capital1 is a surplus or superfluity1 an over-population2--the cause which increases the net revenue of the country at the same time renders the population redundant and deteriorates the condition of the labourer4#iji ,so far from deploring the existence of this redundant class1 the capitalists depend on it1#iaj as the reserve of their army4 ,they trust to its cheap labour to save them from the depression which in our days 7though never before7 appears with unfailing regularity after brisk trade and a crisis4 ,if the hands were not always there for them to employ1 they would not at once be able to seize the happy moment of a reviving demand for their goods4 8,malthus with his narrow views understands the surplus population to be superfluous absolutely in itself1 and not merely in relation to capital2 but even he recognizes that over-population is a necessity of modern industry40#iaa ,in proof of these statements he quotes the words of ,malthus 7,pol4 ,econ41 ed4 #ahcf1 pp4 #bae1iab #cai1 #cbj73--8,prudential habits with regard to marriage carried to a considerable extent among the labouring classes1 of a country mainly depending upon manufactures and commerce1 might injure it40444 8,from the nature of a population1 an increase of labourers cannot be brought into the market1 in consequence of a particular demand1 till after the lapse of sixteen or eighteen years2 and the conversion of revenue into capital1 by saving1 may take place much more rapidly2 a country is always liable to an increase in the quantity of the funds for the maintenance of labour faster than the increase of population40 ,to these charges the answer is1 first1 that ,malthus always recognized that over-population was relative1 relative to the actual food2#iac second1 that he did not recognize the over-population as necessary2 it took place as a matter of fact1 but he believed that1 if working men did as he wished them1 it would disappear2#iad--;and in the third place1 the first sentence quoted by ,marx1 from the ,political ,economy is explained by the second1 which he does not quote3 8,in a country of fertile land such habits would be the greatest of all conceivable blessings40 ,malthus is comparing ,commercial with ,agricultural countries1 not pronouncing on the general question of wages2 and other passages in his writings#iae show that he regarded the high wages1 resulting from prudential habits1 as a public gain1 more than compensating the capitalists' loss of profits4 ,even ,marx himself grudgingly allows that ,malthus was more humane than ,ricardo in regard to the hours of labour desirable for the workmen4#iaf ,in the fourth place1 the latter half of the quotation 7beginning with the words1 8,from the nature of a population07 first states an obvious fact which a child could have pointed out1 and then a disputable proposition which predicts not an over-population but the reverse of it4 ,marx is seeking to demonstrate the hopelessness of the labourer's position2 and he is too acute not to know that his demonstration would be seriously weakened if he admitted the truth of the ,malthusian doctrine and the bare possibility of the adoption of prudential habits by the labourers4 ,this is the real reason of his bitter attacks on the ,essay4 ,he says of it3#iag 8,when ,i say ,eden's work on the ,poor was the only important writing by a disciple of ,adam ,smith in the eighteenth century1 ,i may be reminded of the essay of ,malthus4 ,but this book in its first form 7and the later editions did nothing but add and adapt borrowed materials7 is nothing but a plagiarism from ,sir ,james ,steuart1 ,townsend1 ,franklin1 ,wallace1 full of schoolboy superficiality and clerical declamation1 and not containing a single original sentence4 ,by the way1 although ,malthus was a clergyman of the ,church of ,england1 he had taken the monastic oath of celibacy61 for this is one of the conditions of a fellowship at the ,protestant ,university of ,cambridge4 #8,socios collegiorum maritos esse non permittimus1 sed statim postquam quis uxorem duxerit1 socius collegii desinat esse' 7,reports of ,cambridge ,university ,commission1 p4 #agb74 ,by this circumstance ,malthus is favourably distinguished from the other ,protestant clergy1 who have cast off the ,catholic rule of celibacy4444#iah ,with exception of ,ortes#iai the ,venetian monk1 an original and clever writer1 most of the writers on ,population are ,protestant clergymen10 a contrast1 he goes on1 to the days when political economists were all philosophers4 ,marx adopts#ibj the common view that ,malthus being a clergyman was the bond-slave of ,toryism and the ruling classes1 and therefore ready to adopt a principle that attributed over-population to the eternal laws of nature rather than to the historical laws 7also natural7 of the capitalists' production4 ,marx does not see that the 8eternal laws0 in question do not lead to over-population except when the precepts of ,malthus are neglected2 and never shows how1 apart from these precepts1 over-population will be prevented in the renovated society itself1 which has nationalized not only the land but all the instruments of production4 ,would the habits of men be so changed by this stroke of nationalization that the want of ordinary commercial motives would not be felt8#iba ,would not the millennium of the ,socialist1 like that of the ,christian1 postulate a religious conversion on the largest scale for its first introduction1 to say nothing of its continuance8 ,productive ,co-operation1 depending on the spontaneous action of the labourers for its creation1 and on their intelligence and prudence for its success1 would nationalize capital more surely2 and it would not make the impossible postulate of ,socialism1 that a passionless unselfishness1 which not one in a hundred thousand in our day exhibits at any time1 shall at once become the invariable daily rule of all without exception4 ,but ,co-operation1 if it neglects ,malthus1 will find its work no sooner done than undone4 ,it may be thought that there are causes at work which will remove over-population among the working classes even under the present system of separated capital and labour4 ,it is a doctrine of the 8finer wits10 founded on striking biological analogies1 that the general development of intellect in the race will weaken the passion for marriage and supersede the necessity for any checks on it2#ibb--the exercise of the energies of concentration or 8individuation0 developes these energies at the expense of those of diffusion or 8genesis20--the individual is made strong in himself1 at the expense of his power of creating new individuals4 ,quite apart from the disagreeable fact that this principle would lessen the pressure most in those classes where lessening is at present least needed1 and least where it is most needed1 ,malthus would probably have pointed out1 first1 that unless the appetite is absolutely killed1 no physiological check can supersede some control of the will over the passion1--and1 second1 that intellectual development will more certainly check population by making men alive to their responsibilities and strengthening their power of restraint than by weakening the passion to be restrained4 ,the expounder of the theory is of all people the least likely to teach men that they may become civilized by the progress of their race without the trouble of civilizing themselves individually4 ,but his theory admits the misapplication2 and1 if it be said by the misappliers that we ought to tell the truth without fear of consequences1 we must answer that in this case the consequences are part of the truth4 ,on the other hand1 to theorists like ,w4 ,r4 ,greg1 who suggest unknown physiological laws that may act as a spontaneous check1 ,malthus would have replied as to ,condorcet3#ibc 8,what can we reason but from what we know80 ,this brief survey of typical critics and commentators may be completed by a classification of the former1 which1 among other advantages1 will give a bird's-eye view of the chief points in discussion4 ,empson classified the opponents of ,malthus by their motives1#ibd a proceeding hardly fair either to them or to the essay itself4 ,it is not fair to them1 for as a rule the critics appeal to argument1 and must be judged by what they adduce1 not by their good or ill will1 wisdom or folly1 in adducing it2 and not fair to the essay1 because few books have owed so much to their reviewers4 ,the positions of the critics may be classified as follows3-- ,i4 ,some say the doctrine of the essay is a truism4#ibe ,,ii4 ,others admit that it is unanswerable1 but retain a philosophical faith in the future discovery of some contrary principle4#ibf ,,iii4 ,others find fault with the details of the doctrine1 either 7a7 in regard to the ratios of increase1 asserting that no tendency to a geometrical increase of population has been proved1 but something much less rapid1 even 7a few say7 a decreasing ratio1#ibg--;and that no mere arithmetical increase of food has been proved1 but something much more rapid1#ibh--or 7b7 in regard to the checks on population1 asserting that no checks are necessary1#ibi--that vice and misery sometimes add to population instead of checking it1#icj--that to include moral restraint is to stultify the original doctrine1#ica--that moral restraint sometimes involves as great evil as excessive numbers1 both from the personal practice of it and from the preaching of it to others1#icb--that important checks have been omitted1 the chief being misgovernment1#icc bad laws1#icd high feeding1#ice intellectual development1#icf and those of ,owen4#icg ,there is1 besides1 an a priori criticism1 which is either 7,i47 ecclesiastical1#ich alleging that ,malthus contradicts the ,bible or some other authority1--7,,ii47 theological1#ici that he denies ,providence1--or 7,,iii47 doctrinaire1#idj that he denies natural rights and the pre-established harmony of moral and economical laws1 and the instinct of equality1--or 7,,iv47 ethical and popular1#ida that he runs counter to the moral sense and the natural benevolence of men and cosmopolitan morality4 ,these arguments have been already considered4 ,the fourth of them has1 in its last branch1 an appearance of truth1 because ,malthus has certainly pled less for the cosmopolitan than for the domestic and civic virtues4 ,he wishes to lay the foundations solidly and leave the building to others4 ,cosmopolitan morality can rarely be the foundation4 ,in the ,empire1 ,christianity may have raised the people1 and ,stoicism the philosophers1 to the wider morality without the training of the narrower1 so that the converts were made better members of their own small communities by becoming members of the commonwealth of the saints and citizens of the great world4 ,but it seems to ,malthus that1 in the world of to-day1 the many conditions of a steady moral progress are best secured if the domestic and civic virtues precede the cosmopolitan4 ,we must not legislate for a world of heroes1 but for men as we know them to be2 and a comfortable domestic life 7 7 must be the common highway to goodness in a society of ordinary men4 ,if poverty were no evil1 churlishness would be no vice4 ,but extreme poverty#idb is a real hindrance to goodness4 ,in the apparent exceptions1 as in the voluntary poverty of ,st4 ,francis1 the greatest evil is absent1 for there is no struggle for bare life4 ,to abolish that struggle1 and help men to comfort1 is in some degree to help men to goodness2 and it was the end for which ,malthus laboured4 ,the most sure and solid way of reaching it lay1 as he thought1 in impressing every man with a strong sense of his responsibility for his acts and of his power over his own destiny4 ,to reform a nation1 we must reform the members of it1 who1 if they are good at first in spite of their institutions1 will at last conform their institutions to the model of their own goodness4 ,to hold men the creatures of society1 and make society responsible for their character1 was1 he thought1 to mistake the order of nature4 ,society can feel its responsibility only in its individual members2 and no member of it can free his own soul by the purity of a collective or representative conscience4 ,the doctrine of ,malthus is1 therefore1 a strong appeal to personal responsibility4 ,he would make men strong in will1 to subdue their animal wants to their notion of personal good and personal goodness1 which1 he believed1 could never fail to develope into the common good and goodness of all4 ,believers in the omnipotence of outward circumstances and the powerlessness of the human will1 to alter them or the human character1 may put ,malthus beyond the pale of sympathy4 ,but all can enter into the mind of ,malthus and understand his work1 who know the hardness of the struggle between the flesh and the spirit1 and yet believe in the power of ideas to change the lives of men1 and have faith not only in the rigour of natural laws1 but in man's power to conquer nature by obeying her4 ,,book ,v4 ,,biography4 ,parentage--,early ,education--,graves and ,wakefield--,course at ,cambridge--,correspondence with his ,father--,change in ,studies--,the ,crisis and the ,curacy--,effect of the ,essay on its ,author--,early and ,late ,styles--,life from #agii to #ahcd--;,ingrata ,patria8--,east ,india ,college--,professor's ,lectures--,hic ,jacet4 ,the few facts that are known of the life of ,malthus bring us nearer to him than we can come in his writings1 and show us how well1 on the whole1 his antecedents and surroundings fitted him for his work4 ,our chief authorities are ,bishop ,otter's biographical preface to the second edition of our author's ,political ,economy1 which was posthumously published in #ahcf1 and ,professor ,empson's notice of the book in the ,edinburgh ,review for ,january #ahcg4idc ,otter was the college companion and life-long friend of ,malthus2 ,empson was his colleague at ,haileybury4 ,the information they give us1 though meagre1 is trustworthy2 and happily it can be supplemented by hints from other quarters4 ,his father1 ,daniel ,malthus1 was born in #agcj1 and went to ,queen's ,college1 ,oxford1 in #agdg1idd the year when ,adam ,smith went home from ,balliol to ,scotland4 ,he left without a degree1 not because of the ,articles1 for he subscribed them at matriculation1#ide or from ,dr4 ,johnson's reason of poverty1 for he was a gentleman commoner1 but probably from a contempt for the distinction itself4#idf ,his mind was active and open1 and he seems to have formed literary friendships that stood his son in good stead afterwards4 ,he liked to stay up in ,oxford in vacation1 working hard at his own studies in his own ways1 and seeing none but chosen friends4 ,he wrote to his son in later years1 8,i used to think ,oxford none the less pleasant and certainly not the less useful for being disburdened of some of its society2 ,i imagine you will say the same of ,cambridge40#idg ,on leaving the university he married and went to live in ,surrey at a quiet country house on the way from ,dorking to ,guildford1 still known by its old name of the ,rookery4 ,of his eldest son1 who took his grandfather's name of ,sydenham1#idh we know little except that in due time he married1 and had two sons1 ,sydenham and ,charles1 and a daughter ,mary4 ,mary died single in #ahha in her eighty-second year1 ,charles in #ahba in his fifteenth1 their father in #ahba in his sixty-eighth4 ,sydenham1 our author's nephew1 who died in #ahfi1 was proprietor of ,dalton ,hill1 ,albury1 where members of his family were1 till recently1 still living2 his son1 ,lieut4-,col4 ,sydenham ,malthus1 ,c4,b41 of the #idth ,regiment1 served with distinction in the ,zulu war a few years ago4 ,daniel's second son1 ,thomas ,robert1 familiarly known as ,robert1 was born at the ,rookery on #adth ,february1 #agff1 the year when ,rousseau came to ,england4 ,his mother seems to have died before her husband2 she is not mentioned in our meagre biographies4#idi ,his father1 full of the teaching of the mile1 and by no means prejudiced by his ,oxford experience in favour of the ordinary conventional training of the ,english youth1 seems to have sent his sons to no public school of any kind1 and in all probability brought them up at home under his own eye for the first eight or nine years of their life4 ,we may think of ,robert1 therefore1 as passing his childhood without privation1 if without luxury1 in the home of an ,english country gentleman of moderate fortune1 who was devoted to books and botany1 fireside and hillside philosophizing1#iej and the improvement of his house and grounds1--a man full of life and originality1 gifted with vigorous health1 and joining in his boys' walks and games4#iea ,in his quiet little valley it was easy for ,daniel ,malthus to picture to himself a ,millennial ,hall of the future in store for every one else1 on the type of his own ,rookery1 with no worse interruption than the rooks that cawed there nightly on the hill above him4 ,from his son's description#ieb and his own letters1 we gather that he was one of the best sort of the ,enlightened followers of ,nature4 ,he knew ,rousseau personally1 and became his executor2#iec but they were liker in views than in character2 ,daniel ,malthus had a deeper vein of reverence and a stronger inclination to put theory into practice4#ied ,the neighbours thought him an amiable and clever man who was an ornament to his parish1 but decidedly eccentric1 for he made few friends and was fondest of his own and his children's company4#iee ,he was versed beyond his compeers in ,french and ,german literature1 or he would hardly have been credited with having translated ,paul et ,virginie1 ,d',ermenonville's ,essay on ,landscape1 and the ,sorrows of ,werther4 ,we have ,robert's authority for saying that1 although he wrote no translations1 he wrote many pieces that were very successful1 but always anonymous4#ief ,with much of his son's talent1 he had no power1 like his son's1 of sustained intellectual effort4 ,he saw the boy's promise early1 and gave him an education which is condemned by ,robert's chief biographer as irregular and desultory1 but had a method in it4 ,he believed that sons are always what their fathers were at their age1 with the same kind of faults and virtues2 and the men whose influence would have been best for himself would1 he thought1 be the best teachers for ,robert4 ,at the same time he believed with the 8mile0 that a sort of laissez faire was the best policy in the education of children2 they should be left to grow1 and use their own eyes and hands and heads for themselves4 ,at the age of nine or ten1 say in the year #aggf1 ,robert was accordingly delivered over to ,mr4 ,richard ,graves1 ,rector of ,claverton1 near ,bath1 to be taught little but ,latin and good behaviour1 along with a few other boys1 most of them older than himself4 ,graves1 who was ,daniel's senior by some years1 had been intimate with the poet ,shenstone at ,pembroke ,college1 ,oxford1 8a society which for half a century0 7on ,johnson's partial testimony7 8was eminent for ,english poetry and elegant literature40 ,from his novel1 ,the ,spiritual ,quixote1 or the ,summer's ,ramble of ,mr4 ,geoffry ,wildgoose1#ieg we should not fancy him the best guide for ingenuous youth4 ,the book is a coarse and offensive satire on ,whitfield and ,wesley2#ieh and shows ,graves as a clergyman to be liker ,laurence ,sterne than ,dr4 ,primrose4 8,don ,roberto10 however1 as the tutor nicknamed his pupil1 was fonder of fun and fighting than of his books1 and at the ripe age of ten is not likely to have been troubled about the universe or about clerical consistency4 ,from ,graves he passed#iei into the hands of a much better man1 ,gilbert ,wakefield1 a clergyman who had rebelled against the ,articles1 turned dissenter1 and become classical master of an academy at ,warrington1 founded in #aggi 8to provide a course of liberal education for the sons of dissenters1 and particularly for dissenting ministers40#ifj ,about one-third of the boys at the ,warrington ,academy were sons of members of the ,church of ,england1 who were1 like ,daniel ,malthus1 liberal in their opinions1 and wished their sons to be likewise4 ,wakefield held decided views on education2 and they were in close accordance with ,daniel and the mile4 8,the greatest service of tuition10 he said1 8to any youth1 is to teach him the exercise of his own powers1 to conduct him to the hill of knowledge by that gradual process in which he sees and secures his own way1 and rejoices in a consciousness of his own faculties and his own proficiency4 ,puppies and sciolists alone can be expected to be formed by any other process40#ifa ,the tutor's best service is to point the pupil to the best authors and give him advice 7not lectures7 when he wants it4 ,there was self-denial as well as wisdom in ,wakefield's view1 for in one case at least the pupil showed his proficiency by departing from the opinions of his tutor4 ,wakefield1 himself a ,fellow of ,jesus1#ifb procured ,malthus an entrance to that college1 and directed his studies till he matriculated there as a pensioner 7or ordinary commoner7 on #agth ,december1 #aghd1 beginning residence in #aghe4ifc ,robert esteemed him highly4 ,he described him twenty years afterwards#ifd as a man 8of the strictest and most inflexible integrity10 who gave up not only prospects of preferment1 but even opportunities of usefulness1 rather than deny the truth and offend his conscience1--a man hot and intemperate in public controversy1#ife but modest and genial in society1 never advancing his opinions till challenged1 nor trying to make converts to them1 but urging others to an independent study of the facts1--finally1 a genius cramped by its own learning and good memory1 never taking time and pains to do itself justice in its writings4 ,though a foe to the thirty-nine ,articles1 ,wakefield was a stout believer in ,christianity1 and attacked ,paine's ,age of ,reason in a rough style that contrasts strongly with the sober remarks of ,malthus on ,paine's ,rights of ,man4 ,up to #aghe1 therefore1 his father and ,wakefield had the largest share in the education of ,malthus2 and their influence was shown in the very fact that the opinions of ,malthus were not fixed by them4 ,his opinions were to be of his own forming2 and1 having never learned the schoolboy's ambition of prize-taking1#iff he found time at college not only for what would give him the best degree1 but for every study that interested him1 especially history and poetry and modern languages1 as in his later years for ,italian literature4 ,frend1 author of a political tract1 ,peace and ,union1 which brought him the honour of prosecution1#ifg was his college tutor1 and spoke highly of him4#ifh ,it says much for his mathematical powers that in spite of his wide general reading he took the ninth place among the wranglers of his year1 #aghh4 ,if he had been confining himself1 as his father supposed1 to the beaten track1 he might1 like ,paley1 have reached the senior wranglership4#ifi ,after the ,tripos he proposed to study at ,cambridge and at home on a plan of his own4 ,his father1 on the false analogy of his own experience1 had warned him against the abstract studying of scientific and mathematical principles apart from their applications2 he must not 8work curious stitches on a piece of rag02 he must become a practical surveyor1 mechanic1 and navigator4 ,the son had answered that there would be ample time after the ,tripos to make the applications1 and there was little enough time in three years to study the principles4 ,but thereafter1 8if you will give me leave to proceed in my own plans of reading for the next two years 7,i speak with submission to your judgment71 ,i promise you at the expiration of that time to be a decent natural philosopher1 and not only to know a few principles1 but to be able to apply these principles in a variety of useful problems40#igj ,in reality1 so far from having his father's tendency to abstract speculation1 he was 7as he says himself7 rather 8remarked in college for talking of what actually exists in nature or may be put to real practical use40#iga ,though the son had the best of this personal controversy1 he would have done well to have responded to his father's letters in the spirit in which they were written2 in one instance at least1 his father complains that ,robert 8drove him back into himself40 ,but this was rare4 ,his father describes him as an admirable companion1 sympathetic and generous1 and making everybody easy and amused about him4#igb ,he was a favourite at home4 ,when the family was removing from the ,rookery at ,dorking to the ,cottage#igc at ,albury in #aghg1 he was told3 8,you must find your way to us over bricks and tiles and meet with five in a bed and some of us under hedges1 but everybody says they will make room for ,robert40 ,it was ,robert's own warm heart that led him to give those years of leisure after the ,tripos to studies very different from those of his first plan4 ,social problems were competing for his attention with scientific4 ,in #agig he took his ,master's degree4 ,in the same year he got a fellowship at his college2 wrote but1 on his father's advice1 did not print the ,crisis2#igd and took a curacy near ,albury4 ,if the ,crisis did nothing more1 it showed how the attention of the man was fixing itself on the subjects that engrossed him during life1 and how his character was changing from gay to grave4 ,it is difficult for a reader of the later ,essay or the ,political ,economy to conceive that the writer could ever have been very merry in heart or light in touch2 and there is a still wider distance between the pugnacious ,don ,roberto1 never long without a black eye1 and the grave gentle host of ,miss ,martineau at the ,east ,india ,college4 ,the change in style between his early writings and his later was due to a real change in character1 produced by the concentration of his thoughts on the problem of poverty4 ,the success of the first ,essay on ,population#ige fixed for him the work of his life4 ,he was to set one neglected truth clearly before the world2 and he devoted himself wholly to it1 pushing his inquiries not only by study of authorities and facts at home1#igf but by his own#igg and his friends'#igh travels1 and by conversation and correspondence with all that were likely to give him anything in conference4#igi ,he sacrificed to it1 fortunately or unfortunately1 his youthful buoyancy and freshness of style1 though in speculation his opinions passed from pessimism to a moderate optimism1 and he was never too old in spirit to unlearn a fault4 ,in his mature writings the composition is less faulty than the diction1 which is certainly too ,johnsonian4 ,the composition is a little bald and often diffuse2 but the meaning of each sentence is always clear1 and in economical writing that is the first of virtues4 ,in a work of imagination we may desire to have the greatest number of the greatest ideas put into each sentence2 but a scientific treatise is more often concerned with a single truth in its full development2 and the perpetual recurrence of the same phrases in different connections is unavoidable1 in proportion to the thoroughness of the discussion4 ,great variety of language would either imply in the writer or cause in the reader some confusion of thought4 ,it is not surprising1 then1 to find ,malthus saying substantially the same thing in nearly the same words1 whether he is presenting his views on ,population directly in a book on the subject1 or placing them in their economical context in a book on ,political ,economy1 or touching them incidentally in a ,corn ,law pamphlet or ,quarterly article1 or answering questions about them before a ,commons ,committee4 ,his abundant metaphors in the first essay#ihj had simply led to misunderstanding2 and he deliberately renounced fine writing for high thinking1 present popularity for permanent usefulness4#iha ,the first essay was the turning-point in his literary life4 ,except the pamphlets on ,haileybury ,college1 all his later writings are economical4 ,his personal history1 being uneventful1 was1 like a time of dull annals1 presumably happy4 ,the fine portrait of him by ,linnell1#ihb taken in his old age1 gives a pleasing impression1 not only of mildness and firmness1 but of serene contentment1 without any trace of physical suffering or physical defect1 though it is certain he had the latter4#ihc ,in person he was tall and 8elegantly formed40#ihd #agii is the year of his first ,continental journey4#ihe ,in ,january #ahjj his father died1 at the age of seventy4 ,in the same year appeared the tract on ,the ,high ,price of ,provisions4 ,in #ahjb ,malthus was again on the ,continent4#ihf ,in ,june #ahjc he published the second 7or quarto7 essay1 which seems1 from a passage in ,edward ,clarke's ,travels1 to have been long expected by his friends4 8,i am sorry10 writes ,clarke to him from ,constantinople on #afth ,march1 #ahjb1 8to find you confess your breach of duty in not having written a book4 ,but you have been engaged in the press1 because ,i heard at the ,palace that you had published a new edition of your ,population1 and1 moreover1 ,i was there assured so long ago as last year that you had written a work on the ,scarcity of ,corn4 ,how does this accord with your declaration8 ,perhaps it is a pamphlet1 and therefore strictly not #8a book4'0#ihg ,it is not impossible that ,clarke had heard this rumour from ,lord ,elgin1 and ,lord ,elgin from ,pitt himself1 for ,pitt had visited ,cambridge on the eve of the dissolution following the ,peace of ,amiens4 ,on the #afth 7,december #ahja7 he was present at the ,commemoration dinner in ,trinity ,college ,hall4#ihh ,the visit is described by ,otter3#ihi 8,it happened that ,mr4 ,pitt was at this time upon a sort of canvassing visit at the university4444 ,at a supper at ,jesus ,lodge in the company of some young travellers1 particularly ,mr4 ,malthus1 c41 he was induced to unbend in a very easy conversation respecting ,sir ,sidney ,smith1 the massacre at ,jaffa1 the ,pacha of ,acre1 ,clarke1 ,carlisle1#iij c40 ,though the talk was largely on poetry and foreign politics1 it may easily have embraced economics2 and the personal meeting may have helped to gain ,malthus his appointment as ,professor of ,history and ,political ,economy at ,haileybury ,college4 ,with or without ,pitt1 the appointment was made in #ahje2 and in view of it ,malthus was able to carry out1 on #acth ,march #ahjd1 his marriage with ,harriet ,eckersall 7daughter of ,john ,eckersall of ,claverton ,house1 ,st4 ,catherine's1 near ,bath71 to whom he had probably been for some years engaged4#iia ,in #ahjf he published the third edition of the essay 7in two volumes71 in #ahjg the fourth edition1 and also the letter to ,samuel ,whitbread on his ,bill for amending the ,poor ,laws4 ,if it is true that he visited ,owen at ,new ,lanark1 it must have been in the course of the next seven years4#iib ,there is nothing signed from his pen in that time but a letter to ,lord ,grenville in defence of the ,east ,india ,college2#iic but in #ahad and #ahae he wrote the ,observations on the ,corn ,laws1 the ,grounds of an ,opinion on the ,policy of restricting ,importation1 and ,the ,nature and ,progress of ,rent4 ,in #ahjg he had been with ,horner in ,wales1 impressing ,horner1 as they went together from ,raglan to ,abergavenny1 with his idea that the people should 8live dear02#iid and in #ahag he visited ,kerry and ,westmeath4 ,in the same year1 #ahag1 he published the fifth edition of his essay4 #ahah would be memorable to him as the year when ,mackintosh joined him at ,haileybury as ,professor of ,general ,polity and ,law in succession to ,mr4 ,christian4 ,in #ahai ,malthus appears as ,fellow of the ,royal ,society1 though the honour did not tempt him back into physical science4#iie ,in #ahbj appeared the first edition of the ,political ,economy4 ,in #ahba1 ,thomas ,tooke1 the author of ,high and ,low ,prices1 founded the ,political ,economy ,club1 ,james ,mill drafting the rules4 ,malthus1 ,grote1 and ,ricardo were among its members2 and the survivors are said to remember well the 8crushing criticisms0 by ,james ,mill of ,malthus' speeches4#iif #ahbc is the year of the tract on the ,measure of ,value and the ,quarterly article on ,tooke2 #ahbd of the paper on ,population in the ,supplement to the ,encyclopdia ,britannica1 and the article on the ,new ,political ,economy in the ,quarterly ,review4#iig ,in #ahbe he lost a daughter1 and went for his own and his wife's health to the ,continent4 ,in that year he contributed his first paper to the ,royal ,society of ,literature1 of which he had been made an ,associate two years before2 and that year saw ,empson take the place of ,mackintosh at ,haileybury4 ,in #ahbf was published the sixth edition of the essay1 the last published in his lifetime4 ,in #ahbg we find him before the ,emigration ,committee1 and we have from his pen the ,definitions in ,political ,economy1 and the second paper contributed to the ,royal ,society of ,literature4 ,in #ahbi letters passed between him and ,w4 ,nassau ,senior1 which were appended by the latter to his ,lectures on ,population4 ,in #ahcj he wrote the ,summary ,view1 which involved no new effort4 ,indeed his whole time seems to have been spent in revising his ,political ,economy in the light of his public and private discussions with ,ricardo1 though he did not live to print the new edition himself4 ,shortly before his death he said to some one who rebuked him for his delay3 8,my views are before the public4 ,if ,i am to alter anything1 ,i can do little more than alter the language1 and ,i don't know if ,i should alter it for the better0 7,empson1 l4 c4 p4 #dgb74 ,he was one of the first ,fellows of the ,statistical ,society1 founded in ,march #ahcd1 and its first ,annual ,report contains a high eulogy on him and his work2 but he did not live to take much share in its proceedings4 ,he died suddenly of heart disease on ,monday1 #bith ,december1 #ahcd1 on a visit to ,mr4 ,eckersall at ,st4 ,catherine's1 where he was spending ,christmas with his wife and family4 ,he is buried in the ,abbey ,church at ,bath1 in the north aisle of the nave4 ,of his three children1 two survived him1 of whom one1 a daughter1 is still living4#iih ,brougham1 in a letter to ,macvey ,napier 7#cast ,jan41 #ahcg71 denies the truth of an assertion of ,empson's1 that ,lords ,lansdowne and ,holland tried to get preferment for ,malthus1 but failed2 on the contrary1 he had himself1 he says1 offered ,malthus a living1 but ,malthus had declined it in favour of his son1 ,henry1#iii 8who got it1 and ,i believe now has it40 ,henry1 however1 did not become vicar of ,effingham 7near ,leatherhead in ,surrey7 till #ahce1 the year after his father's death1--or of ,donnington 7near ,chichester in ,sussex7 till #ahcg1 the year when ,brougham was writing4 ,the second appointment may have been due to ,empson's reproach or ,otter's influence4 ,henry died in ,august #ahhb at the age of seventy-six4 ,since1 between the two parishes1 he kept as many as four curates at a time1 the combined salaries of the two1 amounting to #fgb1 seem a small income4#ajjj ,his father himself told ,gallois1 the ,french publicist1 in #ahbj1 that all his works till then had not brought him above #ajjj4 ,gallois1 repeating this to the poet ,moore1 slily remarked that in ,england poetry seemed to be better paid than useful learning4#ajja ,there is no reason for the belief that ,malthus was made rich by the second essay1#ajjb or indeed by anything else4 ,he did not go the right way to be rich4 ,he could no doubt have got ,church preferment if he had pursued it like ,paley4 ,at the end of his days1 even if he had desired it1 he was too mild a partisan to be a grata persona to the ,whigs in office2 he had acquiesced in the ,reform of #ahcb1 but without enthusiasm1#ajjc having a livelier interest in social than in political changes4 ,but the world after all used him kindly4 ,of worldly comfort1 after #ahje1 he had enough2 and he was fully satisfied1 as he had reason to be1 with his lot in the ,east ,india ,college4 ,it gave him nearly thirty years of the leisure which ,godwin had justly counted the true riches of life4 ,the position had its cares1 for the college was an educational experiment4 ,governor-,general ,wellesley#ajjd had proposed to found a college at ,fort ,william1 ,calcutta1 for the general education of the civil servants of the ,company as well as their special instruction in ,oriental languages4 ,he pointed out that their functions1 judicial1 administrative1 diplomatic1 were now totally unlike their names of writer1 factor1 and merchant1 and they needed something higher than the commercial training which was all that was then required of them4 ,the ,directors of the ,east ,india ,company carried out his wishes so far as to allow ,fort ,william ,college to do the advanced training in languages2 but they thought that the general education should be given before the cadets left ,england1 and at the end of #ahje they passed a scheme for establishing for that purpose a college at ,haileybury1 near ,hertford4 ,on their nomination1 instead of going out at once to ,india1 the future civil servants of ,india were to spend two or three years at ,haileybury1 and to receive first a ,general education on the lines of ,oxford and ,cambridge1 and second a ,special education to prepare them for their duties in their province4#ajje ,the ,professor of 8,history and ,political ,economy0 and the ,professor of 8,general ,polity and the ,laws of ,england0 were regarded as giving both the general and the special kinds of training4 8,as the study of law and political economy0 7so runs the scheme7 8is to form an essential part in the general system of education1 it will be required that1 in the lectures upon these subjects1 particular attention be given to the explanation of the political and commercial relations subsisting between ,india and ,great ,britain40#ajjf ,the two professors were required to give 87#a7 a course of lectures on general history and on the history and statistics of the modern nations of ,europe1 7#b7 a course of lectures on political economy1 7#c7 a course of lectures on general polity1 on the laws of ,england and principles of the ,british ,constitution40#ajjg ,the other subjects were ,classics1 ,oriental ,languages1 ,mathematics1 and ,natural ,philosophy4 ,the college course lasted1 as a rule1 two years1 each year consisting of two terms of about five months each 7,feb4 to ,june1 ,aug4 to ,dec472 and there were periodical examinations1 honour lists1 and prizes4 ,the ages of the pupils ranged from as low as fifteen to as high as twenty-two1 and about forty joined every year4 ,malthus would seldom have a class beyond twelve or fourteen1 all in the later year of their course4#ajjh ,the general discipline of the classes and the surveillance or want of surveillance of the pupils in their private rooms were rather on the model of an unreformed ,oxford college than of a public school4#ajji ,sense of personal responsibility and habits of self-government were to take the place of the schoolboy's fear of punishment4 ,unhappily1 before learning the new motives1 the boys too often abused the absence of the old4#ajaj ,about half of the professors were in holy orders and did duty in the college chapel4 ,if ,malthus took his turn with the rest1 we need not suppose with his clerical biographer that he magnified the office4 ,his sermons would always be earnest2 they might often perhaps be too long4 ,his week-day lectures1 unless he made them liker the first essay with its fine writing than the later books with their plain unvarnished arguments1 could not have been very fascinating to immature youths1 especially as the lecturer had a slight defect in utterance4#ajaa ,eight years of teaching convinced him that ,political ,economy was not1 as he once thought1 too hard for boys of sixteen or seventeen2--8they could not only understand it10 he said1 8but they did not even think it dull40#ajab ,we may hope it was so2 but in view of the whole case1 it is probable that our author's labours1 in the classroom and out of it1 were far from light1 and that the pleasantness of the life was purchased with a large share of discomfort4 ,the physical surroundings were all that could be desired4 8,we are so rural and quiet here1 that there can be no greater contrast to ,london4 ,this house is in a cluster of tall shrubs and young trees1 with a little bit of smooth lawn sloping to a bright pond1 in which old weeping willows are dipping their hair1 and rows of young pear trees admiring their blooming faces4 ,indeed1 there never was such a flash of shadowing high-hanging flowers as we have around us2 and almost all1 as it happens1 of that pure1 silvery1 snowy1 bridal tint2 and we live1 like ,campbell's sweet ,gertrude1 #8as if beneath a galaxy of overhanging sweets1 with blossoms white4' ,there are young horse-chestnuts with flowers half a yard long1 fresh1 full-clustered white lilacs1 tall ,guelder roses1 broadspreading pear and cherry trees1 low thickets of blooming sloe1 and crowds of juicy-looking detached thorns1 quite covered with their fragrant ,may-flowers1 half open1 like ivory filigree1 and half shut like ,indian pearls1 and all so fresh and dewy since the milky showers of yesterday2 and resounding with nightingales1 and thrushes1 and skylarks1 shrilling high up1 overhead1 among the dazzling slow-sailing clouds4 ,not to be named1 ,i know and feel as much as you can do1 with your ,trossachs1 and ,loch ,lomonds1 and ,inverarys2 but very sweet1 and vernal1 and soothing1 and fit enough to efface all recollections of hot1 swarming1 whirling1 and bustling ,london from all good minds40#ajac ,equally pleasant is a glimpse of the daily life at ,haileybury1 given by ,miss ,martineau1 who saw it in #ahcc4 ,malthus considered her one of his best expositors2--8whereas his friends had done him all manner of mischief by defending him injudiciously1 my tales had represented his views precisely as he could have wished20--and he was at the pains to seek her out in ,london and bring her down to the college4#ajad 8,it was a delightful visit1 and the well-planted county of ,herts was a welcome change from the pavement of ,london in ,august4444 ,my room was a large and airy one1 with a bay window and a charming view40#ajae ,she found desk1 books1 and everything needed for her work4 ,her entertainers had guessed from her books that she must be1 like ,malthus himself1#ajaf fond of riding2 and she found her riding-habit and whip ready4 ,exploring the green lanes round ,amwell1 ,ware1 and ,hertford1 on horseback1 in parties of five or six1 seems to have been the chief amusement4 8,the subdued jests and external homage and occasional insurrections of the young men1 the archery of the young ladies1 the curious politeness of the ,persian professor ,ibrahim1 the fine learning and eager scholarship of ,principal#ajag ,le ,bas1 and the somewhat old-fashioned courtesies of the summer evening parties are all over now1 except as pleasant pictures in the interior gallery of those who knew the place1 of whom ,i am thankful to have been one40 ,when she again visited ,haileybury1 ,malthus was gone2 ,professor ,jones was in his chair1 and ,empson in his house1 probably one of the most comfortable in a building which1 if smaller1 was much more picturesque than the present school4#ajah ,the 8occasional insurrections of the young men0 were a feature of the college from the beginning4 ,sydney ,smith writes to ,lord ,holland in ,june #ahaj1 when there was talk of making ,mackintosh professor at ,haileybury3 8,the season for lapidating the professors is now at hand2 keep ,mackintosh quiet at ,holland ,house till all is over20#ajai and to ,whishaw in ,january #ahah1 when the appointment had been made3 8,his situation at ,hertford will suit him very well1 peltings and contusions always excepted4 ,he should stipulate for #8pebble money1' as it is technically termed1 or an annual pension in case he is disabled by the pelting of the students4 ,by the bye1 might it not be advisable for the professors to learn the use of the sling 7balearia habena78 ,it would give them a great advantage over the students40#ajbj ,the lapidations were probably no worse than similar scenes at our ,english and ,scotch ,universities that have not yet destroyed the credit of these institutions4 ,but the opponents of the college complained of much more than the insubordination of the students4 ,lord ,grenville had made an attack on it 7in ,april #ahac71 on the ground that it separated the future ,civil servants from the ordinary life of ,englishmen1 and prevented them from becoming imbued with 8,english manners1 ,english attachments1 ,english principles1 and ,i am not ashamed to say ,english prejudices40#ajba ,malthus1 who had gone up to ,london to hear ,grenville's speech in the ,house of ,lords1 became champion of the college1 and had no difficulty in meeting this assault4 ,the defence of the professors1 as set forth by him in #ahag1ajbb was that the plan of the college was good in theory and had proved good in practice4 ,the insubordination was due to the dependence of the professorial staff upon the ,company's ,directors1 who had 7till then7 withheld from the teachers their best means of discipline1 the power of expulsion4 ,the students were as little likely as army or navy cadets to become un-,english2 and they were much less likely to form a caste at ,haileybury than if they had been sent to an ,indian college4 ,the details of this extinct controversy need not detain us4 ,it is enough to say that ,malthus discharged his part with great vigour and something of his early vivacity4 ,at the best1 it must be confessed1 the college was a compromise2 and the unavoidable difficulties of the situation were quite enough to try the mettle of the teachers4 ,the cadets of the first year might be fifteen or they might be eighteen1 and there was no natural aristocracy of senior boys to check the juniors4 ,those of the younger age were physically and mentally more like schoolboys than undergraduates1 and unfit1 as yet1 for the quasi-independent life of the latter4 ,many were unwilling to go to ,india at all1 and it was their parents or guardians who really feared the expulsion of incorrigibles4 ,but it was better that the unfit should be rejected in ,england1 where they could find other openings1 than in ,india1 where they could find none2 and it was better their training should be carried on where the climate1 the expense1 and the moral1 social1 and intellectual advantages were in keeping with their age and their state of pupilage4 8,little other change is wanting10 in the system as it then was1 8than that an appointment should be considered in spirit and in truth1 not in mere words1 as a prize to be contended for1 not a property already possessed1#ajbc which may be lost4 ,if the ,directors were to appoint one-fifth every year beyond the number finally to go out1 and the four-fifths were to be the beat of the whole body1 the appointments would then really be prizes to be contended for1 and the effects would be admirable4 ,each appointment to the college would then be of less value2 but they would be more in number1 and the patronage would hardly suffer4 ,a ,director could not then1 indeed1 be able to send out an unqualified son4 ,but is it fitting that he should8 ,this is a fair question for the consideration of the ,legislature and the ,british public40#ajbd ,in these matters1 at least1 ,malthus was no reactionary4 ,in spite of ,joseph ,hume and its other enemies1 the college lived out its half-century1 and does not die out1 on the pages of the ,india ,register1 till the death of the ,company in #aheh4 ,its monopoly was gone some time before then4 ,an ,act of #ahbg provided1 theoretically1 for the examination and appointment of ,india ,civil servants who had not studied at ,hertford ,college4 ,in #ahcc provision was made for the limited competition which ,malthus had recommended4#ajbe ,in #ahee came the end4 ,the ,company was 8relieved of the obligation to keep up the college20 the reign of open competition1 ushered in by ,macaulay's ,report 7,nov4 #ahed71 brought a new order of things2 and the college was only continued till those who had joined it at the time of the change had been able to finish their course4#ajbf ,there are numbers of old officials1 like ,sir ,william ,muir1 who still hold it in affectionate remembrance2#ajbg but except in their memory it exists no more4 ,the work of ,malthus was less in the ,east ,india ,college than in his writings4 ,but his connection with the college was perhaps the most important of the external facts of his life2 and it has helped to preserve a record of scenes and incidents which reveal the character more clearly than all the adjectives of panegyrists4 ,otter1 ,empson1 ,miss ,martineau1 ,sydney ,smith1#ajbh and ,horner1#ajbi may supply the panegyrics2 and the eulogy of ,mackintosh is remarkable3 8,i have known ,adam ,smith slightly1 ,ricardo well1 ,malthus intimately4 ,is it not something to say for a science that its three great masters were about the three best men ,i ever knew80#ajcj ,his epitaph in ,bath ,abbey1 probably from the pen of ,otter1 is given on the following page4 ,,sacred ,,to ,,the ,,memory of ,the ,rev4 ,thomas ,robert ,malthus1 ,,long ,,known ,,to ,,the ,,lettered ,,world ,,by ,,his ,,admirable ,,writings ,,on ,,the ,,social ,,branches ,,of ,,political ,,economy1 ,,particularly ,,by ,,his 8,,essay ,,on ,,population40 ,,one ,,of ,,the ,,best ,,men ,,and ,,truest ,,philosophers ,,of ,,any ,,age ,,or ,,country1 ,,raised ,,by ,,native ,,dignity ,,of ,,mind ,,above ,,the ,,misrepresentations ,,of ,,the ,,ignorant ,,and ,,the ,,neglect ,,of ,,the ,,great1 ,,he ,,lived ,a ,,serene ,,and ,,happy ,,life1 ,,devoted ,,to ,,the ,,pursuit ,,and ,,communication ,,of ,,truth1 ,,supported ,,by ,a ,,calm ,,but ,,firm ,,conviction ,,of ,,the ,,usefulness ,,of ,,his ,,labours1 ,,content ,,with ,,the ,,approbation ,,of ,,the ,,wise ,,and ,,good4 ,,his ,,writings ,,will ,,be ,a ,,lasting ,,monument ,,of ,,the ,,extent ,,and ,,correctness ,,of ,,his ,,understanding4 ,,the ,,spotless ,,integrity ,,of ,,his ,,principles1 ,,the ,,equity ,,and ,,candour ,,of ,,his ,,nature1 ,,his ,,sweetness ,,of ,,temper1 ,,urbanity ,,of ,,manners1 ,,and ,,tenderness ,,of ,,heart1 ,,his ,,benevolence ,,and ,,his ,,piety1 ,,are ,,the ,,still ,,dearer ,,recollections ,,of ,,his ,,family ,,and ,,friends4 ,born ,feb4 #ad1 #agff4 ,died ,dec4 #bi1 #ahcd4 ,,index4 ,abbot1 ,chas41 mover of ,enumeration ,bill1 #agc1 #agh ,africa1 #aje1 #aaa ,america1 ,north1 #ag1 #bh1 #fi seq42 ,indians1 #hi seq41 #aje1 #aaa1 #adc1 #afg1 #agd1 c42 cf4 #cfi1 #cgj 7,american increase7 ,america1 ,south1 #hh ,anderson1 ,adam1 #agc1 #agd ,anderson1 ,jas41 #bba1 #cgg ,arabs1 #aji1 #aaj ,aristotle1 #aac1 #baa1 #bad1 #cai1 #cef1 #chd ,bacon1 ,francis1 #bb1 #dg1 #ff1 #abd1 #cif ,bagehot1 ,walter1 #bbg1 #chc ,ball1 ,john1 #che ,bamford1 ,sam41 #bih ,bentham1 ,jeremy1 #dc1 #dd1 #cbc1 #cbe1 #cca ,berkeley1 ,bishop1 #bja ,bert1 ,paul1 #cga ,births1 no criterion of numbers1 #adi2 or of increase1 #agi2 cf4 #afa ,board of ,agriculture1 #agf1 #ahf1 #baf-bah ,booth1 ,david1 #cfb1 #cga ,bosanquet1 ,chas41 #bia ,bounties1 #ca1 #bag1 #bbj1 c4 ,brassey1 ,thos41 #beg ,brougham1 ,h41 #bbh1 #dae ,brown1 ,dr4 ,j41 #8,estimate1' #agc ,bruckner1 ,dr4 ,john1 of ,norwich1 #h ,buckle1 ,h4 ,t41 #bb1 #cc ,bullion ,committee1 #bhe seq4 ,caird1 ,jas41 #fi1 #ge1 #gf1 #bde ,cairnes1 ,j4 ,e41 #ach1 #bde1 #bfa ,cannibalism1 #id ,carey1 ,h4 ,c41 #fe1 #fh1 #gj1 #bci1 #cie ,census1 ,swedish1 #acb2 ,english1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 vii4 ,chalmers1 ,geo41 #agd ,chalmers1 ,dr4 ,thos41 #caf1 #dji ,chartism1 #bih ,checks on population1 classified1 #eb1 #ha1 passim ,b4 ,i4 and ,b4 ,,iv4 ,china1 #aab1 #aac ,clarke1 ,edw41 #dh1 #abg1 ,b4 ,v4 passim ,cobbett1 ,wm41 #f and note1 #bhg1 #bij1 #bih1 #cch1 #cfc1 #cie ,cobden1 ,r41 #bbe1 #bhg1 #cec2 cf4 #ee ,coleridge1 ,s4 ,t41 the ,poet1 #bb1 #dh1 #ie1 #aaa1 #cga seq42 the ,,ms4 notes genuine8 #cgd2 cf4 #dh1 #cgg ,comte1 ,auguste1 #bj1 #cdd2 cf4 #bac ,comte1 ,charles1 #dac1 #daf ,condorcet1 ,marquis de1 #aa1 #bb-bd1 #cj1 #ca1 #cge1 c4 ,conversion of the world1 the postulate of ,socialism as of ,christianity1 #cib ,cook1 ,captain1 passim ,b4 ,i4 ch4 iv4 ,co-operation1 #bcb1 #cjj1 #ceb1 #cib ,copleston1 ,dr4 ,e41 #cfc ,corn ,laws1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 i42 corn as measure of value1 #bbd1 #bee-f ,corn ,law ,catechism1 #bbg1 #cjh ,cosmology of ,malthus1 #cd seq4 ,cosmopolitanism1 #cdg1 #cef1 #cif2 cf4 #cbh ,cripps1 #abg ,critics of ,malthus1 ,i1 #de1 ,b4 ,,iv4 passim ,currency1 #bbf-g1 and ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii4 ,cycle1 #hc1 #hd1 #adg ,darwin1 ,chas41 #bd1 #df1 #cfc ,decreasing returns1 law of1 #bcd seq42 cf4 #cg1 #gd1 #gh #8,definitions in ,pol4 ,econ41' #baa1 #bfe1 and generally ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 ii4 ,dependence on the foreigner1 #bag1 #bbe1 #bcc2 dependent poverty1 #caj ,depopulation controversy1 #agc seq4 ,depreciation of currency1 #bhe1 and generally ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii42 cf4 #bbg1 #bdh-i ,distribution1 when keeping pace with production1 #aff ,doubleday1 ,thos41 #cif ,dyer1 ,t4 ,h41 #cci ,eckersall1 ,harriet 7,mrs4 ,malthus71 #dab2 cf4 #cbb ,economists1 #dg1 #bdg1 #bdh1 #bgf ,economy1 political1 its method1 c41 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 i42 ,club first founded1 #bfc1 #dac2 place among the studies of youth1 #dai ,eden1 ,sir ,fred41 #8the ,state of the ,poor' 7#agig71 #bdh1 #caj1 c4 #8,edinburgh ,review1' notice of ,malthus1 #dc2 connection with ,malthus1 #cc1 #cbi1 #cfd1 #cga1 #dab2 but see #8,malthus1 ,t4 ,r4'2 notice of ,godwin1 #ab1 #cfh1 #cga ,education1 #ef1 #gg1 #bge1 #bih1 #cja1 #cdj1 #cda2 cf4 #djc1 #djd1 #dai1 #dbj ,egypt1 #aaa ,emigration1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 v42 ,commons ,committee1 l4 c4 and #aie seq41 #bdj1 #cgg ,empson1 ,wm41 #dc1 #bac n42 his classification of critics1 #cgg1 #cid2 life of ,malthus1 #cii ,enclosures1 #agf1 #bae1 #bag #8,encyclopdia ,britannica1' article of ,malthus in ,supplement1 #gj seq4 ,england1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 vii4 ,essay on ,population1 editions1 #b2 origin1 #e1 #cb1 c42 ,b4 ,i4 passim1 ,b4 ,,iv4 passim ,ethics of ,malthus1 ,b4 ,,iii4 ,euler1 #fi1 #cfi ,factory ,acts1 #cja1 #cdc1 #cde ,fawcett1 ,mrs41 #bdj ,fawcett1 ,prof41 #bgc ,ferguson1 ,adam1 #big ,fifth ,monarchy ,men1 #che ,finland1 #dh1 #abg ,foundling ,hospitals1 #acd1 #ace2 cf4 #dji ,fox1 ,ch4 ,j41 #bi1 #ca1 #cch ,fox1 ,henry1 #agc ,france1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 vi4 ,franklin1 ,benj41 #aj1 #ad1 #fc1 #cfi ,frend1 tutor of ,malthus1 #djf ,fyffe1 ,c4 ,a41 #afa ,gallois1 #daf ,garnier1 his article on ,malthus in #8,dict4 de l'con4 ,pol41' #bad1 #daj1 #dae ,george1 ,henry1 #ch1 #dj2 cf4 #bcf1 #chb2 on population1 #che-chh ,george ,,iii41 #bi1 #cbd ,germany1 #abf1 #ahc ,gibbon1 ,edw41 #ba n41 #ajg1 #ajh1 #djj ,giffen1 ,r41 #gb n41 #gh n4 ,gilbert's ,act1 #bg ,glut1 or over-production1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii4 ,godwin1 ,wm41 #g2 ,pol4 ,justice1 #i-aa1 c42 cf4 #cee1 #cga2 ,enquirer1 #ac1 #ad2 cf4 #cee-cga2 ,caleb ,williams1 #aj2 ,memoir of ,mary ,wollstonecraft1 #ba2 ,st4 ,leon1 #ba1 #bb1 #ca2 ,parr's ,sermon1 #dc n41 #de1 #ceh2 ,population1 #dc1 #hg1 #cfd seq42 character1 #eh2 in hands of #8,edinburgh ,review1' #ab1 #cfh1 #cga ,government1 influence on population1 #aab1 c42 due to our wickedness8 #i2 acting from passion1 #bbe2 ,whig1 as patrons1 #dae1 #daf ,grahame1 ,jas41 #cgf seq4 ,graves1 ,rich41 tutor of ,malthus1 #djd seq4 ,green1 ,t4 ,h41 #ced ,greg1 ,w4 ,r41 #da1 #cid ,grote1 ,george1 #dac ,haileybury ,college1 ,malthus' lectures in1 #bad1 #bbb1 #bbi1 #daf seq42 raison d'tre and death1 #dae seq42 physical surroundings1 #dbj ,hallam1 ,h41 #he1 #cfc ,hazlitt1 ,w41 #he1 #cbi1 #cgb1 #chf1 #cid ,held1 ,adolf1 #da1 #cbe1 #cca1 #chb ,highlands1 #aej1 #ahg-aij #8,high ,price of ,provisions1' #dc1 #di1 #bae1 #cjg1 #djh1 #daa #8,high ,price of ,gold ,bullion1' #bhe ,history1 needs to be rewritten1 #hc2 of ,english commerce1 #be1 #bhb1 #bhc1 #bih2 ,corn ,laws1 #bai2 currency1 #bhf-bij ,holcroft1 friend of ,godwin1 #bb ,holland1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 v4 ,holyoake1 ,g4 ,j41 #dab ,horner1 ,francis1 ,b4 ,v4 passim2 cf4 #bhe1 #cdj1 c4 ,hume1 ,david1 #ca1 #cb1 #ii1 #aae n41 #aaf1 #ace1 #agc1 c41 c4 ,hume1 ,joseph1 #dbe ,huntingford1 ,bishop1 #cgg ,india1 child-murder1 #aag2 cf4 #aae ,india ,civil ,servants1 #dag seq4 ,ingram1 ,disquisitions on ,population1 #cbi ,ireland1 #adf1 #agb1 and ,b4 ,i4 ch4 vii4 d',ivernois1 ,sir ,f41 #aed1 #afc ,jeffrey1 ,francis1 #cbi2 description of ,haileybury1 #dah ,kant1 ,e41 #cji1 #cba1 #cbc ,kautsky1 ,karl1 #daf ,labour1 as the measure of value1 and as earning wages1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 ii4 ,land and its rent1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 ,lassalle1 #bfh ,lecky1 ,w4 ,e4 ,h41 #bf1 #agg1 #bjb ,leslie1 ,cliffe1 #ach1 #afe1 #baj1 #beb ,levasseur1 ,e41 #afd seq4 ,levellers1 #che ,locke1 ,j41 #ac ,luddites1 #bij ,luxuries1 #bae1 #bbe1 #bie4 ,see ,standard of living4 ,lyell1 ,sir ,chas41 #df ,macaulay1 ,t4 ,b41 #bgb1 #ccf2 review of ,sadler1 #cgg1 #daj1 #dbe ,mac,culloch1 ,j4 ,r41 #cc1 #dj1 #afg1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 passim ,mackintosh1 ,sir ,jas41 ,b4 ,v4 passim2 cf4 #ccf ,macleod1 ,h4 ,d41 #bhg ,malthus1 ,daniel1 #g1 #cii seq42 cf4 #ace1 #cbd ,malthus1 ,henry1 #f1 #dae ,malthus1 ,t4 ,r41 his several works3 ,crisis1 #g1 #cj2 ,essay on ,population1 ,b4 ,i4 chs4 i4 ii and passim2 ,high ,price of ,provisions1 #dc1 #di1 #cjg1 c42 ,letter to ,whitbread1 #bae1 #cac2 ,article on ,newenham1 #ic1 #aie1 #bjb2 other articles in #8,edinburgh' and #8,quarterly1' #cc1 #bab1 #bga1 #bge1 #bhe and note1 #bhh1 #bij1 #cbi1 #cga2 ,observations on the ,corn ,laws1 #bbb1 #bbc2 ,grounds of an ,opinion1 #bbg2 ,nature and ,progress of ,rent1 #bbi2 ,political ,economy1 #baj-bad2 ,measure of ,value1 #bed2 ,definitions in ,political ,economy1 #baa1 #bfe2 article in ,encyclopdia ,britannica1 #ga2 ,papers read before ,royal ,society of ,literature1 #bfc2 ,evidence before ,emigration ,committee1 #add seq42 ,summary ,view1 #hj2 ,tracts on ,east ,india ,college1 #dbc2 correspondence with ,godwin1 ,senior1 ,napier1 ,ricardo1 ,clarke1 ,sinclair1 see under these names2 letter on ,wakefield1 #dje2 style1 #ej1 #bfe1 #cjd1 #djh1 #dji2 character1 #eg1 and ,b4 ,v4 passim ,man on the earth4 ,see ,cosmology and ,ethics ,manufacturer1 late and early sense1 #bf ,marat1 #djd ,marcet1 ,mrs41 #bgb ,martineau1 ,harriet1 #c1 #eg1 #eh1 #he1 #bhg1 #cbc1 and ,b4 ,v4 passim ,marx1 ,karl1 #hd1 #beg1 #bfh1 #chh seq4 ,mean1 golden1 #bbe and note1 #bie1 #cbj ,mercantile theory1 #dg ,middle classes1 #bbe ,mill1 ,jas41 #bjh1 #bji1 #bgc1 #bgf1 #bhj1 #bha1 #bic1 #dac1 #dad -- ,john1 #bji1 #bci1 #bdd1 #bga1 #bgc1 #bha ,millennium1 ,godwin's1 #af2 ,socialistic and ,christian1 #cib ,milne1 ,joshua1 #ga1 #gb ,minimum of wages1 #bag1 #bfh1 c42 of prices1 #bgi ,mivart1 ,st ,george1 #che ,montesquieu1 #cb1 #ajh1 #aji1 #ach1 c4 ,moore1 ,dr4 ,john1 #caa -- ,thomas1 #daf ,moral impossibility1 c41 #ec ,moral restraint1 #di-ec1 #aah1 #aai1 #chc1 c41 c4 -- ,philosophy of ,malthus1 ,b4 ,,iii4 ,moravians1 #chc #8,mordecai ,mullion1' #big ,more1 ,sir ,thos41 #aa n41 #bg1 #che ,muret1 #adh seq41 #agd1 #cgg ,napier1 ,macvey1 #f1 #dc1 #ga1 #cad1 #cih1 c4 ,nationality1 #cdf-g ,nationalization of land1 #bcf1 #chb1 #cib #8,nature' defined1 #ccg2 #8,nature's mighty feast1' #cje ,navigation ,act1 #bbh-i ,necessaries and luxuries1 #aag1 #aah1 #abb ,new and old ,malthusians1 #bd1 #cge2 cf4 #chd ,newenham1 reviewed by ,malthus1 #ic1 #aie #8,new ,school of ,political ,economy1' #bge seq4 ,norway1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 v4 ,ortes1 ,g4 ,m41 #cia ,otaheite1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 iv4 ,otter1 ,bishop1 #dh1 #abg1 ,b4 ,v4 passim ,over-population1 #aag1 #ade1 #afd1 c4 ,over-production1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii42 cf4 #eg1 #bae2 of food not possible1 #bcb1 #bid ,over-profits1 see under ,rent1 esp4 #bcj ,owen1 ,robert1 #aa n41 #bd1 #bfg1 #cja1 #cgg1 #chj1 #chb seq41 #dab ,paine1 ,thos41 #i1 #ccf1 #dje ,paley1 ,w41 #cd1 #ch and note1 #ci1 #dc1 #bfi1 ,b4 ,,iii4 passim1 c4 ,parr1 ,dr4 ,s41 #dc2 see ,godwin ,peace of ,paris1 #ce1 #bbj ,perfectibility of man1 #aa1 #bb2 see ,condorcet1 ,godwin ,petty1 ,w41 #fh1 #ahf1 #cfi ,pitcairn ,island1 #ajb ,pitt1 ,w41 ,b4 ,i4 chs4 i41 ii42 cf4 #bbg1 #cfc2 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iv4 c41 c4 ,plato1 #ff n41 #aja n41 #aac2 cf4 #che ,poland1 #bdi ,political justice4 ,see ,godwin ,politics of ,malthus2 see ,b4 ,,iii42 cf4 #aih1 #bbe1 #bih1 c4 ,poor ,bill of ,pitt1 #f1 #bi1 #dc ,poor ,laws1 ,english1 #f1 #bg1 #bi1 #bae1 #ace1 c41 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iv4 -- ,foreign1 #cac ,population1 ,b4 ,i4 passim1 ,b4 ,,iv4 passim2 cf4 esp4 #bab ,populousness of ancient nations1 #ca1 #cb1 #aac-aag ,postulates of #ast ,essay1 #af1 #dg2 cf4 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 ii41 ,theses ,potatoes1 #aid-aih1 #bjc1 #bjd1 #bag1 #chj ,price1 ,dr4 ,r41 #ca1 #cb1 #ci1 #agd1 but esp4 #age1 #agf2 cf4 #cgg ,production in relation to distribution1 #aff1 and passim2 in relation to consumption1 #bif ,productive labour1 #bab ,property1 private1 #gf1 #bcf2 cf4 #ah ,prosperity1 criterion of national1 #abc ,protection1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 ,prussia1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 v4 #8,quarterly ,review1' articles of ,malthus in1 #bab1 #bhe seq4 -- attitude to ,malthus1 #cfc-d #8,querist1' ,berkeley's4 ,see ,wall of ,brass de ,quincey1 #bff1 #big1 #cfc ,ratio1 geometrical and arithmetical1 #ag1 #ff1 and generally ,b4 ,i4 ch4 iii42 ,b4 ,,iv4 esp4 #cfi ,raynal1 ,abb1 #bf1 #bh1 #ig1 #ccf1 #ccg ,revolution1 ,industrial1 in ,england1 #be1 #bhb -- in ,france1 #g1 #aa1 #bg1 #aed seq41 #ccf1 c4 ,ricardo1 ,d41 #eg1 ,b4 ,,ii4 passim2 letters to ,malthus1 #bac1 #bfe note1 #dad2 ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,taxation1 #bji2 ,high ,price of ,bullion1 #bhe2 ,low ,price of ,corn1 #bch2 contrasted with ,malthus1 #bfe-f ,rickman1 ,j41 #agi seq41 #cch ,rogers1 ,prof4 ,thorold1 #cg1 #if1 #acf1 #bch1 #bdj1 #bfi1 c4 ,rome1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 iv4 ,roscher1 ,w41 #baj1 #bfg ,rousseau1 ,j4 ,j41 #g1 #bg1 #ace1 #dja ,russia1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 v4 ,sadler1 ,mich41 #cgg seq4 ,sargant1 ,w4 ,l41 #dab ,say1 ,j4 ,b41 #eg1 #bjh1 #bib seq4 ,scotland1 ,b4 ,i41 ch4 vii4 ,scrope1 ,g4 ,poulett1 #cgg ,senior1 ,w4 ,n41 #c1 #d1 #dg1 #bji1 #dad ,short1 #cfi ,simonin1 #cgf ,sinclair1 ,sir ,john1 #ahf1 #baf1 #cfh1 #cfi1 #cgj1 #dbf ,sismondi1 ,chas4 de1 #bji1 #bif1 #dae ,smith1 ,adam1 #c1 #e1 #i1 #bf1 #ca1 #cc1 #dg1 #ef1 #eg1 #hf1 #ie1 #aje1 #aag and passim ,smith1 ,sydney1 ,b4 ,v4 passim ,socialism1 #bad1 #beb1 #cab1 #chb seq4 ,society1 ,royal1 #dac2 of ,literature1 #bfc1 #dad2 ,statistical1 #dae ,southey1 ,robt41 #d1 #aa1 #cch1 #cgd1 #cgg1 #chc ,speenhamland ,act1 #cj ,spence1 ,wm41 ,great ,britain ,independent of ,commerce1 #bdg1 #bic ,spence1 author of #8,the ,land the ,people's ,farm1' #chb1 #che ,spencer1 ,herbert1 #cic1 #cif ,standard of ,comfort1 #aag1 #abj seq41 #acg1 #adj1 #aid1 #aie-aih1 #bfi1 #bie1 c41 c4 ,state insurance1 #bd ,steuart1 ,sir ,j41 #cb ,stewart1 ,dugald1 barrel-organ1 #che ,struggle for existence1 #bj1 #dg1 #aai2 not leading to progress1 #if1 #aab ,styles1 ,dr4 ,e41 #ceg1 #cfi #8,summons of ,wakening1' #cfe ,sumner1 ,dr4 ,j4 ,b41 ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 #ab1 #cd1 #ch1 #cjg ,sunday ,schools1 #bih ,suspension of cash payments1 #bhd seq4 ,sssmilch1 ,j4 ,p41 #ci1 #aae1 #abd seq41 #aci1 #cfi ,sweden1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 v42 cf4 #gb1 #gc1 #cgj ,taine1 #aba ,talleyrand1 #dah ,teleology1 #cai seq41 #cbf ,tendency1 ,b4 ,i4 ch4 iii4 passim1 esp4 #fa1 #fe1 #ff ,theses4 ,see ,postulates ,thompson1 l'erronet1 #bbg1 #cjh ,thornton1 ,w4 ,t41 #acj n41 #baj1 #bgc de ,tocqueville1 #hi ,tooke1 ,thos41 #bhh1 #bia1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii41 passim1 #dab1 c4 ,torrens1 ,r41 contrasts ,malthus unfavourably with ,ricardo1 #bfe ,townsend1 ,joseph1 #cb1 #fd ,toynbee1 ,a41 #cad1 #cgh ,tucker1 ,abraham1 #ce1 #afd1 ,b4 ,,iii4 passim1 esp4 #cbd1 #djc1 c4 ,tucker1 ,josiah1 #cc1 #cbd ,turkey1 #aab ,united ,states4 ,see ,america ,utilitarianism1 #ci1 #ec1 and ,b4 ,,iii42 cf4 #bac1 #cgd-e ,vice and virtue defined1 #ha1 #cbg1 #ccj2 cf4 #cgd ,voltaire1 #bg1 #cc ,wages1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 ii42 cf4 #bbf2 review of wages for five centuries1 #bdg-h ,wages ,fund1 #bgj seq4 ,wakefield1 ,gilb41 tutor of ,malthus1 #cci1 #djd ,walker1 ,f4 ,a41 #baj1 #bdd ,wall of ,brass1 #bja1 #bej-a ,wallace1 ,a4 ,r41 #df1 #dg ,wallace1 ,dr4 ,robt41 #h1 #i1 #bj1 #ca1 #abf1 #agc ,war1 reparable and irreparable evils of1 #aee seq4 ,watson1 ,bishop of ,llandaff1 #aa1 #dje ,wealth1 as subject of ,pol4 ,econ41 #baj1 #bab ,wesleyan movement1 #bf2 cf4 #djc ,west1 ,sir ,edw41 #bbb1 #bcd-e1 #bdj ,weyland1 ,j41 #cgg1 #daj ,whishaw1 ,john1 #dji ,whitbread1 ,samuel1 #bi1 #ca1 c4 ,wollstonecraft1 ,mary1 #ba ,young1 ,arthur1 #fi1 #aei seq41 #agh1 #bja1 #baf1 #chj ,r4 ,clay ,sons1 ,bread ,street ,hill1 ,london1 ,e4 ,c4 ----- ,footnote #a3 ,the ,germans talk of #8,smithianismus4' ,footnote #b3 ,autobiogr41 vol4 i4 p4 #ga4 ,footnote #c3 ,senior1 ,two ,lectures on ,population1 #ahbi1 ,appendix1 pp4 #ef1 #eg4 ,footnote #d3 ,senior1 l4 c41 p4 #ef4 ,footnote #e3 ,macvey ,napier's ,correspondence1 p4 #ahg4 ,cf4 ,pol4 ,econ41 #bnd ed41 pp4 xxxv1 liv4 ,footnote #f3 8,why10 said ,i1 8how many children do you reckon to have at last80 8,i do not care how many10 said the man1 8,god never sends mouths without sending meat40 8,did you ever hear10 said ,i1 8of one ,parson ,malthus8 he wants an act of parliament to prevent poor people from marrying young1 and from having such lots of children40 8,oh1 the brute60 exclaimed the wife2 while the husband laughed1 thinking ,i was joking4--,cobbett's ,advice to ,young ,men1 ,letter #c1 p4 #hc4 ,the references to ,cobbett in the ,essay are probably1 #gth ed41 pp4 #caj and #cah1 cf4 p4 #cac2 but his name is not mentioned4 ,footnote #g3 ,namely1 in the ,monthly ,magazine for ,jan4 #ahjj4 ,but see below1 ,book ,v4 ,footnote #h3 ,thoughts on ,parr's ,sermon1 p4 #b1 and ,pol4 ,justice1 ,pref4 p4 x4 ,footnote #i3 ,preface to first edition of ,essay1 #agih4 ,footnote #aj3 ,leyden1 #agfg1 translated under the title ,philosophical ,survey of the ,animal ,creation1 ,lond41 #agfh4 ,see especially chs4 vii4 and x4 ,footnote #aa3 ,common ,sense1 p4 #a1 quoted in ,pol4 ,justice1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 p4 #abd 7#crd ed474 ,footnote #ab3 ,pol4 ,justice1 ,bk4 ,,viii4 ch4 vi4 p4 #dhd4 ,on the other hand1 ,franklin1 in his ,letter on ,luxury1 ,idleness1 and ,industry 7#aghd71 had estimated the necessary labour more moderately at four hours4 ,sir ,thos4 ,more suggested nine4 ,owen recurred to the half-hour4 ,new ,moral ,world1 #ahcf1 pp4 x1 xi4 ,footnote #ac3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 pp4 #afa-b1 footnote4 ,footnote #ad3 ,records of the ,creation1 vol4 i4 p4 #ed1 note4 ,footnote #ae3 ,life by ,kegan ,paul1 vol4 i4 p4 #hj4 ,cf4 a curious passage in the ,edinburgh ,review1 about ,godwin's ,population3 8,as the book was dear1 and not likely to fall into the hands of the labouring classes1 we had no thoughts of noticing it10 ,july #ahba1 p4 #cfc4 ,footnote #af3 ,enquirer 7#agig71 ,pref41 p4 #g4 ,footnote #ag3 ,part ,,ii41 ,essay ,,ii4 ,footnote #ah3 ,part ,,ii41 ,essays ,i4 and ,,iii4 ,footnote #ai3 ,political ,justice1 ,book ,,viii4 ch4 ix4 pp4 #eae-ai 7#crd ed474 ,footnote #bj3 ,cf4 ,rich4 ,jones1 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahei71 p4 #eif4 ,footnote #ba3 ,quoted1 ,political ,justice1 ,book ,,viii4 ch4 viii4 pp4 #ejc1 #ebj1 on the authority of ,price4 ,footnote #bb3 l4 c41 ,book ,,viii4 ch4 ix4 p4 #ebh4 ,footnote #bc3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #ad4 ,footnote #bd3 #ast ed41 pp4 #bj1 #agc1 c41 #gth ed41 ,book ,,iii4 ch4 ii4 ,footnote #be3 #ast ed41 p4 #abh2 cf4 p4 #baj4 ,footnote #bf3 ,ibid4 p4 #baa4 ,footnote #bg3 ,ibid4 p4 #bae4 ,footnote #bh3 ,ibid4 p4 #bae4 ,footnote #bi3 #ast ed41 p4 #ag2 cf4 pp4 #dg-h4 ,footnote #cj3 ,even ,comte1 who reproves economists for saying that difficulties right themselves in the 8long run10 thinks that this particular difficulty will only occur there4 7,pos4 ,phil41 ii4 #abh 7tr472 cf4 p4 #ed47 ,footnote #ca3 #ast ed41 pp4 #ae1 #af4 ,footnote #cb3 ,ibid4 pp4 #ai1 #fb-ff4 ,footnote #cc3 ,pol4 ,just41 ,,viii4 iii #dff4 ,footnote #cd3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 pp4 #age-f1 #aic2 #gth ed41 pp4 #bgb1 #bgg4 ,cf4 ,gibbon1 ch4 ,l41 quoted in ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #id2 #gth ed41 p4 #fe3 8,the measure of population is regulated by the means of subsistence40 ,footnote #ce3 ,pol4 ,just41 ,book ,,viii4 ch4 ix4 p4 #ebj n4 7#crd ed474 ,footnote #cf3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 pp4 #bdj-a4 ,footnote #cg3 ,due to ,coleridge4 ,see ,godwin's ,life1 i4 #ceg4 ,footnote #ch3 ,ibid4 i4 #be4 ,footnote #ci3 ,esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrs de l'esprit humain 7#crd ed41 #agig71 pp4 #chd seq4 ,footnote #dj3 ,political ,justice1 ,,viii4 ix4 #ebj n4 ,footnote #da3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #bbg4 ,footnote #db3 ,esquisse1 pp4 #cfb seq4 ,footnote #dc3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 pp4 #adf1 #aej4 ,footnote #dd3 ,ibid4 p4 #aed2 ,condorcet1 ,esquisse1 pp4 #cfd-cgc4 ,footnote #de3 ,the locus classicus in ,malthus is ,essay1 ,append1 7of #ahag71 p4 #eab2 cf4 ,,iii4 iii4 #bhf1 ,,iv4 xiii4 #dgd4 ,the pages are those of the #gth edition 7,reeves and ,turner71 a reprint of the #fth4 ,footnote #df3 ,malthus sometimes uses the word in the earlier sense1 and ,adam ,smith seldom in the later4 ,footnote #dg3 ,lecky1 ,hist4 of ,eighteenth ,century1 vol ii4 p4 #fch4 ,footnote #dh3 ,cf4 ,godwin1 pref4 to ,pol4 ,just4 ,footnote #di3 ,hansard1 ,parl4 ,hist41 vol4 xxxiii1 pp4 #gjc seq41 ,feb #ab1 #agif2 cf4 vol4 xxxii4 pp4 #fhg seq4 ,the 8,speenhamland ,act of ,parliament0 was really an act of the ,berkshire magistrates 7#agie71 but had been widely imitated1 and had certainly prepared the way for ,pitt's bill4 ,footnote #ej3 ,cf4 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,i4 vii4 p4 #fe2 #ast ed41 pp4 #id1 #ie1 c4 ,footnote #ea3 ,godwin1 ,pol4 ,just41 ,,viii4 viii4 #ejh 7#crd ed474 ,footnote #eb3 ,preface to ,essay1 #bnd ed4 ,footnote #ec3 ,by implication4 ,see below1 ,book ,i4 ch4 vii4 p4 #age4 ,footnote #ed3 ,moral and ,political ,essays1 ,vol4 ,i41 ,essay ,,xi41 ,of the ,populousness of ,ancient ,nations 7ed4 #agfh71 written in #ageb4 ,footnote #ee3 ,so even ,sir ,james ,steuart1 ,vol4 ,i4 ,pol4 ,econ41 ch4 iii4 p4 #bb 7ed4 #ahje71 might have helped him4 ,steuart wrote in #agfg4 ,footnote #ef3 ,essay1 ,book ,,ii4 ch4 vi42 #gth ed41 p4 #ahd4 ,footnote #eg3 ,buckle would include ,voltaire4 ,see ,civil4 in ,europe1 ii4 #cjd n4 ,footnote #eh3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 viii4 #cf1 #b 7,mac,culloch's ed474 ,these passages are said to have suggested to ,malthus the idea of his essay4 ,the article on ,population in ,edin4 ,review1 ,aug4 #ahaj1 possibly written by ,malthus himself1 bears out this view4 ,footnote #ei3 ,compare ,essay1 ,appendix 7to #crd ed41 #ahjg71 #gth ed41 p4 #ejg4 ,footnote #fj3 ,records of ,creation1 #ahaf4 ,footnote #fa3 #ast ed41 p4 #cie4 ,footnote #fb3 ,ibid4 p4 #cec4 ,this and much else were probably suggested by ,tucker1 ,light of ,nature1 ,theology1 ch4 xix4 7especially #bj74 ,cf4 below1 ,book ,,iii4 ,footnote #fc3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #cha4 ,footnote #fd3 ,ibid4 p4 #cga4 ,footnote #fe3 ,cf4 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #fe2 later editions1 ,i4 vi4 7beginning71 where he says that sloth is the natural state of man1 and his activity is due in the first instance to the 8strong goad of necessity10 though it may be kept up afterwards by habit1 the spirit of enterprise1 and the thirst for glory4 ,footnote #ff3 #ast ed41 pp4 #cfj-cff4 ,for the replenishment of the gap made by the ,great ,plague of #acdh1 see ,prof4 ,rogers1 ,six ,centuries of ,work and ,wages 7#ahhd71 p4 #bbf4 ,footnote #fg3 #ast ed41 p4 #cia4 ,footnote #fh3 #ast ed41 pp4 #cid-f2 cf4 pp4 #bda-f4 ,compare ,mr4 ,henry ,george's epilogue to ,progress and ,poverty4 ,it is right to remember that this passage of ,malthus was written two years before ,paley's ,natural ,theology1 though four years after his ,evidences of ,christianity1 and many more after the ,moral and ,political ,philosophy4 ,footnote #fi3 ,r4 of ,cr41 vol4 ii4 #ajc4 ,footnote #gj3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #chg4 ,footnote #ga3 ,see below1 ,book ,i4 ch4 v4 ,footnote #gb3 ,ibid4 p4 #cef note4 ,footnote #gc3 l4 c4 ,he is ready with a similar excuse in the tract on the ,measure of ,value1 p4 #fa4 ,where there is no will there is no way4 ,footnote #gd3 ,part ,,ii4 sect4 ii4 pp4 #bjd-f4 ,footnote #ge3 ,mac,culloch 7,j4 ,r471 editor of the ,commercial ,dictionary1 and probably the original of ,carlyle's ,macrowdy4 ,no one could have a proper reverence for the ,fathers of ,political ,economy who perpetually referred to the greatest of them without his distinctive prnomen4 ,footnote #gf3 ,introduction to ,w4 of ,n41 p4 lii4 ,so the writer of ,progress and ,poverty tells us 8the doctrine of ,malthus did not originally and does not necessarily involve the idea of progression0 7,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 p4 #hi1 ed4 #ahha74 ,footnote #gg3 ,bagehot 7,econ4 ,studies1 p4 #acf seq471 ,w4 ,r4 ,greg 7,enigmas of ,life71 and ,held 7,sociale ,geschichte ,englands7 may be acquitted1 but they are not writers of text-books4 ,footnote #gh3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,introduction1 p4 lii4 ,footnote #gi3 ,see e4 g4 the tract on the ,measure of ,value1 p4 #bc1 and cf4 ,pol4 ,ec4 7#bnd ed471 p4 #bcd4 ,footnote #hj3 ,godwin's ,thoughts on ,parr's ,sermon1 #ahja1 p4 #ed2 cf4 ,godwin's ,population 7#ahbj71 ,bk4 i4 #bg4 ,footnote #ha3 ,godwin's ,life1 by ,kegan ,paul1 vol4 i4 #cba4 ,footnote #hb3 ,hansard1 sub dato1 p4 #adbi4 ,footnote #hc3 ,empson in ,edinburgh ,review1 ,jan4 #ahcg1 p4 #dhc2 cf4 ,essay on ,population1 #gth ed4 p4 #dgc n4 ,empson's authorship of that article appears from ,macvey ,napier's ,correspondence1 p4 #ahg4 ,see below1 ,book ,v4 ,footnote #hd3 ,works1 vol4 viii4 p4 #ddj4 ,footnote #he3 ,thoughts on ,parr's ,sermon1 p4 #ef4 ,footnote #hf3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 pp4 #ag1 #dg1 #dh2 ,origin of ,species1 ch4 iii4 p4 #ej4 ,hence ,sir ,chas4 ,lyell even denies the originality of ,darwin and ,wallace 7,antiquity of ,man1 ch4 xxi p4 #def74 ,footnote #hg3 ,cf4 ,a4 ,r4 ,wallace1 ,contributions to ,theory of ,natural ,selection1 and the discussions raised thereupon1 #ahfh4 ,see also ,essays in ,philosophical ,criticism 7#ahhc71 ,essay ,,viii41 ,the ,struggle for ,existence1 in which some of the mixed motives are further described4 ,footnote #hh3 ,appendix to #eth ed41 #ahag2 #gth ed41 p4 #ebf4 ,cf4 ,bacon 7,essay ,,xxxviii471 8to bend nature like a wand to a contrary extreme whereby to set it aright40 ,adam ,smith had used the simile of a bent stick to describe the reaction of the ,french ,economists against the ,mercantile theorists 7,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iv4 ix4 #cjj74 ,footnote #hi3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #cfg4 ,cf4 ,senior's ,lectures on ,population1 p4 #gi1 and p4 #ge1 where he compares such progress to the exploits of the snail which every day climbed up a wall four feet and fell back three4 ,footnote #ij3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #aj4 ,footnote #ia3 ,cf4 ,st4 ,matth4 xix4 #ab4 ,footnote #ib3 ,,ms4 notes on p4 vii of ,s4 ,t4 ,coleridge's copy of the #bnd ed4 of the ,essay1 in ,brit4 ,museum 7from the library of his executor1 ,dr4 ,joseph ,h4 ,green74 ,footnote #ic3 ,see ,otter's biographical preface to ,malthus' ,pol4 ,ec4 7#ahcf71 p4 xxxvi1 and ,otter's ,life of ,clarke 7#ahbe71 i4 #dcg1 c4 ,footnote #id3 ,see below1 ,book ,,ii4 chap4 iv4 ,footnote #ie3 #bnd ed41 ,book ,,iv4 chap1 xii42 #gth ed41 p4 #dgg4 ,footnote #if3 #bnd ed41 ,i4 ii4 #aj1 #aa2 cf4 xiv4 #ahj2 #gth ed41 pp4 #h note1 #bfb1 c4 ,footnote #ig3 #bnd ed41 p4 #aa4 ,footnote #ih3 #gth ed41 p4 #cea2 so ,i4 ix4 #hb1 8moral impossibility0 of increase1 in a case where there is plenty of food1 but bad distribution makes it unattainable4 ,the impossibility is due not to physical law but to human institutions 7mores74 ,footnote #ii3 ,malthus1 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #chg4 ,footnote #ajj3 ,in an unpublished ,,ms4 quoted in his ,life1 i4 #gf4 ,his published writings contain nothing quite so strong4 ,footnote #aja3 ,see below1 ,book ,,iii4 ,footnote #ajb3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,b4 ,,iv4 chap4 vi4 and ix4 ,footnote #ajc3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,b4 ,v4 ch4 i4 ,pt4 iii4 ,art4 #b4 ,footnote #ajd3 ,essay1 ,book ,,iv4 ch4 ix4 of #gth ed41 esp4 p4 #dci4 ,footnote #aje3 ,cf4 even ,essay1 #ast ed41 pp4 #cc1 #cd1 and #cbd4 ,but see later1 ,b4 ,,ii4 chaps4 ii4 and iii4 ,footnote #ajf3 #gth ed41 ,append41 p4 #die4 ,cf4 ,miss ,martineau's ,autob41 vol4 i4 p4 #baa2 cf4 pp4 #bji1 #baj4 ,footnote #ajg3 ,life1 vol4 i4 ch4 ix4 p4 #bcc4 ,footnote #ajh3 ,ingloriously1 because of the severe chapter he wrote in the ,political ,justice1 #8,of ,pensions and ,salaries' 7ch4 ix4 of ,bk4 ,,vi474 ,footnote #aji3 ,cf4 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,ii4 xiii4 p4 #bei4 ,footnote #aaj3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #b4 ,footnote #aaa3 #bnd ed41 p4 #c4 ,footnote #aab3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #c4 ,footnote #aac3 #ast ed42 see p4 #af1 above4 8,food0 in such propositions includes all the outward conditions necessary to life4 ,footnote #aad3 #bnd ed41 p4 #d2 #gth ed41 p4 #c4 ,footnote #aae3 l4 c4 ,franklin's ,observations concerning the ,increase of ,mankind1 #agea4 ,footnote #aaf3 ,dissertation on the ,poor ,laws by a well-wisher to ,mankind 7#aghf71 pp4 #db-de1 #ec4 ,he is quoting ,dampier's ,voyages1 vol4 i4 pt4 ii p4 #hh4 ,footnote #aag3 ,it is fair to say that ,ulloa1 ,b4 ,,ii4 ch4 iv41 says 8two or three goats40 ,footnote #aah3 #bnd ed41 p4 #d2 cf4 #gth ed41 p4 #c4 ,footnote #aai3 ,carey 7,h4 ,c47 has certainly made a good case for the reverse4 ,see ,princ4 of ,social ,science1 vol4 i4 ch4 iv4 7#aheh74 ,footnote #abj3 ,letter to ,senior1 ,appendix to ,senior's ,lectures on ,population1 pp4 #fj-gb4 ,footnote #aba3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #e4 ,footnote #abb3 ,he might have been warned from such by 8 ' 0 7,plato1 ,republic1 v4 #deh74 ,but ,bacon had applied the same figure still more widely3 8,custom goes in arithmetical1 ,nature in geometrical progression0 7,advancement of ,l41 ,,vi4 iii4 #bei74 ,footnote #abc3 ,cf4 what is said of the cosmology of ,malthus above1 pp4 #cd seq4 ,footnote #abd3 ,or1 keeping in view ,mr4 ,carey's exception1 we should say not perhaps the first crop1 but the earliest in which the farmer did justice to the known resources of the best land4 ,footnote #abe3 ,political ,arithmetic--,essay on the ,multiplication of ,mankind1 #afhb1 pp4 #g1 #ac seq41 especially p4 #ba 7ed4 #agee74 ,footnote #abf3 ,sir ,james ,caird1 ,landed ,interest1 #dth ed41 #ahhj1 p4 #agg4 ,footnote #abg3 ,but see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 ,footnote #abh3 #bnd ed41 ,i4 i4 p4 #h2 #gth ed41 p4 #f4 ,footnote #abi3 ,essay1 ,,iv4 iii41 #gth ed41 p4 #djg4 ,footnote #acj3 ,encycl4 ,brit41 art4 ,population4 ,cf4 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #bcf n4 ,footnote #aca3 ,sweden was a favourite with statisticians because ,sweden alone at that time furnished sound statistics4 ,for an account of the ,american population down to #ahhj1 and its probable future1 see ,mr4 ,giffen's ,address on the ,utility of ,common ,statistics 7,stat4 ,soc41 ,dec4 #ahhb74 ,footnote #acb3 #ahjd-bd1 or simply from the first census1 #ahja1 to the third1 #ahba4 ,the increase was such as would double the population of ,england in fifty-one years at the least 7,essay1 ,,ii4 ix41 #gth ed41 p4 #bag74 ,footnote #acc3 ,encycl4 ,brit41 l4 c4 ,footnote #acd3 ,essay1 ,,iii4 xiv41 #gth ed41 p4 #chg4 ,footnote #ace3 ,caird1 ,landed ,interest1 pp4 #ah1 #df4 ,footnote #acf3 ,encycl4 ,brit41 l4 c4 ,footnote #acg3 ,apart1 he ought to have said1 from prudence in marriage1 which would allow each man's share to be much more than a bare living4 ,but see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 ii4 ,footnote #ach3 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii4 ,footnote #aci3 ,by the 8law0 of decreasing returns4 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 ,footnote #adj3 ,mr4 ,giffen1 in the ,address above quoted1 speaks as if ,malthus considered the positive checks as the 8natural checks0 7p4 #eca74 ,this1 however1 is against his distinct statement in ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,app4 p4 #dhj4 ,footnote #ada3 ,this is probably the meaning of the author's phrase1 8alter the proportionate amount of the checks to population1 or the degree in which they press upon the actual numbers0 7,encyclop41 l4 c41 p4 #dae74 ,footnote #adb3 ,see his letter of that date in ,macvey ,napier's ,correspondence1 p4 #bi4 ,footnote #adc3 ,it was not published till #ahbd4 ,it was certainly written after the results of the ,census of #ahba had been published4 ,footnote #add3 ,pref4 to #bnd ed41 pp4 iv1 v2 #gth ed41 p4 vi4 ,footnote #ade3 p4 #eb4 ,footnote #adf3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #aa n42 #gth ed41 p4 #i n4 ,footnote #adg3 #bnd ed41 ,pref4 p4 vii4 ,footnote #adh3 #bnd ed41 ,bk4 ,i4 ch4 ii4 p4 #aj4 ,footnote #adi3 ,adds the #crd ed4 ,footnote #aej3 #crd ed41 p4 #ba2 #gth ed41 p4 #i4 ,footnote #aea3 #crd ed4 l4 c4 ,footnote #aeb3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ac2 #gth ed41 p4 #aj4 ,his own book has helped to make this less true4 ,footnote #aec3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #ad1 #ae4 ,with this description of the 8cycle0 compare the view of ,marx as given below in ,book ,,iv4 ,footnote #aed3 ,miss ,martineau1 ,autob41 vol4 i4 p4 #baj4 ,footnote #aee3 ,reply to ,malthus1 p4 #bj4 ,cf4 below1 ,book ,,iv4 ,footnote #aef3 ,pref4 to #bnd ed41 p4 vi4 ,footnote #aeg3 #bnd ed41 ,pref4 p4 vi4 ,true even then1 and much more afterwards4 ,footnote #aeh3 ,godwin1 ,on ,population1 ,i4 iv4 #ca1 #cb4 ,footnote #aei3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ca2 #gth ed41 p4 #bc4 ,footnote #afj3 ,dmocratie en ,amrique1 ,pt4 ,,ii4 ch4 x4 p4 #bgh4 ,the author is in thorough agreement with ,malthus4 ,footnote #afa3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ci2 #gth ed41 p4 #bh4 ,footnote #afb3 #bnd ed41 p4 #be2 #gth ed41 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #afc3 ,ibid4 p4 #dc2 #gth ed41 p4 #ca4 ,footnote #afd3 ,ibid4 p4 #ci2 #gth ed41 p4 #bh4 ,footnote #afe3 #bnd ed41 p4 #dd2 #gth ed41 p4 #cb4 ,footnote #aff3 ,malthus in ,edin4 ,rev41 ,july #ahjc1 p4 #cde4 ,footnote #afg3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #be2 #gth ed41 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #afh3 ,ibid4 p4 #bi2 #gth ed41 p4 #ba4 ,footnote #afi3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #cg1 #de2 #gth ed41 pp4 #bg1 #cb4 ,footnote #agj3 ,though1 like ,coleridge 7,,ms4 note in another place71 he mentions brandy4 ,footnote #aga3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #dc1 #ib2 #gth ed41 pp4 #ca1 #fd4 ,cf4 ,i4 vi41 #bnd ed41 p4 #hb n42 #gth ed41 p4 #eg n4 ,footnote #agb3 ,see above1 pp4 #ce1 #cf4 ,footnote #agc3 ,e4 g4 #bnd ed41 ,,ii4 ii4 #aii2 #gth ed41 p4 #ace4 ,footnote #agd3 ,compare the suggestive remarks of ,rogers1 ,six ,centuries1 pp4 #bgj1 #bga4 ,he thinks that a movement like ,lollardism could not have succeeded in times of utter depression4 ,footnote #age3 ,essay1 ,book ,i4 ch4 v4 ,footnote #agf3 ,e4 g4 cannibalism and late marriages4 ,footnote #agg3 #bnd ed41 p4 #df2 #gth ed41 p4 #cc4 ,cf4 pp4 #bij and #cci4 ,footnote #agh3 ,in ,essays1 vol4 i41 ,essay ,,xi41 ,populousness of ,ancient ,nations1 p4 #ddd 7ed4 #agfh74 ,footnote #agi3 ,cf4 ,plato1 ,repub41 ii4 ,footnote #ahj3 #bnd ed41 p4 #eg2 #gth ed41 p4 #da4 ,footnote #aha3 ,behm and ,wagner 7,bevlk4 d4 ,erde1 #ahhb7 give it at #af1cjj4 ,footnote #ahb3 #bnd ed41 p4 #eg n42 #gth ed41 p4 #dj n4 ,footnote #ahc3 ,report of ,admiral ,d',horsey to the ,admiralty1 #ahgh4 ,footnote #ahd3 ,see above1 pp4 #ag1 #ah4 ,footnote #ahe3 ,behm and ,wagner say ninety-three4 ,footnote #ahf3 ,essay1 ,book ,i4 ch4 vi4 ,footnote #ahg3 ,see above1 p4 #hc4 ,footnote #ahh3 #bnd ed41 p4 #fh n42 #crd ed41 p4 #aae n4 ,he afterwards altered 8totally0 to 8often entirely10 #gth ed41 p4 #dg n4 ,footnote #ahi3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,book ,,iv4 ch4 vii4 ,part iii4 p4 #bhf 7ed4 ,mac,c474 ,footnote #aij3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ff2 #gth ed41 p4 #df4 ,footnote #aia3 ,his own word3 #bnd ed41 p4 #fg2 #gth ed41 p4 #dg4 ,footnote #aib3 ,gen4 xiii4 #a-i4 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #fe2 #gth ed41 p4 #de4 ,footnote #aic3 ,see e4 g4 ,mackenzie ,wallace3 ,russia1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #dh1 #ij1 c4 ,footnote #aid3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #gb2 #gth ed41 pp4 #ej1 #ea4 ,footnote #aie3 ,gibbon1 ch4 ix4 p4 #age4 ,footnote #aif3 ,tacitus1 ,germ4 #ad4 ,footnote #aig3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #gd1 #gg2 #gth ed41 pp4 #eb1 #ec4 ,footnote #aih3 ,ch4 ix4 #agf3 8indeed the impossibility of the supposition40 ,footnote #aii3 ,grandeur et ,dcadence des ,romains1 ch4 xvi4 p4 #ach1 ed4 #ahgf4 ,footnote #bjj3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #gf2 #gth ed41 p4 #ec4 ,footnote #bja3 ,ibid4 ,bk4 ,i4 ch4 vii4 ,footnote #bjb3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ii2 #gth ed41 p4 #fh4 ,footnote #bjc3 #gth ed41 p4 #hb4 ,footnote #bjd3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ib2 #gth ed41 p4 #fc4 ,footnote #bje3 #bnd ed41 p4 #id2 #gth ed41 p4 #fe4 ,footnote #bjf3 ,ibid4 p4 #ajd2 #gth ed41 p4 #gb4 ,footnote #bjg3 ,coleridge 7,,ms4 notes7 reminds our author that ,mahomet allowed oblations of sand for water4 ,footnote #bjh3 ,cf4 above1 p4 #if1 c4 ,footnote #bji3 #bnd ed41 ,,iii4 xi4 #dgd-e2 #gth ed41 ,,iii4 xiv4 #cha4 ,footnote #baj3 ,especially ,book ,i4 ch4 x41 the chapter on ,turkey4 ,footnote #baa3 ,essay1 ,bk4 ,i4 ch4 xii41 #8,china and ,japan4' ,footnote #bab3 #bnd ed41 p4 #afb2 #gth ed41 p4 #aab4 ,footnote #bac3 ,ibid4 p4 #age2 #gth ed41 p4 #abj4 ,footnote #bad3 ,see ,essay1 ,bk4 ,i4 chs4 xiii41 xiv4 ,footnote #bae3 ,sparta is the chief ,greek instance4 ,footnote #baf3 #bnd ed41 p4 #agb2 #gth ed41 p4 #aah4 ,footnote #bag3 #bnd ed41 p4 #aej2 cf4 pp4 #afd1 #agb-c4 #gth ed41 p4 #ajd2 cf4 pp4 #aac1 #aah4 ,footnote #bah3 ,see above1 p4 #ii4 ,footnote #bai3 #ast ed41 p4 #aai2 #gth ed41 ,appendix1 p4 #eae4 ,footnote #bbj3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #abb4 ,footnote #bba3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bed2 #gth ed41 p4 #bdf4 ,cf4 #bnd ed41 pp4 #agb1 #age1 and #fg2 #gth ed41 pp4 #aah1 #abj1 and #dg4 ,cf4 ,hume1 ,pop4 of ,anc4 ,n41 pp4 #dhg1 and especially #ejd4 ,footnote #bbb3 #gth ed41 pp4 #afc1 #chg1 #cid2 #bnd ed41 pp4 #aac1 #bhg1 #bib4 ,cf4 #ast ed41 pp4 #aah-ai1 #abc n4 ,footnote #bbc3 #bnd ed41 p4 #agh2 #gth ed41 p4 #abb4 ,footnote #bbd3 #gth ed41 p4 #chj1 top4 ,footnote #bbe3 #bnd ed41 p4 #age2 #gth ed41 p4 #abj4 ,footnote #bbf3 #bnd ed41 p4 #age2 #gth ed41 p4 #abj4 ,footnote #bbg3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ahj2 #gth ed41 p4 #abd4 8,it is therefore upon these causes alone1--independently of #bnd ed4 says #8besides' actual enumerations1--on which we can with certainty rely40 ,footnote #bbh3 ,dr4 ,wallace1 ,dissertation1 p4 #ee1 had given ,attica in its palmy days a population of #fjh to the square mile2 ,england in the nineteenth century has only #dde1 and crowded ,belgium #dhg4 ,footnote #bbi3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #ed2 #gth ed41 pp4 #abj1 #abb2 cf4 pp4 #bfb1 #dcd4 ,cf4 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iv4 vii4 #bed1 #bee4 ,footnote #bcj3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #eih2 #gth ed41 p4 #dgf4 ,footnote #bca3 l4 c4 cf4 #bnd ed41 pp4 #age1 #agh2 #gth ed41 pp4 #abj1 #abb4 ,footnote #bcb3 ,essay on ,population1 #bnd ed41 p4 #ahj2 #gth ed41 p4 #abd4 ,footnote #bcc3 ,e4 g4 ,,ii4 iii4 #aeb1 #a2 ,,iv4 ix4 #cjd1 #b 7ed4 ,mac,c474 ,footnote #bcd3 ,e4 g4 #gth ed41 pp4 #cjg1 #dcd1 #dgc-d4 ,footnote #bce3 ,taine1 ,angleterre1 pp4 #agf1 #bcb-c4 ,footnote #bcf3 ,ibid4 p4 #bcc4 ,footnote #bcg3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iii4 iv4 #ahc1 #b1 c4 ,footnote #bch3 ,bacon1 ,nov4 ,org41 ,i4 xlv4 ,footnote #bci3 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,iv4 ,footnote #bdj3 ,except the hog1 adds ,gibbon1 ,decl4 and ,f41 ch4 ix4 p4 #aga n4 ,footnote #bda3 ,see above1 p4 #dh4 ,footnote #bdb3 ,the phrase on p4 #baf of #bnd ed4 7p4 #adh of #gth71 8in the preceding summer of #aghh10 is probably a slip4 ,we do not hear elsewhere of any visit so early4 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,v4 ,footnote #bdc3 ,see above1 p4 #di4 ,cf4 #bnd ed41 p4 #bha2 #gth ed41 p4 #agc1 c4 ,footnote #bdd3 ,for his other movements and other details of his life1 see ,bk4 ,v4 7,biography74 ,footnote #bde3 #bnd and #gth edd41 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 ,footnote #bdf3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #ahi2 #gth ed41 p4 #abi4 ,footnote #bdg3 ,the ,russian figures being incredible4 ,see later1 p4 #acc4 ,footnote #bdh3 #bnd ed41 p4 #ahd2 #gth ed41 p4 #abf4 ,footnote #bdi3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #ahh1 #ahi2 #gth ed41 pp4 #abh1 #abi4 ,cf4 ,thornton's chapter 7,,ii47 on the 8,social ,effects of ,peasant ,proprietorships10 ,peas4 ,prop4 7ed4 #ahgd71 p4 #ee4 ,footnote #bej3 ,in #fth ed41 #ahbf4 ,see #gth ed41 p4 #add4 ,footnote #bea3 ,english ,blue ,book on ,foreign ,poor ,laws1 #ahge1 p4 #aji4 ,footnote #beb3 ,statesman's ,year ,book1 #ahhj1 p4 #dci4 ,footnote #bec3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p #aab4 ,footnote #bed3 ,e4 g4 that of ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #acj4 ,footnote #bee3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #aci2 cf4 pp4 #aea1 #aeb4 ,footnote #bef3 ,ibid4 p4 #aeb4 ,footnote #beg3 ,essay1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 ii4 ,footnote #beh3 ,ibid4 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii4 ,footnote #bei3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #bac-ad2 #gth ed41 pp4 #adf1 #adg4 ,footnote #bfj3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #bad-ae2 #gth ed41 p4 #adg1 foot4 ,footnote #bfa3 ,ibid4 p4 #bah2 #gth ed41 p4 #aej4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #cj4 ,footnote #bfb3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bai2 #gth ed41 p4 #aea4 ,compare ,price1 ,observations1 p4 #bhj note2 and especially ,hume1 ,pop4 of ,anc4 ,n41 p4 #dde 7ed4 #agfh74 ,footnote #bfc3 ,essay1 ibid4 ,footnote #bfd3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #bbj2 #gth ed41 p4 #aea4 ,footnote #bfe3 ,ibid4 p4 #bba2 #gth ed41 p4 #aeb4 ,footnote #bff3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #baf-ag2 #gth ed41 p4 #adi4 ,footnote #bfg3 ,ibid4 #gth ed41 ,bk4 ,,ii4 chs4 iv4 to x41 as rearranged in the #crd ed4 ,footnote #bfh3 ,six ,centuries of ,work and ,wages1 pp4 #aah1 #aai4 ,footnote #bfi3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 ,,ii4 v4 p4 #bde2 #gth ed41 ,,ii4 iv4 p4 #aei4 ,cf4 #bnd ed41 p4 #cbj2 #gth ed41 p4 #bjf4 ,footnote #bgj3 ,ibid4 #bnd ed41 p4 #cdg2 #gth ed41 p4 #bfj4 ,footnote #bga3 ,ibid4 #bnd ed41 p4 #cdh2 #gth ed41 p4 #bfj4 ,footnote #bgb3 ,see above1 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #bgc3 ,so in substance ,cairnes in his rehabilitation of the ,wages ,fund4 ,leading ,principles1 pp4 #aif seq4 ,cliffe ,leslie passim4 ,footnote #bgd3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #bdj2 #gth ed41 p4 #aee4 ,footnote #bge3 ,ibid4 p4 #bdg2 #gth ed41 p4 #afj4 ,footnote #bgf3 8,partout o il se trouve une place o deux personnes peuvent vivre commodment1 il se fait un mariage40--,esprit des ,lois1 ,bk4 ,,xxiii4 ch4 x4 7not ,,xxii41 as in #gth ed474 ,footnote #bgg3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #bdg2 #gth ed41 p4 #afj4 ,footnote #bgh3 ,ibid4 #bnd ed41 p4 #bba2 #gth ed41 p4 #aeb4 ,footnote #bgi3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #bdh-i2 #gth ed41 pp4 #afa-b4 ,footnote #bhj3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #bha3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bdf2 #gth ed41 p4 #aei4 ,the ,italics are the author's4 ,footnote #bhb3 ,ibid4 p4 #bdg2 #gth ed41 p4 #afj4 ,footnote #bhc3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #bhd3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bje2 #gth ed41 p4 #aci4 ,footnote #bhe3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #chg seq42 #gth ed41 pp4 #bhg seq4 ,footnote #bhf3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #bhg3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #cia2 #gth ed41 pp4 #bhi-ij4 ,footnote #bhh3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #bhi3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #cic2 #gth ed41 p4 #bia4 ,footnote #bij3 #bnd ed41 p4 #cie2 #gth ed41 p4 #bib4 ,footnote #bia3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #bib3 ,appointed in ,march #ahbf1 in the last thirteen months of ,lord ,liverpool's ,government4 ,malthus came before them on #eth ,may1 #ahbg4 ,see ,third ,report of ,emigration ,committee1 pp4 #i1 #aj1 and for his evidence pp4 #caa seq4 ,footnote #bic3 #ast ,report1 #ahbf 7,may72 #bnd1 #ahbg 7,april74 ,the free use of technical terms is not surprising1 for political economy was then a popular study4 ,for examples see #ast ,report1 pp4 #df1 #eg2 #bnd ,report1 pp4 #fc1 #ajb2 #crd ,report1 pp4 #bfa1 #cjh4 ,footnote #bid3 #bnd ,report4 ,footnote #bie3 #crd ,report1 #ahbg 7,june74 ,footnote #bif3 p4 #i4 ,footnote #big3 ,cf4 below1 ch4 vii4 7on ,ireland71 especially pp4 #aig and #aii4 ,footnote #bih3 #crd ,report1 p4 #cae1 qu4 #cbeg4 ,footnote #bii3 ,the ,emigration ,committee recommended that the help of the state should only be given on condition of a local initiative and local contribution4 ,footnote #cjj3 ,see e4 g4 qu4 #ccgj4 ,footnote #cja3 #gth ed41 p4 #bib4 ,footnote #cjb3 ,w4 of ,n41 ,i4 viii4 #cf 7,mac,c4's ed474 8,other0 is not a slip2 the writer is conscious of his cynicism4 ,footnote #cjc3 ,essay1 ,,iii4 iv4 #bic1 of which the concluding paragraph was added in #ahag4 ,footnote #cjd3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 v4 ,footnote #cje3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #bge-f2 #gth ed41 p4 #afi4 ,footnote #cjf3 ,or 8,leyzin10 as ,malthus spells it4 ,footnote #cjg3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #bga2 #gth ed41 p4 #aff4 ,footnote #cjh3 ,average sixty-one years4 ,footnote #cji3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bgd2 #gth ed41 p4 #afh4 ,footnote #caj3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bhj2 #gth ed41 p4 #agc1 top4 ,the remark savours of paradox4 ,footnote #caa3 ,ibid4 p4 #bhj1 foot2 #gth ed41 p4 #agc4 ,footnote #cab3 ,ibid4 p4 #bha2 #gth ed41 p4 #agc4 ,footnote #cac3 ,see above1 p4 #abg4 ,footnote #cad3 ,compare above on 8oscillations10 p4 #adg1 and below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 chs4 ii4 and iii4 ,footnote #cae3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,bk4 ,,ii4 chs4 vi41 vii4 ,footnote #caf3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bhe2 #gth ed41 p4 #age4 ,footnote #cag3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bif2 cf4 #gth ed41 p4 #ahb n4 8,indeed in adopting ,sir ,f4 d',ivernois's calculations respecting the actual loss of men during the ,revolution1 ,i never thought myself borne out by facts1 but the reader will be aware that ,i adopted them rather for the sake of illustration than from supposing them strictly true40 ,footnote #cah3 #gth ed41 p4 #ahh4 ,footnote #cai3 #gth ed41 p4 #agf2 cf4 p4 #age4 ,footnote #cbj3 #gth ed41 pp4 #agg1 #aha n4 ,footnote #cba3 ,ibid41 p4 #agh and n4 ,footnote #cbb3 ,not above suspicion4 ,see #gth ed41 p4 #agf n4 ,footnote #cbc3 ,the military advantage of an increasing population is pointed out also in the article on ,newenham's #8,ireland1' ,edin4 ,rev41 ,july #ahjh1 p4 #cej4 ,footnote #cbd3 ,cf4 ,josiah ,tucker1 ,on ,trade1 p4 #ag 7#crd ed41 #agec74 ,footnote #cbe3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #big n2 #gth ed41 p4 #ahe1 which omits one clause4 ,cf4 #bnd ed41 pp4 #bij-a2 #gth ed41 pp4 #agi1 #ahj4 ,footnote #cbf3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bia2 #gth ed41 pp4 #agi1 #ahj4 ,cf4 the often-quoted passages about the bleak rock and the garden1 written 7be it remarked7 before and not after the ,revolution1 in ,arthur ,young's ,travels in ,france 7,bury ,st4 ,edmunds1 #agib71 pp4 #cf1 #cg1 #db2 cf4 p4 #cda4 ,footnote #cbg3 ,e4 g4 #eth1 #ahag2 #gth ed41 ch4 vii4 ,footnote #cbh3 #gth ed41 p4 #ahh4 ,footnote #cbi3 ,arthur ,young1 ,travels in ,france1 pp4 #daj1 #dcg4 ,footnote #ccj3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #ahi4 ,footnote #cca3 ,cf4 ,fyffe1 ,mod4 ,europe1 i4 #abd4 ,footnote #ccb3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #ahi4 ,footnote #ccc3 ,a characteristic utilitarian touch4 #bnd ed41 p4 #bie1 top2 #gth ed41 p4 #ahc4 ,footnote #ccd3 ,ibid4 ,footnote #cce3 #bnd ed41 p4 #bid2 #gth ed41 p4 #ahc4 ,footnote #ccf3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #cbj 7,,iii4 vii474 ,footnote #ccg3 ,levasseur1 ,france avec ses ,colonies 7#ahge71 p4 #hdb4 ,according to ,anderson1 ,chron4 ,ded41 ,vol4 ,,iii4 p4 xliii1 some said twenty1 others seventeen4 ,but ,mr4 ,kitchin cites ,vauban to show that there had been a decline in population from fifteen to thirteen millions between the beginning of the war of ,succession and the end of it 7#agjb1 #agac74--;,history of ,france1 vol4 iii4 p4 #cdb4 ,cf4 ,fox ,bourne's ,life of ,locke1 i4 p4 #cej2 ,vauban's ,dme ,royale1 pp4 #afb-c4 ,footnote #cch3 ,josiah ,tucker1 ,essay on ,trade 7#crd ed41 #agec71 p4 #ad4 ,there may be rhetorical exaggeration in his statements4 8,the subordination of the common people is an unspeakable advantage to the ,french in respect to trade4 ,by this means the manufacturers workmen are always kept industrious4 ,they dare not run into debauchery2 to drunkenness they are not inclined4 ,they are practically by the law of military service obliged to enter into the married state1 whereby they raise up large families to labour1 and keep down the price of it2 and consequently1 by working cheaper1 enable the merchant to sell the cheaper40 ,footnote #cci3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iv4 iii4 pp4 #bbj-a4 ,footnote #cdj3 ,see above1 p4 #aee4 ,levasseur makes it twenty-five2 ,arthur ,young1 who considers ,france over-populated by five or six millions1 makes it twenty-six 7,travels in ,france1 pp4 #dfh-i2 cf4 p4 #dgd74 ,price had made it thirty4 ,footnote #cda3 ,grounds of an ,opinion1 c41 p4 #ab4 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 ,footnote #cdb3 ,census as given in ,annuaire de l'conomie ,politique 7#ahhb71 p4 #hii4 ,footnote #cdc3 ,political ,economy 7#ahbj71 pp4 #dcc seq4 ,cliffe ,leslie 7,mor4 and ,pol4 ,essays1 #ahgi1 p4 #dbd7 attributes the few births to the very ,law of ,succession of which ,malthus was afraid4 ,footnote #cdd3 ,in the country districts at least4 ,on the relation of luxury to trade1 c41 see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii4 p4 #bfh4 ,footnote #cde3 ,e4 g4 by ,m4 ,levasseur in ,la ,france avec ses ,colonies 7#ahge71 p4 #hec4 ,footnote #cdf3 ,appendix to ,wealth of ,nations1 note iv4 p4 #dfe4 ,footnote #cdg3 ,levasseur1 l4 c4 pp4 #hde1 #hdf ft4 ,footnote #cdh3 ,times1 ,jan4 #ahhc4 ,footnote #cdi3 ,english ,registrar-,general's #deth ,report1 for #ahhb1 pp4 cii1 cvii4 ,footnote #cej3 ,levasseur1 ,la ,france1 l4 c4 ,footnote #cea3 ,e4 g4 ,times1 l4 c4 ,footnote #ceb3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 xiii4 p4 #dgd2 #bnd ed41 ,,iv4 xi4 p4 #eid4 ,footnote #cec3 #bnd ed41 ,,ii4 ix42 #gth ed41 ,,ii4 viii1 ix4 ,footnote #ced3 #ast ed41 pp4 #fc1 #fd4 ,footnote #cee3 #ast ed41 pp4 #fe-f2 cf4 #bnd ed41 p4 #cjj1 and #gth ed41 p4 #aic4 ,footnote #cef3 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 iv41 c4 ,footnote #ceg3 ,the numbers given then were five millions4--,froude1 ,hist4 of ,england1 i4 #c4 ,footnote #ceh3 ,see ,hansard1 ,parl4 ,hist41 xiv4 #acag4 ,footnote #cei3 ,not unfelt in #ahja4 ,so ,arthur ,young speaks as if the agricultural interest had not unfrequently regarded the ,board of ,agriculture as a new instrument of taxation4 7,report on ,suffolk1 p4 #af47 ,footnote #cfj3 ,in charge of ,rev4 ,alexander ,webster4 ,footnote #cfa3 ,parl4 ,hist41 vol4 xv4 p4 #fi1 quoted by ,mahon1 ,hist4 of ,england1 sub dato1 ch4 xxxi4 p4 #ci4 ,cf4 ,trevelyan1 ,early ,life of ,fox1 ch4 i4 p4 #ad4 ,footnote #cfb3 ,dr4 ,adam ,anderson1 ,chronological ,deduc4 of ,commerce1 ,introd41 p4 xliii42 first printed in #agfb4 ,footnote #cfc3 ,see especially ,estimate 7#gth ed41 #ageh71 ,vol4 ,i4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 sect4 viii4 pp4 #ahf seq4 ,footnote #cfd3 ,chron4 ,ded41 ibid4 ,footnote #cfe3 ,i4 e4 to the discussion described by ,dr4 ,anderson4 ,cf4 ,malthus1 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #afd4 ,muret's pessimistic paper was printed in #agff4 ,footnote #cff3 ,in his ,political ,arithmetic1 #aggd4 ,footnote #cfg3 ,estimate of the ,comparative ,strength of ,britain during the present and four preceding ,reigns1 by ,george ,chalmers1 ,f4,r4,s41 ,s4,a41 #ast ed41 #aghb4 ,footnote #cfh3 ,natural and ,political ,observations1 #afif4 ,apud ,davenant and ,chalmers4 ,footnote #cfi3 ,primitive ,origination of ,mankind4 ,footnote #cgj3 ,political ,survey of ,great ,britain1 #aggd4 ,footnote #cga3 ,cf4 ,chalmers1 ,estimate1 p4 #d1 ,pref4 p4 cxxxviii41 and ,john ,howlett's ,examination of ,dr4 ,price's ,essay 7,maidstone71 #agha4 ,footnote #cgb3 ,cf4 ,macaulay1 ,history1 ch4 iii4 #acg4 ,footnote #cgc3 ,observations1 supplement1 p4 #cff4 ,cf4 ,malthus1 ,essay1 ,app4 p4 #eai4 ,arthur ,young1 ,france1 p4 #dji4 ,the whole subject will be considered later in connection with ,scotland4 ,footnote #cgd3 ,see ,observations on ,smuggling1 #aggi4 ,footnote #cge3 ,but see the caveat in the ,registrar-,general's #ddth ,report 7for #ahha71 p4 vi43 ,the price of wheat and the marriage rate do not always vary inversely4 ,footnote #cgf3 ,in the same way the returns to the ,board of ,agriculture at the end of the century are full of 7not quite disinterested7 praises of enclosures as an encouragement of population4 ,footnote #cgg3 ,lecky1 ,eighteenth ,cent41 i4 #bfa1 #dgi seq4 ,restrictions on the sale were successfully adopted by ,pelham in #agea1 at the time when the question of depopulation was coming to the front4 ,footnote #cgh3 ,an unsafe presumption4 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 ii41 c4 ,footnote #cgi3 ,e4 g4 inoculation4 ,footnote #chj3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #cag2 #gth ed41 p4 #aih1 compared with #gth ed41 p4 #ahi1 c41 above1 pp4 #aae-af4 ,footnote #cha3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #aih note2 first printed in #crd ed4 7#ahjf71 p4 #dfa n4 ,footnote #chb3 #bnd ed41 p4 #cjb n42 #gth ed41 p4 #aid n4 ,footnote #chc3 ,this is asserted in the ,preliminary ,report to the last ,english census 7#ahha74 ,against the idea1 see the ,annual ,register's reviews of ,eden's work on the ,poor 7#agig71 and of his ,estimate of ,english numbers 7#ahjj74 ,the ,register had numbered ,burke and ,godwin among its writers1 and was not likely to be behind public opinion4 ,footnote #chd3 ,see the review of ,arthur ,young's ,question of ,scarcity plainly stated1 #ahjj1 in ,ann4 ,register1 sub dato4 ,footnote #che3 ,chairman of the ,committee on the ,public ,finances #agig1 ,speaker of the ,commons #ahjb1 ,lord ,colchester #ahag4 ,footnote #chf3 #bnd ed41 p4 #cah2 #gth ed41 p4 #bjd4 ,cf4 #bnd ed41 p4 #cag2 #gth ed41 pp4 #aib1 #bjc1 #bjf1 #bai1 c4 ,footnote #chg3 #bnd ed41 p4 #caa2 #gth ed41 pp4 #bja1 #bjb1 foot4 ,compare #ddth ,rept4 of ,reg4-,gen4 7,england71 p4 v4 ,footnote #chh3 ,as e4 g4 in #ahjj-a compared with #ahjb-c2 #gth ed41 p4 #bad4 ,footnote #chi3 #bnd ed41 p4 #cai2 #gth ed41 p4 #bje4 ,cf4 passages cited on last page4 ,footnote #cij3 ,cf4 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #cjh-i2 #gth ed41 pp4 #aih-i4 ,footnote #cia3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #cab-ac2 #gth ed41 p4 #bja4 ,the #bnd ed4 has a reference to 8the late scarcities0 wanting in the later edds4 ,registration1 be it remembered1 was then of baptisms and burials1 not births and deaths4 ,footnote #cib3 ,see above1 p4 #agf4 ,cf4 on the other hand the concession1 #bnd ed41 p4 #cag2 #gth ed41 p4 #bjc1 middle4 ,footnote #cic3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #cai2 #gth ed41 pp4 #bje-f4 ,footnote #cid3 #gth ed41 p4 #ahh4 ,footnote #cie3 ,rickman himself allowed their defectiveness4 ,see ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #cjd2 #gth ed41 p4 #aif4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #agi4 ,footnote #cif3 #bnd ed41 p4 #cjb2 #gth ed41 p4 #aid4 ,by the ,registrar-,general's ,report for #ahhb it was as #a in #fd in that year4 ,footnote #cig3 #bnd ed41 p4 #cjc2 #gth ed41 p4 #aie4 ,footnote #cih3 #gth ed41 p4 #bje4 ,footnote #cii3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #bac-ad2 #gth ed41 p4 #bjb4 ,footnote #djj3 #deth ,report of ,registrar-,general 7,england71 7#ahhb71 p4 ci4 ,footnote #dja3 #gth ed41 p4 #baj4 ,footnote #djb3 #bnd ed41 p4 #cjb2 #gth ed41 p4 #aid n4 ,footnote #djc3 ,numbers calculated by 8natural increment10 i4 e4 births and deaths--#bf1ach1bdh2 numbers actually enumerated--#be1ifh1bhf4--,preliminary ,report1 p4 iii4 ,footnote #djd3 '#ca-'da1 incr4 #ad4eb2 '#ga-'ha1 incr4 #ad4cd4 ,footnote #dje3 ,or three and a quarter millions of people to ,england and ,wales alone4 ,footnote #djf3 #gth ed41 ,,ii4 ix4 p4 #bae 7written first in #eth ed41 #ahag74 ,footnote #djg3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #beh2 cf4 ,prel4 ,rept4 ,census1 #ahha1 p4 ix4 ,footnote #djh3 ,the account of ,scotland in the ,essay1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 x41 is taken from the ,statistical ,account of ,sir ,john ,sinclair1 #agia-ii4 ,sinclair was acting1 on the south side of the ,tweed1 as ,president of the ,board of ,agriculture4 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 p4 #bah4 ,footnote #dji3 ,there was very little in ,scotland4 ,it is only once mentioned by ,adam ,smith4 ,mac,culloch says 8never10 but he had overlooked ,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iv4 vii4 #bea-b4 ,footnote #daj3 ,the last of late introduction4 ,see ,reports to ,board of ,agriculture3 ,central ,highlands 7#agid71 p4 #ba4 ,footnote #daa3 #bnd ed41 p4 #chd2 #gth ed41 p4 #bbi4 ,footnote #dab3 ,not feudal but pre-feudal1 or allodial4 ,see ,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iii4 iv4 #ahc1 #a4 ,footnote #dac3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ibid4 ,footnote #dad3 ,selkirk1 ,highlands1 #ahje1 p4 #be4 ,footnote #dae3 ,see the ,legend of ,montrose1 c4 ,footnote #daf3 ,adam ,smith1 l4 c42 cf4 ,i4 viii #cf1 #a 7the often-quoted description of 8half-starved highland women0 with their twenty children in contrast to the 8pampered fine lady0 with few or none47 ,footnote #dag3 ,reports to ,board of ,agriculture3 ,central ,highlands1 #agid1 p4 #eb4 ,footnote #dah3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iii4 iv4 #ahd1 #a 7written #aggd71 a passage which shows that the clearances and the consequent cry of ,depopulation are to be looked for as early as the middle of the century4 ,we are sometimes told that from the '#de to the end of the century was the golden age of highland farmers4 ,but the willingness of the clansmen to enter ,chatham's highland regiments would hardly imply great contentment4 ,footnote #dai3 ,cf4 ,essay on ,pop41 pp4 #ccb 7#bnd ed471 #bbg 7#gth ed471 and ,selkirk1 l4 c41 pp4 #dc seq4 ,contra1 see ,report of ,crofters ,commission1 #ahhd1 p4 #ea4 ,footnote #dbj3 ,made under the ,marquis of ,stafford between #ahjg and #ahbj1 in which year the popular odium was at its height1 and the landlord made his defence in a well-known pamphlet by his factor1 ,james ,loch4 ,footnote #dba3 ,cf4 ,malthus1 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #bbi1 top2 cf4 pp4 #bba ft41 #bbc ft42 #bnd ed41 pp4 #cbf-g4 ,footnote #dbb3 ,see ,malthus1 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #bbg4 ,cf4 ,farr in ,statist4 ,journ41 #afth ,feb4 #ahdf4 ,footnote #dbc3 ,drawn chiefly from the ,statistical ,account of ,scotland1 #agia-ii4 ,footnote #dbd3 ,lavergne1 ,econ4 ,rur4 de l',angleterre1 ch4 xx4 p4 #caj4 ,footnote #dbe3 ,the #fth simply adds the numbers of the people from the census of #ahba1 with hardly any comment4 ,footnote #dbf3 #bnd ed4 says 8barbarism40 ,footnote #dbg3 #bnd ed41 8depressed40 ,footnote #dbh3 #bnd ed4 adds1 8by the filth of their persons40 ,footnote #dbi3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #ccd-e2 #gth ed41 p4 #bbi4 ,he refers to the rebellion of #agie-ih1 that was prelude to the ,union of #ahjj1 and was fresh in his memory4 ,footnote #dcj3 ,edin4 ,review1 ,july #ahjh1 the only review in that journal assigned to him by express testimony4 ,footnote #dca3 #crd ,report of ,emigration ,committee 7#ahbg71 ,evid41 qu4 #cbbe4 ,footnote #dcb3 ,in the article on ,newenham he incidentally utters the paradox that in view of the low standard of food the people's indolence is almost an advantage1 for it prevents wages falling quite down to that level4--,art4 p4 #cda4 ,cf4 ,essay1 ,,iv4 xi4 #def-g4 ,for his view of potatoes in ,ireland1 ibid41 #dec4 ,footnote #dcc3 ,cf4 ,review of ,newenham1 p4 #ceb4 ,footnote #dcd3 ,cf4 ,rogers1 ,six ,centuries of ,work and ,wages 7#ahhd71 p4 #dhd4 ,footnote #dce3 ,in a sense already frequently noticed4 ,so in answer #cdja1 where he seems to accept the phrase 8moral degradation0 as applied to ,ireland4 ,footnote #dcf3 ,cf4 above1 pp4 #ie and #aie n4 ,professor ,rogers must have forgotten such passages as these when he wrote the #fbnd and #fcrd pages of his ,six ,centuries of ,work and ,wages 7#ahhd71 though he furnishes his own correction on a following page 7#dhd74 ,footnote #dcg3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,v4 iii4 #dcj1 #a1 #b4 ,footnote #dch3 ,sir ,wm4 ,petty made it #a1ajj1jjj in #afgb4 ,see ,mac,culloch1 ,append4 to ,wealth of ,nations1 7,,iv47 #dfb4 ,footnote #dci3 ,see ,sir ,h4 ,parnell's evidence in #crd ,report to ,emigration ,committee1 #ahbg1 p4 #bjj4 ,he thinks that between #agib and #ahba the population of ,ireland had doubled itself4 ,footnote #ddj3 ,malthus1 ,evidence before ,emigration ,committee1 #ahbg2 #crd ,report1 qu4 #cdcj1 p4 #cbg4 ,footnote #dda3 ,querist 7#agce7 #acd3 8,whether if there was a wall of brass a thousand cubits high round this kingdom1 our natives might not nevertheless live cleanly and comfortably1 till the land1 and reap the fruits of it80 ,the 8caged rats0 of the ,corn ,law pamphlets give us the other side of the question4 ,footnote #ddb3 8,of such consequence in the encouragement of any industry is a steady unvarying policy40----,arthur ,young1 ,france1 p4 #chh4 ,footnote #ddc3 ,see above1 p4 #aea1 c4 ,footnote #ddd3 ,see above1 pp4 #aia-b4 ,footnote #dde3 l4 c4 p4 #cii4 ,cf4 ,lecky1 ,eighteenth ,cent41 vol4 ii4 pp4 #bbb seq42 ,review of ,newenham1 pp4 #cdi1 #cej4 ,footnote #ddf3 ,see above1 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #ddg3 #gth ed41 p4 #cgh ft4 ,cf4 ,polit4 ,econ41 #ast ed41 pp4 #beb1 #bij1 and #cid seq4 ,footnote #ddh3 ,essay1 ,,iii4 viii4 #cbc 7first in #eth ed474 ,see later1 p4 #bfh1 c4 ,footnote #ddi3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 pp4 #deb-c2 #bnd ed41 pp4 #ege-f4 ,footnote #dej3 ,ibid41 p4 #cbc ft4 7#gth72 ,mac,culloch1 ,appendix to ,w4 of ,n41 p4 #dfg1 #b4 ,footnote #dea3 ,essay on ,pop41 #bnd ed41 p4 #egf2 #gth ed41 p4 #dec ft4 ,footnote #deb3 ,lavergne1 pp4 #dbc-d4 ,footnote #dec3 ,even in #ahge the ,registrar-,general's ,report showed that there were then fewer marriages in ,ireland than in ,england1 in proportion to the population1 and that they came later4 ,cf4 the #ahth ,report1 for ,ireland 7#ahhb71 pp4 #ah1 #ai4 ,footnote #ded3 ,review of ,newenham1 pp4 #cea-d4 ,footnote #dee3 ,see above1 ,bk4 ,i4 ch4 i4 ,footnote #def3 #bnd ed41 ,bk4 ,,iii4 chs4 i4 to iii42 #gth ed41 ,bk4 ,,iii4 chs4 i4 and ii4 ,footnote #deg3 #gth ed41 ch4 iii4 7on ,owen1 c471 which replaces a reply 7#bnd and #crd edd47 to ,godwin's first reply4 ,footnote #deh3 ,all except those on pauperism4 ,when pauperism is reached1 the thread of the essay is again taken up4 ,footnote #dei3 ,pol4 ,econ41 #ahbj1 ,introd4 p4 #aa4 ,cf4 ,tract on ,value1 p4 #fj ft41 and above1 p4 #cg4 ,footnote #dfj3 ,high ,price of ,bullion1 #ahji4 ,see below1 p4 #bhe4 ,footnote #dfa3 ,malthus1 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,introd4 pp4 #b1 #e1 #bb1 c42 ,essay on ,pop41 ,pref4 c42 ,ricardo1 ,principles of ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,taxn4 7#ahag71 ,pref4 ,footnote #dfb3 ,life of ,ricardo in preface to ,works1 p4 xxxi4 ,footnote #dfc3 ,j4 ,s4 ,mill1 ,political ,economy1 #ahdh and #ahdi4 ,it was not a complete breach4 ,the new faith and the old perplex each other and the reader1 in the pages of ,mill4 ,footnote #dfd3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,introd4 ,cf4 the ,discussions on the ,measure of ,value1 ,pol4 ,econ41 ch4 ii41 and pamphlet on the subject4 ,so ,roscher1 ,nationalkonomie1 #a and n4 ,footnote #dfe3 ,arist41 ,ethics1 i4 7#c74 ,footnote #dff3 8,definitions in ,political ,economy1 preceded by an inquiry into the rules which ought to guide political economists in the definition and use of their terms1 with remarks on the deviations from these rules in their writings0 7#ahbg71 p4 #e4 ,footnote #dfg3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,introd4 p4 #aa4 ,footnote #dfh3 ,definitions1 p4 #d4 ,footnote #dfi3 ,ibid41 p4 #e4 ,footnote #dgj3 ,definitions1 pp4 #f1 #g4 ,footnote #dga3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #bh4 8,and have an exchangeable value10 was the ,ricardian addition2 and in the ,quarterly ,rev41 ,jan4 #ahbd1 p4 #bih1 ,malthus weakly allows the addition to pass4 ,footnote #dgb3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,introd4 p4 #aa4 ,footnote #dgc3 ,mac,culloch1 ,life of ,ricardo1 prefixed to ,princ4 of ,econ4 and ,taxation 7ed4 #ahgf71 p4 xxv4 ,footnote #dgd3 ,letter quoted by ,empson in ,edin4 ,review1 ,jan4 #ahcg4 ,footnote #dge3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,pref4 pp4 #ab1 #ac 7#bnd ed474 ,cf4 above1 p4 #eg4 ,footnote #dgf3 ,arist41 ,ethics1 x4 #a4 ,some thought pleasure was the goal1 but1 for the sake of others1 8one must not say so40 ,footnote #dgg3 ,see below1 ch4 iv4 ,footnote #dgh3 ,porter's ,progress of the ,nation1 p4 #adh 7ed4 #ahea74 ,cf4 ,mac,culloch1 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,notes1 p4 #ebe4 ,footnote #dgi3 ,dissolved in #ahag4 ,footnote #dhj3 ,between #agfg and his death in #ahbj1 he wrote no less than a hundred volumes on agriculture4 ,his bet is given in ,sir ,j4 ,sinclair's ,life by ,archdeacon ,sinclair1 i4 #bec4 ,footnote #dha3 ,at the end of #ahja4 ,footnote #dhb3 ,communications to ,board of ,agriculture1 iv4 #bcb-e 7#ahje74 ,cf4 ,ann4 ,reg41 #ahja1 p4 #aca4 ,footnote #dhc3 ,e4 g4 that the members should always use mixed instead of pure wheaten flour4 ,footnote #dhd3 ,ann4 ,reg41 #ahja1 p4 #abi4 ,footnote #dhe3 ,as was done1 e4 g41 by ,chief ,justice ,kenyon1 ,king's ,bench1 ,rex v4 ,john ,rusby1 ,nov4 #agii4 ,footnote #dhf3 ,see ,j4 ,s4 ,girdler1 ,forestalling1 c4 7#ahjj71 ,s4 ,j4 ,pratt's poem on ,bread for the ,poor 7#ahjj74 ,footnote #dhg3 ,girdler1 l4 c4 pp4 #df1dh1 c4 ,footnote #dhh3 ,philps1 ,progress of ,great ,britain1 p4 #acb4 ,footnote #dhi3 ,cf4 the figures given in ,malthus' ,tract on ,value1 pp4 #fi-gi1 and in ,professor ,rogers' ,six ,centuries of ,work and ,wages1 pp4 #dhg seq41--both of them taken chiefly from ,eden on the ,poor4 ,footnote #dij3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 viii4 #dd1 #a4 ,footnote #dia3 ,on the whole subject see ,craik1 ,hist4 of ,commerce1 ii4 #adb-e4 ,footnote #dib3 ,macpherson1 ditto1 iii4 #adh 7year #agbh71 #cjg 7year #ageg74 ,footnote #dic3 ,ibid41 iii4 #cbi1 #cca2 ,mac,c41 ,comm4 ,dict4 7ed4 #ahga71 p4 #dcj4 ,footnote #did3 ,cf4 ,essay on ,population1 p4 #ceb 7#gth ed474 ,cf4 above1 p4 #be4 ,footnote #die3 ,macpherson1 iii4 #dch1 #deb4 ,footnote #dif3 ,cf4 ,malthus1 ,essay on ,pop41 p4 #dec 7#bnd ed472 ,grounds of on ,opinion1 c41 p4 #dc4 ,footnote #dig3 ,e4 g4 ,national ,industry of ,scotland1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #bjh-i 7#aggi74 ,mac,culloch has quoted other passages 7,wealth of ,nations1 xlviii4 n41 and ,note on ,rent1 p4 #dec1 #a1 and n474 ,sir ,edward ,west agrees with ,malthus in his qualified approval of the ,corn ,laws4 ,see ,price of ,corn1 c41 p4 #aci4 ,footnote #dih3 ,a reprint of the #crd 787 ,footnote #dii3 ,if we include the ,crisis1 it would be the fifth time4 ,footnote #ejj3 ,it was popular enough to reach a #crd edition in #ahae4 ,footnote #eja3 ,see ,grounds of an ,opinion1 c41 p4 #b4 ,footnote #ejb3 ,observations1 pp4 #bj-a4 ,footnote #ejc3 ,ibid41 p4 #ag4 ,footnote #ejd3 ,the ,english price in ,nov4 #ahhd4 ,footnote #eje3 ,observations1 pp4 #ai1 #bb1 #bc1 #bg4 ,footnote #ejf3 ,ibid41 p4 #bh4 ,if the ,ricardian hypothesis is not true of individuals1 it is still less true of ,governments1 as ,cobden experienced4 ,footnote #ejg3 ,ibid41 pp4 #cj1 #ca4 ,footnote #ejh3 ,ibid41 p4 #cb3 8,many of the questions both in morals and politics seem to be of the nature of the problems de maximis et minimis in fluxions2 in which there is always a point where a certain effect is the greatest1 while on either side of this point it gradually diminishes40 ,footnote #eji3 ,cf4 even ,observations1 pp4 #e1 #ab1 #ac4 ,footnote #eaj3 ,see below1 chs4 ii4 and iii4 ,footnote #eaa3 ,the expression of ,grenville in a letter to ,pitt1 #ahjj4 ,see ,stanhope1 ,life of ,pitt1 ii4 #cga4 ,footnote #eab3 ,unless perhaps ,mr4 ,bagehot's4 ,col4 ,thompson understood the theory of population only in its cruder form4 ,in answer #ccg of the ,catechism 7#ahci7 he meets the objection that free trade would only increase population by saying3 8,no man has a right to prevent us running a constant race with hunger if we can40 ,footnote #eac3 ,grounds1 c41 p4 #df n4 ,footnote #ead3 ,ibid41 pp4 #c1 #aa1 #ab1 ,footnote #eae3 ,ibid41 pp4 #cj1 #cc4 ,footnote #eaf3 ,ricardo1 ,works1 p4 #cch8e 7,mac,c4's ed474 ,for remarks on this part of ,malthus' tract see ibid41 p4 #chb4 ,footnote #eag3 ,grounds1 c41 p4 #cf n4 ,cf4 ,ricardo1 p4 #cij4 ,footnote #eah3 ,see above1 p4 #baa4 ,footnote #eai3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ch4 iii4 sect4 i4 p4 #acd 7#ahbj74 ,footnote #ebj3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 xi41 beginning4 ,footnote #eba3 ,he does not always prefix this qualification2 but that he intended it appears clearly from the ,tract on ,rent1 p4 #c n43 ,not every land that yields food will yield rent4 ,cf4 ,pol ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #ada4 ,footnote #ebb3 ,compare ,tract on ,rent1 p4 #af n4 ,footnote #ebc3 ,the title of the tract is1 ,an ,inquiry into the ,nature and ,progress of ,rent1 and the ,principles by which it is regulated4 ,it appears from a letter of ,malthus to ,sir ,john ,sinclair on #cast ,jan41 #ahae1 that it was passing through the press in that month4 ,sinclair1 ,correspondence1 i4 #cia 7#ahca74 ,footnote #ebd3 ,as1 he might have added1 in education4 ,footnote #ebe3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #adb1 but especially p4 #ahg4 ,cf4 ,tract on ,rent1 pp4 #h-ab4 ,footnote #ebf3 ,rent1 p4 #aj4 ,footnote #ebg3 ,cf4 also below1 p4 #bid4 ,footnote #ebh3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,,iv4 ii4 #cjg1 #b2 cf4 ,,iv4 v4 #bdj1 #b4 ,footnote #ebi3 ,essay on the ,application of ,capital to ,land1 with observations showing the impolicy of any great restriction of the importation of corn1 and that the bounty of #afhh did not lower the price of it4 ,by a fellow of ,university ,college1 ,oxford4 7,london1 #ahae47 ,page #b4 ,footnote #ecj3 ,w4 of ,n41 ,,ii4 iii4 #adh1 #a4 ,footnote #eca3 ,essay1 #ast ed41 p4 #cfc4 ,footnote #ecb3 ,tract on ,rent1 p4 #af2 ,essay on ,pop4 7#gth ed471 p4 #cbg4 ,cf4 above4 ,footnote #ecc3 ,rent1 p4 #bj2 cf4 pp4 #ah1 #eg4 ,essay on ,pop41 #bnd ed41 p4 #dcc2 #gth ed41 p4 #cbg4 8,if we look only to the clear monied rent10 c4 ,footnote #ecd3 ,ricardo1 ,preface to ,principles of ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,taxation4 ,footnote #ece3 ,reprinted by ,mac,culloch in his edition of ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,taxation1 pp4 #cfg-cij4 ,footnote #ecf3 ,mac,culloch ed4 of ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,taxation1 p4 #cgd n4 ,footnote #ecg3 ,ibid41 p4 #cga4 ,footnote #ech3 ,so ,prof4 ,rogers ascribes the high rents of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries very largely to the low wages2 higher ones would have 8reduced rent first1 and profits afterwards40--,six ,centuries1 p4 #dhb2 cf4 pp4 #dhj and #dib4 ,footnote #eci3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #afa 7ch4 iii4 sect4 iii474 ,footnote #edj3 ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,taxation1 pp4 #cgc1 #cge1 #cgi-hj2 cf4 pp4 #ga and #gb1 but especially #fh ft4 ,malthus on the whole follows ,adam ,smith1 ,i4 ix42 ,mill has followed ,ricardo4 ,footnote #eda3 ,so far as the account is meant to be historical1 it must be corrected by ,carey4 ,see above1 p4 #fe4 ,footnote #edb3 ,ricardo1 l4 c4 p4 #cgb and n4 ,cf4 below4 ,he appeals to ,adam ,smith's principle of compensation 7,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 x474 ,footnote #edc3 ,rogers 7,six ,centuries1 p4 #ceb7 goes so far the other way as to make improvements the only cause of an increase of rent1 though the passage should be read with p4 #dhj1 and especially pp4 #dhb and #dib4 ,footnote #edd3 ,e4 g4 ,mrs4 ,fawcett1 ,pol4 ,econ4 for ,beginners1 pp4 #fe1 #ff2 and even ,west1 on ,rent1 p4 #ej4 ,footnote #ede3 #crd ,report1 #ahbg1 p4 #cba1 qu4 #ccda4 ,cf4 ,perr4 ,thompson1 ,true ,theory of ,rent1 pp4 #h1 #ab1 #cd1 c4 7#ahcb1 #ith ed474 ,footnote #edf3 ,tract on ,value1 p4 #f4 ,footnote #edg3 ,ricardo1 ,low ,price of ,corn1 c41 ,works1 pp4 #cgc1 #chj1 #cha1 c4 ,footnote #edh3 ,ibid41 pp4 #cgg1 #cgi4 ,footnote #edi3 ,ricardo1 ,works1 l4 c4 p4 #cgh4 ,footnote #eej3 ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,tax41 ibid4 pp4 #ej seq41 esp4 pp4 #ed1 #ee4 ,footnote #eea3 l4 c4 p4 #ee ft4 ,footnote #eeb3 ,low ,price1 c41 ibid41 p4 #cgi4 ,footnote #eec3 ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,tax41 ch4 v42 cf4 ,malthus1 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #bcj4 ,footnote #eed3 ,but cf4 ,works1 p4 #cgg n4 ,footnote #eee3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,,iv4 iii #d4 ,cf4 ,walker1 ,land and its ,rent1 pp4 #agg-ha1 though it has been pointed out that on p4 #agh that writer omits ,mill's qualifying phrase1 7improvements7 8suddenly made40 ,footnote #eef3 ,see ,sir ,james ,caird's table appended to ,landed ,interest 7#ahgh74 ,cf4 ,cairne's ,essays in ,pol4 ,ec41 vi4 p4 #baf4 ,footnote #eeg3 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 vii p4 #dbi4 ,footnote #eeh3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 viii4 p4 #dcg4 ,footnote #eei3 ,ibid41 l4 c4 ch4 ix4 pp4 #ddc seq4 ,footnote #efj3 ,essay1 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 ix4 p4 #dej4 ,footnote #efa3 ,ibid41 ch4 x4 p4 #dfe4 ,footnote #efb3 ,ibid41 ,bk4 ,v4 ch4 x4 p4 #dfh n4 ,footnote #efc3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 pp4 #bbg seq41 7#ahcf7 pp4 #bdj seq4 ,footnote #efd3 ,six ,centuries of ,work and ,wages1 ch4 xii41 esp4 p4 #cde4 ,footnote #efe3 ,the facts of ,malthus' 8review0 may be roughly given in the following diagram1 where the bar indicates the wheat earned per day by the agricultural labourer4 ,the amount for #acej assumes that the ,statute of ,labourers was successful4 ,one peck4 ,two pecks4 #acdj 7before ,plague7 3-------------- 3 3 #acej 7after ,plague7 3----------------- 3 3 #adjj 3-------------------3 3 #aejj 3-------------------3------------------- 3 #afjc 3----------------- 3 3 #afej 3----------- 3 3 #afii 3-------------------3 3 #agcj 3-------------------3 3 #agff 3------------------ 3 3 #ahaa 3------------------ 3 3 #ahbb 787 3-------------------3 3 ,add #ahhd1 taking wages ------------------------------------ at #ads4 a week and wheat at #cfs4 a quarter1 or #as4 #a;d4 a peck4 ,footnote #eff3 #gth ed41 pp4 #cba seq4 7,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 viii471 first in #ahag4 ,footnote #efg3 ,cf4 above1 p4 #bbe n4 ,in ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #dcb1 he says1 8,all the great results in ,pol4 ,econ4 respecting wealth depend upon proportions40 #bnd ed4 added 7p4 #cgf71 8not only there1 but throughout the whole range of nature and art40 ,so he thinks a peck of wheat a good 8middle point0 of wages4 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #bhd1 7#ahcf7 p4 #bed4 ,footnote #efh3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 ix4 pp4 #cbh seq4 ,cf4 pp4 #ccd1 #cch4 ,footnote #efi3 ,ibid41 p4 #ccb4 ,footnote #egj3 ,ibid41 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 x4 pp4 #ccd seq4 ,footnote #ega3 ,see above1 p4 #bja n4 ,cf4 ,essay on ,pop41 #gth ed41 p4 #ccg4 ,footnote #egb3 ,essay1 l4 c4 p4 #cch4 ,footnote #egc3 l4 c4 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 x4 pp4 #cch-i4 ,footnote #egd3 ,fortnightly ,review1 ,nov4 #ahha1 his last writing4 ,cf4 ,essay1 l4 c4 pp4 #cdj-cdb4 ,footnote #ege3 ,in two long chapters on ,corn ,laws and ,bounties1 ,essay on ,pop41 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 xi4 pp4 #cdc-cfg4 ,cf4 above1 pp4 #bbf seq4 ,footnote #egf3 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,iv4 ,footnote #egg3 ,the ,measure of ,value stated and illustrated1 with an application of it to the alteration in the value of the ,english currency since #agij4 7,april7 #ahbc4 ,footnote #egh3 ,so ,tract on ,value1 p4 #a4 ,but in ,definitions value is 8the relation of one object to some other or others1 in exchange1 resulting from the estimation in which a thing is held0 7def4 #dj1 #da2 cf4 with def4 #e74 ,footnote #egi3 ,adam ,smith1 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 v4 ,footnote #ehj3 ,measure of ,value1 p4 #bc4 ,cf4 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 pp4 #abf seq42 7#ahcf71 pp4 #hd1 #ic seq4 ,footnote #eha3 ,measure of ,value1 p4 #bj n4 ,on pp4 #bc-d he adds1 8taking the average of summer and winter wages40 ,footnote #ehb3 ,see below1 p4 #bfh4 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #abe2 7#ahcf7 p4 #ajb1 c42 ,tract on ,value1 passim4 ,footnote #ehc3 ,work and ,wages1 ch4 iii4 p4 #ge4 ,malthus1 ,pol4 ,econ41 #bnd ed41 pp4 #ajh seq4 ,footnote #ehd3 ,cf4 ,marx1 ,kapital1 pp4 #ai1 #ba1 c4 ,footnote #ehe3 ,mac,c4's ed41 pp4 #de seq4 ,cf4 ,tract on ,value1 p4 #bj n41 above quoted4 ,footnote #ehf3 ,cf4 ,ricardo1 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,works 7ed4 ,mac,c471 p4 #ae4 ,footnote #ehg3 ,meas4 of ,value1 pp4 #h-ab4 ,footnote #ehh3 ,meas4 of ,value1 pp4 #bb1 #fe4 ,cf4 ,cairnes1 ,australian ,episode1 in ,essays in ,pol4 ,econ4 7pp4 #ib seq42 cf4 pp4 #cg1 #fa71 7#ahgc71--;first published in ,fraser's ,mag41 ,sept4 #ahei4 ,footnote #ehi3 ,meas4 of ,value1 p4 #bc4 ,footnote #eij3 ,ibid41 pp4 #bg-bi4 ,footnote #eia3 ,meas4 of ,value1 p4 #bi n4 ,footnote #eib3 ,he might have said simply that the one is intrinsic1 the other extrinsic1 in relation to the agricultural products themselves4 ,footnote #eic3 ,meas4 of ,value1 p4 #fc4 ,footnote #eid3 ,meas4 of ,value1 pp4 #fg seq4 ,cf4 below1 pp4 #bhc seq4 ,footnote #eie3 ,who allows cost to play a greater part in value4 ,cf4 below1 pp4 #bgh-i4 ,but ,ricardo1 ,pol4 ,econ41 sect vi4 p4 #bh1 disclaims belief in any universal measure of value4 ,footnote #eif3 ,malthus1 quoted by ,empson1 ,edin4 ,rev41 ,jan4 #ahcg1 p4 #dii4 ,footnote #eig3 ,he was ,f4,r4,s4 #ahai1 and a member of ,pol4 ,econ4 ,club at its foundation in #ahba4 ,footnote #eih3 #dth ,may1 #ahbe2 #gth ,nov41 #ahbg4 ,transactions of it ,r4 ,s4 ,l41 vol4 i4 part i4 p4 #aga4 ,footnote #eii3 ,report of ,r4 ,s4 ,l41 #ahbd1 p4 #ba4 ,footnote #fjj3 ,we might expressly wish to know a coat's value in money or its value in cutlery or coals4 ,the ,professor at the ,breakfast-table talks of 8,madeira worth from two to six ,bibles a bottle40 ,footnote #fja3 ,definitions 7#ahbg71 p4 #bce4 ,footnote #fjb3 ,i4 e4 to the object which measures that cost-value4 ,footnote #fjc3 ,ibid41 p4 #bdc4 ,footnote #fjd3 ,see above1 p4 #bed4 ,ricardo's long correspondence with ,malthus on the subject is mentioned by ,empson1 ,edin4 ,rev41 l4 c4 p4 #dfi4 ,empson's extracts from it are the most valuable part of his article4 ,footnote #fje3 ,r4 ,torrens1 ,production of ,wealth1 #ahba1 pp4 iv1 v4 ,footnote #fjf3 ,held1 ,sociale ,geschichte ,englands1 p4 #bje4 ,footnote #fjg3 ,dialogues of ,three ,templars on ,political ,economy1 #ahbd 7,works1 ,black1 #ahfc1 vol4 iv474 ,all depends on the assumption in the middle of ,dialogue ,i4 p4 #aif1 78it is ,mr4 ,ricardo's doctrine that10 c471 and on the confinement of the discussion to natural value 7p4 #aih74 ,footnote #fjh3 ,measure of ,value1 p4 #bj n4 ,footnote #fji3 ,london1 #ahcb2 ,birmingham1 #ahcc4 ,the ,constituent ,assembly applied the same measure1 but in a different way1 in #agia4 ,see ,roscher1 ,national-kon4 7#ahgi71 p4 #bih4 ,footnote #faj3 ,the words are1 8enable the labourers to maintain a stationary or an increasing population0 7,pol4 ,econ41 #ahcf1 p4 #bah74 ,the awkwardness of the sentence may be due to bad editing2 but we read elsewhere of the 8price of wages40 ,footnote #faa3 ,pol4 ,econ41 #ahcf1 pp4 #bah1 #bbc4 ,footnote #fab3 ,see ,lassalle and ,marx4 ,footnote #fac3 ,cf4 ,malthus1 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahcf71 pp4 #bbd1 #bbe1 c4 ,essay on ,population1 #gth ed41 ,,iii viii4 #cbc1 but especially ,,iv4 xiii4 #dgc4 ,see also ,rogers1 ,six ,centuries1 ch4 viii41 #8,the ,famine and the ,plague1' especially pp4 #bcc-bdb4 ,footnote #fad3 ,malthus1 ,essay on ,pop41 ,,iv4 xiii4 #dgc2 cf4 pp4 #cgc and #dcd4 ,footnote #fae3 ,cf4 especially ,essay on ,pop4 7#bnd ed471 ,,iii4 ix4 #ddd4 8,the price of labour has been rising--not to fall again40 ,footnote #faf3 ,emigr4 ,comm4 7#ahbg71 p4 #cbf1 qu4 #cdaa2 cf4 #cdjh1 #cdji4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #aig4 ,footnote #fag3 ,the chief of them being the rate of profits which is at the given time enough to induce the 8undertaker0 7or 8enterpriser07 to continue business4 ,footnote #fah3 ,see ,mill on ,thornton's #8,labour1' ,fortnightly ,review1 ,may #ahfi4 ,cf4 ,walker on ,the ,wages ,question1 pp4 #adj seq4 ,footnote #fai3 ,so in ,quarterly ,review1 ,jan4 #ahbd1 p4 #cae1 ,malthus says profits depend rather on the demand for produce than on the demand for labour4 ,footnote #fbj3 ,discourse on ,pol4 ,econ41 by ,j4 ,r4 ,mac,culloch1 pp4 #fa1 #fb 7#ast and #bnd edd471 #ahbe4 ,footnote #fba3 ,conversations on ,pol4 ,econ41 #ahag 7#ast and #bnd edd471 p4 #acg4 ,mrs4 ,marcet's memory is preserved for latter-day readers by ,macaulay's reference to her in the essay on ,milton4 ,footnote #fbb3 ,discourse1 l4 c4 ,cf4 ,mac,c4's ,pol4 ,econ41 ,pt4 ,,iii4 ch4 ii4 p4 #cgh 7ed4 #ahdc72 ,prof4 ,fawcett's ,manual of ,pol4 ,econ41 p4 #aca 7#ahgf74 ,footnote #fbc3 ,james ,mill1 ,elem4 7#ahba71 p4 #be2 ,john ,mill1 ,principles1 ,,ii4 xi4 #a4 ,cf4 ,fort4 ,rev41 #ahfi1 ,may2 ,thornton1 ,labour1 ,,ii4 i4 p4 #hc4 ,footnote #fbd3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 viii4 p4 #ca1 #b4 ,footnote #fbe3 ,ibid41 ,,iv4 ix4 #cjf1 #a4 ,footnote #fbf3 ,ibid41 ,,iv4 ix4 #caj1 #b4 ,footnote #fbg3 ,ibid41 ,v4 i4 #cbg1 #b4 ,footnote #fbh3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ed4 #ahcf1 ch4 iv4 sect4 ii4 p4 #bbd4 ,footnote #fbi3 ,ibid4 ed4 #ahbj1 ch4 iv4 p4 #bdh4 ,footnote #fcj3 ,quarterly ,review1 ,jan4 #ahbd4 ,cf4 below1 p4 #bhh4 ,footnote #fca3 ,supplement to ,encyclopdia ,britannica4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #ga4 ,footnote #fcb3 ,empson in ,edin4 ,rev41 ,jan4 #ahcg1 p4 #dif4 ,footnote #fcc3 ,quart4 ,rev41 ,jan4 #ahbd 7no4 lx471 pp4 #ccc-d4 ,footnote #fcd3 ,ricardo1 ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,tax41 ch4 i4 sections iv41 v42 ,works1 pp4 #bj1 #be4 ,cf4 ,malthus1 ,pol4 ,econ41 #ahbj1 p4 #ajd1 and the whole of section iii4 pp4 #gb seq4 ,footnote #fce3 ,quart4 ,rev41 l4 c4 p4 #cbd2 cf4 p4 #cae4 ,cf4 above4 ,footnote #fcf3 ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,tax41 ch4 i4 sections iv4 and v4 ,footnote #fcg3 ,any given value1 it might be added1 is influenced by custom as well as competition4 ,footnote #fch3 #ahba1 p4 #ahf1 ch4 iv4 sect4 iii4 8,that consumption is coextensive with production40 ,footnote #fci3 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,,iii4 xiv4 8,of excess of supply40 ,cf4 ,i4 v4 #c1 p4 #db4 ,footnote #fdj3 ,a cargo of skates was sent to ,rio ,janeiro in #ahjh4 ,footnote #fda3 ,the intention of the new ,corn ,law of #ahae was to keep out all foreign grain till the home price should reach #hjs4 a quarter1 or the loaf #as4 ,see above1 p4 #bba4 ,footnote #fdb3 ,the article on the ,bullion question1 in ,august of the same year1 might be his1 if it was not ,francis ,horner's4 ,cf4 ,horner's ,life1 vol4 i4 ch4 vi41 dates ,april and ,sept4 #ahje1 from which it appears that ,horner was working hard at the question and meant to write on it1 as he might have done better in #ahaa1 fresh from his experience on the ,bullion ,committee4 ,as to the ,february article1 the authorship is shown partly by internal evidence1 partly by ,horner's ,life1 vol4 ii4 p4 #fh 7,jan4 #ahaa73 8,i received ,malthus' ,,ms4 from you ,jeffrey and have since transmitted it to him with such remarks as occurred to me in perusing it10 c4 ,mac,culloch did not begin to write the economical articles for the ,edin4 ,rev4 till #ahah4 ,see ,notes and ,queries1 #eth ,oct41 #ahgh4 ,footnote #fdc3 ,for the history of the currency in the interval see ,miss ,martineau's ,introd4 to ,hist4 of ,peace1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 iii42 ,hist4 of the ,peace1 ,bk4 ,i4 ch4 iii4 and ch4 xv42 ,cobbett's ,paper v4 ,gold2 ,macleod's ,banking1 vol4 ii41 end of ch4 ix4 pp4 #agd-bba1 much the completest account4 ,footnote #fdd3 ,peel changed his views then on ,currency1 as he did later on ,catholic ,emancipation and the ,corn ,laws4 ,footnote #fde3 p4 #cgj4 ,he speaks approvingly of the ,american free trade in banking in a way that would have pleased ,cobden4 ,footnote #fdf3 p4 #cga4 ,footnote #fdg3 ,e4 g4 ,horner complains of this even in so clear a paper as that on ,newenham4 ,see ,horner's ,life1 vol4 i4 pp4 #dcf-g 7sub dato #ahjh74 ,footnote #fdh3 ,works 7ed4 ,mac,c471 pp4 #bia-bif4 ,footnote #fdi3 ,ricardo1 ,works 7,mac,c471 p4 xxi4 ,footnote #fej3 ,cf4 below1 ,bk4 ,v4 ,footnote #fea3 ,horner's ,life1 vol4 ii4 p4 #fh 7,jan4 #ahaa74 ,footnote #feb3 ,thoughts and ,details on ,high and ,low ,prices during the last ,thirty ,years1 #agic-ahbc4 ,the later ed4 of #ahch in three vols4 is more valuable4 ,footnote #fec3 ,political ,register1 #cjth ,nov41 #ahaf4 ,footnote #fed3 ,internal evidence1 e4 g4 p4 #bcg of the ,quarterly1 compared with p4 #fe of ,measure of ,value1 would show his authorship1 and the article is ascribed to him by ,tooke1 ,prices1 ed4 #ahch1 vol4 i4 p4 #ba4 ,footnote #fee3 l4 c4 pp4 #bae-af4 ,footnote #fef3 ,bosanquet1 ,practical ,observations on the ,report of the ,bullion ,committee 7#ahaj72 ,ricardo1 ,the ,high ,price of ,bullion a ,proof of the ,depreciation of ,bank-,notes 7#ahji71 and his ,reply to ,bosanquet 7#ahaa74 ,footnote #feg3 l4 c4 ,pol4 ,econ41 ,introd4 7#ahbj71 pp4 #f and #g n41 7#ahcf7 p4 #e n4 ,cf4 ,tooke1 ,prices1 ,part ,i4 p4 #f 7ed4 #ahbc74 ,footnote #feh3 ,tooke1 ,prices1 ,part ,,iii4 p4 #ia4 ,footnote #fei3 ,see ,tract on ,value1 p4 #ah4 ,footnote #ffj3 ,quarterly1 ,april #ahbc1 p4 #bcj4 ,footnote #ffa3 ,econ4 ,pol41 ,part ,,iii4 ch4 ii41 #bnd ed41 #ahdb2 #ast ed41 #ahjb4 ,footnote #ffb3 8,products0 is ,say's word1 however4 ,footnote #ffc3 ,elements 7#ahba71 ch4 iv4 sect4 iii4 pp4 #ahf seq4 8,that consumption is coextensive with production40 ,mill taught this as early as #ahjh in his tract 7against ,spence7 ,commerce defended4 ,footnote #ffd3 ,lettres ,m4 ,malthus sur diffrents sujets d'con4 pol41 notamment sur les causes de la stagnation gnrale du commerce 7#ahbj71 pp4 #bf seq4 ,footnote #ffe3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #cee1 7#ahcf7 p4 #caf4 ,against ,say's general position see ,definitions1 p4 #ef n4 ,footnote #fff3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 iii4 ,footnote #ffg3 ,see above1 p4 #bcb4 ,a curious footnote in ,essay on ,pop41 #crd ed41 vol4 ii4 p4 #bfd1 suggested that there might be over-production in the case of high farming when its cost made the farmers charge more than the public could bear4 ,but this note disappeared afterwards4 ,footnote #ffh3 ,ricardo1 ,pol4 ,econ4 and ,taxation1 ch4 xxi4 p4 #agf 7,mac,cull4's ed474 ,mill 7,elements1 pp4 #aic ft41 #aid7 is more rigid4 ,footnote #ffi3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 xiii4 #dgc4 ,footnote #fgj3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahcf71 ch4 iv4 sect4 iii4 p4 #bci1 slightly altered from #ast ed41 #ahbj1 ch4 iv4 sect4 iii4 p4 #bff4 ,footnote #fga3 ,sismondi1 ,nouveaux ,principes de l'con4 ,pol41 #ahai4 ,see ,malthus1 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 p4 #dbj1 7#ahcf7 pp4 #cbe n41 #cff n4 ,cf4 on the other hand ,essay1 ,,iii4 xiii4 #cgb-c and n4 ,footnote #fgb3 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,v4 i4 art4 ii4 pp4 #cej-cec 7ed4 ,mac,c474 ,he is outrivalled by ,ferguson1 ,civil ,society1 parts iv4 and v4 7ed4 #aggc74 ,footnote #fgc3 #crd ed4 of ,pol4 ,ec4 and ,tax4 7#ahba71 ch4 xxxi4 pp4 #dfh-i1 ed4 ,mac,cull41 pp4 #bce-f4 ,cf4 below 7,critics74 ,it is the position of ,marx4 ,footnote #fgd3 ,if we believe ,bowring1 ,life of ,bentham 7ed4 #ahdc71 p4 #agf4 ,footnote #fge3 8,supposing that his opinions have not altered within the last twelve months40--,de ,quincey1 vol4 iv4 p4 #bca4 ,footnote #fgf3 ,james ,mill1 ,elements1 pp4 #aic1 #aid4 ,mac,cull41 ,pol4 ,ec41 p4 #bjg4 ,cf4 the tract ,mordecai ,mullion 7#ahbf74 ,footnote #fgg3 ,especially by ,sunday ,schools1 according to the testimony of ,samuel ,bamford4--,radical1 vol4 i4 p4 #g 7#ahdd74 ,footnote #fgh3 ,we have his counterpart in our own day4 ,footnote #fgi3 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,iii41 for disproof of the charge that he was reactionary in his politics1 like many economical optimists4 ,footnote #fhj3 ,pol4 ,econ41 #ahbj1 p4 #bcf4 ,footnote #fha3 l4 c4 p4 #dgb4 ,footnote #fhb3 ,emigr4 ,comm4 7#ahbg71 p4 #cag1 qu4 #cbha4 ,footnote #fhc3 ,some such view is suggested by ,malthus himself1 ,essay1 ,,iv4 xiii4 p4 #dgc 7cf4 ,pol4 ,ec41 #ahbj1 p4 #dge71 a passage which it is hard to reconcile with the passages in the ,quarterly and in the ,pol4 ,ec4 that speak of the necessity of a special class of unproductive consumers4 ,footnote #fhd3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahbj71 ch4 vii4 sect4 ix4 p4 #dgc4 ,cf4 ,tract on ,rent1 p4 #dh n4 ,footnote #fhe3 ,essay on ,pop41 ,,iii4 iii4 p4 #bhb 7in relation to ,robert ,owen74 ,cf4 the whole ch4 xiii4 of ,book ,,iii41 where he treats of 8,increasing ,wealth as it affects the ,condition of the ,poor40 ,footnote #fhf3 ,pol4 ,econ41 l4 c4 p4 #dgd4 ,footnote #fhg3 ,ibid41 l4 c4 pp4 #dgd-e4 ,footnote #fhh3 ,see above1 pp4 #bde seq4 and #beb4 ,footnote #fhi3 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,,iv41 and cf4 above1 p4 #bjh4 ,footnote #fij3 ,see above1 p4 #adb4 ,footnote #fia3 ,the passage is quoted in full because by recent critics it is much garbled2 e4 g4 in ,progress and ,poverty1 ,,vii4 i4 #cjd n4 ,footnote #fib3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 ,,iv4 vi4 #eca4 ,footnote #fic3 ,lucretius1 iii4 #iea4 ,cicero's simile of the theatre open to all comers1 but giving each man his own seat1 had special application to ,property 7,de ,finibus1 iii4 #bj74 ,footnote #fid3 ,epitaph on ,fenton4 ,footnote #fie3 ,james ,grahame's ,population 7#ahaf71 p4 #cd4 ,cf4 ,quarterly ,rev41 ,dec4 #ahab1 p4 #cbg2 ,hazlitt1 ,spirit of the ,age1 #8,malthus1' end4 ,footnote #fif3 ,book ,,iii4 ,part ,i4 ch4 iv4 7#aghe74 ,footnote #fig3 ,e4 g4 ,godwin1 ,population 7#ahbj71 ,i4 iii4 #ag4 ,the withdrawal was probably due to ,sumner4 ,see ,otter1 ,life of ,malthus in ,pol4 ,ec4 7#ahcf71 p4 lii4 ,footnote #fih3 ,cf4 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 pp4 #djj1 #dja1 and nn42 #gth ed41 p4 #bih n4 ,cf4 pp4 #bie and #big n4 ,cf4 also ,tooke1 above quoted1 p4 #bia4 ,footnote #fii3 ,cf4 above1 p4 #bbj4 ,footnote #gjj3 ,on ,bounties and the ,corn ,trade4 ,cf4 ,high ,price of ,provisions1 p4 #c4 ,footnote #gja3 l4 c4 p4 #bc4 ,see above1 p4 #bhi4 ,also ,corn ,law ,catechism1 #ahci1 qu4 #bdd4 ,footnote #gjb3 l4 c4 pp4 #i-aa4 ,cf4 the 8make up0 and 8bread money0 mentioned in ,report of ,poor ,law ,commission1 #ahcd1 p4 #bg4 ,footnote #gjc3 ,high ,price1 c4 pp4 #ai1 #bj4 ,footnote #gjd3 l4 c4 p4 #bg4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #dc4 ,footnote #gje3 #ast ed41 pp4 #hb1 #hc2 #gth ed41 pp4 #cjb-c4 ,footnote #gjf3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,appendix1 p4 #dic4 ,footnote #gjg3 ,he borrows1 as he himself says1 the language of ,sir ,frederick ,eden on the ,state of the ,poor 7#agig74 ,see ,essay on ,population1 #bnd ed41 p4 #dag n42 #gth ed41 p4 #cjh n4 ,footnote #gjh3 ,letter to ,whitbread 7#ahjg71 pp4 #ab1 #ac2 cf4 ,essay1 p4 #dde ft4 ,footnote #gji3 ,quoted1 ,essay1 ,,iii4 vi4 #cjh n4 ,footnote #gaj3 #gth ed41 ,,iii4 vi4 #cjc2 #ast ed41 p4 #cfe4 ,footnote #gaa3 ,,iii4 vi4 7#gth ed471 p4 #cje4 ,footnote #gab3 ,see e4 g4 ,emigration ,committee1 #ahbg1 qu4 #ccfi1 p4 #cbc4 ,footnote #gac3 ,dr4 ,john ,moore's ,view of ,society and ,manners in ,france1 ,switzerland1 and ,germany 7#gth ed41 #aghi71 vol4 ii4 pp4 #add-aeg4 ,footnote #gad3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iii4 vi4 p4 #cjg2 ,emigration ,committee 7#ahbg71 qu4 #ccfa1 p4 #cbc4 ,footnote #gae3 l4 c4 pp4 #cjg-h4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #acd4 ,footnote #gaf3 ,reports to ,local ,gov4 ,bd4 on ,foreign ,poor ,laws1 #ahge1 p4 #g4 ,footnote #gag3 ,macvey ,napier's ,correspondence1 pp4 #bi seq4 ,date #cjth ,sept1 #ahba4 ,footnote #gah3 ,report of ,poor ,law ,comm41 #ahcd2 ,remedial ,measures1 p4 #bbg4 ,footnote #gai3 ,essay on ,population1 ,appendix1 p4 #dib4 ,it was probably this disclaimer of public duty that led ,coleridge to complain1 8the entire tendency of the modern or ,malthusian political economy is to denationalize0 7,table ,talk1 p4 #cbg74 ,cf4 ,toynbee1 ,industr4 ,revol41 p4 #bd4 ,but it may have been simply the idea that ,malthus1 like ,ricardo1 advocated laissez faire2 and in this case it is singular he should not have said 8,ricardian0 instead of 8,malthusian40 ,footnote #gbj3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 ,,iv4 vii4 p4 #ech2 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 viii4 p4 #ecj4 ,footnote #gba3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #eci4 ,footnote #gbb3 ,e4 g4 ,report of ,commissioners1 p4 #ac4 ,footnote #gbc3 ,report1 pp4 #bbg-h4 ,footnote #gbd3 ,report1 p4 #bbh4 ,footnote #gbe3 ,even if he were a poor ratepayer1 voting a sum of which his richer neighbour would pay the larger share4 ,footnote #gbf3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #dij2 #gth ed41 p4 #cid2 cf4 pp4 #cib top and #cif4 ,footnote #gbg3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 x4 pp4 #ddb-c2 cf4 p4 #afa4 ,footnote #gbh3 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 i4 p4 #cij4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #cg4 ,footnote #gbi3 ,not quite logical1 if the test of a virtuous action is its tendency to produce happiness4 ,footnote #gcj3 ,ibid41 ,,iv4 i4 p4 #cij4 ,footnote #gca3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #dhi1 #dij1 #eja2 #gth ed41 pp4 #cij1 #dja4 ,cf4 ,paley1 ,m4 and ,p4 ,phil41 ,i4 vi41 ,,ii4 iv42 ,tucker1 ,light of ,nature 7#ast ed41 #agfh71 vol4 ii4 ch4 xxix41 esp4 #ab4 ,footnote #gcb3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 i4 #cia4 ,kant's test of a moral law1 so far as it was not purely dogmatic1 was most easily illustrated1 or he would have said parodied1 by this ,utilitarian argument4 ,footnote #gcc3 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #dhg2 #gth ed41 p4 #cib4 ,footnote #gcd3 ,ibid41 #bnd ed41 p4 #dhh2 #gth ed41 pp4 #cib-c2 cf4 p4 #cih4 ,footnote #gce3 ,ibid41 #ast ed4 7#agih71 p4 #baa4 ,footnote #gcf3 ,the passage in ,a ,tale of the ,tyne1 which left no trace on ,miss ,martineau's own memory1 but so faithfully expounded ,malthus that he called on purpose to thank her for it 7,autobiogr41 i4 #bec71 is easily identified in the light of these extracts as ch4 iii4 p4 #ef of ed4 #ahcc4 ,footnote #gcg3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #dia-b2 #gth ed41 p4 #cie4 ,see above1 p4 #cf4 ,footnote #gch3 #bnd ed41 p4 #did2 #gth ed41 p4 #cig4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #ch4 ,footnote #gci3 ,the phrase in ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #dja4 ,footnote #gdj3 ,not to be confused with his contemporary1 ,josiah ,tucker1 ,dean of ,gloucester1 the forerunner of ,adam ,smith4 ,footnote #gda3 #agbg to #aggd1 the year of his death4 ,betchworth1 now absorbed in ,mrs4 ,hope's estate of ,deepdene1 was on the farther side of ,dorking from ,albury and the ,rookery4 ,footnote #gdb3 ,this lucid epithet is ascribed to ,george ,,iii4 ,footnote #gdc3 ,a point of difference has been noted above 7p4 #ci7 and below 7p4 #ccj74 ,he differs from ,bentham also1 who would not gratify the passions but destroy them4 ,see ,held1 ,soc4 ,geschichte1 p4 #bac4 ,footnote #gdd3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 x4 #dda4 ,footnote #gde3 ,ibid41 ,,iv4 i4 #cia4 ,footnote #gdf3 ,see above1 p4 #ce4 ,footnote #gdg3 #gth ed41 p4 #dda ft4 ,footnote #gdh3 ,ibid41 p4 #ddb top4 ,footnote #gdi3 ,essay1 ,,iii4 ii4 #bgi1 explains in this way the popular prejudice which1 in one case at least1 visits the same sin more severely in a woman than in a man4 ,footnote #gej3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 x4 #ddb4 ,footnote #gea3 ,ibid41 ,,iv4 ii4 #dja4 ,cf4 ,paley1 ,moral ,philos41 ,vol4 ,i4 ,book ,,ii4 ch4 iv4 p4 #fe1 there quoted1 and ,tucker1 ,l4 of ,n4 7#ast ed471 vol4 ii ch4 xxix41 especially #e-g and #ab4 ,footnote #geb3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 x4 #ddc1 #ddd ft4 ,footnote #gec3 ,ibid41 ,,iv4 viii4 #dcb1 #dcc1 compared with p4 #dib4 ,footnote #ged3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,app4 pp4 #dib-c4 ,cf4 #gth ed41 p4 #bhj3 8,self-love is the mainspring of the great machine40 ,footnote #gee3 ,,iii4 vii4 #caa4 ,footnote #gef3 ,edin4 ,rev41 #ahaj 7,aug471 an article on ,ingram's ,disquisitions on ,population1 and ,hazlitt's ,letters in ,reply to ,malthus4 ,as the relations of ,malthus to the ,review were close at this time1 and as the arguments and the style are remarkably like our author's1 there is at least a strong probability that he wrote the article1 ,jeffrey after his custom providing it with a head and tail to disguise the authorship4 ,cf4 ,cockburn's ,life of ,jeffrey1 ,vol4 ,i4 #cja1 #cjb1 cf4 #bhe4 ,footnote #geg3 ,cf4 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,i4 x4 #dh1 #di4 ,footnote #geh3 ,edin4 ,rev41 #ahaj 7,aug471 p4 #dge4 ,footnote #gei3 ,paley1 ,mor4 and ,pol4 ,phil41 ,i4 vii4 #i2 cf4 ,malthus1 ,essay1 ,,iv4 ii4 #cig1 c4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #ci4 ,footnote #gfj3 ,paley1 ibid41 ,i4 iv4 #ad4 ,footnote #gfa3 ,see above1 p4 #cg4 ,the passages there cited completely refute ,held's assertion that 8,malthus appealed to ,utility in the teeth of his belief in the ,bible0 7,sociale ,geschichte ,englands1 ,book ,i4 ch4 ii p4 #bcd74 ,footnote #gfb3 ,mor4 and ,pol4 ,phil41 vii4 #aj4 ,footnote #gfc3 8,any condition may be denominated #8happy' in which the amount or aggregate of pleasure exceeds that of pain40--,paley1 ,m4 and ,p4 ,ph41 ,i4 vi4 ,footnote #gfd3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iii4 vi4 #cje4 ,footnote #gfe3 ,see ,mr4 ,sidgwick's ,method of ,ethics1 p4 #che ft4 ,footnote #gff3 ,quoted from ,the ,crisis1 by ,empson1 ,edin4 ,rev41 ,jan4 #ahcg1 p4 #dhb4 ,footnote #gfg3 ,report of the ,crofters ,commission1 #ahhd1 p4 #i4 ,footnote #gfh3 ,essay1 ,,iv4 iii4 #djg4 ,footnote #gfi3 ,it would help the social reformer to learn1 e4 g4 from clergymen1 guardians of the poor1 and police magistrates1 what exact proportion of the destitution within their experience has been due1 7a7 to the fault of the victim1 7b7 to the fault of his parents1 7c7 to the fraud or oppression of others1 and 7d7 to the mere accidents of trade4 ,footnote #ggj3 #gth ed41 p4 #bhj4 ,footnote #gga3 ,,iii4 ii4 #dcd4 ,footnote #ggb3 ,scenes of ,clerical ,life1 p4 #bej4 ,footnote #ggc3 #gth ed41 p4 #djd4 ,footnote #ggd3 p4 #dfd1 #ahag4 ,as early as #ahjc 7,essay1 #bnd ed41 ,,iv4 xi #fhi7 ,malthus had recommended ,savings ,banks4 ,footnote #gge3 #gth ed41 p4 #cig4 ,cf4 p4 #djg1 c4 ,footnote #ggf3 #gth ed41 p4 #dje4 ,to make the whole picture complete we must add what is said above 7ch4 i47 on the place of man on the earth1 and also 7,bk4 ,,iii4 chs4 ii4 and iii47 on industrial society as it might be4 ,footnote #ggg3 ,see above1 p4 #bih4 ,footnote #ggh3 ,mackintosh changed but never recanted4 ,see ,macaulay's ,essays4 ,footnote #ggi3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 vi #dbj-a4 ,footnote #ghj3 ,w4 of ,n41 ,i4 i4 ,footnote #gha3 ,more strictly1 what grows of itself is natural2 what makes it grow of itself is ,nature4 ,footnote #ghb3 ,see e4 g4 ,essay1 p4 #cij4 ,footnote #ghc3 ,life of ,godwin1 ii4 #bff4 ,footnote #ghd3 ,southey wished some 8,crusader0 like ,rickman to write economical articles for the ,quarterly and keep out ,malthus 7,life and ,letters1 vol4 iii4 p4 #ahh74 ,footnote #ghe3 ,essay1 ,,iii4 vii4 #cah2 written in #ahag4 ,footnote #ghf3 #bnd ed41 ,,iv4 vi42 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 vi4 and vii4 ,he must have remembered1 when he wrote these words1 the imprisonment of his poor tutor ,gilbert ,wakefield for a seditious pamphlet 7#agii-ahjj74 ,see below1 ,bk4 ,v4 ,footnote #ghg3 #gth ed41 p4 #dag4 ,footnote #ghh3 #gth ed41 p4 #dbf3 written in #ahag4 ,for the tendency of the ,french before the ,revolution to look to ,government for everything1 see e4 g4 ,dyer's ,modern ,europe1 vol4 iv4 ch4 lii p4 #cjd4 ,footnote #ghi3 #gth ed41 p4 #dah4 ,footnote #gij3 ,essays ,moral and ,political1 vol4 i4 p4 #di2 #8,the ,british ,parliament4' ,footnote #gia3 ,malthus1 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 p4 #ejb2 #gth ed41 p4 #djb4 ,cf4 a striking passage in the review of ,newenham1 ,edin4 ,rev41 ,july #ahjh1 pp4 #cdh-i4 ,footnote #gib3 ,e4 g4 #gth ed41 pp4 #dch-i and #dgh4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #ef4 ,horner's letter to ,malthus in4 ,feb4 #ahab 7,mem4 of ,horner1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #aji-aj7 shows it was an active sympathy4 ,malthus agreed to act as a 8steward0 at one of ,lancaster's meetings in ,london4 ,footnote #gic3 #bnd ed41 pp4 #eef-g2 opponents 8may fairly be suspected of a wish to encourage their ignorance as a pretext for tyranny40 ,footnote #gid3 #gth ed41 p4 #dci2 #bnd ed41 pp4 #eee-f4 ,footnote #gie3 ,miss ,martineau1 ,hist4 of ,peace1 ,i4 vii4 #aag-ah4 ,footnote #gif3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 ix4 #ddj1 #dda4 ,footnote #gig3 ,held1 ,soc4 ,gesch41 p4 #bae4 ,footnote #gih3 ,see above1 pp4 #ie1 #if1 c4 ,footnote #gii3 ,see above1 p4 #cdj4 ,footnote #hjj3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 ,,iv4 x4 #ddf-g4 ,footnote #hja3 ,emigr4 ,comm4 7#ahbg71 qu4 #ccaj4 ,footnote #hjb3 ,,iv4 xiii4 #dgd4 ,potatoes are a godsend to such1 he says in another place 7,edin4 ,rev41 ,july #ahjh1 p4 #cdd74 ,footnote #hjc3 ,see above1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i4 ,footnote #hjd3 ,see above1 p4 #cja4 ,footnote #hje3 ,e4 g4 ,essay1 ,,iv4 ix4 #dcc4 ,footnote #hjf3 ,in ,germany poor scholars from the country are often1 when attending the ,university1 billeted for bread and butter on the well-to-do citizens2 and learning proves on the whole so inconsistent with laziness1 that the practice does not make them unwilling to earn their own living afterwards4 ,footnote #hjg3 ,a protective duty is indirect relief of the protected industry1 but as a rule the protected are secured against indolence by their own domestic competition2 and the fault of protection lies elsewhere than in encouragement of indolence4 ,footnote #hjh3 ,rnan1 ,qu'est ce qu'une ,nation8 ,footnote #hji3 ,cf4 above1 p4 #bbe4 ,footnote #haj3 ,cf4 p4 #cf4 ,footnote #haa3 ,the reaction against ,rousseau and ,godwin may partly account for the absence of ,cosmopolitanism4 ,footnote #hab3 ,see above1 ch4 i4 ,footnote #hac3 ,some one has said1 8,was man nicht definiren kann1 zieht man als ,organismus an20 and we had been told1 long before1 that a simile is either 8idem per idem0 or 8idem per aliud10 either of them a logical fallacy4 ,footnote #had3 ,essay1 ,bk4 ,,iv4 ch4 x4 p4 #dde4 8,every man has a right to do what he will with his own40 ,but the question is3--,what is his own8 ,footnote #hae3 ,professor ,t4 ,h4 ,green1 ,liberal ,legislation and ,freedom of ,contract1 ,oxford1 #ahha4 ,footnote #haf3 4 ,ar4 ,pol41 ,,ii4 ii4 ,footnote #hag3 ,see above1 p4 #caj4 ,footnote #hah3 ,discourse on the ,christian ,union4 ,see ,essay on ,population1 #gth ed41 p4 #bed n42 ,price1 ,observations1 p4 #bjf n4 ,footnote #hai3 ,from ,matth4 vi4 #aj1 and ,psal4 cxxii4 #b seq4 ,footnote #hbj3 ,see esp4 pp4 #ab-ah1 and #bj 7#dth ed41 #agij74 ,footnote #hba3 ,pt4 ,,ii4 ,essay ,v4 pp4 #bbh seq4 ,life1 ii4 #bib4 ,cf4 ii4 #fd4 ,footnote #hbb3 ,life1 ii4 #fd4 ,footnote #hbc3 ,thoughts1 p4 #aj and n4 ,cf4 pp4 #dc1 #de4 ,in ,progress and ,poverty 7p4 #ic1 ed4 #ahha7 we are told that ,godwin 8until his old age disdained a reply0 to ,malthus4 ,footnote #hbd3 ,thoughts1 p4 #fa4 ,footnote #hbe3 ,ibid41 p4 #fg4 ,footnote #hbf3 ,ibid41 pp4 #gb-c4 ,footnote #hbg3 ,life of ,godwin1 i4 #cbd4 ,footnote #hbh3 ,see above1 p4 #bjh n4 ,in the #eth edition he turns his back on ,godwin and addresses ,owen4 ,footnote #hbi3 ,so ,coleridge 7,,ms4 note to p4 vii4 of his quarto copy of the essay73 8,and of course you wholly confute your former pamphlet1 and might have spared yourself the trouble of making up the present quarto40 ,footnote #hcj3 ,edin4 ,rev41 #ahjb1 on ,dr4 ,rennel's ,discourses1 ,syd4 ,sm41 ,works1 i4 p4 #h4 ,footnote #hca3 p4 #ah4 ,compare ,de ,quincey's answer to ,hazlitt in ,london ,magazine1 #ahbc 7vol4 viii4 pp4 #cdi1 #dei1 #efi1 #ehf74 ,footnote #hcb3 ,senior1 ,lect4 on ,pop41 p4 #ce4 ,footnote #hcc3 ,population1 ,i4 iv4 p4 #bg 7#ahbj74 ,footnote #hcd3 ,cf4 also speech on #ith ,april1 #ahaf4 ,hansard1 sub dato1 p4 #aaji4 ,footnote #hce3 ,see above1 p4 #ge4 ,cf4 also above1 pp4 #adb seq41 on ,emigration4 ,footnote #hcf3 ,godwin1 ,popn41 ,i4 xiii4 #ajf4 ,cf4 ,i4 iv4 #bb1 ,,ii4 ii4 #adb1 ,,vi4 vi4 #ehe4 ,footnote #hcg3 ,hawick1 #ahjg1 especially p4 #hd4 ,footnote #hch3 ,sadler1 ,popn41 ,i4 i4 #ae 7#ahcj74 ,footnote #hci3 ,append4 to #crd ed41 #ahjf2 #gth ed41 p4 #dhe2 cf4 pp4 #cie1 #ddf1 and al4 ,footnote #hdj3 ,see ,appendix to ed4 #ahbf1 #gth ed41 p4 #fbg4 ,footnote #hda3 ,life1 ii4 #bga4 ,footnote #hdb3 l4 c4 p4 #bei4 ,footnote #hdc3 ,life1 ii4 #bei1 #bfj4 ,cf4 what ,godwin writes to ,sir ,john ,sinclair1 ,july #ahba 7,sinclair's ,correspondence1 i4 #cic74 ,footnote #hdd3 l4 c4 p4 #bga4 ,footnote #hde3 ,morgan and ,rosser1 e4 g4 ,see ,life1 ii4 #bgb-e2 cf4 p4 #bhj4 ,footnote #hdf3 ,edin4 ,rev41 ,july #ahba1 p4 #cfd4 ,footnote #hdg3 ,life of ,godwin1 ii4 #bgd ,footnote #hdh3 ,ibid41 pp4 #bgd-e4 ,footnote #hdi3 ,no4 #a1 ,oct #ahjb1 esp4 p4 #bf4 ,footnote #hej3 ,population1 ,i4 i4 ,footnote #hea3 ,appendix to #crd ed41 p4 #ebj n42 #gth ed41 p4 #dia n4 ,footnote #heb3 ,see his ,letter to ,godwin1 dated ,october #ahah1 and quoted in ,godwin's ,population1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 ch4 i pp4 #aaf-abc1 with comments4 ,footnote #hec3 ,see above1 p4 #ff4 ,footnote #hed3 ,population1 ,,ii4 x4 #bdd-g4 ,footnote #hee3 ,e4 g4 ,,ii4 xi4 #bgd1 #bhb1 but especially ,i4 iv4 #be1 and for the third argument1 pp4 #bi1 #cj1 cf4 pp4 #dc-ej1 c4 ,cf4 also ,godwin to ,sinclair in ,sinclair's ,correspondence1 i4 #cic4 ,footnote #hef3 ,population tends to double in a bundled years1 and there is no risk of over-population except in occasional times of dull trade 7,letter of ,godwin to ,sinclair1 ,sinclair's ,correspondence1 l4 c474 ,a notable exception4 ,footnote #heg3 ,population1 ,,ii4 xi4 #bea-b4 ,footnote #heh3 ,,iv4 i4 ,footnote #hei3 ,,ii4 ii4 #abg1 and cf4 above4 ,footnote #hfj3 ,,ii4 xi4 #bhg1 c41 c4 ,footnote #hfa3 ,,iii4 iii4 #cbg seq4 ,footnote #hfb3 ,coups d'tat in nature4 ,paul ,bert1 ,l',enseignement ,primaire1 #ahhj1 p4 xxviii4 ,footnote #hfc3 ,edinburgh ,review1 ,july #ahba4 ,cf4 ,letter to the ,rev4 ,t4 ,r4 ,malthus by ,david ,booth 7#ahbc71 who absurdly assumes ,malthus to be the reviewer4 ,though internal evidence dispels this fancy1 it shows that ,malthus was still believed to write for the ,edinburgh ,review4 ,footnote #hfd3 ,others1 in ,table ,talk and ,biogr4 ,literaria1 are chiefly declamation4 ,footnote #hfe3 ,in these quotations the capitals are in the original1 and the italics correspond to underlinings4 ,footnote #hff3 ,arthur ,aikin's ,annual ,review1 vol4 ii4 7for #ahjc7 pp4 #bib seq4 ,cf4 ,southey's ,life and ,correspondence 7ed4 #ahej71 vol4 ii4 p4 #bea1 #bjth ,jan4 #ahjd3 8,yesterday ,malthus received1 ,i trust1 a mortal wound from my hand20 cf4 vol4 vi4 p4 #cii1 and vol4 ii4 p4 #bid4 ,there is no hint of obligation to ,coleridge4 ,footnote #hfg3 ,cf4 above1 ch4 iii4 pp4 #ha seq41 and ,bk4 ,,iii4 ,footnote #hfh3 ,sic1 though it explains a thing by itself4 ,footnote #hfi3 ,he probably meant #cecrd1 but his numbers are careless4 ,footnote #hgj3 ,on margin of p4 #cfd1 #bnd paragr43 8,quote and apply to himself40 ,footnote #hga3 ,e4 g4 on p4 #fe opposite to lines #e1 #f1 8,ass60 a monosyllabic refinement omitted in ,southey's review4 ,footnote #hgb3 ,first in #ahag1 #gth ed41 pp4 #eji seq4 ,footnote #hgc3 ,one of the charges 7p4 #ah3 that ,malthus recommends the same remedies as ,condorcet7 is sufficient to stamp the character of the book--,an ,inquiry into the ,principle of ,population1 c41 by ,james ,grahame4 ,its ,introduction gives a useful list of writers on both sides2 see p4 #ga4 7,edin41 #ahaf47 ,simonin repeats ,grahame's charges1 with more mistakes of his own4 ,see his ,hist4 de la ,psychologie 7#ahgi71 pp4 #cig-i4 ,footnote #hgd3 #gth ed41 p4 #eaa4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #eb1 and the reply to ,godwin's ,reply1 ,essay1 #bnd ed41 ,,iii4 iii4 #chd4 ,footnote #hge3 ,edinburgh ,review1 ,jan4 #ahcg4 ,footnote #hgf3 ,life and ,correspondence of ,southey1 vol4 iii4 pp4 #ba-b1 and p4 #ahh4 ,footnote #hgg3 ,bishop of ,gloucester and later of ,hereford4 ,theolog4 ,works 7#ahcb74 ,footnote #hgh3 8,the prolificness of human things1 otherwise similarly circumstanced1 varies inversely as their numbers40--,sadler1 ,popn41 vol4 iii4 p4 #ceb 7#ahcj74 ,reviewed somewhat caustically by ,macaulay in ,edin4 ,rev41 ,july #ahcj4 ,see ,trevelyan's ,life of ,macaulay1 vol4 i4 p4 #abf4 ,cf4 ,sadler's #8,reply' to ,edin4 ,rev4 ,his weakest point was his use of 8inversely40 ,footnote #hgi3 ,malthus1 ,essay1 ,,ii4 v4 7#gth ed471 pp4 #afd1 #aff2 cf4 p4 #dhe4 ,footnote #hhj3 ,g4 ,p4 ,scrope1 ,m4,p41 ,pol4 ,econ41 #ahcc1 c4 ,malthus1 ,essay1 ,,iii4 iii4 7#gth ed471 #bhb-f 7,owen71 ,,iv4 xii4 #deg 7,owen71 ,,iii4 xiv4 #chj n4 7,anderson74 ,footnote #hha3 ,john ,weyland1 junr41 ,f4,r4,s4 ,the ,principles of ,population and ,production as they are affected by the ,progress of ,society with a view to ,moral and ,political ,consequences1 #ahaf4 ,footnote #hhb3 ,so ,arnold ,toynbee1 ,industrial ,revolution1 p4 #ajg4 ,footnote #hhc3 ,ch4 iii4 p4 #ba4 ,he adds1 as his second3 8,this tendency can never be destroyed40 ,footnote #hhd3 ,essay1 ,appendix1 p4 #eag4 ,footnote #hhe3 ,propos4 iii and iv4 ,footnote #hhf3 ,essay1 l4 c4 p4 #eba1 a very strong passage4 ,footnote #hhg3 ,append4 p4 #ebf4 ,footnote #hhh3 ,pop4 and ,prod41 pp4 #hb seq4 ,footnote #hhi3 #gth ed41 ,i4 ii4 #ab n42 #bnd ed41 p4 #af4 ,footnote #hij3 ,tour in ,southern ,counties of ,england1 #agfg1 p4 #cdb4 ,footnote #hia3 ,between #agfg and #ahbj4 ,cf4 above 7,england74 ,footnote #hib3 ,travels in ,france1 pp4 #djh-i 7ed4 #agib7 and al4 ,footnote #hic3 ,essay on ,pop41 #gth ed41 pp4 #ddi1 #dea seq42 ,annals of ,agriculture1 no4 #bci1 pp4 #bai seq4 7quoted in ,essay1 ,app4 pp4 #dif-g74 ,young had reproached ,malthus for denying the right to relief4 ,footnote #hid3 ,travels in ,france1 ed4 #agib1 pp4 #dch-i4 ,footnote #hie3 ,app4 to ,essay1 pp4 #dii1 #ejj4 ,it is not true that 8,owen was right as against ,malthus when he regarded a certain amount of comfort as the indispensable condition of a moral life1 and thought that a considerable increase of man's powers of production was possible0 7,held1 ,soc4 ,gesch4 ,englands1 pp4 #cea-b74 ,malthus himself did both4 ,footnote #hif3 ,the ,plan is quoted by ,cobbett1 ,pol4 ,reg41 ,dec4 #ad1 #ahaf4 ,malthus 7,pol4 ,ec4 7#ahbj71 pp4 #dcd1 #dce1 7#ahcf7 p4 #cgh7 thinks that 8co-proprietorship0 of ,government with the landlords1 after the scheme of the ,economists and on the analogy of ,oriental 8sole proprietorship10 might become too ready an engine of taxation for a military despotism4 ,footnote #hig3 ,see above1 pp4 #hg1 #aab1 c4 ,footnote #hih3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #bhd4 ,footnote #hii3 ,e4 g4 by ,bagehot1 ,econ4 ,stud4 7#ahhj71 pp4 #ace seq41 and by ,southey in ,aikin's ,annual ,review above quoted4 ,footnote #ijj3 ,,iii4 iii4 #bhf4 ,this and the rest of his argument 7even its application to ,civil ,liberty7 is to be found in ,aristotle1 ,politics1 ii4 #c and #d1 but esp4 #e4 1 c4 ,footnote #ija3 ,essay on ,pop41 #gth ed41 p4 #bhb4 ,footnote #ijb3 ,see above1 p4 #bd4 ,footnote #ijc3 ,genesis of ,species1 #bnd ed41 #ahga1 p4 #e4 ,footnote #ijd3 ,the puzzling effect of counting up one's great-grandfathers and great-grandmothers up to the twentieth degree or so is described by ,blackstone as quoted by ,godwin 7,popn47 and re-quoted by ,hazlitt 7,spirit of the ,age1 #ahbe1 p4 #bgc1 #8,godwin'74 ,the puzzle is less if we remember that our remote ancestors must have married into each other's families1 or rather were scions in the end of the same families4 ,we cannot go back to a single pair except through the 8prohibited degrees40 ,footnote #ije3 ,we are to understand1 therefore1 that ,malthus and the author agree that population needs a check1 and are simply not agreed what the checks are to be4 ,footnote #ijf3 ,see below1 p4 #cib4 ,footnote #ijg3 ,see above1 p4 #cgj4 ,the sixteen positions not touched in their own place will be met by a reference to the following places in this book3 i4 to p4 #bj1 add ,essay1 #bnd ed4 ,bk4 ,,iii4 ch4 iii4 p4 #chc1 ii4 to p4 #cg1 iii4 to p4 #cch1 iv4 to pp4 #ea1 #gh1 v4 to p4 #hj1 vi4 to p4 #hc1 viii4 to p4 #aac1 ix4 to p4 #cgf1 x4 to p4 #fg1 xi4 to pp4 #bca1 #big1 see ,essay1 #gth ed4 p4 #cha1 xii4 to pp4 #gj1 #ge1 #ia1 xiii4 to p4 #cic1 xiv4 to pp4 #ia1 #bgj1 xv4 to p4 #bid1 xvi4 to p4 #fi1 and xvii4 to p4 #ge4 ,footnote #ijh3 ,das ,kapital1 #gter ,abschn4 #bctes ,kap4 pp4 #fec seq4 7ed4 #ahgb72 cf4 #fdf seq4 ,footnote #iji3 ,the language of ,ricardo1 ch4 xxxi4 p4 #bcf 7quoted by ,marx1 p4 #fef n474 ,cf4 above1 p4 #big4 ,cf4 also ,marx1 pp4 #dbg foll4 ,footnote #iaj3 ,cf4 what ,prof4 ,rogers says in ,six ,centuries1 p4 #bbi1 of the attempt made in the fifteenth century to increase the 8residuum0 of agricultural labour for the benefit of the farmers and landlords4 ,also above1 p4 #afd n4 ,footnote #iaa3 ,marx1 ibid41 p4 #fei4 ,footnote #iab3 ,misprinted in ,marx as #bed4 ,footnote #iac3 ,see above1 pp4 #acg1 #ahh1 c4 ,footnote #iad3 ,see above1 p4 #cce4 ,footnote #iae3 ,see above1 pp4 #bii1 #cce1 c4 ,footnote #iaf3 ,das ,kap41 p4 #edi n4 ,footnote #iag3 ,das ,kap41 p4 #fda n4 ,footnote #iah3 ,the passage omitted is neither true nor decent4 ,footnote #iai3 ,g4 ,m4 ,ortes ,reflessioni sulla popolazione 7#agij74 ,footnote #ibj3 ,das ,kap41 p4 #edi n4 ,footnote #iba3 ,cf4 above1 p4 #chb1 and ,malthus1 ,essay1 #bnd ed4 ,,iii4 iii4 #chf1 where he says that ,duty and ,interest must work together4 ,footnote #ibb3 #8,theory of ,population1' in ,westminster ,rev41 ,april #aheb1 pirated by the ,german ,professor ,trall in #ahgg 7,eine neue ,bevlkerungstheorie71 and substantially maintained by its author 7,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer7 in ,principles of ,biology1 ,vol4 ,,ii4 ,part vi41 #8,laws of ,multiplication4' ,footnote #ibc3 ,essay1 #gth ed41 p4 #bfi4 ,footnote #ibd3 ,above1 p4 #cgg4 ,footnote #ibe3 ,e4 g4 ,hazlitt1 ,reply to ,essay on ,population1 p4 #bj4 ,footnote #ibf3 ,w4 ,r4 ,greg1 ,enigmas of ,life1 #hth ed41 #ahgd1 pp4 #eh seq4 ,this was nearly ,godwin's position in his first reply4 ,footnote #ibg3 ,sadler on ,population1 and ,reply to ,edinburgh ,review4 ,godwin1 ,population1 ,bk4 ,,vi4 ch4 ii41 c4 ,footnote #ibh3 ,carey 7,h4 ,c471 ,princ4 of ,social ,science 7#aheh71 vol4 i4 ch4 xiv42 cf4 above1 p4 #gd seq4 ,h4 ,george1 ,progress and ,poverty1 pp4 #aae1 #aaf4 ,sadler1 p4 #gj1 c4 ,footnote #ibi3 ,godwin1 ,sadler1 c4 ,footnote #icj3 ,sadler1 pp4 #ced-e1 c4 ,cf4 ,adam ,smith1 ,w4 of ,n41 ,i4 viii4 #cf4 ,see above1 pp4 #hb1 #hc4 ,footnote #ica3 ,godwin1 see above1 p4 #cfa4 ,southey1 ,life and ,corresp41 ,,iii4 #ahh4 ,bagehot1 ,econ4 ,studies1 pp4 #acc seq4 ,cf4 ,george1 ,,ii4 ii4 #id4 ,above1 pp4 #cfb1 #cha4 ,footnote #icb3 ,besant1 ,law of ,population1 ch4 iii4 ,cf4 ,malthus1 pp4 #djg seq4 7,,iv4 iv472 ,cobbett1 ,taking ,leave of his ,countrymen 7#ahag71 p4 #f2 ,political ,register1 #dth ,jan4 #ahag1 p4 #bf1 c41 c4 ,above1 p4 #cbi4 ,footnote #icc3 ,godwin1 ,population1 passim4 ,george1 ,,ii4 ii4 #ajb1 #aji4 ,above1 pp4 #aaa1 #aab4 ,footnote #icd3 ,godwin1 ibid42 ,george1 pp4 #ach1 #bei1 c41 c42 ,coleridge1 ,,ms4 note to p4 #ceh 7of ,essay1 #bnd ed471 where for 8physical constitution of our nature0 he would read1 8in the existing system of society40 ,so verbatim ,southey in ,aikin's ,ann4 ,rev4 l4 c4 ,footnote #ice3 ,doubleday1 ,true ,law of ,population 7#ahda74 ,above1 p4 #fe4 ,see ,herbert ,spencer1 ,biology1 ,vol4 ,,ii4 pt4 vi4 ch4 xii4 pp4 #dee1 #dhj1 c4 ,the physiologists have amply refuted ,doubleday4 ,footnote #icf3 ,herbert ,spencer4 ,see above1 p4 #cic4 ,w4 ,r4 ,greg1 ,enigmas4 ,above1 p4 #cid4 ,footnote #icg3 ,new ,malthusians4 ,see above1 p4 #bd4 ,footnote #ich3 ,see above1 pp4 #cfe seq4 ,the orthodoxy of ,malthus is proved not by a few orthodox sentences which can be gleaned from him 7as from ,bacon71 or even by the discovery of flaws in the received doctrine1 but by the whole logic of the essay4 ,footnote #ici3 ,see above1 pp4 #cfe seq4 ,footnote #idj3 ,see above1 p4 #ccf4 ,footnote #ida3 ,see above1 p4 #cbh4 ,footnote #idb3 ,see above1 p4 #if4 ,footnote #idc3 ,the authorship of the article is shown by ,macvey ,napier's ,letters sub dato1 and that of the biogr4 preface by ,empson's art41 p4 #dgb4 ,footnote #idd3 8,daniel ,malthus1 #ag1 ,sydenham de parochia ,sti ,giles ,londini ,armigeri filius0 7,matriculation entry1 ,easter term1 #agdg74 ,footnote #ide3 ,see ,gibbon's ,memoirs1 p4 #df 7ed4 ,hunt and ,clarke71 and ,jeffrey's ,life1 i4 #dj4 ,footnote #idf3 ,cf4 ,wealth of ,nations1 ,v4 i4 art41 pp4 #cda foll4 ,footnote #idg3 ,biogr4 pref4 to ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahcf71 p4 xxvi4 ,footnote #idh3 ,the name ,malthus itself is probably ,malt-hus1 or ,malthouse 7cf4 ,shorthouse1 ,maltby71 which still occurs as a surname in ,england4 ,francis 7or1 some say1 ,thomas7 ,malthus wrote on #8,fireworks1 fortification1 and arithmetic1' in ,french and in ,english1 #afbi4 ,footnote #idi3 ,except perhaps in a letter quoted by ,otter1 biogr4 pref4 p4 xxvii4 7date #aghh74 ,footnote #iej3 l4 c4 p4 xxv4 ,footnote #iea3 l4 c4 pp4 xxv and xxvi1 which show1 however1 that at fifty-seven the strength had failed a little4 ,footnote #ieb3 8,he was not born to copy the works of others40--,letter in ,gentl4 ,mag41 ,feb4 #ahjj4 ,see above1 p4 #g1 and ,otter1 p4 xxii4 ,footnote #iec3 ,otter1 pp4 xxi1 xxii4 ,footnote #ied3 ,so he urges ,robert continually to 8apply his tools40 8,i hate to see a girl working curious stitches upon a piece of rag40--,otter1 p4 xxvi4 ,footnote #iee3 ,gentl4 ,mag41 ,jan4 #ahjj1 p4 #hf2 cf4 ,feb4 #ahjj1 p4 #agg2 ,otter1 p4 xxvi4 ,footnote #ief3 ,monthly ,mag41 ,march #ahjj1 ,otter1 p4 xxii4 ,what and where were the pieces we are not told4 ,footnote #ieg3 ,written in #aggb1 and republished in ,mrs4 ,barbauld's series of ,british ,novelists1 #ahbj4 ,graves lived at ,claverton from #agej till his death in #ahjd1 in his ninetieth year4 ,he became ,fellow of ,all ,souls in #agcj1 and may have known ,daniel ,malthus at ,oxford4 ,footnote #ieh3 ,whom he names and quotes freely4 ,tucker1 in ,light of ,nature1 shows the same open dislike of them1 but with much more good-humour and taste4 ,footnote #iei3 ,in #aghj or thereabouts4 ,footnote #ifj3 ,wakefield's ,life 7#ahjd71 vol4 i4 p4 #bad4 ,it is curious to remember that ,marat is said to have been an usher at a ,warrington ,school a short time before this4 ,footnote #ifa3 ,wakefield's ,life1 i4 p4 #cdd4 ,footnote #ifb3 ,elected in #aggf4 ,see ,life1 i4 p4 #aaa ft4 ,footnote #ifc3 ,otter1 l4 c4 p4 xxvii4 ft4 ,footnote #ifd3 ,letter in ,app4 ,,ii4 to ,wakefield1 ,life1 ii4 pp4 #ded-dfc4 ,a comparison of this letter with ,wakefield1 ,life1 ii4 p4 #ccd1 and ,otter1 l4 c4 p4 xxiv4 ft4 78by his own acknowledgment071 makes it almost certain that the letter is by ,malthus4 ,footnote #ife3 ,e4 g4 with such very different men as ,watson1 ,bishop of ,llandaff1 and ,thomas ,paine4 ,footnote #iff3 ,though at college he took several prizes for ,latin and ,greek and ,english ,declamations4 ,we may hope that his defect of utterance had not become pronounced at that date1 or that the declamations were not always declaimed4 ,footnote #ifg3 ,wakefield1 ,life1 ii4 p4 #i4 ,footnote #ifh3 ,otter1 l4 c4 p4 xxv4 ,footnote #ifi3 ,otter himself was fourth wrangler in #agij1 and ,e4 ,d4 ,clarke junior optime in the same year4 ,footnote #igj3 ,otter1 l4 c4 p4 xxviii4 ,footnote #iga3 l4 c4 p4 xxvii4 ,footnote #igb3 l4 c4 p4 xxviii4 ,footnote #igc3 ,on the road leading out of ,albury towards ,guildford1 a snug little low-roofed house clinging to a hill slope1 less ambitious than the ,rookery1 but not without its pleasant garden walks1 trees1 and shrubberies4 ,footnote #igd3 ,see above1 p4 #g4 ,footnote #ige3 ,of which the genesis has been sufficiently described above1 ,bk4 ,i4 ch4 i4 ,footnote #igf3 ,one of his sources is shown by ,essay1 ,,iv4 ix4 #dch3 8,in some conversations with labouring men during the late scarcities40 ,cf4 the tract on ,the ,high ,price of ,provisions1 p4 #aj1 c4 ,footnote #igg3 ,see above1 pp4 #dh1 #di 7abroad71 and p4 #aie 7in ,ireland74 ,footnote #igh3 ,clarke 7,e4 ,d47 7,life by ,otter1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ae7 refers to a letter from ,malthus1 asking about the ,foundling ,hospital at ,st4 ,petersburg 7date ,march #ahjj74 ,cf4 ibid41 p4 #ci3 8,as for ,malthus1 tell him he is not worth writing to4 ,he is wrapped up in other matters and obliterating all traces of his pilgrimage4444 ,he is a great deal trop de plomb pour un tourist0 sic4 ,so he draws on ,mackintosh when the latter is in ,india1 in #ahjd4 ,see ,mackintosh's ,life 7#ahcf71 p4 #bae4 ,footnote #igi3 ,e4 g4 ,ricardo1 ,senior1 and ,dr4 ,thos4 ,chalmers 7who paid him a flying visit in ,october #ahbb3 ,life by ,hanna1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ceh71 and ,francis ,horner 7,memoirs and ,corresp41 e4 g4 vol4 i4 p4 #djf74 ,in i4 #dcf of his ,memoirs ,horner speaks of having gone with ,john ,whishaw1 the barrister1 to visit ,malthus at ,haileybury in #ahjh1 and takes occasion to praise his mere love of truth above the eloquence and versatility of others1 though that1 he says1 may look like a decision in favour of dulness4 ,footnote #ihj3 ,e4 g4 the reservoir1 p4 #ajf2 but the most extravagant is perhaps the botanical figure1 on p4 #bgc1 where he says that 8the forcing manure10 employed to cause the ,french ,revolution1 has 8burst the calyx of humanity40 ,macaulay uses a similar metaphor of precisely the same event1 in the ,essay on ,burleigh4 ,footnote #iha3 ,his own command of metaphor made it the easier for him to turn the edge of an opponent's4 ,see e4 g4 his handling of ,weyland's ,giant1 ,musket-ball1 and ,swaddling-clothes1 in ,essay1 ,append4 pp4 #ead-eba4 ,footnote #ihb3 ,engraved by ,fournier for the ,dictionnaire de l'conomie ,politique1 art4 #8,malthus4' ,footnote #ihc3 ,see below1 p4 #dah n4 ,footnote #ihd3 ,gentl4 ,mag41 ,march #ahce1 p4 #cbd4 ,footnote #ihe3 ,essay 7#gth ed471 ,,ii4 iii4 #adh1 where 8winter of #aghh0 is perhaps for #agih1 though it is #aghh in the second and all subsequent editions2 or else 8preceding0 may be wrong4 ,cf4 ,high ,price of ,prov41 p4 #b4 ,footnote #ihf3 ,cf4 above1 pp4 #dh1 #abg1 which should be read in conjunction with this ,biography4 ,footnote #ihg3 ,life of ,clarke1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ahc4 ,we know from a footnote in the essay itself 7#gth ed41 p4 #aid7 that part of it at least was written in #ahjb4 ,footnote #ihh3 ,stanhope1 ,life of ,pitt1 iii4 p4 #cf2 cf4 p4 #ec4 8,our election at ,cambridge was perfectly quiet40 ,footnote #ihi3 ,life of ,clarke1 ii4 #bjc-d n4 ,footnote #iij3 ,earl of ,carlisle1 the poet4 ,see ,engl4 ,bards and ,scotch ,reviewers4 ,footnote #iia3 ,otter1 l4 c4 p4 xxvi4 ,cf4 ,essay1 #ast ed41 pp4 #baj-ab4 ,gentl4 ,mag41 ,april #ahjd1 p4 #cgd4 ,a compliment which ,otter pays him 7in an obituary in the ,athenum1 #ajth ,jan4 #ahce71 that his servants stayed long with him1 would fall more naturally to his wife4 ,footnote #iib3 ,mr4 ,sargant 7,life of ,owen1 p4 #he7 says1 on the authority of ,mr4 ,holyoake1 that ,malthus visited ,new ,lanark in its palmy days4 ,owen's work then was after ,malthus' own heart2 he was reforming the world by beginning with one individual corner of it4 ,cf4 ,essay1 ,,iii4 iii4 #bhb ft4 ,footnote #iic3 ,see below1 p4 #dbc4 ,footnote #iid3 ,memoirs of ,horner1 i4 #dcf-g2 cf4 p4 #djf4 ,cf4 ,miss ,martineau1 ,hist4 of ,peace1 ,introduction1 ,,ii4 i4 #beg4 ,footnote #iie3 ,he was made a member of the ,french ,institute1 and1 in #ahcc1 one of the five foreign ,associates of the ,acad4 des ,sciences ,mor4 and ,pol41 and a member of the ,royal ,academy of ,berlin 7,otter1 l4 c4 p4 xli474 ,see ,chas4 ,comte1 ,notice1 and ,garnier1 ,dict4 de l'c4 ,pol4 ,footnote #iif3 ,bain1 ,life of ,james ,mill 7#ahhb71 p4 #aii4 ,footnote #iig3 ,all that is certainly known of the bulk of his contributions to the ,edin4 ,review is that1 like those of ,james ,mill and ,mackintosh1 they do not occur before the twentieth number of it 7in ,july #ahjg74 ,see ,bain1 ,life of ,james ,mill1 p4 #ge n4 ,horner mentions 7,memoirs1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #dcg7 the article on ,newenham's ,population of ,ireland1 #ahjh1 and another 7of which he had seen the ,,ms47 ,feb4 #ahaa 7,vol4 ,,ii4 p4 #fh74 ,but see above1 p4 #bhe1 note4 ,footnote #iih3 ,the apocryphal story of his eleven daughters is given and exposed by ,garnier1 ,dict4 de l'c4 ,pol41 art4 #8,malthus4' ,footnote #iii3 ,otter's son-in-law4 8,hal0 in his childhood was asked what he would have done if1 like the ,good ,samaritan1 he had found a man half dead by the roadside2 he answered 7on the analogy of flies71 8,i should have killed him outright40 ,contrast the child's answer with his father's remarks on the same parable in ,essay1 ,,iv4 xi4 #ddg4 ,footnote #ajjj3 ,clergy ,list1 #ahha4 ,footnote #ajja3 ,moore's ,memoirs1 ,journals1 c4 7ed4 ,russell1 #ahec71 vol4 iii4 p4 #adh1 date ,sept4 #ahbj4 ,moore himself speaks of meeting ,malthus and his wife when he was on a visit to ,mackintosh at ,haileybury in ,may #ahai4 ,ibid41 ii4 #cae4 ,footnote #ajjb3 ,volksvermehrung1 p4 #i4 ,kautsky sometimes trips1 but he is more accurate than most of ,malthus' foreign biographers4 ,chas4 ,comte 7in his ,notice historique sur la vie et les travaux de ,m4 ,t4 ,r4 ,malthus1 read to ,acad4 of ,mor4 and ,pol4 ,sciences1 #bhth ,dec41 #ahcf7 converts ,haileybury into ,aylesbury 7p4 #ca74 ,footnote #ajjc3 ,pol4 ,econ4 7#ahcf71 p4 #chj n4 ,sydney ,smith wrote to ,grey about him without success1 in #ahca 7,holland's ,life of ,sydney ,smith1 vol1 ii4 p4 #cbh74 ,footnote #ajjd3 ,richard1 the brother of ,wellington4 ,see his ,minute of #ahth ,august1 #ahjj1 quoted by ,malthus in his ,statements4 ,footnote #ajje3 ,e4 ,india ,register and ,directory 7,hatchard71 year #ahjg1 pp4 xxiv4 seq4 8,preliminary view of the establishment of the ,e4 ,india ,college40 ,these two branches of the ,haileybury programme correspond in their subjects to the ,competitive and the ,further examinations of candidates for the ,civil ,service of ,india as at present conducted4 ,malthus claims the credit of making the test in ,oriental languages a necessary condition of final appointment 7,statements1 p4 #ajj74 ,footnote #ajjf3 ,accordingly ,malthus gets many of his illustrations from ,india1 e4 g4 ,pol4 ,ec4 7#bnd ed471 pp4 #aed-e4 ,footnote #ajjg3 ,india ,register1 l4 c4 p4 xxv4 ,footnote #ajjh3 ,there must be some on the ,pension ,list who still remember him4 ,footnote #ajji3 ,from the first there was a school1 affiliated with the college though not confined to its future pupils4 ,the present school is of later origin4 ,footnote #ajaj3 ,statements1 p4 #ajc1 c4 ,this idea of the proper preparation for a civilian's career in ,india chimes in with ,malthus' idea of the first requisite of good citizenship at home and everywhere4 ,footnote #ajaa3 ,a hare-lip4 ,miss ,martineau1 who describes it1 adds that 8his vowels at least were sonorous1 whatever might become of the consonants40 ,but she understood him without her ear trumpet4 ,autobiogr41 i4 #cbg-h4 ,cf4 above1 p4 #eh4 ,sydney ,smith says1 8,i would almost consent to speak as inarticulately if ,i could think and act as wisely40 ,life by ,holland1 vol4 ii4 p4 #cbf4 ,he attributes a similar physical defect to ,talleyrand1 with perhaps as much seriousness4 ,life by ,holland1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #bef-g4 ,footnote #ajab3 ,letter to ,lord ,grenville 7#ahac71 p4 #ad4 ,cf4 what he says of the importance of teaching ,political ,economy in elementary schools1 c4 ,essay1 ,,iv4 ix4 #dch n4 ,footnote #ajac3 ,jeffrey1 ,life1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #cci1 #cdj4 ,to ,mrs4 ,c4 ,innes1 #ith ,may1 #ahda4 ,footnote #ajad3 ,autobiogr41 i4 #cbg4 ,other visits of ,malthus to her are recorded1 iii4 #hc1 i4 #bec4 ,for her view of him and his work see especially i4 #bjj1 #bji1 #bec1 #cca4 ,footnote #ajae3 ,ib4 ,i4 pp4 #cbh-i4 ,footnote #ajaf3 ,cf4 #ast ,essay1 pp4 #bbe-f1 which shows him on the ,hunting-,field4 ,footnote #ajag3 ,a slip of the pen for 8,professor40 ,the ,principal was ,j4 ,h4 ,batten1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,footnote #ajah3 ,where the fear expressed in some quarters 7see ,statements1 p4 #hg7 that the place would become a barrack has been realized architecturally4 ,footnote #ajai3 ,life by ,holland1 vol4 ii4 p4 #gc4 ,footnote #ajbj3 l4 c4 vol4 ii p4 #aej4 ,footnote #ajba3 ,debate in ,house of ,lords1 ,april #ith1 #ahac1 ,hansard1 pp4 #gej1 #gea4 ,footnote #ajbb3 #8,statements respecting the ,east ,india ,college1 with an appeal to facts in refutation of the charges lately brought against it in the ,court of ,proprietors' 7#ahag74 ,cf4 his #8,letter to ,lord ,grenville1 occasioned by some observations of his ,lordship on the ,e4 ,india ,co4's establishment for the education of their ,civil servants' 7#ahac74 ,cf4 ,edin4 ,rev41 ,dec4 #ahaf4 ,the ,letter to ,lord ,grenville 7#ahac7 states the case a little less fully2 but both pamphlets contain substantially the same arguments4 ,footnote #ajbc3 ,a property it often was1 in the most literal sense1 being bought and sold for cash4 ,see ,hist4 of ,peace1 ,introd4 ,,ii4 ii4 #cbi-cj4 ,footnote #ajbd3 ,statements1 p4 #ajc n4 ,footnote #ajbe3 ,candidates were to be nominated in groups of four1 the best of the four to have the appointment4 ,cf4 ,mill and ,wilson's ,brit4 ,india1 ,vol4 ,,ix4 ,book ,,iii4 ch4 ix4 p4 #cha4 ,footnote #ajbf3 ,the steps of the change may be followed in the fourth ,report 7#aheh7 of the ,civil ,service ,commissioners1 pp4 xix4 seq4 and #bbh seq4 ,cf4 also their first ,report 7#ahee74 ,footnote #ajbg3 ,for proofs of their regard1 see the letters quoted in the blue-book of #ahgf on 8the ,selection and ,training of candidates for the ,civil ,service of ,india10 passim1 and ,trevelyan's 8,competition ,wallah0 7#ahfd71 pp4 #g1 #h1 #ae1 #af1 but cf4 #adi4 ,footnote #ajbh3 ,see ,works1 ,review of ,rennel1 footnote4 ,footnote #ajbi3 ,memoirs1 ,vol4 ,i4 p4 #dcf1 c4 ,footnote #ajcj3 ,quoted in ,empson1 ,edin4 ,rev41 ,jan4 #ahcg1 p4 #dgc4 ,sinclair's #8,correspondence' 7#ahca71 amongst other curious matter1 gives the autographs of the three great masters 7,i4 #aja74 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ,,transcriber',s ,,notes #a4 ,silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in spelling4 #b4 ,retained archaic1 non-standard1 and uncertain spellings as printed4 #c4 ,enclosed italics font in underscores4