,transcriber's ,note ,variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained4 ,minor punctuation inconsistencies have been silently repaired4 ,the ,errata of the original edition have been corrected4 ,other changes made can be found at the end of the book4 ,formatting and special characters are indicated as follows3 ,sidenotes italic spaced font ,,philosophical ,,transactions1 ,,giving ,,some ,,account ,,of ,,the ,present ,undertakings1 ,studies1 and ,labours1 ,,of ,,the ,,ingenious1 ,,in ,,many ,considerable ,parts of the ,,world4 ,,vol4 ,l4 ,,part ,i4 ,for the ,year #ageg4 ,,london4 ,printed for ,l4 ,,davis and ,c4 ,,reymers1 ,printers to the ,,royal ,,society1 against ,gray's-,inn ,gate1 in ,holbourn4 ,m4,,dcc4,,lviii4 ,,the ,,contents ,,to ,,part ,i4 ,,volume ,l4 ,i4 ,,an ,account of the ,earthquake felt in ,new ,england1 and the neighbouring ,parts of ,america1 on the #ahth of ,november #agee4 ,in a ,letter to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 by ,mr4 ,professor ,winthrop1 of ,cambridge in ,new ,england4 ,page #a4 ,,ii4 ,the strange ,effects of some effervescent ,mixtures2 in a ,letter from ,dr4 ,james ,mounsey1 ,physician of the ,russian ,army1 and ,f4,r4,s4 to ,mr4 ,henry ,baker1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,baker4 p4 #ai4 ,,iii4 ,extract of a ,letter of ,j4 ,wall1 ,m4,d4 to the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,lyttelton1 ,dean of ,exeter1 and ,f4,r4,s4 concerning the good ,effects of ,malverne ,waters in ,worcestershire4 p4 #bc4 ,,iv4 ,an ,account of the ,carlsbad ,mineral ,waters in ,bohemia3 ,in a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4,s4 by the ,rev4 ,jeremiah ,milles1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #be4 ,v4 ,an ,essay towards ascertaining the specific ,gravity of living ,men4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,robertson1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #cj4 ,,vi4 ,an ,instance of the ,gut ,ileum1 cut thro' by a ,knife1 successfully treated by ,mr4 ,peter ,travers1 ,surgeon1 at ,lisbon4 ,communicated by ,john ,huxham1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #ce4 ,,vii4 ,an ,account of a ,visitation of the leprous ,persons in the ,isle of ,guadaloupe3 ,in a ,letter to ,mons4 ,damonville1 ,counsellor and ,assistant-,judge at ,martinico1 and in the ,office of ,king's ,physician at ,guadaloupe4 ,by ,john ,andrew ,peyssonel1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,translated from the ,french4 p4 #ch4 ,,viii4 ,an ,account of the late ,discoveries of ,antiquities at ,herculaneum2 in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,camillo ,paderni1 ,keeper of the ,herculanean ,museum1 and ,f4,r4,s4 to ,thomas ,hollis1 ,esq2 dated ,naples1 ,dec4 #af1 #agef4 p4 #di4 ,,ix4 ,an ,account of some ,trees discovered underground on the ,shore at ,mount's-,bay in ,cornwall3 ,in a ,letter from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,william ,borlase1 ,f4,r4,s4 to the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,lyttelton1 ,dean of ,exeter4 p4 #ea4 ,x4 ,experiments on applying the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,hales's ,method of distilling ,salt-water to the ,steam-,engine4 ,by ,keane ,fitzgerald1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #ec4 ,,xi4 ,extract of a ,letter of ,mr4 ,abraham ,trembley1 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 ,translated from the ,french4 p4 #eh4 ,,xii4 ,a brief ,botanical and ,medical ,history of the ,solanum ,lethale1 ,bella-donna1 or ,deadly ,nightshade1 by ,mr4 ,richard ,pulteney4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,william ,watson1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #fb4 ,,xiii4 ,an ,account of some of the ,antiquities discovered at ,herculaneum1 c4 ,in a ,letter to ,thomas ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 ,by ,john ,nixon1 ,a4,m4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #hh4 ,,xiv4 ,an ,account of the ,effects of a ,storm of ,thunder and ,lightning1 in the ,parishes of ,looe and ,lanreath1 in the ,county of ,cornwall1 on the #bgth ,day of ,june #agef4 ,communicated to the ,rev4 ,jeremiah ,milles1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 in two ,letters1 one from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,dyer1 ,minister of ,looe1 and the other from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,milles1 ,vicar of ,duloe1 in ,cornwall4 p4 #ajd4 ,,xv4 ,an ,account of the ,peat-pit near ,newbury in ,berkshire2 in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,john ,collet1 ,m4,d4 to the ,right ,reverend ,richard ,lord ,bishop of ,ossory1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #aji4 ,,xvi4 ,an ,account of the ,alterations making in the ,pantheon at ,rome3 ,in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,rome to ,thomas ,hollis1 ,esq2 ,communicated by ,john ,ward1 ,,ll4,d4 ,r4,s4 ,vice-,prs4 p4 #aae4 ,,xvii4 ,an ,account of a new medicinal ,well1 lately discovered near ,moffat1 in ,annandale1 in the ,county of ,dumfries4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,walker1 of ,borgue-house near ,kirkudbright in ,scotland4 p4 #aae4 ,,xviii4 ,an ,account of the ,state of the ,thermometer at the ,hague on the #ith of ,january #ageg4 ,extracted from a ,letter of ,mr4 ,abraham ,trembley1 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 p4 #adh4 ,,xix4 ,experimental ,examination of ,platina4 ,by ,william ,lewis1 ,m4,b4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,paper ,v4 ibid4 ,,xx4 ,experimental ,examination of ,platina4 ,by ,william ,lewis1 ,m4,b4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,paper ,,vi4 p4 #aef4 ,,xxi4 ,an ,account of the ,temple of ,serapis at ,pozzuoli in the ,kingdom of ,naples3 ,in a ,letter to ,john ,ward1 ,,ll4,d4 and ,r4,s4 ,vice-,prs4 by the ,rev4 ,john ,nixon1 ,m4,a4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #aff4 ,,xxii4 ,some ,remarks on a ,parthian ,coin with a ,greek and ,parthian ,legend1 never before published4 ,in a ,letter from the ,rev4 ,john ,swinton1 ,m4,a4 of ,christ-,church1 ,oxon1 ,f4,r4,s4 to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 p4 #age4 ,,xxiii4 ,an ,account of a ,red ,coral from the ,east-,indies1 of a very singular ,kind3 ,in a ,letter from ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,mr4 ,peter ,collinson1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #ahi4 ,,xxiv4 ,an ,account of the ,effects of a ,storm at ,wigton in ,cumberland4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,philip ,miller1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #aid4 ,,xxv4 ,an ,account of the ,effects of ,lightning upon the ,steeple and ,church of ,lestwithiel1 ,cornwall2 in a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4,s4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,smeaton1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #aih4 ,,xxvi4 ,an ,account of the ,case of the late ,right ,honourable ,horace ,lord ,walpole2 being a ,sequel to his own ,account published in the ,philosophical ,transactions1 ,vol4 xlvii4 p4 #dc and #dgb4 p4 #bje4 ,postscript to ,dr4 ,whytt's ,observations on ,lord ,walpole's ,case4 p4 #che4 ,,xxvii4 ,an ,account of the ,virtues of ,soap in dissolving the ,stone1 in the ,case of the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,matthew ,simpson4 ,communicated by ,john ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #bba4 ,,xxviii4 ,an ,account of the ,impressions of ,plants on the ,slates of ,coals3 ,in a ,letter to the ,right ,honorable ,george ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4,s4 from ,mr4 ,emanuel ,mendes da ,costa1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #bbh4 ,,xxix4 ,a ,catalogue of the ,fifty ,plants from ,chelsea ,garden1 presented to the ,royal ,society by the worshipful ,company of ,apothecaries1 for the ,year #agef1 pursuant to the ,direction of ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 ,baronet1 ,med4 ,reg4 ,soc4 nuper ,prses1 by ,john ,wilmer1 ,m4,d4 clariss4 ,societatis ,pharmaceut4 ,lond4 ,socius1 ,hort4 ,chels4 ,prfect4 ,prlector ,botan4 p4 #bcf4 ,,xxx4 ,remarks on the ,opinion of ,henry ,eeles1 ,esq2 concerning the ,ascent of ,vapour1 published in the ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlix4 ,part i4 p4 #abd4 ,by ,erasmus ,darwin1 ,m4,d4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,william ,watson1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #bdj4 ,,xxxi4 ,an ,account of a new-discovered ,species of the ,snipe or ,tringa3 ,in a ,letter to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 from ,mr4 ,geo4 ,edwards1 ,librarian of the ,college of ,physicians4 p4 #bee4 ,,xxxii4 ,observationes de ,corallinis1 iisque insidentibus ,polypis1 aliisque ,animalculis ,marinis3 ,quas ,regi ,societati ,londinensi offert ,job ,baster1 ,med4 ,doct4 ,acad4 ,csar4 ,reg4 ,societ4 ,lond4 ,scient4 ,holland4 ,socius4 p4 #beh4 ,,xxxiii4 ,remarks on ,dr4 ,job ,baster's ,observationes de ,corallinis1 c4 ,in a ,letter to the ,right ,hon4 ,george ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4,s4 from ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #bhj4 ,,xxxiv4 ,an ,account of an extraordinary ,operation performed in the ,dock-,yard at ,portsmouth3 ,drawn up by ,mr4 ,john ,robertson1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #bhh4 ,,xxxv4 ,observations on an ,evening1 or rather ,nocturnal1 ,solar ,iris4 ,by ,mr4 ,george ,edwards1 ,librarian of the ,college of ,physicians4 p4 #bic4 ,,xxxvi4 ,the ,effects of the ,opuntia1 or ,prickly ,pear1 and of the ,indigo ,plant1 in colouring the ,juices of living ,animals4 ,communicated by ,h4 ,baker1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #bif4 ,,xxxvii4 ,an ,account of an extrordinary ,shower of black ,dust1 that fell in the ,island of ,zetland #bjth ,october #agee4 ,in a ,letter from ,sir ,andrew ,mitchell1 of ,westshore1 ,bart4 to ,john ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #big4 ,,xxxviii4 ,a ,description of some ,thermometers for particular ,uses4 ,by the ,right ,honourable the ,lord ,charles ,cavendish1 ,v4,p4,r4,s4 p4 #cjj4 ,,xxxix4 ,observationes ,anatomico-,medic de ,monstro bicorporeo ,virgineo ,a4 #agja4 die #bf ,oct4 in ,pannonia1 infra ,comaromium1 in ,possessione ,szony1 quondam ,quiritum ,bregetione1 in lucem edito1 atque ,a4 #agbc4 die #bc ,febr4 ,posonii in ,cnobio ,monialium ,s4 ,ursul morte functo ibidemque sepulto4 ,authore ,justo ,johanne ,torkos1 ,m4,d4 ,soc4 ,regalis ,socio4 p4 #caa4 ,,xl4 ,observations on the ,origin and ,use of the ,lymphatic ,vessels of ,animals3 ,being an ,extract from the ,gulstonian ,lectures1 read in the ,theatre of the ,college of ,physicians of ,london1 in ,june #agee4 ,by ,mark ,akenside1 ,m4,d4 ,fellow of the ,college of ,physicians1 and of the ,royal ,society4 p4 #cbb4 ,,xli4 ,a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president1 the ,council1 and ,fellows1 of the ,royal ,society1 concerning the ,variation of the ,magnetic ,needle2 with a ,sett of ,tables annexed1 which exhibit the ,result of upwards of ,fifty ,thousand ,observations1 in ,six periodic ,reviews1 from the ,year #agjj to the ,year #agef1 both inclusive2 and are adapted to every ,five ,degrees of ,latitude and ,longitude in the more frequented ,oceans4 ,by ,william ,mountaine and ,james ,dodson1 ,fellows of the ,royal ,society4 p4 #cbi4 ,,xlii4 ,an account of some extraordinary ,tumors upon the ,head of a labouring ,man1 now in ,st4 ,bartholomew's ,hospital4 ,by ,james ,parsons1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #cej4 ,,xliii4 ,an ,extract of the ,register of the ,parish of ,great ,shefford1 near ,lamborne1 in ,berkshire1 for ,ten ,years3 ,with ,observations on the same3 ,in a ,letter to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,richard ,foster1 ,rector of ,great ,shefford4 p4 #cef4 ,,xliv4 ,a remarkable ,case of an ,aneurism1 or ,disease of the principal ,artery of the ,thigh1 occasioned by a ,fall4 ,to which is prefixed a short ,account of the ,uncertainty of the distinguishing ,symptoms of this ,disease4 ,by ,jos4 ,warner1 ,f4,r4,s4 and ,surgeon to ,guy's ,hospital4 p4 #cfc4 ,,xlv4 ,farther ,experiments for increasing the ,quantity of ,steam in a ,fire-,engine4 ,by ,keane ,fitz-,gerald1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #cgj4 ,,xlvi4 ,observatio ,eclipsis ,lun ,die #bg ,martii1 ,ann4 #agee4 habita ,ulissipone in ,domo ,patrum ,congregationis ,oratorii ,joanne ,chevalier ejusdem ,congregationis ,presbytero1 ,regi ,londinensis ,societatis ,socio1 ,regique ,parisiensis ,scientiarum ,academi correspondente4 p4 #cgd4 ,,xlvii4 ,eclipsis ,lun ,die #d ,februarii1 ,ann4 #ageg4 habita ,ulissipone ,joanne ,chevalier ,presbytero ,congregationis ,oratorii1 ,regi ,londinensis ,societatis ,socio1 ,regique ,scientiarum ,parisiensis ,acadaemi correspondente1 et a ,theodoro de ,almeida ejusdem ,congregationis ,presbytero1 ac ,physic publico ,professore p4 #cgf4 ,observationes ,eclipsium ,satellitum ,jovis ,ulissipone habit a ,joanne ,chevalier1 c4 p4 #cgg4 ,,xlviii4 ,observationes ,eclipsium ,satellitum ,jovis ,ulissipone habit ,joanne ,chevalier1 ,presbytere ,congregationis ,oratorii1 ,regique ,londinensis ,societatis ,socio1 ,anno #ageg4 p4 #cgh4 ,,xlix4 ,a remarkable ,case of the ,efficacy of the ,bark in a ,mortification3 ,in a ,letter to ,william ,watson1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 from ,mr4 ,richard ,grindall1 ,surgeon to the ,london ,hospital4 p4 #cgi4 ,l4 ,a ,letter to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 from ,john ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 inclosing ,two ,papers communicated to him by ,robert ,whytt1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #chc4 #a4 ,some ,observations on the lithontriptic ,virtue of the ,carlsbad ,waters1 ,lime-water1 and ,soap3 ,in ,letter to ,dr4 ,john ,pringle1 ,f4,r4,s4 from ,dr4 ,robert ,whytt1 ,f4,r4,s4 and ,professor of ,medicine in the ,university of ,edinburgh4 p4 #chf4 #b4 ,an ,instance of the ,electrical ,virtue in the ,cure of a ,palsy4 ,by ,mr4 ,patrick ,brydone4 p4 #cib4 ,,li4 ,an ,account of some fossil ,fruits1 and other ,bodies1 found in the ,island of ,shepey4 ,by ,james ,parsons1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #cif4 ,,lii4 ,observations on the ,comet1 that appeared in the ,months of ,september and ,october #ageg1 made at the ,royal ,observatory by ,ja4 ,bradley1 ,d4,d4 ,astronomer ,royal1 ,f4,r4,s4 and ,member of the ,royal ,academy of ,sciences at ,paris4 p4 #djh4 ,,liii4 ,the ,resolution of a ,general ,proposition for determining the horary ,alteration of the ,position of the ,terrestrial ,equator1 from the ,attraction of ,sun and ,moon3 ,with some ,remarks on the ,solutions given by other ,authors to that difficult and important ,problem4 ,by ,mr4 ,tho4 ,simpson1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #daf4 ,,liv4 ,remarks upon the ,heat of the ,air in ,july #ageg1 in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,john ,huxham1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,william ,watson1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 dated at ,plymouth #aith of the same ,month4 ,with additional ,remarks by ,dr4 ,watson4 p4 #dbh4 ,,lv4 ,remarks upon the ,letter of ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,philip ,carteret ,webb1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 printed in the ,philosophical ,transactions1 ,vol4 xlix4 ,part ii4 p4 #hjf4 ,by ,mr4 ,philip ,miller1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #dcj4 ,,lvi4 ,an ,answer to the preceding ,remarks4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 p4 #dda4 ,,lvii4 ,a ,letter to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secr4 ,r4,s4 concerning the ,number of the ,people of ,england2 by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,richard ,forster1 ,rector of ,great ,shefford in ,berkshire4 p4 #deg4 ,,lviii4 ,a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,royal ,society1 from the ,rev4 ,william ,brakenridge1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 containing an ,answer to the ,account of the ,numbers and ,increase of the ,people of ,england1 by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,forster4 p4 #dfe4 ,,errata4 ,page #ie4 line #bd4 read even the ends of the umbilici4 ,page #if4 line #e4 read exposed the extremity of the umbilicus4 ,page #afh4 line #d4 after as dele well as4 ,page #cbh4 line #i from the bottom1 for stream read steam4 ,in the ,tables of the ,variation of the ,magnetic ,needle1 ,anno #agef1 ,lat4 ,long4 #j--gj;,e for ,var4 #c,w read #b,w4 ,read the same in p4 #ccc4 #ae,n #ce,w ---- #c,w ---- #b,w #e,s #dj;,e ---- #ag,w ---- #ah,w #cj,s #ae;,e ---- #ah,w ---- #ag,w #ce,s #aj,w ---- #e,w ---- #e,w #ce,s #de;,e ---- #bf,w ---- #bf,w ,,philosophical ,,transactions4 ,i4 ,an ,account of the ,earthquake felt in ,new ,england1 and the neighbouring ,parts of ,america1 on the #ahth of ,november #agee4 ,in a ,letter to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 by ,mr4 ,professor ,winthrop1 of ,cambridge in ,new ,england4 ,read ,jan4 #ac1 #ageg4 ,reverend ,sir1 ,i ,beg leave to lay before you the best account ,i am able to give of the great earthquake1 which shook ,new ,england1 and the neighbouring parts of ,america1 on ,tuesday the #ahth day of ,november #agee1 about a quarter after four in the morning4 ,i deferred writing till this time1 in order to obtain the most distinct information of the several particulars relating to it1 both here and in the other places where it was felt2 and especially the extent of it4 ,the night1 in which this earthquake happened1 was perfectly calm and serene4 ,in the evening there was a fog over the marshes bordering on the river ,charles1 which runs through this town3 but this ,i found intirely dissipated at the time of the earthquake1 the air being then quite clear1 and the moon1 which wanted but #cf of the full1 shining very bright4 ,the earthquake began with a roaring noise in the ,n4,w4 like thunder at a distance2 and this grew fiercer1 as the earthquake drew nearer2 which was almost a minute in coming to this place1 as near as ,i can collect from one of my neighbours1 who was then on the road in this town4 ,he tells me1 that1 as soon as he heard the noise1 he stopt1 knowing1 that it was an earthquake1 and waiting for it2 and he reckoned he had stood still about #b'1 when the noise seemed to overtake him1 and the earth began to tremble under him3 but1 as ,i doubted1 whether it were so long1 ,i counted several numbers to him as slowly as a clock beats seconds2 and then he said1 he believed he could have counted half an hundred1 at that rate1 before the noise and shake came up to him4 ,by his account1 as well as that of others1 the first motion of the earth was what may be called a pulse1 or rather an undulation2 and resembled 7to use his own comparison7 that of a long rolling1 swelling sea2 and the swell was so great1 that he was obliged to run and catch hold of something1 to prevent being thrown down4 ,the tops of two trees close by him1 one of which is #be1 the other #cj feet high1 he thinks waved at least ten feet 7and ,i depend on his judgment in this particular1 because he judged right of the height of the trees1 as ,i found by actual mensuration72 and there were two of these great wavings1 succeeded by one1 which was smaller4 ,this sort of motion1 after having continued1 as has been conjectured1 about a minute1 abated a little2 so that ,i1 who was just then waked1 and1 ,i suppose1 most others1 imagined1 that the height of the shock was past4 ,but instantly1 without a moment's intermission1 the shock came on with redoubled noise and violence2 though the species of it was altered to a tremor1 or quick horizontal vibratory motion1 with sudden jerks and wrenches4 ,the bed1 on which ,i lay1 was now tossed from side to side2 the whole house was prodigiously agitated2 the windows rattled1 the beams cracked1 as if all would presently be shaken to pieces4 ,when this had continued about #b'1 it began to abate1 and gradually kept decreasing1 as if it would be soon over3 however1 before it had quite ceased1 there was a little revival of the trembling and noise1 though no-ways comparable to what had been before3 but this presently decreased1 till all1 by degrees1 became still and quiet4 ,thus ended this great shock4 ,it was followed by another about an hour and a quarter after1 viz4 at #e #bi'4 ,this1 though comparatively small1 was very generally perceived1 both as to its noise and trembling1 by those who were awake4 ,on the ,saturday evening following1 viz4 the #bb;d of ,november1 at #bg' after eight1 there was a third1 more considerable than the second1 but not to be compared with the first4 ,and on ,friday the #aith of ,december in the evening1 exactly at ten o' clock1 there was a fourth shock1 much smaller than either of the former1 though1 like them1 preceded by the peculiar noise of an earthquake4 ,the whole lasted but a few seconds2 but the jarring was great enough to cause the window-shutters and door of the room1 in which ,i then was1 to clatter4 ,the sky was perfectly clear1 and there was a very gentle and scarcely-perceptible gale at ,s4,w4 ,these four are the only shocks1 that ,i have been sensible of from the #ahth of ,november last to this date2 tho' more are said to have been felt in other parts of the country to the northward of us4 ,as to the duration of the great shock1 people have differed widely1 viz4 from #a' to #f or #g4 ,our printed accounts have generally fixed it to about #b'1 or #c at the most2 but as these were only the uncertain guesses of persons1 who had no rule to guess by1 no dependence can be had on them4 ,i am well satisfied1 that with us it continued #d'1 or rather #d' #a-;half2 taking in the whole of the time1 from the first agitation of the earth till it was become perfectly quiet2 tho' the violence of the shock did not last above half so long4 ,this ,i am assured of1 partly from the observations of some gentlemen1 who were up1 and looked on their watches1 when it began and ended2 one of whom tells me it was #d'1 and another1 that it was near #e2 and partly from my own observations1 which were as follow4 ,the preceding noon ,i had adjusted both my clock and watch to the apparent time1 by a meridian line2 and the following noon ,i found1 that the watch had kept time exactly4 ,being awaked by the earthquake1 ,i lay till the violence of it seemed to be over for the second time1 the first abatement happening just after ,i waked4 ,till then ,i forbore to rise1 because the agitation was so vehement1 that ,i concluded it would be difficult1 if not impracticable1 to go from the bed to the chimney1 without being thrown down2 and therefore thought it best not to attempt it4 ,the space of time1 in which ,i lay awake1 ,i cannot think to be much1 if any thing1 less than #b'4 ,this was the conjecture ,i formed at that time2 though1 it being but conjecture1 ,i would not lay very great stress upon it1 were it not supported by concurring observations4 ,on the second abatement ,i rose1 and lighting a candle1 looked on my watch1 and found it to be #ae' after four4 ,the shock then was not quite over1 but the windows continued rattling for about a minute longer1 as near as ,i can remember2 for the shock went off very gradually4 ,as soon as ,i had looked on the watch1 ,i went directly to the clock1 which was in another chamber1 that ,i might see whether that agreed with the watch1 and found that it was stopt at #d #aa' #ce''4 ,its stopping1 however1 was not immediately owing to the violence of the shock1 though several clocks1 and watches too1 at ,boston1 are said to have been stopped by it1 but to the following accident3 ,having some time before used a pretty long glass tube1 in a particular experiment1 ,i had shut it up in the clock-case for security2 and this tube1 being overthrown by the earthquake1 lodged against the pendulum1 and stopt its motion4 ,by this accident1 the beginning of the earthquake1 ,i conceive1 is determined with all the exactness1 that can be desired2 for1 so far as ,i can learn1 the first shake was violent enough to overset so tall1 slender a body1 and standing in a position so near a perpendicular1 as that tube2 and it was impossible for the pendulum to make one oscillation1 after the tube had struck against it4 ,but ,i am not able to fix the end1 nor consequently the duration1 with the same exactness3 however1 from the time1 when the clock stopt1 to my looking on the watch1 it was about #c' #a-;half2 and the jarring was not quite over till about a minute after this3 so that ,i think ,i speak within bounds1 if ,i say1 that this shock with us lasted at least #d'4 ,in other places1 its duration might possibly be different4 ,i was careful to note the time1 when we had it1 as exactly as ,i could1 in hopes1 that1 by comparing it with the like accounts from distant places1 we might be able to judge1 with a good degree of exactness1 of the course of this earthquake1 the place of its origin1 and the velocity of its progress4 ,but all the accounts of the time1 which ,i have yet seen1 are so very lax1 that no just conclusions can be drawn from them1 with respect to either of these points4 ,what ,i have been able to collect with relation to them1 ,i shall set down presently4 ,those1 who suppose the duration much shorter1 as #a' #a-;half1 or #b'1 urge1 that a minute is a longer space of time than most people are aware of2 which is very true3 but it should also be considered1 that if we judge the length of any space of time by the number of ideas1 which pass through our minds in that time2 a very great fright1--a fright so great1 as to take intire possession of the mind for a time1 and shut out every idea except that of the present danger1 will make us judge the time to be much shorter than it really is4 ,and this1 ,i make no doubt1 was the case with many2 the surprise1 into which they were thrown1 being such1 as to keep out every idea1 except that1 which happened to strike their minds with the greatest force at the beginning4 ,thus1 several perceived no noise distinct from that1 which was occasioned by the crackling of their houses1 and the disturbance of the moveables in them2 while others1 who were waked by the noise1 and ran from one room to another1 have told me1 that they felt nothing at all of the shake4 ,for this reason1 the conjectures1 which persons in these circumstances made1 as to the duration of the shock1 ought not to be put into the balance with the actual observations made by watches4 ,the course of this earthquake seems to have been nearly from ,n4,w4 to ,s4,e4 ,my neighbour before-mentioned1 who was then abroad1 and informed me1 that the noise began about the ,n4,w4 told me at the same time1 that it passed off towards the ,s4,e4 and that he heard the noise in that quarter gradually abating1 as it became more distant1 for about the same space of time after the shock was over here1 as he heard it in the ,n4,w4 before the shock began here4 ,other accounts1 which ,i have since met with1 agree with this4 ,those1 who were in such clear open places1 could make the best judgment in this matter2 for such1 as were within doors1 or surrounded with buildings1 might easily be misled by the various reflections of the sound4 ,i am induced to give the greater credit to this information by what ,i observed myself3 for a key1 which was thrown from off a shelf in my house1 was found at a place on the floor1 which bore very near ,n4,w4 of the place1 from which it fell2 though the situation of it before its fall was such1 that it might have been thrown in any direction1 except towards the ,s4,e4 ,an account1 which we have lately received from the ,west-,indies1 agrees very well with the supposition1 that our earthquake proceeded south-eastward4 ,the account is1 that 'on the #ahth of ,november1 about two o'clock in the afternoon1 the sea withdrew from the harbour of ,st4 ,martin's1 leaving the vessels dry1 and fish on the banks1 where there used to be three or four fathom water2 and continued out a considerable time2 so that the people retired to the high land1 fearing the consequence of its return2 and when it came in1 it arose six feet higher than usual1 so as to overflow the low lands4 ,there was no shock felt at the above time4' ,as this extraordinary motion of the sea happened about #i after our great shock1 it seems very likely to have been occasioned by the same convulsion of the earth4 ,now if this earthquake went off south-eastward into the ,atlantic1 it must have passed considerably to the eastward of ,st4 ,martin's2 and1 in fact1 it did not reach that island1 there being no shock felt there4 ,the motion of the sea then was owing to a great agitation raised at a considerable distance in some part or other of the ocean1 where the earthquake passed1 and from thence propagated to that island4 ,nor is the length of time greater than what seems to be necessary for this effect4 ,the earthquake itself1 at the rate it moved with us1 would be some hours in going from hence to the distance of ,st4 ,martin's3 for sound would be about #b in moving to such a distance2 and the progress of the earthquake was slower than that of sound1 as appears from hence1 that the roar of this earthquake arrived here near a minute before the shake4 ,the rest of the #i might well be spent in conveying the motion excited in the water1 from the place where it was excited1 to ,st4 ,martin's2 for the waves raised thereby could not move with near the velocity of sound4 ,it is worthy of remark1 that1 of the five great earthquakes1 which this country has felt since its settlement by the ,english1 two have gone nearly in the same track as this last did4 ,the first1 which was on ,june #b4 #afch1 'came from the northward1 and passed southward4' ,by the description given of it1 it was very much like our late earthquake1 only perhaps not quite so violent4 ',the noise and shakes of the earthquake1 ,october #bi4 #agbg1 seemed1' it is said1 'to come from the north-westward1 and to go off south-easterly2 and so the houses seemed to reel4' ,as to the great earthquakes of #afeh and #affb1 we have no account of the courses1 which they went in4 ,but1 from the other three1 it may be reasonably conjectured1 that the source of our earthquakes1 or the place in which they originate1 is in some part of ,canada1 or perhaps beyond it4 ,the extent of this earthquake seems to have been greater than that of any of our former earthquakes4 ,this province of the ,massachusetts-bay1 or rather the province of ,new ,hampshire1 about the latitude of #dc north on the sea-coast1 seems to have been the center of it1 or the place of its greatest violence1 and the shake to have been less considerable each way from hence towards the ,s4 ,w4 and ,n4 ,e4 ,by the accounts we have from the ,s4 ,w4 the shock was less at ,new ,york than it was with us2 and still less at ,philadelphia1 which is farther towards the ,s4 ,w4 ,by the best information ,i can procure1 the limit toward the ,s4 ,w4 was ,chesopeak-bay in ,maryland1 the shock having been felt on the eastern side of that bay1 and not on the western4 ,for the other limit toward the ,n4 ,e4 we are informed1 that the earthquake was felt at ,annapolis ,royal in ,nova ,scotia1 though in a much less degree than with us4 ,it shook off a few bricks from the tops of some chimnies1 but was not perceived by vessels on the water4 ,and a letter from ,halifax says1 ',the earthquake1 which happened in the ,w4 extended itself to this place1 tho' scarcely perceivable here4' ,but it was not at all felt by our army1 which lay encamped at ,seganecto1 about #ajj miles ,n4 from ,halifax4 ,thus ,halifax seems to have been very near the ,n4 ,e4 limit4 ,i am not able to ascertain its eastern and western limits2 but it extended to all our back inland settlements2 and was perceived1 though in a very small degree1 by our army at ,lake ,george1 distant from hence about #acj miles ,n4 ,w4 by ,w4 ,but it was not felt at all at the ,british fort of ,oswego1 situate on the south-eastern shore of ,lake ,ontario1 and distant from hence about #bcj miles ,w4 by ,n4 ,so great was the shock in the ,atlantic1 #gj leagues to the ,e4 of ,cape ,anne1 that the people on board a vessel there were suddenly surprised1 just at the time of our earthquake1 supposing they had run a-ground2 till1 on throwing over the lead1 they found they had more than #ej fathom water4 ,the extent of the earthquake ,e4 and ,w4 from ,halifax to ,lake ,george was about #eej miles2 and its extent along the sea-coast1 from ,n4,e4 to ,s4,w4 at least #hjj miles4 ,but if the agitation of the water at ,st4 ,martin's was occasioned by our earthquake continued into the ,atlantic1 as was conjectured above1 its extent1 in a direction toward the ,s4 ,s4 ,e4 must have been at last #aijj miles4 ,i shall now proceed to mention the principal effects of this earthquake1 for which ,i can find sufficient vouchers2 for many strange things have been related1 which1 upon examination1 appear to be without foundation4 ,besides the throwing down of glass1 pewter1 and other moveables in the houses1 many chimnies were levelled with the roofs of the houses1 and many more shattered1 and thrown down in part4 ,some were broken off several feet below the top1 and1 by the suddenness and violence of the jerks1 canted horizontally an inch or two over1 so as to stand very dangerously4 ,some others were twisted1 or turned round in part4 ,the roofs of some houses were quite broken in by the fall of chimnies2 and the gable ends of some brick buildings thrown down1 and many more cracked4 ,throughout the whole country1 the stone fences were more or less thrown down4 ,the vane upon the public market-house in ,boston was thrown down2 the wooden spindle1 which supported it1 about five inches in diameter1 and which had stood the most violent gusts of wind1 being snapt off4 ,a new vane1 upon one of the churches in ,boston1 was bent at its spindle two or three points of the compass2 and another at ,springfield1 distant about #hj miles westerly from ,boston1 was bent to a right angle4 ,a distillers cistern1 made of plank1 almost new1 and very strong put together1 was burst to pieces by the agitation of the liquor in it2 which was thrown out with such force1 as to break down one whole side of the shed1 that defended the cistern from the weather2 as also to stave off a board or two from a fence at the distance of eight or ten feet from it4 ,in some parts of the country1 particularly at ,pembroke and ,scituate1 about #be miles ,s4,e4 from hence1 there were several chasms or openings made in the earth1 from some of which water has issued1 and many cart-loads of a fine whitish sort of sand4 ,these are the principal effects of this earthquake on the land1 some of which argue a very quick and violent motion of the earth4 ,tho' the degree of violence was doubtless different in different places1 yet1 that ,i might make some estimate of it with us1 ,i measured the greatest distance on the ground1 to which any of the bricks1 which were thrown off from the tops of my chimnies1 had reached1 and found it to be #cj feet1 and the height from which they fell was #cb feet4 ,now since bodies fall thro' #af feet nearly in #a of time2 and the times1 in which they fall through other heights1 are in the subduplicate ratio of those heights2 it follows1 that the velocity1 wherewith those bricks were thrown off1 was that of above #ba feet in #a of time3 for the subduplicate ratio of #cb to #af is the same as the simple ratio of #cj to a little more than #ba4 ,but the velocity was less at less heights3 for the key before spoken of1 as thrown from off a shelf in a chamber in my house1 was not thrown so far1 in proportion to the height thro' which it fell1 as the bricks were from the top of the chimnies2 and in my lower rooms nothing was thrown down1 but a small bell in the garret was made to ring by it4 ,hence it appears1 that our buildings were rocked with a kind of angular motion1 like that of a cradle2 the upper parts of them moving swifter1 or thro' greater spaces in the same time1 than the lower2 the natural consequence of an undulatory motion of the earth4 ,but the agitation occasioned by this earthquake was not confined to the land3 it was very sensible on the water1 and even at considerable distances in the ocean4 ,the vessels in our harbours were so shaken1 that it seemed to those1 who were in them1 as if they were beating on the bottom4 ,some1 that were in the bay1 coming in from sea1 thought they had run upon rocks or sands4 ,one very uncommon effect of this concussion is related by several of our seafaring men1 that almost immediately after the earthquake1 large numbers of fish of different sorts1 both great and small1 came up to the surface of the water1 some dead1 and others dying4 ,the center of our former earthquakes1 as well as of this1 seems to have been near the river ,merrimac1 about the latitude of #dc north1 and #dj miles north from hence2 many shocks having been felt in that neighbourhood1 which did not extend to this place4 ,the late ,rev4 ,mr4 ,plant of ,newbury1 which is situated at the mouth of that river1 has given a very particular journal1 in ,philos4 ,transact4 ,n4 #dfb4 of the shocks felt there from #agbg to #agda1 few of which were perceived here or at ,boston4 ,i remember none after the memorable #bith ,october #agbg1 beside that on #cjth ,january #agbh1 about two in the afternoon2 and that on #eth ,september #agcb1 which1 by his account1 did considerable damage at ,montreal in ,canada1 but it was very small at ,boston4 ,that also on #fth ,february #agcg1 about a quarter past four in the afternoon1 which he calls a considerable shock1 was perceived at ,boston2 and so was that on #gth ,december following1 a little before #aa in the night4 ,from the conclusion of ,mr4 ,plant's journal1 till the earthquake which is the subject of this letter1 ,i know of none1 but that which happened on ,sunday ,june #c1 #agdd1 at a quarter after ten in the morning4 ,the roar of this was as loud as any ,i ever heard1 but the shake not so great4 ,the day was very fair and hot1 with a little wind in the morning at ,w4,s4,w4 which in the afternoon came round to ,n4,n4,w4 ,the season preceding was hot and dry1 there having been no rain from #bc;d ,may4 ,on the #ast ,june1 at four in the afternoon1 ,hauksbee's thermometer stood at #e1b2 on the #b;d1 at five in the afternoon1 it was at #a1 with high wind at ,s4,w42 on the #c;d1 at eight in the morning1 it was at #ai1h2 and at six #a-;half in the afternoon at #c1h4 ,from the #ast ,june to the #b;d1 at the hours just mentioned1 the barometer had fallen from #bi1ib to #bi1hb2 from which time it continued rising till the #dth at eight in the morning1 when it was got up to #cj1ab2 being1 at the time of the earthquake1 at #bi1id4 ,the rest of the month the weather was in general very hot1 with many thunder-showers4 ,as the late ,hon4 ,judge ,dudley1 who has given a very just account of the great earthquake of #bi ,oct4 #agbg1 in ,philos4 ,trans4 ,n4 #dcg1 has inserted an account of the weather in the preceding part of that year2 and as our last earthquake happened at the same time of the year as that did1 within #h or #i days 7regard being had to the difference between the ,julian and ,gregorian styles72 ,i hope it will not be disagreeable1 if ,i give an account of our weather the last year3 in doing which1 ,i shall follow1 as near as may be1 ,mr4 ,dudley's method1 setting down the particulars in corresponding columns1 that so a comparison may more easily be made between these two years4 ,,weather in #agbg1 ,o4 ,st4 #agee1 ,n4 ,st4 ,january and ,february ,january1 but especially very moderate4 ,february1 very moderate4 ,beginning of ,march1 a #dth of ,march the greatest great deal of snow1 and storm of snow we had some cold weather3 afterwards1 all winter4 ,the whole pleasant1 rain at month colder than ,february4 times1 and once thunder and lightning4 ,april1 for the most part1 ,april1 nothing very remarkable4 fair1 pleasant4 ,plentiful ,no hot weather4 rain1 beginning and end ,each of these four of the month4 months afforded more snow and rain1 than the common quantity1 taken at a medium for #g years together4 ,may1 beginning1 pleasant2 ,first #bj days of ,may1 then a great deal of dry2 #ad to #ah inclusive1 rain2 afterwards1 cold and uncommonly hot2 latter very dry4 part1 frequent thunder-showers4 ,the whole month drier than the medium4 ,june1 abundance of ,june1 ten thunder showers2 thunder and lightning4 #ae to #bj inclusive1 uncommonly cool4 ,the driest ,june since #agdi4 ,july1 very dry2 a great ,july1 seven thunder-showers1 deal of thunder and lightning4 and a little more rain than the medium4 ,august1 exceeding hot ,august1 not very hot2 and dry4 ,one plentiful much drier than the medium4 rain4 ,september1 till the middle1 ,september1 variable2 very hot4 ,more hot #aj to #ad inclusive1 uncommonly weather than in any summer4 hot2 several ,middle1 a violent other days uncommonly north-east storm1 with a cool4 ,upon the whole1 great deal of rain4 the summer rather cool than hot4 ,the hottest weather was in the middle of ,may4 ,no great rains2 but rather more than the medium4 ,october1 a pretty deal ,october1 a great deal of cold weather4 of cold weather4 ,thunder-showers #bc1 a great deal of rain1 on the #acth with the ,s4 wind4 and #agth4 ,snow on the #be1 at night a hard frost4 #bjth1 #beth1 #bith1 #cjth4 #bf1 ,winterish weather1 ,but the quantity of rain and a little snow4 and snow in the whole #bh1 ,cold4 ,wind ,n4,w4 month less than the medium4 #bi1 ,cold4 ,little wind at ,n4,w4 ,evening quite calm1 and a clear sky4 ,november began with cold and wet1 there falling1 in the eleven first days #c1djd inches of rain2 and on the #aath in the morning there was thunder and lightning with the rain2 and at a quarter past two in the afternoon1 the barometer was at #bi1df2 which was lower than it had been since the #aeth of ,october4 ,from thence1 till the day of the earthquake1 my diary stands thus3 ,november #agee4 ,hauksb4 ,d4 ,h4 ,barom4,therm4 ,wind4,weather4 ,rain1 c4 ---------------------------------------- ------------------------- #ab #g ,m#bi1gh #fc1g ,w #a,very fair4 ,somewhat foggy4 1#jjc #b ,e #hb #ea1g ,w #a;,fair4 #ac #i ,m#cj1ad #fh ,,nw #b,very fair4 #f ,e #ba #ef1h ,,nnw #a;,clear4 #ad #h ,m #db #fi1d #j;,fair4 #a ,e #de #ei ,,ne #b,very cloudy4 #h ,e #e 4 4 ,,ne #a;,clear4 #ae #h ,m #d #gd1f #j;,cloudy4 ,hazy4 ,white frost4 #d ,e #cb #fj1e ,e #a,very fair4 #af #j ,m #bg #gj1h #j;,foggy4 #b ,e #bh #ei1i ,n #a;,fair4 1#jac #i ,e #cb 44 ,n #a;,fair with clouds4 ,foggy4 #ag #h ,m #c #gj1a ,n #a;,cover'd4 ,foggy4 #a ,e #bg #ei ,e #a,very fair4 ,even somewh foggy4 1#jja #ah #d ,m #ag #gd1a #j;,clear4 ,a violent earthquake4 #h ,m #af #gh #j,very fair4 ,great white frost4 #c ,e #aa #eh1c ,e #a,very fair and hazy4 1#jag #aj ,e #jh #fi1a #j;,clear4 ,somewhat hazy4 ,from this time the barometer rose till the #bjth1 when1 at #h ,m4 it was up at #cj1dd1 the sky covered1 wind ,n #b4 ,then it fell till the #bc;d at #f ,e1 when it was so low as #bh1hg2 which was lower than it had been since the #fth of ,february last4 ,the afternoon of the #bb;d1 and night following1 when we had another shock1 it was calm1 and rained #a1bje inches4 ,this leads me to observe1 that though the serenity1 as well as calmness1 of the air1 is a circumstance taken notice of in many earthquakes1 both in this and in other parts of the world2 yet it does not always obtain1 at least in the smaller shocks1 and1 so far as ,i have had opportunity to observe1 the calmness of the air has more constantly attended upon earthquakes1 than its clearness4 ,the white frost on the morning of the earthquake1 which1 when melted1 ,i found to be of the depth of #ag_/ajjj of an inch1 was almost double of any white frost we have had for seven years past1 and about five or six times as great as we commonly have4 ,the barometer and thermometer underwent no alteration at the time of the earthquake3 only1 my barometer1 which has an open cistern of quicksilver1 and stood in a chamber1 was so agitated1 that part of the quicksilver was dashed over the sides of the cistern1 and scattered upon the floor4 ,this cistern was a cylindric cup1 whose sides were an inch higher than the surface of the quicksilver4 ,i shall not pretend to make a comparison between the weather of the two fore-mentioned years1 nor inquire how far ,mr4 ,dudley's conjecture 7,phil4 ,trans4 ,n4 #dcg4 p4 #ff471 as to the influence of the weather in producing the earthquake of #agbg1 might be affected by such a comparison4 ,i choose to leave this to you1 ,sir1 and to the other gentlemen of the ,royal ,society1 who1 ,i know1 are much better able to make a proper judgment in this matter2 and beg leave to subscribe1 with the greatest respect to that illustrious ,society and yourself1 ,reverend ,sir1 ,your most obedient1 and most humble ,servant1 ,john ,winthrop4 ,cambridge in ,new ,england1 #aj ,jan4 #agef4 ,,ii4 ,the strange ,effects of some effervescent ,mixtures2 in a ,letter from ,dr4 ,james ,mounsey1 ,physician of the ,russian ,army1 and ,f4,r4,s4 to ,mr4 ,henry ,baker1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,baker4 ,moscow1 ,sept4 #bjth1 #agef4 ,read ,jan4 #bj1 #ageg4 ,,mr4 ,butler1 a paper-stainer1 trying to make some discoveries for the better fixing of colours1 was put in great danger of his life by the following experiments3 ,having put into one gallipot a quarter of an ounce of verdegris1 and into another pot two leaves of false-gold leaf1 to each he poured about a spoonful of aqua-fortis4 ,they began immediately to ferment1 especially the gold-leaf4 ,he was very assiduous in stirring them1 to make the solution perfect4 ,having nothing else at hand1 he did this with a pair of small scissars1 at arm's length1 carefully turning away his face1 to prevent the fumes from entering his lungs4 ,he was called away1 about other business1 before he had quite ended his process2 and soon after washed and shifted himself3 but had scarce finished before he felt a burning pain in the ring-finger of his right hand1 which he imputed to his having inadvertently touched the aqua-fortis4 ,this increased every moment1 and affected the whole hand with burning pain and swelling1 which very soon subsided2 but then it flew into the left hand1 and1 a few minutes afterwards1 into the insides of his legs1 as if scalding water had been thrown on them4 ,his stockings being immediately pulled off1 there appeared a great many red spots1 as large as six-pences1 something raised above the skin1 and all covered with very small blisters4 ,in about two hours after the accident1 ,i first saw him3 he was very uneasy1 complaining of pain1 and great anxiety1 at the pit of the stomach1 as if a burning hot iron was laid on it3 so he expressed himself4 ,his pulse was regular1 but slower and weaker than natural3 he had a nausea1 and complained of a very coppery smell and taste4 ,i ordered some alcaline volatile medicines1 and to drink small sack-whey4 ,he vomited once1 and had four or five stools1 and then his stomach grew easy4 ,but the scene soon began again with lancing pain in the left eye4 ,he continued the same medicines1 drank plentifully of the whey1 and was kept in a breathing sweat1 by which he found some ease at night3 but whenever the sweating lessened1 the burning pains returned in broad flakes1 changing from one part of the body to the other2 sometimes with shootings in his eye1 and sometimes along the penis1 but he had no heat of urine4 ,his pulse continued regular1 but weak2 and in several places of his body such kind of spots struck out as those on his legs4 ,monday1 the third day1 in the morning1 after sleeping well1 his pulse was somewhat raised1 and he continued easy till about eleven o' clock1 when the burning pains returned1 shooting from place to place2 but always so superficial1 that he could not distinguish whether it was in or under the skin4 ,rubbing the part affected with one's hand gave ease3 but when the sweating went off1 and the burnings and shootings became insufferable1 ,i always put him into a bath of hot water1 with some wood ashes1 kept ready in the room2 which gave him great relief4 ,this afternoon he felt violent burning pain in his great toes1 and sometimes in his left hand1 with shootings up to the shoulder4 ,once he cried out1 in great pain1 that his shoulder was burst2 for he felt something fly out with a sort of explosion3 but1 examining the part1 ,i found nothing particular4 ,he observed1 when the flaky burnings began1 they were as if they kindled from a point1 and flashed like lightning1 as he termed it4 ,he was very often tormented with such pains on the pit of the stomach2 and this evening had shootings thro' the back1 with a pain in the belly4 ,he complained of a strong sulphurous smell1 which1 he said1 was like to suffocate him2 tho' his breathing seemed easy1 and his lungs no way affected4 ,in the night he was seized with great pain about the heart1 and cried out violently1 that his heart was on fire3 but after taking a dose of nervous medicines1 and being put into the bath1 he was soon freed from this1 and passed the rest of the night tolerably well4 ,at the time of such violent attacks the pulse continued regular1 but still slower and softer than usual4 ,tuesday4 ,he complained most of his toes1 and now and then burning pains in the forehead4 ,wednesday4 ,this whole day it continued most in the toes of the left foot2 but in the evening the pain on the stomach returned1 which lanced to the left side1 with dartings inwardly4 ,he became so uneasy and restless1 that ,i was obliged to add some opium to the other medicines2 which answered very well4 ,thursday4 ,the pains kept most in the toes of the left foot4 ,friday4 ,nothing particular1 except his feeling1 with sharp pain1 a spark 7as he called it7 fly out of his right cheek1 in the same way1 he said1 as that1 which burst on his shoulder1 but much less4 ,he perceived no pain in that part before this2 nor any thing after1 besides a soreness1 which lasted for some days4 ,hitherto he had been kept in a continual sweat3 his appetite was greater than his allowance1 his digestion good2 and his rest indifferent4 ,from this time he was not attacked by any violent symptoms2 and could be quiet1 tho' he did not sweat4 ,on ,sunday he began to get out of bed2 but was often seized with glowing pains1 suddenly affecting different parts of the body2 which seldom continued an hour in one part1 but shifted from place to place3 these he was troubled with1 in a less degree1 even long after he went abroad4 ,by care and watchfulness the violence of the symptoms were kept under2 and1 by the use of antidotes for poisons of the nature of what he received this from1 the disease was overcome1 and the patient recovered his perfect health and strength4 ,,iii4 ,extract of a ,letter of ,j4 ,wall1 ,m4 ,d4 to the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,lyttelton1 ,dean of ,exeter1 and ,f4,r4,s4 concerning the good ,effects of ,malverne ,waters in ,worcestershire4 ,worcester1 ,dec4 #bb4 #agef4 ,read ,jan4 #bj1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,,the ,malverne ,water much deserves encouragement1 several very extraordinary cures having been done by it lately4 ,i propose to make a collection of the principal1 and publish them1 as an appendix to my little treatise4 ,amongst other remarkable instances of their great effects are the following1 which have happened this year4 ,a poor woman1 formerly a patient in our infirmary for a fistulous ulcer in the hip1 and another in the groin1 which penetrated the abdomen1 has received her cure there1 tho' she was reduced to so great a degree1 as to be thought incurable1 and sent into the country on a milk-diet1 c4 as the last resource4 ,the discharge from the sores was prodigiously great1 and so offensive1 that she could hardly be borne in a room4 ,the water took off the ill smell almost instantly2 the discharge soon lessened1 and grew thick and well-conditioned2 her hectic symptoms went off in proportion2 and1 by continuing the use of the water for five or six months1 she is cured4 ,a woman with a phagedenic ulcer in the cheek1 throat1 and nose1 from an ozna in the hollow of the cheek-bone1 received great relief this year1 in five or six weeks time2 the external ulcer1 which had almost destroyed the whole cheek1 being healed in that time1 and the other parts much amended4 ,her affairs would not permit her a longer continuance at the well2 but she continues the use of the water at home1 and finds great relief from it there4 ,i hope another season will complete the cure4 ,mr4 ,parry1 of ,clent1 had his skin cleared1 and perfectly healed1 in five weeks2 tho'1 when he came to the well1 he was covered with an elephantiasis2 for which he had tried most of the purging waters1 and sea-water1 under the direction of ,dr4 ,russell1 without effect4 ,so bad was he1 that he could not move a limb but the skin cracked1 and ouzed out a filthy sanies2 and he left the mark of his body every night in his bed4 ,the waters have also had another very surprising effect on him3 for they have been his ,helicon1 and converted him into a poet2 he having written a poem on the occasion1 which he shewed to ,lord ,foley and ,dr4 ,dalton4 ,i know a ,lady1 who1 we had great reason to fear1 had an internal cancer1 who has lately received great advantage from the use of these waters1 after other things had been tried unsuccessfully4 ,i could send many more instances2 but the compass of a letter will not admit of it3 and ,i should be afraid of having tired you already1 did ,i not know1 that it must give you pleasure to hear of its extensive utility4 ,i am1 ,sir1 ,your most obliged humble ,servant1 ,j4 ,wall4 ,,iv4 ,an ,account of the ,carlsbad ,mineral ,waters in ,bohemia3 ,in a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4 ,s4 by the ,rev4 ,jeremiah ,milles1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,jan4 #bj1 #ageg4 ,my ,lord1 ,,mr4 ,watson having favoured the ,society with an ,account of ,dr4 ,sprengsfeld's treatise on the ,carlsbad waters1 ,i have taken the liberty to submit to your ,lordship some observations on the same subject1 which ,i made during my stay in that place2 together with some specimens of different sorts of incrustations1 which are formed by those waters4 ,carlsbad is a small town1 situated on the confines of ,bohemia1 at the distance of #ad ,german1 or #bh ,french1 leagues west of ,prague4 ,it is remarkable for its warm mineral springs1 which are said to have been accidentally discovered1 in the year #acgj1 by the ,emperor ,charles the ,i,vth1 as he was hunting2 from whom they received their present name of ,carlsbad1 or ,charles's bath4 ,these waters soon growing into repute1 occasioned the building of a small neat town1 consisting chiefly of houses calculated for the accommodation of the company1 who frequent this place in the summer time4 ,there are two warm springs1 which rise in the middle of the town1 very near each other3 and tho' they are supposed to be of the same quality1 yet1 as one is much warmer1 it is thought likewise to be more efficacious than the other4 ,the former of these1 called the ,brudel1 rises very near the bed of the small river ,tepel which runs thro' the middle of the town1 and is sometimes overflowed by it4 ,the water issues with great force from the bottom of this spring1 rising in a considerable body to the height of six feet perpendicular2 and would force itself much higher1 if it were confined within a narrower compass4 ,the spring is inclosed with a square wall1 within which are fixed three wooden pipes1 which convey the water from the bottom of the spring into a reservoir2 which distributes it into a number of small troughs1 communicating with the several bathing-houses1 which are built on both sides of the river for the use of the patients4 ,this spring is so impetuous1 that they are obliged to pave and ramm the bed of the river1 lest it should force itself up in the channel3 and ,i observed one place on the river side1 where it had burst thro' the rock2 and they had been obliged to confine it1 by fastening down a large stone on the orifice4 ,the water of this spring is so hot1 that you cannot bear your hand in it2 and the inhabitants make use of it for scalding their pigs and their poultry4 ,the water1 when put into a glass1 has a bluish cast1 not unlike that of an opal3 and tho' ,i could not discover1 that in #bd hours it had deposited the least sediment1 yet there was a thin whitish scum collected on the surface2 and ,i observed the same in the baths1 where it was much thicker2 and was of the colour1 and almost of the consistence1 of a wafer4 ,it has a salt taste when first taken from the water1 and is made use of by the inhabitants for cleaning of teeth and scouring silver3 it is called ,baden ,flaum4 ,tho' this water does not deposit any sediment1 yet it is remarkable for the speedy and strong incrustation of all bodies1 which are put into it4 ,little plaister figures are sold here1 on purpose to verify the experiment2 which1 tho' perfectly white when put into the spring1 are1 in eight-and-forty hours1 entirely covered with a yellow incrustation4 ,the same effect is observed on the pipes and channels1 thro' which the water is conveyed4 ,if care were not taken to clean them four or five times a year1 they would be intirely choaked up2 and in some parts1 where it has not been necessary to clean them so often1 ,i have seen them covered with an incrustation two inches thick4 ,in surrounding and covering these wooden pipes1 they do not change the nature of the wood2 but it is observable1 that they add great hardness and solidity to it3 so that it is affirmed a piece of deal will last a hundred years in this water4 ,the head spring is cleared out once in #cj or #dj years1 with a very great expence3 at which time they are obliged to break off all the stony incrustation1 which had been made by the water since the last cleaning2 and if neglected would 7as it has sometimes actually done7 choak the passages1 and oblige the spring to find vent in some other place4 ,the incrustations formed by these waters are of different kinds3 that1 which is made in the troughs and pipes1 thro' which the water is conveyed after it comes above ground1 is of a light sandy nature1 of a loose contexture1 and a bright yellow4 ,it is used by the inhabitants as a gentle corrosive for eating off proud flesh4 ,there is another of a darker colour1 and a much harder nature1 which is found at the very mouth of the spring1 where it bursts out of the rock4 ,there are other sorts taken out of the subterraneous cavities of the spring at the time it was cleaned4 ,in what manner they are formed1 is not so easy to determine2 unless there were an opportunity of observing in what manner and direction they lie within the spring4 ,they seem to be an alabastrine spar1 and are beautifully marked with strait veins of different colours1 which may be supposed to have received their tinge from the different colour of the spring-water at the time when this sediment1 or rather scum1 was formed upon it4 ,they find pieces of this kind most beautifully variegated2 and some of them large enough1 by fineering to make tables3 these polish very well1 and are not much inferior to jasper in appearance4 ,it is a part of the manufacture of the place1 to work this sort of stone into snuff-boxes1 cane-heads1 and sleeve-buttons4 ,there is likewise another sort of incrustation different from all these1 which was found some years ago1 in digging for the foundations of the new parish-church1 which is about #cjj yards distant from the ,brudel spring4 ,they found there the same kind of water2 but it did not rise with so great force as in the other spring3 and they discovered in the cavities large masses of a stony concretion1 which were a sort of pisolithi1 most of them in a globular1 but some in an oval form1 from the smallest size to the bigness of a nutmeg2 the former sort lying in masses1 the latter generally single and detached3 they are perfectly white1 hard1 and smooth1 and appear to consist of a great number of lamell formed round a small nucleus4 ,this sort of incrustation has been found in no other place2 but there are some of a browner sort1 and more irregular shapes1 which are taken out of the ,brudel4 ,the medicinal virtues of these waters have been treated of by ,german authors4 ,they are esteemed to be particularly efficacious in removing obstructions1 and in cases of the stone and gravel2 of which the treatise lately produced to the ,society contains many remarkable proofs4 ,they are much frequented in these and in other cases2 so that they have generally #bjj persons in a season drinking the waters4 ,the season begins in ,may1 and ends in ,august4 ,they drink them in the following method4 ,they begin with a purge2 and assist its operation with ten or twelve chocolate-cups of the water1 taken within five minutes of each other4 ,the day following they take the waters in the same quantity1 and at the same intervals1 keeping themselves all the time in a warm room2 which1 with the warmth of the waters1 occasions a most plentiful perspiration4 ,this is repeated for seven or eight days1 increasing daily two or three cups of the water1 till they come to drink #be or #cj cups a day4 ,the operation continues from eight of the clock in the morning till noon4 ,some bleed once in the middle of the course1 others not at all4 ,after they have finished this course of drinking1 they bathe two days successively1 continuing in the bath half an hour1 or longer1 as their strength permits them1 or their case requires4 ,this is the whole course2 which is repeated two or three times1 or oftener1 as they find necessary4 ,the whole is concluded with a gentle purge1 tho' the waters themselves are of a laxative nature4 ,there is another spring in the town of the same nature1 but not so warm1 as the ,brudel3 it is called the ,mill-spring1 and is only tepid4 ,those of a warm or weak constitution make use of this instead of the other1 both for drinking and bathing4 ,there are likewise several chalybeat springs in the neighbourhood of ,carlsbad2 one at half a mile1 and the other at two leagues distance from the town4 ,both of them seem to resemble the water of the ,pohun spring at ,spa2 but are not near so strong4 ,they do not use them medicinally on the spot2 but they are brought to ,carlsbad1 and sold1 in order to be drank with their wine4 ,i am1 ,my ,lord1 ,with the greatest respect1 ,your ,lordship's ,most obedient humble ,servant1 ,jeremiah ,milles4 ,grosvenor-street1 ,jan4 #aith1 #ageg4 ,v4 ,an ,essay towards ascertaining the specific ,gravity of living ,men4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,robertson1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,jan4 #bg1 #ageg4 ,,some time last autumn ,i had occasion to draw up a few examples on the use of a table of the specific gravities and weights of some bodies4 ,among other things1 that occurred then to me1 ,i thought it might be useful to know the specific gravity of men4 ,in order to make some experiments on this subject1 ,i got a cistern made1 of #gh inches in length1 #cj inches wide1 and #cj inches deep3 it was constructed as near a parallelopiped as the workman could1 to prevent tedious operations in computing the horizontal sections of the cistern by the surface of the water4 ,i then endeavoured to find ten persons1 such as ,i proposed to make the experiments withal2 namely1 two of six feet high1 two of five feet ten inches1 two of five feet eight inches1 two of five feet six inches1 and two of five feet four inches4 ,one of each height ,i proposed should be a fat man1 and the other a lean one2 but ,i could not succeed in procuring such men2 and1 after waiting till near the middle of ,october1 ,i was obliged to put up with such1 as would submit themselves to the experiment at that season of the year4 ,they were all labouring men1 belonging to the ordinary of ,portsmouth yard1 and1 except one or two of them1 who were middling sized men1 were for the most part very thin and slim made persons4 ,i had also provided a sliding measure to take their heights1 and scales to weigh them in4 ,every thing being prepared1 each man stript himself in an adjoining room1 and put on a pair of trowsers for decency's sake3 his height was first taken1 then his weight1 and then he immersed 7fortified with a large dram of brandy74 ,a ruler1 graduated to inches1 and decimal parts of an inch1 was fixed to one end of the cistern1 and the height of the water noted before a man went in1 and to what height it rose when he ducked himself under its surface2 and of these several observations is the following table composed4 ---------------------------------------- ------------------ ,ht4 ,water,ht4 ,water ,water ,weight ,n4,heights4 ,wt4 before when raised4 ,water4 immersed4immersed4 ,solidity4 ,ft4 ,in4 ,pds4 ,inches4 ,inches4 ,inches4 ,pounds4 ---------------------------------------- ------------------ #a #f #jb #afa #ai1cj #ba1bj #a1ij #b1egc #afj1h #b #e #aj #adg #ai1be #ba1af #a1ia #b1ehf #afa1f #c #e #i #aef #ai1ba #ba1jf #a1he #b1eje #aef1f ---------------------------------------- ------------------ #d #e #f #adj #ai1ag #ba1ba #b1jd #b1gfc #agb1f #e #e #e #aeh #ai1ac #ba1ba #b1jh #b1hag #agf1j #f #e #e #aeh #ai1ji #ba1bf #b1ag #b1ici #ahc1g ---------------------------------------- ------------------ #g #e #d #adj #ai1je #ba1jf #b1ja #b1gbb #agj1a #h #e #c #acb #ai1ja #bj1hf #a1he #b1eje #aef1f #i #e #d #aba #ah1ig #bj1gf #a1gi #b1dbd #aea1e #aj #e #c #adf #ah1ic #bj1ff #a1gc #b1cdc #adf1d ---------------------------------------- ------------------ ,in making of these experiments1 ,i remarked some inconveniencies1 which ,i did not at first advert to1 and which1 at that time1 ,i could not prevent4 ,i intended1 that each man should have got gently into the water1 immersed himself all but his head1 and so have staid until the motion of the water had ceased2 then he was suddenly to have ducked his head under1 and have continued to a few seconds of time1 until ,i had noted the rise of the water2 and1 after his leaving the cistern1 another was not to go in until the water was free from motion4 ,could these things have been done1 as ,i projected1 ,i could have recommended the foregoing table as sufficiently complete3 but ,i must observe1 that beside the men's being of different sizes from what ,i had desired1 they were in too much haste to be dismissed 7with another dram after dressing72 so that the water was not quite still when they got into the cistern3 neither could ,i persuade all of them to lay themselves down gently1 much less to keep their heads under water so long a time as one second3 so that1 in most of the observations1 the surface of the water was far from being quite so still1 as to render the measures perfectly exact1 ,i being obliged to catch them1 as it were1 by taking the mean height between the librations4 ,moreover1 the great area of the cistern was no inconsiderable bar to the accuracy ,i expected4 ,however1 as ,i do not recollect experiments of this kind any-where recorded1 these1 perhaps1 may give some satisfaction to such persons1 who may have the curiosity to desire some knowlege on this subject4 ,were ,i to make any more observations of this kind1 ,i would chuse an upright parallelopiped1 not above #ah or #bj inches in the side of the square2 into which the person should let himself down by steps nailed to the side3 for in so small an area the motion of the water would sooner subside2 neither would the librations be any thing near so large as on a smaller surface4 ,one of the reasons1 that induced me to make these experiments1 was a desire of knowing what quantity of fir or oak timber would be sufficient to keep a man afloat in river or sea water1 thinking that most men were specifically heavier than river or common fresh water2 but the contrary appears from these trials3 for1 excepting the first and last1 every man was lighter than his equal bulk of fresh water1 and much more so than his equal bulk of sea-water3 consequently1 could persons1 who fall into water1 have presence of mind enough to avoid the fright usual on such accidents1 many might be preserved from drowning2 and a piece of wood1 not larger than an oar1 would buoy a man partly above water so long as he had spirits to keep his hold4 ,some things herein advanced will perhaps more readily appear from the following relation4 ,the ,lords of the ,admiralty have appointed1 for the exercise of the scholars belonging to the royal academy at ,portsmouth1 a small yacht2 wherein1 during the summer months1 those young gentlemen are taught the practice of working a vessel at sea1 under the directions of one of the master-attendants1 assisted by eight or ten seamen4 ,the last time this yacht was out1 which was about the beginning of last ,october1 one of the scholars was ordered to heave the lead4 ,the youth was about thirteen years old1 small of his age1 and far from being fat2 as he was stepping on the gunnel1 he fell over-board3 the sea was rough1 and the yacht had great way2 so that he was presently at a considerable distance from the vessel4 ,the skiff was immediately let down2 but the painter not being fast1 the rope run an end1 and the skiff went adrift4 ,one of the seamen jumpt over-board1 got into the boat1 brought her along-side the vessel1 took in another man1 and then went after the youth1 whom they recovered1 after he had been in the water more than half an hour4 ,the young gentleman1 relating the affair1 said1 that as he could swim very little1 and judging he should sink if he strove against the waves1 he turned on his back1 and committed himself to their mercy4 ,he kept himself perfectly calm2 and observed1 when a wave was likely to break over him1 to hold his breath1 and to spurt out the water forced into his mouth4 ,his hat1 which happened to be tied by a piece of string to one of his coat button-holes1 he often held up with his hand1 as a signal where he was4 ,just before the boat came up to him he began to be faint1 his eyes became dim1 and he thought himself on the verge of sinking4 ,this youth1 who1 by his prudence1 saved himself from drowning1 must1 at that time1 have been specifically lighter than water4 ,,vi4 ,an ,instance of the ,gut ,ileum1 cut thro' by a ,knife1 successfully treated by ,mr4 ,peter ,travers1 ,surgeon1 at ,lisbon4 ,communicated by ,john ,huxham1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,jan4 #bg1 #ageg4 ,lisbon1 ,august #c;d1 #agef4 ,a,ntonia ,jose da ,costa1 one of the ,king's messengers1 was attacked by two men1 and1 after receiving two blows on the head1 was stabbed with a knife in the right hypogastric region1 about three fingers breadth above the os pubis2 the external wound being larger1 as the knife was drawn obliquely towards the navel1 and might be an inch and half in length1 the perforation thro' the peritonum about three quarters of an inch2 the intestine ileum hanging out about ten or twelve inches1 and quite pierced thro'1 the wound in the gut being large enough to admit my fore finger4 ,after clearing the grumous blood with warm water and ,hungary water1 the uninterrupted suture was made on both perforations2 then dilating the common integuments of the belly1 the intestine was reduced1 leaving the ends of the two threads at the superficies of the wound2 and the external incision was sewed up by the interrupted suture1 and common dressings of lint and bandage applied4 ,a clyster was given him immediately after the above operation1 of oil of olives1 the yolk of an egg1 and warm water4 #dth4 ,this day ,i found he had passed in the most excruciating pains1 attended with continual vomitings3 his fever very high1 pulse full and irregular3 he was bled ten ounces this morning1 and the like quantity this evening4 ,the clysters were continued thrice a day1 with a decoction of wormwood and camomile instead of the warm water1 and an anodyne mixture of mint-water1 liquid laudanum1 and sugar1 to be taken occasionally2 also three ounces of syrup of rhubarb1 with an ounce of the fresh-drawn oil of sweet almonds1 to be taken1 a common spoonful every two hours4 #eth4 ,the bleedings were continued twice this day1 three ounces each time1 and the clysters were administered as yesterday4 ,his pulse and fever very high2 he vomited some excrements2 and towards night complained of a singultus4 #fth4 ,his bleedings and clysters were continued as before4 ,finding his singultus and vomiting so very troublesome1 ,i ordered him ,dr4 ,huxham's tincture of the bark2 which was taken1 a tea-spoonful1 six times a day1 in a little mint-water2 which indeed greatly relieved him3 his singultus and vomiting became less frequent4 #gth4 ,i found his skin moist1 and pulse softened4 ,i remained with him about an hour1 and found a plentiful perspiration throughout the body2 on which ,i omitted his bleedings3 the clysters were continued2 and towards night he had a proper discharge by stool1 very ftid1 and inspissated4 #hth4 ,i found1 for the first time1 he had slept last night1 and seemed much in spirits3 the symptomatic fever something lessened2 and he had purged last night1 and this day1 eight times4 #ith4 ,he had five stools2 his neausea much abated2 and a gentle diaphoresis continued4 #ajth4 ,the singultus ceased2 his vomiting very little2 his pulse low1 accelerated1 and thread-like in its stroke2 his purging violent2 and he greatly complained of a most acute pain of the wounded parts4 ,a paper of the following absorbent powders was given him every three hours in rice-water4 ,crabs-eyes and red coral prepared1 of each one drachm1 crude opium two grains3 these were made for three doses1 and given as above4 #aath4 ,he slept well2 less pain2 pulse more equal2 his diarrha much the same4 #abth4 ,the threads1 with which ,i had made the suture of the intestine1 came out of themselves3 the wound well-conditioned2 fever very little2 his diarrha rather increased4 ,he sent for me in the evening1 being much alarmed1 as he thought some liquids he had taken to have passed thro' the wounded parts4 #acth4 ,yesterday he complained of great pains in his belly3 the discharge from his wound was laudable matter1 and in good quantity4 #adth4 ,he rested well1 and was seemingly well beyond expectation4 ,his diarrha still continuing troublesome1 he took the hartshorn decoction1 with an addition of diascordium4 #aeth4 ,i cut off the threads of the external wound1 and continued dressings of digestive in the common method4 #afth4 ,he grew visibly better each day after2 and on ,sept4 #gth ,i discharged him from any further attendance1 his wound being intirely healed over1 and he is in all respects very well1 free from pain1 or any inconvenience from the wound4 ,he was kept seven and twenty days on chicken-broth1 and never admitted to use any solids during that time3 afterwards he was indulged with young chickens1 c4 ,,vii4 ,an ,account of a ,visitation of the leprous ,persons in the ,isle of ,guadaloupe3 ,in a ,letter to ,mons4 ,damonville1 ,counsellor and ,assistant-,judge at ,martinico1 and in the ,office of ,king's ,physician at ,guadaloupe4 ,by ,john ,andrew ,peyssonel1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,translated from the ,french4 ,read ,feb4 #c1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,i ,received the letter1 which you honoured me with1 and the order for visiting the persons afflicted with the leprosy4 ,i was sensible of the misfortune of being ordered upon that commission3 ,i say misfortune2 for such you will perhaps think it1 when you have read this letter4 ,it is now about #be or #cj years since a very particular disease shewed itself in many persons in this island ,grande ,terre4 ,its beginning is imperceptible3 there appear but a few livid-red spots upon the skins of the white people1 and of a yellowish red upon the blacks4 ,these spots in the beginning are not accompanied with pain1 or any other symptom2 but nothing can take them away4 ,the disease increases insensibly1 and continues several years in shewing itself more and more4 ,these spots increase1 and extend indifferently over the skin of the whole body4 ,sometimes they are a little prominent1 but flat4 ,when the disease makes a progress1 the upper part of the nose swells1 the nostrils are enlarged1 the nose becomes softened2 tuberosities appear upon the cheek-bones2 the eyebrows are inflated2 the ears grow thick2 the ends of the fingers1 and even the feet and toes1 swell2 the nails become scaly2 the joints of the feet and hands separate and mortify3 ulcers of a deep and of a dry nature are found in the palms of the hands and soles of the feet1 which grow well1 and return again4 ,in short1 when the disease is in its last stage1 the patient becomes frightful1 and falls to pieces4 ,all these symptoms come on by very slow degrees1 one after another1 and sometimes require many years to shew themselves3 the patient is sensible of no sharp pain2 but feels a kind of numbness in his hands and feet4 ,these people perform their natural functions all the while1 eating and drinking as usual3 and even when the mortification has taken off the fingers and toes1 the only ill consequence1 that attends1 is the loss of those parts1 that drop off by the mortification2 for the wound heals of itself1 without any application3 but when it comes to its last period1 the poor sick persons are horribly deformed1 and truly worthy of compassion4 ,this shocking disease is observed to have several other unhappy characters2 as1 #ast1 that it is hereditary1 and that some families are more apt to be seized with it than others3 #b;dly1 that it is infectious1 being communicated per coitum1 and also caught by keeping company with those so diseased3 #c;dly1 that it is incurable1 or at least that no remedy has yet been found to cure it4 ,they have in vain tried mercurials1 sudorifics1 and every other regimen used in venereal complaints1 under a notion1 that this leprosy was the consequence of some venereal taint3 but1 instead of being of service1 these methods rather served to destroy the patients2 for1 far from lessening the disease1 the antivenereal medicines unlocked the distemper1 the most dreadful symptoms appeared1 and all those so treated perished some years sooner than the others1 who did not take these medicines4 ,a very just fear of being infected with this cruel distemper2 the difficulty of examining infected persons before the disease came to its state2 the length of time of its lying concealed1 by the care of the patients to keep it secret2 the uncertainty of the symptoms1 which distinguish it in the beginning2 produced an extraordinary dread in all the inhabitants of this island4 ,they inspected one another1 since virtue and merit had no shelter from this cruel scourge4 ,they called this distemper the leprosy2 and consequently presented several memoirs to the generals and intendants1 laying before them all these facts above-mentioned2 their just apprehensions2 the public good2 the trouble1 that this distrust caused in this colony2 the complaints and hatred1 that these accusations occasioned among them2 the laws made formerly against such leprous persons1 and their expulsion from civil society4 ,they required a general visitation of all persons suspected of this distemper1 that such1 as were found infected1 might be removed into particular hospitals1 or into some separate places4 ,these memorials were sent to court1 which1 giving due attention to these just representations1 issued orders for the required visitations in the most convenient manner1 for the good of the public and of the state4 ,in the mean time1 the post of physician-botanist become vacant in the island of ,cayenne4 ,the minister was pleased to name me for it2 and altho' this island was much more fertile in philosophical discoveries than all the others1 he thought proper to change my destination1 and sent me to this isle ,guadaloupe2 and did not forget the article of the leprosy in my instructions4 ,when ,i arrived at ,martinico in #agbg1 ,monsieur ,blondel de ,juvencourt1 then intendant of the ,french isles1 communicated to me both the orders of the court1 and all the memoirs1 that related to this affair4 ,a tax was then laid upon the ,negroes of the inhabitants of the ,grande ,terre1 to raise a necessary fund for this visitation1 thus made at the expence of the colony2 and ,mons4 le ,mercier ,beausoleil was chosen treasurer of this fund4 ,being arrived at ,guadaloupe1 the ,count de ,moyencourt1 and ,mons4 ,mesnier1 ordinator and subdelegate to this intendance1 communicated to me the order of the general and intendant4 ,i began then to inform myself of the necessary instructions for acquiting myself of this dangerous commission1 the disagreeable consequences of which ,i easily foresaw4 ,i had so often heard of these leprous spots1 that ,i judged it necessary to know1 whether what was said was true3 for ,i could not comprehend1 that a disease1 which has so dreadful an end1 and the symptoms then so terrible1 should continue ten or fifteen years without any other appearance than these simple spots2 which1 in themselves1 had nothing very bad4 ,i demanded an inquest to be made1 in order to satisfy myself of this fact3 several surgeons1 as practitioners1 and several honest inhabitants1 as observers1 were accordingly called together1 who all proved the same fact in this inquest2 which you1 ,sir1 may1 and must1 have seen in the register of the subdelegation of this island4 ,i am1 most sincerely1 ,,sir1 ,your most humble and obedient ,servant1 ,peyssonel4 ,august #aj4 #agdh4 ,,result of the ,,visitation4 #ast1 ,,none of the patients1 whom we visited1 had any fever2 and they all declared1 that they found no inconvenience nor pain2 but1 on the contrary1 eat1 drank1 and slept well1 performing every natural function2 which was proved by their plumpness1 which appeared even when the disease was most confirmed4 #b4 ,the disease began to shew itself in the ,negroes by reddish spots1 a little raised1 upon the skin1 being a dry kind of tetter1 neither branny nor scabbed1 and without any running1 but of a livid-red1 and very ill-conditioned4 ,the ,negroes sometimes bring these spots with them from their own country4 ,the spots are constantly found upon every person troubled with this disease2 and are in greater numbers1 in proportion as the disease grows more inveterate4 #c4 ,among the whites the disease shews itself at the beginning by spots of a livid violet colour1 without pain2 which are followed by little watery bladders1 particularly upon the legs1 which burst1 and leave small ulcers with pale edges1 and different in their natures from the common ulcers4 #d4 ,in proportion as the disease increased1 the hands and feet grew larger1 without any signs of inflammation2 since neither redness1 nor pain1 nor any oedematous appearance accompanied it2 but it was the very flesh1 that increased in bulk4 ,and this growth of the hands and feet was not attended with any sharp pain1 but only a kind of numbness4 #e4 ,this bloated state of the hands and feet was succeeded by white deep ulcers under the skin1 which became callous and insensible2 and which emitted only a clear serous matter like water1 and were but little painful4 ,afterwards the ends of the fingers became dry1 the nails became scaly1 and1 ,i don't know how1 they were eaten away2 the ends of the fingers dropt off2 then the joints separated without pain1 and the wounds cicatrized of themselves1 without the least need of medicines4 ,in the increase of the distemper hardnesses and lumps were formed in the flesh1 the colour became tarnished1 the nose swelled1 and the nostrils grew wide3 at last the nose softened like paste1 the voice became hoarse1 the eyes round and brilliant1 the forehead covered with tetters and lumps1 as well as the face2 the eye-brows became very large1 the countenance was horrible1 the breath ftid1 the lips swelled1 large tubercles were formed under the tongue2 the ears grew thick and red1 and hung down2 and1 such was the insensibility of all the parts1 that we run pins thro' the hands of several1 without their feeling any thing of it4 ,in short1 we were assured1 that these people perished by degrees1 falling into a mortification2 and the limbs dropt off of themselves1 without any considerable pain1 continuing still to perform well their natural functions4 #f4 ,these leprous people lived thus easy1 if ,i may be allowed the expression1 for several years1 even fifteen or twenty2 for the disease begins insensibly1 and shews itself but very slowly4 #g4 ,antivenereal remedies1 which were ordered for almost every patient we saw1 were of no service3 if they sometimes palliated some symptoms1 they very often hastened the progress of the disease3 besides1 we never found the parts of generation at all infected1 nor any thing1 that looked like the pox about them4 #h4 ,some of these people had indeed particular symptoms4 ,in some the hair fell off2 which was replaced by a finer kind3 in others1 worms were found in their ulcers3 want of sleep1 or frightful dreams1 afflicted some2 while others quite lost their voice1 or it became effeminate like that of eunuchs2 and others1 we found1 stunk extremely4 #i4 ,almost all of them1 being desirous of concealing their disorders1 endeavored to deceive us1 by alleging false excuses for the causes of their sores and ulcers3 the greater part of them pretended1 that the rats had eaten off their toes1 and that burns had caused their ulcers4 ,these were the figures1 that every where presented to us4 #aj4 ,we were confirmed in our opinions by experience1 supported by verbal process1 that this was the state of the diseased2 that the distemper could neither be the pox1 nor the effect of an inveterate one3 that it had no symptom of that disease2 but that it had every character of what the ancients called leprosy1 elephantiasis1 or such other names1 as they were pleased to give it4 ,so that we do not hesitate to pronounce1 that those infected with this disease1 as we have described it1 ought to be treated as leprous persons1 and subject to the ordinances1 which his majesty was pleased to issue against such persons4 #aa4 ,again1 we are well assured1 from our observations1 that the distemper is contagious1 and hereditary2 and yet the contagion is not so active1 nor poisonous1 as that of the plague1 small-pox1 nor even as the ring-worm1 itch1 scald1 and other cutaneous disorders3 for1 if that were the case1 the ,american colonies would be utterly destroyed2 and these persons so infected1 mixed as they are in every habitation1 would have already infected all the ,negroes1 whom they come near4 #ab4 ,we believe1 that this contagion does not take place but by long frequenting the company of the infected1 or by carnal knowlege4 ,besides1 we have observed1 that even such long frequenting1 or cohabiting with them1 are not always sufficient to communicate the disease2 because we have seen women cohabit with their husbands1 and husbands with their wives1 in the distemper1 while one is sound1 and the other infected4 ,we see families communicate and live with leprous persons1 and yet never be infected2 and thus1 altho' experience1 and the information of the sick1 prove the contagion1 we are of opinion1 that there must be a particular disposition in people to receive the poison of the leprosy4 #ac4 ,as to what regards the distemper's being hereditary1 it is assuredly so4 ,we have seen intire families infected2 and almost every child of a leprous father or mother fall insensibly into the leprosy2 and yet1 in several other families1 we have seen some children sound1 and others tainted2 the father has died of the disease1 and the children grew old without any infection3 so that1 tho' it is certainly hereditary1 yet we believe it is of the same nature with those in families troubled with the consumption1 gravel1 and other hereditary distempers2 which are transmitted from father to son1 without being so very regular1 as to affect every one of the family4 #ad4 ,we could never find out any certain rule of judging1 at what age the disease shews itself first in those1 who were begotten by infected parents3 but we have1 as far as we could1 observed1 with regard to women or girls1 that the symptoms begin with the menses1 and continue slightly till they have lain in of one or two children3 but that then more visible1 and indeed more cruel1 symptoms appeared4 ,as to men1 or infants1 there is no rule to know it in them4 #ae4 ,for the explanation of the causes1 symptoms1 and what we think the most likely means of cure1 we refer to a particular dissertation4 ,let it suffice here to observe1 that we do not imagine1 that the air1 water1 or manner of living1 can produce it2 for we have found as many sick in the low marshy places1 as in more airy saline places3 and if many ,negroes were infected in the ,grand ,terre1 where they drink the foul waters of ponds and lakes1 we see an equal number ill in places1 where they have fresh rivers and running waters2 but they may prove proper causes for unlocking1 and disposing persons to receive1 the disease4 #af4 ,we believe1 and are persuaded1 that the origin of this disease among the ,negroes comes from ,guinea3 for almost all the ,negroes from the country told us they came from thence with these reddish spots1 the first and certain signs of the distemper begun4 #ag4 ,as to the infected ,whites and ,mulattoes of this island1 we were informed1 that the disease was not known among the ,whites till about #be or #cj years ago2 when1 out of charity1 they received a miserable object from the island of ,st4 ,christoper's1 whose name was ,clement2 who1 about the year #afid1 fled hither4 ,it was the family of the ,josselins1 called the ,chaloupers1 that protected him2 which family1 as also that of the ,poulins1 we found infected by communication with this sick man1 as old ,poulin declared to us4 ,it is thought1 that others were infected by communication with the ,negro women1 especially in the beginning1 when the disease is much concealed1 at a time when they did not mistrust one another2 which is very probable1 since we saw many ,mulatto children1 born of female ,negroes1 infected and leprous4 #ah4 ,however this be1 this distemper has had its progress2 and in this visitation1 which we made1 we examined #bef suspected persons2 that is1 #hi ,whites1 #dg free ,mulattoes1 and #abj ,negroes3 among whom we found #bb ,whites1 #f ,mulattoes1 and #ig ,negroes1 infected with the leprosy1 amounting to #abe4 ,there were six ,whites and five ,negroes more1 whom we could not visit1 for reasons set forth in the verbal process4 ,the remaining persons1 which were #aca1 appeared to us very sound3 not that we can answer for the consequences1 especially with respect to the children1 who are the offspring of leprous persons2 whether declared such by us1 or dead before the visitation1 suspected of infection4 ,this is the opinion1 declaration1 and result of the visitation made by us1 the physicians and surgeon appointed for that purpose4 ,at ,basseterre1 the day above-mentioned4 ,,peyssonel4 ,,lemoine4 ,,moulon4 ,a second visitation was made in ,october #agdh4 ,,viii4 ,an ,account of the late ,discoveries of ,antiquities at ,herculaneum2 in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,camillo ,paderni1 ,keeper of the ,herculanean ,museum1 and ,f4,r4,s4 to ,thomas ,hollis1 ,esq2 dated ,naples1 ,dec4 #af1 #agef4 ,read ,feb4 #aj1 #ageg4 ,,it is probable1 that the first volume of antique paintings will be published at ,easter2 in which there will be fifty copper-plates1 with observations by the academy lately established here for illustrating the antiquities4 ,two volumes of the ancient papyrus have been unrolled4 ,one treats of rhetoric1 and the other is upon music2 and both are written by the same author1 ,philodemus4 ,il ,signor ,canonico ,mazzocchi1 a very learned gentleman of this city1 is now translating them from the ,greek4 ,there are two persons constantly employed in unrolling other volumes4 ,in the month of ,april were found two fine busts of women1 the subjects unknown4 ,also a young stag1 of excellent workmanship1 upon a base4 ,the height of it1 from the feet to the top of the head1 is three palms and a half4 ,likewise its companion2 but broken in many pieces2 which however ,i hope to restore4 ,in ,may1 a small young hog4 ,in ,october1 a female statue1 of middling workmanship4 ,also a ,silenus1 a palm and three inches high1 standing upon a square base raised upon three rows of steps1 which are supported at the angles by lions claws4 ,he has a bald head1 a long curled beard1 a hairy body1 and naked feet4 ,the drapery about him is loose and flowing3 the fore-finger of each hand is extended1 and all the rest are closed4 ,from his back arises a branch above the head1 where it divides into two1 which1 twisting their foliage round it1 fall and spread themselves below the shoulders1 on each of which a stand is placed to fix a lamp4 ,in the middle1 betwixt the extremities of these two small branches1 is a bird resembling a parroquet4 ,the whole of this figure is in a very good taste4 ,all these things above-mentioned are of bronze4 ,in ,november was discovered a beautiful marble ,terminus1 of ,greek workmanship1 as big as the life4 ,it is drest in a chlamys2 has a young countenance2 and the head is covered with a ,grecian helmet4 ,many other things have also been found1 as lamps1 vases1 and such-like1 in bronze4 ,and we have often met with paintings4 ,if any farther discoveries are made1 which are remarkable1 you may depend on being informed of them4 ,at present my time is much taken up1 in a work extremely difficult and tedious2 which is this3 ,when the theatre was first discovered1 there were found in it1 among other things1 several horses in bronze1 larger than the life2 but all of them bruised1 and broken into many pieces4 ,from this sad condition they are not yet restored4 ,but his majesty having expressed a particular desire to see that effected1 if possible1 with regard to one of them1 ,i resolved to attempt it2 and accordingly have set about it4 ,,ix4 ,an ,account of some ,trees discovered under-ground on the ,shore at ,mount's-,bay in ,cornwall3 ,in a ,letter from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,william ,borlase1 ,f4,r4,s4 to the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,lyttelton1 ,dean of ,exeter4 ,read ,feb4 #aj1 #ageg4 ,ludgvan1 ,jan #bd4 #ageg4 ,reverend ,sir1 ,,being an airing the other day with ,mrs4 ,borlase1 on the sands below my house1 we perceived the sands betwixt the ,mount and ,penzance much washed into pits1 and bare stony areas1 like a broken causey4 ,in one of the latter1 ,mrs4 ,b4 as we passed by1 thought she saw the appearance of a tree2 and1 upon a review1 ,i found it to be the roots of a tree1 branching off from the trunk in all directions4 ,we made as much haste down to the same place in the afternoon as we could1 and with proper help to make a farther examination4 ,i measured and drew the remains2 and about #cj feet to the west found the roots of another tree1 but without any trunk1 tho' displayed in the same horizontal manner as the first4 ,fifty feet farther to the north we found the body of an oak1 three feet in diameter1 reclining to the east4 ,we dug about it1 and traced it six feet deep under the surface2 but its roots were still deeper than we could pursue them4 ,within a few feet distance was the body of a willow1 one foot and a half in diameter1 with the bark on2 and one piece of a large hazel-branch1 with its bark on4 ,what the two first trees were1 it was not easy to distinguish1 there being not a sufficiency remaining of the first1 and nothing but roots of the second1 both pierced with the teredo1 or augur-worm4 ,round these trees was sand1 about ten inches deep1 and then the natural earth1 in which these trees had formerly flourished4 ,it was a black marsh-earth1 in which the leaves of the juncus were intirely preserved from putrefaction4 ,these trees were #cjj yards below full-sea-mark2 and1 when the tide is in1 have at least #ab feet of water above them3 and doubtless there are the remains of other trees farther towards the south1 which the sea perpetually covers1 and have more than #cj feet water above them4 ,but these are sufficient to confirm the ancient tradition of these parts1 that ,st4 ,michael's mount1 now half a mile inclosed with the sea1 when the tide is in1 stood formerly in a wood4 ,that the wood consisted of oak1 very large1 hazel and willow trees1 is beyond dispute4 ,that there has been a subsidence of the sea-shores hereabouts1 is hinted in my letter to you1 p4 #ib2 and the different levels and tendencies1 which we observed in the positions of the trees we found1 afford us some material inferences1 as to the degree and inequalities of such subsidences in general2 as the age1 in which this subsidence happened 7near #ajjj years since at least7 may convince us1 that when earthquakes happen1 it is well for the country1 that they are attended with subsidences2 for then the ground settles1 and the inflammable matter1 which occasioned the earthquake1 has no longer room to spread1 unite1 and recruit its forces1 so as to create frequent and subsequent earthquakes3 whereas1 where there are earthquakes without proportionable subsidences1 there are caverns and ducts under-ground remaining open and unchoaked1 the same cause1 which occasioned the first1 has room to revive and renew its struggles1 and to repeat its desolations or terrors2 which is most probably the case of ,lisbon4 ,i am1 ,sir1 ,your most affectionate and obliged humble ,servant1 ,wm4 ,borlase4 ,x4 ,experiments on applying the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,hales's ,method of distilling ,salt-water to the ,steam-,engine4 ,by ,keane ,fitzgerald1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,feb4 #ag1 #ageg4 ,,on reading ,dr4 ,hale's account of purifying salt-water1 by blowing showers of air thro'1 it occurred to me1 that something of the kind might be applied with advantage to the steam or fire-engine1 by increasing the quantity of steam1 and consequently diminishing the quantity of fuel otherwise necessary4 ,as the strength of steam raised from boiling water is always in a fluctuating state1 and1 by the best experiments hitherto made1 has never been found above stronger1 or weaker1 than air2 ,i was in doubt1 whether steam1 produced by this method1 would be sufficiently strong for the purpose of the steam-engine4 ,i made an experiment first on a small boiler1 about #ab inches diameter1 made in the shape of those commonly used in steam-engines1 with a funnel at the top1 of about #a inch diameter1 for the steam to pass thro'2 the aperture of which was covered with a thin plate1 fixt at one end with a hinge1 and a small leaden weight to slide on the other1 in the nature of a steel-yard1 to mark the strength or quantity of the steam4 ,a tin pipe made for this purpose1 with several small holes towards the end1 passed from a small pair of bellows1 through the upper part of the boiler1 to within about an inch of the bottom4 ,the boiler was half filled with water1 which covered the holes in the pipe about six inches4 ,from the best observation ,i was capable of making with this machine1 by blowing air thro' the boiling water1 it produced about more steam than was produced by the same fire without blowing air thro'4 ,i then applied a machine of this kind to the engine at the ,york-buildings water-works1 the boiler of which is #ae feet diameter4 ,this is a patent-boiler1 a section and plan of which is annexed4 ,it has a double concave1 with a kind of door-way or passage from one to the other1 in order to let the flame pass1 as it were1 thro' and round the water2 by which means there is no-where above nine inches of water to be heated thro'1 tho' the boiler is so large2 and which1 by three years experience1 has been found to require less fuel1 than any other fire-engine of equal bigness4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,i p4 #ed4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,i fixt a pipe of an inch and a half diameter to a pair of double bellows three feet diameter2 which pipe reached about one foot under the surface of the water in the boiler2 to the end of which are fixed horizontally two branches1 each about eight feet long1 tapering from one inch diameter to about of an inch4 ,these branches are bent in a circular manner1 as in the plan1 to answer the form of the concave1 and are perforated with small holes about four inches distant at the thickest part1 and decreasing gradually in distance1 to within of an inch1 towards the small end4 ,the reason of these branches being made taper1 and the distance between the holes decreasing to the small end1 was in order to give the greater power to the air forced by the bellows to discharge the water lodged in such a length of pipe2 and ,i observed by this method1 that the water was gradually forced thro' the holes to the end of each branch1 and seemed to throw an equal quantity of air thro' the water4 ,the length of the pipe1 to which the branches are fixed horizontally1 is about #ah feet to the nosle of the bellows3 notwithstanding which length1 the steam1 that passed thro' the pipe into the bellows1 was so hot before the water boiled1 as to force thro' the leather3 but this ,i easily remedied1 by fixing a brass cock of one inch and a half diameter to the pipe1 which hindered the steam from ascending1 until the engine was ready to work2 and being opened1 the air continually keeps it cold until the engine has done working2 then the cock must be shut again4 ,the bellows is worked by means of a small lever1 and pullies applied to the great lever of the fire-engine1 which keeps a continual blast whilst the engine works2 the strength of which is increased or diminished1 by adding or taking off the weights on the bellows4 ,the effect produced1 according to the best observations ,i could make1 was1 first1 a very visible alteration for the better in the working of the engine4 ,when the fire was stirred1 as it must be every time fuel is added1 the steam generally became too fierce1 which occasioned great irregularity1 and sometimes1 if not watched1 great damage to the engine2 and when the fire abated1 the stroke became immediately much shorter1 or stopped intirely1 if fuel was not soon added3 whereas1 by blowing air thus thro' the water1 it keeps1 with any moderate care1 an equal stroke to its full length1 from the beginning to the end2 and by that means discharges a considerably greater quantity of water4 ,a proof of which was very evident1 tho' ,i could not ascertain the exact quantity3 for the engine1 before this improvement1 supplied but two main pipes at once1 which conveyed the water to the houses served by them2 but since could not take off the quantity of water thrown up1 part of which was obliged to be discharged into a third main4 ,as to the quantity of fuel1 that may be saved by this method1 it is not easy to determine from any experiment on this engine1 the boiler and fire-place of which is made very different from all others1 and the quantity of fuel already thereby greatly lessened4 ,the fire-place1 which may be said to be within the boiler1 and is but barely large enough to contain a quantity of the roundest and strongest burning coals sufficient to work the engine1 cannot in this be made less2 and consequently will not admit such a saving from this model1 as from one properly constructed for the purpose3 a proof of which ,i made1 by trying some coals of a weaker kind1 which were also cheaper2 but on trial were not strong enough to work the engine1 and had therefore been laid by4 ,these coals answered extremely well2 and1 as it was a slower-burning coal1 ,i found the consumption1 whilst they lasted1 was between two and three bushels less in every six hours1 which is about the time the engine works each day3 and ,i am satisfied1 if the person1 who attends the engine1 would take the proper care1 more coals could still be saved4 ,for at several different times1 when ,i had the coals exactly measured1 and marked the time1 ,i constantly found1 that it required half a bushel in the hour less than he generally used1 and the engine threw up as much water4 ,as this method of blowing air thro' boiling water1 in order to increase the quantity of steam for a fire-engine1 has1 ,i believe1 never before been attempted1 and produces already a very good effect1 ,i am in hopes it may be still further improved4 ,,xi4 ,extract of a ,letter of ,mr4 ,abraham ,trembley1 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 ,translated from the ,french4 ,read ,feb4 #ag1 #ageg4 ,hague1 #a ,feb4 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,i ,wrote to you on the #bfth of ,november last1 concerning the earthquake felt some time before between the ,rhine and the ,meuse4 ,i have been since informed by ,professor ,donati of ,turin1 that a slight shock had been perceived there on the #acth of ,august #agef1 at a quarter after nine in the morning4 ,it was likewise felt in other parts of ,piedmont4 ,he has also communicated to me an extract of a letter of a professor of ,genoa1 one of his friends1 of which the following is a translation4 8,on the #ith of ,november we felt here two shocks of an earthquake2 one at #bj hours1 according to the ,italian way of reckoning2 the other at about #d hours at night4 ,i did not perceive the first1 being then walking in the house2 but ,i felt the second4 ,i was then laid down1 and going to sleep4 ,the direction of the undulations was from north to south1 as far as ,i could judge40 ,mons4 ,donati took last summer1 according to his custom1 a journey1 in order to prosecute his researches into natural history4 ,he was accompanied by ,dr4 ,ascanius1 ,fellow of the ,royal ,society2 who was still in doubt about coral's being a composition of animals4 ,mons4 ,donati carried him to the sea of ,provence4 ,he ordered coral to be fished up in his presence4 ,he placed it in a large vessel full of water2 and carried this vessel on shore2 where he soon convinced ,dr4 ,ascanius1 by his own eyes1 that coral is a mass of animals of the polype-kind4 ,mons4 ,donati has written to me1 that he has thoroughly satisfied himself by his last observations1 that the polypes are fixed to their cells2 of which he had before doubted4 ,what he says afterwards of coral appears to me to express with more truth and precision what we ought to think of this kind of animals1 than any of the descriptions1 which have been given since the new discoveries have changed our sentiments on that subject4 ,polype-beds1 and the cells1 which they contain1 are commonly spoken of as being the work of polypes4 ,they are compared to the honeycomb made by bees4 ,it is more exact to say1 that coral1 and other coralline bodies1 have the same relation to the polypes united to them1 that there is between the shell of a snail and the snail itself1 or between the bones of an animal1 and the animal itself4 ,mons4 ,donati's words are as follow4 8,i am now of opinion1 that coral is nothing else than a real animal1 which has a very great number of heads4 ,i consider the polypes of coral only as the heads of the animal4 ,this animal has a bone ramified in the shape of a shrub4 ,this bone is covered with a kind of flesh1 which is the flesh of the animal4 ,my observations have discovered to me several analogies between the animals of kinds approaching to this4 ,there are1 for instance1 keratophyta1 which do not differ from coral1 except in the bone or part1 that forms the prop of the animal4 ,in the coral it is testaceous1 and in the keratophyta it is horny40 ,the observations1 which ,i have made upon some kind of polype-beds1 lead me to think1 that what are called polypes1 in those bodies1 which are observed to come out of and return into the cells1 are more than the heads of the animal4 ,i have seen some1 which had a bag1 into which pass'd their food1 which ,i saw them swallow2 and another bag1 into which passed the grossest part of that food1 after it was digested4 ,this is the case1 for instance1 of the plumed polypes1 which ,i described at the end of the third memoir1 in the work published by me on one kind of fresh-water polypes4 ,mons4 ,donati has observed divers very curious facts in the journey1 which he made into the mountains4 ,he has1 in particular1 traced out an immense bed of marine bodies4 ,this bed crosses the highest mountains1 which separate ,provence from ,piedmont1 and loses itself in the plains of ,piedmont4 ,he has likewise observed a mass of rock1 which forms the extremity of a pretty high mountain1 the foot of which is washed by the sea4 ,this rock is at a considerable height1 intirely pierced by pholades1 that species of marine shell-fish so well known1 which digs cells into the stones4 ,it appears from hence1 that this rock was some time covered by the sea4 ,according to ,mons4 ,donati1 the sea has insensibly retired from the parts1 which were washed by it2 and he thinks1 that there must have been a very considerable space of time between that and the time1 when this mountain1 pierced by pholades1 was covered by the waters of the sea4 ,he deduces his opinion from the following fact4 ,there is in this rock1 pretty near the surface of the sea1 a natural cavern fill'd with earth4 ,in this earth have been found ancient ,roman sarcophagi and lamps4 ,it follows from hence1 that even in the time of the ,romans this part of the rock1 in which this cavern is situated1 was not under water4 ,as there is but a small distance between the cavern and the surface of the water1 it follows1 that the water has sunk but very little since the time of the ,romans4 ,if it has sunk in the same proportion since the time1 when it covered the top of the rock1 there is no doubt1 but that the time1 when it was intirely covered by the sea1 must have been very distant4 ,if the same manner of reasoning be used1 with respect to the bed of marine bodies1 mentioned above1 which crosses the mountains1 that separate ,provence from ,piedmont1 we shall be obliged to presume1 that the time1 when those mountains were under the waters of the sea1 was at a very great distance from the present4 ,mons4 ,donati concludes from these facts1 and the consequences deduced from them1 that the ,mediterranean sea is a very ancient1 and not a modern one1 as ,mons4 de ,buffon imagines4 ,those1 who explain all phnomena of marine bodies found out of the sea1 by an universal deluge1 do not admit the consequences drawn by ,mons4 ,donati from those marine bodies now under consideration4 ,it is plain1 that most of the naturalists1 who have observed a great number of these marine bodies1 are not of opinion1 that all those phnomena can be explained by a universal deluge4 ,upon these subjects1 before we undertake to judge1 it is proper to be well informed of the nature of marine fossile bodies1 which are found in divers parts1 and of their situation and arrangement4 ,it is necessary likewise to be acquainted with the state of those1 which are found actually under the sea1 and the revolutions1 to which they are subject1 while they are covered by it4 ,it is still farther requisite to have an attention to the revolutions1 which have been and are constantly observed1 with respect to the sea-shores1 which change their situation in several parts1 some advancing upon the land1 and others retiring4 ,if all these different facts be compared together1 it will not be doubted1 but there are actually under the earth marine bodies which are found there only in consequence of these slow revolutions1 and not of an universal deluge4 ,perhaps this notion might be extended to the greatest part of the marine fossile bodies1 which are known to us4 ,mons4 ,donati informs me1 that he would be glad to present to the ,royal ,society an history of coral1 if he thought1 that it would be agreeable to them4 ,,xii4 ,a brief ,botanical and ,medical ,history of the ,solanum ,lethale1 ,bella-donna1 or ,deadly ,nightshade1 by ,mr4 ,richard ,pultney4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,william ,watson1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,feb4 #ag1 #ageg4 ,,bella-,,donna is the name1 which the ,italians1 and particularly the ,venetians1 apply to this plant2 and ,mr4 ,ray#a observes1 that is so called because the ,italian ladies make a cosmetic from the juice1 or distilled water1 which they use to make their complexion fair and white4 ,others#b suppose it derives its name from its intoxicating quality4 ,with us it is generally known by the name of ,deadly ,nightshade1 or ,dwale1 tho' this last term is seldom used for it2 and the old ,french word ,morelle1 which ,lobel applies to it1 seems to be quite forgotten amongst us4 ,,classical ,,distribution4 ,the ,deadly ,nightshade was very soon discovered by the revivers of botany after the restoration of learning2 and1 agreeable to the fashion of those days1 it was greatly debated among commentators1 whether it was known1 and by what name1 to the fathers of botany ,theophrastus and ,dioscorides4 ,several of the writers of that time1 as ,dodenus1 ,guilandinus1 ,fuchsius1 and ,cordus1 were of opinion1 that it was the ,mandragora morion of ,theophrastus2 and their sentiments were espoused by his learned commentator ,bodus ,stapel#c1 who moreover supposes it the plant1 which ,dioscorides describes1 lib4 iv4 cap4 #fi4 under the name of 4 ,on the other hand1 ,matthiolus#d has taken great pains to prove1 that it is not the ,mandragora of ,theophrastus2 and both he and ,ruellius#e are inclined to think1 that the ,bella-donna was not known to either of the ,grecian ,fathers2 who are so short1 vague1 and immethodical1 in their descriptions1 that it is very difficult1 not to say impossible1 to apply them to particular species with justness and precision4 ,be this as it will1 our restorers of botany agreed in general to rank it with the ,solana1 or ,nightshades2 and as most of them took it to be the of ,dioscorides1 so we find thereto the addition of some epithet1 expressive of its deleterious quality1 in most of their writings2 such as lethale1 somniferum1 furiosum1 c4 ,its general agreement with the plants of that genus1 and also the knowledge the world soon had of its poisonous quality1 when it is considered1 that systematic distributions1 from the parts of fructification1 had not been thought of at that time3 these1 ,i say1 were sufficient reasons for referring it to the ,nightshades4 ,by such names therefore is it found in most of the old writers2 till ,clusius1 who1 observing perhaps1 that it differed in its parts of fructification from the ,solana1 adopted the indigenous ,italian name1 as a generical one1 and called it ,bella-donna4 ,csalpinus1 the first inventor of a botanic system1 did not separate it from the ,nightshades4 ,morison and ,ray1 the revivers of method almost an hundred years afterwards1 were aware of the difference2 the former having placed it in a chapter among the ,solanis affines1 and the latter constituted a distinct genus of it1 tho' he retained the old name in his history of plants4 ,tournefort adopted ,clusius's name ,bella-donna1 and was followed by all the systematic botanists1 who have since wrote2 as ,boerhaave1 ,rivini1 ,ruppius1 ,knaut1 ,magnol1 ,ludwig1 and ,haller2 until ,linnus1 conformable to the #bbith rule of the ,fundamenta ,botanica#f1 rejected it1 and very expressly calls it ,atropa#g2 in which he is followed by all succeeding writers1 who have chosen his method4 ,csalpinus1 ,morison1 ,ray1 ,herman1 and ,boerhaave1 who range these plants according to the fruit1 place the ,deadly ,nightshade among the ,herb ,baccifer in their respective systems4 ,rivinus1 ,ludwig1 and ,christian ,knaut1 who adopt the number and regularity of the petals in the corolla1 for their classical character1 refer it to such as have regular monopetalous flowers4 ,ruppius1 whose method is upon the same plan1 brings it among the irregular monopetalous ones4 ,tournefort's method1 which is established upon the figure of the flower1 takes it into the first class among such plants as have campaniform or bell-shaped flowers4 ,dr4 ,van ,royen1 whose system is undoubtedly a very elegant attempt towards the natural method in botany1 arranges it among such as he calls ,oliganther2 namely1 such plants as have the stamina equal to1 or fewer in number than1 the segments of the corolla4 ,dr4 ,haller1 whose method is upon the plan of a natural one also1 includes the ,bella-donna among the ,isostemones1 such plants as have the number of the stamina equal to the segments of the corolla4 ,in the sexual system of ,linnus1 at this time so generally received1 and so well established1 it belongs to the ,pentandria monogynia1 or such plants as have five stamina and one style4 ,the plants of this order are arranged into five subdivisions4 ,the ,atropa comes in among those1 that have declinated stamina4 ,according to this method1 we shall give its generical characters from the last edition of ,linnus's ,genera ,plantarum4 ,the most obvious and essential character of the genus is the globose berry1 and open calyx#h4 ,the general character is as follows4 ,,atropa ,linn4 ,gen4 ,plant4 ,ed4 #e4 ,n4 #bbb4 ,the calyx is a gibbous permanent perianthium1 formed of a single leaf divided into five acute segments4 ,the corolla is formed of a single bell-shaped petal1 the tube of which is very short2 the limb ventricose1 of an oval figure1 and longer than the calyx4 ,the mouth is small1 expanded1 and divided into five pretty equal segments4 ,the stamina are five subulated filaments proceeding from the base of the flower1 and are of the same length3 at the base they are connivent1 and at the top bent outwardly4 ,the anther are thick and assurgent4 ,the germen is of a semiovated figure3 the style is filiform1 of the length of the stamina1 and inclinated4 ,the stigma is capitated1 transversely oblong1 and assurgent4 ,the fruit is a globose berry1 standing in a large cup1 and containing three cells4 ,the receptacle is convex on both sides1 and kidney-shaped4 ,the seeds are numerous1 and kidney-shaped also4 ,the ,,species4 #a4 ,atropa caule herbaceo1 foliis ovatis integris4 ,linn4 ,spec4 ,plant4 p4 #aha4 ,atropa4 ,linn4 ,hort4 ,cliff4 #eg4 ,roy4 ,lugd4 #dbc4 ,hort4 ,ups4 #de4 ,dalib4 ,paris4 #gj4 ,bella-donna majoribus foliis et floribus4 ,tourn4 ,inst4 #gg4 ,boerh4 ,lugd4 ,,ii4 #fi4 ,miller1 plate #fb4 ,bella-donna dicta ,solanum lethale4 ,hill4 ,herb4 ,britan4 p4 #cbh4 tab4 #dg4 ,bella-donna4 ,clus4 ,pan4 p4 #ejc4 ,bod ,stap4 p4 #ehf4 ,cat4 ,gissen4 #adb4 ,raii ,syn4 ed4 #c4 p4 #bfe4 ,vaillant4 ,botan4 ,par4 p4 #bj4 ,hall4 ,helv4 #ejg4 ,dale ,pharmacol4 #d ed4 p4 #gb4 ,wilson4 ,synop4 p4 #abb4 ,solanoc ongener flore campanulato vulgatius1 latioribus foliis4 ,hist4 ,oxon4 ,,iii4 p4 #ecb4 sect4 #ac4 tab4 #c4 fig4 #d4 ,solanum somniferum4 ,fuchs4 #fhi4 ,icon4 opt4 ,solanum maniacum multis sive ,bella-donna4 ,j4,b4 ,,iii4 p4 #faa4 ,solanum melanocerasos4 ,c4,b4 pin4 #aff4 ,solanum lethale4 ,ger4 #afi4 emac4 #cdj4 ,park4 #cdf4 ,raii4 ,hist4 ,plant4 #fgi4 ,solanum majus sive ,herba ,bella-donna4 ,matthiol4 ,oper4 ,omn4 p4 #gef4 ,solanum somniferum et lethale4 ,lobel4 ,adversar4 p4 #ajb4 ,deadly ,nightshade1 or ,dwale4 #b4 ,atropa caule fruticoso4 ,spec4 ,plant4 #ahb4 ,bella-donna frutescens rotundifolia ,hispanica4 ,tourn4 ,inst4 #gg4 ,solanum frutex rotundifolium ,hispanicum4 ,barril4 ,obs4 #b4 ,icon4 #aagc4 ,round-leaved shrubby ,spanish ,bella-donna4 #c4 ,atropa foliis sinuato-angulatis1 calycibus clausis acutangulis4 ,spec4 ,plant4 #aha4 ,bella-donna flore magno violaceo4 ,hill4 ,herb4 ,brit4 #cai4 ,alkekengi amplo fiore violaceo4 ,few4 ,per4 #gbd4 tab4 #af4 ,large violet-flower'd ,bella-donna1 or ,deadly ,nightshade4 ,the first of the species here enumerated is the plant in question4 ,the second has been found growing naturally in no other country than ,spain4 ,the third was first discovered by ,father ,feuille in ,peru1 and is therefore only an inhabitant of the gardens in this part of the world4 ,the ,,description4 ,the root is perennial4 ,it is pretty long1 and divided into many branches of a brown colour1 succulent1 and of a disagreeable smell4 ,the radical leaves are frequently a foot long1 and five inches broad1 of an oval acuminated figure1 and not sinuated on the edges4 ,the stalk rises to three or four feet3 it is much divaricated and branched4 ,the cauline leaves stand alternately upon it1 in shape like the radical1 of a dusky-green colour on the upper part1 and a paler green underneath1 being a little hairy on both sides4 ,the flowers stand on single footstalks1 in the al of the leaves3 they are large1 of a campanulated figure1 and striated1 of a dusky-purple colour within1 with a yellow variegated base2 the outer surface of the flower is of a greenish red4 ,after the flower succeeds a fine beautiful large berry1 which is black when ripe4 ,for the rest1 take in the generical character4 ,most of the old authors give us figures of this plant1 which1 tho' they convey a general idea of it1 are yet scarce any of them exact4 ,this fault in general runs thro' all1 that ,i have had an opportunity of examining2 namely1 that the flowers and fruit are represented by much too large in proportion to the leaves4 ,morison's is perhaps one of the best among the old figures3 it is1 upon the whole1 tolerable1 but not accurate on account of the before-mentioned objection4 ,petiver's does by no means represent the plant justly1 in that the al of the leaves are not properly filled up4 ,the most accurate figure of all1 that ,i have seen1 is ,mr4 ,miller's1 in his plates adapted to the ,gardeners ,dictionary1 which is undoubtedly taken from nature itself4 ,,place of ,,growth4 ,the ,deadly ,nightshade is found in many parts of ,europe1 especially in ,england and in ,austria2 and yet in our own country it is happily not very plentiful1 inasmuch as our botanical writers usually reckon it among the more rare plants1 and specify particularly the places where they have observed it4 ,here in ,england it is chiefly found in uncultivated places3 in church-yards1 about old walls1 among rubbish in shady places1 about dunghills1 in lanes1 and sometimes about woods and hedges4 ,it begins to flower in ,june1 and maintains a succession of flowers for two months4 ,the berries are ripe in ,september and ,october4 ,it is of great importance1 that the knowlege of poisonous plants should be extended as much as possible1 that they may the better be avoided1 and their fatal effects thro' mistake be guarded against3 there can therefore be no impropriety in enumerating particularly some of those places1 where our ,english botanists have observed it4 ,mr4 ,ray mentions its being found in the church-yard and lanes about ,fulburn in ,cambridgeshire1 ,sutton-,colefield in ,warwickshire3 in the ,downs3 at ,cuckstone1 near ,rochester in ,kent1 all the yards and backsides are over-run with it4 ,ray4 ,syn4 ,upon ,clifton-hill1 near ,nottingham2 also in a quarry near the cold-bath at ,mansfield4 ,catal4 ,notting4 ,in ,currenwood-kins1 near ,burton in ,kendal1 and other places in ,westmorland4 ,wilson's ,syn4 ,dr4 ,wilmer found it amoung the bogs going down to ,dorking in ,surrey1 plentifully4 ,in ,preston church-yard1 near ,feversham in ,kent4 ,mr4 ,watson found it by the wood-side1 under the park-wall1 between ,temsford-mills and ,welwyn1 ,hertfordshire2 and near the road between ,rochester and ,maidstone4 ,mr4 ,blackstone found it in a shady gravel-pit near the old park-wood at ,harefield1 and in the gardens at ,more-park near ,rickmansworth1 plentifully4 ,specim4 ,botan4 ,about ,rochester and ,chatham1 where it grows in the joints of old walls1 and in most of the unfrequented lanes3 also in ,woodstock-park in ,oxforshire1 and ,up-park in ,hampshire4 ,i have observed it four or five years since on the edge of ,charley-forest3 about ,grace-,dieu1 ,leicestershire4 ,it grows about ,north ,luffenham in ,rutland4 ,its ,,poisonous ,,quality4 ,there have been many fatal instances of the narcotic and deleterious effects of the berries of this plant4 ,they are upon record in almost all botanical1 and many medical authors4 ,children have unhappily been the principal sufferers this way1 being tempted to eat by the enticing aspect of the berries1 or by mistaking them for some other fruit4 ,the berries1 however1 are not the only part of the plant1 which partake of this intoxicating and poisonous property3 the whole plant is endued with it1 and that in no small degree4 ,if the ,bella-donna is allowed to be the of ,dioscorides#i1 this quality of it was not unknown to that writer4 ,it was very soon known to the first writers in the medical and botanic way after the restoration of letters2 and they have not failed to inform us of it4 ,tragus and ,fuchsius1 who wrote about the middle of the sixteenth century1 both relate instances of the poisonous effects of these berries3 the former1 of a man1 who went mad after having eaten of them2 the latter1 of two children1 who perished by the same means#aj4 ,lobel#aa tells us1 that the berries of this plant are present death2 and informs us of some youths1 who1 after eating them1 became stupified1 and died as from an over-dose of opium4 ,matthiolus#ab relates1 from his own knowlege1 of some children poisoned by the same means4 ,among all the instances of the intoxicating nature of this plant1 there is none more memorable than that mentioned by the ,scotch historian ,buchanan#ac1 of the destruction of the army of ,sweno2 which is quoted by almost all authors1 who have wrote upon this plant4 ,it is there said1 that the ,scots mixed a quantity of the juice of these berries with the drink1 which1 by their truce1 they were to supply the ,danes with2 which so intoxicated them1 that the ,scots killed the greatest part of them while they were asleep4 ,how far this anecdote is to be depended upon1 or whether other concurrent circumstances ought not to be taken into the account1 ,i cannot determine4 ,our own herbalist ,gerard#ad mentions the case of three boys in the ,isle of ,ely1 who1 having eaten of these berries1 two of them died in less than eight hours2 but the third1 by drinking plentifully of honey and water1 and vomiting after it1 recovered4 ,bodus ,stapel1 in his comment upon ,theophrastus#ae1 tells us of two youths1 that eat two or three of these berries1 which they got in the ,leyden garden1 mistaking them for black currants3 one of them perished1 and the other recovered with great difficulty4 ,simon ,pauli relates two or three examples to the same effect#af4 ,wepfer gives us a circumstantial account of a child about ten years old1 who was thrown into a great variety of convulsive symptoms after eating of this fruit3 but proper care being taken by vomiting1 and afterwards giving alexipharmics and anti-epileptic medicines1 he recovered#ag4 ,m4 ,boulduc#ah laid before the ,royal ,academy of ,sciences at ,paris1 the case of some children1 who1 upon eating these berries1 were seized with a violent fever1 palpitations of the heart1 convulsions1 and lost their senses4 ,one of them1 a little boy of four years old1 died the next morning4 ,boerhaave has instances to the same effect#ai3 and it was the misfortune of ,dr4 ,abraham ,munting1 a noted botanist and professor of physic in the university of ,groningen1 to have his own daughter poisoned with the berries of the ,bella-donna4 ,it would be almost endless to recite all the instances to be met with upon this head4 ,the ,german ,ephemerides1 the ,commercium ,literarium1 and other periodical works1 furnish us with farther proofs of the deadly quality of the ,bella-donna2 and they are unhappily corroborated by more recent instances in modern authors4 ,the ,gentleman's ,magazine#bj1 ,mr4 ,miller in his ,gardeners ,dictionary1 and ,dr4 ,hill in his ,british ,herbal#ba1 exhibit to us several melancholy cases of this kind4 ,the effects of this plant have been so extraordinary1 that several distinct treatises have been published professedly upon it4 ,the most remarkable of these is that of ,j4,m4 ,faber's1 printed at ,augsburg in #afgg1 under the following title2 ,strychnomania explicans ,strychni manici antiquorum1 vel ,solani furiosi recentiorum historiam4 ,in this tract the author has collected a number of cases from various hands1 concerning the poisonous quality of the plant in question4 ,in the year #agad4 ,c4 ,sicelius published a treatise upon this plant1 under the title of ,diatribe de ,bella-donna4 ,jen4 #hvo4 ,,medical ,,history4 ,who it was1 that was bold enough to venture first upon the internal use of this plant as a medicine1 ,i cannot say2 chance very probably led to it1 as in many other cases4 ,in the mean time1 there is reason to believe1 that it is not altogether a modern practice4 ,one would be led to think1 by the accounts given us in ,matthiolus and ,bodus1 that in their days its operation was very well known2 and that they knew how to dose it very exactly1 since they give us an account of tricks being played with it1 by infusing the quantity of a scruple of the root in wine1 and intoxicating people therewith4 ,the former of these authors relates1 that the distilled water from this plant1 in a dose of about two or three spoonfuls1 was exhibited by some people in inflammations of the viscera2 and1 he observes1 with good success4 ,parkinson seems to have transcribed this account1 respecting this use of it2 but neither of them speak of it from their own knowlege4 ,it may be questioned1 however1 whether this could act otherwise than as mere water2 since the principles with which this plant is endued1 do not seem capable 7if one may judge from its sensible qualities and effects upon those who have taken it7 of rising in a still4 ,mr4 ,ray#bb1 from the ,german ,ephemerides1 an4 #ac4 obs4 #fd4 presents us with the relation of a shepherd in ,denmark1 who administered an infusion of the berries in wine in the dysentery1 which was there very common1 and very obstinate2 adding1 that it was attended with great success1 not only restraining the flux1 but carrying off the disorder by sweat4 ,mr4 ,ray observes further1 that1 correspondent with this practice1 ,conrade ,gesner actually prepared a syrop from the berries1 and gave it in dysenteric cases with great success4 ,this account is found in ,gesner's ,epistles1 and is quoted also by ,dr4 ,haller#bc1 when treating of this plant4 ,possibly its efficacy in these cases may be accounted for1 from considering it merely in the quality of an opiate2 and therefore it cannot be adviseable to use it1 when safer medicines are always at hand4 ,its external use seems to be of as long a date as its internal2 and it was on account of its cooling and repellent quality1 that it came into credit as a fucus among the ,italian ladies4 ,matthiolus recommends it in the erysipelas1 the shingles1 and other inflammatory disorders of the skin4 ,the leaves1 applied in the form of a cataplasm1 are much celebrated by many writers1 as of great use in resolving tumors1 particularly of the breast1 and even such as are of a schirrous and cancerous nature4 ,many of the old authors#bd mention this application of it1 among other of the cooling and narcotic herbs2 such as the common nightshade1 henbane1 hounds-tongue1 c4 which it was usual to apply on such occasions4 ,mr4 ,ray informs us1 that ,mr4 ,percival ,willughby experienced its efficacy repeatedly1 in discussing hardnesses and cancerous tumors in the breast4 ,its relaxing quality is very surprising1 as appears by that memorable case related by the last-mentioned author1 of a lady's applying a leaf of it to a little ulcer1 suspected to be of the cancerous kind1 a little below her eye1 which rendered the pupil so paralytic1 that it lost all its motion for some time afterwards3 and that this event was really owing to that application1 appears from the experiment's being repeated with the same effect three times4 ,the ,german physicians have gone much further3 they have even ventured to give it inwardly in cancerous cases4 ,dr4 ,haller1 when treating of the quality of this plant1 refers to ,junker1 and others of the modern physicians1 as recommending the decoction of it with caution1 that it be not given in such quantity as to cause sleep4 ,so long since as the year #agci4 there was a thesis published at ,hall1 by ,michael ,albert1 in which the ,bella-donna is proposed as a specific in cancerous cases4 ,what other physicians patronize this use of it1 ,i cannot say1 having but little opportunity of consulting those academic pieces1 which are of such eminent use in compilations of this kind4 ,thus much is certain1 that its use1 in such cases1 rather gains ground2 and the case1 published in the ,french ,bibliotheque#be1 printed at the ,hague1 of an ulcerated cancer being radically cured by an infusion of the leaves of this plant in water1 deserves particular attention1 on account of its being so well attested4 ,the case is extracted from an inaugural thesis of ,professor ,lambergen's1 who was the physician concerned#bf4 ,the event was so singularly happy and successful in this instance1 that we hope it will need no apology1 if we give a particular detail of it4 ,the person afflicted with this miserable disease was a widow of #cd years of age1 and mother of four children4 ,she had but weak nerves1 and had been subject to inflammatory disorders4 ,she informed ,m4 ,lambergen1 upon examining her1 that she had had a quinzy six times1 which had twice ended in suppuration3 that eight years before her right breast had suppurated1 and discharged much matter3 that two years after it suppurated again2 and that at the end of another year both breasts underwent the same fate2 since when the right had remained schirrous1 but was without pain1 except when she handled it4 ,she had suckled her youngest child about six months1 when she was seized with a fever2 and the left breast 7with which only she could suckle since the other had suppurated7 soon swelled1 inflamed greatly1 was very painful1 and soon became almost as large as a child's head4 ,dr4 ,lambergen being called in1 ordered copious bleeding1 and that the child should suck as little as possible4 ,she took some medicines1 and soon recovered4 ,a year passed after this without any bad accident2 when the lunar evacuations1 which she had had from her #ahth year1 beginning to diminish1 she felt a pricking pain in her left breast1 and her right began to swell4 ,upon a fright1 she had a fall1 which accident increased both the pain and swelling2 and she had recourse again to ,dr4 ,lambergen4 ,he found the tumors in her right breast much enlarged1 and so connected together1 as to feel like one large one only4 ,on the upper part of the breast1 upon the pectoral muscle1 it felt rugged1 unequal1 and almost as hard as a stone4 ,the patient complained of a constant itching in the part1 and at times a pungent pain1 which seemed to shoot from the armpit1 and end in the tumor4 ,under this armpit the glands were hard and schirrous2 and the left breast was not exempt from the like indurations4 ,a vein or two on the right breast was a little enlarged1 otherwise no alteration4 ,it was no hotter than common2 nor had it undergone any change of colour4 ,to mitigate the pain of the schirrous1 ,dr4 ,lambergen ordered the following plaister3 ,ung4 ,diapomphol4 ij4 ,amalgam1 merc4 et ,plumb4 iij4 ,sperm4 ,cet4 j4 ,m4 ,with this external application he prescribed likewise the following powders1 to be taken night and morning1 and gave directions relating to the non-naturals4 ,coral4 rub4 ,antimon4 ,diaphoret4 illot4 ,sper4 ,ceti a ij4 ,laud4 gr4 vj4 ,m4 for #ab doses4 ,under this method the pain remitted1 but the tumor inlarged1 and a little rising was observed on the upper part of it2 and towards the nipple1 where there was the least hardness1 a small spot was perceived1 which1 at the next return of the catamenia1 inflamed1 and became the seat of the most excruciating pain4 ,dr4 ,lambergen1 during this period1 in the room of the powders1 substituted emmenagogic pills1 and ordered the pediluvium4 ,she lost ten ounces of blood from the foot3 and by these means the swelling of the breast diminished1 and the patient suffered very little for some days4 ,this truce1 however1 was but temporary3 the rising on the upper part of the tumor began to inflame1 itched intolerably1 the pain returned1 was almost perpetual1 and insupportably pungent4 ,in this dreadful state was the patient1 when ,dr4 ,lambergen desired the late ,dr4 du ,bois1 ,dr4 ,winter1 physician to the house of ,orange and professor at ,leyden1 together with ,dr4 ,van ,arum of ,leewarden1 physician in ordinary to the ,princess dowager1 to visit her4 ,these gentlemen examined her many times1 and unanimously agreed1 that it was now no less than a confirmed cancer4 ,it was ,professor ,winter1 who acquainted ,dr4 ,lambergen1 that he had heard ,m4 ,degner1 a celebrated physician at ,nimeguen1 speak of the ,bella-donna1 as a sovereign remedy against inveterate schirri2 adding1 nevertheless1 that he had never tried it himself4 ,in such a case as this1 where death seemed inevitable1 a dangerous remedy is to be preferred to none at all4 ,dr4 ,lambergen therefore determined to try it upon his patient2 but1 knowing the character1 which the plant bore1 he resolved to try the effects of it upon himself first4 ,to this end1 he poured ten tea-cups of water upon a scruple of the leaves1 which had been gathered and dried three years3 he let it stand all night lukewarm4 ,of this infusion he took half a tea-cup full1 being the twentieth part of the whole1 in the morning fasting2 but perceived no effect from it4 ,this determined him the next morning to double the dose2 which produced a slight vertigo1 and for an hour or two an uncommon dryness in his mouth4 ,being thus prepared1 as he knew his patient had but a weak nervous system1 he determined to begin with caution4 ,it was the #adth day of ,january #agde1 that she took the first dose1 being one tea-cup full4 ,it had the same effect upon her1 as it had had on her physician2 and moreover rendered her pulse weaker and quicker than usual4 ,for seven mornings successively she took the same dose1 which1 in general1 produced the same effect4 ,at the same time the plaster was renewed1 with the addition of a few grains of opium4 ,under this method her pain was mitigated2 but1 before the latter end of the week1 returned again more frequently1 and more acute2 so that she was reduced to a most deplorable condition4 ,the rising on the upper part of the breast became livid2 the place near the nipple before-mentioned inflamed1 and was very painful2 and two little pointed risings were observed upon it1 together with a slight fissure or opening4 ,as the menstrual period was approaching1 the infusion and the powders were omitted1 and the pediluvium substituted4 ,a mixture with crabs-eyes1 sp4 nitri4 d4 and syr4 e mecon4 relieved the patient from some spasmodic complaints she had at this time1 and the menses returned more copiously than ever4 ,the #bgth she took something more than a tea-cup of the infusion1 being the first dose of the second scruple3 her body was soluble2 her breast less swelled1 but the pain returned very acute1 and seemed to terminate in the little callous eminence on the upper part of the breast1 which now likewise became more pointed4 ,the #bhth she took the same quantity of the infusion4 ,the two little pointed places near the nipple were now become two little holes1 but had not discharged any matter4 ,the other sore on the upper part of the breast was more livid still1 and more painful1 and had risen into two little whitish points4 ,the powders were omitted this night1 as they had been now and then at other times4 ,the #bith1 very little sleep the foregoing night1 great pain from the upper sore1 the holes near the nipple were become larger1 and had run a yellowish matter4 ,the same dose of the infusion as before4 ,at night she had most acute pain from the upper sore4 ,the #cjth both sores were nearly in the same state4 ,all remedies were this day laid aside1 except the infusion2 of which she took a cup-full and an half2 but her mouth soon became so dry1 that she could scarcely swallow a little tea2 and the vertigo was so violent1 that she staggered3 her sight was so weakened1 that she could scarcely read4 ,notwithstanding this1 she had no anxiety1 nor nausea1 nor pain2 but her appetite was less1 and her pulse quicker4 ,the #cast all the last-mentioned symptoms continued the same3 the two pointed eminences on the upper part of the breast were become two little holes likewise1 and had discharged a few drops of good matter4 ,the #ast of ,february the upper sore had discharged but little matter1 and that thinner than before4 ,that near the nipple was become more livid1 and the two holes were larger2 but there had been no discharge for several days4 ,the pulse and appetite were good1 sleep natural1 the body open4 ,the pain1 indeed1 was continual1 but less acute4 ,the #b;d1 little alteration4 ,the sores discharged but little4 ,from this time they were dressed twice in a day with ,nutritum1 and over all the ,emp4 ,saturnin4 ,the pain was not so violent1 but was felt in another place1 which began to swell4 ,from the #fth to the #ahth better and worse3 the pain more or less acute2 and the catamenia passed without any bad effects4 ,at the end of this month the schirrus all over the breast was much softened1 and sensibly diminished4 ,this was the opinion of ,dr4 du ,bois and ,dr4 ,winter1 as well as of ,dr4 ,lambergen4 ,the #ast of ,march an inflammation arose on the sole of the right foot1 and extended up the leg about four fingers above the heel4 ,it ended in two great blisters1 as if from a burn1 which were embrocated with wine and oil1 and nothing bad followed4 ,to the #bb;d1 the patient was better and worse4 ,the menstrual period did not pass without some disturbance4 ,the #bfth she began with the infusion of the tenth scruple1 and every thing went on for the better to the end of the month4 ,from the #ast of ,april to the #fth the ulcers were firm and dry2 but the pain in the breast increased4 ,several blisters arose on the foot1 along the leg1 and even upon the thigh1 on the left side4 ,one upon the sole of the left foot1 for #bd hours discharged an incredible quantity of thick whitish lymph4 ,the pain from these blisters was beyond all she had felt before4 ,it continued the #gth1 #hth1 and #ith2 and new blisters arose on the thigh4 ,the excoriated parts were all dressed with spirit of wine4 ,during the disturbances from these new complaints1 the breast was likewise painful1 and swelled1 tho' the ulcer near the nipple was dry1 and the other discharged little or nothing4 ,the #ajth she had less pain both in her foot and in her breast4 ,the upper sore was closed2 the foot discharged less4 ,from the #aath to the #aeth1 notwithstanding the weather was very cold1 her pain still lessened4 ,the ulcer remained firm1 and the whole breast was softened3 her foot mended2 and all went on for the better till the #ahth1 when the ulcer on the upper part of the breast opened again in three places1 and discharged a thick yellowish matter4 ,the nipple of the left breast also became inflamed1 and surrounded with pimples1 which discharged a little lymph4 ,in the mean time the cancerous breast was more painful than on the preceding days4 ,the #aith the pain less1 tho' continual4 ,some discharge from the foot still2 but the ulcers on the thigh were healed1 and another blister arose4 ,the #bjth the upper sore on the breast closed again2 but that near the nipple seemed to threaten another opening1 and in fact it did1 on the #bdth1 in three places4 ,on the #bjth the catamenia returned very copiously1 and superseded the use of the pediluvium4 ,the #beth she began with the infusion of the fourteenth scruple of the ,bella-donna1 which1 it is to be observed1 was scarcely ever omitted4 ,the #bfth a blister arose at the end of the fore-finger on the left hand1 was very painful1 and discharged a great quantity of serous matter4 ,the next day both ulcers on the breast discharged a small quantity of lymph2 otherwise the breast was less painful4 ,from the #bhth of ,april to the #gth of ,may every thing went on for the better3 the cancerous breast was almost without pain4 ,the ulcers ran very little1 but the excoriation and pain were much worse from the nipple of the left breast1 which also discharged a great quantity of lymph4 ,the #hth the upper ulcer on the right breast closed2 but the other opened again4 ,from the #hth to the #afth no change for the worse3 on the contrary1 the left breast was well2 the right less painful1 and discharged but very little4 ,from the #ahth to the #bb;d the menstrual period3 all things on the mending hand2 the ulcer healed1 and the patient had little or no pain3 but1 from the #bc;d to the #bgth1 the pain returned something worse1 and there was some discharge from the breast4 ,the ,nutritum was now discontinued1 as too emollient4 ,the #bgth the infusion from the eighteenth scruple of the ,bella-donna was begun with4 ,from the #bhth of ,may to the #abth of ,june the breast still painful3 in the mean time1 however1 the ulcers remained firm and dry4 ,the tumor and schirrosity of the breast diminished in such a manner1 that1 excepting its being a little bigger than the other1 it had intirely resumed its natural form and colour4 ,no indurations in the left breast1 nor of the glands in the right armpit4 ,the #acth of ,june she took a journey1 was absent some weeks1 and returned in perfect health4 ,dr4 ,lambergen advised her1 but in vain1 to continue the infusion4 ,nevertheless1 she was obliged now and then1 when she felt pain1 to have recourse to it1 and was always relieved by it3 and in the course of another year the remains of the schirrus were totally wasted4 ,it is now 7#aged7 eight years since1 and she has had no relapse1 no pain1 no hardness in her breast2 has married a second husband1 by whom she has had a child1 which she suckled4 ,what more can be requisite to ascertain a cure8 ,thus we have given a detail of this memorable case2 wherein we see1 that six drachms of one of the most poisonous vegetables that the world produces actually cured a woman1 whom the most able physicians had given up as incurable2 and who must otherwise have finished her miserable days in the most deplorable sufferings4 ,it must not be omitted1 that notwithstanding the daily use this woman made of the ,bella-donna1 she was not accustomed to it in the manner as people are who take opium4 ,dr4 ,lambergen always prepared the infusion himself1 and never had occasion to make it stronger than at the first1 as the patient always found the like effects from the same dose4 ,so singular and happy an event1 as attended ,dr4 ,lambergen's administration of this plant1 certainly merits the attention of the medical profession2 and surely1 one may add1 entitles the medicine to future trials4 ,and as the authenticity of the case will not be disputed1 it is therefore greatly to be wished1 that those gentlemen1 who belong to the public hospitals1 and others that have frequent opportunities of attending patients labouring under this deplorable disease1 would give it a further trial4 ,a cancer1 even in its latent1 but much more in an ulcerated state1 is allowedly one of the most terrible and formidable disorders to which human nature is liable2 and hath long been ranged1 very justly1 among the opprobria medicorum1 instances of a radical cure being rarely met with3 indeed1 one of the first physicians#bg of our age tells us1 that it is not known to have been cured at all1 but by a total extirpation of the part2 and all1 who are conversant in physic and surgery1 know very well1 that that operation is frequently no security against its return4 ,i have here endeavoured1 in as concise a manner as might be1 to exhibit the history of this extraordinary plant4 ,the being able barely to know and distinguish one plant from another1 however praise-worthy in itself1 ought not to be the only view of our botanical researches3 we should do more1 and endeavour to investigate1 in the most attentive manner1 the properties of vegetable productions1 in order to accomodate them to the various exigencies of human life4 ,several classes of vegetables1 from their merely herbaceous taste1 and1 as far as we can conjecture1 from their other sensible qualities1 seem to be formed by the great ,author of nature principally for the nourishment of animals3 but those plants1 which are endued with principles so highly active1 as1 when taken in small quantities1 to be able to put an end to animal life2 such deserve to be more minutely inquired into1 as under certain circumstances these principles1 properly directed1 may conduce to great and good ends4 ,we should endeavour1 therefore1 diligently to inform ourselves1 in what quantities1 and under what circumstances1 the poison ends1 and where the medicine begins4 ,in this respect we have certainly a notable instance in the history before us in ,professor ,lambergen2 whose industry1 more especially as it was attended with success1 merits our greatest acknowlegements2 inasmuch as he has informed us1 with no small degree of accuracy and precision1 that the plant under consideration1 which is well known to be of a highly deleterious nature1 and that even in a small quantity1 may be so managed1 as to be productive of good effects1 not to be found possibly by any other means4 ,some of the most efficacious medicines are such1 as1 being posssessed of highly active principles1 do greatly disturb the animal conomy in their operation3 nevertheless1 however rough the modus operandi of any medicine be1 if its efficacy by repeated trials be approved and confirmed1 this is so far from proving a discouragement to its use1 that we ought to regard the discovery of such a one as a valuable acquisition to the province of physic1 especially if it is applicable in desperate and obstinate cases4 ,the ,bella-donna1 on the contrary1 supposing future trials should prove it as happily successful as ,professor ,lambergen has experienced it1 is a medicine of a different kind2 inasmuch as its operation is mild1 when compared with that1 which attends the exhibition of many others3 we should therefore have double reason to rejoice at the discovery4 ,,xiii4 ,an ,account of some of the ,antiquities discovered at ,herculaneum1 c4 ,in a ,letter to ,thomas ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 ,by ,john ,nixon1 ,a4,m4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,feb4 #bd1 #ageg4 ,reverend ,sir1 ,,the subject of this letter are some cursory observations made by me last spring1 upon viewing the curiosities found at ,herculaneum1 and the places adjacent4 ,i deferred putting them into any order1 till ,i came to town1 and had seen1 by perusing the ,transactions of the ,royal ,society1 whether some abler hand had not already prevented me1 and made any further communication needless3 but as ,i now find1 that no notice has been hitherto taken of several particulars1 which1 in my humble opinion1 deserved it1 as tending to throw new light upon antiquity2 ,i beg leave to trouble you with my thoughts upon them4 ,i shall begin with the museum in the ,king of the ,two ,sicilies' palace at ,portici2 wherein1 amongst a great number of other ancient and valuable remains1 are these that follow1 viz4 ,i4 ,several tali lusorii4 ,the tali are supposed to have been known to the ,greeks#bh by the name of as early as the ,trojan war4 ,but as the monuments before us are undoubtedly ,roman1 ,i shall confine my remarks upon them to the usages received among that people2 and being guided partly by what appears upon the face of these antiquities1 and partly by what the ,latin classics have delivered in general upon this subject1 beg leave to observe1 in the first place1 that the tali had each of them but four sides1 two broader1 and the other two more narrow1 on which they would ordinarily rest2 as the rounding of their ends did not easily permit them to stand upon those parts4 ,however1 the possibility of such a position 7tho' it did not occur to me to make the experiment with these pieces7 may be deduced from a passage in ,tully#bi4 ,further1 with regard to the manner of distinguishing the several sides of the tali1 some learned#cj writers speak of it according to ideas taken from the fashion of marking the modern dice1 and 7,i may add7 the ancient tesser likewise3 but1 as ,i did not observe the traces of any engraving1 painting1 c4 upon the pieces under consideration1 it seems to me more probable1 what others assert#ca1 that this distinction was effected by the different configuration of the sides themselves1 and not by any numbers marked upon them4 ,and concerning this notation1 the common opinion is1 that the appearances expressing one and six1 as also those representing three and four1 were opposed to each other respectively4 ,but leaving these 7however probable7 conjectures1 we can with certainty determine the number of the tali used in this game to have been four2 and likewise1 that among the various chances resulting from them1 the most fortunate one was that1 wherein each of the sides exhibited a different aspect4 ,the former of these circumstances we learn from ,tully#cb1 as we do the latter from ,martial1 who1 in a distich sent with a present of a set of tali to a friend1 says1 ,cum steterit nullus vultu tibi talus eodem1 ,munera me dices magna dedisse tibi#cc4 ,it may further be collected from ,horace1 that the throw above described had the appellation of ,venus3 for when he intimates1 that the president of the feast was elected by the tali#cd1 he must be supposed to mean the most favourable chance upon them4 ,but he#ce elsewhere gives us to understand1 that the chance1 which determined that election1 was called ,venus4 ,propertius is somewhat more explicite in assigning the title of this throw1 as above2 and at the same time informs us further1 that the contrary 7and consequently most unlucky7 one was termed canes4 ,me quoque per talos ,venerem qurente secundos1 ,semper damnosi subsiluere canes#cf4 ,now it seems to be agreed among the antiquaries1 #cgthat canis on the tali was unity3 and indeed this opinion is countenanced by ,persius#ch1 who contrasts canicula with senio4 ,if this be admitted1 then the canes of ,propertius must have been the chance1 wherein all 7or at least the greater number of7 the tali came up 7as we should express it7 aces4 ,there have been several other conjectures proposed by learned writers upon this subject1 which ,i choose to omit1 for want of proper authorities from the classics to ascertain them4 ,this is likewise the case with regard to the rules observed by the ancient ,romans at this diversion4 ,it is not at all improbable1 that as we have several species of games upon the same set of dice1 cards1 c4 so they might have the same variety on the tali3 and if there were any laws established by custom for the regulation of this game in public1 yet private parties might be at liberty to innovate at pleasure1 and agree upon whatever terms of play were most agreeable to their inclinations or circumstances4 ,in this light 7according to #ci;,erasmus7 we are to consider the account1 which ,augustus gives of himself and his friends1 in an epistle to ,tiberius#dj3 ,inter cnam lusimus heri et hodie3 talis enim jactatis1 ut quisque canem aut senionem miserat1 in singulos talos singulos denarios conferebat1 quos tollebat universos1 qui ,venerem jecerat4 ,and it is obvious to remark1 that 7upon this hypothesis7 the critics1 perhaps1 need not have been so much embarassed 7as we find they have been7 in endeavouring to reconcile this passage of ,suetonius with that other of ,persius#da produced above4 ,i shall conclude with noting1 that in order to prevent any fraud or slight of hand in managing the tali1 it was usual to put them into a box#db1 and1 after shaking them together1 to throw them out upon a table4 ,thus ,martial introduces one of these turricul1 as recommending its own usefulness for the purpose above-mentioned3 ,qurit compositos manus improba mittere talos1 ,qui per me mittit1 nil nisi vota facit#dc4 ,however1 this caution does not seem to have been so universally observed1 but that sometimes1 viz4 when the party consisted of ladies1 it was 7,i presume1 for a reason greatly to their honour7 superseded4 ,thus1 in one of the first paintings found at ,herculaneum1 and now in the royal apartments at ,portici1 we see a young female figure exhibited1 as playing at this game1 with one or more of the tali lying upon the back part of her hand1 while the rest appear as having fallen off from thence towards the floor4 ,,ii4 ,a rule with four joints1 each of which contained about #e inches #i-tenths of our measure4 ,i think there was another in two parts1 which answered to the same proportion4 ,,iii4 ,a weight1 inscribed on one side ,,eme1 and on the other ,,habebis4 ,,iv4 ,a small bolla d'oro1 which 7after that in the late ,dr4 ,middleton's collection1 and another preserved at ,rome7 is the third known to be extant in ,europe4 ,as this ornament was worn by so great a number of young persons at ,rome1 and made of gold1 which is so capable of resisting the injuries of the weather1 moisture1 c4 one cannot but wonder at the extreme scarcity of these monuments in the cabinets of the curious4 ,the most probable way of accounting for this 7according to #dd;,dr4 ,middleton7 is1 that the value of the materials1 of which these bull were made1 induced the poor labourers1 as soon as they had found one1 to sell it to the first goldsmith they met with for its real value 7however small it might be71 by weight4 ,v4 ,a little figure like a ,faunus1 excepting that about the head it had something of the character of the minotaur1 viz4 large curls upon the forehead1 and several muscular protuberances1 or tori1 under the throat4 ,,vi4 ,a figure in relievo of a man sitting with a bowl in his hand1 which has been thought a ,socrates4 ,and indeed the features of the face bear a striking resemblance to those of that sage expressed in ancient monuments2 as the bowl might properly refer to the well-known circumstance of his death4 ,but the other insignia are not so suitable to the character of the subject1 as one could wish3 for he holds1 partly in his hand1 and partly under his arm1 a short staff full of knots1 and curved at the end like a shepherd's crook1 such as we find borne by satyrs in some ,bacchanalian pieces3 and the skin of a beast appears hanging from the seat of his chair4 ,,vii4 ,an antique painting of a muse with a capsula near her containing some volumes1 from which hang labels showing the titles of the works4 ,the same representation appears in another painting kept in a different part of the palace4 ,signor ,paderni observed to me1 that these remains would help the curious to form a more certain idea of the manner in which the ancients affixed titles to their volumes1 than they have hitherto been able to obtain4 ,the most complete description1 that ,i can recollect1 of an ancient book1 with its appurtenances and decorations1 is that of ,martial addressed to one of his own4 ,faustini fugis in sinum8 ,sapisti4 ,cedro nunc licet ambules perunctus1 ,et frontis gemino decens honore ,pictis luxurieris umbilicis3 ,et te purpura delicata velet1 ,et cocco rubeat superbus index4 ,l4 iii4 ep4 #b4 ,the superbus index in the last verse1 curiously illuminated with scarlet1 was undoubtedly the title of the book2 but to what part of it it was annexed has hitherto been difficult to ascertain3 for as 7according to the paintings under consideration7 it was inscribed on a detached piece of paper or parchment1 it must soon have been lost from the book2 especialty if the latter had suffered by damps1 or any other injuries similar to those1 that have affected the volumes found in ,herculaneum1 of which not only the title1 but even the ends of the umbilici1 tho' consisting of more solid materials1 as horn1 ivory1 c4 are intirely destroyed3 so that no light could be had from the original antiquities with relation to this point4 ,the only means1 whereby the connoisseurs could form any conjectures in this case1 must have been1 ,i presume1 from the fashion of books among the ancients1 viz4 their being long scrolls rolled round upon a stick with ornaments at each end1 as described in the epigram produced above4 ,this form required1 that the books should be laid at their length upon the shelves1 where they were deposited with either their side1 or one of their ends1 appearing outwardly4 ,now of these two positions the latter1 which exposed the extremity of the umbilicus to view1 might be thought 7all circumstances duly considered7 the most convenient4 ,to this part therefore it might with probability be conjectured1 that the index or title was fastened2 but the paintings mentioned above plainly demonstrate1 that it actually was so4 ,mons4 ,dacier says#de1 that the titles of books were anciently inscribed upon the leathern covers1 wherein they were wrapt1 and which1 by the means of thongs fastened to them1 kept the volumes close and compact together4 ,if that learned gentleman had supported this fact by proper evidences1 then it must have been concluded1 upon the joint authority of such evidences1 and of the antiquities under consideration1 that the practice of the ancients was1 besides the title on the sides of the volume1 to affix another on a label at one of its extremities4 ,and indeed this additional notation 7whatever we determine concerning its usefulness1 while the books lay on a shelf in a library7 must have been very necessary1 when such books stood upright in a capsula 7like those in the painting before us71 where no part of them1 but one end alone1 could possibly be seen4 ,,viii4 ,some pieces of fine paper1 coloured red on one side1 and black on the other1 found upon the breast of a skeleton4 ,signor ,paderni told me1 that they had been viewed with great admiration by such of the virtuosi1 as he had shewn them to2 and that their admiration proceeded from those fragments appearing not to be of the charta papyracea1 but of that of silk1 cotton1 or linen4 ,and indeed1 if they should prove to have been made of any of the materials last mentioned1 it would contradict the generally received opinion 7according to #df,montfaucon71 that paper of silk or cotton1 denoted by the common appellation of charta bombycina1 was first found out in the #ith century2 as that composed of linen rags 7ex linteolis contritis et aqu maceratis1 as ,pancirollus#dg expresses it7 was about the #abth2 and that the former supplied the place of the charta papyracea in the east1 as the latter superseded the use of it in the western parts of the world4 ,,ix4 ,a flat piece of white glass1 taken off from towards the extremity of the sheet1 as appears from the curvature and protuberant thickness of one of its sides above the other parts4 ,i have several observations by me1 with regard to this fragment1 which ,i have not yet had leisure to digest4 ,i shall therefore proceed to the other parts of this collection4 99 99 99 99 99 ,to enter into a detail of the paintings found at ,herculaneum1 and deposited in a different part of the palace at ,portici1 would be tedious1 as their number1 when ,i saw them1 exceeded #hjj2 and it would be superfluous1 as the principal of them will soon make their appearance in the world by prints taken from them1 and executed in a manner1 which 7as far as ,i could judge by the specimens shewn me7 will in no-wise discredit the originals1 ,i shall therefore only mention two of them1 viz4 ,i4 ,theseus with the ,minotaur dead1 and lying on his back at his feet1 while several ,athenian youths are embracing the knees1 and kissing the hand1 of their deliverer4 ,we may observe1 that the fabulous being above-mentioned appears in this piece with the intire body of a man1 and only the head of a bull1 which agrees with the manner1 in which he is represented in an antique sardonyx of ,greek sculpture in the cabinet at ,vienna1 and in most of the works of the ancient artists4 ,tho' ,i have by me the copy of an antique gem1 wherein the ,minotaur is exhibited as standing in the center of the famous labyrinth1 and having below the body of a bull as far as to the waist1 and from thence upwards an human form3 which representation is further countenanced by ,ovid1 who describes that monster1 as ,semibovemque virum1 semivirumque bovem4 ,art4 ,am4 ,l4 ii4 v4 #ab4 ,,ii4 ,chiron and ,achilles4 ,the latter of these is standing1 and has a plectrum in his right hand3 the former seems to embrace his noble pupil with his left arm1 and with his right hand to strike the lyre1 as teaching him to play upon that instrument4 ,but the most remarkable circumstance in the figure of ,chiron is his reposing his hinder parts on his left haunch upon the ground4 ,yet this attitude1 as well as the other particulars mentioned above1 is expressed in an antique gem1 of which ,i have seen a copy at ,rome4 99 99 99 99 99 ,i shall conclude this paper with an account of the statues1 which stand in several rooms adjoining to the unfinished part of the palace1 and were found 7as to the far greater number7 at or near ,herculaneum4 ,in the ,first ,room4 ,an equestrian marble statue of ,m4 ,nonius ,balbus the elder1 which is intended to be placed in a large entrance on the east side of the palace1 to answer to that of his son1 which is already set up on the other side1 facing the bay of ,naples4 ,in the ,second4 ,nero and ,germanicus1 considerably larger than the life1 but squeezed somewhat flat by the weight of the lava1 or other ruins1 with which they were once overwhelmed4 ,a man in a sacrificing habit4 ,two others in the toga1 and two women in the palla4 ,all these are of bronze4 ,statues of marble deposited here are the following1 viz4 ,at the entrance1 a matron larger than nature1 with strong expression in her face4 ,two colossal trunks in a sitting posture4 ,three statues of one of the ,agrippina's4 ,a ,roman matron1 or empress1 with remains of red painting on the extremities of her palla4 ,three other matrons4 ,in the ,third ,room4 ,bacchus4 ,a muse4 ,a fragment of a statue in the pallium4 ,a fine statua togata with the head veiled1 larger than the life4 ,another very remarkable figure1 whose face resembles in beauty that commonly attributed to ,venus1 tho' the dress and other insignia plainly indicate a ,pallas3 for her head is covered with an helmet1 below which her hair falls down long and dishevelled4 ,her left arm is enveloped with her gis1 which is large and expanded1 so as to form a kind of mantle4 ,her garments are thin1 and fit close to her body in strait plaits4 ,she is in a posture of running1 or striding1 with her feet at a considerable distance from each other1 and her arms extended different ways2 an attitude strongly marking the utmost eagerness and haste4 ,next appears a ,vertumnus4 ,a fine figure of a philosopher4 ,volumnia and ,veturius4 ,a lady with a thin stola4 ,a ,venus4 ,a boy of exquisite workmanship4 ,a small statua togata4 ,in another part is a ,faun of bronze1 reclined1 with his right hand lifted up1 and his leg extended4 ,this figure 7as we were informed7 was found accompanied with seven others of the same metal1 which now stand in another chamber1 viz4 two young men in a running a posture2 four females somewhat resembling vestals in their habit1 excepting that all their heads were uncovered1 and those of two of them were adorned with vitt1 or filets4 ,lastly1 a young man of a small size1 cloathed1 with his arms somewhat extended4 ,there remains but one more figure to be taken notice of in this collection1 viz4 that of ,serapis1 with ,cerberus at his right hand4 ,ancient writers#dh enable us to account for this appearance1 by informing us1 that ,serapis 7besides his other characters of sculapius1 ,sol1 ,osiris1 and ,jupiter7 was accounted the same as ,dis ,pater1 or ,pluto4 ,upon this hypothesis none can doubt of the propriety of ,cerberus's attending upon this deity in the figure before us1 as well as in three others given us by ,montfaucon#di4 ,if we desire to enter into the mystical reason of this representation1 we may learn it from ,porphyry1 viz4 that ,serapis#ej1 being the same as ,pluto1 had dominion over the evil dmons2 and that those beings were figured by a dog with three heads2 meaning the dmon subsisting in the three elements of water1 earth1 and air4 ,give me leave to add further1 that ,i find1 by my journal1 that upon viewing this figure1 ,i took notice of a dissimilitude in the heads of it3 but as it did not then occur to me1 that they were ever expressed in any other form than the canine1 ,i did not examine minutely into the difference3 but1 upon recollection1 ,i am now inclined to think1 that that monster might have the heads of three several animals in this piece1 as he has in another1 given us by #ea,montfaucon3 which mode of exhibiting him was 7according to that learned#eb antiquary7 invented by the ,egyptians2 a circumstance not to be wondered at in a people1 whose imagination teemed so plentifully with monstrous ideas of all kinds1 as theirs is known to have done4 ,to the same original we may refer the serpent twisting round ,cerberus in this monument2 as we see two of the same species encircling his heads and body in that mentioned above#ec4 ,as ,i know no particular relation1 that the serpent bears to ,serapis1 considered as ,pluto1 ,i can regard it here only as a sacred symbol in the theology of the ancient ,egyptians2 and1 as such1 properly attributed to an attendant of one of their chief divinities4 ,i shall trouble you but with one more observation upon this article1 viz4 that 7if ,i may trust my memory for a particular omitted in my notes7 this is the statue1 which being the principal one found in an ancient magnificent building discovered about seven years ago at #ed,pozzuoli 7in conjunction with other circumstances7 occasioned it to be called ,the ,temple of ,serapis4 ,as this place seemed greatly to merit the attention of the curious in antiquity1 we procured a plan of it1 drawn by a native1 who has free access to it and 7if ,i thought it would be acceptable to that learned ,society1 of which ,i have the honour to be a member7 the said plan should wait upon them1 accompanied with some observations upon it by1 ,,sir1 ,your most obedient1 humble ,servant ,john ,nixon4 ,london4 ,feb4 #bd4 #ageg4 ,p4,s4 ,a long room is designed to be fitted up in the ,king's palace at ,portici1 for the reception of all the antiquities found at ,herculaneum1 c4 ,this apartment will be lighted by thirteen windows on the side towards the ,cortile1 and adorned with forty columns1 partly of verde antique1 partly of alabaster with brownish veins1 and other beautiful marbles1 found in divers parts of the ,king's dominions4 ,between every two of these columns will be placed a group1 statue1 or bust4 ,the compartments in the walls will contain the ancient paintings4 ,the other curiosities are to be deposited in cases made for that purpose2 and the pavement will consist intirely of the finest pieces of ,mosaic work1 that have been found in ,herculaneum1 or any places within the ,neapolitan state4 ,,xiv4 ,an ,account of the ,effects of a ,storm of ,thunder and ,lightning1 in the ,parishes of ,looe and ,lanreath1 in the ,county of ,cornwall1 on the #bgth ,day of ,june1 #agef4 ,communicated to the ,rev4 ,jeremiah ,milles1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 in two ,letters1 one from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,dyer1 ,minister of ,looe1 and the other from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,milles1 ,vicar of ,duloe1 in ,cornwall4 ,read ,feb4 #bd1 #ageg4 ,,on ,sunday the #bgth of ,june last it grew on a sudden as dark as a winter evening3 soon after1 the lightning began to flash1 and the thunder to roar4 ,the claps were near1 and extremely loud2 and the lightning was more like darting flames of fire1 than flames of enkindled vapour4 ,happily no damage was done to the town of ,looe1 which lies very low2 but at ,bucklawren1 a village situated on the top of a hill1 about two miles from hence1 a farm-house was shattered in a most surprising manner4 ,the house fronts the south4 ,the windows of the hall and parlour1 and of the chambers over them1 which are in the front of the house1 are sashed4 ,the dairy window is the only one on the west side of the house4 ,the chimnies are on the north side2 and at the south-west corner there is a row of old elms on a line with the front1 the nearest of which is ten feet distant from the house4 ,the lightning seems to have had a direction from the south-west to the north-east4 ,it first struck the bevilled roof of the south-west corner1 near the eaves of the house2 made a large breach1 and tore up the floor of the garret1 near the place where it entered1 and descended by the west wall1 in oblique lines1 into the chamber over the parlour2 but not having sufficient vent that way1 it darted in a line from ,s4,w4 to ,n4,e4 against the north wall of the garret1 where meeting with resistance1 it broke down the floor near the north wall many feet wide1 and carrying the ceiling of the parlour-chamber before it1 ran down by the wall of that room in direct lines4 ,where it descended on the west and north walls it made large and deep furrows in the plaister1 and even tore out the stones and mortar4 ,a large splinter was struck off from the bed-post contiguous to the north wall1 and the bed was set on fire4 ,the chimney-piece was broken into many parts2 the window-frame was moved out of the wall1 every pane of glass was broken1 the under sash was torn in pieces1 and a large piece of the chimney-board was thrown out of the window against an opposite garden wall1 about #bj feet from the house4 ,as the lightning shot thro' the window1 it found a small cavity between the wall and the slating with which the wall is covered1 where it burst off the slates as far as it continued in a direct line downward1 and threw them at a great distance from the house4 ,notwithstanding this dreadful havock1 the force of the lightning was not spent2 the window gave it not a sufficient discharge4 ,from the chamber over the parlour1 it descended by the north wall to the room under it1 which is wainscotted1 tore off the cornice the whole breadth of the room1 and some mouldings from the wainscot2 broke the glasses and ,delft ware in the beauffet2 shivered the shelves of a bottle-room2 and1 ripping off a small stock-lock from the door1 burst it open1 and made its way chiefly thro' the window1 the frame of which was moved from the wall1 and the glass shattered to pieces4 ,near the bottle-room there was a hole struck in the partition-wainscotting1 which divides the parlour from the hall1 about eight inches long and an inch broad3 through this crevice the lightning entered the hall1 which serves at present for a kitchen1 and meeting with some pewter in its way1 it flung it from the shelf about the room2 threw down a large iron bar1 that stood in a corner and which seemed to have a trembling and desultory motion2 carried the tongs into the chimney1 and threw a tea-kettle1 that stood there1 into the middle of the floor2 moved a large brass pot out of its place1 which was under a table2 and then darted thro' the windows1 carrying away a pane of glass intire out of the upper sash to the distance of many feet4 ,the mistress of the house and her son were sitting at this window4 ,they were the only persons in the house1 and providentially received no hurt4 ,some part of the lightning found a way between the door and door-case of the hall4 ,the door is pannelled3 and the lightning1 in passing thro'1 penetrated into a close mortise1 and split off a large splinter from the outside of the door1 close to the tenon4 ,in its course it left a smoaky tinge on the wall and timber1 like that of fired gunpowder4 ,a sulphureous smell remained in the house many hours4 ,another 7or probably a part of the same7 flash of lightning struck the dairy window1 melted the lead1 and burnt the glass where it penetrated1 and set the window-frame on fire4 ,from thence it darted in a line from ,s4,w4 to ,n4,e4 downward1 made a large hole in a plaistered partition near the floor into the barn1 shattered a large paving rag-stone in pieces1 and tearing up the ground1 ,i suppose1 sunk into the earth4 ,the elms were affected with the lightning1 particularly that nearest the house1 from the top of which to the root appeared large furrows in the moss1 which grew on the bark1 in some places in an irregular spiral1 but for the most part in a perpendicular line2 and from the root of it the ground was torn up in furrows1 as if done with a plough-share1 about six feet long1 the furrows gradually lessening according to their distance from the tree4 ,all this was done instantaneously4 ,how amazingly swift1 subtle1 and powerful is the force of lightning6 ,i am1 ,reverend ,sir1 ,your most obedient ,servant1 ,james ,dyer4 ,a ,letter from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,milles on the same ,subject4 ,,about four of the clock on ,sunday afternoon1 the same day that the lightning struck the farm-house at ,bucklawren1 it fell upon another house called ,pelyne1 in the parish of ,lanreath1 about six miles distant4 ,the house fronts the east4 ,the chimney1 which is at the north end1 is cracked1 and opened about two or three inches wide1 from the top to the roof1 where it entered the slating thro' a small hole on the eastern side2 forced its way thro' the upper chamber1 where it melted an old copper skillet1 a pair of sheepshears1 and some odd brass buckles and candlesticks that lay on the wall2 consumed the laths adjoining1 and then made its way thro' a small crevice in the upper part of the window4 ,another and more severe part of the same lightning descended the chimney2 struck two women down who were sitting on each side of it1 without any further hurt2 overturned a long table1 that was placed before the window in the ground room1 upon two men1 who were sitting on the inside1 with their backs towards the window4 ,one of these men was miserably burnt in his right arm4 ,the lightning seems to have struck him a little above the elbow1 making a small orifice about the bigness of a pea2 the burn from thence to the shoulder is near an inch deep4 ,his right thigh was likewise burnt on the inside1 and the outside of his right leg1 from a little below the knee1 quite over the ancle to his toes4 ,both knees were burnt across slightly1 and his left thigh4 ,his shirt-sleeve1 and the upper part of his waistcoat1 were reduced to tinder3 the buckles in his shoes were melted in different parts1 and in different directions4 ,he has not been able to use his arm since2 and is under the care of a surgeon1 who has reduced the wound to a hand's breadth1 which was in the beginning advancing fast towards a mortification4 ,the other man was but slightly wounded4 ,the lightning afterwards found its way thro' the window in three different places2 melted the glass1 leaving a smutty tinge1 like that of fired gunpowder4 ,a boy1 about ten years old1 son to the under-tenant1 was also struck down1 as he was standing at the door1 but not hurt4 ,the father and his daughter felt no ill effects2 but saw the lightning roll on the floor1 and thought the room was on fire4 ,,xv4 ,an ,account of the ,peat-pit near ,newbury in ,berkshire2 in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,john ,collet1 ,m4,d4 to the ,right ,reverend ,richard ,lord ,bishop of ,ossory1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,feb4 #bd1 #ageg4 ,newbury1 ,decemb4 #b1 #agef4 ,my ,lord1 ,,now ,i am mentioning the peat1 ,i beg leave to assure your ,lordship1 that tho' some persons have asserted1 that after the peat has been cut out1 it grows again after some years2 yet this is not true of the peat found here1 none of the peat-pits1 which were formerly dug out1 and have lately been opened again1 affording the least reason to justify such an opinion2 but1 on the contrary1 the marks of the long spade 7with which they cut out the peat7 are still plainly visible all along the sides of the pits1 quite down to the bottom2 and are now as fresh as if made but yesterday1 tho' cut above fifty years ago3 which shews also1 that our peat is of too firm a texture to be pressed together1 and to give way1 so as to fill again the empty pits3 which perhaps may be the case in some of the mosses1 where the pits are found after some years to be filled up again4 ,the town of ,newbury lies north and south1 in the shape of a ,y1 cross a valley2 which valley runs east and west1 and is here about a mile broad1 the river ,kennet running along the middle of it4 ,the peat is found in the middle of this valley1 on each side of the river1 extending in all from between a quarter of a mile to about half a mile in breadth and in length1 along the valley1 about nine miles westward1 and about seven eastward2 and ,i believe much further tho' not yet discovered1 and perhaps with some intermissions4 ,the ground it is found in is meadow land2 and consists chiefly of a whitish kind of earth3 under this lies what they call clob1 being a peat-earth1 compounded of clay1 of a small quantity of earth1 and some true peat3 it is from four to eighteen inches thick2 and where the earth above it is but thin1 it is sometimes full of the roots of plants1 that grow on the surface of the ground3 and if the meadow also be moorish1 the sedge and flags will shoot their roots quite thro' it into the true peat1 which lies directly under this clob4 ,the top of the true peat is found at various depths1 from one foot to eight feet below the surface of the ground2 and the depth or thickness of this peat is also very different1 from one foot to eight or nine feet1 the ground below it being very uneven1 and generally a gravel4 ,my friend ,mr4 ,osgood has dug two feet into this gravel1 to see if any peat lay below it1 but could not find any4 ,the truest and best peat has very little 7if any7 earth in it2 but is a composition of wood1 branches1 twigs1 leaves1 and roots of trees1 with grass1 straw1 plants1 and weeds2 and lying continually in water makes it soft and easy to be cut thro' with a sharp peat-spade4 ,the colour is of a blackish brown2 and if it be chewed between the teeth it is soft1 and has no gritty matter in it1 which the clob has4 ,it is indeed of a different consistence in different places1 some being softer1 and some firmer and harder2 which may perhaps arise from the different sorts of trees it is composed of4 ,to get at the peat1 they first dig up the surface of the ground till they come to the clob1 throwing the earth into the empty pits1 from which they have already cut out the peat3 they then dig up the clob1 and either sell it to the poor for firing1 or lay it in heaps1 to burn to ashes1 to be sold to the farmers4 ,then they cut out the true peat1 with a peculiar kind of spade1 in long pieces1 vulgarly called long squares1 about three inches and a half broad every way1 and four feet long1 if the thickness of the peat will allow that length3 and as they cut it out in long pieces1 they lay them in a regular order carefully1 in rows upon the ground1 to be dried by the sun and wind4 ,if the peat be thick1 when they have cut one length of the spade for some distance1 they return again1 and cut down another length of it 7or four feet71 and so on1 till they reach the gravelly bottom1 if they can sufficiently drain it of the water1 which continually comes in1 tho' proper persons are employed to pump out as much of the water as they can all the time4 ,as the peat dries1 and is turned by persons appointed for that purpose1 to dry it the better1 it breaks into smaller lengths1 and then it serves not only the poor2 but many other persons1 for firing1 and gives a good heat4 ,it is sold for about ten shillings a waggon-load1 delivered at their houses in the town4 ,the ashes also prove very good manure for both grass and arable land2 and the farmers give from four pence to six pence a bushel for them1 which renders this firing very cheap4 ,great numbers of trees are plainly visible in the true peat1 lying irregularly one upon another2 and sometimes even cart-loads of them have been taken out1 and dried for firing3 but the nearer these trees lie to the surface of the ground1 the less sound is the wood3 and sometimes the small twigs1 which lie at the bottom1 are so firm1 as not to be easily cut thro' with the usual peat-spade4 ,these trees are generally oaks1 alders1 willows1 and firs1 besides some others not easily to be known4 ,the small roots are generally perished2 but yet have sufficient signs to shew1 that the trees were torn up by the roots1 and were not cut down1 there being no sign of the ax or saw2 which1 had they been felled1 would have been plainly visible4 ,no acorns are found in the peat1 tho' many cones of the fir-tree are1 and also a great number of nut-shells4 ,they are all of a darkish colour2 and the nuts are hollow within1 and some of them have a hole at the broad end4 ,a great many horns1 heads1 and bones of several kinds of deer1 the horns of the antelope1 the heads and tusks of boars1 the heads of beavers1 c4 are also found in it3 and ,i have been told1 that some human bones have been found2 but ,i never saw any of these myself1 tho' ,i have of all the others4 ,but ,i am assured1 that all these things are generally found at the bottom of the peat1 or very near it4 ,and indeed1 it is always very proper to be well and faithfully informed of the exact depth and place1 where any thing of these kinds is found2 whether it is in the earth above the peat1 or in the clob2 or in the true peat1 or at the bottom of it2 which will greatly assist us in forming a just judgment of the real antiquity of the things that are found1 or at least of the time they have lain there4 ,besides this1 as they formerly used to cut out the peat in large plots here and there1 leaving spaces full of peat between those pits 7whereas now they draw off the greatest part of the water by pumps1 and so clear out all the peat regularly as they go on72 so it must be carefully observed1 whether whatsoever is found here be dug out of these old peat-pits1 or not2 for axes1 and other things1 may have been formerly dropt into these pits1 before they were filled up again with earth1 and may now be dug out of them again4 ,my father has now in his possession an iron hatchet1 not greatly differing from the modern form1 which was found lying flat at the very bottom of the peat3 it was covered with a rust near half an inch thick1 and the handle was to it1 which seemed to be of beech-wood1 but was so soft1 that it broke in bringing it up3 but as the person is dead1 who found it1 ,i can't say whether it lay in an old peat-pit1 or no4 ,mr4 ,osgood found1 some years ago1 an urn1 of a light brown colour1 and large enough to hold above a gallon1 in the true peat about eight or ten feet from the river1 near a mile and a half west of this town1 in ,speen-moor4 ,it lay about four feet below the level of the ground1 and about one foot within the peat2 and over it was raised an artificial hill1 about eight feet higher than the neighbouring ground2 and as the whole hill consisted of both peat and meadow-ground intermixed together1 it plainly appeared1 that the peat was older than the urn2 and that the persons1 who raised the hill1 must first have dug a large hole in the peat1 to bury the urn there1 and so formed the hill of the peat and meadow-ground mixed together4 ,round the hill1 where the urn lay1 they had made also many half-circular ridges1 with trenches between them1 one beyond another1 in this manner3 ,illustration ,where a is the river1 and c the hill2 and the half circles shew some of the ridges1 the number of which ,mr4 ,osgood has now forgot4 ,the urn was broke by the peat-spade1 and it came up only in small pieces1 so that nothing was found in it2 and no body happened to be there at that time but the peat-cutters4 ,no coins of any sort have been found in the peat4 ,but there may1 perhaps1 be a variety of things at the bottom of it3 but as the peat is always full of water1 which is never quite drained off1 so it is not an easy matter to examine the bottom4 ,i beg leave to assure you1 my ,lord1 that ,i am1 with great respect and esteem1 ,your ,lordship's most obliged1 and obedient humble ,servant1 ,john ,collet4 ,,xvi4 ,an ,account of the ,alterations making in the ,pantheon at ,rome3 ,in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,rome to ,thomas ,hollis1 ,esq2 ,communicated by ,john ,ward1 ,,ll4,d4 ,r4,s4 ,vice-,prs4 ,read ,mar4 #c1 #ageg4 ,a ,project was lately laid before the government by ,paolo ,posi1 an architect1 for modernizing the inside of the ,pantheon1 and unfortunately approved4 ,in consequence of which1 the dome has been already cleaned1 and rough cast2 and the remainder of the lead taken away1 which served as a lining to the silver work1 that originally covered it4 ,the vestiges of the cornices1 and other ornaments of the silver work1 were still discernible in the lead1 which was fastened by very large iron nails4 ,all this was effected by a moveable scaffold1 that was fixed to the bronze cornice of the open circle above1 whereby the temple is illuminated1 and descended to the cornice of the ,attic order1 being as curious in the contrivance1 as detestable for the purposes intended by it4 ,it is true1 we could not before see the dome in its pristine glory2 but we had the satisfaction of viewing the traces and remains of what it had been4 ,nor could the adepts in architecture sufficiently admire the skill and sagacity of the builder1 who1 composing it of a number of small arches1 which together formed a kind of net-work1 and filling up the intervals between with pumice-stones and mortar1 gave it that strength and lightness1 whereby it has probably stood so many ages4 ,the evil would be comparatively small1 had the project extended no farther1 than what has been related2 but they are now busy in removing the ,attic order1 to make room for a new invention1 suitable to the trifling taste1 which at this day prevails4 ,and not content with that1 they think of taking away the ancient pavement2 and1 what is still worse1 its peculiar beauty1 the open circle at the top1 to place a lanthorn instead of it1 as is usual in modern cupola's4 ,you had the good fortune1 ,sir1 to view this remarkable temple1 in that state1 wherein it was left by the ancient barbarians3 but those1 who see it hereafter1 will find it in a much more deplorable condition1 stripped of its precious marbles and ornaments2 and so disguised by modern alterations1 that the noble form given it by ,agrippa will be no longer distinguishable4 ,it is said ,il ,signor ,j4,b4 ,piranesi1 the architect1 who published the antiquities of ,rome1 and divers ingenious works of that kind1 has taken accurate plans of the ,attic order1 and every other particular relating to it4 ,these he proposes to engrave and publish1 with exact explanations annexed to them2 together with a plan of the whole1 as he believes it appeared in its original splendor and perfection2 that posterity may not be deprived of informations1 which are of so great benefit and importance to all lovers of architecture4 ,it is also said1 that the engineer carpenter1 who invented the scaffolding1 has made an exact model of it for him2 which he intends to publish as a part of the work before-mentioned4 ,,xvii4 ,an ,account of a new medicinal ,well1 lately discovered near ,moffat1 in ,annandale1 in the ,county of ,dumfries4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,walker1 of ,borgue-,house1 near ,kirkudbright1 in ,scotland4 ,read ,feb4 #aj1 ,mar4 #c1 #ageg4 ,,this mineral spring was found out by one ,mr ,williamson1 a few years ago1 when he was overseeing a mine1 which was at that time carrying on in its neighbourhood4 ,it is situate about four miles distant from ,moffat1 in the bottom of a deep scar1 which is on the west side of a large mountain called ,hartfell1 from which it has acquired the name of ,hartfell-spaw4 ,this scar is a part of the mountain1 thro' which a small stream of water has worn its way to a considerable depth2 by which it has laid open1 and exposed to view1 the strata of the earth on each side3 and in the bottom of this scar1 and near to the brink of this small brook1 the mineral water springs up4 ,when ,i saw it1 it consisted of two springs1 which were very well ordered by ,mr4 ,williamson1 so as to run from two wooden spouts1 immediately at their rise out of the earth2 which indeed must be of very great advantage to all mineral waters2 and ,i am persuaded there are many1 whose medical qualities are greatly impaired by falling into reservoirs1 and continuing in them for some time after they spring from the earth4 ,the one of these springs was situate about ten or twelve yards farther up the brook than the other2 and they were then distinguished by the names of the upper and lower spring3 but ,i have been since informed1 that their situation is now altered4 ,each of these springs did at that time run nearly the same quantity of water1 which1 as ,i thought1 was above an ,english quart in a minute1 and that during a season of very dry weather4 ,as there are many instances of mineral waters springing out of the earth very near each other1 which at the same time are impregnated with very different principles2 it therefore seemed not at all improbable1 that as these waters did appear to run1 for some part of their course1 in different channels1 they might in some respects be different from each other4 ,and this suspicion ,i found not to be altogether groundless with regard to these springs1 as will be shewn afterwards4 ,for which reason it may be observed1 that the following trials were all made upon the water of the upper fountain1 except where the other is particularly mentioned2 and also that they were made within #bd hours after the water was taken from the spring1 being carried to ,moffat in bottles carefully sealed4 ,according to what may be inferred from the following experiments1 it may be premised1 that this water appears to contain in it a large proportion of iron1 but in two different forms2 and an aluminous salt1 which is conjoined with a terrestrial principle4 ,as the contents of several mineral waters have been the cause of many different opinions1 and of great disputes among physicians and chymists2 as the inquiry ,i made into the principles of these waters1 which ,i am now considering1 was not performed with that nicety and exactness ,i could have wished2 and as ,i am persuaded1 that to dogmatize in any branch of philosophy can never tend to its advancement2 ,i shall not therefore pretend to determine with certainty in any part of this subject1 where the contrary opinion can be admitted with the least degree of probability4 ,these trials are indeed but few and imperfect1 and are no-way sufficient to form an exact account of this mineral water2 yet ,i believe they may afford some conclusions1 which may be serviceable in compiling a more compleat history of it4 ,they render it pretty evident1 that the above-mentioned principles are contained in these waters3 and tho' ,i will not pretend absolutely to exclude all others1 yet ,i must say1 that1 by what inquiry ,i made1 ,i could not observe them to be in the least impregnated with any other kind of mineral substance4 ,after a good deal of observation upon the water of this ,spaw2 and after many fruitless attempts1 which ,i have at different times made upon several other waters of the chalybeat kind in ,scotland1 in quest of the volatile spirit1 which has been commonly attributed to them2 ,i must own1 that ,i have been induced to think1 that there is no such thing exists in these waters at all4 ,what has been generally called the spirit of steel waters1 seems to me to be very unintelligible2 altho' the existence of it in these waters has been asserted by all the writers on this subject1 which ,i have yet had occasion to see4 ,the spirit of a mixed body is commonly taken to be a subtile1 penetrating1 light1 and volatile substance1 more susceptible of motion than any other of its parts1 and most easily separable from them by avolation4 ,but that any chalybeat water contains such a substance1 ,i think has never been made evident1 unless where the water has been found to be impregnated with some other mineral principles4 ,some steel waters1 ,i believe1 contain a large proportion of air1 whose elasticity may occasion it to break forth with an explosive force2 some others there are1 which contain a volatile and sulphureous halitus2 and to one or other of these two causes1 or to some other mineral principle1 ,i think most of the phnomena may be referred1 which have been attributed to a ferrugineous or vitriolic volatile spirit4 ,as the first thing observable in a mineral water is its outward form1 we must therefore take notice1 that the water of this ,spaw equals the clearest spring-water in transparency2 and is likewise as free of any colour or odour3 yet its taste is very strong1 and may be discerned to be compounded of a sweet1 subacid1 and astringent taste4 ,its sweetness and acidity appear sensibly to arise from alum2 and its high styptic and astringent taste does as evidently proceed from that mineral salt1 joined with some earthy or ferrugineous parts4 ,i must likewise observe1 that when ,i first compared the taste of these two springs1 ,i could plainly discern1 that the water of the lower spring was more acid1 and less astringent1 than that of the upper one2 and1 on the contrary1 the water of the upper spring seemed more astringent1 and less acid4 ,this induced me to think1 that the mineral parts1 which caused the acid and astringent tastes1 were mixed in the waters of these two springs in different proportions4 ,and what ,i observed of them afterwards still confirmed this conjecture4 ,but1 in order to give some evidence for the existence of the above-mentioned minerals in the waters of these springs1 we shall consider them separately1 by relating the experiments1 which seemed to indicate1 that they are contained in these waters in a very considerable proportion1 and by offering some conclusions1 which may be reasonably drawn from them4 ,and as the first trials were made in quest of iron1 it may perhaps be most proper to consider it in the first place4 ,experiment #a4 ,some pieces of galls being added to equal quantities of the water of the two springs1 an exceeding deep and bright blue colour was immediately produced in the water of the upper spring1 which in a little time turned to a perfect black4 ,the water of the lower spring1 tho' indeed it was turned of the same colour1 yet was not of so deep a shade1 but was somewhat lighter than the former4 ,the tincture of galls caused the same appearances4 #b4 ,a tincture of balaustine-flowers produced the above blue colours in both waters4 #c4 ,a quantity of the water being thoroughly tinged with galls1 was allowed to stand #bd hours3 being then filtrated thro' brown paper1 the water1 tho' almost quite colourless1 would not again receive any tincture with galls4 #d4 ,after elixation the water became of a turbid yellow colour with ochre1 and afforded very little tincture with galls4 #e4 ,a solution of sal ,martis1 chemically prepared1 being mixed with galls1 immediately turned of a bright dark blue colour1 exactly similar to that produced in the water4 #f4 ,a solution of common and rock alum was no-ways changed in its colour with galls4 #g4 ,a solution of sal ,martis and alum being mixed in equal quantities1 the mixture was turned of a bright blue colour with galls2 yet not of so deep a hue1 but of a more diluted colour than the solution of sal ,martis1 without alum4 ,from these experiments we must first of all observe1 that the colour1 which these waters afford with galls and pomegranate-flowers1 is very uncommon4 ,the more iron1 that any mineral water contains1 it will afford the deeper colour with such astringents3 but tho' ,i have tried this experiment upon a great many of the ferrugineous waters in ,scotland1 and also upon the waters of some of the foreign ,spaws1 ,i never observed one1 that afforded so deep a colour as this1 which we now consider4 ,some of the weakest of them gives only a red or faint purple tincture1 and the strongest only a deep purple3 but ,i never saw or heard of any chalybeat water1 but this1 either in ,scotland or elsewhere1 that afforded an intense black and inky colour with galls4 ,from which1 ,i think we may venture to conclude1 that the water of this ,spaw contains a far larger proportion of iron than most1 or perhaps than any1 other chalybeat water hitherto discovered3 and for this reason1 ,i dare say1 it will likewise be so much the more preferable to most others in medicinal virtues2 which has indeed already appeared by many surprising cures it has performed1 and which1 ,i am persuaded1 will more fully appear1 when its medicinal effects shall be better known4 ,there must needs be a very great quantity of iron in this water1 when it yields as deep a colour with galls as a strong solution of sal ,martis4 ,i was indeed at first apprehensive1 that this perhaps might not be owing so much to a large and uncommon proportion of chalybeat parts1 as to the commixture of alum1 which ,i judged to be in the water4 ,but we see the contrary appears by these trials3 for alum of itself affords no tincture with astringents1 and1 instead of rendering a solution of sal ,martis with galls of a more intense colour1 rather makes it lighter and more diluted4 ,we see here1 that the ferrugineous matter is intirely separated from the water by an infusion of galls4 ,the like also happens by elixation2 after which it is almost deprived of its tinging quality4 ,yet other chalybeat waters lose this quality by much less degree of heat4 ,as there is an ochrous earth separated from all steel waters1 when exposed to the air1 which subsides to the bottom1 and a metalline scum or cremor1 which swim on their surface2 we shall next consider the appearances1 which they make in this water4 ,exp4 #h4 ,a solution of saccharum ,saturni being dropt into common spring-water1 left the upper parts of the water clear and colourless1 but formed a lactescency towards the bottom4 ,the same solution being added to the mineral water1 soon turned it of a turbid yellow colour1 which afterwards subsided1 and formed a deep yellow cloud in the bottom of the glass2 and below this yellow sediment there adhered to the bottom of the glass a whitish substance1 which ,i took to be the metalline parts of the saccharum ,saturni separated from the purer parts of the salt1 which were still suspended in the water1 and which made it of a muddy whitish colour4 #i4 ,forty drops of oleum tartari per deliquium being added to an ounce of the water1 made it of an uniform light yellow colour2 but in an hour afterwards there were many small yellow terrene nubecul formed in it4 ,these the next day were more conspicuous1 being thoroughly separated from the water1 and precipitated to the bottom1 leaving the water quite clear1 as it was before the mixture4 ,a small quantity of this limpid water being taken1 it would afford no tincture with galls4 ,it was then all poured off1 except so much in the bottom of the glass as contained the above-mentioned clouds3 to this there were some galls added1 which in half an hour turned these clouds from a light yellow to a deep red colour1 but did not change the colour of the water1 in which they swam4 #aj4 ,immediately after the affusion of ol4 tart4 p4d4 to the water1 galls were added to the mixture1 which tinged it of a deep and bright red colour4 ,after standing for some time1 there were red clouds precipitated to the bottom1 and the water continued of a dusky opake red colour4 #aa4 ,there is a small brook1 formerly mentioned1 which runs near by these springs2 into which the water1 that flows from them1 is discharged4 ,i observed the stones and channel of this brook all tinged with ochre of a deep yellow colour1 so far up as the water of these springs flowed into it2 but the channel1 which the mineral water ran over before it was mixed with the water of the brook1 was very little or nothing discoloured with ochre4 ,as ,i conjectured what this was owing to1 ,i afterwards took two equal quantities of the mineral water1 into one of which ,i put an equal quantity of common water4 ,in two hours the mixture became less transparent1 and appeared yellowish1 while the simple mineral water retained its clearness4 ,next day there was much ochre separated from the mixture1 which subsided to the bottom of the glass3 but the unmixed mineral water remained still clear and colourless1 as at first4 ,all chalybeat waters separate their ochrous parts1 when exposed some time to the air2 but this separation is made sooner by the commixture of several kinds of salts4 ,thus we see the ochre in this water is immediately separated and precipitated by the solution of saccharum ,saturni4 ,the oil of tartar causes a precipitation of these ferrugineous parts in the same manner4 ,which parts must be the sole cause1 that the water receives a tincture from galls2 since1 after they are precipitate1 it loses that quality1 which they notwithstanding retain even after they are separated from the water4 ,this precipitation of the ochrous parts of the water were the only visible effects that ,i could perceive to follow from the affusion of the ol4 tart4 p4d4 ,i remember indeed1 when ,i was at ,moffat1 ,i saw the manuscript of ,dr4 ,horsburgh's experiments upon this mineral water2 which appeared to be very accurate2 and which ,i understand are since printed1 in a volume lately published by the ,philosophical ,society at ,edinburgh4 ,amongst these ,i observed one1 which ,i thought so very remarkable1 that ,i particularly adverted to it4 ,it was the effects of the affusion of ol4 tart4 p4d4 to the water1 producing in it clouds1 or a coagulation of a green or grass-green colour4 ,i think these were the words2 and ,i own ,i was something surprised at them4 ,a solution of vitriolum ,martis1 mixed with this alkaline oil1 does indeed produce a green coagulum3 but ,i could scarcely think1 that this1 or any other chalybeat water1 contained so large a proportion of that vitriol1 as to be sufficient to produce these effects1 when ,i considered1 that so many writers1 which ,i had seen1 upon this subject1 have all failed in their attempts of extracting a conspicuous martial vitriol from such mineral waters4 ,i had tried this experiment upon four or five chalybeat springs in ,scotland1 and likewise upon the ,spa and ,pyrmont waters1 which had been well preserved2 but there never resulted any such effects from the mixture of these with oil of tartar1 as are related in the above experiment4 ,all the alteration it produced in these waters was the precipitation of an ochrous earth1 but without the least appearance of any green colour4 ,as ,i looked upon this as a leading experiment in the history of vitriolic waters2 as ,i had often tried it1 and as often seen the green coagulum produced with the solution of the factitious vitriol1 and never could observe it produced in any of the above water2 ,i began to suspect1 that these waters were either not possessed of a vitriolic salt at all1 or else1 that it was in some respects very different from the factitious vitriol4 ,for these reasons1 ,dr4 ,horsburgh's experiment appeared very extraordinary2 tho' at the same time ,i was greatly pleased1 that ,i should have the opportunity of repeating it1 and of observing those phnomena in this ferrugineous water1 which ,i had sought for in vain in several others4 ,but when ,i came to make the trial1 ,i was yet more surprised1 when ,i found it misgive1 and that the ol4 tart4 p4d4 produced no green colour or coagulum in this mineral water1 nor caused any other alteration in it1 than the separation of a large quantity of ochrous earth of a yellow colour1 exactly the same with what ,i had observed in the other steel waters4 ,this failure made me immediately conclude1 that ,i had somehow or other committed an error in the experiment3 and tho' ,i was pretty sure1 that the mineral water1 which ,i had used in it1 was quite fresh1 yet ,i could not be so positive as to the oil of tartar1 which ,i suspected to have been long kept4 ,yet that this could have been the cause of my being so unsuccessful1 ,i could scarcely believe1 tho' indeed ,i could assign no other4 ,i was sorry1 that ,i had not afterwards an opportunity of repeating this experiment with more accuracy1 from which ,i might have expected to reap more success1 as it is perhaps one of the most consequence1 that can be performed on this mineral water1 as it is capable of demonstrating the existence of a substantial vitriolum ,martis in it2 which is more than has been hitherto done1 or perhaps ever will be done1 concerning any one of the vast number of chalybeat waters1 which have been yet discovered4 ,when galls are added to the water1 at the same time with oil of tartar1 instead of its deep blue colour1 it affords only a red tincture4 ,it appears from the #aath experiment1 that an addition of common water causes the mineral water to precipitate its ochre2 and the reason of this is obvious3 for if these ochrous parts be altogether terrene1 as they appear to be1 and exist in the water unconnected with any other principle1 then it must happen1 that as these parts are uniformly diffused thro' the water1 in which they are suspended as in a menstruum2 by the addition of common water1 this menstruum being diluted1 the cohesion of these terrene parts must be thereby weakened1 and their contact destroyed2 so that their menstrual equilibrium being thus taken off1 they can be no longer supported in the fluid1 but must be precipitated by the force of their own gravity4 ,exp4 #ab4 ,when the water was exposed for some days to the air1 there was a cremor separated from it of a shining chalybeat colour4 ,this1 like other kinds of cremor1 takes a considerable time to compleat its intire separation from the fluid1 out of which it is expelled3 for when it was despumated1 a new cremor always succeeded1 until the whole quantity1 which the water contained1 was exhausted4 #ac4 ,when this cremor first appeared on the water1 it was of a faint blueish colour2 but as it increased1 it changed into a deeper and more bright shining blue3 and1 after longer standing1 it became blotched with various colours1 as red1 orange1 yellow1 green1 blue1 purple1 and violet4 #ad4 ,a quantity of the water being put in a gentle heat1 this cremor was quickly separated from it1 and appeared on the surface of the water4 ,a like quantity of the water1 with its cremor already upon its surface1 was put over a gentle heat1 which by degrees broke the cremor into very small parts2 but whether they did evaporate1 or precipitate in the water1 ,i could not be certain4 ,but1 by other trials1 this cremor was found to have a great degree of fixity1 bearing a considerable heat without avolation2 yet not without the appearance of some of its parts flying off1 altho' most of them were fixed2 because what remained lost its fine colours1 and was changed into a shining chalybeat colour4 #ae4 ,the water of the lower spring afforded a much less quantity of the cremor1 than the water of the upper spring4 ,it took also a longer time to separate1 was of a blueish colour1 and had not the vivid colours1 which the water of the upper spring shewed4 #af4 ,when ol4 tart4 p4d4 and spirit of sal ammoniac were added to the water1 it did not separate its cremor4 ,this cremor1 which is separated from the water1 is the same with that1 which appears on the surface of a solution of vitriolum ,martis1 when exposed for some time to the air2 and an infusion of iron in common water also emits a cremor of the same kind4 ,i remember1 as ,i was once carefully observing a large glass full of chalybeat water1 which contained much of this cremor2 soon after it was exposed to the air1 ,i observed a tenuious blueish vapour rising in the parts of the water next the surface1 which very much diminished its transparency2 and by degrees this vapour was emitted by the lowest parts of the water3 but as the cremor increased on its surface1 the water became gradually deprived of the blueish tincture1 which it received from this halituous body2 which was apparently nothing else but the parts of the cremor separating from the water1 and ascending upwards4 ,from whence we may conclude1 that this cremor consists of the very finest part of iron attenuated to the highest degree4 ,it has been the opinion of most naturalists1 that these kind of mineral waters do abound in sulphureous parts4 ,this they have conjectured from the foetor1 that often attends them4 ,but in what quantity or form these parts exist in the fluid1 or by what means they can be rendered conspicuous1 has not as yet been sufficiently determined4 ,yet1 ,i think1 we may suspect some of the parts of this cremor to be sulphureous4 ,they are volatile1 and1 being heated1 do fly off from the pure metalline parts1 which being more fixed1 are thereby left destitute of those vivid colours1 which they enjoyed from the sulphureous parts4 ,these are evident marks of sulphur1 and are altogether analogous to some other appearances of that mineral4 ,another observation tending to support this is the want of those vivid colours in the cremor1 which appears on an infusion of iron2 the reason of which seems to be the loss of the sulphureous parts of the chalybeat minerals by avolation1 during the operations of the fire1 which they undergo in refining4 ,it appears from the fifteenth experiment1 that the water of these two springs contains a very different proportion of this cremor3 and from the last1 that it is precipitated along with the ochrous parts1 which happens upon the affusion of these alkaline liquors4 ,the next trials were in quest of alum4 ,exp4 #ag4 ,a quantity of the water being kept for some time in a boiling heat1 and after it was cool being filtred quite clear from its ochrous matter1 it still retained a subacid and aluminous taste in a very strong degree4 #ah4 ,to an ounce of common spring-water there was added two gutts of fresh sweet milk4 ,this mixture being shaken1 the milk mixed intimately with the water1 without any kind of coagulation4 #ai4 ,the same experiment being made with the mineral water1 the milk1 upon its affusion1 was so curdled1 or separated into clouds1 that the greatest shaking could not mix or incorporate it with the water4 #bj4 ,this experiment being also made with a weak solution of alum in spring-water1 its effects upon the milk were not in the least different from those of the mineral water4 #ba4 ,and the same trial being again repeated with the water1 when boiled and filtred from its ochrous parts1 the milk was in the same manner coagulated as before elixation4 #bb4 ,one part of sweet milk being added to four parts of the mineral water1 the milk subsided1 and formed a cloud in the bottom of the glass1 leaving the upper parts of the water clear4 ,this mixture being heartily shaken1 the milk mixed so well with the water1 that it appeared to be but a very little curdled4 #bc4 ,when a larger quantity of milk was added to a smaller quantity of water1 and even when equal parts of the milk and mineral water were mixed and shaken together1 there could be no curdling or coagulation observed4 #bd4 ,an equal quantity of the water and milk being boiled together1 the greatest part of the milk was coagulated into a thick white curd2 and the remainder1 with the mineral water1 turned of a pure white milky colour1 which drank like whey1 and was very agreeable4 #be4 ,eight gutts of sweet milk being added to four ounces of the water1 and the mixture boiled1 part of the milk was thereby curdled1 and swam upon the top of the water4 ,the ochrous parts of the water were likewise separated1 and falling to the bottom1 their colour did not appear of a clear yellow1 as usual1 but was something milky4 ,all these experiments strongly indicate the existence of alum in this water4 ,it retains its aluminous taste1 and coagulates milk1 after the chalybeat parts are almost all expelled by elixation4 ,the coagulation of the milk demonstrates an acidity in the water1 and the other appearances shew that acidity to be owing to an aluminous salt4 ,it appears1 that the milk requires a large quantity of the water1 to make a sensible coagulation in it3 for1 in the #bb;d experiment1 one part of the milk being added to four parts of the mineral water1 the coagulation was scarcely discernible3 and in the #bc;d1 when an equal or larger quantity of milk was added to the water1 the coagulation was not at all observable4 ,i have heard it confidently averred1 that this mineral water did not at all curdle milk2 which1 ,i suppose1 has been thro' a mistake in the experiment1 in adding too large a proportion of milk to the water3 for in this way the coagulation cannot be observed4 ,i imagined1 that when the water was boiled with milk1 the mixture would have become of a muddy yellow colour1 by the separation of the ochre3 but it did not even appear1 that the ochre was at all separated from the mixture1 as it is from the water when boiled by itself4 ,on the contrary1 not only the coagulum1 but also the liquor1 was of a pure white colour1 and of a pleasant taste3 and this makes me think it worth the inquiring into1 whether or not the water does retain its medical qualities after it is prepared in this manner with milk8 ,for1 if it does1 such a preparation might certainly be very serviceable in many cases4 ,these experiments1 which we next relate1 do not only ascertain the existence of alum in the water with greater certainty1 but also1 that there is a particular kind of earth conjoined with this salt4 ,exp4 #bf4 ,an ,english quart of the water being kept boiling for a quarter of an hour1 it turned thick1 muddy1 and yellow1 by the separation of its ochrous parts2 and1 being set to cool in a clean bowl1 the next day all the ochre was subsided to the bottom1 from which the water was carefully filtred3 whereby it became almost as clear and limpid as before the elixation1 retaining a sharp aluminous taste1 but was deprived of the strong ferrugineous taste1 which it had at first4 ,this water was again boiled2 by which means it was again turned a little yellow1 by the separation of some more ochre4 ,it was therefore again filtred1 and rendered clear1 and its aluminous taste was stronger than before4 ,after this filtration1 the water was evaporated in a sand-heat to about a sixteenth part of the original quantity1 and then it tasted like a strong solution of alum joined with a small degree of a chalybeat taste4 ,and this being totally evaporated in a glass1 there adhered upon its sides a pure white salt2 and a larger quantity of the same salt remained in the bottom of the glass1 which was not so white1 but more impure than the former1 and of a brown colour4 #bg4 ,this salt1 thus procured from the water1 being mixed with distilled vinegar and spirit of vitriol1 there was not the least effervescence produced4 #bh4 ,some of the brown-coloured salt being put upon a red-hot iron1 it did neither sparkle nor decrepitate2 but was turned into a blackish cineritious substance1 which in a short time became a white calx4 ,and tho' some of the salt was put upon the iron finely powdered1 yet it concreted1 and run together in a cinder1 whose cohesion was afterwards destroyed when calcined by a further degree of heat4 #bi4 ,as ,i was accidentally deprived of the opportunity of obtaining crystals of this salt1 which would have been the best means of knowing to what species it was to be referred2 ,i dissolved the whole mass in a small quantity of spring-water1 and1 by filtrating this solution1 ,i obtained a large proportion of fine earth of a brown colour4 #cj4 ,this solution of the salt afforded a deep blue tincture with galls4 #ca4 ,the same solution1 being mixed with syrup of violets1 became of a reddish colour4 #cb4 ,saccharum ,saturni being added to the solution1 precipitated a thick lactescent cloud4 #cc4 ,ol4 tart4 p4d4 being also added to this solution1 it caused no visible effervescence1 yet raised some bubbles of air1 and caused a coagulation of many small brown terrene nubecul in the water2 which1 after standing some time1 subsided to the bottom1 and left the water clear4 ,these experiments do plainly evince1 that this water contains an aluminous salt1 conjoined with a fine terrene substance1 which is probably a part of the matrix1 from whence the salt has been formed4 ,this salt gives no signs of any alkaline principle2 but1 on the contrary1 of an acidity1 as its solution reddens with syrup of violets4 ,with this salt there are also intimately conjoined some very subtile chalybeat parts1 which are not separable from it by elixation or evaporation4 ,alum is distinguishable from all other mineral salts1 by liquifying and bubbling upon a red-hot iron1 and turning into a white calx4 ,but this could not be well expected from this aluminous salt1 which we had extracted from the water1 because it was extremely foul1 by being combined with so large a proportion of earth2 which earthy parts were the occasion of turning the salt of a blackish colour upon the iron4 ,however1 we see it turns white by a further degree of heat4 ,but if the salt had been dissolved1 filtrated1 and crystallized1 till it had been purified and freed from this terrene matter1 it would then certainly have had the same appearance upon the red-hot iron1 as a pure aluminous salt4 ,again1 as it is peculiar to an aluminous salt to liquify in some degree with fire1 so we see1 that this was evidently the case of this salt4 ,its eliquation indeed could not be so remarkable1 as in pure alum1 because of its being mixed with so much earth2 but that it did liquify in some degree is plain1 because the whole mass of salt and earth1 even when reduced to a powder1 ran all together like a cinder4 ,the experiment upon the solution of this salt with ol4 tart4 p4d4 is also a further proof of what we have already asserted3 for tho' there was no visible effervescence1 yet the bubbles of air shew1 that there was an intestine conflict of the oil with the acid principle in the solution2 which being absorbed by the alkali1 the earth was precipitated1 to which it formerly adhered4 ,the two next experiments were made in order to discover1 whether an acid or alkaline principle prevailed in the water4 ,exp4 #cd4 ,forty gutts of the syrup of violets being added to an ounce of the water1 the mixture became of a bright sea-green colour4 #ce4 ,a quantity of water being kept boiling for five minutes1 and afterwards allowed to stand till it became clear1 was carefully filtrated from its ochrous sediment3 after which1 upon its mixture with syrup of violets1 it turned of a faint reddish colour4 ,from these experiments we infer1 that this mineral water contains both an alkaline and an acid principle2 the former consisting of the ochrous and ferrugineous parts1 which are separated from the water by elixation2 and the latter of the aluminous salt1 which remains in the water after elixation4 ,the following trials were made in order to know what effects are produced in the water by being exposed to the air2 and in what respects the waters of the two springs differed from each other4 ,exp4 #cg4 ,an ,english quart of the water of each of the springs being fully exposed to the air in two ,china bowls1 the next day that of the under spring was neither altered in its taste1 colour1 or transparency1 nor in any other shape whatever2 but that of the upper spring appeared of a yellowish colour1 altho' it was clear and transparent as the other4 ,on the second day the taste of the waters scarcely appeared to be any way diminished4 ,no sensible change could be observed in the lower water2 but the upper water was become more yellow than it was the day before1 yet without any loss of its transparency4 ,they both tinged of a deep blue colour with galls2 which tinctures appeared equally deep and strong1 as they did before the waters were exposed to the air4 ,the third day the lower water appeared clear and colourless as before1 only its surface was covered with a few small spots of cremor4 ,the upper water appeared more yellowish than formerly1 and its surface was almost wholly covered over with the cremor4 ,they both afforded a tincture with galls1 which was not sensibly different from what they gave before their exposure4 ,on the fourteenth day the water of the under well had precipitated a yellow ochrous sediment1 but the other water a more considerable quantity4 ,a large quantity of cremor continued also to swim upon the surface of the upper water1 but there was very little separated from the water of the under well4 ,both waters being now tried with galls1 instead of the deep blue colour1 which they did formerly exhibit1 they now became only of a deep purple colour4 ,on the twentieth day the visible appearance of both waters was the same as when last observed4 ,on the thirty-eighth day they both afforded as deep a purple colour with galls1 as they did three weeks before2 and during that time also they had not precipitated any more of their ochrous parts1 nor suffered any other sensible alteration4 ,the water of the upper well being filtrated from all the ferrugineous matter1 which it had separated during these thirty-eight days1 was rendered almost as limpid and clear as when newly taken from the well3 but1 being boiled for some time1 it became of a turbid yellow colour2 and being allowed to stand1 it again precipitated abundance of an ochrous sediment2 and being filtrated1 and mixed with galls1 it received a faint purple colour of a blueish hue4 #ch4 ,a bottle of the water of each of these springs1 being carefully sealed1 carried to ,moffat1 and kept for two months1 suffered not the least alteration during that time1 but was as fresh as when immediately taken from the fountain4 ,and ,i am informed1 that after it is carried to ,edinburgh1 and to places at a greater distance1 it will keep a much longer time without being any way spoiled4 ,i believe it will appear from these observations1 that this mineral water continues longer intire1 and particularly that it retains the quality of tinging with galls longer1 than most others of the chalybeat kind3 at least1 of a great number1 which ,i have seen described1 ,i do not remember one1 that retains it near so long1 when exposed to the open air4 ,many of them lose this quality intirely in a few hours2 and it is greatly impaired in the same time1 even in those which retain it longest4 ,but this water1 we see1 remains exposed to the open air for days1 without almost any alteration4 ,this may perhaps be owing either to the larger proportion of ferrugineous parts1 with which it is impregnated2 to their being attenuated to a greater degree2 or to their more perfect commixture with the water1 by means of the aluminous salt4 ,the longer time1 that any mineral water does remain intire1 without any separation of its mineral parts2 or the longer it retains the same form1 which it has when newly taken from the spring2 the more perfect is the commixture of these parts with their fluid vehicle3 and ,i believe1 upon that account1 will be more effectual for medicinal uses3 for which reason1 ,i suppose1 these waters may prove a more beneficial medicine1 than any others of the ferrugineous kind1 whose mineral contents are not so intimately commixed with the aqueous fluid4 ,as these waters are so long in separating their mineral contents1 they appear particularly well adapted for being transported to distant places3 for by this quality they are fitted to undergo a long carriage1 and to be kept a considerable time1 without any diminution of their medicinal virtues4 ,it must also be noticed1 that the water of the under well is by much the best of the two for carriage1 or for being long kept1 as it is longer in separating its mineral contents than the upper one4 ,from these experiments it is evident1 that there is a considerable difference betwixt the waters of the two springs4 ,the upper one contains a much larger quantity of ochrous earth1 and metalline cremor1 than the under one2 which is the reason1 why it yields a deeper colour with galls1 as may be observed in the first experiment4 ,i suspected1 on the other hand1 that the under water contained a greater proportion of alum1 than the water of the upper spring2 but this ,i cannot affirm1 as ,i find ,i had neglected to make the experiment1 which would have determined whether it be so or not4 ,tho' the mineral contents of these two waters be similar1 yet1 if they be thus mixed in them in different proportions1 this must certainly create a difference between them1 which deserves to be attended to1 as it may be sufficient to disallow of their being used promiscuously1 since their medicinal effects may be thereby different4 ,but now1 to sum up the evidence1 which these experiments1 taken all together1 do afford1 concerning the mineral ingredients of this ,spaw2 ,i think they determine1 with some degree of certainty1 that it contains two different principles of iron1 both of which are fixed4 ,the one1 which is the ochrous earth1 is a true minera ferri1 and1 altho' it be a crude mineral1 exists in the water in a very fine and subtile form2 the other1 which is the cremor or pellicle1 whose parts are also extremely attenuated in the water1 appears to be iron1 not in its mineral1 but in its metalline form1 and1 when thrown up upon the surface of the water1 shews itself like an extreme thin lamina of that metal4 ,there seems also to be some small proportion of sulphur joined with the metalline cremor4 ,the other mineral ingredient1 which enters into the composition of this ,spaw1 is a considerable proportion of an aluminous salt1 which is conjoined with a small quantity of a light brown-coloured earth 7probably a part of the matrix whence the salt is formed71 and still more intimately connected with some of the chalybeat parts of the water1 which are not separable from it either by elixation or evaporation4 ,whether these be saline or terrestrial1 ,i cannot determine4 ,having thus endeavoured to discover1 by some plain and simple experiments1 the mineral principles1 with which this medicinal water is impregnated2 ,i shall now only add some observations1 with respect to the origin of steel waters1 and particularly of this ,spaw1 whose origin1 ,i think1 is thereby discovered and ascertained in a very obvious manner4 ,among several things1 that are still deficient in the history of mineral waters2 an exact knowlege of their origin seems to be the chief2 that is1 from what fossils1 and in what manner1 these waters do acquire the mineral substances1 with which they are impregnated4 ,as this happens in the bowels of the earth1 and is therefore far removed from our view1 it is not surprising1 that there has been so little discovered concerning it2 tho' indeed there have been many elaborate hypotheses framed in order to account for it4 ,the writers on mineral waters have been of very different and opposite opinions concerning their origin4 ,they have disagreed widely amongst themselves2 and ,i very much suspect1 that the accounts1 which most of them give of this matter1 are not agreeable to truth3 particularly with respect to chalybeat waters1 ,i have seen none1 who have given a satisfactory account of their origin4 ,they have all agreed1 that iron1 or the vitriol of that metal1 does exist in mineral waters2 but they have never yet agreed1 how they came to exist in them1 or in what manner mineral waters come to be imbued with these fossils4 ,some of the more ancient writers cannot comprehend1 how simple water should be intimately impregnated with so many different kinds of minerals1 except by the means of some powerful agent4 ,and as they thought nothing more proper for communicating and mixing mineral substances with water1 than violent heat1 they therefore termed all mineral waters1 of whatever kind1 by the name of therm4 ,they saw some spring from the earth extremely hot1 others moderately hot1 others tepid1 others excessively cold3 they concluded from this1 that all such various degrees of heat in these waters were owing either to the different degree of subterranean fire1 which they had undergone2 or else to the great distance1 which some of them had run in the earth1 after they had been sufficiently heated4 ,they therefore maintained1 that those waters particularly termed acidul 7the greatest part of which are impregnated with iron71 or those1 which1 tho' intensely cold1 contained a large proportion of mineral matter1 had in some part of the earth been impregnated with it1 by means of an intense heat1 which they had been gradually deprived of by a long passage thro' the colder parts of the earth4 ,some naturalists again1 of a later date1 having exploded the former notion as chimerical1 have thought1 that a vapour rising from vitriolic minerals1 and mixed with the neighbouring streams of water in the bowels of the earth1 has imbued them with some of the parts1 and with the properties1 of vitriol4 ,others are of opinion1 that the exhalations of vitriolic minerals1 passing thro' the cavities of the earth1 are there condensed by the subterraneous cold into a limpid fluid1 containing the very finest parts of that mineral salt3 which fluid1 mixing with the prterlabent streams of water1 and issuing out of the earth with them1 produce those mineral springs called vitriolic4 ,the last opinion ,i shall mention on this subject1 and which indeed appears the most plausible1 is of those1 who think1 that the iron is corroded and dissolved in these waters by means of an acid3 for1 as they imagine simple water incapable of doing this1 they suppose1 that it is first imbued with an acid in the bowels of the earth2 and then1 by the corrosion of the chalybeat minerals1 thro' which it runs1 it comes to be impregnated with them4 ,i once received this opinion1 as the most probable ,i could then observe1 concerning the origin of these springs3 yet not as being satisfactory2 for there are many objections against it1 which it is difficult either to elude or to answer4 ,the supposition of an acidity in ferrugineous waters1 ,i thought but ill confirmed1 because1 upon trial1 they discover no vestiges of it1 but rather appear to be alkaline4 ,besides1 in considering the causes of mineral waters1 it seems more probable1 that whatever minerals they contain1 they must be such1 as can be received or extracted by common water in its passage thro' the earth1 by solution1 abrasion1 or the like simple operations2 and in this way alone ,i think we may come to account not only for the commixtion of the saline and terrene minerals1 which are found in medical waters1 but likewise of those1 that are metalline or sulphureous2 for which simple water1 at first sight1 may perhaps seem to be an insufficient solvent4 ,it was this notion1 that first induced me to make trial upon various mineral and metallic bodies1 in order to know how far they could communicate their virtues to common water by infusion4 ,i thought this might throw some light upon the origin of mineral waters2 yet1 tho' ,i made a great many experiments of this sort1 and particularly upon several kinds of native chalybeat minerals1 ,i was as little satisfied concerning their origin as before4 ,i at length1 however1 met1 by accident1 with what ,i had inquired after with so little success4 ,as ,i happened to be at a gentleman's house near ,edinburgh1 in whose estate there was a great deal of coal1 and who was at that time working a level or adit1 in order to drain off the water1 ,i observed1 that the current of water1 which flowed from this level1 separated a great quantity of ochre1 and1 emptying itself into a river soon after it came from the entry of the level1 tinged all the stones and the channel of the river1 for a good way1 of an ochrous colour4 ,the taste of this water was exactly like that of a common steel ,spaw2 and it afforded a purple colour with galls#ee4 ,as ,i knew1 that this water flowed off a great body of coal1 ,i often infused that fossil1 taken from the pits near this level1 in common water2 but the infusions never yielded any tincture with galls4 ,i tried in the same way another mineral1 that the miners call blaes2 which is a cliffery stratum of a blueish colour1 that often lies both above and below the coal3 also another fossil of a brown colour1 which is very ponderous1 and is called by the miners dogger2 a thin seam of which often lies in the midst of the coal4 ,however1 neither of these would afford an infusion1 that would tinge with galls4 ,at last ,i got another mineral out of these coal-pits1 which is sometimes found amongst the coal1 but is not so frequent as any of the former2 and this fully answered my expectation4 ,it is found either in round or broad pieces1 is exceeding ponderous1 and of a shining yellow colour1 and is called by the miners brass lumps4 ,when ,i infused this mineral for a short time in common water1 it communicated to it all the properties of a steel ,spaw2 its taste was exactly the same2 and it received a tincture from galls1 which was of a more diluted or intense purple1 according to the proportion of the mineral added to the water1 or to the time of the infusion4 ,this simple experiment does therefore clearly discover to us the origin of steel waters1 and the manner1 in which they are impregnated with their mineral contents in the bowels of the earth4 ,this observation1 which ,i had made concerning the origin of steel waters1 led me1 when ,i first visited ,hartfell-,spaw1 to inquire into the adjacent fossils3 which was the more easily done1 as the strata of the earth about the well1 for a considerable depth1 are exposed to view4 ,after some search among these1 ,i found a stratum of cliffery rock1 about three or four feet thick1 of a grey colour1 and1 ,i think1 about twenty paces from the spring4 ,in some of the hollow places of this rock1 where the rain and wind did not reach1 ,i observed a white saline efflorescence on its surface1 which when ,i had taken off and tasted1 ,i concluded1 from its styptic and chalybeat taste1 that it was a native vitriolum ,martis1 notwithstanding its white colour2 but ,i found it1 upon trial1 to be alum1 having some fine attenuated parts of iron conjoined with it1 and the same salt with that contained in the ,spaw water4 ,having taken some pieces of this rock1 which were quite free from the saline effervescence1 and infused them in common spring-water for some hours1 this water did thereby acquire the true taste of the ,hartfell-,spaw4 ,it likewise in the same manner received a deep blue tincture with galls1 and contained all the other qualities of that mineral water1 without the least difference1 that ,i could observe3 which1 ,i think1 ascertains the true origin of this mineral spring in the most obvious and undeniable manner4 ,i am persuaded1 that this plain and easy method of investigating the origin of mineral springs is not only superior to the most learned discussions and elaborate theories1 but will be found to be the surest1 yea1 the only way of extending and compleating our knowlege concerning them4 ,as ,i have not yet had the opportunity of making the experiments1 which ,i designed1 upon the two fossils1 that we find to be the cause of the above mineral waters1 and which will be necessary to elucidate and compleat these observations1 which we have made concerning their origin2 ,i shall now only add one thing1 and recommend it to the observation of others3 8,whether or not1 from such a knowlege of the origin of mineral waters1 we may not acquire artificial ones of as great1 or perhaps of greater1 medicinal use1 than those1 which are naturally produced80 ,,xviii4 ,an ,account of the ,state of the ,thermometer at the ,hague on the #ith of ,january #ageg4 ,extracted from a ,letter of ,mr4 ,abraham ,trembley1 ,f4,r4,s to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 ,read ,mar4 #c1 #ageg4 ,hague1 ,febr4 #ae4 #ageg4 ,i ,carefully observed the thermometer during the cold days1 which we have had this winter4 ,i made use of the same thermometer1 with which ,i made my observations in #agdj1 and for that purpose fixed it in the same place1 where it was that year1 viz4 in a window directly exposed to the north1 and open to a large square4 ,in #agdj ,i saw ,fahrenheit's thermometer at two degrees below #j4 ,this year1 on the #ith day of ,january in the morning1 it was at three degrees above #j2 that is1 only five degrees higher than in #agdj4 ,,xix4 ,experimental ,examination of ,platina4 ,by ,william ,lewis1 ,m4,b4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,mar4 #ag1 #ageg4 ,,paper ,v4 ,,the account of this extraordinary mineral1 formerly read to this illustrious ,society1 and honoured with their approbation1 being since published in the ,philosophical ,transactions1 renders any recapitulation of the discoveries hitherto made unnecessary4 ,the near and remarkable relation betwixt platina and gold1 not only in point of gravity1 but in many less obvious properties1 hitherto supposed to belong to gold alone2 and their as manifest disagreement in others1 particularly colour1 ductility1 and fusibility2 induced me to examine1 what effects they might have in combination with one another in different proportions2 and whether there is reason to credit the report of great frauds having been committed by mixing them together2 how far such abuses are practicable2 and1 what is of more importance1 the means by which they are discoverable4 ,experiments of the ,mixture of ,platina and ,gold4 ,,experiment ,i4 #a4 ,twelve carats#ef of fine gold1 and the same quantity of the purer grains of platina1 were urged in a blast-furnace1 for near an hour1 with a fire so strong1 that a slip of ,windsor brick1 with which the crucible was covered1 tho' defended by a thin coating of pure white clay1 had begun to melt4 ,upon breaking the vessel1 the metal was found in one smooth lump or bead2 which1 after being nealed by the flame of a lamp1 and boiled in alum-water1 appeared1 both in the mass1 and upon the touchstone1 of a pale bell-metal colour1 without any resemblance to gold4 ,it bore several strokes1 and stretched considerably under the hammer1 before it begun to crack about the edges4 ,on viewing the fracture with a magnifying glass1 the gold and platina appeared unequally mixed2 and several small particles of the latter were seen distinct3 nor was the mixture intirely uniform after it had again and again been returned to the fire1 and suffered many hours of strong fusion4 #b4 ,eighteen carats of gold and six of platina 7 #c3a7 were melted together as the foregoing1 in an intense fire continued about an hour4 ,the bead1 nealed and boiled1 was less pale-coloured than the former1 but had nothing of the colour of gold4 ,it forged tolerably well1 like coarse gold4 ,to the naked eye it appeared uniform2 but a good magnifier discovered in this1 as well as in the other1 some inequality of mixture1 not withstanding the fusion was two or three times repeated1 with the strongest degrees of heat we were capable of exciting by large bellows4 #c4 ,twenty carats of gold and four of platina 7 #e3a7 were kept in strong fusion for above an hour and a half4 ,these united into an equal mass1 in which no granule of platina1 or dissimilarity of parts1 could be distinguished4 ,the colour was still so dull and pale1 that the compound could scarcely be judged by the eye to contain any gold4 ,it hammered well into a pretty thin plate2 but we could not draw it into wire of any considerable fineness4 #d4 ,twenty-two carats of gold were melted in the same manner with two of platina 7 #aa3a7 the same that standard gold contains of alloy4 ,the mixture was uniform1 of a tolerable golden colour1 but easily distinguishable from that of standard gold by a dingy bell-metal cast4 ,it worked well1 was forged into a thin plate without cracking1 and drawn into moderately fine wire4 #e4 ,twenty-two carats and a half of gold1 and one and a half of platina 7 #ae3a71 melted into an uniform mass1 which1 after the usual nealing and boiling1 proved somewhat tougher than the preceding1 and of a better colour4 #f4 ,twenty-three carats of gold were melted with one of platina2 which is nearly half the proportion1 that standard gold contains of alloy4 ,the compound worked extremely well1 but was distinguishable from gold by a manifest dinginess1 which it retained after repeated forgings1 fusions1 nealings1 and boilings4 #g4 ,twenty-three carats and one-fourth of gold1 and three-fourths of a carat of platina 7 #ca3a71 formed an equal mixture1 very malleable1 ductile like the three foregoing whilst hot as well as cold1 but not intirely free from their peculiar dingy colour4 #h4 ,a mixture of twenty-three carats and a half of gold1 with half a carat of platina 7 #dg3a71 was very soft and flexible1 of a good colour1 without any thing of the disagreeable cast1 by which all the foregoing compositions were readily distinguishable1 in the mass as well as on the touchstone1 from fine or standard gold4 #i4 ,a mixture of twenty-three carats and three-fourths of gold1 with one-fourth of a carat of platina 7 #ie3a71 could not be distinguished by the eye or hammer from the fine gold itself4 ,in all these processes1 even where the proportion of platina was small1 the fusion was performed by a vehement fire1 that the mineral might be the more intimately dissolved1 and equally diffused thro' the gold4 ,the necessity of this precaution appeared from an experiment formerly related2 in which one of platina having been melted with four of gold1 the button appeared not much paler than standard gold with silver alloy4 ,on a second fusion it lost its yellow colour1 which had at first been only external1 from an imperfect mixture1 great part of the platina being concealed in the internal part of the mass1 and covered as it were by a golden coat4 ,the crucibles were rubbed on the inside with chalk1 to prevent any particles of the metal from lodging in their cavities4 ,a little borax was employed in each as a flux2 with the addition of nitre1 by which the colour of gold is somewhat heightened4 ,on remelting some of the mixtures with sundry other additions1 powdered charcoal seemed to improve the colour most4 ,,experiment ,,ii4 ,the preceding compositions1 after being gently hammered and boiled1 were weighed hydrostatically with great care1 by a very tender balance1 in distilled water1 wherein the gravity of standard gold turned out #ag4ghh4 ,all the mixtures proved heavier than standard gold4 ,their gravities were nearer to the medium of the gravities of the ingredients1 than those of the compositions of platina with any of the other metals formerly given an account of2 none falling considerably short of the mean gravity1 and some rather exceeding it4 ------------------------ ,gravity4 ,by ,by ,experiment4,calculation4,difference4 ,platina #ag4jjj ,platina #a ,gold #a #ah4adj #ah4adb #j4 #jb ,platina #a ,gold #c #ah4fac #ah4gad #j4aja ,platina #a ,gold #e #ah4hab #ah4ijd #j4jib ,platina #a ,gold #aa #ah4hce #ai4jid #j4bei ,diminution4 ,platina #a ,gold #ae #ah4iah #ai4adb #j4bbd ,platina #a ,gold #bc #ai4jhi #ai4ahi #j4ajj ,platina #a ,gold #ca #ai4abh #ai4bac #j4jhe ,platina #a ,gold #dg #ai4bfb #ai4bcg #j4jbe ,platina #a ,gold #ie #ai4bgc #ai4bfa #j4jab ,increase4 ,gold #ai4bhe ----------------------- ,,experiment ,,iii4 ,as a mixture of platina with an equal quantity of gold has been reported to be specifically heavier than gold itself1 but turned out otherwise in the above experiments2 some further trials were made on that head4 #a4 ,instead of the crude mineral1 whose gravity is but #ag1 we took platina1 that had been cupelled with lead1 one of the neatest of the buttons formerly mentioned1 which1 tho' retaining a portion of the lead1 was nearly as ponderous as fine gold1 viz4 #ai4bdj4 ,this was melted with equal its weight of the gold1 in a strong fire1 and continued in fusion for about an hour3 the mass proved spongy1 and very light4 ,we remelted it several times with vehement degrees of fire1 suffering it to cool leisurely in the crucible1 and1 in order to separate as much as possible of the lead1 to which its sponginess seemed owing1 boiled it in aqua-fortis1 and repeatedly injected corrosive sublimate upon it during fusion3 the mass1 nevertheless1 still turned out cavernulous and brittle1 and specifically lighter than either the gold or platina by themselves4 #b4 ,i likewise endeavoured to combine platina with small proportions of gold4 ,by vehemence of fire1 it was made to unite1 tho' not perfectly1 with half its weight and less3 but the mixtures were extremely spongy and brittle2 in specific gravity one scarce #af1 another less than #ae4 #c4 ,as a cast metalline body from the ,spanish ,west ,indies1 of which some account will be given hereafter1 appears to have been confounded with the mineral platina1 this also was melted with an equal quantity of gold4 ,they united with great ease1 by a moderate fire1 into an uniform compound1 tolerably compact1 but whose specific gravity was only #af2 which is nearly the mean gravity of the two ingredients4 ,,experiment ,,iv4 ,as a small portion of copper somewhat heightens the colour of pale gold1 platina was melted with eight times its weight of standard gold made with copper alloy4 ,the fusion was performed1 as in the preceding experiments1 in a close crucible1 with a strong fire1 but without any flux1 and continued for about an hour4 ,the metal appeared covered with a black scurf1 and had lost about #bjj4 ,it was much duller coloured1 harder to the hammer1 and cracked sooner about the edges1 than mixtures of fine gold with a larger quantity of platina4 ,by repeated fusion1 and frequent nealing1 it became a little softer and tougher1 so as to be drawn into pretty fine wire2 but the colour was still exceeding dull1 more resembling that of bad copper than of gold4 ,the specific gravity of this compound was #ag4iae2 a little less than the medium of the three ingredients unmixed1 and a little greater than the mean gravity resulting from the platina by itself1 and the copper and gold mixed2 for copper1 in the standard proportion1 appears to diminish the gravity of gold more than it ought to do according to calculation4 ,from the foregoing experiments it appears1 that platina is miscible with gold1 in certain proportions1 without injuring either its colour or ductility1 or occasioning any considerable alteration in the gravity3 experiments related in former papers have shewn1 that it stands aqua-fortis1 and the other trials by which the purity of gold is estimated4 ,it is to be hoped1 that the abuses manifestly practicable by this mineral have hitherto been but rarely made use of4 ,to guard against them is the object of this paper2 to detect them1 of the next4 ,,xx4 ,experimental ,examination of ,platina4 ,by ,william ,lewis1 ,m4,b4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,,paper ,,vi4 ,experiments of distinguishing and purifying ,gold mixed with ,platina4 ,read ,mar4 #ca1 #ageg4 #a4 ,by ,amalgamation with ,mercury4 ,,in an experiment related in the fourth paper1 an amalgam of one part of platina and two of gold with a suitable quantity of mercury1 having been triturated with water for a considerable time1 and occasionally washed over1 the platina was gradually thrown out1 and the gold retained by the quicksilver4 ,repetitions of this experiment have shewn1 that tho' the separation succeeds in some cases1 it does not perfectly in all3 that if there is any particle of the platina imperfectly dissolved in the gold 7which will generally be the case1 unless the quantity of gold is three or four times greater than that of the platina71 this part will be retained1 after long trituration1 undissolved by the mercury1 uncomminuted by the pestle1 and too ponderous to be washed off in its gross form4 ,a variety of mixtures of platina and gold were treated in the manner above described2 and the gold1 recovered from the amalgams1 submitted to further examinations4 ,where the proportion of platina was large1 the microscope almost always discovered still some granules of it on the fracture of the ingot3 where the proportion was small1 the recovered gold was frequently1 but not constantly1 found to be pure4 ,from these experiments it appears1 that mercury has a greater affinity with gold than platina1 and that platina is capable of being totally separated by elutriation2 but that the process is too vague and undetermined to be applicable in the way of assay1 as we have no mark of the precise time for discontinuing it1 and as we can never be certain1 without making another assay1 whether the whole of the platina is separated or not4 ,as a preparatory examination1 where the quantities of platina and gold to be separated are large1 it is nevertheless of good use1 as greatest part of the platina may by this means be washed over with little trouble1 and the gold brought into a less compass1 so as to be commodiously submitted to a perfect purification by the means hereafter pointed out4 ,this process has a similar effect on platina and gold to that of stamping and washing on metallic ores2 which could not be reduced into pure metal in the furnace to advantage1 without the previous separation of great part of the earthy and stony matter by water4 #b4 ,by ,precipitation with ,alkalies4 ,gold is precipitated totally by fixed alkaline salts1 but platina only in part4 ,when solutions of the two metals are mixed together1 so much of the platina remains suspended1 after saturation with the alkali1 as to be readily distinguishable by the yellow colour1 which it communicates to the liquor4 ,it has been objected1 that tho' the platina was discoverable1 when thus mingled superficially with the gold1 it may nevertheless1 when combined more intimately by fusion1 elude this method of trial4 #a4 ,mixtures of gold with small proportions of platina were therefore kept in fusion1 by a very strong fire1 for several hours1 and afterwards dissolved in aqua-regis4 ,the solutions being diluted with water1 and a pure fixed alkaline salt gradually added1 so long as any effervescence of precipitation ensued1 the liquors remained manifestly coloured1 tho' apparently paler than when the two metals had been dissolved by themselves4 #b4 ,a more convincing proof1 that part of the platina remains suspended1 after the precipitation of the gold1 was obtained1 by putting into the filtered liquors some plates of pure tin1 which presently contracted an olive hue1 and threw down a large quantity of a brownish precipitate1 as from the common solutions of the crude mineral4 ,it was observable1 that the tin plates were often sensibly acted on1 even whilst the liquor was overcharged with alkali4 #c4 ,it has been further suggested1 and with great appearance of probability1 that as a part of platina is precipitated as well as gold by alkaline salts1 if only this part be mixed with gold1 it will be thrown down by them again upon dissolving the compound4 ,to determine this point1 a precipitate of platina made by fixed alkali was melted with thrice its weight of fine gold1 and kept in strong fusion for above an hour3 they united more easily than gold does with so large a proportion of the crude mineral1 and formed a smooth neat bead1 which hammered well into a pretty thin plate before it cracked1 and appeared internally uniform and equal4 ,this compound being dissolved in aqua-regia1 and a fixed alkaline salt added by degrees till the acid was more than saturated1 the liquor became indeed pale2 but tin plates put into it quickly discovered1 that it held a very considerable quantity of platina4 ,it appears therefore a constant property of this mineral to remain partially dissolved in the neutralised liquor2 and that minute proportions of it1 mixed with gold1 are by this means distinguishable4 #d4 ,many other experiments were made of the precipitations and precipitates of gold and platina1 by alkalies both of the fixed and volatile kind4 ,the most remarkable effects were1 that volatile alkalies1 added to both solutions in quantity just sufficient to saturate the acid1 precipitated gold intirely1 but platina only in part1 so much of it remaining suspended as to give the same colour to the liquor as when fixed alkalies were made use of3 that1 on adding a larger quantity of the spirit after the precipitation of the gold1 the liquor became yellow1 a part of the metal being taken up again2 and that the platina was more copiously redissolved1 the liquor becoming of a deep brownish red3 that the washed precipitates of both metals1 whether made by volatile or fixed alkalies1 proved soluble1 by moderate digestion1 in spirit of salt2 those of platina much more difficultly and sparingly than those of gold4 #c4 ,by inflammable ,liquors4 #a4 ,inflammable spirits1 which revive gold from its solutions in form of yellow films1 have no such effect on solutions of platina4 ,this experiment affords not only a criterion for distinguishing with certainty whether gold has been debased by platina1 but likewise an infallible means of recovering it perfectly pure from any admixture of that mineral4 ,if the compound be dissolved in aqua-regis1 the solution mingled with twice its quantity or more of the spirit1 and the mixture suffered to stand for some days in a glass slightly covered2 the whole of the gold arises to the surface1 leaving the whole of the platina dissolved4 ,the golden pellicles may be collected1 by pouring the matter into a filter just large enough to contain it4 ,the dissolved platina passes thro'1 leaving the gold upon the paper1 which is to be washed with fresh parcels of water till the liquor runs colourless4 ,the paper is then to be carefully squeezed together1 and burnt in a crucible previously lined with vitrefied borax3 when fully sunk down1 a little fresh borax is to be injected1 and the fire raised to melt the gold4 ,the use of lining the crucible with borax is to prevent any molecul of the gold from lodging in its cavities4--,this process is attended with one inconvenience1 the slowness of the separation of the gold from the solution3 this may be in some measure expedited by employing a spirit1 which has been distilled from vegetables1 that give over an essential oil4 #b4 ,as essential oils take up gold from aqua-regis1 and keep it dissolved for a time upon the surface of the acid2 a pure colourless oil1 that of rosemary1 was poured into about half its quantity of a solution of platina1 the mixture well shaken1 and suffered to rest3 the oil quickly arose1 without taking up any thing from the platina1 or receiving any colour3 the acid liquor underneath remained coloured as at first4 ,compositions of platina and gold being dissolved in aqua-regis1 and treated in the same manner1 the whole of the gold was imbibed by the oil1 and the whole of the platina remained dissolved in the acid4 ,the oil1 loaded with the gold1 appeared of a fine yellow colour1 and1 on standing for a few hours1 threw off great part of its contents1 in bright yellow films1 to the sides of the glass4 ,sundry other distilled oils were made trial of1 with the same event4 ,the gold is easily recovered1 by setting the oil on fire2 and1 when thoroughly burnt out1 melting the residuum with borax1 as in the preceding experiment4 ,after the separation of the oil employed at first1 it may be proper1 for the greater security1 to add a little more2 which1 if any part of the gold should happen to have been left in the liquor1 will effectually take it up4 #c4 ,the experiment was repeated likewise with the subtile fluid1 prepared from vinous spirits with the vitriolic acid1 called by the chemists ther4 ,the separation succeeded in the same manner as before2 the ther receiving nothing from pure platina1 but instantly taking up the gold from a mixture of the two4 ,it is observable1 that the gold imbibed by this fluid is kept permanently dissolved by it2 without separating or reviving1 as it does from the common essential oils and vinous spirits4 #d4 ,the liquors remaining in these experiments1 after the extraction of the gold1 appear on all trials the same with the common solutions of platina2 and readily betray their being impregnated with that mineral by their colour1 by the precipitation with tin1 by their yielding a sparkling red precipitate with volatile spirits1 c4 ,a far more minute proportion of platina1 mixed with gold1 is more distinguishable by these processes1 than by those with alkaline salts above-mentioned2 these exhibiting the whole of the platina dissolved by itself1 those only a part of it4 #d4 ,by metallic ,solutions4 ,all the metals1 which precipitate gold from aqua-regia1 have been already shewn to precipitate platina also4 ,as gold is thrown down by some metallic solutions1 as well as by the metals in substance1 particularly those of mercury and iron1 it remains to apply these liquors as precipitants for platina4 #a4 ,a saturated solution of mercury in aqua-fortis1 which readily and totally threw down gold in its metallic form1 being added to a solution of platina1 the liquor became immediately turbid1 and1 on standing for a little time1 nearly the whole of the platina fell to the bottom4 ,a solution of mercury in the marine acid1 or of corrosive sublimate1 likewise precipitated platina1 but less perfectly1 and with this difference1 that the former precipitate was of a greyish brown colour1 the latter of a sparkling red4 #b4 ,solutions of iron in the vitriolic acid1 or of common green vitriol in water1 which totally throw down gold1 happily made no change in solutions of platina4 ,compositions of platina and gold being dissolved in aqua-regis1 the solutions diluted with about twice their quantity of water1 and a filtered solution of the vitriol gradually added2 the mixtures instantly grew turbid1 and1 on standing1 deposited the gold in form of a purplish grey calx1 the whole of the platina remaining dissolved4 ,it appeared1 on numerous repetitions of this experiment1 that no part of the platina was precipitated along with the gold1 nor any of the gold kept suspended with the platina4 ,where the quantity of the mixt to be assayed was very small1 the precipitation was usually performed in a filter1 that the gold1 which separates in very minute molecul1 some of which might possibly remain unobserved in the bottom of a glass1 might be detained on the paper4 ,the colourless sorts of filtering-paper are preferable for this use to the coloured2 as these last may be impregnated with astringent matter1 which would extricate some of the ferrugineous part of the vitriol4 ,the vitriol was dissolved in about six times its quantity of water1 and a few drops of oil of vitriol added1 to prevent the separation of any of its iron in the filter4 ,this solution was put into the filter first1 the solution of gold and platina immediately poured into it1 the whole stirred together with a clean glass rod1 and such part of the liquor1 as had run thro' before they had been duly mixed1 poured back to the rest4 ,the gold remaining in the filter was washed with fresh parcels of water1 the paper cautiously rolled up1 and burnt in a crucible1 as mentioned in a former experiment4 #c4 ,solutions of the vitriol1 recommended by ,kunckel and others for precipitating gold of an uncommonly high colour1 made no change in the solutions either of gold or platina4 ,the bluish green did indeed precipitate the gold2 not as blue vitriols1 but by virtue of the ferrugineous matter1 of which these kinds largely participate4 ,white vitriol was likewise made trial of1 but without producing any sensible effect in either solution4 #d4 ,the experiments with green vitriol were repeated on the solutions of platina and gold made in spirit of salt4 ,the event was the same as with those made in aqua-regis2 the gold being constantly precipitated1 and the platina remaining dissolved4 ,,remarks4 ,it may be proper to observe1 that by the processes here pointed out1 the gold is purified from other metallic admixtures at the same time that it is separated from platina2 the inflammable spirits reviving1 essential oils and ther imbibing1 and green vitriol precipitating1 gold alone4 ,care should be had1 that the piece of the mixt1 taken for examination1 be totally dissolved before any trials are made with the solution2 the menstruum not acting with equal facility on the two metals1 but dissolving the gold more readily than the platina4 ,where the acid has been dilute1 and only a gentle heat applied1 great part of the gold has appeared to be taken up before the platina was considerably acted on4 ,where the filter1 with the gold in it1 is burnt in the crucible1 borax is the most commodious flux3 but as this salt gives a sensible paleness to gold1 a little nitre may be injected1 after the metal has come into fusion1 to restore its colour4 ,if the nitre was added at first1 whilst the gold continues subtilely divided1 some particles of the metal would be dissipated during the deflagration1 which that salt produces with the coaly remains of the paper4 ,as the foregoing experiments exhibit platina and gold dissolved in a mineral fluid1 which by simple mechanic agitation rejects the one and retains the other1 and which discovers this different appetite of union so much the more remarkably1 as the two metals have been the more intimately combined3--as they further exhibit platina dissolved in liquors incapable of holding gold suspended1--gold dissolved in liquors incapable of holding platina suspended1--gold totally precipitated by substances1 which precipitate no particle of platina1--and gold1 when mixed per minima with platina1 perfectly recovered from it by these means1 without increase as well as without diminution3--it follows1 that platina is not1 as some believe1 gold naturally debased by the admixture of some other metallic body1 but a metal of a peculiar kind1 essentially different from all the others4 ,before the discriminating characters of platina were discovered1 such a notion was highly plausible1 and direct experiment seemed to confirm it3 a portion of the platina might be separated in the process2 a quantity of gold mixed with the remainder1 in order to collect the gold supposed to be contained in it2 the mixture submitted to operations1 which gold alone was supposed capable of withstanding2 and the augmentation1 which the noble metal still retained1 held to be true gold gained from the platina4 ,the methods of trial above related will1 it is presumed1 be sufficient to undeceive those1 who may have been imposed upon by such appearances1 and betrayed into the practice of unintended frauds3 to convince them1 that all they have gained from platina1 after the most laborious attempts to divest it of its imaginary coat1 is no other than platina still3 and1 which is of more extensive utility1 to distinguish all the abuses1 that may be made with this metal1 and restore the gold1 so debased1 to its original purity and value4 ,,xxi4 ,an ,account of the ,temple of ,serapis at ,pozzuoli in the ,kingdom of ,naples3 ,in a ,letter to ,john ,ward1 ,,ll4,d4 and ,r4,s4 ,vice-,prs4 by the ,rev4 ,john ,nixon1 ,m4,a4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,mar4 #ag1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,,before we enter upon a more particular consideration of this noble piece of antiquity1 it may not be improper to premise the general account 7and indeed the only one ,i have met with yet published71 which is given of it by ,mess4 ,cochin and ,bellicard1 in a little #egtreatise printed at ,paris in #agee4 ,these gentlemen acquaint us1 that in #agdi there were only three pillars of this building visible1 and that they were buried half way within the ground3 but that soon after1 workmen being employed by order of the ,king of the ,two ,sicilies to dig at the place1 they came to the pedestals of those pillars3 and at length discovered the building to have been a temple1 which 7as it was judged by the principal#eh idol found there1 and some other circumstances7 was dedicated to ,serapis4 ,they tell us further1 that many statues and vases of excellent workmanship had been taken out of the ruins2 and that the whole temple was extremely magnificent1 being built1 or cased throughout1 with marble1 even to the parts appropriated to the meanest offices4 ,this account1 tho' short1 is yet sufficient to excite in the curious a desire to be more fully informed1 both as to the ancient and modern state of this place4 ,to gratify in some measure that desire is the purpose of the present letter4 ,in order to form any conjecture concerning the antiquity of the building before us1 we must know1 that the worship of ,serapis1 to whom it is supposed to have been consecrated1 was not introduced at ,rome till towards the end of the republic2 and then tolerated in the suburbs only#ei4 ,however1 at length he was allowed to have temples erected to him within the precincts of the city2 chiefly by the authority of ,vespasian1 who was thought to have restored a blind man#fj to his sight at ,alexandria by the aid and direction of this deity4 ,and upon this account he continued to be held in high veneration by ,titus and ,domitian1 the sons of that ,emperor1 as appears by their #fastamping his image on the reverse of their coins4 ,now as it is reasonable to suppose1 that the other cities of ,italy followed the example of the metropolis in this instance1 as we find1 they did in others of a similar nature2 we may with some probability place the foundation of this temple at ,pozzuoli somewhere within the period assigned above4 ,as for the particular state of this building1 it is situated on the west side of the town1 near to1 and upon a level with1 the beach 7,see ,,tab4 ,,ii474 ,its grand entrance is towards the south1 and seems to have been a vestibule supported by four columns4 ,this introduces you into a spacious portico1 or corridor#fb1 which was designed to defend such as assembled here to worship from the injuries of the weather2 as also to afford a commodious passage into a range of rooms of different dimensions1 disposed on all the four sides of the court4 ,these chambers seem designed for preparing the sacrifices1 lodging the priests1 and keeping their vestments2 as also the fuel1 stores1 and other things requisite for the service of the temple3 not to omit the convenience of purifying both the priests and the worshippers by bathing or washing4 ,this last destination is countenanced1 with regard to the chamber on the north-west and that on the north-east corner1 by the row of stone seats1 which still remains on each of the sides of the former4 ,these seats have a gutter1 or channel running along at the foot of them on the floor2 and are likewise perforated with holes of a proper size1 with funnels passing from them below4 ,on these benches probably the persons to be purified placed themselves1 that the water might be let out upon them from pipes2 or administred in vases or ewers by the attendants1 and afterwards be carried off by the passages mentioned above#fc4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,ii4 p4 #afh4 ,a4 ,ancient grand ,entrance4 ,b4,b4,b4,b4 ,portico or ,corridor4 ,c4 ,atrium4 ,d4 ,temple properly so call'd4 ,e4 ,altar with it's ,drain4 ,f4 ,sacrarium4 ,g4,g4 ,two large ,chambers for washing c4 ,h4 ,modern ,entrance over ,ruins4 ,this seems to have been formerly such a ,chamber1 as is express'd in the ,drawing at 7,l7 ,a ,scale of ,feet4 ,nor can a provision for washing or bathing in this temple seem strange to any one1 who reflects1 how high a rank this mode of purification held among the religious ceremonies of almost all nations of the world4 ,as for the ,romans1 with whom we are principally concerned in the present inquiry1 the subsistence of this usage among them might be abundantly shewn by the testimonies of their writers2 and also by the accommodations provided for it in other buildings of the same character with that before us4 ,some of these still remain within the neighbourhood of ,pozzuolo1 viz4 the magnificent temple near the lake of ,avernus ascribed to ,apollo1 which has an apartment adjoining to it indisputably intended for the purpose intimated above4 ,for it is furnished with several stone cisterns1 whose inward dimensions are proportioned to the ordinary size of an human body2 and near them is a spring1 out of which the water was taken up1 and poured into a bason hollowed out in the side of the wall3 from thence it ran along in a groove or channel cut in the ends of the cisterns1 to be let out upon the persons bathing in them1 according to their pleasure1 or as occasion should require4 ,so likewise in the temple of ,venus 7as it is commonly called7 near ,bai1 there is a large chamber containing several stone seats for washing1 with little cells contiguous to it for undressing before1 and anointing the body and dressing afterwards4 ,i have but one more particular to add concerning the apartment in the north-west angle of the temple1 viz4 that1 when it was cleared of its rubbish1 there was found in a niche in one of its sides a male and female figure naked1 and in the most flagrant act of natural lewdness4 ,it is now 7as we were informed7 in a private room in the palace at ,portici1 nor can be seen without the ,king's special permission4 ,in the same place1 probably1 may stand the statue of a satyr in an unnatural action with a goat1 which was found at ,herculaneum1 and is1 they say1 of exquisite sculpture1 but concealed in the palace above-mentioned with the same strict care as the former4 ,having thus viewed the several chambers in the exterior parts of the building1 it is requisite 7in order to a regular prosecution of our design7 to return to the grand entrance4 ,and here1 passing thro' the corridor above described1 we come to a square court or atrium paved with large slabs of white marble streaked with blue or greyish veins4 ,at the distance of #be feet further1 in the center of the said court1 stood the temple properly so called1 containing a circular area of #ed feet diameter1 and elevated above the level of the pavement1 so as to admit an ascent to it of five steps#fd1 in four different parts answering to the four sides of the corridor4 ,this area is surrounded with sixteen pedestals1 on which formerly were columns to support a rotundo or dome4 ,against each of these columns1 on the outside1 there seems to have been placed a statue1 and1 in the intermediate spaces1 vases for incense1 or lavers for washing1 upon low stands on the floor4 ,in the middle of the temple was erected the grand altar1 the traces of which still remain1 with a sink or drain near it to receive and carry off the blood of the victims1 c4 ,northward of the temple1 and at the distance of #be feet1 being the same space1 that was between it and the corridor at the entrance1 was once another stately vestibule or pavilion1 supported by four columns four feet and an half in diameter1 and of the ,corinthian order1 as appears by three of them1 which still subsist standing in a line with the outer face of the corridor4 ,this pavilion 7if we may judge by analogy from what we find in other temples7 led to an inner recess or sacrarium terminating1 probably1 in the segment of a circle3 but of this we had no certain proof1 as the rubbish was not yet removed from this part of the building4 ,i beg leave further to mention a remarkable appearance in some of the columns of this temple1 viz4 that that part of them1 which was lowermost1 as well as that1 which was nearest the capitals1 is well preserved and pretty entire2 while part of the intermediate space for two or three feet together is discoloured1 as if it had suffered by burning2 and also excavated in such a manner#fe1 as to contain multitudes of little shell-fish1 which appear1 like the pholades in some stones1 almost totally inclosed within their cells1 so as not to be got out without breaking4 ,i know no way to account for this so probable2 as by supposing1 that the lower parts of these columns were secured by the mass of rubbish1 that inclosed them1 as the uppermost were by their elevated situation1 from being perforated either by the corrosive quality of the sea1 which 7according to tradition7 formerly covered the site of this temple2 or by the animalcula1 which are bred in that element2 while the middle parts standing in the water were 7perhaps for ages7 exposed to the injuries mentioned above4 ,i had no opportunity of taking the height of the uppermost line1 where the above-mentioned alteration in the columns ended1 from the level of the sea in the bay2 which would have shewn how high the water must have risen formerly above its present mark1 to produce the effect ascribed to it on this hypothesis4 ,but1 however that may be1 the nature of the situation of this place#ff being considered1 the innovation supposed to have happened in it will not1 ,i presume1 be thought improbable2 especially in a country so plentifully stored with combustible matter in its interior parts1 and consequently so liable to changes in its outward form1 as this is1 and has been for many ages4 ,for an extraordinary instance of this we need go but a little way from this place1 viz4 to ,il ,monte ,nuovo1 a hill about four miles in compass1 which in #aech was cast up in one night's time by an eruption1 whereby the greatest part of the ,lucrine lake was filled up1 and the town of ,tripergola1 with a church1 convent1 hospital1 and other buildings1 intirely buried4 ,i shall conclude with acquainting you1 that at the corner of the court of this temple1 near the present entrance1 there lie some large bases of marble1 which 7as we were informed7 were taken out of the sea at about a mile's distance from ,pozzuolo1 and are inscribed ,,dvsari ,,sacrum4 ,what was the original situation of these monuments1 it may not be possible now to ascertain4 ,as for ,,dvsares mentioned in the inscription upon them1 ,g4 ,vossius#fg 7upon the authority of ,tertullian1 and ,stephanus ,byzantius7 makes him to have been an ,arabian deity1 the same as ,bacchus or ,sol according to the ,roman theology4 ,that learned man is likewise inclined to think1 that the name ,,dvsares is compounded of two ,hebrew words2 one of which signifies joy1 and the other1 the earth1 i4 e4 mortals1 who inhabit it4 ,this etymology properly expresses the genial effects of the sun1 which makes glad the heart of man by ripening the fruits of the earth1 especially the grape3 ,whence ,virgil calls wine1 ,munera ltitiamque ,dei4 n4 i4 v4 #fdj4 and stiles ,bacchus the fabled inventer of it1 ----,bacchus ltiti dator4 ,ib4 v4 #gch4 ,i am1 ,,sir1 ,with the greatest respect1 ,your most obedient humble ,servant1 ,j4 ,nixon4 ,london1 ,march #ad4 #ageg4 ,,xxii4 ,some ,remarks on a ,parthian ,coin with a ,greek and ,parthian ,legend1 never before published4 ,in a ,letter from the ,rev4 ,john ,swinton1 ,m4,a4 of ,christ-,church1 ,oxon4 ,f4,r4,s4 to the ,rev4 ,thomas ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4 ,s4 ,read ,mar4 #bd1 #ageg4 ,reverend ,sir1 ,,as we know little of the reigns of the latter ,parthian kings1 and less still of their coins2 an attempt to strike out even the least new light on either of those heads will not1 ,i persuade myself1 prove unacceptable to the ,royal ,society4 ,in this persuasion1 ,i do myself the honour to send you a few conjectures upon another brass ,parthian medal1 in my possession1 as remarkable1 on account of the double legend it contains1 as the former1 which ,i endeavoured a little to illustrate about a year ago4 ,this medal1 which certainly merits the attention of the curious1 is in very good conservation1 and approaches near the size of those of the middle ,roman brass4 ,it exhibits the head1 or effigies1 of a ,parthian king1 with a beard1 diadem1 and hair formed into such curls as ,i never yet observed upon any antient coins4 ,under the effigies1 the ,greek letters 1 which demonstrate the piece to be ,parthian1 appear2 and1 on the reverse1 a ,victory1 done something after the ,roman manner1 tho' the workmanship is pretty rude1 presents itself to our view1 together with a legend in a language and character at this time unknown4 ,the legend consists of ten complete elements1 placed behind the ,victory above-mentioned2 besides which there is one in the field of the medal1 being probably the initial letter of the name of the city where the coin was struck4 ,the metal1 tho' termed by me brass1 discovers something of a composition similar to that of his ,grace the ,duke of ,devonshire's medal of ,vologeses ,,iii4 as described by #fh,sig4 ,haym4 ,this coin1 of which ,i herewith transmit you a draught most accurately taken 7,see ,,tab4 ,,iv4 ,fig4 #a471 having not yet1 as ,i apprehend1 been published2 you will permit me now to offer a few cursory remarks upon it1 drawn up in the shortest and most concise manner possible4 #a4 ,the ,greek legend1 had all of it appeared1 would1 undoubtedly have been either 1 or 2 of which ,i should chuse the former1 notwithstanding it is such ,parthian ,greek1 as the round of the medal seems not to have been capable of containing the latter4 ,it will be1 at first sight1 observed1 that this legend is different from those of the ,parthian coins hitherto described2 which are exhibited in the #fi;genitive1 not the nominative1 case4 ,the last two letters ,,mo leave no room to doubt1 tho' the ,o is not so extremely well preserved1 that the piece was struck when ,monneses sat upon the ,parthian throne4 ,it is true1 indeed1 the first element of the prince's name is not so apparently a ,mu2 tho' it resembles that letter1 even as preserved on this very medal1 much more than any other of the ,greek alphabet4 ,it is however totally unlike the ,alpha near it1 as well as all the other forms of that element to be met with in ,montfaucon#gj1 and bears not the least resemblance to ,beta#ga1 particularly the ,beta which ought to have been impressed on this piece2 as most evidently appears from a particle of that letter1 visible in its proper place4 ,from whence we may infer1 that the character ,i am considering must be ,mu2 as ,alpha1 ,beta1 and ,mu1 were the only initial letters1 according to ,dr4 ,vaillant#gb1 of the names of the ,parthian kings reigning after the introduction of the ,omega of the minuscular form1 as it here occurs1 upon the ,parthian coins4 ,but ,monneses was the only one of those princes whose name began with ,my1 and consequently the two last ,greek elements on this medal are part of his name4 ,the metal and size of this piece1 as none belonging to the other ,parthian monarchs seem to have been yet met with of the same form1 which exactly agree with those of ,monneses's#gc coin published by ,dr4 ,vaillant1 may likewise be urged1 as an additional argument of no small weight1 in support of my opinion4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,iv4 p4 #agf4 ,fig4 #a4 ,num4 ,parth4 apud ,jeannem ,swinton1 ,a4 ,m4 ,oxoniens4 ,r4 ,s4 ,s4 ,fig4 #b4 p4 #bjb4 ,scale of feet1 #bj-a ,inch ,j4 ,mynde sc4 #b4 ,that the ,greek and unknown legends on this medal are either of the same or a similar import1 will be acknowleged by all versed in this kind of literature extremely probable4 ,the ,greek and ,phnician legends on the same #gd;coins of ,tyre and ,sidon1 as ,i have1 upon examination1 found1 and shall hereafter more fully evince1 clearly correspond4 ,the ,latin and ,punic legends on ,juba's medals1 as has been by me formerly proved#ge1 very well agree4 ,the sense#gf ,i have assigned the legend in unknown characters1 exhibited by the reverse of my former ,parthian coin1 with1 ,i flatter myself1 some appearance of truth1 sufficiently answers to the ,greek one preserved by other medals of the same prince4 ,we may therefore be permitted to suppose1 that both the legends handed down to us by the coin before me related to ,monneses1 and conveyed the same1 or at least extremely similar1 ideas to the ,parthians and the ,greeks4 ,nothing can be more consonant to reason1 tho' we must not directly assume this as a postulate1 than such a supposition4 #c4 ,this notion will likewise receive a farther accession of strength from the characters of which the unknown legend is composed4 ,the first of them so nearly approaches one of the forms of the ,palmyrene ,pe1 as it appears in #gg,mr4 ,dawkins's alphabet1 that we may without scruple ascribe to it the power of that letter4 ,the second is so like the ,palmyrene and the ,chaldee ,daleth#gh1 that it ought indubitably to pass for that element4 ,the third differs something1 tho' not greatly#gi1 from one of the forms of the ,palmyrene ,he4 ,the fifth1 which likewise occupies the eighth place1 is by no means remote from the figures of the #hj,palmyrene and ,chaldee ,nun4 ,the sixth occurred in the third place before4 ,with regard to the seventh1 it seems to me pretty strongly to resemble some forms of the ,palmyrene ,mem#ha1 and even exactly to answer to that of the same letter in #hbone of the ,palmyrene inscriptions preserved amongst those celebrated remains of antiquity commonly1 tho' perhaps improperly1 stiled ,the ,ruins of ,,persepolis4 ,the ninth is the ,he touched upon before4 ,the tenth1 which also succeeded the third1 if the powers of the other elements have been rightly determined1 must be ,schin4 ,nor does this character1 if we view it in a certain position1 appear very remote from a rude form of that letter4 ,this legend then1 according to what is here advanced1 as it now remains1 consists of the words----,,padeshane ,,monesh1 ,,padeshan ,,emonesh1 or #hc,,padeshan ,,amonesh1 that is1 ,,monesh1 or ,,amonesh1----,,of ,,kings2 the word ,,padishah1 or rather ,,padeshah1 as it seems to have been written and pronounced by the #hd;ancient ,persians1 in the ,pehlawian1 ,pehelawian1 or ,bastanian1 that is1 the old ,persic1 tongue1 denoting #he,,king4 ,that ,,ni1 or ,,ne1 was sometimes a masculine plural termination in the antient ,persic1 seems to appear from the word1 or rather words1 br4zaiva41 ,,bir4 ,,zeiveshni1 ,,long,,vi1 which occurs in ,dr4 ,hyde#hf4 ,and that the vowels ,a and ,e were sometimes prefixed to the ,persian proper names1 in the remoter periods of time1 is abundantly manifest1 from the words ,,sfitaman1 ,,esfintaman1 or ,,espintaman1 the #hgname of either the father or one of the ancestors of ,zertusht2 ,,xerxes1 #hh;,,axerxes1 or ,,axerses1 and others of the same kind1 that might1 with equal facility1 be produced4 ,whether therefore we read this legend----,,padeshane ,,monesh1 ,,padeshan ,,emonesh1 or ,,padeshan ,,amonesh1 we cannot greatly err4 ,as the coin was not so perfectly struck1 part of the ,greek legend is thereby apparently lost2 from whence1 and the evident want of a word there1 we may conclude1 that the ,parthian legend1 for ,parthian by the explication here laid down it appears to be1 on the correspondent part of the reverse1 must have met with the same fate4 ,what that ,parthian term was1 ,i cannot take upon me to say2 but the whole legend was probably something like ,,the ,,great ,,king ,,monneses1 ,,monneses ,,the ,,king ,,of ,,kings1 or ,,monneses#hi ,,the ,,great ,,king ,,of ,,kings2 all which titles are intirely consonant to those assumed by the ,parthian kings#ij1 and transmitted down to us on their other coins4 ,the ,persian1 or ,parthian1 termination of the proper name ,,monneses1 and others that occur1 was ,,esh4 ,this may be inferred from the legend now before me1 in conjunction with ,scripture#ia1 and has been remarked by some good authors#ib4 ,that the ,greeks also expressed the ,schin by their ,sigma1 and superadded another termination to such words1 is sufficiently manifest from the ,persian1 or ,parthian ,,arshak#ic1 which was converted into ,,arsaces by the ,greek writers4 ,i must farther observe1 that1 according to ,herodotus#id1 the antient letters of the ,persians were those used by the ,assyrians2 which ,i take to have been the same with the elements that prevailed amongst the ,syrians1 and formed the alphabet of the ,palmyrenes4 ,nay1 we may collect from #ie;,epiphanius1 that a considerable part of the ,persians used the ,palmyrene characters as late as the decline of the fourth century after ,,christ4 ,all which being maturely weighed1 ,i cannot forbear thinking the interpretation of the ,parthian legend here laid down in a good degree probable4 ,i am far however from insisting upon the truth of it4 ,i shall only beg to be indulged the liberty of proposing it to the consideration of our most illustrious ,society1 and leave the fate of it intirely to the decision of so very eminent a part of the learned world4 #d4 ,but however my explication of the ,parthian legend may be received1 ,i believe it will scarce be denied1 that the coin was struck in the reign of ,monneses1 one of the ,parthian kings2 this point having been so clearly evinced1 by the reasons above alledged4 ,it may not be improper here to remark1 that the republic of letters has been obliged with the publication of two of this prince's medals2 the first of which was #if;coined in the year of the ,parthian ra #dbb1 and the other in #dbeig4 ,neither of them however exhibits the ,victory impressed on the reverse of mine4 ,that symbol1 adopted by the ,parthians in imitation of the ,roman manner1 must undoubtedly have alluded to some victory1 or at least some remarkable advantage1 gained by the ,parthian forces over the ,romans1 a little before the piece was struck4 ,what that advantage was1 when and where obtained1 and whether history conspires with the medal1 in order to settle this point1 ,i am next to inquire4 #e4 ,monneses1 if ,dr4 ,vaillant#ih may be credited1 ascended the ,parthian throne in the year of the ,arsacid #dbb1 nearly coincident with the #affth of ,,christ1 when ,m4 ,aurelius and ,l4 ,verus presided over the ,roman world4 ,but so far were the ,parthians at that time from gaining any victories over the ,romans1 that they were every where worsted by them1 and put to the rout4 ,a ,roman army1 under the command of ,avidius ,cassius1 had penetrated into ,mesopotamia and ,assyria1 ravaged those provinces1 laid ,seleucia in ashes1 taken ,ctesiphon1 and levelled the royal palace there with the ground1 according to ,dio#ii1 the preceding year4 ,nay1 it appears both from #ajj;,capitolinus and the ,roman#aja coins1 that ,m4 ,aurelius and ,l4 ,verus triumphed over the ,parthians1 the very year after ,monneses1 as #ajb;,dr4 ,vaillant will have it1 came to the crown4 ,all which that celebrated antiquary acknowleges to be true2 and adds1 that ,monneses concluded an infamous peace with the ,romans1 ceding to them the whole province of ,mesopotamia1 for which he was soon after deposed by his subjects4 ,here then we can discover not the faintest traces of a reason for the appearance of a ,victory upon the medals of this prince4 ,nor does any thing like a reason for such an appearance1 in antient history1 occur1 before the #iejth year of ,rome1 corresponding with the #aigth of ,,christ2 when the ,parthians1 animated by the civil dissentions1 which reigned amongst the ,romans1 ,albinus and ,severus then fiercely contending for the empire1 entered ,mesopotamia with a powerful army#ajc1 and reduced to their obedience most of the cities of that province4 ,now if1 with ,f4 ,corsini#ajd1 we admit the commencement of the ,parthian ra to have happened in the #ebeth year of ,rome2 the #dbeth or #dbfth year of the former and the #iejth of the latter of those ra's1 wherein the ,parthians undertook the ,mesopotamian expedition1 will nearly coincide4 ,but it may be proved from a medal of ,monneses1 described by the #aje,marquis ,scipio ,maffei1 in opposition to #ajf;,dr4 ,vaillant1 that this prince was not dethroned in the year of the ,arsacid #dbc1 but had two years afterwards the management and direction of the ,parthian affairs3 wherefore1 notwithstanding what has been advanced to the contrary by that antiquary1 he might still have sat one or two years longer upon the ,parthian throne4 ,this may likewise be inferred from ,dio1 who mentions ,vologeses as presiding over the ,parthians1 not in #aih1 but in #aii1 about two years after their irruption into ,mesopotamia4 ,all which being with proper attention considered1 it will appear extremely probable1 that the medal ,i have been endeavouring to explain was coined either in the #dbeth or #dbfth year of the ,parthian ra1 that is1 the #aigth of ,,christ2 that the authority of #ajg;,arrian1 #ajh;,justin1 and #aji;,athenus1 on which ,f4 ,corsini principally sounds his notion1 may be intirely depended upon2 and1 in fine1 that the arguments he makes use of on this occasion1 to #aaj;evince the truth of his scheme1 however they may be opposed by ,f4 ,frlich1 and the medal before me mutually strengthen and support one another4 #f4 ,i must not forget to remark1 that ,f4 ,corsini thinks1 without a proper foundation1 that the piece of ,monneses published by ,dr4 ,vaillant may be considered either as a ,parthian or #aaa;an ,armenian coin4 ,this1 ,i say1 he takes1 without a proper foundation1 to be the case4 ,for the medals of the ,armenian kings1 such as that he has obliged the learned world with a draught of1 and a most excellent dissertation upon1 discover a taste far different from that which is exhibited by ,dr4 ,vaillant's coin4 ,the air of the face1 the curls into which the hair is formed1 and in fine every thing else visible upon the former1 except the symbols on the reverses1 bear little resemblance to what is presented to our view by the latter4 ,as for the titles1 impressed on these medals1 they are far from being of the same kind2 the ,armenian princes in this particular approaching nearer the successors of ,seleucus#aab1 and contenting themselves with more plain and simple titles than that lofty one affected by ,monneses1 according to ,dr4 ,vaillant1 in common with the other ,parthian kings4 ,to which ,i may add1 that my coin sets this point beyond dispute1 by the ,parthian characters it has so apparently preserved2 all the ,armenian medals ,i have hitherto met with1 about three or four in number1 as well as that of ,baron ,stosch#aac1 which ,f4 ,corsini has so learnedly explained1 having only ,greek legends upon them4 ,what therefore he has advanced1 on this head1 must be considered as not altogether so consonant to truth2 especially1 as he seems to have offered nothing of any great weight in support of his opinion4 #g4 ,before ,i dismiss the present subject1 ,i must beg leave to take notice of the ,parthian character on the field of my medal1 which is not very unlike the ,chaldee#aad or ,palmyrene ,aleph1 tho' of something a more complex form4 ,should this be allowed1 that character may be considered as the initial letter of ,,arsacia1 the name of a city subject to the ,parthians1 placed by #aae,ptolemy in ,media2 where1 according to #aaf;,dr4 ,vaillant1 many of the ,parthian medals were coined4 ,that city is however believed by some to have been seated on the spot occupied at this time by ,casbin1 or rather ,kazwn#aag1 one of the principal towns of the ,beld ,al ,jebl1 or mountainous part of the ,persian ,irk2 for a particular account of which place1 the curious may have recourse to ,golius1 and the eastern geographers4 ,as ,i have already far exceeded the limits proposed to myself1 when ,i began this letter1 ,i shall not now touch upon any other observations relative to the medal before me1 which is the only one ,i have hitherto met with carrying a ,greek and a ,parthian legend upon it2 but only assure you that ,i am1 with the most perfect regard1 ,,sir1 ,your most obliged and most obedient ,servant1 ,john ,swinton4 ,christ-,church ,oxon4 ,nov #bith1 #agef4 ,,xxiii4 ,an ,account of a ,red ,coral from the ,east-,indies1 of a very singular ,kind3 ,in a letter from ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,mr4 ,peter ,collinson1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,mar4 #bd1 #ageg4 ,dear ,sir1 ,i ,promised you1 in my letter of the #gth of ,february #aged1 published in our ,transactions1 ,vol4 xlviii4 p4 #ejg4 that ,i would1 when ,i had an opportunity1 endeavour to illustrate the tubular structure of the common red coral of the ,mediterranean sea1 and of some of the keratophyta2 which two kinds1 tho' evidently of as different natures as stone and horn1 yet are1 from late observation1 found to be fashioned1 or raised up into those beautiful forms1 by animals of the same class4 ,this ,i shall attempt to do1 by comparing them with bodies of a similar kind1 but of a less compact texture3 for which reason ,i formerly referred you1 in the above-mentioned letter1 to a figure1 which ,i have given of the herring-bone-coralline with its animals alive in it1 ,phil4 ,trans4 ,vol4 xlviii4 ,,tab4 ,,xvii4 ,fig4 ,e1 ,f1 ,g1 to shew you the nature of the tubular structure of the keratophyta4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,iii4 p4 #ahi4 ,j4 ,mynde ,a4 ,a piece of pithy knobbit and ,coral from the ,spice ,islands in the ,east ,indies which appears to be form'd by animals of the ,polype kind1 contrary to the receiv'd opinion of these bodies being vegetables2 the vermicular tubes1 of which it is compos'd1 being no more than the cases or coverings of the bodies of these ,insects4 ,b4 ,the radiated holes on the yellow mealy surface1 through which these insects extend their arms or claws1 as in the common red coral4 ,,cc4 ,small ,branches almost cover'd by a further addition of tubes1 that have risen all round and increas'd the bulk of the ,stem1 continuing themselves along it to extend the ramifications2 by this means they involve the former side branches into their own stem1 differing intirely from the laws of vegetation4 ,d4 ,a piece of y4 knobby joints magnified to shew their reticular texture like that of spongy orange wt tubes4 d4 ,the same in its natural size4 ,e4 ,a piece of y4 blood red tubes which is harden'd into a shelly or stony substance with some appearance of reticulations1 taken from y4 space between y4 knobs4 e4 ,the same in its natural size4 ,f4,f4 ,small holes in y4 branches of y4 polypes4 ,g4 ,a mass of the stem not so highly magnified shewing y4 tubes passing from stony to spongy4 g4 ,the same in its natural ,size4 ,h4 ,the transverse section of the base shewing the holes in the ends of the tubes4 ,i4 ,one of the radiated cells magnified1 this is guarded by #h pointed valves1 which close inward1 when ,k4 the ,polype draws in his head 7which is figur'd at ,k7 and opens outward when it extends it4 ,i now lay before you a piece of red coral 7,see ,,tab4 ,,iii4 ,fig4 ,a47 from the ,east ,indies of a very singular kind1 which ,i received from your friend ,abraham ,hume1 ,esq4 ,the stem and branches of this appear evidently to the naked eye to consist of a combination of vermicular tubes closely connected together3 and1 if we trace these little tubes to their starry openings on the surface1 ,fig4 ,b4 we shall plainly discover them to be the red testaceous coverings of certain marine polypes1 which have raised themselves thus upright1 and disposed themselves into this remarkable vegetable form4 ,in order to form some idea1 how these masses are increased and extended to the sizes we often meet with them1 and where the same regularity of shape is preferred in the large1 that we find in the small2 we think it more than probable to suppose1 that the species of polypes1 that compose this coral1 breed as we find all other polypes do3 and this appears more evident to me1 from what ,i have already discovered in many kinds of corallines 7,see ,plate #ch4 of my ,essay on ,corallines71 where the young polypes in some species are produced in the egg state1 while others fall in great numbers from their matrices1 completely formed1 down to the roots of their parent corallines1 either to begin a new race of the same species near them1 or to increase the trunk1 and extend the ramifications1 of the plant-like figure which they just descended from4 ,from observing this method in nature1 we shall the easier account for the progress of those generations of young testaceous polypes of this coral2 which appear to us succeeding each other1 and raising themselves up from the root or base1 passing along the stem and branches1 and covering the whole anew with their shelly cases3 and in this their passage upwards we may observe1 in the specimen before us1 how they have involved and incrusted the small lateral branches of the former generation1 so as almost to hide their appearance4 ,from hence we may trace them extending themselves to the extremities of the upper branches1 and there forming a new series of slender twigs1 proportionable to those which they had just covered1 still keeping order and exact symmetry in the whole structure4 ,the distinguishing character of this red coral1 after we have considered its fistulous texture1 is the knotty joints1 of which it is composed3 these appear more distinct1 and are placed at a greater distance1 in the smaller branches than the large2 and1 as we descend to the trunk1 the traces of these inequalities but just appear4 ,from these protuberances1 or knots1 the lateral branches take their rise2 and as these and the leading branches grow up together1 they frequently inosculate at these joints1 forming a kind of network1 like what we observe in many of those species of keratophyta1 which are called sea-fans4 ,the surface of this coral1 when recent1 is covered with a mealy friable matter1 of a yellow colour1 not unlike that of the true red coral1 but much fuller of little raised starry cells4 ,the figure of these cells is owing to the radiated position of the claws of the polypes4 ,upon removing this friable matter1 we observe1 that the polypes of these cells have had a communication with a small hole or opening into one of the tubes1 that lie immediately under it4 ,this frequent intervention of the openings of the small tubes1 or their ramifications1 between the sides of the larger ones1 makes the latter appear more irregular1 and not so parallel1 as in the true red coral2 where we find fewer stars2 and1 where those occur1 we may observe it always alters the direction of the tubes4 ,i must further remark to you1 that many of the tubes of this coral appear1 thro' a magnifying glass1 full of small holes1 like those ,i have described in the keratophyton 7,plate #bf4 ,fig4 ,g4 p4 #fb4 of my ,essay on ,corallines72 and these holes will appear more distinctly to you1 when you examine the half tubes1 or broken irregular ones1 on the stem and great branches of this coral4 ,further1 if you compare the transverse section1 at the base of this coral1 with a section of a common ,rattan cane1 they will both appear full of holes in the same regular order1 and of nearly the same diameter3 whereas the tubes1 on the surface of the stem of this coral1 look as irregular as so many holes pierced or eaten out by worms4 ,i hope by this time our ingenious botanical friends1 whom we could not persuade to part with these beautiful sea-productions from the vegetable kingdom1 are thoroughly convinced1 that this mealy1 friable1 or calcarious covering1 full of starry cells1 which we are sure to find covering all the recent red corals and keratophyta1 is not a mere blight of insects1 common to the sea vegetables as well as land ones1 which they have formerly insisted on2 but that they will consider this covering1 for the future1 as proper and necessary for the well-being of these little animals1 as they do at present hair and wool for beasts1 feathers and down for birds1 and scales and slime for fishes4 ,this red coral is mentioned by ,rumphius1 in his ,herbarium ,amboinense1 ,vol4 vi4 ,tab4 #he4 p4 #bfd1 but1 as the figure he has given1 is not sufficient to demonstrate its tubular texture and animal structure1 ,i have had it more accurately drawn2 and those parts in particular magnified1 which may tend to illustrate the foregoing description4 ,he mentions1 that it is in great esteem with them1 on account of its beautiful figure2 but would be much more so1 if it was not for the great difficulty they find in preserving the smallest twigs from falling off2 which is the reason1 ,i suppose1 that the specimen is not more complete4 ,lastly1 he tells us1 that it is used by the inhabitants of the ,spice-islands as a principal ingredient in their medicines to expel poison3 as also1 that they have it in great esteem on account of its excellent diuretic quality4 ,upon examining this coral in the microscope1 ,i observed1 that the outside tubes of the stem were chiefly stony1 but that the inward parts were composed of as many divisions of spongy tubes1 as there were of stony ones4 ,this ,i find arises from the smaller ramifications1 which being spongy at the knobs1 and stony in the spaces between them1 are inclosed and united together into one common mass during the growth of this coral2 so that both the soft and hard parts together make up the inside of its trunk or stem4 ,when we examine minutely the two parts1 that compose the branches1 we find1 that the knobs consist of little sponge-like tubes interwoven together1 as they appear magnified at ,fig4 ,d2 and the shank or part between the knobs is composed of stony tubes1 that are more erect 7,see the piece magnified at ,e73 these tubes appear to be branched from the lateral holes at ,,ff4 ,the ,fig4 ,e likewise shews the appearance of the tubes on the surface of the main stem4 ,the radiated openings in the little wart-like figures on the surface of the branches are guarded by eight pointed valves1 as magnified at ,fig4 ,i43 these inclose the heads of the polype1 one of which is figured at ,k4 ,the stem of this specimen is so intirely divested of its yellow mealy covering1 that we may easily trace the manner in which the animals1 that compose it1 have carried up their stony tubular cells1 which lie side by side along the surface4 ,these tubes have still some marks of sponginess at particular distances1 which1 as they come to join together1 form those irregular cross-lines1 that surround the stem in several places4 ,see ,fig4 ,a4 ,in other specimens ,i have observed the principal stems covered over with calcarious tubes1 such as ,i have described in the ,essay on ,corallines1 c4 in that species of keratophyton called ,venus's ,fan4 ,plate #bf4 ,the sponginess of the knobby joints occasions that excessive brittleness in the lesser branches2 which accounts for the difficulty1 which ,rumphius mentions1 of getting good specimens of this beautiful coral4 ,i have lately seen a white pipy and stony coral with spongy knobs1 which is only a different species of this genus1 in the very curious cabinets of our friends ,dr4 ,john ,fothergill1 ,m4 ,d4 and ,mr4 ,isaac ,romilly1 ,f4,r4,s4 specimens of which they have both lately received from the ,east ,indies4 ,the examining of these has given me an opportunity to be more particular in the description of this coral2 which seems to point out to us the great affinity there is between corals1 keratophyta1 and sponges4 ,i am1 ,dear ,sir1 ,your most affectionate humble ,servant1 ,john ,ellis4 ,laurence ,lane1 ,mar4 #bd1 #ageg4 ,,xxiv4 ,an ,account of the ,effects of a ,storm at ,wigton in ,cumberland4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,philip ,miller1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4 ,d4 ,secr4 ,r4 ,s4 ,read ,mar4 #ca1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,i ,received the inclosed letter by the post1 giving an account of the storm1 which happened lately in the north4 ,if the ,royal ,society have not already been informed of the effects of it1 and you think the contents of it worthy their notice2 ,i beg you will be so good as to communicate it to them4 ,the facts therein mentioned have been confirmed to me by a person of skill and integrity4 ,mr4 ,thomlinson's conjecture of the cause of the leaves of trees appearing scorched after the storm1 ,i believe to be true2 having two or three times myself observed the same in ,sussex1 at a considerable distance from the sea2 when all the hedges1 trees1 and woods1 on the side toward the sea1 have had their leaves scorched1 as if fire had passed over them2 and their opposite sides from the sea have continued in full verdure2 which frequently happens in storms from the south-west3 and1 upon tasting their leaves1 ,i have found them as salt1 as if they had been steeped in brine4 ,i am1 ,,sir1 ,your most obedient humble ,servant1 ,philip ,miller4 ,chelsea1 ,nov4 #bc4 #agef4 ,to ,mr4 ,philip ,miller4 ,wigton1 ,nov4 #ae4 #agef4 ,,sir1 ,,on the #fth of last month1 at night1 happened a most violent hurricane1 such an one1 perhaps1 as has not been known in these parts in any one's memory4 ,it lasted four hours at least1 from about eleven till three4 ,the damage it has done is very deplorable4 ,the corn has sufferd prodigiously4 ,stacks of hay and corn have been intirely swept away3 houses unroofed1 and in several places driven down by its fury3 trees without number torn up by the roots2 others snapt off by the middles1 and their fragments scattered over the adjoining fields4 ,some were twisted almost round1 or split down to the very ground2 and1 in short1 left in such a shattered1 mangled condition1 as scarce any description can give you an adequate idea of4 ,the change in the face of the country was very surprising in one single night3 for1 to complete the dismally-desolate scene1 the several tribes of vegetables 7in all their verdure the day before71 as if blasted with thereal fire1 hung down their drooping heads4 ,every herb1 every plant1 every flower1 had its leaves withered1 shrivelled up1 and turned black4 ,the leaves upon the trees1 especially on the weather side1 fared in the same manner4 ,the evergreens alone seem to have escaped4 ,the grass also1 in a few days time1 recovered itself in a great measure4 ,i agreed at first with the generality of people in their opinion1 that lightning had done all this mischief3 but upon recollecting1 that there had not been much seen any where1 in many places none at all1 but that the effect was general#aah1 as far as ever the wind had reached2 ,i began to think1 that some other cause might probably be assigned4 ,accordingly1 ,i set myself immediately to examining the dew or rain1 which had fallen on the grass1 windows1 c4 in hopes of being enabled1 by its taste1 to form some better judgment of the sulphureous or nitrous particles 7or of whatever other quality they were71 with which the air was so strongly impregnated that night1 as to produce such strange effects4 ,nor was ,i deceived in my expectations3 for1 upon tasting it1 ,i found it as brackish as any sea-water4 ,the several vegetables also1 which ,i tasted1 were all salt1 more or less1 and continued so for five or six days after2 the saline particles not being then washed off2 from the corn and windows in particular2 the latter of which1 when the moisture on the outside was exhaled next day1 sparkled and appeared exceeding brilliant in the sunshine4 ,this saltness1 ,i conceive1 has done the principal damage3 for common salt dissolved in water1 ,i find1 upon experiment on some fresh vegetables 7when sprinkled two or three times upon them7 has the very same effect1 except that it does not turn them quite so black3 but particles of a sulphureous1 or #aaiother quality1 may have been mixed with it4 ,that this salt water had been brought from the sea#abj1 every body1 ,i think1 will allow2 but the manner how#aba1 is not so easy to conceive4 ,this freedom1 ,sir1 perhaps may want an apology3 but1 as a gentleman#abb of the ,society you have the honour to be a member of1 did not think something of the like nature either unworthy of his own notice1 or that of the world2 and as the hurricane principally affected these parts of nature1 in the knowledge of which you have so eminently distinguished yourself2 ,i flattered myself you would excuse the trouble ,i should give you in a perusal of an account of this very strange1 tho' hitherto unnoticed1 phenomenon4 ,i am1 ,sir1 with the greatest respect and esteem1 ,your most humble ,servant1 ,thomas ,thomlinson4 ,,xxv4 ,an ,account of the ,effects of ,lightning upon the ,steeple and ,church of ,lestwithiel1 ,cornwall2 in a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4,s4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,smeaton1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,april #ba1 #ageg4 ,j,anuary #be4 #ageg4 about five o'clock in the evening1 returning home from the ,edystone works near ,plymouth1 ,i observed four flashes of lightning1 within the space of six or seven minutes1 towards the west2 but heard no noise of thunder#abc4 ,a few days after1 ,i was informed1 that the same evening the lightning had shattered the church of ,lestwithiel in a very surprising manner4 ,the #ast of ,march ,i was at ,lestwithiel3 they had then begun to repair the damages2 but had not made such a such progress1 but that the principal effects were equally observable as at first4 ,i observed1 and was informed1 as follows3 ,at the time before-mentioned1 the inhabitants were alarmed by a violent flash of lightning1 accompanied with thunder so sudden1 loud1 and dreadful1 that every one thought the house he was in was falling upon him2 almost every one being within doors1 on account of a violent shower of rain1 which preceded the lightning3 so that no body saw or heard any thing of the mischief done to the church1 till it was observed accidentally after the shower4 ,the steeple is carried up1 plain and square1 to about #di feet1 with a kind of slate-stone1 rough-casted on the outside2 upon which is formed a very elegant octogon ,gothic lanthorn about #i feet high1 and thereon a stone spire about #eb feet height1 with a spindle and vane rising about #c feet above the stone3 so that the whole together was about #aac feet4 ,each face of the lanthorn finishes above with a sort of a ,gothic pediment1 with a little pinacle upon each1 separated from the body of the spire4 ,i will not affirm1 that the lightning entered in at the spindle or vane at top2 but will suppose it1 for the sake of methodizing the facts4 ,the vane was of plate copper1 which being turned round1 and rivetted1 made a socket to turn upon4 ,the spindle did not reach thro' the socket1 but the weight of the vane rested upon the top of the spindle1 the top of the socket being closed4 ,about the vane were many acute angles1 and some almost sharp2 but ,i did not observe any pointing directly upward4 ,the vane was much bruised1 which might be occasioned by the fall2 but the socket was rent open1 as if it had been burnt by gunpowder2 and in such a manner1 as ,i cannot conceive could be occasioned by the fall4 ,under the spindle1 that carried the vane1 was a bar of much the same size and length#abd1 that passed thro' the center of several of the uppermost stones successively1 in order to unite them the more firmly together1 and was run in with lead3 all which surrounding stones were broke off1 except one1 which1 together with the bar1 fell down within the tower4 ,the shell of the spire1 as far down as #ce feet from the top1 was no more than #g inches thick1 and the courses about the same height3 so that scarce any one stone in the spire could weigh more than #cj or #dj pounds2 but they were joined together at the ends1 with mortoise and tenon1 in a curious manner4 ,above #bj feet of the upper part was intirely thrown down1 and dispersed in all directions2 and1 as ,i was informed1 some pieces were found at the distance of #bjj yards4 ,a great many stones fell upon the roof of the church2 and several made their way thro' both roof and cieling down into the church1 breaking the pews1 and whatever they fell upon4 ,six feet still lower the spire was separated2 the westermost half being thrown down2 the eastern half was left standing1 but disjointed1 and in so critical a posture1 that it seemed ready to fall every moment3 so that this was ordered to be taken down immediately2 and likewise to #f feet below1 the work being found remarkably shattered4 ,in this condition it was when ,i saw it4 ,the whole of the spire ,i found much cracked and damaged1 but the remainder of the #g inch shell so greatly1 that there seemed scarcely a whole joint4 ,the pediments over every face of the lanthorn were damaged more or less2 but the whole ashlering of that to the ,n4,w4 was torn off from the inner wall1 to which it was connected4 ,at first sight this might seem to be done by the falling of the stones from above2 but ,i was convinced to the contrary1 by observing1 that several of the pediments were damaged1 and even stones struck out1 where the little pinacles above them were left standing4 ,about the top of the lanthorn is a bell for the clock to strike on3 it is hung upon a cross-bar1 with gudgeons at each end2 the whole being suspended to a beam laid across the tower4 ,the cross-bar was so bent1 that the clock-hammer would not touch the bell by above #b inches4 ,this could not be done by the falling of stones1 because the beam would defend the bell from receiving any stroke in the direction to which the cross-bar was bent4 ,as to the wire1 that drew the hammer1 as ,i was informed1 not one bit of it could be found4 ,the bells 7four in number7 for ringing hung in the square part of the tower1 below the lanthorn1 two above and two below3 the wheels of every one were broke to pieces1 and one of the iron straps1 by which they are fastened to the yoke1 unhooked2 and1 as appeared to me1 could not be replaced without great force1 or unloosing4 ,whether these accidents were occasioned by the lightning1 or the falling stones1 ,i leave undetermined4 ,in the floor under the bells was placed the clock1 cased up with slight boards4 ,the verge1 that carries the pallets1 was bent downwards1 as if a ten pound weight had fallen ten feet high right upon it4 ,the crutch1 that lays hold of the pendulum1 looked as if it had been cut off by a blunt tool1 and heated by the blow1 till it was coloured blue1 at the place where it was cut4 ,it turned at a right angle1 and might be about #d_/aj of an inch broad by #b_/aj thick4 ,as to the pendulum1 which hung pretty near the wall1 the upper part of the rod was struck with such violence against the wall1 that a smart impression thereof was made in the plaister3 and near the upper part of the impression appeared a circular shady ring1 of a blackish colour1 something like as if a pistol had been discharged of powder1 and the muzzle held near the wall4 ,the casing of boards round the clock remained unhurt4 ,in this story1 on the north and south side1 are two narrow windows or air-loops2 against the upper part of which1 on the outside1 were fixed the timber dials belonging to the clock1 both which were blown off1 and broke to pieces1 possibly by the fall3 and not only that1 but part of the stone jambs were broke out also1 near to where the rod passed1 that carried the hands4 ,in this story also was a sort of window or air-loop on the east side1 that had communicated with the church1 but was stopped up with lath and plaister3 also several putlock-holes for the scaffolding1 which had gone thro' the wall into the church1 but were stopped up with stone1 and plaistered over3 all these were forced out into the church1 and the plaister torn from the wall4 ,the ground-story of the tower or bellfrey is expressed in the plan 7,see ,,tab4 ,,iv4 ,fig4 #b474 ,the south entrance ,a and north ,b were shut with wooden doors4 ,the upper part of the eastern ,c1 that communicated with the church1 was made up with lath and plaister2 and before it1 in the church1 are the seats ,d1 raised one higher than another2 so that the floor of the seats next the wall was half up the door-way2 consequently the vacuity under the seats lay open to the bellfrey4 ,about the middle of the westermost side1 at a1 one of the paving-stones1 about #a foot square1 and #a inch thick1 was thrown up1 and a hole pierced into the wall1 rather below the level of the pavement1 into which one might put three fingers4 ,on the opposite side1 the south-west angle of the middle buttress at b had a stone taken out even with the ground1 and a hole continued in to the buttress2 so that there is great appearance of its reaching thro' both wall and buttress1 which together is #h feet2 but the hole was too rugged and crooked to put any thing thro'4 ,besides this hole1 this wall was pierced in several places1 and the plaister thrown off both within and without4 ,one place within1 about #d feet above the floor1 right over c1 was a hole of about #ad inches square pierced #f inches in the wall2 and so near square1 that ,i inquired1 whether it had not been made by art2 but was assured of the contrary4 ,the north and south doors of the tower were both blown out1 and broke in many pieces4 ,many of the arch-stones over both doors were disjointed and displaced3 two of the stones making the jamb of the south door at g were forced quite out1 and one of them broke4 ,the vaulting of the east door-way ,c was plaistered underneath3 the plaister was sprung from the stone in #cj or #dj places1 like as if a small bar of iron had been drove from above thro' the joints of the stone1 and thereby forced off the plaister with its end4 ,the lath and plaister partition1 which stopped up the upper part of this door-way1 was forced into the church1 and the wainscotting making the back of the last seat was torn from the wall from end to end4 ,some part of the vapour seems to have made its way thro' the cavity under the seats2 for most of the boards composing the rise of the steps from seat to seat were blown out forwards2 and several panels of wainscot at each end of the seats1 at d and e1 were forced out1 and broke4 ,hence the vapour seems to have divided itself into three branches2 one moving directly forward to the east window ,g1 being #ac feet wide1 and about #bj feet high1 consisting of five principal lights divided by stone mullions3 two of the lights were in a manner wholly destroyed1 and several large holes in those remaining2 the glass and lead being carried outward1 like as if an harlequin had leaped thro' the window4 ,the north window ,e1 fronting the broken panels at d1 was very much shattered3 but the south window ,f had scarce a whole pane left4 ,it is farther to be noted1 that almost all the lights in the church1 tho' not broke1 were bagged outward2 but those parts remaining intire in the window ,d most remarkably so4 ,n4,b4 ,it was said in the ,london papers1 that the organ was intirely spoilt3 it is certain there is not1 nor ever was1 any organ in this church4 ,,xxvi4 ,an ,account of the ,case of the late ,right ,honourable ,horace ,lord ,walpole2 being a ,sequel to his own ,account published in the ,philosophical ,transactions1 ,vol4 xlvii4 p4 #dc4 and #dgb4 ,i4 ,copy of a ,letter from ,john ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,dr4 ,robert ,whytt1 ,professor of ,medicine in the ,university of ,edinburgh1 and ,f4,r4,s4 relating to the ,case of the ,right ,honourable ,lord ,walpole2 with ,dr4 ,whytt's ,answer4 ,communicated by ,dr4 ,pringle4 ,read ,april #ba1 #ageg4 ,london1 #bb ,feb1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,i ,imagined1 that upon hearing of ,lord ,walpole's death1 you would be desirous to know the state of his ,lordship's health from the time he published his own case2 whether he continued the use of his medicines to the last2 what distemper he died of2 and1 if his body was opened1 what was the condition of his bladder and kidneys4 ,i informed myself1 as well as ,i could1 of all these particulars2 and ,i hope ,i shall be able to give you some satisfactory account of most of them4 ,last year1 in the month of ,march1 about ten months before his ,lordship's death1 ,i happened to meet him at a friend's house1 where he dined1 and never saw any man of his age with a more healthful appearance4 ,he was then in his #ghth year4 ,he ate with an appetite1 and of a variety of dishes2 drank some ,madeira1 and was very chearful the whole time4 ,his ,lordship then told me1 that he had enjoyed perfect health since he sent his case to the ,royal ,society2 that he thought it probable there was still a stone in his bladder1 but so diminished1 or smoothed1 as to give him no uneasiness2 that he did not think it safe to go about the streets of ,london in a coach1 but that he went every where in a chair2 and that1 in the country1 he could travel #dj miles a day in his post-chaise1 without fatigue1 or feeling any of his old pains upon the motion4 ,that he continued to drink1 for a constancy1 three pints of oystershell lime-water daily2 and to take1 as often1 from half an ounce to a whole ounce of soap1 by way of lenitive4 ,all these circumstances ,i am sure of1 because ,i noted them down when ,i came home4 ,from this time to the beginning of winter1 ,lord ,walpole 7as ,mr4 ,graham1 his apothecary1 informed me7 continued in the same state of health2 but some time after coming to town1 his ,lordship was seized with a lingering feverish disorder1 very much affecting his spirits1 but intirely unconnected with the stone4 ,dr4 ,shaw1 who attended his ,lordship for about a fortnight before his death1 told me1 that there had never been any stoppage of water1 or passing of bloody urine1 or any pain about his bladder or kidneys1 during his last illness2 but that he now and then felt some irritation in making water1 a symptom too inconsiderable to require any other medicine than the continuation of his lime-water2 which1 in smaller quantity1 he drank till within two or three days of his end4 ,mr4 ,ranby and ,mr4 ,hawkins1 surgeons1 with ,mr4 ,graham1 were present at the opening of the body2 and from the two last ,i received the account of the dissection4 ,the coats of the bladder appeared to be a little thicker than natural1 but were otherwise sound4 ,the glandula prostata was of a large size1 but not distempered4 ,they found three calculi1 two lying loose in the bladder1 and the other1 a very small one1 sticking in the passage1 at that part1 which is surrounded by the prostate gland4 ,mr4 ,graham favoured me with a sight of them all4 ,the two first were very much alike1 being of the shape and size of the kernel of a ,spanish nut2 only the sides were irregularly flattened1 but without forming any sharp angle4 ,the surface of each was every where smooth1 except where there had been a separation of some small scales1 not so thick as one's nail2 and the largest exfoliation from one of these stones appeared to have been nearly about the breadth of the nail of my little finger4 ,the polish otherwise1 as well as the colour of both1 might be compared to a boy's marble4 ,one of these calculi weighed #ba grains1 the other #bb grains3 they were heavy for that bulk1 and seemingly of a hard substance4 ,the smallest stone having been put up with some others of the same size1 taken out of the gall-bladder1 ,mr4 ,graham could not be positive which of them it was2 and therefore ,i can only say1 that what he thought most likely to be so1 was about the size and shape of the seed of an apple1 with the point broken off1 and the edge ragged4 ,this1 as ,i observed1 was found in the passage1 seemed to be coming away1 and probably had occasioned that irritation the patient had now and then felt during his last illness4 ,it weighed only about a grain4 ,no parts could have a sounder appearance than both the ureters and kidneys4 ,the first were not dilated2 nor did the last contain any stone1 mucus1 or gravel3 the pelvis in each was of a natural size4 ,the rest of the abdominal viscera were in the same healthful state1 except the gall-bladder1 which was full of stones4 ,the largest was about the size of a small chesnut1 but rounder4 ,the surface was smooth1 particularly at one part1 where it seemed to have rubbed upon a lesser calculus1 of the shape of one of the vertebr of a small animal1 without the processes4 ,this last had a hollow on each side corresponding to the convexity of the large stone2 and these cavities being finely polished1 it seemed as if sometimes one side1 sometimes the other1 of the small stone had been turned to the great one1 and had been shaped in that manner by the attrition4 ,the largest calculus weighed one drachm two scruples and two grains2 the small one but nine grains3 they both sunk in water2 and felt specifically heavier than any stones ,i have ever seen taken out of the gall-bladder4 ,besides these two1 there were several very small calculi of irregular shapes1 and of rough surfaces1 which all together did not weigh above five grains4 ,mr4 ,graham1 who had attended his ,lordship for about #dj years1 assured me1 that he never had any symptom that indicated a stoppage of the bile1 or the passage of a stone from the gall-bladder into the intestines4 ,neither the head nor breast were opened4 ,these are all the materials1 ,i can furnish you with1 relating to this case4 ,if you desire to be more particularly informed of any of these circumstances1 let me know1 and ,i will endeavour to procure you all the lights ,i can4 ,in the mean while1 ,i should be glad to have your remarks upon what ,i have now sent you2 and since you have been so long in the train of thinking1 with more than usual attention1 on this subject1 ,i presume it would be very agreeable to the gentlemen of the ,royal ,society to have a paper from you on this occasion2 and the rather1 as his ,lordship began his course of soap and lime-water1 upon hearing of your success by that method of cure4 ,i am1 ,,sir1 c4 ,john ,pringle4 ,,ii4 ,some ,observations on the ,case of the late ,right ,honourable ,lord ,walpole1 of ,woolterton3 ,in a ,letter to ,dr4 ,john ,pringle1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,by ,robert ,whytt1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,april #ba1 #ageg4 ,edinburgh1 ,march #af4 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,p,hysicians have not1 perhaps1 differed more widely in any thing1 than in their opinions of the medicines lately proposed for the cure of the stone4 ,while some imagined1 that ,mrs4 ,stephens's medicines1 or soap and lime-water1 were in most cases to accomplish a dissolution of the stone2 others have been positive1 that nothing of this kind was to be expected from them3 nay1 they have condemned these medicines1 when used in large quantities1 and long persisted in1 as hurtful to the stomach1 guts1 and urinary passages2 and have ascribed the remarkable ease1 which they almost always give to calculous patients1 to their depositing a calcarious powder upon the surface of the stone1 by which it is rendered less hurtful to the bladder4 ,and this opinion seems to have been not a little strengthened1 by the great quantity of white sediment observed in the urine of those patients1 who have used soap and lime-water in considerable quantities4 ,now1 as ,i am of opinion1 that most of these objections and doubts1 concerning the effects of soap and lime-water in the cure of the stone1 may be cleared by a candid consideration of ,lord ,walpole's case1 ,i shall trouble you with a few remarks1 which have occurred to me1 in comparing it with the appearances found in his ,lordship's body after death1 of which you were so obliging as to send me a particular account4 #a4 ,whatever doubts may have been entertained concerning the cause of ,lord ,walpole's complaints1 yet it now appears evidently beyond dispute1 that they must have been owing1 not to a scorbutic corrosive humour in his bladder1 as was imagined by some#abe1 but to stones lodged in it4 ,these stones may possibly have lain there since #agcd2 for from that time to spring #agdg1 his ,lordship was free of any gravelish complaints1 only passing some red sand at times4 ,but at what time soever they may have first arrived in the bladder1 in #agdg and #agdh they seem to have acquired such a bulk1 or were become so rough or pointed in their surface1 as to occasion great pain1 frequent provocations to urine1 and sometimes bloody urine2 especially after any considerable motion4 ,these complaints1 however1 were soon relieved1 by swallowing daily an ounce of ,alicant soap1 and three ,english pints of lime-water made with calcined oyster-shells2 and from #agdh to #ageg his ,lordship was kept almost intirely free from any return of them1 except for some months of #agej and #agea1 during which he took only one-third part of the quantity of soap and lime-water above-mentioned#abf4 #b4 ,it is highly probable1 nay1 ,i think1 altogether certain1 that the soap and lime-water not only relieved ,lord ,walpole of the painful symptoms occasioned by the stones in his bladder1 but also prevented their increase4 ,if these stones came into the bladder in #agcd1 they must1 in so many years as his ,lordship lived after this1 have acquired a very great bulk3 nay1 if we suppose them not to have been lodged in the bladder above a year before they began to occasion frequent inclination to make urine1 with pain1 and sometimes sudden stoppages of urine2 yet1 from #agdf to #ageg1 they ought to have grown to a much larger size than that of the kernel of a ,spanish nut#abg4 ',tis true1 the stone may increase faster in some patients1 and slower in others2 but stones1 after remaining a dozen or more years in the bladder1 generally weigh several ounces4 ,some years since l saw a stone1 weighing near six ounces1 taken from a boy of no more than #ad years of age4 #c4 ,lord ,walpole's case not only shews the power of soap and lime-water to relieve the painful symptoms1 and prevent the increase1 of the stone in the bladder1 but also makes it probable1 that these medicines do communicate to the urine a power of dissolving the stone4 ,in the beginning of #agdi his ,lordship voided with his urine a calculous substance of a flat shape1 about the bigness of a silver penny1 and covered with a soft white mucus#abh2 and upon the surfaces of the stones found in his bladder there were some inequalities1 which seemed to have been made by the separation of thin lamell or scales4 ,further1 the small stone found in the beginning of the urethra must have been in a dissolving state1 and considerably lessened in the bulk3 for1 if it had lain long in the bladder1 and never been larger1 it ought to have been voided thro' the urethra with the urine2 and it could not have arrived lately in the bladder1 since ,lord ,walpole had not had1 for several years before his death1 any nephritic pains1 or symptoms of stones passing from the kidnies2 and since it is not likely1 that a stone of the size and shape of the seed of an apple#abi would pass thro' the ureters without being felt4 ,now if this small stone1 found in the urethra1 was partly dissolved by the virtue of the soap and lime-water2 it will appear at least probable1 that the two larger stones in the bladder were so likewise4 ,but altho' ,lord ,watpole's calculous concretions had remained undiminished1 and without any symptoms of dissolution2 it would not therefore follow1 that soap and lime-water cannot dissolve the stone in other patients1 where the concretion may be of a less firm texture4 ,the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,richard ,newcome1 now ,lord ,bishop of ,llandaff1 while drinking two ,english quarts of lime-water daily1 for the cure of the stone in his bladder1 poured his urine every morning and evening upon a piece of human calculus weighing #ca grains2 by which1 in the space of four months1 it was reduced to three pieces1 weighing in all only six grains4 ,upon one of these pieces1 weighing #b4ca grains1 he caused to be daily poured1 for two months1 the fresh urine of a person1 who drank no lime-water2 at the end of which time the piece of calculus was found to weigh #b4ef grains1 having increased in weight a quarter of a grain4 ,this same piece being afterwards steeped in the bishop's urine 7who continued to drink lime-water as above71 from ,june #bdth to ,july #ith1 was in these few days quite crumbled into powder4 ,since this experiment shews1 beyond dispute1 that lime-water1 unassisted by soap1 can communicate to the urine a power of dissolving the stone out of the body1 it can scarcely be doubted1 that it must have the like effect on it1 when lodged in the bladder4 ,and that the dissolution of the stone in the bladder has been completed by soap alone1 appeared evidently in the case of the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,matthew ,simson1 ,minister of ,pancaitland near ,edinburgh2 an account of which will soon be made public#acj by ,dr4 ,austin1 who opened his body after death4 ,mr4 ,simson had1 from #agcj1 been afflicted in a less or greater degree with the symptoms of a stone in the bladder2 and in ,november #agce was sounded by ,dr4 ,drummond of ,perth1 and ,mr4 ,balderston1 surgeon in this city1 by whom a stone was not only plainly felt1 but also by the patient himself4 ,in ,february #agcg he began to take soap2 and after #agdc never had any gravelish symptoms4 ,he died in ,may #agef2 and1 when his bladder was looked into1 there was neither stone nor gravel found in it4 #d4 ,it appears from ,lord ,walpole's case1 that soap and lime-water1 even when taken in large quantities1 proceed very slowly in dissolving the stone4 ,from ,july #agdh1 to the beginning of #ageg1 his ,lordship drank three ,english pints of lime-water1 and swallow'd for the most part an ounce of soap1 daily2 except from ,april #agej to ,june #agea1 during which time he took only one pint of lime-water1 and one-third part of an ounce of soap1 daily4 ,however speedily soap and lime-water may dissolve the greatest part of urinary stones out of the body1 yet being mixed with the aliment and humours of the stomach and guts1 and afterwards with the whole mass of blood1 it is impossible but their force must be greatly impaired before they arrive with the urine at the bladder4 ,when1 therefore1 urinary stones are of an uncommon hard texture1 we are perhaps scarcely to expect any sensible dissolution of them by the use of soap and lime-water3 but when they are of a softer kind1 there is no reason to doubt1 that these medicines will in time dissolve them2 and this will happen sooner or later1 in proportion to the hardness of the stone1 to the quantity of the medicines swallowed by the patient1 and the exact regimen he observes1 as to diet#aca4 ,but however slowly soap and lime-water may proceed in dissolving the stone1 yet they generally give speedy relief to the patient4 ,lord ,walpole did not take these medicines in the full quantity till the end of ,july #agdh2 and1 in a few months after1 he was not only greatly relieved of all his complaints1 but in ,december was able to ride an hundred miles in his coach1 without finding any uneasiness1 altho' the two last days of the journey the horses went at a full trot#acb4 ,in winter #agej1 and spring #agea1 when his ,lordship swallowed only one third part of the soap and lime-water1 which he had been in use to take1 his pains and frequent inclination to make urine returned in a good degree#acc2 but1 after taking the medicines in the full quantity1 he soon became as easy as before#acd4 ,it would seem1 while ,lord ,walpole used only one pint of lime-water and one third of an ounce of soap daily1 that the petrifying quality of his urine was not intirely destroyed1 and that the stony particles newly formed on the surface of the calculi occasioned1 by their roughness1 the return of his painful symptoms4 ,however1 when he had recourse to the medicines in a larger quantity1 the petrescent quality of his urine was not only destroyed1 but this fluid seems to have acquired a power of dissolving the rough stony particles deposited on the surface of the calculi2 and in this way soon removed the pain1 bloody urine1 and frequent desire to make water1 upon using any considerable exercise4 ,soap and lime-water not only relieve the painful symptoms occasioned by the stone1 by wearing off its sharp points1 and rougher parts1 which used to irritate the tender membrane1 which lines the bladder2 but1 when this membrane has been wounded or lacerated by the stone1 there is nothing1 that will heal it more speedily than lime-water2 which the ingenious ,dr4 ,langrish has found to be remarkable also for its effects in curing the bladders of dogs1 after being fretted with soap-lees#ace4 ,the power of soap and lime-water to alleviate the painful symptoms attending the stone is so great1 that1 as far as ,i remember1 ,i have only met with one patient1 who did not find himself considerably relieved by them4 ,but it is to be observed1 that this patient neither took them in full quantity1 nor persisted in their use for a long enough time3 and1 when he was afterwards cut1 the stone taken out of his bladder was almost as thick set with sharp prickles1 as the back of an hedgehog3 so that1 in this case1 no remarkable ease could be procured to the patient by the medicines1 until they had quite dissolved these sharp points1 and rendered the surface of the stone smooth and equal2 which was not to be done but after a very long time1 especially as the stone was of a pretty hard texture4 ,it may be proper to take notice1 that when1 along with the stone1 there is any ulceration in the bladder1 soap does mischief1 and lime-water often fails of giving any considerable relief4 ,however1 even in this case it is perhaps one of the best remedies we know4 #e4 ,soap and lime-water1 taken in large quantities1 and persisted in for many years together1 appear to be innocent1 and no way injurious to health4 ,lord ,walpole1 who used these medicines for upwards of eight years1 was not only relieved of the painful symptoms of the stone1 but had his health improved by them in other respects#acf4 ,his appetite1 healthful look1 and a degree of spirits uncommon at his age1 continued till the end of #agef1 when his last illness begin to attack him4 ,and as his health did not appear to be any way injured by these medicines1 so1 where his body was opened after death1 his kidneys and ureters were observed to be quite sound and natural1 as was likewise his bladder2 only its coats appeared a little thicker than usual1 owing probably to the long-continued friction of the stones upon it4 ,neither the kidneys1 ureters1 nor bladder1 were loaded or crusted with any calcarious matter2 an effect most unjustly ascribed to soap and lime-water1 since in the urinary passages1 to which the air has no access1 they cannot deposite their calcarious part#acg2 and since the white stuff observable in the urine of such patients1 as take these medicines in large quantities1 is only the usual sediment of the urine changed in its nature and colour1 with1 perhaps1 some of the dissolved particles of the stone#ach4 ,as the urinary passages were no-way injured1 so neither were the stomach1 guts1 and other viscera of the lower belly4 ,these had all a healthful appearance1 except the gall-bladder1 which was almost full of biliary concretions3 nor is it surprising1 that soap and lime-water1 which prevent the growth of urinary calculi1 should have no effect on biliary stones1 since1 altho' these medicines dissolve the former out of the body1 yet they do not make the smallest impression on the latter4 ,i presume it will be needless to take notice1 that the lingering nervous fever1 of which ,lord ,walpole died1 cannot1 with any colour of reason1 be ascribed to the large use of soap and lime-water2 since1 if they could have produced such an effect1 they must have done it in much less time than eight years and an half4 ,it may not be amiss to observe1 that altho' soap and lime-water1 taken in large quantities1 are no-way injurious to health1 yet in some cases they may become improper1 on account of the particular state of the patient4 ,thus1 in a scorbutic or putrid disposition of the humours1 soap at least ought to be totally omitted2 and such patients1 who are much troubled with the hmorrhoids1 ought to be sparing in its use1 as the alkaline salt1 with which it abounds1 will scarcely fail to exasperate their pain4 ,where the patient is naturally very costive1 less lime-water and more soap ought to be used2 and1 on the contrary1 where the body is too loose1 little or no soap is to be taken1 but the cure is to be trusted to lime-water alone2 which1 in this case1 ought to be drank to the quantity of two ,english quarts a day4 ,as the foregoing observations will1 ,i am afraid1 appear more tedious than important1 ,i shall only add1 that ,i am1 with great esteem1 ,,sir1 ,your most obedient humble ,servant1 ,robert ,whytt4 ,,iii4 ,read ,april #ba1 #ageg4 ,dr4 ,pringle's ,paper read after ,dr4 ,whytt's ,letter4 ,,dr4 ,pringle begs leave to inform the ,society1 that having read the copy of his letter1 within these few days1 to ,dr4 ,shaw1 ,mr4 ,hawkins1 and ,mr4 ,graham1 those gentlemen found his account agreeable to their several observations2 only ,mr4 ,graham took notice1 that1 of late years1 ,lord ,walpole1 in his journies to ,norfolk1 had twice voided some blood with his urine1 but with little uneasiness2 and that at other times had passed some sand and stony particles 7tho' never larger than the head of a small pin71 attended with frettings of the parts1 scarce painful4 ,but ,mr4 ,graham was not sure1 whether these accidents were prior or subsequent to the sequel of the case1 communicated to the ,society by his ,lordship4 ,dr4 ,pringle thinks it may be likewise proper to acquaint the ,society with another circumstance in ,lord ,walpole's case1 which he had both from ,dr4 ,shaw and ,mr4 ,graham1 viz4 that after using the soap and lime-water for some time1 his ,lordship was freed from a very obstinate dry and scurfy eruption1 which had resisted several other medicines4 ,but as there were no marks of a putrid scurvy 7that species expressly alluded to towards the end of ,dr4 ,whytt's letter7 the ,society will easily understand1 how the lithontriptic medicines may be prejudicial to one troubled with the true putrid scurvy 7such as is most incident to sailors7 and yet not be improper for those1 that are subject to the scurfy eruptions1 which are commonly1 tho' erroneously1 called scorbutic4 ,pall-,mall1 #bj ,april1 #ageg4 ,,xxvii4 ,an ,account of the ,virtues of ,soap in dissolving the ,stone1 in the ,case of the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,matthew ,simson4 ,communicated by ,john ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,april #bh1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,a ,few days ago ,i received from ,dr4 ,austin1 physician at ,edinburgh1 the case of the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,simson1 drawn up by himself1 in the form of a letter to ,dr4 ,austin2 and which you may remember was alluded to by ,dr4 ,whytt1 in the paper read at the last meeting of the ,society4 ,as ,i am at liberty to communicate this account to others1 ,i thought it would not be unacceptable to the gentlemen of the ,society1 to have another well-attested instance laid before them of the virtues of soap in dissolving the stone1 or1 at least1 in removing all those painful symptoms1 which usually accompany that distemper4 ,to the patient's own narration ,i have subjoined an extract from ,dr4 ,austin's letter to me1 containing the sequel of the case from the date of ,mr4 ,simson's letter to his death2 with an account of the state of his bladder1 as it appeared to ,dr4 ,austin upon dissection4 ,i am1 ,,sir1 ,your most obedient humble ,servant1 ,john ,pringle4 ,pall-,mall1 #bg ,april1 #ageg4 ,a ,letter from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,simson1 ,minister at ,pencaitland1 to ,dr4 ,adam ,austin1 ,physician in ,edinburgh4 ,read ,april #bh1 #ageg4 ,dear ,sir1 ,a,ccording to your desire1 ,i send you the history of my case2 which is as follows3 ,i was of an healthy constitution till the year #agcj1 when ,i was seized with a frequent inclination to make water1 without any previous pain in the kidneys or ureters4 ,this symptom continued till the year #agcc1 without giving me much uneasiness4 ,in ,june #agcc1 as ,i was riding from ,edinburgh to my own house at ,pencaitland1 ,i was seized with a great difficulty and pain in making water1 which went off when ,i got home4 ,in the month of ,july1 having again got on horseback1 ,i was seized with the same complaint1 but more violent2 for then some drops of blood came away4 ,from this time1 if ,i rode eight or ten miles1 ,i passed some blood1 but without pain4 ,in ,september ,i made a journey of #fj miles on horseback2 but every two miles was obliged to dismount1 and made some bloody water4 ,i continued much in the same way all the year #agcd1 as the preceding2 only had one additional complaint1 of a pain in the glans after making water1 and likewise in the neck of the bladder4 ,the only thing ,i did for it was1 to drink plentifully of warm milk and water2 and gave over riding1 on account of the bloody urine4 ,in the month of ,august ,i was sounded by my nephew1 ,dr4 ,simson1 professor of medicine in the university of ,st4 ,andrew's2 but he found no stone1 which he attributed to a wrong posture ,i was in1 when he sounded me4 ,during the winter1 if ,i walked more than usual1 ,i was sure to have a return of the bloody urine and strangury4 ,in ,november #agce1 ,i was sounded by ,mr4 ,balderstone1 surgeon1 in ,edinburgh1 a gentleman very expert in that operation1 and likewise by ,dr4 ,drummond of ,perthshire4 ,they both distinctly felt a stone3 and ,i myself took hold of the catheter1 when it was in my bladder1 and felt the stone as distinctly1 as if it had been in my hand4 ,about ,christmas ,i was seized with a pain along the left ureter1 and violent vomitings2 but1 upon using a turpentine clyster and opiates1 it went off4 ,during the year #agcf1 ,i continued much the same as the preceding year1 always drinking great plenty of milk and water2 which gave me great relief1 as to the bloody urine4 ,i was advised by my nephew1 ,dr4 ,simson1 to go to ,london1 and be cut by ,mr4 ,cheselden2 the rest of my friends advising me to be cut by ,mr4 ,smith1 a lithotomist at ,perth4 ,however1 ,i deferred the operation1 and continued much the same all the year #agcg1 having severe fits now and then4 ,in the year #agch ,sir ,alexander ,gibson1 of ,addiston1 informed me1 that he had been in my condition1 had passed several small stones1 and had found incredible service from the use of soap pills3 for1 from not being able to get out of bed1 in the space of two months after using the soap he was able to go a hunting4 ,however1 for some time ,i was afraid to try the soap1 not knowing what effects it might have on a confirmed stone2 ,sir ,alexander ,gibson's case being only that of small stones4 ,but the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,lundie1 of ,salton1 by experiments convinced me of the efficacy of soap in dissolving a confirmed stone out of the bladder2 for the stone gradually grew smoother and smoother1 and at last was quite dissolved4 ,on the #abth of ,february #agci1 ,i first began the use of the soap1 and in the beginning took only a drachm in the #bd hours4 ,the first week it made me a little qualmish3 however1 ,i gradually increased the dose2 so that in six weeks ,i took six drachms a day1 without its disagreeing in the least with me4 ,i made it up into pills1 and washed them down with a draught of warm milk and water4 ,from the time ,i began to use the soap1 my gravelish symptoms gradually abated2 but1 upon walking two or three miles1 ,i made bloody urine4 ,however1 that symptom gradually abated2 and in the year #agdc all the symptoms of a stone quite vanished1 insomuch that ,i could walk1 ride1 or go in a machine1 as well as ever4 ,from ,february #agci1 to ,july #agdc1 ,i took every day five or six drachms of soap3 but after that time ,i diminished the dose to half an ounce2 and never after had any return of a gravelish symptom1 tho' ,i still imagine the stone is not intirely dissolved2 for after sitting some time1 ,i find as it were something come to the neck of the bladder1 but which gives me no uneasiness4 ,this1 ,sir1 according to the best of my memory1 is my case3 and if it can be of any benefit to you1 in the cure of this painful disease1 it will give great pleasure to1 ,dear ,sir1 ,your most obedient ,servant1 ,matthew ,simson4 ,nov4 #bjth1 #agdi4 ,the ,extract from ,dr4 ,austin's ,letter to ,dr4 ,pringle4 ,read ,april #bh1 #ageg4 ,,the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,simson's letter to me as written in the year #agdi2 about which time he told me1 that he had ridden #dj miles in a day1 without any bad symptom ensuing4 ,in the year #ageb he broke his thigh-bone at the neck2 by a fall from his horse1 and continued for six weeks in great pain2 but after that time he grew easier1 and was able to put his foot to the ground4 ,one day1 as his servant was helping him to walk across the room1 he let him fall2 upon which ,mr4 ,simson felt a severe pain3 the broken leg became then evidently shorter than the other2 and by that misfortune he was confined to his bed for near two years4 ,however1 about six months before he died1 he was so well recovered1 as to be able to go to church1 and to perform divine service4 ,about the beginning of ,may #agef1 ,mr4 ,simson was seized with a diarrha1 which resisted all medicine1 and carried him off in the #hc;d year of his age4 ,from the date of his letter to his death he had never discontinued the use of the soap 7except during the time of his last illness71 tho' he had not been troubled with any painful symptom of a stone since the year #agdc4 ,i obtained leave of his friends to open the body1 but found no stone or gravel in the bladder2 that part appearing to be1 in every respect1 in a natural state1 except at the neck1 where the coats seemed to be schirrous1 and were about a quarter of an inch thick4 ,it is probable1 that the stone had been of a softer texture1 and more easily dissolved1 than ordinary2 otherwise five or six drachms of soap taken daily1 even for so long a time1 could not have dissolved it intirely2 for many have used that medicine in much larger doses1 and at the same time have drank lime-water plentifully1 without obtaining such effects2 tho' all their painful symptoms were removed by that course1 as ,dr4 ,whytt has shewn in his treatise on this subject4 ,i shall only add1 that ,mr4 ,simson's son1 who is now minister at ,fala1 was present at the opening of the body1 and can attest1 that there was no stone found in the bladder4 ,adam ,austin4 ,edinburgh1 #ae ,april #ageg4 ,a ,letter from ,dr4 ,adam ,drummond to ,dr4 ,adam ,austin1 relating to the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,matthew ,simson's ,case4 ,communicated by ,j4 ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,june #bc1 #ageg4 ,i ,have yours2 and was present when ,mr4 ,balderstone sounded ,mr4 ,simson2 and both of us perceived1 very distinctly1 a large stone3 and ,mr4 ,simson himself felt it2 which we were the more sollicitous he should do1 as he was sounded before by ,dr4 ,simson1 who had declared there was no stone4 ,but the particular magnitude of it we could not well determine at the end of a long catheter2 tho' ,i remember ,mr4 ,balderstone1 who was well versed in that business1 conjectured it to be pretty large4 ,he was sounded only once by us1 as the urethra was a little hurt by turning the catheter4 ,there is only one circumstance in the case1 which ,mr4 ,simson seems to have omitted2 that1 from the first symptoms of the stone1 he passed a great deal of mucus mixed with pus1 as well as blood2 and great quantities of gritty red sand1 all in single grains1 never any concreted into small stones4 ,i take the more notice of this1 as ,i do not remember1 that1 after he used the soap1 he ever passed any sand1 but a good deal of mucus1 in which the soap was discoverable by its frothing4 ,could the gritty particles of sand be again suspended in the urine1 so as to become invisible8 or were they wrapt up in the soapy liquid1 so as to escape observation8 ,i have seen several stones of a soft consistence dissolved into mucilage by soap3 but the sand passed by ,mr4 ,simson1 before he used the soap1 seems to indicate his stone of a harder nature1 tho' indeed it felt obtuse at the end of the catheter4 ,i shall rejoice1 if many instances of this kind are found afterwards3 but this seems to be the only one yet1 of a stone in the bladder being dissolved by soap alone4 ,i am1 ,dear ,doctor1 ,your most humble ,servant1 ,adam ,drummond4 ,bandeeran1 ,june #e4 #ageg4 ,,xxviii4 ,an ,account of the ,impressions of ,plants on the ,slates of ,coals3 ,in a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable ,george ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4,s4 from ,mr4 ,emanuel ,mendes da ,costa1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,april #bh1 #ageg4 ,my ,lord1 ,i ,have the honour to address this letter to your ,lordship1 in order to be communicated to the ,royal ,society1 if your ,lordship deems it worthy the attention of that learned and illustrious assembly4 ,the impressions of various kinds of plants are frequently1 ,i might say always1 found in some of the strata lying over coal2 but more particularly in a stratum of earthy slat1 which1 in my ,history of ,fossils1 page #afh4 ,species ,,iv4 ,i have synonymed ,schistus terrestris niger carbonarius1 and which always lies immediately upon the coal-stratum1 not only in the coal-pits of this kingdom1 but of many other parts of ,europe1 e4g4 ,france1 ,saxony1 ,bohemia1 ,silesia1 c4 ,most of these impressions1 my ,lord1 are of the herb capillares et affines1 the gramineous1 and the reed tribes3 but1 however1 among them many rare and beautiful impressions undoubtedly of vegetable origin1 and impressed by plants hitherto unknown to botanists1 are not unfrequently met with4 ,besides these1 my ,lord1 found over coal-pits1 there are likewise found in some parts of this kingdom1 as at ,robinhood's-bay in ,yorkshire1 ,coalbrookdale in ,shropshire1 c4 many curious impressions of the fern tribe in regular nodules of iron-stone2 and1 in the latter place1 not only impressions of plants1 but even the cones or iuli of some kinds of trees are met with1 very perfect and fair1 and curiously imbedded in masses of iron-stone4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,v4 p4 #bbi4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,the most part of the impressions of ferns1 grasses1 c4 are easily recognizable1 they so minutely tally to the plants they represent4 ,others indeed1 tho' they do not exactly answer any known species1 yet have characters so distinctly expressed1 that they are easily arranged under their respective genera#aci4 ,therefore ,i shall not trouble your ,lordship with any further remarks on all such1 but shall only touch on those elegant and extraordinary impressions1 probably of unknown vegetables1 above-mentioned3 for that they are the parts and impressions of vegetables1 ,i think clearly evinced1 if we attentively and with a philosophical mind consider them1 and reflect on the various circumstances1 which attend them in the places1 where they now lie buried4 ,i have therefore the honour1 my ,lord1 to exhibit the drawings of seven such extraordinary impressions1 and the fossiles themselves1 for your ,lordship's and this learned body's inspection 7,see ,,tab4 ,v474 ,the impressions figured ,n4 #a4 is from ,mr4 ,mytton's collieries at ,drilt1 near ,oswestry1 in ,shropshire2 as are also those figured ,n4 #b1 #d1 and #g3 they are found sometimes two feet in length1 and are generally covered with a thin crust of coal4 ,the specimina ,dr4 ,woodward exhibits1 ,catalogue ,b1 pages #ajf1 #ajg4 specimina q4 #bb4 and q4 #cb4 are analogous to this1 tho' not exactly the same4 ,the ,doctor's fossiles were from ,haigh in ,lancashire2 and he imagines the impressions to be made by vegetables of the fir kind4 ,volckman also1 in his ,silesia subterranea1 tab4 #bb4 fig4 #b4 figures a branch with a rhomboidal work on it1 and with three long narrow leaves1 which seems akin to this impression4 ,n4 #b4 seems of the reed tribe3 the knobs placed in rows1 which are like the vesicles on the quercus marina1 and some other alg1 are very remarkable4 ,woodward1 ,catalogue ,b4 page #i4 specimen a4 #a4 exhibits an impression akin to this1 which he imagines to be of the fern kind4 ,n4 #c4 from a coal-pit in ,yorkshire4 ,i cannot but think this impression is owing to somewhat of the fir kind4 ,dr4 ,woodward1 who exhibits such a like impression1 ,catalogue ,b4 p4 #af4 specimen a4 #ajh4 imagines the same3 his words are1 8,the impression is much like what might be made by the branches of the common fir1 after the leaves are fallen or stript off40 ,n4 #d4 seems to be of the same kind as ,n4 #b4 ,n4 #e4 ,this extraordinary impression is from ,mostyn-colliery in ,flintshire4 ,it is a little obscured2 but1 when attentively viewed1 exhibits a reticular impression1 the meshes whereof are rhomboidal hollows1 and the sides of the rhombs1 or the net-work1 are raised1 or in relief4 ,n4 #f4 is from ,newcastle4 ,volckman1 ibid1 part #c4 tab4 #d4 fig4 #i4 seems to be of this kind4 ,n4 #g4 ,the same author1 ,volckman1 figures a somewhat-like impression1 ibid4 fig4 #e4 ,only these seven extraordinary impressions ,i have presumed1 my ,lord1 to treat of at this present time2 but ,i have many more in my cabinet equally curious1 some few of which ,i here exhibit to the ,society1 without taking any further notice of them3 only ,i shall add1 that many extraordinary impressions occur in ,woodward's and other collections1 and many are iconed in authors1 worthy the attention of the curious4 ,these impressions1 my ,lord1 are not only met with in small pieces2 but large evident branches1 some feet in length1 have been found4 ,i have1 in the collieries of ,derbyshire1 frequently traced branches with 7what seemed to me7 long narrow leaves proceeding from them1 and parts of other vegetables1 above a foot's length3 but the hardness of the substance they are immersed in renders it impossible to get them out without breaking them to pieces#adj4 ,as these remains of vegetables are very extraordinary1 ,i would recommend to the curious in botany to take notice of them1 as an ,appendix ,plantarum adhuc incognitarum4 ,for my part1 ,i am so very little skilled in botany1 that ,i hardly presume to offer my opinion2 which is1 that they are impressions and parts of species of the firs and pines1 of the tithymals1 the cereus's1 and other arborescent plants1 and of large reeds2 for some of the said kind are embellished with ribbed1 studded1 and reticulated works2 e4g4 the ,hercules' club1 or rubi facie senticosa planta ,lobelii1 described by ,dr4 ,grew1 ,museum ,reg4 ,soc4 p4 #bba4 the cerei1 c4 ,i further exhibit to the ,society some few specimina of iron-stones with cones or iuli imbedded in them4 ,these1 my ,lord1 are from veins of ball iron-stone1 in the lands of ,lord ,gower1 at ,okenyate1 a village on the ,roman road of ,watling-street2 and from the iron-works at ,coalbrookdale in ,shropshire4 ,the cones are frequently met with in fragments1 but rarely so intire1 and are never found but in the strata of iron-stone4 ,i have added to these a figured fossile body1 much like a cone1 found sometimes in our chalk-pits in ,england1 but chiefly in the pits at ,cherry-,hinton in ,cambridgeshire4 ,dr4 ,woodward1 ,catalogue ,b4 p4 #bb4 specimen b4 #gb4 calls them cones seeming to be of the larix2 and imagines they were not come to ripeness or maturity4 ,they certainly have some resemblance to cones1 tho' ,i much doubt them to be so2 but they most exactly resemble the roots of the cyperus rotundus vulgaris of botanists4 ,i shall finish this paper1 my ,lord1 by acquainting your ,lordship and the ,society1 that ,i firmly believe these bodies to be of the vegetable origin1 buried in the strata of the earth at the time of the universal deluge recorded by ,moses4 ,it is1 ,i must confess1 with regret1 that ,i find there are some1 who reject the burial of these bodies at that fatal catastrophe1 but substitute partial deluges to account for it4 ,did those gentlemen consider1 or maturely weigh1 the many remarkable and strong evidences of an universal deluge1 every-where obvious in the bowels of the earth1 they certainly would abandon their imaginary system3 for1 my ,lord1 it is not only the immense quantities of marine remains1 dispersed in all terrestrial strata1 which are to be considered 7that circumstance alone might give some reasoning to their system of partial deluges71 but the following more weighty circumstances are likewise to be added and flung into the scale4 #a4 ,the heavings1 displacings1 trappings1 and breaks of the metallic veins1 and the loads of rubble1 met with at vast depths1 and where no marine remains were ever found2 and such heavings1 c4 are not rare in metallic or mineral works3 of which1 to give your ,lordship an idea1 ,i have presumed to sketch the following plan of such a phnomenon4 ,illustration3 ,these cross-loads are not unfrequent in the mines on ,north ,downs1 near ,redruth1 in ,cornwall4 ,wheal-,widden copper-work there1 in #agej1 was about #fj fathoms deep4 ,the load was #bj feet over2 and has many cross-loads two or three feet over1 which sometimes heave the metallic load from one to five or six fathom4 ,these cross-loads are generally filled with fragments of stone1 minerals and other rubble4 #b4 ,if these effects proceed from local deluges1 recedings of the sea1 gulphs atterrated1 c4 we should then indeed find marine remains3 but how will that account for the vast quantity of remains of terrestrial vegetables and animals1 equally met with1 and in like manner as the marine remains1 in the bowels of the earth8 ,and1 #c4 ,were local or partial deluges the cause1 we should then find only the animals and plants of the climates or places1 where such deluges have happened2 whereas in these fossil remains it is quite the contrary3 the remains of those plants and animals1 we know1 are of animals and plants1 the inhabitants of the most remote climes from those1 where they now lie buried2 e4g4 the rhinoceros-bones1 in the cave called ,baumans-hole1 in the ,hartz ,forest in ,germany2 the strange bones in the ,antra ,draconum in ,hungary2 the horns of the moose-deer1 and other prodigious horns1 and elephants bones1 found in ,england1 ,ireland1 ,germany1 ,sibiria1 and even ,america1 c4 of vegetables1 parts of the arbor tristis in ,france2 bamboo's1 or great ,indian reeds1 frequent in ,england2 with numbers of other such examples4 ,and of those remains even of the marine shells1 yet unknown to us1 all appear exotic to the climes where they now lie deposited2 e4g4 the cliffs at ,harwich in ,essex abound with a species of buccinum heterostrophum1 and other shells1 never yet discovered in the adjacent waters4 ,the ammonit of so many species1 and the innumerable variety of conch anomi1 with which this island abounds1 are yet unknown to be inhabitants of our seas1 and appear exotic to this climate4 ,therefore1 my ,lord1 ,i reasonably conclude partial or local deluges could never have produced such effects4 ,however1 unprejudiced to any opinion1 if the learned1 who favour the system of partial deluges1 will either confute these my assertions1 or give solid reasons for the facts alleged to be producible by local deluges1 atterrations1 c4 ,i will joyfully embrace the truth3 but till then1 my ,lord1 ,i would recommend to those systematical gentlemen1 not to pervert that excellent maxim of the great ,lord ,bacon1 and1 instead of ,non fingendum neque excogitandum1 sed inveniendum quid natura faciat1 aut ferat1 not to corrupt it into fingendum atque excogitandum1 non inveniendum quid natura faciat1 aut ferat4 ,i am1 with great submission and respect1 ,,my ,,lord1 ,your ,lordship's ,most devoted1 and most obliged1 humble ,servant1 ,emanuel ,mendes da ,costa4 ,london1 #bg ,april1 #ageg4 ,,xxix4 ,a ,catalogue of the ,fifty ,plants from ,chelsea ,garden1 presented to the ,royal ,society by the worshipful ,company of ,apothecaries1 for the ,year #agef1 pursuant to the ,direction of ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 ,baronet1 ,med4 ,reg4 ,soc4 ,reg4 nuper ,prses1 by ,john ,wilmer1 ,m4 ,d4 clariss4 ,societatis ,pharmaceut4 ,lond4 ,socius1 ,hort4 ,chels4 ,prfect4 ,prlector ,botan4 ,read ,april #bh1 #ageg4 #agja ,a,bronanum campestre incanum ,carlin odore4 ,c4,b4,p4 #agjb ,abrotanum humile corymbis majoribus aureis4 ,h4 ,reg4 ,par4 #agjc ,acer platanoides4 ,muntingii histor4 #agjd ,amelanchier4 ,lobel4 #agje ,anchusa lutea minor4 ,j4,b4 #c4 #ehc4 ,buglossum luteum annuum minimum4 ,tourn4 #acd4 #agjf ,arctotis ramis decumbentibus foliis lineari-lanceolatis rigidis subtus argenteis flore magno aureo pediculo longissimo4 ,miller's ,icons4 #agjg ,ascyrum magno flore1 ,c4,b4 #bhj4 #agjh ,asphodelus ,allobrogicus magno flore ,lilii ,h4,l4 #fe4 #agji ,aster caule ramoso scabro perenni foliis ovatis sessilibus pedunculis nudis unifloris4 ,miller's ,icons4 #agaj ,astragalus repens minor flore cruleo1 filiqua ,epigottidi simili4 ,index ,plant4 ,boerh4 #agaa ,barleria inermis foliis ovatis denticulatis petiolatis4 ,lin4 ,sp4 ,plant4 #fcg4 ,barleria solani folio flore coccineo4 ,plum4 nov4 gen4 #ca4 #agab ,blitum ,kaly minus album dictum4 ,kaly minus ,ger4 ,emac4 #ece4 #agac ,campanula maxima foliis latissimis4 ,c4,b4 #id4 #agad ,caryophillus montanus umbellatus floribus variis1 luteis ferrugineis ,italicus4 ,barrel obs4 #fdh4 #agae ,cataria ,hispanica ,betonic folio angustiore flore cruleo4 ,tourn4 #agaf ,celastrus spinis nudis1 ramis teretibus1 foliis acutis4 ,hort4 ,cliff4 #gb4 ,lycium4 ,boerhaav4 ,ind4 alt4 #b4 #bcg4 #agag ,ceralus racemosa sylvestris fructu non eduli rubro4 ,h4,r4 ,par4 ,cerasia racemosa rubra4 #b4 ,tabernamont4 ,icon1 #ihg4 #agah ,chamdrys ,hispanica tenuifolia multiflora4 ,h4 ,r4 ,par4 ,tourn4 #bje4 #agai ,cherophyllum palustre latifolium flore albo4 ,boerh4 #gj4 ,myrrhis palustre latifolia rubra4 ,tourn4 #cae4 #agbj ,chenopodium ,stramonii folio4 ,vaill4 #agba ,cirsium foliis non hirsutis floribus compactis4 ,c4,b4,p4 #cgg4 #agbb ,cirsium maximum ,asphodeli radice4 ,c4,b4 #cgg4 #agbc ,colutea foliolis ovatis integerrimis caule fruticolo4 ,phil4 ,miller's ,icons4 #agbd ,convallaria foliis sessilibus racemo terminal composito4 ,lin4 ,sp4 ,pl4 #cae4 #agbe ,conyza mas ,theophrasti major ,dioscoridis4 ,c4,b4,p4 #bfe4 ,major ,monspeliensis odorata4 ,j4,b4 #b4 #ajec4 #agbf ,coriandrum majus4 ,c4,b4 #aeh4 ,officinar4 #ade4 #agbg ,cornus ,orientalis sylvestris fructu teretiformi4 ,t4 ,cor4 #agbh ,crithmum1 sive ,fniculum maritimum1 minus4 ,c4,b4 #bhh4 ,offic4 #aeb4 #agbi ,crocus sativus4 ,c4,b4 #fe4 ,officinar4 #aeb4 #agcj ,cyclamen vernum minus orbiculato folio1 inferne rubente1 flore minore ruberrimo4 ,mor4 ,hist4 #c4 #eea4 #agca ,elichrysum graveolens acutifolium alato caule4 ,hort4 ,eltham4 #agcb ,gramen spica aristata4 ,lin4 ,sp4 ,pl4 #hc4 ,gramen loliaceum spica longiore lolium ,dioscoridis4 ,c4,b4,p4 #agcc ,leucanthemum ,tanaceti folio1 flore majore4 ,boerh4 #ajg4 ,matricaria ,tanaceti folio1 flore majore1 semine umbilicato4 ,tourn4 #dic4 #agcd ,meadia4 ,catesby ,hist4 ,car4 #c4 p4 #a4 ,dodecatheon4 ,lin4 ,sp4 ,pl4 #add4 #agce ,medica magno fructu1 aculeis sursum et deorsum rendentibus4 ,tourn4 #daa4 #agcf ,moscatellina foliis fumari bulbos1 de qua ,cordus4 ,j4,b4 #b4 #bjf4 ,radix cava minima viridi flore4 ,ger4 #icc4 #agcg ,narcissus ,illyricus ,liliaceus4 ,c4,b4,p4 #ee4 ,pancratii ,monspeliaci ,hemerocallidis ,valentin facie4 ,lilio-narcissus1 vel ,narcissus tertius ,matthioli4 ,j4,b4 #b4 #fac4 #agch ,osmunda vulgaris et palustris4 ,tourn4 #edg4 ,filix ramosa non dentata florida4 ,c4,b4,p4 #ceg4 #agci ,papaver laciniato folio capitulo hispido rotundiore4 ,tourn4 ,argemone capitulo rotundiore4 ,park4 #cfi4 #agdj ,papaver ,orientale hirsutissimum magno flore4 ,tourn4 ,cor4 #ag4 #agda ,periclymenum perfoliatum ,virginianum sempervirens et florens4 ,h4,l4,b4 #agdb ,phillyrea1 ,ole ,ephesiac folio4 ,pluk4 ,phyt4 ,tab4 #caj4 fig4 #e4 #agdc ,phlomis ,lychnitis4 ,clus4 ,hist4 #bg4 ,verbascum sylvestre ,monspeliense flore luteo hiante4 ,j4,b4 #c4 #cjg4 #agdd ,polygonum foliis cordatis caule volubili1 floribus carinatis4 ,lin4 ,sp4 ,plant4 #cfd4 ,fagopyrum scandens ,americanum maximum4 ,tourn4 ,inst4 #agde ,saxifraga sedi folio1 flore albo1 multiflora4 ,t4 #beb4 ,sedum ,pyrenaicum pyramidale longifolium elegantissimum4 ,schol4 ,botan4 ,par4 ,sanicula ,pyrenaica longifolia multiflora elegantissma4 ,h4,l4 #agdf ,serratula ,noveboracensis maxima foliis longis serratis4 ,hort4 ,eltham4 #cee4 #agdg ,thalictrum minus4 ,c4,b4,p4 #ccg4 ,thalictrum minus seu ,rut pratensis genus minus semine striato4 ,j4,b4 #c4 #dhg4 #agdh ,verbascum fmina flore luteo magno4 ,c4,b4 #bci4 #agdi ,vicia leguminibus sessilibus reflexis pilosis solitariis pentaspermis coroll vexilis glabris4 ,lin4 ,sp4 ,pl4 #gcf4 ,vicia leguminibus solitariis deorsum flexis hirsutis4 ,sauv4 ,monspeliens4 #bce4 #agej ,ulmus folio latissimo scabro4 ,ger4 ,emac4 #adha4 ,latiore folio4 ,park4 #adjd4 ,,xxx4 ,remarks on the ,opinion of ,henry ,eeles1 ,esq2 concerning the ,ascent of ,vapour1 published in the ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlix4 ,part i4 p4 #abd4 ,by ,erasmus ,darwin1 ,m4,d4 ,communicated by ,mr4 ,william ,watson1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,to ,mr4 ,william ,watson1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,,sir1 ,,the inclosed papers were designed for the perusal of the ,royal ,society2 being an endeavour to confute the opinion of ,mr4 ,eeles about the ascent of vapours1 published in the last volume of their ,transactions4 ,but the author1 having no electrical friend1 whose sagacity he could confide in1 has at length prevailed upon himself to be so free to send them to ,mr4 ,watson2 to whom the world is so much indebted for the advancement of their knowlege in electricity4 ,whence1 ,sir1 if you should think that these papers have truth1 the great ,diana of real philosophers1 to patronize them1 you will confer a favour upon me1 by laying them before that learned ,body4 ,if1 on the contrary1 you should deem this confutation trifling or futil1 ,i hope you will be humane enough to suppress them1 and give me your objections2 and by that means lay a still greater obligation on one1 who has not the pleasure to be personally acquainted with you4 ,from1 ,,sir1 ,your very humble ,servant1 ,erasmus ,darwin1 ,physician at ,litchfield1 ,staffordshire4 ,march #bc4 #ageg4 ,,letter ,i4 ,to the very honourable and learned the ,,president and ,,members of the ,royal ,society4 ,read ,may #e1 #ageg4 ,gentlemen1 ,,there is ever such a charm attendant upon novelty1 that be it in philosophy1 medicine1 or religion1 the gazing world are too often led to adore1 what they ought only to admire3 whilst this vehemence of enthusiasm has generally soon rendered that object contemptible1 that would otherwise have long laid claim to a more sober esteem4 ,this was once the fate of chemistry3 the vain and pompous boasts of her adepts brought the whole art into disrespect2 and ,i should be sorry1 if her sister electricity should share the same misfortunes4 ,it is hence the ingenious ,mr4 ,eeles will excuse me1 for endeavouring to lay before you my opinion on the ascent of vapours1 tho' it by no means coincides with that he is so strenuous to establish1 and plucks a plume from his idol goddess electricity4 ,the probability1 supporting the hypothesis of ,mr4 ,eeles1 according to his own expressions1 rests on this3 8,that every particle of vapour is endued with a portion of electric fire2 and that there is no other sufficient cause assigned for their ascending40 7,phil4 ,trans4 vol4 xlix4 part4 i4 p4 #acd474 ,my design is therefore first to attempt to shew1 that another theory1 founded on principles better known1 will sufficiently explain the ascent of vapours3 and then1 that some kinds of vapours are not endued with a more or less than their natural share of electric ther4 ,the immense rarefaction of explosive bodies by heat1 depends either on the escape of air before condensed in them1 or on the expansion of the constituent parts of those bodies4 ,this distinction has not been sufficiently considered by any one to my knowlege2 nor shall ,i at present amuse the ,society upon this head2 it being enough for my present purpose to observe1 that they may be thus distinguished3 where air is emitted1 it cannot be condensed again into the same bulk by cold2 but the expansion of heated parts of bodies1 as soon as that heat is withdrawn1 ceases to exist4 ,nitre comes under the first of these classes3 in detonation it emits great quantities of air1 not afterwards condensible to the like space4 ,this may be seen by firing a few grains of gunpowder in an unblown bladder1 or in a vessel nearly full of water with its mouth inverted4 ,the same is true of all the solid parts of animals and vegetables1 when subjected to fire2 as appears from the experiments of that learned philanthropist1 ,dr4 ,hales4 ,but of water the contrary is evident4 ,in the steam-engine1 a jet of cold water1 we find1 instantly condenses that immense rarefaction2 which ,i apprehend could not be1 if it was constituted of escaped elastic air4 ,and altho' this steam must be acknowledged to put on some properties of air2 such as ventilating a fire2 or that a taper blown out by it1 is capable of being again lighted immediately1 and that without a crackling noise1 which occurs when touched with water2 this does not in the least invalidate our opinion1 tho' it has certainly conduced very much to propagate the former one3 since from this way of reasoning1 the whole must be air1 and we should have no water at all in vapour4 ,from considering this power of expansion1 which the constituent parts of some bodies acquire by heat2 and withal1 that some bodies have a greater affinity to heat1 that is1 acquire it sooner and retain it longer than others2 which affinity appears from experiments1 and which1 ,i apprehend1 is in some ratio of their specific gravities and their powers of refraction1 reflexion1 or absorption of light2 or at least in some ratio much greater than that of their specific gravities alone4 ,from considering these1 ,i say1 many things1 before utterly inexplicable1 became easily understood by me4 ,such as1 ,why when bismuth and zinc are fused together1 and set to cool1 the zinc1 which is specifically heavier1 is found above the bismuth8 ,why the buff covering of inflammatory blood1 the skum of heated milk1 the sedative salt of borax1 which are all specifically heavier than the liquids in which they are formed1 are still formed at the surface of them8 ,how benzoin1 sulphur1 and even the ponderous body mercury1 may be raised into vapour1 again to be condensed unaltered8 ,and1 lastly1 how water1 whose parts appear from the olipile to be capable of immeasurable expansion1 should by heat alone become specifically lighter than the common atmosphere1 without having recourse to a shell inclosing air1 or other assistant machinery8 and when raised1 ,i am persuaded we shall find1 that to support them floating1 perhaps many days1 in the atmosphere1 is not a knot so intricate1 as to oblige us to conjure up a new divinity to unravel it4 ,but before we proceed to this second part of our task1 it will be necessary previously to consider1 first1 how small a degree of heat is required to detach or raise the vapour of water from its parent-fluid4 ,in the coldest day1 ,i might say the coldest night1 of winter1 when the weather is not frosty or very damp1 wet linen or paper will become dry in the course of a few hours4 ,a greater degree of heat must indeed cause a quicker evaporation4 ,but ,i am persuaded1 that was it not for the pressure of the superincumbent fluid1 greatly less than that of boiling water would instantly disperse the whole so heated into vapour4 ,secondly1 ,that in the opinion of ,sir ,isaac ,newton1 well illustrated by the late lamented ,mr4 ,melvil1 the sun-beams appear only to communicate heat to bodies by which they are refracted1 reflected1 or obstructed2 whence1 by their impulse1 a reaction or vibration is caused in the parts of such impacted bodies4 ,this is supported by the experiment of approaching some light body1 or blowing smoke near the focus of the largest glasses2 and from observing1 that these do not ascend1 it is evident the air is not so much as warmed by the passage of those beams thro' it1 yet would instantly calcine or vitrify every opake body in nature4 ,and from this we may collect1 that transparent bodies are only heated at their surfaces1 and that perhaps in proportion to their quantity of refraction3 which will further give and receive illustration from those very curious experiments1 of producing cold by the evaporation of liquors1 published by the learned ,dr4 ,cullen1 in the late volume of ,essays ,physical and ,literary1 at ,edinburgh4 ,in these experiments a spirit-thermometer was immersed in spirit of wine1 and being suddenly retracted1 was again exposed to the air2 and as the spirit of wine adhering to the glass evaporated1 the spirit contained within the thermometer was observed to subside4 ,now as the difference of the refraction of spirit of wine and glass is exceedingly minute1 compared with the difference of refraction of spirit of wine and air2 we may consider1 in the above experiment1 the heat to be communicated to the thermometer only at its surface3 but here the adherent fluid escapes as soon as heated2 by which means the glass1 and its contents1 are deprived of that constant addition of heat1 which other bodies perpetually enjoy either from the sun-beams immediately1 or from the emanations of other contiguous warmer bodies2 and must thence1 in a few minutes1 become colder than before4 ,the ingenious ,mr4 ,eeles1 ,i dare say1 has already foreseen the use ,i am going to make of this principle2 viz4 8,that the little spherules of vapour will thus1 by refracting the solar rays1 acquire a constant heat1 tho' the surrounding atmosphere remain cold40 ,and as from the minuteness of their diameters1 if they are allowed to be globules1 they must do this to a very great degree1 ,i apprehend none of those objections will take place against us1 with which ,mr4 ,eeles has so sensibly confuted the former received theories on this subject4 ,if we are asked1 how clouds come to be supported in the absence of the sun8 ,it must be remembered1 that large masses of vapour must for a considerable time retain much of the heat they have acquired in the day2 at the same time reflecting1 how small a quantity of heat was necessary to raise them2 and that doubtless even a less will be sufficient to support them1 as from the diminished pressure of the atmosphere at a given height1 a less power may be able to continue them in their present state of rarefaction2 and1 lastly1 that clouds of particular shapes will be sustained or elevated by the motion they acquire from winds4 ,i should here have concluded this paper1 perhaps already too long2 but upon revising it1 ,i find1 where the affinity of some bodies with heat is mentioned1 that the deductions made from thence are not sufficiently explained to be intelligible4 ,first then1 ,if the power of expansion of any two bodies1 by heat1 be in a greater proportion than their specific gravities1 then will there be a certain degree of heat1 in which their specific gravities will be equal2 and another1 in which the gravity of that1 which was lighter when cold1 will exceed the gravity of that1 which was heavier when cold4 ,hence zinc and bismuth alter their specific gravities in fusion2 some urine1 and many solutions of solids1 grow turbid as they cool2 others alter their colours4 ,secondly1 ,if 7the power of expansion by heat being equal7 the power of retaining heat be in a greater ratio than the specific gravities2 then1 during the time of cooling after being sufficiently heated1 there will be an instant1 when the heavier body will become the lighter1 and swim upon the other4 ,this seems the case in the buff covering of inflamed blood1 the skum of heated milk1 and the cristallization of some salts3 for if these effects were from the evaporation of the thinner parts at the surface1 they should happen during the greatest evaporation1 or when boiling2 but1 on the contrary1 they are all done in the greatest degree when the liquor has for some time began to cool4 ,lastly1 ,if the quickness of acquiring heat be in a greater proportion than their specific gravities 7the power of expansion being equal71 then1 during the time of their acquiring heat1 there will be an instant1 when the body1 that was heavier when cold1 will now become the lighter4 ,from one or more of which principles1 ,i apprehend1 the volatility or fixity of all minerals1 and many other bodies1 takes its origin4 ,it is no part of my design to account to you1 gentlemen1 in what manner such an expansion of the parts of bodies can be brought about by the action of fire4 ,tho' perhaps a rotatory motion only of each particle on its own center might be sufficient to produce such a rarefaction2 and the more so1 if such parts were any other figures than spheres1 as by the percussion of their angles they must result further from each other4 ,nor is the existence of such a rotatory motion without some probability1 when we observe the verticillary motion given to charcoal-dust thrown on nitre in fusion1 or the wonderful agitation of the parts of burning phosphorus1 or even of a common red letter-wafer touched by the flame of a candle4 ,but as in this paper ,i have laboured 7and ,i hope not without success7 to shew you1 that some properties of solar heat are sufficient to account for the elevation and support of vapours2 so in another letter ,i propose nearly to demonstrate to you1 that the electric ther is far from having any share in the production of this important phnomenon4 ,from1 ,,gentlemen1 ,your very humble ,servant1 ,erasmus ,darwin4 ,litchfield1 ,mar4 #bj1 #ageg4 ,,letter ,,ii4 ,to the very honourable and learned the ,,president and ,,members of the ,royal ,society4 ,read ,may #e1 #ageg4 ,gentlemen1 ,,every theoretical inquiry1 whose basis does not rest upon experiments1 is at once exploded in this well-thinking age2 where truth1 under your patronage1 has at length broke thro' those clouds1 with which superstition1 policy1 or parade1 had overwhelmed her4 ,but experiments themselves1 gentlemen1 are not exempted from fallacy4 ,a strong inventive faculty1 a fine mechanic hand1 a clear unbiassed judgment1 are at once required for the contrivance1 conduct1 and application1 of experiments2 and even where these are joined 7such is the condition of humanity67 error too frequently intrudes herself1 and spoils the work4 ,my very respectable antagonist1 ,mr4 ,eeles1 to whose ear1 ,i am convinced1 the voice of truth is more agreeable than that of applause1 will forgive me the following critique on his performance2 as by that means1 ,i am persuaded1 the probability of his notions will be intirely destroyed1 and the foregoing theory receive additional supports4 ,for this purpose our first endeavour will be to shew the uncertainty of some of the most material principles1 that support his arguments2 and afterwards1 the fallacy of the experiments he has given us4 ,first then1 in page #acj4 ,mr4 ,eeles has asserted1 that the greatest possible rarefaction of water is when it boils4 ,i think it might be said1 with equal propriety1 that the greatest rarefaction of solids was when they began to melt3 and this may indeed be verbally true1 if we chuse to alter the names of bodies1 when they undergo any alteration by fire2 so solids take the name of fluids1 when they are in fusion2 and water the name of vapour1 when it is greatly rarefied in the steam-engine4 ,whence we find this assertion seems to be founded on a confusion in terms1 and the fact far from being existent in nature4 ,in page #acc4 the sphere of electrical activity is said to be increased by heat4 ,if by electrical activity is here meant an increase of its repulsive power 7the thing1 which seems to be wanted in ,mr4 ,eeles's hypothesis71 ,i know no experiment to show it4 ,if it be meant1 that it is capable of being attracted to a greater distance2 ,i conjecture it may1 as the heat will rarefy the ambient air1 and we know the electric ther is attracted at very great distances in vacuo2 but this cannot properly be called an increased activity of electric fire4 ,we are afterwards told 7page ib47 8that electric fire will not mix with air30 whence1 in the succeeding section1 it is argued1 8,that as each particle of vapour1 with its surrounding electric fluid1 will occupy a greater space than the same weight of air1 they will ascend40 ,in answer to this1 it must be observed1 that there are some bodies1 whose parts are fine enough to penetrate the pores of other bodies1 without increasing their bulk2 or to pass thro' them1 without apparently moving or disturbing them4 ,a certain proportion of alcohol of wine mixed with water1 and of copper and tin in fusion1 are instances of the first of these2 the existence and passage of light thro' air1 and1 ,i am persuaded1 of electric fire1 are instances of the second4 ,to illustrate this1 the following experiment was instituted4 ,a glass tube1 open at one end1 and with a bulb at the other1 had its bulb1 and half way from thence to the aperture of the tube1 coated on the inside with gilt paper4 ,the tube was then inverted in a glass of oil of turpentine1 which was placed on a cake of wax1 and the tube kept in that perpendicular situation by a silk line from the cieling of the room4 ,the bulb was then warmed1 so that1 when it became cold1 the turpentine rose about half-way up the tube4 ,a bent wire then being introduced1 thro' the oil into the air above1 high electricity was given4 ,the oil did not appear at all to subside3 whence ,i conclude1 the electric atmosphere flowing round the wire and coating of the tube above the oil1 did not displace the air1 but existed in its pores4 ,this experiment ,i formerly tried various ways1 as ,i had conceived1 if the electric matter would displace air1 it might have been applied to answer the end of steam in the steam-engine1 and many other great mechanical purposes4 ,but as from the above it appears1 that the contrary is true1 it is evident1 that electric matter surrounding particles of vapour must1 in fact1 increase their specific gravity1 and cannot any-ways be imagined to facilitate their ascent4 ,i may add further1 that if this be true1 that it pervades the pores of air1 its specific levity cannot1 by any means ,i know1 be compared with that of air4 ,its particular attraction to some bodies1 at least to much the greater part of the terraqueous globe1 is abundantly greater than that of air to those bodies3 and hence its gravitation to the whole globe would appear1 at first view1 to exceed that of air4 ,but the more ,i consider this1 the more perplexing and amazing it appears to me3 and thence must leave it to the investigation of my very ingenious antagonist1 or some other able philosopher4 ,i come now to the experiments1 that are given us to show all vapour to be electrifed4 ,in these ,mr4 ,eeles seems to have been led into error1 by not having observed1 that many bodies electrifed will retain that electricity for some time1 altho' in contact with conductors4 ,the ,leyden phial may be touched three or four times by a quick finger before the whole is discharged4 ,almost all light dry animal or vegetable substances1 such as feathers and cork1 do this in a much greater degree3 and in general ,i have observed1 the more slow any bodies are to acquire electricity1 the more avaritious they are to keep it4 ,part of the plume of a feather1 hanging to a green line of silk about a foot long1 which was suspended from the midst of an horizontal line of the same1 about four yards in length1 was electrified with a dry wine-glass1 according to the method of ,mr4 ,eeles2 and1 after being touched nine times with my finger1 at the intervals of two seconds of time1 still manifested signs of electricity1 by being attracted at the tenth approach of it4 ,a cork ball1 on the same line and circumstances1 after being electrised1 was touched at the intervals of ten seconds repeatedly1 for seven times1 before it was exhausted4 ,the fumes of boiling water were conveyed upon this ball after being electrised2 and1 after a fumigation for thirty seconds1 it shewed signs of electricity1 by being attracted to the approaching finger2 and1 after thirty seconds more1 without any fumigation1 it again obeyed the finger2 and again1 after thirty more1 but at less and less distances4 ,the same appearances occurred to me from the fumes of resin4 ,from whence ,i apprehend1 that ,mr4 ,eeles1 having dipped the electrised down of the juncus bombycinus in vapour for perhaps half a minute 7for no time is mentioned71 and finding it still retained its electric attraction1 was not aware1 that this same had happened1 if he had by intervals touched it with his finger1 or any other known conductor of electricity4 ,as ,mr4 ,eeles had here objected1 that there was no real opposition in the electric ther of glass1 and that from wax2 the common experiment to shew this was many times repeated with constant success2 viz4 the cork ball1 suspended as above1 after being electrised by the wine-glass1 and repelled from it1 was strongly attracted by a rubbed stick of sealing-wax2 and vice vers4 ,in the same manner ,i observed the electric ther from a black silk stocking 7which was held horizontally extended by the top and foot1 and1 being rubbed in the midst with an iron poker1 was applied to the cork ball71 to be similar to that of glass1 and opposite to that of wax4 ,but the following experiment appears to me to put this matter out of all doubt1 and to demonstrate1 that this difference is only a plus and minus of the same specific ther1 and not different qualities of it1 as ,mr4 ,eeles would suppose4 ,a stick of dry sealing-wax was rubbed on the side of a dry wine-glass1 and a cork ball1 suspended as in the former experiments1 played for some time between them3 but glass rubbed with glass1 or wax with wax1 did not manifest any electric appearance4 ,whence it would appear1 that in rubbing glass and wax together1 the glass accumulated on its surface the identical ther that the wax lost4 ,nor is this a digression from my design3 for if this opposition of the electricity of glass and wax be established1 it still contributes to demonstrate the fallacy of ,mr4 ,eeles's experiments4 ,but what alone would intirely destroy this electric hypothesis1 is1 that from the experiments of ,mr4 ,franklin and others1 the clouds are sometimes found to be electrised plus1 sometimes minus1 and sometimes manifest no signs of electricity at all4 ,whence to say an accumulation of electric ther supports these clouds1 seems an assertion built upon a very unstable foundation1 whose whole superstructure may well enough be termed an air-built castle1 the baseless fabric of a vision4 ,add to this1 that ,mr4 ,eeles1 in page #adj4 tells us1 that himself has passed thro' clouds resting on the sides of mountains4 ,ought not those clouds to have immediately discharged their electricity1 and fallen8 ,and common experience may remind us1 that any cold bodies will condense vapour1 whatever be their electric properties4 ,so mirrors1 or the glass of windows1 in damp rooms1 are most frequently found covered with dew2 which1 of all other bodies1 ought most to be exempted from collecting vapours supported by electricity1 as they are the least capable to attract or draw off that ther4 ,from all which1 well examined1 ,i am persuaded1 gentlemen1 you will be induced to conclude1 that tho' clouds may sometimes possess an accumulation of electricity1 yet that this is only an accidental circumstance1 and not a constant one2 and thence can have no possible influence either in the elevation or support of them4 ,i am1 ,,gentlemen1 ,your very humble ,servant1 ,erasmus ,darwin4 ,litchfield1 ,march #bc4 #ageg4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,vi4 p4 #bee4 ,the grey ,coot-footed ,tringa shot near ,halifax in ,yorkshire 7,january #ageg7 and ,presented to me by ,m4 ,thomas ,belton ,florist of ,worley-clough in ,yorkshire4 ,drawn from nature of the ,figures of ,life by ,geo4 ,edwards in ,feb4 #ageg4 ,,xxxi4 ,an ,account of new-discovered ,species of the ,snipe or ,tringa3 ,in a ,letter to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 from ,mr4 ,george ,edwards1 ,librarian of the ,college of ,physicians4 ,read ,may #e1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,i ,,take the liberty to lay before you the figure and description of a new-discovered species of the snipe or tringa kind1 which was lately shot at ,sowerby-bridge in ,yorkshire1 and sent to me by ,mr4 ,florist of ,worley-clough1 near ,hallifax in the same county4 ,if the account1 that follows1 shall be thought by you deserving to be communicated to the ,royal ,society1 the real bird1 which ,i have preserved dry1 shall be produced at the same time4 ,this bird is like in shape to most others of the tringa or snipe kind4 ,its size is better shewn by the figure lying before you 7,see ,,tab4 ,,vi471 than by the dried bird1 which is much shrunk since the drawing of it was made4 ,i chuse1 by way of distinction1 to name it the coot-footed tringa1 as it differs from other birds of that genus no otherwise1 than in having its toes webbed in the same particular manner as the fulica1 or our bald-coot4 ,one of its feet is shewn in the plate1 magnified a little1 to make it the better understood1 in what manner the webs or membranes spreading on both sides of the toes are scalloped or indented at each of the toe-joints4 ,these scallopings are finely pectinated on their outer edges1 as the enlarged figure expresses4 ,the hinder toe is small1 and finely pectinated on the under side4 ,the bill is black1 and channelled on both sides of the upper mandible2 in which channels the nostrils are placed near the forehead3 it is compressed somewhat like a duck's bill1 and ridged along its upper part1 as a figure of the head in the corner of the plate may shew4 ,the lower head1 figured with it1 is intended to shew the bill 7which is very narrow7 of another species of coot-footed tringa1 brought from ,north ,america1 and described and figured in my ,natural ,history of ,birds1 c4 plate #df4 ,the eyes are placed farther backward from the bill than in many other sorts of birds2 in which the wisdom of ,providence is remarkable3 for birds of this genus commonly feeding in soft muddy ground on the banks of rivers or the sea1 have occasion to thrust their bills deep into the shores1 to extract worms and insects2 and their eyes would be in danger1 were they placed more forward4 ,the fore part of the head1 the neck1 breast1 belly1 thighs1 covert-feathers withinside the wings and under the tail1 are white3 the top and hinder part of the head is black4 ,the lower part of the neck behind1 and the back1 are of a blueish ash or slate-colour1 with a mixture of blackish or dusky3 the upper sides of the wings and tail are of a blackish or dusky colour3 the tips of the covert of the wings are white2 the tips of the middlemost or shortest of the quills are also white1 and form white transverse bars across the wings4 ,two or three of the middle quills are wholly white1 and all of them have their inner webs white toward their bottoms4 ,it hath twelve feathers in the tail2 the outermost of which1 on each side1 is edged with white4 ,the covert-feathers on the rump1 or upper side of the tail1 are dusky and white4 ,the legs are bare of feathers above the knees 7as they are in most birds1 who wade in shallow waters71 and of an ash-colour4 ,i believe no discovery of this bird has been made till now3 and it is very probable there are many more species of birds in this island1 that have hitherto escaped the notice of curious inquirers4 ,mr4 ,ray1 in a book by him published1 ,london1 #afgd4 called1 ,a ,collection of ,english ,words1 c4 with a ,catalogue of ,english ,birds and ,fishes1 c4 after naming the coot in his catalogue of birds1 p4 #ib4 says1 8,mr4 ,johnson of ,brigna1 near ,grota-bridge in ,yorkshire1 shewed me a bird of the coot kind1 scallop-toed1 not much bigger than a black-bird40 ,as so little is said by ,mr4 ,ray1 one can hardly determine any thing concerning the bird he mentions3 and 'tis plain he thought this note scarce worth notice1 as he hath not preserved it in the ,ornithology since by him published4 ,nor can ,i believe it was the bird now before us2 for he says it was not much bigger than a black-bird2 which implies1 that it was something bigger4 ,and1 on reading his description of the black-bird1 ,i find he makes it to weigh four ounces2 consequently it is four times the weight of the bird above described by me3 for my obliging friend1 ,mr4 ,florist1 who sent me this bird1 says in his letter1 that1 when newly killed1 it weighed one ounce4 ,therefore ,i am inclined to think1 that the bird ,mr4 ,ray has so slightly mentioned1 is a bird not as yet fully discovered4 ,i am1 ,reverend ,sir1 ,your most humble ,servant1 ,geo4 ,edwards4 ,college of ,physicians1 ,lond4 ,may the #c;d1 #ageg4 ,,xxxii4 ,observationes de ,corallinis1 iisque insidentibus ,polypis1 aliisque ,animalculis ,marinis3 ,quas ,regi ,societati ,londinensi offert ,job ,baster1 ,med4 ,doct4 ,acad4 ,csar4 ,reg4 ,societ4 ,lond4 ,scient4 ,holland4 ,socius4 ,read ,may #ai1 #ageg4 ,,domicilium meum mari propinquum#ada occasionem prbet1 in nondum satis cognitam quorundam animalium1 in mare degentium1 generationem et conomiam inquirendi4 ,qu observavi ,regi ,societati temporis successu offerre animus est2 sed in hac prima dissertatione tantum observationes quasdam de corallinis1 iisque insidentibus polypis1 et aliis animalculis marinis1 exhibere in animum induxi4 ,paucis abhinc annis1 inter doctos viros dissensio fuit1 utrum corallia1 corallin1 et kerato-phyta ver essent plant1 qu crescunt1 et vegetant1 in quibus insecta marina nidificant2 an vero horum ipsorum essent opus et fabrica4 ,multi et sagacissimi histori naturalis scrutatores ultimam complexi sunt sententiam2 sed nemini contradicere studens1 simpliciter tantum et fideliter illa referam1 qu variis temporibus in corallinis observavi1 et qu lectorem benevolum1 ut spero1 convincent1 corallinas non magis a polypis fabrefieri1 quam diversa fungorum genera ab illis fabricantur animalculis1 quibus1 stivo tempore1 quasi repleta inveniuntur4 ,dura corallia1 qu recenter ex mari extracta1 et in rotundum animalculis obsita reperiebantur1 primam ansam dedere suspicandi1 hc ab illis esse fabrefacta4 ,cum omnia juniora conchylia tenerrim et viscos substanti reperiantur1 ex analogia conclusum fuit1 parva et tenera animalcula1 qu coralliis insident1 que hc fabricare potuisse1 ac illa durissimas suas conchas et buccina4 ,sed in historia naturali non tuto ex analogia licet concludere4 ,verun quidem est1 quod recens natum conchylium tam tenerum est1 quam parvus ille corallio insidens polypus2 sed tunc concha ejus vel buccinum etiam erit tenerrimum1 et quo magis in eo contentum crescit animal1 eo major1 durior et firmior fit concha3 et interior conch superficies semper est lvissima et glaberrima1 ne tenerrimum animalculi corpus aliquo modo ldi posset1 ut in ostreis1 mytulis1 solenibus1 et quibuscunque conchis et buccinis1 hoc videre est4 ,sed an hoc in coralliis invenitur8 ,nunquam polypi in ipsa coralliorum substanti habitant1 sed semper intra hanc et circumdatam corticem4 ,cavitates1 quas in coralliis invenies1 non glabr aut lves sunt1 sed asper et acut4 ,parvus corallii ramulus nec tener est nec mollis1 sed que durus habita magnitudinis proportione ac maximum3 nec minores illi insident polypi quam ramis majoribus4 ,cum vero hic1 in ,zelandia1 necdum ulla dura corallia recenter ex mare extracta explorare licuit1 me tantum ad corallinas determinare debui1 ubique sere prope littora reperiundas1 et quibus simillimi1 qui coralliis1 insident polypi4 ,animadvertam tantum mihi videri1 animalcula1 qu summas coralliorum extremitates inhabitant1 et ,nobilissimo ,marsiglio flores visa sunt1 ad genus etiam polyporum referri debere1 et in his extremitatibus non nata esse1 sed irrepsisse1 dum illas vacuas et domicilio aptas invenerint3 eodem certe modo1 quo cancelli1 quos ,bernard l'hermite vocant ,galli1 vacua irreptant buccina4 ,et hi cancelli1 ut observant piscatores1 non casu aut temerarie id faciunt1 sed quasi ex consulto4 ,si sex vel septem cancelli vivi prudenter ex suis buccinis extrahantur1 et hc inter se permixta iis iterum exhibeantur1 quisque cancellus in proprium suum1 nunquam in alterius buccinum irrepit1 et hoc ablatum undique quritat1 quod jucundum visu est4 ,necesse mihi fuit quasdam sed paucas corallinarum et polyporum figuras addere3 si vero quis plura desideret1 elaboratum opus sagacissimi ,domini ,ellis adeat1 in quo quamplurimas et accuratissimas corallinarum et polyporum delineationes inveniet#adb4 ,de ,plantis ,marinis generatim4 ,plant marin a terrestribus in plurimis differunt1 nam h in raro are excrescentes1 nutrimentum suum radicum ope1 in terra proserpentium1 hauriunt3 du mill plerumque nec radices nec folia habent1 sed ex trunco et ramis consistunt4 ,illa plant marin pars1 qua substanti1 cui increscit1 adhret1 radicis nomen non meretur1 nisi quatenus plantam uni semper loco tenet adfixam3 sed quod primarium radicis munus est1 nutrimentum ei non adfert3 ipsa planta per truncum et ramos ex medio1 cui semper immersa est1 incrementum suum acquirit4 ,neque maris sundus radicibus recipiendis aptus esset1 nam plerumque inconstans et volubile sabulum est1 quod continuo fluctuum motu de loco in locum dimovetur1 ita ut uno temporis momento radices nud1 altero sub arena forent sepultae4 ,sed quamdiu vera vegetatio marinarum erit ignota1 non bene explicari poterit1 quare corallia et kerato-phyta1 licet ab imo ad summum undique animalculorum cellulis obsessa1 lte tamen crescant1 ut hoc in plurimis1 non tamen in omnibus1 observare est4 ,nam ,nobilissimus ,marsigli kerato-phyta invenit1 qu nulla cortice1 aut qu uno loco cortice erant obducta1 altero non3 et corticem hanc non nisi polyporum cellulas fuisse clare ex ejus verbis patet#adc4 ,at rogare mihi liceat1 an vera vegetatio plantarum terrestrium1 qu semper nobis ante oculos sunt1 bene cognita et perspecta sit8 an quidem novimus1 qu vera sit radicum functio1 et quomodo hanc exerceant8 ,nonne plurim inveniuntur plant1 qu paucissimis instruct radicibus in altum crescunt1 maxime ergo foliorum ope1 qu succos nutritios ex vaporibus in are natantibus hauriunt1 plantam alunt1 et sic radicum defectum supplent4 ,sed liceat mihi1 accuratissimi ,bonneti verba adferre2 8,plant1 dicit hic sagacissimus natur scrutator1 semper sunt sugentes1 et in statu suctionis1 interdiu radicum ope nutriuntur1 noctu foliorum#add4 ,sed optandum est#ade1 quod arte quadam exacte posset determinari1 et tunc inter se comparari hanc nutrimenti copiam1 quam plant radicum ope acquirunt1 cum ill1 qu folia adferunt4 ,examen hoc forsan nos doceret1 quod ,ar non minus quam ,terra ad plantarum nutritionem et incrementum contribuat40 ,si ergo medium tam rarum et tenue1 ut ar 7ut ex ,cel4 ,hali et ,boneti experimentis certum est7 tantum ad plantarum nutritionem adferat1 mirum non est1 quod nunquam quiescens et quam maxime heterogenea aqua maris plantas marinas1 licet expansis radicibus destitutas1 ad tantam magnitudinem1 altitudinem et duritiem faciat excrescere4 ,sed nonne similiter crescunt plurima fungorum genera8 ,quas radices habent quercubus aliisque lignis increscentes agarici8 ,quas phallus1 elvela1 et plura1 qu in ,methodo suo fungorum describit ,j4 ,g4 ,gledisch4 ,hc de plantis marinis prmittere volui1 ut evincam corallinas1 licet radicibus careant1 crescere1 vegetare1 et plantas esse posse1 ut ali terrestres et fungi1 qu similiter aut minimas habent radices1 aut plane iis destituuntur4 ,ctera1 qu de vegetatione1 floribus et seminibus plantarum marinarim observavi1 alio tempore indicabo4 ,de ,corallinis4 ,corallin omnes habent proprietates1 quas in genere de plantis marinis indicavimus3 ,sed prterea1 quod prcipuum est hujus dissertationis propositum1 omni fere corallin1 si rami ejus ad justam magnitudinem et firmitatem creverint1 tam hyeme quam tate1 animalcula insident1 qu a multitudine brachiorum1 et similitudine1 quam cum polypis1 in aqua fossarum dulci1 reperiundis1 habent1 etiam polypi vocantur4 ,si quis corallin plantam1 eique insidentes polypos1 rite examinare studet1 non incipiat parvam tenuis ramuli partem in vitro concavo jacentem microscopio inspicere2 sed totam corallin plantam recenter ex mare extractam in vitrum pellucidum1 aqua marina repletum1 prudenter inserat3 aut talem plantam orbi porcellano concavo in fundo coloris profunde crulei imponat1 et addita sufficiente aqu marin pellucid quantitate1 ejus ramos prudenter expandat2 tunc post quadrantis hor quietem1 illos lente amplificante intueatur1 et sic distinctissime in hac unica planta polypos diversi generis1 et plerumque mira alia videbit insecta2 qu microscopio dein ad libitum ulterius examinari possunt4 ,corallin1 qu #adf;capillares et filamentosos habent ramulos1 aut qu #adg;juniores et tenuiores adhuc sunt1 ut ,quae navibus post longum iter2 ,aut qu doliis istis coniformibus1 qu ad littora vel fluminum majorum exitum in mare ad nautarum securitatem ponuntur2 ,aut januis emissariorum aqu marin in his regionibus1 accreverint1 raro vel nunquam habent polypos4 ,sed si eadem corallin species jam ad sufficientem magnitudinem et firmitatem1 et prsertim supra ostrea1 saxa1 silices1 aliaque in fundo maris quiete jacentia corpora1 increverit1 polypis scatet4 ,perspicaci suo judicio decidat lector ,b4 ,an hoc efficitur1 quia polyporum semen1 ova1 vel nata progenies gravitate sua fundum petat8 ,vel quia animalculis his perpetuus navium aut doliorum motus obstet1 ut hc non satis tuta credant1 et ideo in fundo maris semper immota eligant corpora1 quibus ovula sua confidant8 ,vel quia pix et colophonia1 quibus naves1 dolia1 et emissariorum janu illuminuntur1 corallinis1 qu illis increscunt1 noxiam vel polypis ingratam qualitatem communicent8 ,hoc saltem semper obvenit1 me numquam tot polypos invenisse in corallinis1 quas a navibus1 doliis aut emissariorum januis abraseram1 quam in illis1 qu ostreis1 mytulis et silicibus in fundo maris erant innat4 ,hoc primum mihi argumentum est1 corallinas a polypis non formatas esse2 nam tunc plant juniores et minores que suos haberent polypos1 ac maxim4 ,secundum argumentum1 quod polypi vel casu vel instinctu quodam sese corallinis affigant1 sed veram plant partem non constituant1 est1 quod polypi non omnes majoris plant ramos qualiter obsident2 hic ramus vel hujus rami tantum pars polypis obsessa erit quam plurimis1 altera nullis4 ,corallinam habeo1 #adh;cujus truncum plurimi inhabitant polypi1 dum nullos in ramulis poteram detegere1 licet armato oculo4 ,et sic alg#adi vel quercui sic dict marin spius corallin increscunt1 in quibus nunquam polypos inveni4 ,hoc fieri non deberet1 si corallin polyporum essent opus4 ,omnes corallin semper suos deberent habere1 et ramis suis qualiter et proportionaliter insidentes polypos2 et nunquam sine his essent reperiund1 ut tamen spius sit4 ,cel4 ,jussieu#aej quasi mirabundus dicit1 se semel alcyonium et spongiam ramosam sine polypis invenisse1 licet recenter a rupe essent abstract4 ,tertium argumentum erit1 quod fere semper una eademque#aea corallin planta diversi generis alat polypis3 in una eademque#aeb corallin tubulari planta quinque diversas polyporum species inveni#aec4 ,liceat jam mihi rogare1 quibusnam horum quinque hc corallina ortum suum debeat8 ,certe non prim aut secund1 ut videtur1 magnitudinis1 nam hi summis tantum insident corallin extremitatibus1 et microscopium clare ostendit locum1 ubi corpus polypi minus pellucidum et superficiei rudioris glabr huic corallin adhret4 ,nec fabricavit corallinam tertia species1 qu extrema corporis parte1 quasi caud1 corallin est affixa3 et minus adhuc quarta1 nam clare videre est1 horum cellulas corallin circumdatas1 ut examen apum arboris ramum circumcludit3 et si h polyporum cellul non nimis dens sunt1 ipsius corallin color translucet4 ,si h quatuor polyporum species hanc corallinam non fabricaverint1 non fecit certe quinta4 #aed,mirabilissima et minima hc animalcula ad genus polyporum certe pertinent1 et omnibus fere corallinis1 algis1 aliisque plantis marinis incredibili spe insident copia4 ,jucundissimum est videre1 quomodo se expandunt1 et mox mira agilitate1 capta prd1 se subito contrahunt1 quod bis vel ter in minuto hor repetunt4 que jam1 ut in una eademque corallin planta diversos invenis polypos1 sic in diversis corallin speciebus videbis similes et eosdem polypos3#aee quod etiam illi obstat sententi corallinas polyporom esse opus aut fabricam4 ,polypi dum operantur1 ut ctera animalia1 instinctu innato operantur3 ergo1 una eademque polyporum species semper easdem fubricaret corallinas3 sic semper similes et uniformes apes faciunt favos1 vesp nidos1 arane tela4 ,hic vero contrarium eveniret2 iidem polypi uno tempore hanc1 alio tempore illam fabricarent corallinam3 quod rationi contrarium est1 et mihi quartum argumentum4 ,sed hoc verum est1 quod eadem polyporum species non diversas corallinas1 sed in diversis corallinis easdem et uniformes semper sibi construant cellulas4 ,quinto1 si corallin a polypis essent fabrefact1 nunquam polypi et eorum cellul etiam vivis animalibus1 aliisque corporibus1 essent adfix4 ,polypos inveni in ostreorum#aef conchis1 cancri#aeg arachnoide pedibus1 animali#aeh1 quod emissariorum januis et navibus quietis spius adhret et anus 7aars-gat7 vocatur1 et aliis plurimis1 sine minimo corallin vestigio4 ,et animalia illa1 qu piscatores nostri#aei klap-konten vocant1 et majorum polyporum species esse videntur1 nunquam teneris insident corallinis1 sed semper hc supra ostreorum conchas et lapides inveni1 et quamvis illorum progressum ipse non viderim1 tamen de loco in locum sese transmovisse1 expertus sum4 ,sexto3 ,h corallin non solum polypis1 sed cochleis1 buccinis#afj aliisque plurimis insectis marinis conveniunt1 ut illis ova vel progeniem confidant4 ,hoc prcipue mensibus ,februario et ,martio videre est3 accepi tunc diversas corallinas diversis cochleis et buccinis plenas1 et spe inter hc quosdam cancellos ova sua jamjam excludentes4 ,mater cochlea ovula sua supra vel juxta corallinas deposuit2 pulli exclusi contra has ascenderunt1 ne illis innixi fluctuum motu eluerentur1 vel ut adversus hostes suos tuto se absconderent4 ,quantum omnibus animalibus divina prospexerit prudentia1 animus nunquam satis assequi quacunque industria potest4 ,deus1 ut jam animadvertit ,rex#afa ,psalmista1 plantavit arbores cedros ,libani1 ubi avicul nidificent1 et abietes domicilia ciconi3 ,montes excelsissimos rupicaprarum1 petras murium montanorum perfugium4 ,sic corallin domicilia et perfugium sunt polypis aliisque minoribus insectis marinis4 ,et prsertim hoc censeo1 quia tempore hyemali1 mensibus ,decembri et ,januario1 corallinarum ramos plurimis vesiculis1 operculo vel valvula tectis1 obsessos inveni3 quare has vesiculas habeo pro ovis ab aliis insectis his corallinis impositis4 ,omnes1 qui nunquam satis laudanda incomparabilis ,,reaumurii scripta legerunt1 sciunt1 quam miris et differentibus modis insecta qudam sua ova opponunt1 vel in #afb;gyrum1 vel in #afclineam spiralem1 vel #afdsingula ova a filis libere in aere pendentia1 vel1 ut hic fere casus est1 per#afeparia lignos substanti ramorum imposita4 ,quam mira quam varia est etiam ipsorum #affovorum figura6 ,culicum#afg autem ova1 quoad externam figuram1 quam maxime his corallin vesiculis similia sunt4 ,omnia vero insectorum ova inter se et cum his vesiculis in eo conveniunt1 quod#afh operculum vel valvulum habent eo in loco1 ubi eruca vel vermis exitum invenire debet2 permittente quidem hac valvul exitum extrorsum1 omnem vero introitum aris vel aqu prorsus negante4 ,sed prter hanc cum aliorum insectorum ovis convenientiam1 ips vesicul mihi vera ova videntur1 quia recenter ex mare extract erant perspicu1 in spiritu frumenti vero statim fiebant opac1 alb1 cum puncto flavo#afi4 ,secundo1 quia hyeme plures vesicul in corallinis reperiuntur1 perpauc vero state2 nam tum illorum pulli exclusi sunt1 et corallin cochleis parvis1 forsan ex his ovis progenitis1 magis sunt obsess4 ,nam h vesicul mihi ipsorum polyporum ova esse non videntur1 licet spius #agjpolypos in illis invenire contigit3 et ideo crederem hos polypos in vesiculis repertos1 quoniam licet adulti tamen vesiculis multo minores sint1 post veri pulli exclusionem in vacua illa ova irrepsisse2 cum jam antea observavimus cancellos in vacua irrepere buccina1 et ipsos polypos vacuis corallin tubulari summitatibus sese adfigere4 ,sed quam maxime has vesiculas non polyporum1 sed aliorum animalculorum ova esse censeo1 quia perspicacissimus ,reaumurius initio hyemis in oris ,galli provinci ,pictaviensis 7,poitou7 ova cochlearum marinarum invenerit1 qu quamvis his vesiculis paulum majora1 erant tamen simillima#aga4 ,licet corallin speciosam habeant verisimilitudinem1 ut quasi animalium opus appareant1 ali tamen sunt plant marin1 prsertim alcyonium digitatem molle1 quas adhuc magis a polypis fabrefactas diceres2 sed si accuratione indagine observantur1 pro veris plantis erunt agnoscend1 ut in posterum1 quando profusius agam de plantis marinis1 demonstrare spero4 ,alia vero alcyonia1 ut vesicaria marina ,bauhini1 c4 vera animalium opera1 namque eorum sunt ovaria4 ,plant marin unic non sunt1 qu pro insectorum opere sunt habit4 ,liceat mihi locum adferre ex notis1 quas ,nobilissimus ,lyonnet ,theologi insectorum ,doctiss4 el ,rev4 ,lessers subjunxit3 8,credendum non est1 ut quidam faciunt1 si stagnantes aquas viridi et fibros membrana tectas videas1 hanc insectorum texturam esse4 ,est alg species1 qu in his stagnis crescit1 et insectis est pro alimento40#agb ,de ,polypis ,corallinis insidentibus4 ,completam histori et oeconomi polyporum in corallinis repertorum descriptionem dare nondum suscipio1 sed paucis enarrabo1 qu de illis observare mihi licuit4 ,auctores1 qui aqu dulcis polypos examinarunt1 quatuor eorum species enumerant3 sed in aqua marina major differentium specierum numerus est2 plus quam viginti diversos vidi polypos1 quos ut plurimum in laudatis figuris etiam delineavit accuratissimus ,ellis1 et profecto adhuc plures sunt4 ,sed hic monendum1 quod cum aqu dulcis polypi nudo oculo facile queant conspici1 plerique marini non nisi lente aut microscopio possint examinari3 et aqua marina1 in qua polypi vivunt1 bis1 vel ad minimum semel1 nucthemeri spatio1 debet renovari1 aut polypi moriantur4 ,ad exemplum ,d4 ,schaffer in duas species primo polypos distinguam2 in polypos1 qui cellulas sibi construant1 et in polypos1 qui corporis extremitate corallinis aliisque corporibus extus sese affigant1 vel in cavitates naturales alcyoniorum1 coralliorum1 c4 7de quibus in posterum7 irrepant1 ut cancelli in vacua buccina4 ,polypi1 qui in cellulis habitant1 cteris plerumque sunt minores3 horum cellul corallin#agc truncum vel ramos circumdant1 a quibus prudenti manu sine corallin lsione satis facile possunt abradi3 et si h cellul non nimia sint copia1 et corallina contra solis splendorem inspiciatur1 prsertim si color vivide ruber1 aureus aut subniger est1 facile per ipsas cellulas translucet4 ,polyporum1 qui sine cellulis in corporum quorundam cavitatibus habitant1 aut extrinsecus illis affixi sunt1 plurim sunt species4 ,apertis#agd corallin tubulari ramis 7nam in tali planta semper adsunt rami vel tubi naturaliter#age clausi1 id est1 integri1 in quibus nunquam polypus insidet7 majorum polyporum species spius supra sedet2 quos a colore rubente polypos vocabo coccineos1 et pr cteris observavi4 ,in detritis et apertis1 ut modo dixi1 corallin tubulari ramulis1 inserta sua cauda vel corporis parte posteriore1 polypus habitat1 et ex hoc ramo facile et spe levi quassatione delabitur1 prsertim si ille jam per aliquot dies servatus debilis1 ger1 aut mortuus sit#agf4 ,si vegetum talem polypum1 corallin insidentem1 vehementius amplificante microscopio intueris1 facile differentiam vides inter scabram et quasi granulatam polypi cutem1 et lvissimam corallin corticem4 ,hic polypus coccineus duplici brachiorum genere est munitus1 quod in aliis minoribus non vidi2 et hc coloris sunt subalbidi4 #agg;,inferiora et longiora octodecim vel viginti sunt1 nam numerus spe variat1 et expansa patinam formant1 in cujus medio#agh ipsum polypi corpus coccineum est4 ,hoc corpus in duas partes dividi potest4 ,inferiori placentam referenti perpendiculariter alia pyriformis est infixa1 qu duodecim#agi vel quatuordecim habet brachia1 prioribus tenuiora et breviora4 ,hanc partem pyriformem polypus valde #ahj;extendere potest1 prsertim si prdam captans expansa claudit#aha brachia2 et rursus ita contrahere1 ut quasi #ahb;globulus inferiori et depress parti adhreat4 ,in extremo hujus partis #ahcos polypi esse videtur3 sed ob partium exilitatem non omnia satis distincta possunt videri1 ut in majoribus aqu dulcis polypis2 sed ex similitudine partium hc tuto licet concludere4 ,si longiora brachia fortiori microscopio attente contemplaris1 cutem eorum valde asperam vides1 ut est piscium 7quos ,haijen vocant7 vel ut superficies corii granulati 7chagrein-leer7 forsitan ut minora animalcula1 qu polyporum esca sunt1 eo melius1 ne elabantur1 retinere possint4 ,sed inter hujus speciei polypos vidi umum cteris#ahd majorem1 ex cujus corpore1 illo loco ubi pars superior inferiori et depress inhret1 sex vel octo enascebantur#ahe ramuli1 in quorum extremitatibus erant duo vel tres parvi globuli1 punctum coccineum in medio habentes4 ,huic polypo bis in die novam dedi aquam1 quam maxime de ejus vita sollicitus1 ea spe1 ut hi globuli in juniores excrescerent polypos1 sed quamvis per mensem sic vivum servaverim1 nihil mutatum vidi1 nisi quod globuli paululum evaserint majores4 ,qu deinceps de polyporum generatione observavi1 non ita mihi satisfaciunt1 ut illa pro certis et comprobatis habeam3 si vero hac state meliora adiscam1 ,regi ,societati indicabo4 ,de aliis ,insectis ,marinis4 ,si noctu aqua maris1 qu littora nostra alluit1 lapide injecto vel baculo movetur1 innumeras videre est scintillas igneas1 qu nihil aliud sunt1 quam minima animalcula lucentia1 non nisi fortiore microscopio visibilia4 ,ut hc animalcula idone colligas copi1 sufficientem aqu quantitatem1 in qua has scintillas observasti1 per chartam emporeticam filtrare facias1 donec semiuncia aut minus aqu supra chartam restat3 hujus guttula1 vitro concavo1 penicilli vel penn ope1 imposita1 fortiore microscopio examinetur1 et celerimo motu illa natare videbis4 ,tres diversas horum observavi species1 quas ad vivum delineatas exhibet tabul ,x4 fig4 ,i4 ,sed mare plura alit insecta1 quibus hc lucendi facultas inest1 et quorum in corallinis repertorum qudam delineata sunt tab ,x4 fig4 #a1 #b1 #d1 #e4 sed quoniam plures #ahf;auctores de his scripserunt1 non commemorabo4 ,si corallin recenter ex mare extract major planta1 orbi porcellano concavo1 et cujus fundus est profundi coloris crulei1 cum sufficiente quantitate aqu marin pellucidissim et filtrat1 at ante jam monui1 imponatur1 et ejus ramuli prudenter penna expandentur1 et lente oculari inspiciantur1 silvam saepius videre est1 in qua plurima pascuntor animalia1 prter diversi generis polypes ramis infixos et brachia extendentes3 alia plura sunt1 prsertim in infima parte1 si corallin supra ostrea creverint1 qu huc et illuc cursitant1 et forsitan spius hianti ostreo alimento inserviunt4 ,sic vigesimo tertio ,octobris #agef ostreum accepi1 cui magna #ahg;corallin planta erat innata1 in qua1 prter tres diversas polyporum species1 sex differentia reperiebam insecta4 #ahh,primum vermis erat1 cujus caput sex majoribus et duobus minoribus cornubus erat instructum4 #ahi;,alteram valde parvum araneam longipedem 7,gallis le ,faucheur7 referebat1 admodum lente se movens4 ,tertium vermis erat1 similis figur #c1 sed in designando deperdebatur4 #aij,quartum1 quintum et sextum non nisi fortiore microscopio distincte erant visibilia4 ,horum quod littera c nocatur1 mirand erat structur4 ,diversa sic ostrea et corallinas explorans1 plura talia admiranda insecta vidi1 quorum delineationem sistunt tabulae ,x4 figur #b1 #c1 #d1 #e1 #g4 ,decimo sexto ejusdem mensis ,octobris1 plures mihi sed valde parv apportabantur corallin1 qu a dolio coniformi erant abras3 in his licet spe et attente exploratis nullos detegere poteram polypos1 sed duo alia mirabilissima insecta4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab ,,vii4 p4 #bge4 ,i4 ,rhosiud ad vivum pinxit4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,horum1 qu secunda figura tabul decim littera ,a exhibet1 erant millia1 celerrimo motu vel repentia vel natantia3 sex suis pedibus postremis ramulum arripiebant1 ut erucarum1 quas geometras appellant1 mos est1 et mirum in modum prone et supine se flectentes1 de ramo in ramum saliebant quasi agilissimi4 ,inter hc erant pauca cteris majora1 qu #aianaturali et #aib;aucta magnitudine delineare curavi4 #aic;,alterum animal non minos mirum erat2 sed horum omnium cognitio multo melius delineationis inspectu1 quam ex valde prolixa descriptione peti potest4 ,sed si omnia insecta marina1 qu in diversis corallinis reperi1 delineare vellem1 infinitum opus susciperem2 nam eorum numerus et diversitas captum nostrum superant4 ,hc ergo1 ut spero1 sufficient ad demonstrandum corallinas non polyporum opus aut fabricam esse1 sed his et plurimis aliis insectis marinis domicilio et perfugio aut alimento inservire4 ,dabam ,ziriz in ,zelandia1 #ag ,martii #ageg4 ,,tabularum ,,explicatio4 ,,tabula ,,septima4 ,fig4 ,i4 ,exhibet corallin plantam1 qu corallina muscosa1 sive muscus marinus tenui capillo spermophorus vocatur4 ,fig4 ,,ii4 ,corallina ramulis dichotomis teneris capillaribus rubentibus4 ,fig4 ,,iii4 ,junior planta corallin tubulari laryngi similis4 ,fig4 ,,iv4 ,du species a1 b1 fig4 ,i4 et4 ,,ii4 et c eschara papyracea utrinque cellulifera1 uni basi adnat1 quod spius in doliis marinis coniformibius contigit4 ,fig4 ,v4 ,corallin rubr ramulus1 quem per aliquot hebdomadas in aqua marina spius renovata servavi1 quo tempore parvi ramuli a1 a1 multum creverunt1 et alii b1 b1 pullulaverunt4 ,fig4 ,,vi4 ,pars conch ostrei1 in qua1 prter filamenta qudam viridia1 duo polypi a a conspiciendi4 ,fig4 ,,vii4 ,cancer arachnoideus1 cui du polyporum species insidebant4 ,singulus in a1 et multi cellulas habitantes in b4 ,fig4 ,,viii4 ,animal1 quod aarsgat vocatur1 et januis emissasiorum veterioribus et navibus accrescit3 huic parva corallin planta erat innata1 in qua nullos detegere poteram polypos2 plurimos vero b4 b4 ipsi animali insidentes4 ,n4,b4 ,caudas horum et prcedentis figur polyporum nimis longas delineavit pictor1 ut eo melius in conspectum venirent4 ,,tabula ,,octava4 ,fig4 ,i4 ,ramus corallin rubentis magnitudine naturali4 ,fig4 ,,ii4 ,idem microscopio visus1 et tres polyporum species in eo conspiciend4 a4 b4 ,du divers species caud vel corporis parte posteriore corallin affix4 c4 ,tertia species in cellulis habitans4 d4 ,polypus mortuus4 e4 ,polyporum cellul4 ,fig4 ,,iii4 ,planta corallin tubulari laryngi similis magnitudine naturali4 ,fig4 ,,iv4 ,hujus plant ramus maximus1 microscopio visus1 in quo quinque diversos polypos inveni4 a4 ,prima et maxima species polypi1 quem coccineum voco1 et tab4 ,,ix4 fig4 ,,ii4 fortiore adhuc microscopio visum exhibet4 b4 ,eadem sed minor species4 c4 ,tertia1 qu eadem ut hujus tabul fig4 ,,ii4 litt4 b4 d4 ,quarta1 qu eadem ut hujus tabul fig4 ,,ii4 litt4 c4 e4 ,quinta et minima polyporum species1 maxime aucta magnitudine adhuc delineata fig4 #a4 tab4 ,,ix4 f4 ,cellul1 quas quarta species habitat4 ,fig4 ,v4 ,corallina erecta pennata denticulis alternis caule appressis3 in hac nulli erant polypi nisi in cellulis circumcirca truncam affixis a a4 b4 ,cochle magnitudine auct in ,b4 c4 ,eschara millepora minima crustacea cellulis tubiformibus1 animalculis domicilio inserviens1 et magnitudin auct in ,c4 ,fig4 ,,vi4 ,corallina abietis forma1 quam mense ,decembri accepi3 ejus rami vesiculis vel ovulis a1 a1 per paria ordine quadam positis1 erant obsessi4 ,a4 ,talis vesicula vel ovum microscopio visum4 b4 ,cochle1 c4 ,eschara minima1 ut in prcedente figura magnitudine aucta in ,b et ,c4 d4 d4 ,dua corpuscula fusca1 qu microscopio visa nidum vermium referunt in ,d4 ,fig4 ,,vii4 ,corallina pennata et siliquata1 ab ostreo abstracta3 in hac prter tres polyporum species a ,a1 b ,b4 7qu cdem ac in fig4 ,,ii47 c ,c1 sex alia insecta reperire contigit1 qu delineata sunt in tab4 ,x4 fig4 #a1 #f1 #h4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,viii4 p4 #bgf4 ,i4 ,rhodius ad vivum pinxit4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,,tabula ,,nona4 ,fig4 ,i4 ,minimorum polyporum marinorum genus1 cum polypis ramosis 7polypes bouquet7 aqu dulcis conveniens4 ,a4 talis polypus conserv marin viridi insidens vix oculo nudo conspicuus4 ,b4 idem lente oculari1 et in ,c fortiore visus microscopio4 ,fig4 ,,ii4 ,polypus coccineus1 quem tabul secund ,fig4 ,,iii4 ,,iv4 naturali et aucta magnitudine exhibent1 hic fortissimo microscopio visus4 ,a4 hic polypus expansis brachiis1 prdam expectans4 ,b4 idem brachia contrahendo1 prdam arripiens4 a4 ,brachia majora inferiora numero #af1 #ah1 vel #bj4 b4 ,brachia superiora breviora numero #ab1 #ad1 vel #af4 c4 ,corporis pars superior pyriformis1 inferiori infixa4 d4 ,corporis pars inferior compressa4 e4 ,locus1 ubi polypus corallin inhret4 ,c4 idem polypus a parte anteriore visus1 cum corporis partem superiorem pyriformem in globulum contraxerat1 quod in majoribus polypis 7vide infra fig4 ,,iv1 ,v1 ,,vi47 magis visibile4 ,fig4 ,,iii4 ,similis polypus coccineus1 cteris major1 ex cujus corpore 7ubi partes c et d conjunguntur7 octo ramuli enascebantur1 qui in summitatibus duos vel tres gerebant globulos1 punctum rubrum in medio habentes1 et quos in polypos juniores excreturos fore speraveram frustra4 a4 ,hujus polypi brachia longiora inferiora4 b4 ,brachia breviora superiora4 c4 ,in medio corporis pyriformis os polypi esse videtur4 ,fig4 ,,iv4 ,majus1 ut videtur1 genus polyporum1 quos klapkonten vocant1 ostreorum conchis insidentium1 quorum hic1 rudius attractum1 brachia penitus in corpus suum abscondit4 ,fig4 ,v4 ,idem polypus corpore extenso brachia expandens4 ,fig4 ,,vi4 ,idem capta prda se contrahens4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,ix4 p4 #bgh4 ,i4 ,rhodius ad vivum pinxit4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,x4 p4 #bgi4 ,i4 ,rhodius ad vivum pinxit4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,,tabula ,,decima4 ,fig4 ,i4 ,tres species animalculorum lucentium in guttula aqu marin fortiore microscopio visorum4 ,fig4 ,,ii4 ,mirum animalculum in corallinis a doliis marinis coniformibus abrasis repertum4 ,a4 tales minores erant centeni4 ,b4 decem vel duodecim erant hac magnitudine naturali4 ,c4 idem animal microscopio visum4 a4 ,antenn4 b4 ,primum par pedum vel brachiorum4 c4 ,secundum par4 d4 ,tertium et maximum par4 e1 e1 e1 e4 ,quatuor corpuscula oviformia1 qu animal ut movebat natando4 f1 f1 f1 f1 f1 f4 ,sex pedes posteriores1 quibus simul corallin ramum arripiens1 quaquaversum se flectore poterat4 g4 ,cauda in cujus extrema parte anus4 h4 ,oculi4 ,fig4 ,,iii4 ,aliud animal in iisdem corallinis repertum4 ,a4 illud animal pronum4 ,b4 supinum4 ,c4 fortiore microscopio visum4 ,fig4 #a1 #b1 #c1 #d1 #e1 #f1 #g1 #h4 exhibent quasdam noctilucas1 et alia animalcula in diversis corallinis reperta1 ea magnitudine1 qua tertia et quarta lens microscopii ,d4 ,cuff in ,anglia fabrefacti illa ostendit4 ,animalculum c1 fig4 #h4 mirabilissim erant structur1 et plurima habebat membra4 ,,xxxiii4 ,remarks on ,dr4 ,job ,baster's ,observationes de ,corallinis1 c4 printed above1 p4 #beh4 ,in a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable ,george ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,r4 ,s4 from ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,june #i1 #ageg4 ,my ,lord1 ,i ,,have read ,dr4 ,job ,baster's letter to the ,royal ,society2 wherein he endeavours to prove1 that corallines are not of an animal1 but a vegetable nature2 and has brought many arguments to support his system2 which1 to gentlemen not well acquainted with the subject1 may appear plausible4 ,i could have wished the ,doctor had read and examined thoroughly what has been lately written on the subject3 ,i then should not have had occasion to trouble your ,lordship with the following remarks1 which ,i find necessary to support what ,i have already advanced on that head4 ,his first argument is1 ,that because he does not find as many polypes in the corallines adhering to ships1 flood-gates1 and buoys1 as in deep water on oysters1 muscles1 and rocks1 therefore he concludes1 that corallines are not formed by polypes4 ,in answer to this1 let us examine the pliable structure of these bodies1 and how wisely nature has defended such tender substances with a tough thin membranaceous covering1 and we shall find1 that the sea is calm enough often near the surface to give them time to grow1 even in the strongest currents3 but1 without doubt1 they are more liable to be destroyed in such agitated situations1 than in the calm depths of the sea4 ,his second argument is1 ,that finding polypes are not equally dispersed over the whole plant1 how can they form it8 and gives us an example1 ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 #e4 of a coralline1 that is incrusted with many other corallines or polypes on the stem1 but has none on the branches4 ,here we plainly see the mistake3 the ,doctor looks for the tender part of the polype on the surface of the coralline1 considering it as a plant2 and indeed1 if this was the case1 he ought so to do2 but he never once takes notice of the internal hollow structure of the stem1 branches1 and denticles of those bodies1 to inform us whether he found an animal in those parts or no4 ,this material point he seems not to have thought on2 which is really the true point in controversy at present among gentlemen1 who have not examined these bodies recent in sea-water4 ,his third argument is1 ,that almost always one and the same coralline plant cherishes polypes of different kinds2 and refers us to ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 #b4 and #d4 ,in fig4 #b4 he gives us an elegant painting of a geniculated red conserva for a coralline1 surrounded1 as is very common1 by many species of small corallines and escharas4 ,and in fig4 #d4 he gives us a drawing of one of the tubular corallines1 with the head of the animal at the top of it2 the stem of this is incrusted with four different corallines and escharas1 like the conserva fig #b42 and then he asks1 which of these five polypes made the tubular coralline8 ,to give him some proof of the animal nature of this coralline1 let him consult ,ray's ,synopsis1 ed4 #c4 p4 #cd4 n4 #d4 and there he will find one of his species1 called adianti aurei minimi facie planta marina1 taken notice of so long ago as the year #agac4 by ,dr4 ,lloyd1 as a zoophyte1 from its stem or tube's being full of a thick reddish liquor1 rather resembling blood than the juice of a plant2 which1 upon pressing the stem1 communicated with the little head at top4 ,his fourth argument is1 ,that as upon one and the same coralline plant you shall find different kind of polypes2 so1 in different species of coralline1 the same polypes2 and1 to confirm this1 he quotes my ,essay on ,corallines2 where ,i have remarked1 that the polypes in the denticles of the setaceous or bristly coralline1 ,n4 #af4 appear to be like those1 that are on the lobster's horn coralline1 ,n4 #ai4 ,and to illustrate this1 he observes1 that bees and wasps always build their cells invariably the same2 and that therefore these two corallines should be the same4 ,but herein he takes this matter wrong3 he has considered1 in all his observations1 the heads of those parts of the polype1 in which are the mouths1 arms1 or tentacula1 which appear coming out of the cups1 denticles1 and at the ends of the tubes of the corallines1 as so many whole and intire animals1 without every observing1 that the body of the animal is contained in the tubular part of the root1 stem1 and branches2 and that these differ from one another widely both in size and shape1 as he may plainly see in the two corallines he has instanced3 for the more exact drawings of which1 ,i shall refer him1 viz4 for the setaceous or bristly coralline1 to my ,plate1 ,n4 #ch4 the natural size of which is at fig4 #d4 and the magnified one at fig4 ,d3 this he will observe to have a small stem1 and its branches disposed in a pinnated form3 and for the lobster's-horn coralline1 ,i shall refer him to ,tab4 xxii4 of ,vol4 xlviii4 of the ,philosophical ,transactions2 where1 at ,n4 #c4 the natural size is expressed1 and at ,c the upper part of this coralline is drawn in proportion to the bristly coralline from the same magnifying glass2 which shews the stem to be much larger1 and surrounded by its branches growing in whorles at equal distances1 not unlike the equisetum1 or horse-tail plant2 and yet the heads of this animal nearly resemble the other1 only a little larger4 ,further1 his comparison to bees and wasps1 and their cells1 is not conclusive3 for these ramified1 hollow1 and denticulated bodies1 called corallines1 which we so frequently find dead on our shores1 are properly skins of certain marine polypes1 and not nests1 as those constructed by these little winged animals are4 ,and yet we find as great a regularity in the same species of these corallines1 as when we compare two oak trees to one another1 or two of ,mr4 ,trembley's branched fresh-water polypes to one another4 ,he then proceeds to his fifth argument1 ,that if corallines were formed by polypes1 neither the polypes1 nor even their cells1 would ever fix on living animals1 or any other bodies4 ,here we may observe1 that the consequence he draws doth not follow2 for corallines may be formed or produced by certain species of polypes1 and yet polypes of another species may be found adhering to other bodies1 and even to animal bodies4 ,by his sixth argument he endeavours to prove1 ,that the vesicles1 which are found in regular rows on the sea-fir coralline in winter1 ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 #f4 do not belong to it2 and are no more than the eggs of some sea insect deposited on it1 of which there may be a great variety4 ,but to convince him of his mistake1 let him take off one of the vesicles1 and apply a large magnifier to the place1 and he will discover a hole1 by which this vesicle or ovary has had a communication thro' the skin with the parent polype4 ,for a further illustration of the manner in which these vesiculated polypes breed1 let him consult the #chth ,plate of my ,essay1 where he will find several accurate figures 7drawn by ,mr4 ,ehret from the life7 of these vesicles1 with the spawn of the polypes coming out of them2 some of which spawn we evidently discovered to be young polypes with their arms formed2 and1 as they fell from the vesicle1 extending themselves in the watch-glass of sea-water4 ,in examining the drawings for his plates1 ,i have observed1 that ,tab4 ,,vii4 fig4 #b4 is evidently a red conserva1 which he calls a coralline4 ,we have no corallines1 but many conservas1 of this form and bright red colour on our coasts2 and these shores1 ,i believe1 are allowed to have similar marine productions with those of ,holland4 ,tab4 ,,vii4 fig4 #e4 he calls a branch of red coralline1 which he says he kept several weeks in sea-water1 and that often changed2 during which time it sprouted and grew very much4 ,this experiment1 ,i am persuaded1 is very true2 because it is plainly a vegetable1 as appears from his own exact drawing of it2 and seems to be the fucus teres rubens minus in longnum protensus of ,ray's ,synopsis1 ed4 #c4 p4 #ia4 ,n4 #ec4 ,this is one of his principal arguments to prove the vegetation of corallines4 ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 #a4 he calls a branch of red coralline2 and at fig4 #b4 he has it magnified1 where it appears to be a geniculated red conserva1 drawn and painted with great exactness4 ,these arguments1 my ,lord1 and these figures of real vegetables1 which the ,doctor has given us for corallines1 shew1 how much he is willing to support the old opinion of the botanists3 but ,i am satisfied he will soon alter his opinion1 when he observes the remarkable difference of the texture of vegetable and coralline bodies1 when viewed in sea-water thro' a good aquatic microscope4 ,and to convince him more fully1 that corallines are an animal substance1 let him burn them1 and he will perceive the same pungent volatile alkaline smell1 which he finds in burning horn1 hair1 or oysters2 whereas burnt fucus's and conservas yield a smell not much unlike that of common land vegetables4 ,even the stony corallines1 when their cretaceous covering has been dissolved in vinegar1 the membranous part1 that remains of them1 put into the fire1 yields the same animal smell with other corallines4 ,further1 since ,i find the ,doctor has promised the ,royal ,society to continue his researches at the seaside1 the following hints may be of use to him4 ,and1 first1 he will find1 that those he seems to think naked polypes1 which he found adhering to corallines and other bodies1 are really small corallines and escharas1 with their proper skins and cells2 all which ,i have particularly described already4 ,i would then recommend him to examine such corallines as are taken out of the deepest water1 which are found adhering to shells and fucus's4 ,he will find ,mr4 ,cuff's aquatic microscope1 or one of that form1 the most commodious for observing these animals alive4 ,the most transparent ones he will find the best to discover their gelatinous inside1 which runs thro' the stem and ramifications1 and ends in the heads1 where the claws are4 ,some of the best kinds to observe are as follows3 ,the sea-oak coralline1 the lily-flowering coralline1 the great tooth coralline1 the sea-thread coralline1 and the branched tubular coralline4 ,pieces of these should be cut off while they are in the sea water1 and placed in watch-glasses full of the same3 in these they should remain a while1 till they recover themselves2 and when they are placed on the stage of the microscope1 the motion of the internal part communicating with the heads will be easily discovered4 ,if the ,doctor will immerse some of these corallines1 when they are extended1 in two thirds of spirit of wine and one third of clear sea-water1 it will preserve them many years1 as ,i have experienced4 ,he may then put the different sorts into distinct phials1 and view them at pleasure with a lens of about one inch and half focus4 ,in fine1 my ,lord1 opportunities so seldom offer at the sea-side to make these experiments with accuracy2 and likewise to this1 the strong lines of vegetation that these bodies carry in their appearance1 and your ,lordship will not be surprised1 that there are so many gentlemen1 even of the ,royal ,society1 that totally disbelieve them to be animals4 ,many there are in the ,society1 that are wavering between both opinions4 ,if then1 my ,lord1 you think1 that any specimens which ,i have1 or any demonstrations tending to clear up this point1 that lie in my power1 will be acceptable to your ,lordship and the ,society1 your ,lordship may freely command them1 whenever you think proper1 from ,your ,,lordship',s ,much obliged and most obedient ,servant1 ,john ,ellis4 ,london1 ,june #i4 #ageg4 ,,xxxiv4 ,an ,account of an extraordinary ,operation performed in the ,dock-,yard at ,portsmouth3 ,drawn up by ,mr4 ,john ,robertson1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,may #bf1 #ageg4 ,,the ,royal ,william1 a first rate man of war1 built about #dj years ago1 having1 upon examination1 been judged in so good a state1 as to be worthy of repairing for sea service1 was ordered into dock1 and brought thither on the #bith of ,june #agef4 ,on these occasions it is usual to lay across the middle line of the bottom of the dock1 at distances of about five feet from one another1 thick pieces of oak timber of about four feet long2 their upper surfaces lying in the same plane1 or so posited1 that a line stretched from the two extreme blocks will touch all the intermediate ones2 and on the middle of these blocks the keel of the ship is to rest4 ,on the said day the tide did not rise so high as was expected2 and there was not quite depth enough of water to float the ship in1 and set her on the blocks1 notwithstanding the assistance of an empty lighter1 which1 being fixed to the stern1 lifted the ship at the end six inches3 and as the officers knew they should not have so much water again before the next spring-tides1 they were determined to heave her in2 which is a very common operation in most dock-yards4 ,now it so happened1 thro' the great weight of the head and stern1 that the ship cambered very much2 that is1 her keel1 from being straight1 was become much curved1 the two extremities hanging lower than the middle part by many inches2 and consequently the foremost part of the keel1 instead of sliding over the blocks1 forced all the foremost ones away1 for above #fj feet2 whereby that part of the keel rested on the bottom or floor of the dock1 and the aftermost part rested on such of the blocks1 as had escaped the violence1 which had displaced the others4 ,in this situation the keel was very far from being strait2 and so it was resolved to lift by main force the head of the ship1 until the keel should be strait2 and in that position to support it by the blocks1 which had been forced away from their places4 ,for this purpose there were set up1 under the wales and other parts of the ship1 to the length of near #hj feet of the stem1 as many shoars1 as were judged necessary2 and also nine pair of bed-screws1 three pair under each bow1 and three pair under the knee of the head4 ,at each shoar a workman was appointed1 to drive wedges between the heels of the shoars and the parts of the dock whereon they rested2 whereby the shoars were raised end-wise1 and consequently the body of the ship lifted at the same time4 ,while this was doing1 the #ah screws were also at work3 and between these efforts the fore part of the ship was raised upwards of #ai inches1 so much being necessary to bring the fore part of the keel in a right line with the hinder part4 ,in this service were employed about #bgj men2 whereof about #add worked at the screws1 and the others worked at the shoars with their mawls and wedges2 and the whole operation was performed in about seven hours4 ,my curiosity leading me to inquire what was the weight of the ship1 in the condition she was at the time of bringing her into the dock2 for this purpose ,i procured draughts of the elevation and section1 and of the plans at the line of floating1 and at the parallel sections of every foot distance down to the keel4 ,then1 by finding the mean area between every two sections1 ,i was thereby enabled to come at the magnitude of a solid1 that would nearly fill the trough the ship made in the water2 and1 by increasing this magnitude by that of the keel1 and so much of the stern-post and stem1 as were under water1 the cubic feet of the fluid displaced by the ship were obtained1 being #edhfi2 and consequently her weight was #cecbjia pounds1 or #aegf tons1 #af ,c4 #b qrs4 #c 4 ,these numbers were not altogether so easily come at1 as they would have been1 had the ship swam on an even keel1 her draught of water before being #ac feet #b inches1 and abast #af feet #f inches4 ,however1 the computation may be esteemed as correct as the nature of the subject would admit2 because ,i found pretty near the same solidity by another method4 ,i got a block or model made1 by a scale of a quarter of an inch to a foot1 of so much of the ,royal ,william's body1 as was immerged1 when she was brought into dock2 and this block ,i immersed in a trough of sea-water1 and found its weight in the following manner4 ,the length of the trough was #df inches1 breadth #ad inches1 and depth #h inches3 at each corner was a graduated scale of inches1 and pencil-lines drawn round the inside of the trough at every inch4 ,sea-water was poured into the trough to the height of #e inches2 and the trough was exactly levelled1 by means of the pencil-line1 at #e inches3 then the block being forced under the water's surface1 the fluid1 when still1 was risen to #f inches2 consequently the magnitude of the block was equal to a parallelopipedon of #df inches long1 #ad inches broad1 and #a inches deep1 or to #heh cubic inches4 ,now #heh cubic inches are equal to #j4difi cubic feet4 ,and a cubic foot of sea-water weighs #fd4cgc pounds avoirdupoize4 ,then #fd4cgc #j4difi #ca4ihg pounds4 ,so that by a quarter inch scale1 a model similar to the ,royal ,william weighs near #cb 4 ,but a quarter inch scale is #dh of a foot scale4 ,and the model is to the ship as #a is to #dh1 or as #a is to #aajeib4 ,then #cecgejf 4 7 #aajeib #ca4ihg71 or #aegi tons1 #d ,c4 #c qrs4 #ad 4 is the weight sought4 ,the difference by the two methods amounts to #edae 4 or to #b tons1 #h ,c4 #a qr4 #aa 4 ,some of the persons present at this experiment read the height of the water at #f inches3 the difference between #f and #f inches is #bd of an inch2 a difference easily to be made by different persons in an experiment of this kind4 ,but observing1 that the computation made on #f inches amounted to near #ej tons more than on #f inches1 ,i caused the trough to be diminished in its depth to #f inches1 had one of the ends cut off1 and a board fixed on the open side1 being desirous of making the experiment with the trough standing on one end3 and indeed1 in this situation1 an error of of an inch in the height of the water makes a difference of about #af tons in the weight of the ship4 ,into this upright trough water was poured to the height of #cf inches2 and the block being immerged1 the water was raised #i inches3 so that the block was equal in magnitude to a parallelopipedon of #ad inches long1 #f inches wide1 and #i inches deep1 or to #hdi cubic inches3 from whence ,i find the weight of the ship to be #aefb tons1 #a ,c4 #b qrs4 #af 4 ,and altho' ,i take this number to be nearest the truth1 yet it may be observed1 that it is no easy matter to come at accuracy in this subject by any of the methods in common use4 ,my next inquiry was1 to find how much of this weight was lifted1 and how to proportion it among the screws and mawl-men3 but in this1 less accuracy must be expected than in the preceding inquiry2 for the exact number of men employed is not known2 neither can it be told1 how many worked at the screws1 and how many with the mawls2 and only a guess can be made at the part lifted4 ,however1 something may be gathered1 which may1 perhaps1 be worth the knowing4 ,let the weight raised be taken at half the weight of the ship2 for #fd feet1 the length of the keel raised1 is not far from half the whole length3 add to this the sally of the head1 the weight of the forecastle1 the friction of the timber1 and the resistance of the parts bent by the cambering3 beside1 the mawls worked at several shoars set up abast the said #fd feet4 ,now the weight by the last experiment was #cdiijfd pounds3 one half1 or #agdiecb 4 ,i take to be the weight raised between the screws and mawls4 ,the distance between two contiguous threads of each screw was #a inches2 the length of the two opposite levers was #ab feet #h inches1 or #aeb inches1 and described a circumference of #dgg inches3 each screw was worked by #h men3 their force1 reckoned at #cj 4 each1 makes the power working on each screw equal to #bdj 4 ,hence1 from the known property1 each screw could raise #fedhe 4 ,and the #ah screws raised #aaghgcj 4 ,then there remained #egjhjb 4 to be raised among about #abf mawls3 ,which gives #decj 1 or a little more than two tons1 to be raised by each man with his mawl and wedges2 which is considerably less than what ,i have seen raised by way of experiment4 ,,xxxv4 ,observations on an ,evening1 or rather ,nocturnal1 ,solar ,iris4 ,by ,mr4 ,george ,edwards1 ,librarian of the ,college of ,physicians4 ,to the ,reverend ,dr4 ,birch4 ,read ,june #af1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,,on ,sunday evening the #eth of ,june #ageg1 being walking in the fields near ,islington1 about half a mile north of the upper reservoir or bason of the ,new ,river1 ,i observed the sun to sink beneath the visible horizon to the north-west1 it being very clear in that quarter1 except some thin clouds a little above the horizon1 which were painted of fine red and golden colours1 as is usual when the sun sets in a calm clear evening4 ,but about #bj minutes after sun-set1 as near as ,i could judge1 it then being darkish1 ,i was greatly surprised to see an ,iris in the dusky air1 at a height greater than is seen at any time in the rainbow4 ,it was in the contrary quarter of the heavens to the setting sun1 and fell on the smoke1 mists1 and evening vapours arising from the city of ,london and its neighbourhood4 ,the arch seemed to be a full half circle1 tho' its lower parts fell some degrees short of the horizon4 ,it was very distinctly seen for about #ae minutes4 ,its colours the same as in the rainbow1 but fainter4 ,the lower ends of the bow arose gradually higher from the earth1 as the sun declined beneath the horizon1 until the whole arch disappeared4 ,the center of the arch was above the horizon at its first appearance4 ,what most perplexed me1 was1 to find the cause of this painted arch4 ,i could not believe1 that it proceeded from the sun-beams falling on rain2 for there had been none that afternoon2 nor was there any sort of signs of rain or rainy clouds to be seen2 the wind being northerly1 and the air cool1 and somewhat hazy in the quarter where the bow appeared2 which was not near so bright as the rainbow appears to be in the day-time2 and ,i believe1 that it would not have been visible at all in the presence of the sun4 ,i imagine it was formed on the gross particles of the evening vapours1 mixed with those of the smoke arising from the town2 for had the sun-beams shot from beneath the horizon on falling rain at a considerable height above the earth1 ,i believe the darkness would have rendered the appearance of such a bow far brighter than it appears to the sight in the presence of the sun3 but this night or evening arch being reflected1 as ,i suppose1 from particles so minute as those of floating vapours1 gave but little light and colour to the sight1 and what would not have been visible1 had the sun been above the horizon4 ,for the same reason1 the moon and stars are visible in the absence of the sun1 and1 on the contrary1 are unseen when the sun is present3 and if we light a candle1 and set it in the sun-beams1 the flame is lost to our sight1 tho' the same candle will give us a considerable share of light in the night4 ,as ,i have never before seen or heard of such an arch1 ,i thought this account of it 7imperfect as it is7 might not be disagreeable to the ,royal ,society4 ,it could not be a lunar arch1 the moon being then many degrees below the horizon1 and the arch in a place1 where it could not be affected by the moon's rays4 ,the consciousness of my inability to give a proper account of such an uncommon appearance could not deter me from the attempt4 ,i think ,i have said all that is necessary on this subject2 yet am ready to answer any question for the farther illustrating of it4 ,i am1 ,reverend ,sir1 ,your most humble ,servant1 ,geo4 ,edwards4 ,college of ,physicians1 ,london1 ,june #fth1 #ageg4 ,,xxxvi4 ,the ,effects of the ,opuntia1 or ,prickly ,pear1 and of the ,indigo ,plant1 in colouring the ,juices of living ,animals4 ,communicated by ,h4 ,baker1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,june #bc1 #ageg4 ,june #bc;d1 #ageg4 ,,mr4 ,baker received a letter yesterday from ,dr4 ,alexander ,garden1 of ,charles ,town in ,south ,carolina1 part of which he hopes he shall be excused for laying before the ,royal ,society4 ,the ,doctor writes thus3----8,as you desired1 ,i tried the effects of the prickly pear in colouring the urine4 ,a few days after your letter1 ,i went down to one of the islands1 and gathered some of the fruit1 and gave four of the pears to a child of three years of age1 and six pears to one of five4 ,the next morning ,i examined the urine of both1 and it appeared of a very lively red colour1 as if tent-wine had been mixed with clear water4 ,the urine of the eldest was deeper coloured1 and of a darker look3 the youngest 7who always naturally made clear urine7 was of a more lively and beautiful red4 ,next day ,i gave six pears to a ,negroe wench1 who gave suck1 and strictly forbad her suckling her child for six or eight hours2 and then taking some of her milk in a tea-cup1 and setting it by for some hours1 the cream had a reddish lustre1 tho' it was very faint4 ,i was led to this last experiment by an observation1 which ,i made on the milk of cows1 who had fed in an indigo-field2 the indigo had not only tinged their urine blue1 but the cream of the milk was of a most beautiful blue colour1 and had a radiated appearance from the centre 7,is it not hence probable1 that the dye is the oily part of the plant874 ,the milk underneath was clear and white as usual40 ,dr4 ,garden wrote1 a year ago1 that the prickly pear grows in great abundance about ,carolina2 and also that the cochineal insects are found upon it2 but hitherto no attempts have been made to cure them as the ,spaniards do4 ,in hope1 that some rich dye may be produced from the plant itself1 ,mr4 ,baker proposed some experiments to ,dr4 ,garden1 which he intends to prosecute this summer4 ,,xxxvii4 ,account of an extraordinary ,shower of black ,dust1 that fell in the ,island of ,zetland #bjth ,october #ageeaid4 ,in a ,letter from ,sir ,andrew ,mitchell1 of ,westshore1 ,bart4 to ,john ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,june #bc1 #ageg4 ,pall-,mall1 ,june #ith1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,,in compliance with your desire1 ,i made particular inquiry1 whether at or about the time the earthquake happened at ,lisbon the #ast of ,november #agee4 any uncommon phnomena were observed to appear in the islands of ,orkney or ,zetland1 as such had happened about that time in other parts of ,scotland4 ,from ,orkney ,i was informed1 that nothing particular had happened2 only1 that about the time mentioned the tides were observed to be much higher than ordinary4 ,i received from ,zetland a letter1 dated #bhth ,may #agef4 from ,mr4 ,william ,brown1 ,master of the grammar-school at ,scalloway in that country1 a sensible and observing man2 wherein he writes verbatim as follows4 8,blessed be ,god1 notwithstanding the great devastations1 that have been made in other parts of the world by earthquakes1 we have been intirely free from any disaster of that nature3 nor has any thing extraordinary happened in this country since you left it2 only on ,monday the #bjth ,october last1 betwixt the hours of three and four in the afternoon1 the sky being very hazy1 as it uses to be before a storm of thunder and lightning1 there fell a black dust over all the country1 tho' in greater quantities in some places than in others4 ,it was very much like lampblack2 but smelled strongly of sulphur4 ,people in the fields had their faces1 hands1 and linen1 blackened by it4 ,it was followed by rain4----,some people assign the cause of it to some extraordinary eruption of ,hecla4 ,but ,i shall trouble you no more about it1 as no doubt some of your friends have written to you of it some time ago40---- ,in ,june #agef4 ,i returned to ,zetland2 and1 upon further inquiry1 found what ,mr4 ,brown had written me was attested by ,mr4 ,mitchell1 parson of the parish of ,tengwall1 and by several ,gentlemen of credit and reputation1 who had seen and observed the same phnomenon in different parts of the country at the time above-mentioned4 ,mr4 ,brown having omitted to mention1 how the wind did blow at the time the black dust was observed1 ,i made particular inquiry about that circumstance1 and found it was from the ,s4 ,w4 which does not seem to favour the opinion1 that the dust proceeded from an eruption of mount ,hecla1 which lies about ,n4 ,w4 from ,zetland2 unless it may be supposed1 that a north wind happening just before had carried this dust to the southward1 and the south-west wind immediately following had brought it back to the northward4 ,but1 in this case1 would not this black dust have been observed in ,zetland at its first travelling to the southward8 ,upon inquiry1 ,i did not hear it was4 ,thus far ,i have obeyed your commands1 which ,i will always do with pleasure2 and if you think it worth while to lay this letter before the ,royal ,society1 ,i leave you at full liberty to do so1 or not1 as you think proper3 but what it contains may be relied on as truth4 ,i am1 with great regard1 ,dear ,sir1 ,your most obedient humble ,servant1 ,and4 ,mitchell4 ,p4,s4 ,i may add1 that the distance from mount ,hecla to ,zetland is between #ejj and #fjj miles4 ,,xxxviii4 ,a ,description of some ,thermometers for particular ,uses4 ,by the ,right ,honourable the ,lord ,charles ,cavendish1 ,v4,p4,r4,s4 ,read ,june #cj1 #ageg4 ,,the thermometer 7,,tab4 ,,xi4 fig4 #a47 is designed for shewing the greatest degree of heat1 which happens in any place during the absence of the observer4 ,it consists of a cylinder of glass joined to a tube1 and differs from common thermometers only in having the top of the stem drawn out into a capillary tube1 which enters into a glass ball ,c1 joined on to the stem at the place where it begins to be contracted4 ,the cylinder1 and part of the tube1 are filled with mercury2 the top of which shews the common degrees of heat as usual4 ,the upper part of the tube above the mercury is filled with spirit of wine1 and some of the same liquor is left in the ball ,c1 so as to fill it almost up to the top of the capillary tube4 ,now when the thermometer rises1 the spirit of wine will be driven out of the tube1 and will fall into the ball ,c4 ,when the thermometer sinks again1 as the spirit cannot return back from the ball1 the top of the tube will remain empty1 and the length of the empty part will be proportional to the fall of the thermometer4 ,therefore1 by means of a proper scale1 the top of the spirit of wine will shew how many degrees it has been higher than when observed2 which being added to the present height1 will give the greatest degree of heat it has been at4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xi4 p4 #cjj4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,to fit this thermometer for a new observation1 it is necessary to fill the upper part of the tube with spirits2 which may be done1 by inclining the instrument till the spirits in the ball ,c cover the end of the capillary tube4 ,for if the cylinder is then heated1 by applying the hand to it1 or by the flame of a lamp held at some distance1 till the spirits rise to the top of the tube and run over into the ball ,c1 and is then suffered to cool in the same position1 the tube will remain full of spirits1 and the thermometer will be fitted for a new experiment4 ,the top of the capillary tube is made to stand pretty near to one side of the ball1 and also to the top of it1 that a less inclination of the instrument may be sufficient to make the spirit of wine in the ball cover the end of the tube4 ,the ball ,c is joined on as high as possible1 so as to hide no part of the tube1 except that1 where the bore is contracted4 ,by this means1 the top of the spirit of wine begins to appear before the thermometer has sunk one degree4 ,it will be convenient to leave some mercury in the ball ,c1 which may be made to cover the end of the capillary tube1 by inclining the thermometer more than what is necessary to make the spirit of wine cover it4 ,by this means some mercury may be got back into the tube1 in case any of it should happen to be driven into the ball by the thermometer's being exposed to too great a heat4 ,the scale of degrees at top1 which shews the descent of the thermometer from the highest point it has arrived at1 ought not1 in strictness1 to be the same at all times of the year2 for those degrees exceed the common degrees of heat pointed out by the top of the mercury1 as much as the column of spirit of wine expands1 and therefore are greatest when that column is so2 that is to say1 when the greatest heat to which the instrument has been exposed is least4 ,a difference of #cj degrees of ,fahrenheit's scale1 in the greatest rise of the thermometer1 would require the scale to be altered one sixtieth part3 and the error arising from making use of the same scale will be about one sixth of a degree1 if the thermometer is observed when it has fallen ten degrees4 ,in the instrument here described1 the bore of the tube is about #j4jbg inches2 and one inch of it contains two grains of mercury1 and answers to about ten degrees1 the cylinder containing about #bbhj grains4 ,if a much shorter tube was made use of1 a considerable error might arise from too great a quantity of spirits adhering to the sides of the tube1 in that part1 which is filled with mercury2 especially when the thermometer rises fast4 ,this makes it necessary to employ a cylinder of a considerable bigness1 if it is desired to have the scale of degrees pretty large4 ,if the weight of the mercury is thought inconvenient1 it may be avoided by the construction described in fig4 #b4 where the bottom of the tube is bent so as to point upwards1 and is joined to a ball ,a1 which communicates with a cylinder placed above it4 ,in all other respects it is the same as the instrument before described4 ,it is filled with spirit of wine and mercury2 the quantity of the latter being sufficient to fill the whole tube and the ball ,a4 ,no part of the spirit1 with which the cylinder is filled1 can get into the tube1 as long as the instrument is kept in an erect position1 or even if it is carefully laid down flat on a table4 ,for tho' in this last case some of the spirits may get into the ball ,a1 it will rise to that part of the ball1 which is then uppermost1 and will not touch the orifice of the tube n2 which was the reason for adding this ball1 which would be unnecessary1 if the instrument was kept constantly erect1 or nearly so4 ,if the spirit should come to touch the orifice of the tube n1 it would work up between the mercury and the glass2 which would put the instrument out of order4 ,the thermometer fig4 #c4 is designed for shewing the greatest cold1 which happens in any place during the time the instrument is left in it4 ,the tube is bent into the shape of a syphon of unequal legs standing parallel to one another1 the bend being at the bottom4 ,the top of the shorter leg is bent to a right angle1 and immediately opens into a ball ,a1 which1 by means of a short bent tube on the opposite side1 communicates with a cylinder standing parallel to the legs of the syphon1 and pointing downwards4 ,this cylinder contains the greatest part of the fluid2 and is added only to make the thermometer more sensible than it would be1 if the ball ,a was made of a sufficient bigness to contain the proper quantity of fluid4 ,this instrument is filled with spirit of wine1 with the addition of as much mercury as is sufficient to fill both legs of the syphon1 and about a fourth or fifth part of the ball ,a4 ,the common degrees of heat are shown by the top of the mercury in the longest leg1 or by the top of the spirit1 in case any of it is left above the mercury4 ,when the mercury in the longest leg sinks by cold1 that in the shorter leg will rise1 and will run over into the ball ,a2 from whence it cannot return back when the thermometer rises again1 as the surface of the mercury in the ball is below the orifice of the tube n4 ,therefore the upper part of the shorter leg will be filled with a column of spirits of a length proportional to the increase of heat2 the bottom of which1 by means of a proper scale1 will show how much the thermometer has been lower than it then is2 which being subtracted from the present height1 will give the lowest point that it has been at4 ,if no further contrivance was used1 the mercury would fall into the ball ,a in large drops2 which would make the instrument less accurate4 ,for the thermometer's beginning to rise immediately after a drop is fallen1 or just as it is going to fall 7in which case it will return back into the tube71 will make a difference of such part of a degree nearly as that drop answers to4 ,to prevent this inconvenience1 the top of the shorter leg1 close to the ball1 is contracted1 by being held in the flame of a lamp2 and the passage is further streightened by a solid thread of glass placed within the tube1 and extending from the bottom of the shorter leg to the part near the ball ,a1 where it is most contracted4 ,by this means1 as soon as any small portion of mercury is got beyond the end of the thread of glass1 it breaks off1 and falls into the ball in very small drops4 ,this thread of glass is fastened by the heat given to the tube in making the bend next to the ball4 ,in order to fill the shorter leg with mercury1 to fit the instrument for a new experiment1 it must be inclined till the mercury in the ball covers the orifice of the tube n4 ,the cylinder being then heated1 the mercury will be forced into the shorter leg1 and will run down the thread of glass in drops1 which will soon unite4 ,by this means1 such a quantity of mercury must be got into the shorter leg1 as1 upon the cooling of the instrument1 will be sufficient to drive all the spirit of wine into the ball with a less degree of cold than what the thermometer is likely to be exposed to4 ,the ball ,a must always have some mercury in it1 but never enough to fill it up to the orifice of the tube n4 ,it must therefore be made of such a size1 as to contain all the mercury1 which can come into it from the tube without being too full4 ,if it should happen to be made too small1 so as to be too full in cold weather1 any part of the mercury may easily be driven into the cylinder1 and got back again into the ball when wanted in warmer weather4 ,it will be better to leave a little of the spirit above the mercury in the longest leg2 in which case the top of the spirit will shew the common degrees of heat4 ,for the filling the tube1 so as to leave none1 is attended with some trouble2 and more of it will be apt to get up there1 if the instrument should happen to be held in an improper situation1 or if it be kept in too warm a place without filling the shorter leg with mercury by the method above described4 ,if too great a quantity should get up1 tho' it would not affect the scale for the common degrees of heat1 it would however cause some error in the degrees on the shorter leg2 inasmuch as the expansion of that portion of spirits1 which has got up into the longer leg1 exceeds the expansion of the mercury1 which must supply its place4 ,it may be got back at pleasure1 by exposing the thermometer to such a degree of cold as will make the spirit get beyond the bend of the syphon2 for then it will run up along the thread of glass in the shorter leg till it gets above the mercury there4 ,for this purpose the point of #j degrees of ,fahrenheit's scale should be near the bend2 by which means1 any part of the spirit of wine may be got beyond it by an artificial cold2 and there will be no danger of the whole getting beyond it by any natural cold2 in which case the air would get up into the ball4 ,the scale of degrees on the shorter leg will1 in different seasons1 be liable to an error of the same kind as that1 which was explained in the first-mentioned thermometer2 but in this it will be less considerable1 as the space between the two scales is filled with mercury1 whose expansion is about six times less than that of spirit of wine4 ,in the thermometer1 which ,i have1 the bore of the tube is about #j4jed inches2 and one inch of it contains eight grains of mercury1 and answers to seven degrees of ,fahrenheit's scale4 ,the drops of mercury1 which fall into the ball ,a1 answer to about one eighth of a degree4 ,if instruments of the nature of those above described1 were to be used for finding the temper of the sea at great depths1 some alteration would be necessary in the construction of them1 principally upon account of the great pressure of the water2 the ill effect of which can1 ,i believe1 be prevented no other way1 than by leaving the tube open4 ,for if the thermometer was made strong enough to resist the pressure without breaking1 yet it would be impossible to be sure1 that the figure of the glass would not thereby be altered1 which should make the experiment uncertain4 ,the instrument for finding the greatest heat might be made just like that of fig4 #a4 only leaving the top open4 ,it is to be filled with mercury only1 as is also the lower part of the ball at top1 but not near so high as the end of the capillary tube4 ,the upper part of that ball1 being left open1 will in a great measure be filled with the sea-water1 which will be forced into it by the pressure4 ,if this instrument 7the tube being quite full of mercury7 is plunged into any part of the sea1 where the heat is greater than that of the air above1 part of the mercury will be driven out of the tube2 and1 upon bringing it into a colder place1 the sea-water or air in the ball will enter into the tube1 and will fill the space left by the mercury4 ,as this thermometer does not show the common degrees of heat1 it must be placed in a vessel of water with another thermometer1 and the scale of degrees at top will shew how much the heat it has been exposed to is greater than that of the water in the vessel4 ,the sea-water getting into the glass will corrode the mercury1 and thereby foul the glass2 which will make the experiment less exact3 and therefore it would be much more convenient1 if the sea-water could intirely be kept out2 which probably may be done by tying a bladder full of air to the neck of the ball ,c1 which will contract by the pressure of the water1 without letting any of it get in4 ,if this can be done1 the instrument may be filled with mercury and spirits1 just like that at fig4 #a4 ,but it would be more convenient to fill it with mercury only3 in which case it may be made with as small a tube and ball as common mercurial thermometers3 or it may be filled with spirits only4 ,the instrument will thereby become much less bulky2 which will compensate the want of the common scale of heat4 ,it is better to put but little mercury into the ball at top1 for fear of its getting into the capillary tube by the motion of the instrument4 ,the thermometer for finding the greatest cold1 if applied to this purpose1 must also be left open at top4 ,there is another inconvenience to be avoided2 which is1 that the mercury in the ball ,a1 by the tossing of the instrument1 might sometimes get into the shorter leg of the syphon2 which would spoil the experiment4 ,to prevent such an accident1 the most convenient construction1 which occurs to me1 is that of fig4 #d4 which differs from fig4 #c4 in having the ball ,a omitted2 so that the mercury running out of the shorter leg will fall to the bottom of the cylinder1 and will not be so liable to get back into the tube by motion4 ,the cylinder is made to stand not quite parallel to the legs of the syphon1 that the mercury contained therein may more easily be brought to touch the end of the tube1 in order to fit the instrument for a new experiment4 ,if1 by means of a bladder1 the sea-water can be kept out of the glass1 this instrument may be made to shew the common degrees of heat2 but even then1 in order to render it less bulky1 it may be better to supply the want of them as in the last instrument4 ,the longer leg of the syphon may in that case be made as short as you please2 only making the ball ,b big enough to receive all the mercury1 which may be driven into it by heat4 ,if thermometers of this kind were to be sent up into the air by means of a kite1 they might be made like those proposed for the sea2 but it would not be necessary to leave them open4 ,as it would be desirable to make them as small as possible1 they should be made so as not to shew the common degrees of heat3 and it would also1 on that account1 be convenient to omit the thread of glass placed within the shorter leg of the syphon in fig4 #c4 and #d4 ,this thread of glass is placed there in order to make the mercury fall into the ball ,a4 fig4 #c4 or cylinder ,c4 fig4 #d4 in smaller drops1 and also to facilitate the filling the shorter leg with mercury4 ,the latter purpose may be answered by having a ball blown towards the bottom of the shorter leg1 as marked in fig4 #d4 at ,m3 for as soon as the mercury driven out of the cylinder by heat gets to that ball1 it will pass by the spirit of wine4 ,the other purpose may probably be answered by having the tube contracted as much as possible at n4 ,in the foregoing instruments the tubes made use of were of a large bore1 as most of the errors in them would increase by making use of smaller ones4 ,possibly less ones might be used without much inconvenience4 ,the chief advantage will be1 the making these thermometers more sensible of the changes of heat1 than when large cylinders are used4 ,this will be of service when the greatest degree of heat or cold continues but a short time4 ,it is better to use plain spirit of wine1 than what is tinged1 which seems more apt to cause a foulness in the tube1 and thereby makes the surface of the mercury less well defined4 ,i am induced to believe so1 from observing1 that the portion of spirits above the mercury in the tube fig4 #c4 which at first was strongly tinged with cochineal1 in some months became perfectly colourless1 the tinging particles being deposited in different parts of the tube1 and causing a foulness there4 ,the colour of the spirits in the cylinder does not appear to be altered4 ,the dark-shaded part in the several figures represents mercury1 the dotted part spirit of wine4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xii4 p4 #caa4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,,xxxix4 ,observationes ,anatomico-,medic1 de ,monstro bicorporeo ,virgineo ,a4 #agja4 die #bf ,oct4 in ,pannonia1 infra ,comaromium1 in ,possessione ,szony1 quondam ,quiritum ,bregetione1 in lucem edito1 atque ,a4 #agbc4 die #bc ,febr4 ,posonii in ,cnobio ,monialium ,s4 ,ursul morte functo ibidemque sepulto4 ,authore ,justo ,johanne ,torkos1 ,m4,d4 ,soc4 ,regalis ,socio4 ,see ,,tab4 ,,xii4 ,read ,may #bc4 #agea4 ,i4 ,,partus hic bicorporeus singulare exemplum exhibet admirandarum virium imaginationis matern in ftum utero contentum4 ,mater enim hujus bicorporis1 primis graviditatis su mensibus vel potius hebdomadis1 attentius contemplabatur canes countes1 arctius cohrentes1 et capitibus erga se invicem quodammodo conversos1 eosque sibi crebrius prfigurabat4 ,,ii4 ,in partu1 primum prodiit umbilicotenus ,helen corpus2 post tres demum horas editi sunt ejus pedes1 cum adnexo corpore altero ,judith4 ,helen corporis statura erat altior et rectior1 ,judith brevior et obliquior2 et quamvis infra lumbos1 a tergo1 in unum corpus concret fuissent1 attamen vultu et corporibus1 semilateraliter1 erga se fuerant convers1 ut commode sedere1 lentoque gradu procedere et recedere potuerint4 ,unus communi ipsis erat alvi exitus1 intra duas nates1 seu ,helen dextrum et ,judith sinistrum femur1 situatus4 ,unam quoque habebant vulvam1 intra quatuor pedes reconitam1 ut dum erectis starent corporibus1 ne vestigium ejus conspicuum esset4 ,quoad duos istos excretionum meatus1 observatum est1 quod1 una excretionem alvi moliente1 altera quoque nisum egerendi senserit2 in reddenda vero urina1 qulibet1 diverso tempore1 stimulos habuerit3 quamobrem altera ad urin missionem solicitata1 altera subinde recessum negavit4 ,unde in juventute1 utut alias semper semet tenerrime amarent et amplexarentur1 spius altercationes inter ipsas exort1 et alterutra aliam vel dorso injectam abripuit1 vel colluctando eo1 quo vellet1 protraxit4 ,,iii4 ,anno tatis sexto1 ,judith paralysis totius partis sinistr2 obtigit ex qua affectione1 utut convaluisset1 per totam vitam suam debilior1 tardior1 et stupidior perstitit2 e contra ,helena semper agilior1 docilior1 et formosior suit4 ,,iv4 ,prout diversa erant corpora1 ita functionum vitalium1 animalium1 et naturalium1 magna in utroque corpore1 tam in sano quam groto statu1 observata est differentia4 ,et quamvis variolas et morbillos uno eodemque tempore habuissent1 reliqui tamen morbi eis non erant communes4 ,cum ,judith spius convelleretur1 ,helena nec alterata nec debilitata fuit4 ,helena erat pleuritica4 ,judith benigniore febre laboravit3 alter tussi1 catarrho1 colic afflict1 altera sana exstitit4 ,hinc etiam qulibet1 pro suo diverso statu1 diversis medicamentis tractabatur3 phlebotomia autem semper in saniore et vegetiore celebrabatur4 ,v4 ,anno tatis decimo sexto1 menstrua comparuerunt1 qu deinde per totam vitam1 non tamen quali tempore1 modo1 et quantitate successere4 ,subinde alterutra majores hinc sensit molestias2 ,judith vero crebrius convellebatur1 variisque hystericis et pectoris affectionibus obnoxia fuit4 ,,vi4 ,anno tatis vicesimo secundo1 seu ,a4 ,c4 #agbc4 die #h ,febr4 ,judith fortiter convulsa est1 postea comatosa1 usque ad mortem1 qu die #bc ,febr4 mane contigit1 perstitit4 ,intra hos dies ,helena febricula laboravit1 eique accesserunt crebriores lipothymi1 quibus tandem ita debilitata est1 ut integra quamvis mente et loquela1 subito1 tribusque hor minutis prius quam ,judith1 in agonem inciderit3 postea vero amb1 post brevem agonem1 uno ferme momento expiraverint4 ,,vii4 ,corporibus post mortem dissectis1 reperta sunt in quolibet corpore viscera singula3 ,in ,helena omnia sana2 in ,judith thorace vero cor nimis magnum1 fortissimo pericardio velatum1 et pulmonum dexter lobus putridus3 ,arteria aorta et vena cava ex utroque corde descendentes1 antequam arteri et ven iliac ex iisdem emergerent1 inflex coadunabantur1 et unam arteriam aortam1 unamque venam cavam1 e corde uno ad aliud procedentes seu reflexas1 prsentarunt4 ,in abdomine utrinque viscera omnia sana et integra4 ,quodlibet corpus suum habuit hepar1 splenem1 pancreas1 renes1 vesicam1 uterum cum ovariis1 tubis ,fallopianis1 et portione vagin1 qu utrinque concurrentes unam communem vaginam efformarunt4 ,partes genitalium externorum1 prter commune orificium vagin1 cuilibet erant propri1 velut clitoris1 nymph1 orificium urethr2 al seu labia utrinque ad perinum concurrentia fossulam navicularem densiorem constituerant4 ,ventriculus cum intestinis1 in utrque1 naturaliter erant situata2 intestina recta autem utrinque ad os sacrum reflexa et coalita1 unum satis amplum et communem canalem constituerunt3 os sacrum ad secundam divisionem concretum erat1 et unum corpus efformando1 in uno utrique ossi sacro communi1 osse coccygis1 terminabatur4 ,ex prrecensitis1 sicut causa diversitaris actionum et functionum patet1 ita etiam ex arteriarum aortarum1 et venarum cavarum1 intestinorum quoque rectorum et vaginarum uteri1 compagine1 coadunatione et harmonia1 apparet ratio conformitatis et disparitatis morborum1 synthanasi1 communis nisus egerend alvi1 possibilis imprgnationis alterutrius1 vel fors utriusque virginis1 uno eodemque coitu4 ,hc omnia conquisivi et retexui1 partim e relationibus fide dignis autoptarum2 partim ex ephemeridibus ,b4 ,caroli ,raygeri1 soceri mei1 qui1 dum viveret1 medicum cnobii dicti ordinarium agebat2 partim ex libro cnobiali1 cui ,b4 ,vir formulas medicamentorum inscripserat4 ,dab4 ,posonii die #c ,julii #ageg4 ,justus ,joannes ,torkos1 ,eques ,pannonius1 ,medic4 ,doct4 et ,liber ,regi ,civitatis ,posoniensis ,physicus ordinarius4 ,the interval between the reading of this paper before the ,royal ,society and the present publication1 was occasioned by the long indisposition1 and afterwards death1 of their late ,president ,martin ,folkes1 ,esq2 who having taken it to his house1 with a view of collecting and adding to it some further particulars1 it could not be found after his decease4 ,but ,dr4 ,torkos1 the writer1 being again applied to1 immediately transmitted the copy of it printed above3 and1 in order to supply in some measure the want of what ,mr4 ,folkes's extensive reading and industry might have furnished the public with1 in relation to so very remarkable a fact1 the following accounts1 printed and manuscript1 are subjoined as a supplement to the preceding article4 ,extract of a ,letter of ,william ,burnet1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 eldest ,son of ,dr4 ,gilbert ,burnet1 ,lord ,bishop of ,salisbury1 to ,dr4 7afterwards ,sir7 ,hans ,sloane1 dated at ,leyden1 ,may #i4 #agjh4 ,n4 ,s4#aie 8,,sir1 ,i ,send you inclosed the print of a wonderful union of two twin sisters1 who are at this time to be seen at the ,hague4 ,i saw them1 and observed all1 that ,i could think tended to explain the appearance4 ,they are ,hungarians1 as the lines under the print will shew you4 ,there is there an exact enough description of their condition2 only ,i may add1 that in fig4 #a4 the urinal passage is between the two foremost thighs1 as they are in the print4 ,the same is true of the anus in the #b;d figure1 in such manner1 that the situation of these parts is the same to outward appearance as naturally1 with this difference1 that they are between two different bodies here1 whereas in the course of nature they are between the two parts of the same body4 ,it seems probable1 that their parts are distinct2 but that the most remote labia of each are outwardly visible1 and the two contiguous ones are within4 ,there seems to be no cheat in the thing2 and the skin1 where they are joined1 is perfectly smooth1 without any scar4 ,they are now about six years old4 ,they speak ,french and ,high ,german4 ,they are very full of action1 and talk one more than the other4 ,when one stoops to take up any thing1 she carries the other quite from the ground2 and that one of them often does1 being stronger as well as more lively than the other4 ,they have not their feeling common any where but in the place of their conjunction4 ,this is all ,i can say about it4 ,if you think it worth while1 you will do me an honour in giving the print1 and the substance of this account1 to the ,society2 to which1 tho' an unworthy member1 ,i would be proud to be capable of any service40 ,this letter was read to the ,royal ,society on the #abth of ,may #agjhaif2 and the print mentioned in it produced2 which1 being now become extremely difficult to be met with1 is thought proper to be engraved again1 and inserted here4 ,see ,,tab4 ,,xiii4 ,soon after the date of ,mr4 ,burnet's letter the twin sisters were brought to ,england1 and publicly shewn in ,london1 as appears from the following ,,ms4 note in a copy of the print bound up by the writer with ,fortunius ,licetus de ,monstris#aig1 edit4 ,amstelod4 #affe4 #dto4 in the possession of ,thomas ,wilbraham1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 8,londini #ad ,junii #agjh4 has vidi gemellas 7plus annis sex natas7 quarum forma et vivacitas elegantior et vegetior quam pictura et descriptio40 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xiii4 p4 #caf4 ,corpora ,binarum sic concrevere ,sororum1 ,non nisi ,divina dissocianda manu4 ,,sz,,ny ,patria est1 vicus ,,comor co terminus ,arci1 ,qv nunquam ,lun paruit ,imperio4 ,amplexa est ulnis ,,helenam ,lucina priorem1 ,horis deinde tribus ,,juditha fuit4 ,exitus ,urin patet unicus1 unicus alvo1 ,observant numerum ctera membra suum4 ,misit ad ,ignotos tenuis ,fortuna ,parentum1 ,neu pereat tant ,fama stupenda rei4 ,inter,iora ,latent1 neq,ve,vnt abstr,vsa ,v,i,der,i3 e,x,ig,vo tot,v,m ,corp,vs ,in re patet4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,another account of them by an eye-witness in ,london is in a manuscript volume among those of ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 ,bart4 in the ,british ,museum1 intituled1 ,a short ,history of human ,prodigies and monstrous ,births1 of ,dwarfs1 ,sleepers1 ,giants1 strong ,men1 ,hermaphrodites1 numerous ,births1 and extreme old ,age1 c4 ,the name of the writer was ,james ,paris du ,plessis4 ,in p4 #ci4 under the ,title ,two ,sisters conjoined1 he gives a drawing of them1 and the following description3 8,these two monstrous girls were born at ,szony in ,hungary in the year #agja4 ,they were born conjoined together at the small of the back4 ,i asked the father and mother1 if they could not be separated one from the other8 but they answered1 ,no2 because the urinary and fcal vessels and passages were so united1 as to have but one issue for the urine1 and another for the excrements1 betwixt both4 ,they were brisk1 merry1 and well-bred3 they could read1 write1 and sing very prettily3 they could speak three different languages1 as ,hungarian or ,high ,dutch1 ,low ,dutch1 and ,french1 and were learning ,english4 ,they were very handsome1 very well shaped in all parts1 and beautiful faces4 ,helen was born three hours before her sister ,judith4 ,when one stooped1 she lifted the other from the ground1 and carried the other upon her back2 neither could they walk side by side4 ,they loved one another very tenderly4 ,their clothes were fine and neat4 ,they had two bodies1 four sleeves2 and one petticoat served to the bodies1 and their shifts the same4 ,when one went forward1 the other was forced to go backward40 ,a later and more particular account is contained in p4 #da1 seqq4 of a book very seldom met with in this country1 being printed at ,vienna in #agbi4 intituled1 ,gerardi ,cornelii ,drieschii ,historia magn ,legationis ,csare1 quam ,caroli ,,vi4 auspiciis suscepit ,damianus ,hugo ,virmondtius1 c4 ,the following extract1 tho' long1 will not probably be thought unentertaining4 8,sunt in comitatu ,commaroniensi in terris illustrissimi ,zichii 7pagus ,hungaris ,szony dicitur7 parentibus colonis1 quibus sua vita constat1 dum hc scribo1 anno #agja4 vii calendas ,novembreis procreat in lucem du fili gemell1 postic parte1 qu spina dorsi definit1 concret1 sic ut altera alteram sequi1 quo se cunque vertat1 cogatur3 ctera haud deformes aspectu1 nisi concretio illa corporum prodigium efficeret4 ,bin singulis manus1 totidem pedes1 et capita1 necnon corpora3 suus membris omnibus usus2 rationis mult etiam1 quod mirere1 certior2 ut1 si sedentes solum videris1 neque sciveris1 hic monstri notare nihil valeas4 ,majori natu1 qu lucem citius aspexit tribus horis1 ,helen1 minori ,judith nomen est4 ,hc ante annos circiter tres stupore apoplectico tacta lingu modicum ex eo ac bon mentis officium impeditum habuit1 simplicitatem quandam ingenii modo ut redoleat4 ,illa animo semper integro atque spiritu prdita eodem1 pudic facie1 non inconcinnis motibus1 intuentium in se oculos ad misericordiam commovet1 utpote qu rationis plan compos1 sororis tenerrim amans1 nec status ignara sui1 duplicem miseriam tolerat1 suam et istius4 ,duct sunt olim infantes per varias regiones ac provincias1 ,germaniam1 ,angliam1 ,galliam1 ,italiam1 ,poloniam1 ,bataviam1 ,austriam1 ,moraviam1 ,hungariam1 medico ,hungarico nomine ,csuszio1 qui easdem cert pecuni ad tempus sibi a parentibus concreditas et elocatas1 bon eorundem veni1 paterno solo bduxit2 unde trium gentium linguis1 ,germanic1 ,gallic1 ,hungaric1 hodiedum etiam loquuntur2 alias desuetudine usuque interrupto1 tate prsertim nondum satis confirmat1 omnino dedidicere4 ,dux ,augustus ,saxo ,cizius inter purpuratos ,,lxxii patres constantia religionis1 timore erga ,deum et caritate in proximum notissimus1 archiepiscopus ,strigoniensis1 veritus1 ne frequentes h perignationes puellarum adhuc infantium innocenti officerent1 ac mores denique illarum1 ut fieri non raro assolet1 plan depavarent1 pacto persolutoque pretio medico redemit1 et revocatas domum ad suos virginibus div ,ursul nuncupatis intra ,posonium deinceps educandas commisit1 necessariis ad hoc sumptibus benign subministratis4 ,ingress non diu puerilem tatem suerant1 nonusque illis annus agi cptus currebat1 quando harum in disciplinam virginum tradebantur4 ,hic legere primum ac scribere1 ea1 qu ad fidem necessaria sunt1 mente atque animo comprehendere2 operas manuum exercere varias1 acu prcipu phrygionic pingere1 denticulatas affabre fimbrias conficere1 et ctera qu sunt ejusdem generis1 edoct fuerunt4 ,vidi ego ex illarum operibus aliqua1 qu magistras hc in arte fecisse non pudeat4 ,recept autem sunt sacrum hoc in collegium anno secul ix4 die ,,xii4 kalendas ,aprilis1 ibi ,,xi mansionis1 vit ,,xix jam plan complerunt4 ,istuc divarum contubernium1 quod adhuc constanter incolunt1 nunquam postea deseruere4 ,addita illis e prudentioribus virago1 qu indefinentur adsit1 quo velint1 ducat1 actonibus invigilet1 de quibus respondere1 ad aliosque referre1 si necessum fuerit1 aliquando possit4 ,ex hc scire qu cupiebam1 remotis arbitris1 nullo negotio percepi4 ,crediderat namque1 quod res quoque erat1 non curiositatis grati1 sed officii1 ac boni publici caus ista me rogari3 quare alios omnes secedere jussi1 solus cum eadem remanens1 ut qu1 junioribus prsertim aliquot prsentibus1 accuratius explicare verecundia illam antea prohibuerat1 majori mecum libertate communicaret4 ,partes1 quas vel nominare pudor honestasque vetuit1 per quas potus ciborumque fces et reliqua corporis excrementa 7sit verbo venia7 ejicimus1 non illis his1 quibus nobis1 constitut locis4 ,illis quidem1 ubi nos eas habemus1 occlusa sunt omnia2 at infern1 qu parte concretio illa corporum incipit1 easdem obtinent utrique communes4 ,neque tamen cum necessitas alterutram premit ad exonerandum1 exempli grati1 ventrem1 altera se quoque sentit tam inutili pondere gravatam1 at satisfaciendum necessario natur sit3 sed jam huic1 jam isti istud imbecillitatis human incommodum perferendum est1 sitque etiam1 ut cum alvum purgat altera1 alteri meatus sit urinarius aperiendus4 ,muliebria1 qu statis fminas vicibus incommodant1 non uno ambabus tempore veniunt4 ,octidui quandoque intervallo ac longiori disjuncta sunt4 ,dum dormit hc1 spe vigilat illa1 et in alterius labore altera nonnunquam quiescit4 ,visa una potare est1 aut cibo corpus reficere1 cum aliud alii agebatur4 ,sedent1 stant1 ambulant1 jacent semper un1 nec sine incommodo4 ,non permittit conglutinatio ista corporum1 h uti actiones separentur4 ,si colloquuntur1 obtortis faciem collis obvertunt4 ,suavia dant sibi1 cum amant1 et pugnis impetunt1 cum furunt4 ,donec su utrique vires adhuc constabant1 si sorte exort inter illas aliquando discordi essent1 hc1 qu se lsam magis credebat aut fortem1 sublatam in humeros aliam alio asportabat4 ,veruntamen ingenio miti magis ac placido sunt quam incenso aut iracundo1 et in communibus malis communem fidem1 commune robur adhibent1 immissam sibi ,deo miseriam fortitr sustinentes4 ,ante triennium in gravi secund genit morbo1 de quo nonnulla superis facta est mentio est1 prior nata sacris omnibus munita ad mortem quoque feliciter obeundam disposita ab sacerdote fuit1 quia medicorum pars potior credit ali extinct aliam haud posse longm amplius superesse4 ,id quod probare ex hoc etiam laborant1 quod quoties male uni sit1 quamvis altera non eadem continuo grotatione teneatur1 angustias tamen animi certas1 hebetationem sensuum1 et commotionem quandam viscerum in seipsa experiatur4 ,equidem dubitandum minim reor1 quin monstrosa hc bina corpora duplici mente ac spiritu regantur4 ,nam sive cor faciamus1 sive cerebrum statuamus animi sedem1 ex utrolibet idem nullo negotio evincitur4 ,adde tot actiones multiplices1 cogitationes rerum diversas1 sensa animi varia1 qu1 ut aliud nihil sit1 isthuc pariter nos docent4 ,unum prcipue hic admirandum venit1 quod commemorare superius memoria excidit2 post prodigiosum videlicet hunc difficilemque partum natos esse matri alios liberos1 ex eodem patre procreatos1 sanos et valentes1 corpore1 specie ac forma integros1 qui monstri nihil admixtum habeant40 ,,xl4 ,observations on the ,origin and ,use of the ,lymphatic ,vessels of ,animals3 being an ,extract from the ,gulstonian ,lectures1 read in the ,theatre of the ,college of ,physicians of ,london1 in ,june #agee4 ,by ,mark ,akenside1 ,m4,d4 ,fellow of the ,college of ,physicians1 and of the ,royal ,society4 ,read ,nov4 #cj1 #ageg4 ,,it is proved1 by a multitude of experiments1 that the lymphatics communicate with the blood-vessels4 ,they may be distended by blowing air1 or by injecting water or mercury1 into an artery3 and the lymph1 which they carry1 is frequently1 in a morbid state1 found tinged with a mixture of the red globules or crassamentum of the blood4 ,upon this foundation two different theories have been raised1 concerning the connection of the lymphatics with the arteries4 ,of these1 we shall first consider that of the late famous professor ,boerhaave4 ,he observed1 that every artery of the body is greater1 in its diameter1 than any of its branches3 and this observation being found true1 as far as our eye and the microscope can inform us1 he inferred1 by analogy1 that it held good even thro' the most minute subdivisions of the arterial system4 ,but1 says he1 proportionable to the diameter of the canal is the size of the particles moving thro' it3 therefore1 if an ultimate capillary artery1 admitting only one red globule at once to pass thro' it1 send off lateral branches1 these branches will be capable of receiving such particles only as are smaller than a red globule4 ,but the particles next in magnitude below the red globules are the yellow serous ones2 and the lateral vessel1 thus receiving them1 is a serous artery1 and the trunk of a second order of vessels4 ,in like manner1 this trunk1 being continued on thro' many lessening branches1 will at last grow so minute1 as to admit only one serous globule3 its lateral branches1 therefore1 will receive only such particles as are smaller than the serous ones3 but these are the particles of the lymph2 and this lateral branch is a lymphatic artery1 and the trunk of a third order of vessels4 ,thus1 in the red arteries are contained all the circulated fluids of the body2 in the serous arteries1 all except the red blood2 in the lymphatics1 all except the red blood and serum3 and this subordination is1 according to the same laws1 continued down thro' fluids more subtile than the lymph1 to the smallest vessel1 which is propagated from the aorta4 ,such was ,boerhaave's doctrine concerning the vascular system of animal bodies2 like many of his other notions1 ingenious1 plausible1 and recommending itself1 at first sight1 by an appearance of geometrical and mechanical accuracy3 but founded upon insufficient data1 and by no means to be reconciled to appearances4 ,for1 in the first place1 should we admit his hypothesis1 it is certain1 that the conical or converging form of the aorta1 and the change of direction in its branches1 must1 in the distant blood-vessels1 occasion a great resistance to the moving blood1 and a great diminution of its velocity4 ,suppose that this resistance be1 in any capillary red artery1 to the resistance in the trunk of the aorta1 as any larger assignable number is to unit3 the resistance1 then1 in a capillary serous artery will1 to that in the aorta1 be as the square of that number is to unit2 in the capillary lymphatic1 as the cube2 and so in progression3 that is1 the velocity of the fluids1 in the remoter series of vessels1 will be1 physically1 nothing4 ,but we know1 on the contrary1 that some very remote series of vessels have their contents moved with a very considerable velocity2 particularly the vessels of the insensible perspiration3 and in anatomical injections1 the liquor thrown into an artery scarce returns more easily or speedily by the corresponding vein1 than by the most subtile excretory ducts4 ,moreover1 there are an infinite number of observations of morbid cases1 in which the red blood itself has been evacuated thro' some of the most remote series of vessels1 merely from an occasional temporary obstruction in one part1 or a prternatural laxity in another2 and without any lasting detriment to the structure and subordination of the vessels2 which yet1 upon this hypothesis1 must have been utterly destroyed before such an irregularity could have happened4 ,the other theory concerning the origin of the lymphatics has been maintained by some very eminent physiologists later than ,boerhaave2 and supposes1 that these vessels receive their lymph from the blood-vessels1 or from the excretories of the larger glands1 by the intermediation of only one small vessel1 which these authors term a lymphatic artery1 invisible in its natural state1 nor yet rendered subject to the senses by experiments4 ,but to this it may be answered1 that the lymphatics are traced into many parts of the body1 and lost there2 and therefore most probably have their origin there1 where no large gland nor blood-vessel is to be found in their neighbourhood3 that it contradicts the whole analogy of nature1 to suppose the motion of an animal fluid more discernible in the veins than in the arteries3 and1 finally1 that it seems rather an instance of want of thought1 and of being imposed upon by words1 to call the lymphatic vessels veins1 because they are furnished with valves2 and then1 because they are called veins1 to take for granted1 that of course they must be the continuation of arteries4 ,in attempting to investigate matters too subtile for the cognizance of our senses1 the only method1 in which we can reasonably proceed1 is by inferring from what we know in subjects of the same nature3 and our conclusion thus inferred1 concerning the subject sought1 will be firmer and more unquestionable1 in proportion as it resembles the subject known4 ,but if the subjects be really of the same kind2 if no difference can be shewn between them1 in any respect material to the inquiry1 in which we are engaged2 in this case our inference from analogy becomes the very next thing to a physical certainty3 and this ,i apprehend to be true in relation to the problem before us1 concerning the origin of the lymphatic vessels4 ,tho' in general we cannot1 by experiments1 arrive at the extremities of those tubes1 nor satisfy ourselves1 by inspection1 in what manner they receive their fluid2 yet in a very considerable number of them we can do both4 ,there is a certain part of the human body very abundantly provided with lymphatics2 in which part we can actually force injections thro' those vessels into a cavity1 where their extremities open3 and from this cavity1 on the other hand1 we can at pleasure introduce a coloured liquor into their extremities1 and trace it from smaller into wider canals2 from capillary tubes1 without valves1 into large lymphatic trunks copiously furnished with them4 ,we know likewise1 that into this cavity are continually exhaling an infinite number of watery and mucous vessels1 both arterial tubes and excretory ducts3 that these keep it moist with a perpetual vapour1 which the extremities of those lymphatics are1 in the mean time1 perpetually imbibing4 ,does it not seem strange1 while these particulars are known and acknowledged by all the world1 that the great authors of anatomy and physiology should never have reasoned from them2 but should run into complex and obscure suppositions1 in order to explain a process1 which they may at any time examine with their own eyes8 ,but perhaps this inadvertency may be accounted for1 if we recollect1 that at the time when these vessels1 and the structure of this part1 were discovered1 the lymph1 and every thing belonging to it1 was utterly unknown2 and that the vessels in question were first seen and considered as performing another and more remarkable office3 which circumstance1 it should seem1 has prevented succeeding authors from being duly attentive to them in the capacity of lymphatics4 ,however this be1 it is certain1 that the lymphatics of the mesentery1 commonly called the lacteals1 differ from those of the other parts in no one particular1 save that occasionally they carry chyle instead of lymph2 or rather carry lymph mixed1 at stated times 7that is1 for two or three hours after the creature has taken food7 with an emulsion of vegetable and animal substances1 and coloured white by that mixture4 ,at other times1 7that is1 during sixteen of eighteen hours out of the twenty-four7 they contain nothing but lymph2 and are1 in every respect1 mere lymphatic vessels1 not to be distinguished from those in any other part of the body4 ,their structure is the same2 the membrane of which they are formed1 their valves1 the lymph which they contain1 the glands thro' which they pass1 their direction from smaller tubes to larger1 and from these to the blood1 differ in nothing from what we observe of the other lymphatics4 ,their lymph1 in the mean time1 is without doubt or controversy supplied from the cavity of the intestines2 being the watery moisture continually exhaled there for the purposes of digestion1 and for the preservation of the alimentary canal1 and as continually taken up by the roots or extremities of these vessels1 in order to be carried back to the blood1 after it has performed its office in the bowels4 ,let it also be remembered1 that these vessels1 in other places of the body1 are generally1 when we trace them1 lost in muscular1 tendinous1 or membranous parts3 and then1 ,i should presume1 it may fairly1 and with a good degree of evidence1 be concluded1 that the lymphatics of the body1 in general1 have their origin among the little cavities of the cellular substance of the muscles1 among the mucous folliculi of the tendons1 or the membranous receptacles and ducts of the larger glands3 that their extremities or roots do1 from these cavities1 imbibe the moisture exhaled there from the ultimate arterial tubes1 just as the lacteals 7the lymphatics of the mesentery7 do on the concave surface of the intestines3 and that the minute imbibing vessels1 by gradually opening one into another1 form at length a lymphatic trunk1 furnished with valves to prevent the return of its fluid1 and tending uniformly1 from the extremities and from the viscera1 to reconvey to the blood that lymph1 or that fine steam1 with which they are kept in perpetual moisture2 a circumstance indispensibly necessary to life and motion3 while1 at the same time1 the continual re-absorption of that moisture by the lymphatics is no less necessary1 in order to preserve the blood properly fluid1 and to prevent the putrefaction1 which would inevitably follow1 if this animal vapour were suffered to stagnate in the cavities where it is discharged4 ,,xli4 ,a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president1 the ,council1 and ,fellows1 of the ,royal ,society1 concerning the ,variation of the ,magnetic ,needle2 with a ,sett of ,tables annexed1 which exhibit the ,result of upwards of ,fifty ,thousand ,observations1 in ,six periodic ,reviews1 from the year #agjj to the year #agef1 both inclusive2 and are adapted to every ,five ,degrees of ,latitude and ,longitude in the more frequented ,oceans4 ,by ,william ,mountaine and ,james ,dodson1 ,fellows of the ,royal ,society4 ,read ,nov4 #aj1 #ageg4 ,dated ,london1 ,nov4 #ith4 #ageg4 ,,sirs1 ,,on the #bjth of ,march #agee1 we presented an address to this illustrious ,body1 intituled1 8,an ,attempt to point out1 in a concise manner1 the ,advantages which would accrue from a periodic ,review of the ,variation of the ,magnetic ,needle1 throughout the known ,world2 requesting contributions thereto1 by communicating such observations concerning it1 as had then been lately made1 or could be procured from correspondents in foreign parts40 ,this address was read at the same time1 and afterwards honoured with a place in the ,transactions1 vol4 xlviii4 part ii4 for #aged3 which favour we now acknowledge in the most grateful manner2 and1 pursuant to our engagements1 beg leave to lay before you some account of the communications received1 with a specimen of the uses and applications which we have been enabled to make of those1 and other assistances with which we have been indulged4 ,on application to the ,honourable the ,commissioners of the ,navy1 we were obliged with an order of free access to all their masters log-books and journals4 ,the ,directors of the ,honourable ,east ,india ,company granted the like privilege4 ,the ,honourable ,committee of the ,hudson's ,bay ,company obliged us with sundry observations1 made1 and tabulated1 by their own ,captains4 ,james ,bradley1 ,d4 ,d4 ,regius ,professor of ,astronomy1 and ,f4,r4,s4 favoured us with several observations made at the ,royal ,observatory at ,greenwich4 ,john ,hyde1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 communicated a sett of useful observations1 extracted from two journals kept on board the ,triton and ,britannia ,east ,indiamen4 ,a correct journal kept on board the ,delawar ,east ,indiaman was handed to us by a gentleman unknown4 ,capt4 ,george ,snow furnished a considerable number of observations1 made with care and accuracy by himself1 in several successive voyages to1 and from ,barbadoes and ,virginia2 together with several remarks upon the subject3 ,one1 which we apprehend to be material1 we beg leave to insert1 as it meets with some confirmation by the tables annexed2 viz4 8,at ,barbadoes the variation seems at a stand very near2 for in the road1 #ageb1 ,i observed #e degrees east2 and by ,mr4 ,halley's draught1 in the year #agja1 #e degrees3 in #agdg1 at ,port ,royal keys1 ,jamaica1 ,i observed the variation #g #bj' ,e42 and on the coast of ,carthagena the same week1 off the high land of ,sancta ,martha1 #g #de' ,e4 nearly south of ,port ,royal3 ,therefore these curves are not much altered2 and the curve at ,jamaica is nearly at a stand1 as tho' tied2 and the south part of them1 with the rest1 dropping to the westward40 ,mr4 ,mungo ,murray1 author of a treatise on ship-building1 presented us with several observations taken on board the ,prince ,edward and ,chesterfield ,east ,indiamen1 and his ,majesty's ship the ,neptune4 ,for all these favours we return our sincere thanks4 ,no observations made upon land have been received1 except ,dr4 ,bradley's aforesaid2 which has frustrated our intentions of continuing the curves from sea to sea4 ,by collecting1 comparing1 and adjusting1 all these materials1 we have been enabled to construct variation-curves upon ,dr4 ,halley's mercator-chart1 adapted to the year #agef2 which will soon be in readiness to present to this ,royal ,society4 ,as a work of this kind requires much time1 and a multitude of observations1 both by sea and land1 to render it more perfect and general2 we hope the ingenious in all nations will lend their assistance3 ,by this means every periodic review will be productive of improvement4 ,from the first instant that we made this affair the object of our more particular consideration1 we have attended to the mode of increase and decrease in the variation3 and as a considerable number of observations1 made at periodic times1 and duly registered1 seem to be the most essential toward determining the laws of its mutation1 or proving its irregularity1 we have therefore formed a sett of tables1 from actual observations collected for the years #agaj1 #agbj1 #agcj1 and #agdd1 the date of our last chart2 which1 together with ,dr4 ,halley's for the year #agjj1 and the present chart now publishing1 compleat six reviews3 ,these are tabulated1 and shew the quantity of the variation1 at those several periods1 to every #e degrees of latitude and longitude in the more frequented oceans2 which we hope will prove acceptable1 as nothing of the like kind has yet appeared1 or can easily be obtained4 ,our materials have been so deficient1 that even in the limits to which our tables are confined1 we have been obliged to leave blanks in some of the above periods1 for want of that concurrent testimony1 on which the numbers inserted are founded3 but1 considering the difficulties unavoidably attending a work of this sort1 and the little assistance which we have met with from private hands1 we hope that this ,royal ,society will not only excuse those vacancies1 but also those in the great tracts of sea1 as well as land1 concerning which we are very unwillingly obliged to be intirely silent4 ,agreeable to our former address1 we lay only what appear to be facts before you1 without attempting to introduce any hypothesis for the solution of these phnomena2 some of which 7being very extraordinary7 we recommend peculiarly to the notice of those gentlemen1 who may endeavour the investigation of their causes4 ,under the equator1 in longitude #dj ,e4 from ,london1 the highest variation during the whole #ef years appears to be #ag ,w4 and the least #af ,w43 and in latitude #ae ,n4 longitude #fj ,w4 from ,london1 the variation has been constantly #e ,e4 but in other places the case has been widely different2 for in the latitude #aj ,s4 longitude #fj ,e4 from ,london1 the variation has decreased from #ag ,w4 to #g ,w41 and in latitude #aj ,s4 longitude #e ,w4 from ,london1 it has increased from #b ,w4 to #ab ,w42 and in latitude #ae ,n4 longitude #bj ,w4 it has increased from #a ,w4 to #i ,w4 ,but there is still a more extraordinary appearance in the ,indian seas3 for instance1 under the equator1 ,longitude from ,variation in ,london #agjj4 #agef4 --------------------------------- ,degrees4 ,degrees4 ,degrees4 #dj ,e #af ,w #af ,w #de ,e #ag ,w #ad ,w #ej ,e #ag ,w #aa ,w #ee ,e #af ,w #h ,w #fj ,e #ae ,w #f ,w #fe ,e #ac ,w #d ,w #gj ,e #aa ,w #b ,w #ge ,e #i ,w #a ,w #hj ,e #g ,w #j ,e #he ,e #e ,w #a ,e #ij ,e #d ,w #a ,e #ie ,e #c ,w #j ,w #ajj ,e #b ,w #a ,w --------------------------------- ,where the west variation in the longitude #dj ,e4 is the same in both the above years2 and in #agjj the west variation seemed to be regularly decreasing from longitude #ej ,e4 to the longitude #ajj ,e42 but in #agef we find the west variation decreasing so fast1 that we have east variation in the longitude #hj1 #he1 and #ij ,e2 and yet1 in the longitude #ie and #ajj ,e4 we have west variation again4 ,such are the irregularities1 that experience hath shewn us1 in the variation of the magnetic needle2 which appear so considerable1 that we cannot think it wholly under the direction of one general and uniform law2 but rather conclude1 with the learned and judicious ,dr4 ,gowen ,knight1 ,fellow of this ,society1 in the #hgth prop4 of his treatise upon attraction and repulsion1 ,that it is influenced by various and different magnetic attractions1 in all probability occasioned by the heterogeneous compositions in the great magnet1 the ,earth4 ,notwithstanding all which1 should the sagacity of some eminent philosopher be able to exhibit rules1 whereby the quantity of the variation may be computed for future times1 yet then such a review1 as we have now made1 will be necessary at a proper interval1 to prove the truth of them3 and should no such rules appear1 then will a continued succession of such reviews be necessary so long as commerce and navigation subsist among us4 ,what we have now done is intirely for the public service1 the sale of the former chart never having made good its expence2 and we propose to continue our endeavours for another review1 at the proper time1 if we shall then be alive1 and capable of the task3 but as the contrary may probably happen1 we beg leave to conclude with recommending such a continuation1 in the strongest manner1 to such of the members of this ,royal ,society1 or others1 who may1 at the proper intervals1 have leisure and ability for such a performance4 ,we are1 with the greatest deference1 ,your ,lordship's1 ,and the ,royal ,society's1 ,most faithful and most obedient ,servants1 ,william ,mountaine4 ,james ,dodson4 ,a ,,table1 exhibiting the different ,variations of the ,,magnetic-,,needle in the more frequented ,oceans1 from the ,year #agjj to the ,year #agef4 ,longitude1 ,,variation4 ,from ,anno ,anno ,anno ,anno ,latitude4 ,london4 #agjj4 #agaj4 #agbj4 #agcj4 ---------------------------------------- ---------------------- ,degrees4 ,degrees4 ,degrees4,degrees4,degrees4,degrees4 #j #j #d ,w #aj ,w #j #e ,w #b ,w #h ,w #j #aj ,w #a ,w #c ,w #e ,w #g ,w #j #ae ,w #j ,w #b ,w #c ,w #e ,w #j #bj ,w #j ,e #j ,w #a ,w #c ,w #j #be ,w #a ,e #j ,e #j ,w #a ,w #j #cj ,w #b ,e #b ,e #a ,e #a ,e #j #ce ,w #c ,e #c ,e #b ,e #b ,e #j #dj ,w #d ,e 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#be ,w #be ,w #be ,w #bf ,w #dj ,s #fj ,e #bd ,w #bd ,w #bd ,w #bd ,w #dj ,s #fe ,e #bb ,w #bb ,w #bb ,w #bb ,w #dj ,s #gj ,e #bj ,w #bj ,w #bj ,w #bj ,w #dj ,s #ge ,e #ai ,w #ah ,w #ah ,w #ag ,w #dj ,s #hj ,e #ag ,w #ag ,w #af ,w #af ,w ,longitude1 ,,variation4 ,from ,anno ,anno ,latitude4 ,london4 #agdd4 #agef4 ---------------------------------------- ------------ ,degrees4 ,degrees4 ,degrees4 ,degrees4 #j #j #ad ,w #ae ,w #j #e ,w #ab ,w #ac ,w #j #aj ,w #aj ,w #aa ,w #j #ae ,w #g ,w #i ,w #j #bj ,w #e ,w #f ,w #j #be ,w #c ,w #d ,w #j #cj ,w #j ,w #j ,w #j #ce ,w #a ,e #a ,e #j #dj ,w #c ,e #c ,e #j #de ,w #d ,e #e ,e #j #ej ,w #f ,e #f ,e #j #e ,e #ae ,w #af ,w #j #aj ,e #ag ,w #ag ,w #j #dj ,e #af ,w #af ,w #j #de ,e #ae ,w #ad ,w #j #ej ,e #ad ,w #aa ,w #j #ee ,e #aa ,w #h ,w #j #fj ,e #i ,w #f ,w #j #fe ,e #f ,w #d ,w #j #gj ,e #d ,w #b ,w #j #ge ,e #a ,w #a ,w #j #hj ,e #j ,w #j ,e #j #he ,e #j ,e #a ,e #j #ij ,e #a ,w #a ,e #j #ie ,e #b ,w #j ,w #j #ajj ,e #b ,w #a ,w #e ,n #j #ae ,w #ae ,w #e ,n #e ,w #ac ,w #ac ,w #e ,n #aj ,w #aj ,w #aa ,w #e ,n #ae ,w #h ,w #i ,w #e ,n #bj ,w #f ,w #g ,w #e ,n #be ,w #c ,w #d ,w #e ,n #cj ,w #a ,w #a ,w #e ,n #ce ,w #j ,e #j ,e #e ,n #dj ,w #b ,e #b ,e #e ,n #de ,w #c ,e #d ,e #e ,n #ej ,w #e ,e #e ,e #e ,n #ee ,w #f ,e #f ,e #e ,n #e ,e #af ,w #af ,w #e ,n #aj ,e #ag ,w #ag ,w #e ,n #de ,e #ad ,w #ac ,w #e ,n #ej ,e #ab ,w #aa ,w #e ,n #ee ,e #aj ,w #h ,w #e ,n #fj ,e #h ,w #f ,w #e ,n #fe ,e #f ,w #d ,w #e ,n #gj ,e #c ,w #b ,w #e ,n #ge ,e #a ,w #j ,w #e ,n #hj ,e #j ,w #j ,e #e ,n #he ,e #j ,w #a ,e #e ,n #ij ,e #a ,w #j ,e #e ,n #ie ,e #b ,w #j ,w #aj ,n #ae ,w #i ,w #aj ,w #aj ,n #bj ,w #g ,w #h ,w #aj ,n #be ,w #d ,w #e ,w #aj ,n #cj ,w #b ,w #c ,w #aj ,n #ce ,w #j ,w #a ,w #aj ,n #dj ,w #a ,e #a ,e #aj ,n #de ,w #b ,e #b ,e #aj ,n #ej ,w #d ,e #d ,e #aj ,n #ee ,w #e ,e #e ,e #aj ,n #fj ,w #f ,e #f ,e #aj ,n #ej ,e #aa ,w #aj ,w #aj ,n #ee ,e #i ,w #h ,w #aj ,n #fj ,e #g ,w #f ,w #aj ,n #fe ,e #f ,w #d ,w #aj ,n #gj ,e #c ,w #c ,w #aj ,n #ge ,e #a ,w #a ,e #aj ,n #hj ,e #j ,w #j ,e #aj ,n #he ,e #j #a ,e #aj ,n #ij ,e #a ,w #j ,e #aj ,n #ie ,e #b ,w #j ,w #ae ,n #bj ,w #g ,w #i ,w #ae ,n #be ,w #d ,w #f ,w #ae ,n #cj ,w #b ,w #d ,w #ae ,n #ce ,w #a ,w #b ,w #ae ,n #dj ,w #j #j ,w #ae ,n #de ,w #a ,e #a ,e #ae ,n #ej ,w #b ,e #b ,e #ae ,n #ee ,w #d ,e #c ,e #ae ,n #fj ,w #e ,e #e ,e #ae ,n #fe ,w #f ,e #f ,e #ae ,n #gj ,w #f ,e #g ,e #ae ,n #ge ,w #g ,e #g ,e #ae ,n #hj ,w #g ,e #h ,e #ae ,n #ej ,e #aj ,w #i ,w #ae ,n #ee ,e #h ,w #g ,w #ae ,n #fj ,e #g ,w #f ,w #ae ,n #fe ,e #f ,w #d ,w #ae ,n #gj ,e #d ,w #b ,w #ae ,n #ge ,e #b ,w #j ,w #ae ,n #hj ,e #a ,w #j #ae ,n #he ,e #j ,w #j ,w #ae ,n #ij ,e #j ,w #j ,w #ae ,n #ie ,e #b ,w #j ,w #bj ,n #bj ,w #g ,w #aj ,w #bj ,n #be ,w #d ,w #h ,w #bj ,n #cj ,w #c ,w #e ,w #bj ,n #ce ,w #b ,w #d ,w #bj ,n #dj ,w #a ,w #b ,w #bj ,n #de ,w #j ,e #j ,w #bj ,n #ej ,w #a ,e #j ,e #bj ,n #ee ,w #b ,e #b ,e #bj ,n #fj ,w #c ,e #c ,e #bj ,n #fe ,w #d ,e #d ,e #bj ,n #gj ,w #e ,e #e ,e #bj ,n #ge ,w #e ,e #e ,e #bj ,n #hj ,w #e ,e #f ,e #bj ,n #fj ,e #g ,w #f ,w #bj ,n #fe ,e #f ,w #d ,w #bj ,n #gj ,e #d ,w #b ,w #bj ,n #ij ,e #j ,w #a ,e #be ,n #bj ,w #g ,w #aa ,w #be ,n #be ,w #e ,w #i ,w #be ,n #cj ,w #d ,w #g ,w #be ,n #ce ,w #c ,w #e ,w #be ,n #dj ,w #b ,w #c ,w #be ,n #de ,w #a ,w #b ,w #be ,n #ej ,w #j ,w #a ,w #be ,n #ee ,w #j ,e #j #be ,n #fj ,w #a ,e #a ,e #be ,n #fe ,w #b ,e #b ,e #be ,n #gj ,w #c ,e #b ,e #be ,n #ge ,w #c ,e #c ,e #be ,n #hj ,w #c ,e #c ,e #be ,n #fj ,e #g ,w #f ,w #be ,n #fe ,e #f ,w #d ,w #be ,n #gj ,e #d ,w #b ,w #cj ,n #aj ,w #aa ,w #ac ,w #cj ,n #ae ,w #aj ,w #ab ,w #cj ,n #bj ,w #h ,w #ab ,w #cj ,n #be ,w #f ,w #aj ,w #cj ,n #cj ,w #e ,w #i ,w #cj ,n #ce ,w #d ,w #g ,w #cj ,n #dj ,w #c ,w #e ,w #cj ,n #de ,w #b ,w #d ,w #cj ,n #ej ,w #b ,w #c ,w #cj ,n #ee ,w #a ,w #b ,w #cj ,n #fj ,w #a ,w #a ,w #cj ,n #fe ,w ,w #a ,w #cj ,n #gj ,w ,e ,w #cj ,n #ge ,w ,e #j #cj ,n #hj ,w ,e #j #ce ,n #aj ,w #ab ,w #ad ,w #ce ,n #ae ,w #aa ,w #ac ,w #ce ,n #bj ,w #aj ,w #ac ,w #ce ,n #be ,w #i ,w #ab ,w #ce ,n #cj ,w #h ,w #aj ,w #ce ,n #ce ,w #g ,w #h ,w #ce ,n #dj ,w #f ,w #g ,w #ce ,n #de ,w #e ,w #f ,w #ce ,n #ej ,w #e ,w #e ,w #ce ,n #ee ,w #d ,w #e ,w #ce ,n #fj ,w #e ,w #e ,w #ce ,n #fe ,w #e ,w #f ,w #ce ,n #gj ,w #e ,w #f ,w #ce ,n #ge ,w #f ,w #g ,w #dj ,n #aj ,w #ac ,w #ae ,w #dj ,n #ae ,w #ab ,w #ad ,w #dj ,n #bj ,w #ab ,w #ad ,w #dj ,n #be ,w #aa ,w #ac ,w #dj ,n #cj ,w #aj ,w #ab ,w #dj ,n #ce ,w #i ,w #aa ,w #dj ,n #dj ,w #i ,w #aj ,w #dj ,n #de ,w #h ,w #i ,w #dj ,n #ej ,w #h ,w #i ,w #dj ,n #ee ,w #h ,w #aj ,w #dj ,n #fj ,w #i ,w #aa ,w #dj ,n #fe ,w #aj ,w #ab ,w #dj ,n #gj ,w #aa ,w #ab ,w #de ,n #e ,w #ae ,w #af ,w #de ,n #aj ,w #ae ,w #af ,w #de ,n #ae ,w #ad ,w #af ,w #de ,n #bj ,w #ad ,w #af ,w #de ,n #be ,w #ad ,w #af ,w #de ,n #cj ,w #ac ,w #ae ,w #de ,n #ce ,w #ac ,w #ae ,w #de ,n #dj ,w #ac ,w #ae ,w #de ,n #de ,w #ac ,w #ae ,w #de ,n #ej ,w #ad ,w #af ,w #de ,n #ee ,w #ae ,w #ag ,w #de ,n #fj ,w #af ,w #ah ,w #ej ,n #e ,w #ag ,w #ai ,w #ej ,n #aj ,w #ag ,w #ai ,w #ej ,n #ae ,w #ag ,w #bj ,w #ej ,n #bj ,w #ag ,w #bj ,w #ej ,n #be ,w #ag ,w #ba ,w #e ,s #j #ac ,w #ae ,w #e ,s #e ,w #aa ,w #ac ,w #e ,s #aj ,w #i #aj ,w #e ,s #ae ,w #f ,w #h ,w #e ,s #bj ,w #d ,w #f ,w #e ,s #be ,w #b ,w #c ,w #e ,s #cj ,w #j ,e #j #e ,s #ce ,w #b ,e #b ,e #e ,s #e ,e #ae ,w #af ,w #e ,s #aj ,e #af ,w #ag ,w #e ,s #dj ,e #ag ,w #ah ,w #e ,s #de ,e #ag ,w #af ,w #e ,s #ej ,e #ae ,w #ab ,w #e ,s #ee ,e #ac ,w #i ,w #e ,s #fj ,e #aj ,w #f ,w #e ,s #fe ,e #g ,w #d ,w #e ,s #gj ,e #d ,w #c ,w #e ,s #ge ,e #b ,w #a ,w #e ,s #hj ,e #j ,w #j #e ,s #he ,e #j ,w #j ,e #e ,s #ij ,e #a ,w #j ,e #e ,s #ie ,e #b ,w #j ,w #e ,s #ajj ,e #b ,w #a ,w #aj ,s #j #ab ,w #ad ,w #aj ,s #e ,w #aj ,w #ab ,w #aj ,s #aj ,w #h ,w #aj ,w #aj ,s #ae ,w #e ,w #g ,w #aj ,s #bj ,w #c ,w #d ,w #aj ,s #be ,w #j ,w #b ,w #aj ,s #cj ,w #a ,e #a ,e #aj ,s #ce ,w #d ,e #c ,e #aj ,s #e ,e #ad ,w #ae ,w #aj ,s #aj ,e #af ,w #af ,w #aj ,s #ae ,e #ag ,w #ag ,w #aj ,s #dj ,e #ai ,w #ai ,w #aj ,s #de ,e #ah ,w #ah ,w #aj ,s #ej ,e #af ,w #ad ,w #aj ,s #ee ,e #ad ,w #aj ,w #aj ,s #fj ,e #aa ,w #g ,w #aj ,s #fe ,e #h ,w #e ,w #aj ,s #gj ,e #e ,w #c ,w #aj ,s #ge ,e #c ,w #b ,w #aj ,s #hj ,e #a ,w #a ,w #aj ,s #he ,e #a ,w #j ,w #aj ,s #ij ,e #a ,w #j ,w #aj ,s #ie ,e #b ,w #a ,w #aj ,s #ajj ,e #b ,w #b ,w #aj ,s #aje ,e #c ,w #b ,w #aj ,s #aaj ,e #c ,w #c ,w #ae ,s #j #aa ,w #ad ,w #ae ,s #e ,w #i ,w #ab ,w #ae ,s #aj ,w #g ,w #i ,w #ae ,s #ae ,w #d ,w #g ,w #ae ,s #bj ,w #a ,w #d ,w #ae ,s #be ,w #j ,e #a ,w #ae ,s #cj ,w #c ,e #b ,e #ae ,s #ce ,w #e ,e #d ,e #ae ,s #dj ,w #f ,e #f ,e #ae ,s #e ,e #ac ,w #ae ,w #ae ,s #aj ,e #ae ,w #af ,w #ae ,s #dj ,e #bj ,w #bj ,w #ae ,s #de ,e #bj ,w #ai ,w #ae ,s #ej ,e #ah ,w #af ,w #ae ,s #ee ,e #ae ,w #ab ,w #ae ,s #fj ,e #ab ,w #i ,w #ae ,s #fe ,e #i ,w #f ,w #ae ,s #gj ,e #g ,w #d ,w #ae ,s #ge ,e #e ,w #c ,w #ae ,s #hj ,e #c ,w #b ,w #ae ,s #he ,e #b ,w #b ,w #ae ,s #ij ,e #c ,w #b ,w #ae ,s #ie ,e #c ,w #b ,w #ae ,s #ajj ,e #c ,w #c ,w #ae ,s #aje ,e #d ,w #c ,w #ae ,s #aaj ,e #d ,w #bj ,s #j #aa ,w #ac ,w #bj ,s #e ,w #h ,w #aa ,w #bj ,s #aj ,w #f ,w #h ,w #bj ,s #ae ,w #c ,w #e ,w #bj ,s #bj ,w #j ,w #c ,w #bj ,s #be ,w #b ,e #j #bj ,s #cj ,w #d ,e #b ,e #bj ,s #ce ,w #f ,e #e ,e #bj ,s #dj ,w #h ,e #g ,e #bj ,s #e ,e #ac ,w #ae ,w #bj ,s #aj ,e #ae ,w #af ,w #bj ,s #ae ,e #af ,w #ag ,w #bj ,s #ce ,e #bj ,w #bb ,w #bj ,s #dj ,e #ba ,w #bb ,w #bj ,s #de ,e #ba ,w #ba ,w #bj ,s #ej ,e #ai ,w #ah ,w #bj ,s #ee ,e #ag ,w #ae ,w #bj ,s #fj ,e #ad ,w #aa ,w #bj ,s #fe ,e #ab ,w #h ,w #bj ,s #gj ,e #aj ,w #f ,w #bj ,s #ge ,e #g ,w #d ,w #bj ,s #hj ,e #f ,w #d ,w #bj ,s #he ,e #e ,w #d ,w #bj ,s #ij ,e #d ,w #d ,w #bj ,s #ie ,e #d ,w #d ,w #bj ,s #ajj ,e #e ,w #d ,w #bj ,s #aje ,e #e ,w #d ,w #be ,s #j #aj ,w #ab ,w #be ,s #e ,w #h ,w #aj ,w #be ,s #aj ,w #e ,w #g ,w #be ,s #ae ,w #b ,w #d ,w #be ,s #bj ,w #j ,e #b ,w #be ,s #be ,w #c ,e #a ,e #be ,s #cj ,w #e ,e #c ,e #be ,s #ce ,w #g ,e #f ,e #be ,s #dj ,w #i ,e #be ,s #e ,e #ab ,w #ad ,w #be ,s #aj ,e #ad ,w #af ,w #be ,s #ae ,e #af ,w #ag ,w #be ,s #ce ,e #bb ,w #bc ,w #be ,s #dj ,e #bc ,w #bc ,w #be ,s #de ,e #bc ,w #bc ,w #be ,s #ej ,e #bb ,w #ba ,w #be ,s #ee ,e #ai ,w #ah ,w #be ,s #fj ,e #ag ,w #ad ,w #be ,s #fe ,e #ae ,w #aa ,w #be ,s #gj ,e #ac ,w #i ,w #be ,s #ge ,e #aa ,w #h ,w #be ,s #hj ,e #i ,w #g ,w #be ,s #he ,e #h ,w #g ,w #be ,s #ij ,e #g ,w #g ,w #be ,s #ie ,e #g ,w #f ,w #be ,s #ajj ,e #f ,w #f ,w #cj ,s #j #i ,w #aa ,w #cj ,s #e ,w #g ,w #i ,w #cj ,s #aj ,w #d ,w #f ,w #cj ,s #ae ,w #a ,w #c ,w #cj ,s #bj ,w #a ,e #j ,w #cj ,s #be ,w #d ,e #b ,e #cj ,s #cj ,w #f ,e #d ,e #cj ,s #ce ,w #h ,e #g ,e #cj ,s #e ,e #aa ,w #ac ,w #cj ,s #aj ,e #ad ,w #ae ,w #cj ,s #ae ,e #af ,w #ag ,w #cj ,s #cj ,e #ba ,w #bc ,w #cj ,s #ce ,e #bc ,w #bd ,w #cj ,s #dj ,e #bd ,w #be ,w #cj ,s #de ,e #be ,w #bd ,w #cj ,s #ej ,e #bd ,w #bc ,w #cj ,s #ee ,e #bb ,w #ba ,w #cj ,s #fj ,e #bj ,w #ah ,w #cj ,s #fe ,e #ag ,w #ae ,w #cj ,s #gj ,e #ae ,w #ac ,w #cj ,s #ge ,e #ac ,w #aa ,w #cj ,s #hj ,e #ab ,w #aj ,w #cj ,s #he ,e #aj ,w #aj ,w #cj ,s #ij ,e #i ,w #i ,w #cj ,s #ie ,e #h ,w #i ,w #cj ,s #ajj ,e #h ,w #ce ,s #j #h ,w #aj ,w #ce ,s #e ,w #e ,w #g ,w #ce ,s #aj ,w #c ,w #e ,w #ce ,s #ae ,w #j ,w #b ,w #ce ,s #bj ,w #b ,e #j ,e #ce ,s #be ,w #e ,e #c ,e #ce ,s #cj ,w #g ,e #e ,e #ce ,s #ce ,w #i ,e #h ,e #ce ,s #e ,e #aa ,w #ac ,w #ce ,s #aj ,e #ac ,w #ae ,w #ce ,s #ae ,e #ae ,w #ag ,w #ce ,s #bj ,e #ah ,w #ai ,w #ce ,s #be ,e #bj ,w #bb ,w #ce ,s #cj ,e #bb ,w #bd ,w #ce ,s #ce ,e #bd ,w #bf ,w #ce ,s #dj ,e #bf ,w #bf ,w #ce ,s #de ,e #bg ,w #bf ,w #ce ,s #ej ,e #bf ,w #bd ,w #ce ,s #ee ,e #be ,w #bc ,w #ce ,s #fj ,e #bb ,w #ba ,w #ce ,s #fe ,e #bj ,w #ah ,w #ce ,s #gj ,e #ag ,w #af ,w #ce ,s #ge ,e #af ,w #ae ,w #ce ,s #hj ,e #ad ,w #ad ,w #ce ,s #he ,e #ac ,w #ac ,w #ce ,s #ij ,e #ab ,w #ab ,w #ce ,s #ie ,e #aj ,w #dj ,s #j #g ,w #i ,w #dj ,s #e ,w #e ,w #f ,w #dj ,s #aj ,w #b ,w #d ,w #dj ,s #ae ,w #j ,e #a ,w #dj ,s #bj ,w #c ,e #a ,e #dj ,s #be ,w #e ,e #d ,e #dj ,s #cj ,w #h ,e #f ,e #dj ,s #e ,e #aj ,w #ab ,w #dj ,s #aj ,e #ab ,w #ad ,w #dj ,s #ae ,e #ae ,w #ag ,w #dj ,s #bj ,e #ah ,w #bj ,w #dj ,s #be ,e #ba ,w #bb ,w #dj ,s #cj ,e #bc ,w #be ,w #dj ,s #ce ,e #be ,w #bg ,w #dj ,s #dj ,e #bg ,w #bh ,w #dj ,s #de ,e #bh ,w #bg ,w #dj ,s #ej ,e #bh ,w #bf ,w #dj ,s #ee ,e #bf ,w #bd ,w #dj ,s #fj ,e #bd ,w #bb ,w #dj ,s #fe ,e #bb ,w #bj ,w #dj ,s #gj ,e #ai ,w #ai ,w #dj ,s #ge ,e #ag ,w #ah ,w #dj ,s #hj ,e #ae ,w #ag ,w ,,variation of the ,magnetic-,needle1 from the ,islands of ,orkney to ,hudson's ,straits1 for the ,year #ageg4 ---------------------------------------- --------------------- ,west ,longitude ,degrees of ,north ,latitude4 ,from ,london4 #ef #eg #eh #ei #fj #fa #fb #fc ---------------------------------------- -------------- ,degrees4 #d #ah #ah #ai #ai #aj ,degrees #ai #ai #bj #bj #ba #bg of #bd #bd #be #be #de ,west #bi #bi #cj #ca #ee ,variation4 #fe #ci #dj #da ---------------------------------------- ---------- ,,variation in ,hudson's-,bay and ,straits1 for the ,year #ageg4 ---------------------------------------- -------------------------- ,west ,longitude ,degrees of ,north ,latitude4 ,from ,london4 #ebeeefegeheifj #fa #fb #fc ---------------------------------------- --------- ,degrees4 #fe #ci #dj #da #ga ,degrees #da #da #gi of #dc #ha ,west #ch #ci #dj #hc ,variation4 #ahbj #ci #dj #hf #ce #cg #ib #agag #id #agah #ie #ah ---------------------------------------- ------ ,we have been informed1 that in ,hudson's-,bay1 there has been very little alteration in the variation of the compass during the twenty years last past4 ,,xlii4 ,an ,account of some extraordinary ,tumors upon the ,head of a labouring ,man1 now in ,st4 ,bartholomew's ,hospital4 ,by ,james ,parsons1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,nov4 #aj1 #ageg4 ,,this poor man1 whose name is ,john ,tomlinson1 gives this account of himself3 ,that he was born at or near ,rotherham in ,yorkshire1 and is now about #be years of age3 that when he was a boy of four or five years old1 at play with other children1 he received a blow from one of them upon the top of his head2 and believes that hurt1 he then received1 was the beginning of the appearances1 that are represented before you4 ,see ,,tab4 ,,xiv4 ,the tumor upon the top of his head1 however1 grew first1 and1 after having spread all over the vertex1 extended gradually downwards over his right shoulder1 and forwards over the os frontis1 on the same side1 till it stretched downwards into a lax flabby substance all over the right side of his face and shoulder3 then the upper of the three anterior tumors arose from the large one2 the middle one from the ala nasi1 pulling it down by its weight1 as you see it in ,figure #a4aih2 and the lower one was pendulous from the inside of the great tumor by a narrow neck4 ,these are the appearances which present themselves at first sight2 but those under the great tumor are no less extraordinary2 for1 upon lifting up the great tumor1 and looking up under it1 his right eye comes in sight1 with which he sees very well1 and the eye is clear and sound2 but the under lid is pulled down1 and stretched to six or seven inches long1 to which a tumor hung also1 as large as that anterior one at the chin1 the lowest of the three2 besides several flaps and rug of skin1 and smaller tumors4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xiv4 p4 #cej4 ,i4 ,parsons ,,md4 ad viv4 del4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,the hairy scalp is so stretched by the vertical tumor1 that the hairs are driven asunder2 so that the tumor is in some places bald1 and the whole is rugged and uneven4 ,at its basis1 all round1 till we come to the extended part that goes away to the right shoulder1 a bony edge may be distinctly felt1 as if the skull was depressed at the top3 and yet ,i cannot but believe1 that there is no depression of the arch of the inner table1 because the man was from his childhood ever very healthy2 being never troubled with those symptoms1 which usually attend a depression of the cranium4 ,from this seeming edge the os frontis shoots out a great way over the ossa nasi1 perhaps to two or three inches beyond the frontal sinus's2 and is the basis1 from which the great pendulous tumor hangs downwards and forwards4 ,from the root of the nose1 under the upper of the three smaller tumors1 arises a large trunk of a vein1 which ramifies up to the vertical tumor1 and to the right over the upper part of the great pendulous one3 these are very conspicuous1 and serve to bring back the residual blood from the tumors3 nor is it unlikely that the arteries bear a proportion with these veins in their size1 in order to supply the tumors with the matter1 which has given them their great increase2 but these1 lying concealed1 cannot be spoken to with any certainty4 ,if we compare this growth of the frontal bone with that of other exostoses1 ,i believe there may this difference be rationally observed2 that other exostoses are generally attended with ulcerous tumors1 which are for the most part cancerous2 and these may commence at any age4 ,i have now drawings1 taken from the right hand of a man of #ej1 which represent risings of the radius and ulna1 with the fingers1 to a most frightful degree2 and these begun but six years before1 and are attended with foul running ulcers2 and now the bones of the arm and hand1 on the left side1 are beginning to have the same appearances3 whereas the frontal bone of the present subject appears sound1 as far as we are able to judge by examination3 nor does there appear the least disposition to ulceration in any part of it4 ,when this is the case1 the growth generally begins while the subjects are young2 upon which we shall be more particular a little further on4 ,his sensation upon every part of these tumors1 is exactly like that of every other part of his skin1 having not the least uneasiness upon being handled4 ,this poor man worked at day-labour in the fields till some months before he came to town4 ,perhaps it may not be improper to lay down the dimensions of these tumors1 as the case is so extraordinary2 for the size of them is almost incredible3 but ,i made my drawing in the presence of several of the gentlemen of that hospital1 who allowed it to be very exact1 and precise in the expression of the parts1 as well as in the dimensions4 ,the vertical tumor is about seven inches diameter at the basis1 where the bony edge is felt1 mentioned before1 and about four inches high from that edge4 ,from that edge1 or the basis of the vertical tumor1 to the bottom of the great tumor1 is ten inches2 so that the length of both1 from the vertex to the end of the great one1 is about #ad inches3 and upon viewing it1 when he turns his side towards you1 the whole mass is eight or nine inches over all the way2 hard at top1 and flabby downwards1 hanging in kinds of plaits4 ,from the eye to the opposite outline of the great tumor is six inches2 and lower down1 from the left corner of his mouth to the opposite outline of the same tumor1 eight inches4 ,the upper small tumor1 over the nose1 is one inch three quarters long by one inch and a half2 the middle tumor is two inches long from the ala nasi1 to which it hangs1 and of the same breadth2 and the lowest tumor1 shaped like a goose's egg1 is four inches and a half long by near three inches over4 ,this man is under the care of ,mr4 ,crane1 an eminent surgeon of ,st4 ,bartholomew's ,hospital1 who has just now taken off the lowest of these three anterior tumors1 and also the tumor mentioned1 which hung underneath to the under lid of his right eye4 ,he intends proceeding to take off that at the ala nasi next1 and so on till he takes away all the smaller tumors first3 afterwards the larger will be considered4 ,the substance of those cut off was intirely fat2 nor was there the least speck of blood in the lowest of the three smaller tumors2 but there was an hmorrhage from a vessel divided in taking off that hanging to the right eye-lid2 which soon yielded to the methods he made use of1 and went on successfully till quite healed4 ,it is pity no one of the people of condition in the country1 where this poor man lived1 took notice of him while he was a lad2 because1 when the vertical tumor begun1 or even after it had made some progress1 if he had been sent up to any of our hospitals1 there would have been no difficulty in curing him4 ,this leads me to some precautions1 which1 ,i hope1 will render my account of the case of some use1 considered in a physiological light2 which was my intention in thus laying it before this learned ,society4 ,there is a great deal of difference between injuries received in young subjects and in adults4 ,in the latter1 the consequences are not apt to be of so dangerous a nature as in the former 7except indeed where there happen violent fractures or wounds1 which immediately dispatch the person1 young or old72 because1 in such as are so far advanced in years1 as that the parts have done growing1 or1 in other words1 are incapable of carrying the person to any larger size1 preserving the natural proportion1 a tumor arising from a blow on the head would be merely local1 without extending to any neighbouring parts in so extraordinary a manner3 but in children1 as in the case before you1 a tumor may increase every moment from a blow1 and spread itself to the neighbouring parts1 to the ruin of the child1 unless timely care be taken to prevent it2 because in such young subjects the parts are continually growing1 the vessels enlarging in their diameters1 and carrying more and more nutrition to every point1 in proportion to the nature of each individual organ1 always preserving such an equilibrium1 in the distribution of the nutritive juices1 as is proper to secure the due proportion of every part as it increases3 but when a tumor arises from a blow in such a growing subject1 if no wound is made1 nor suppuration brought on in the tumor1 then the parts of the tumor being only weakened1 the equilibrium is destroyed1 a greater flux of juices than ordinary is carried to it1 the due resistance being impaired1 and a luxuriancy of growth is produced in the place of the injury1 which greatly exceeds that of the rest of the body2 and will most certainly continue in the same manner1 during the growth of the subject1 when once thus begun4 ,in the present subject1 this luxuriancy was communicated even to the veins1 which are apparent and large1 and which were before1 in their natural state1 scarce visible2 and not only to these1 but to the very bones of the forehead3 and as to the integuments and membranes of the body1 their great distensibility is well known to every one4 ,i have seen an ovarium so distended by water1 and thickened as it grew1 that it had substance enough to bear being dressed by a tanner1 and contained nine gallons1 which ,i saw poured into it after it was dressed4 ,and does not every corpulent person shew the same power of distension in the membranes and integuments of the body1 as well as wens of all kinds upon the surface8 ,i thought so extraordinary a case well worth the notice of the learned members of this ,society in itself2 and the more so1 as these few hints fall naturally from it1 to render its publication useful4 ,we are taught by this1 how necessary it is for all such as have the management of youth under their care1 to have an early regard to every accident that may befall children2 for many times injuries of this kind have been thought very trivial1 which1 being overlooked and neglected too long1 have been followed by very direful circumstances4 ,i have known about a young gentleman to have great hard swellings about his head1 and become epileptic1 losing his senses as he advanced in years1 from a blow with the back of a book given him by a master4 ,i am1 with due respect1 ,the ,,society's ,most obedient ,servant1 ,james ,parsons4 ,sept4 #ah4 #ageg4 ,,xliii4 ,an ,extract of the ,register of the ,parish of ,great ,shefford1 near ,lamborne1 in ,berkshire1 for ,ten ,years3 ,with ,observations on the same3 ,in a ,letter to ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4 ,d4 ,secret4 ,r4 ,s4 from the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,richard ,forster1 ,rector of ,great ,shefford4 ,read ,nov4 #ag1 #ageg4 ,great ,shefford1 near ,lamborne1 ,berks1 ,july #h4 #ageg4 ,rev4 ,sir1 ,,when ,i settled in the country1 abundant leisure enabled me to keep an exact parish-register4 ,i have now finished ten years1 ,i trust1 with sufficient care1 having examined every thing accurately myself4 ,the sight of three letters1 lately published in the ,transactions1 upon the subject of political arithmetic1 put me upon overlooking and methodizing my own account2 which ,i here send you1 to make what use you think proper of it4 ,from ,lady-day #agdg4 to ,d4 #ageg4 ,males #gc ,baptized ,females #ge #adh ,males #dd ,buried ,females #ci #hc --- ,increase #fe ,under #b years of age #be ,between #b #e #d #e - #aj #c #aj - #bj #d #bj - #cj #e ,buried #cj - #dj #i #dj - #ej #d #ej - #fj #d #fj - #gj #i #gj - #hj #aa #hj - #hg #e -- #hc -- ,and but one alive above #hg1 who is #ia4 ,the ,number of ,people #dbe4 ,the ,number of ,houses #ij4 ,the ,number of ,acres #bbde4 whereof is waste4 ,i do not offer such trifling numbers as these1 as a fit subject to build a canon of life upon2 but only as they may furnish us with a few particulars1 which may throw some small light upon a subject hitherto very little cultivated3 and as what has been advanced this way has been always taken from great cities1 a little from the country perhaps may not be disagreeable4 ,the first observable in my numbers is1 that the two infancies of human life are exactly equal2 i4 e4 as many die above #fj as under #b years of age2 and that these two periods of life are by much the most sickly1 five eighths of the whole1 nearly1 dying in these two stages1 which renders the intermediate numbers very small4 ,this will give us some reason to suspect1 that capital cities are very improper to estimate the probabilities of life from4 ,the continual flux of people from the circumjacent country1 to seek for employment1 makes the decrements of life seem much larger than they really are4 ,london is very remarkable upon this account2 and ,breslaw must receive pretty large accessions1 as a very considerable manufacture is carried on there4 ,the second thing ,i would observe from my table is1 that it confirms what ,dr4 ,brackenridge observes of the ,isle of ,wight2 viz4 that the births are to the burials as #b to #a almost2 ours being as #ae to #h nearly4 ,now if this is the case of all the country places in ,england1 it will give us a strong presumption1 that the increase of mankind is much quicker than ,dr4 ,derham's proportion of #a to #ab2 especially if we consider1 ,thirdly1 ,that of the living not #a in #ej dies yearly2 and this in a village not very healthy4 ,we are situated upon the celebrated ,lamborne stream1 which dries up generally in ,august1 and leaves a stagnated water1 and stinking mud1 at a critical season of the year1 which bring on a putrid fever1 and make our place sometimes very sickly4 ,in the year #agea we buried #ag1 and in #agef4 #aa3 and therefore we may presume1 that in the healthiest parts of the nation1 the proportion is still greater1 perhaps not one in #fj4 ,in order to clear up this1 it were to be wished1 that the actual number of the people was known1 where-ever the bills of mortality are exhibited4 ,all reasoning without this preliminary is really not much better than groping in the dark4 ,a fourth thing observable from my numbers is1 that the quantity of people allotted to a house is too big in all former calculations3 for if we divide #dbe1 the number of people1 by #ij1 the number of houses1 it gives but #d4gb1 which is not quite #d to a house2 and therefore #e to a house1 ,i believe1 is as much as ought to be allowed1 taking the nation all together4 ,now if the number of houses1 taken in ,queen ,anne's time1 be any thing near the right1 with one fourth more allowed for cottages1 according to ,dr4 ,brackenridge's computation1 we shall make the people in ,england1 allowing #e to a house1 to be only #d1eef1eej4 which appears1 at first sight1 to be too small a number4 ,however1 of ,shefford ,i would beg leave to observe1 7and it is far from being the poorest of villages7 that more than two thirds of all the houses are downright cottages1 and must be excluded1 one as much as another1 from any proposed assessment4 ,upon this foundation we must grant1 that at least half the houses in ,england1 take towns and all together1 must be cottages1 and plead an exemption from taxation all alike4 ,and thus the number of houses will be #a1deh1jif4 which1 multiplied by #e1 will give us the number of people1 #g1bij1dhj4 ,if to this we add the proposed increase1 #ghi1eeh4 we shall have #h1jhj1jch for the number of people now alive in ,england4 ,the fifth and last thing ,i would observe from my numbers is1 that we may hence guess at the number of people in the whole kingdom3 for if #ahga1 the good acres in ,shefford1 demand #dbe persons for their cultivation1 then will #be1cjj1jjj good acres in ,england require #e1gjd1afh for the cultivation of the land only4 ,now supposing one third part of the people only to live in towns1 above what is necessary for the cultivation of the land belonging to such towns1 then we must add #b1heb1jhd to the above sum1 which gives us #h1eef1beb for the number of people in ,england4 ,it may probably here be said1 that this is but little better than reckoning at random4 ,indeed ,i allow it is so4 ,but then ,i must beg leave to observe1 that it has full as good a foundation to stand upon1 as any calculation1 that ,i have seen hitherto advanced4 ,it has one datum1 viz4 a certain number of persons to a certain number of acres4 ,it ought to be noted at the same time1 that we are an inland place1 have no sort of manufacture carried on1 and consequently no accession of strangers4 ,if we examine the calculation arising from the consumption of wheat1 we shall see some reason to suspect1 that the number of inhabitants in ,england is not short of eight millions4 ,i am persuaded ,i do not exaggerate1 when ,i affirm1 that three fourths of the people north of ,trent1 and in ,wales1 do not eat wheat3 and as this is near a third part of ,england1 it will follow1 that one fourth of the whole is left out of the calculation1 and that we must add near two millions to it to make it complete4 ,again1 ,i compute1 that in my parish there are killed annually #afj fat hogs1 viz4 above one to three persons2 and that this humour of pig-killing prevails over half of ,england at least1 and is in some measure indulged in all parts4 ,now we will suppose1 that there are but six millions of people in the nation1 and that what is killed in the northern half makes up for what is deficient by reason of towns in the southern half2 we must from hence conclude1 that a million of fat hogs are killed in ,england every year4 ,now one hog with another takes two quarters of corn1 sometimes barley1 sometimes pease3 if we put half barley1 we shall be under the truth4 ,and here we shall have a million quarters of barley1 not only to balance the exportation of wheat1 but also to be equivalent to1 as much bread-corn as will maintain a full million of people4 ,farther1 it is well known1 that the greatest part of the corn-trade is1 of late years1 got into the hands of millers3 and it has been whispered about for a considerable time1 and1 ,i think1 now the millers do not deny it1 that some whiting is carried to all the great mills4 ,the excuse alleged for it is1 that it makes the flour wet1 and consequently bake1 the better4 ,i am rather inclined to be of opinion1 that it is to give a colour to something that wants colour4 ,and indeed1 who-ever tastes the common bakers bread against a piece of genuine wheat-bread1 will have some reason to suspect1 that all is not gold1 that glitters4 ,every body knows1 that the millers buy large quantities of barley and pease1 they say1 to fat hogs3 but then they have pollard1 middlings1 c4 to fat them with2 and so may possibly mix the barley and pease with wheat to grind4 ,but as this is all surmise1 ,i would have no more weight laid upon it than it deserves4 ,the next article is of the same nature2 ,i mean1 something of a mystery in trade2 and therefore to be touched very gently4 ,what ,i would hint is1 that it is the opinion of many very intelligent persons1 that a good deal of malt is made1 which does not pay the excise4 ,i do not pretend to ascertain the quantity3 perhaps one eighth may not be an extravagant supposition4 ,and if this be the case1 we shall find as much barley1 as will weigh against bread for half a million of people4 ,but here1 in all probability1 you will object1 that if all these articles be admitted1 we shall make the number of people near eleven millions2 which is undoubtedly too much4 ,i am ready to grant it4 ,and here1 if ,i might take the liberty to speak my mind1 ,i think1 that the allowance of one quarter of wheat to three persons is too scanty1 and must quite starve the poor1 whose chief provision is bread3 and therefore1 two persons to a quarter may be pretty near the truth4 ,and then the numbers will stand thus3 ,such as eat wheat1 by supposition #d1ejj1jjj ,in the ,north1 and in ,wales #a1ejj1jjj ,against the fatting article #a1jjj1jjj ,against the two last articles #a1jjj1jjj --------- #h1jjj1jjj ,i cannot conclude this long scroll without recommending it strongly to the members of the ,royal ,society1 who have many of them seats in parliament1 and most of them interest in those that have1 to get an ,act passed for perfecting registers4 ,the trouble is trifling2 the expence nothing4 ,it would be of great service likewise to number the people3 and this might be done with great ease4 ,i was not three hours in finishing mine on foot2 tho' it is1 perhaps1 as extensive1 for the number of people1 as most in ,england1 being near five miles in length4 ,i am1 ,reverend ,sir1 ,your affectionate ,brother1 and very humble ,servant1 ,richard ,forster1 ,rector4 ,,xliv4 ,a remarkable ,case of an ,aneurism1 or ,disease of the principal ,artery of the ,thigh1 occasioned by a ,fall4 ,to which is prefixed a short ,account of the ,uncertainty of the distinguishing ,symptoms of this ,disease4 ,by ,jos4 ,warner1 ,f4,r4,s4 and ,surgeon to ,guy's ,hospital4 ,read ,nov4 #ag1 #ageg4 ,,when the coats of an artery become by any means prternaturally distended1 when they become wounded1 or when they become ruptured in such a manner as to discharge and deposit their former contents under the neighbouring integuments1 under the aponeurosis1 or tendinous expansion of a neighbouring muscle1 or still more deeply under the muscles themselves2 the natural consequence attending this accident will sooner or later be a degree of elevation1 or tumor3 which species of tumor is known by the term aneurism4 ,if a true aneurism happens1 that is1 a swelling arising from a general weakness of the coats of an arterial vessel1 or from a wound or rupture of some of its coats1 it may be often distinguished from a tumor proceeding from any other cause by a degree of pulsation1 supposing the situation of the injured vessel be superficial2 as may be evinced in recent aneurisms of the humeral artery1 which sometimes happen from bleeding near the bending of the elbow-joint2 as well as in aneurisms of the inferior part of the radical artery1 of the ulnary artery1 or of the anterior artery of the leg called tibialis antica2 and as may be observed to be sometimes the case too in those arteries1 whose situations are not superficial2 to wit1 in aneurisms of the aorta ascendens1 the curvature of the aorta1 and of the carotides4 ,the symptom of pulsation in tumors1 which take their rise from a partial wound1 or from a general weakness1 and subsequent dilatation of the coats of an artery1 is not confined to this species of aneurism1 but is frequently attendant upon false aneurisms 7that is1 such tumors1 as are occasioned by extravasated arterial blood71 supposing the disease to be a recent one of either of the preceding vessels1 or of any other arterial vessel not deeply situated3 and this symptom of pulsation in false aneurisms will sometimes be accompanied with a discoloration1 or variegated appearance1 of the integuments dependent upon the insinuation of the blood underneath them4 ,but if the extravasation be confined under an aponeurosis1 or if the disease has been of so long standing1 as to admit of the thinner parts of the extravasated blood being absorbed1 or by any other means dispersed1 and the fibrous parts1 which are left behind1 should be accumulated in considerable quantities1 and acquire so compact and solid an appearance1 as to resemble brown macerated leather in their colour and texture1 which ,i have always observed to be the case in old diseases of this kind2 under these circumstances1 the original symptoms of pulsation on the swelling1 and a discoloration of the integuments1 for the most part become imperceptible3 for which reasons the true nature of the disease must be attended with a degree of uncertainty4 ,it must be acknowleged by all those1 whose experience has given them opportunities of examining into these diseases1 that the symptoms of a pulsation1 and a discoloration of the teguments from extravasated blood1 are not only very often wanting in old aneurisms1 but in the most recent ones3 which proves the non-existence of these symptoms to be no certain characteristics of tumors not being aneurismal3 and the reason why this often happens may be readily explained1 and conceived of1 from demonstrating the very deep or low situation of many arteries1 that are known to be liable to these injuries2 such as the femoral arteries1 the arteri tibiales postic1 the arteri perone1 and some others4 ,notwithstanding ,i have treated of pulsation on tumors1 and a discoloration of the integuments or coverings of the part1 when they do exist1 as being the truest marks of aneurisms2 yet it must not be inferred from what has hitherto been advanced1 that the appearances of these symptoms are unexceptionable rules of tumors being aneurismal2 seeing it does happen1 that mere imposthumations1 or collections of matter1 arising from external as well as from internal causes1 are sometimes so immediately situated upon the heart itself1 and at other times upon some of its principal arteries1 as to partake in the most regular manner of their contraction and dilatation 7systole and diastole74 ,some years ago ,i saw an instance of a boy1 about #ac years of age1 who had his breast-bone much broken by a fall4 ,on this account he was admitted into ,guy's ,hospital2 but not till a fortnight after the accident happened4 ,upon examination1 there appeared an evident separation of the broken parts of the bone1 which were removed at a considerable distance from each other3 the intermediate space was occupied by a tumor of a considerable size3 the integuments were of their natural complexion3 the tumor had as regular a contraction and dilatation as the heart itself1 or the aorta could be supposed to have4 ,upon pressure1 the tumor receded2 upon a removal of the pressure1 the tumor immediately resumed its former size and shape4 ,all these are the distinguishing signs of a true recent aneurism4 ,the situation and symptoms of this swelling were judged sufficient reasons for considering the nature of the disease as uncertain2 on which account it was left to take its own course4 ,the event was1 the tumor burst in three weeks after his admittance1 discharged a considerable quantity of matter1 and the patient did well4 ,from what has been above advanced it is plain1 if these arguments can be supported by facts1 that the laying down such rules for infallibly distinguishing aneurismal tumors from tumors proceeding from very different causes1 must be a matter of the greatest difficulty3 and1 as a further proof of their uncertainty1 ,i take the liberty of offering the following short history of a remarkable case1 which has lately occurred in my own experience4 ,in the month of ,december #agef4 ,john ,yates1 aged #ce years1 received an hurt upon and about his knee1 by falling upon the ground from a man's back4 ,the accident was immediately followed with a considerable degree of lameness and pain2 which upon standing or walking were greatly increased4 ,he continued in much the same state for about six weeks after the accident4 ,at the end of this time1 the calf or the leg was attacked with an dematous or doughy swelling2 which1 in a fortnight1 became so painful1 as to disable him from walking4 ,the tumor continued to increase for about eight weeks2 and at length extended itself so far upwards1 as to affect the greatest part of the thigh1 the whole of which was attended with excessive pain1 but more particularly so about the knee4 ,n4 ,b4 ,so far ,i relate from the patient's own account4 ,on the #bhth of ,april #ageg4 he was admitted into ,guy's ,hospital under my care4 ,upon examination1 the thigh appeared enlarged to a very great size4 ,the tumor was uniform1 and extended from the inside of the knee to within a very small space of the groin4 ,the integuments were in every part of their natural colour4 ,upon pressing the tumor on the inside1 it appeared soft1 and there was a very evident fluctuation to be felt on its internal and lateral part2 but there was not the least appearance of pulsation4 ,the tumor1 on its superior and posterior parts1 was of a stony hardness4 ,the leg1 which1 according to the patient's account1 had some time ago been much swelled1 did not now appear to be at all so4 ,he was continually in great pain1 and had been for some time incapable of getting any sleep4 ,his appetite was bad4 ,he was a good deal emaciated4 ,he had a constant slow fever1 which arose about five weeks before his admission into the hospital4 ,he appeared pale and sallow in his complexion4 ,from the time of his being placed under my care to the end of ten days1 there was no alteration in the swelling1 or in the symptoms attending it4 ,in expectation therefore of affording him that relief1 which could by no other means be procured1 ,i judged it adviseable to make an opening into the tumor2 which ,i did by incision into the most prominent and fluctuating part2 upon which there immediately gushed out a large stream of thin florid blood1 and at this instant discovered to me the true state of that disease2 which1 till now1 could not be ascertained by any peculiar symptom distinguishable by the touch1 or perceptible to the eye4 ,seeing this1 ,i immediately filled up the wound with lint and tow2 and then proceeded1 in as expeditious a manner as possible1 to apply a tight bandage upon the thigh1 near to the groin2 and1 lest this might accidentally break1 ,i applied a second ligature below the first1 and proceeded to amputate the limb upon the spot4 ,during the operation the man fainted1 but soon recovered from this deliquium2 and1 without any bad symptoms1 gradually recovered his rest1 appetite1 and strength1 and is now in perfect health4 ,upon a dissection of the thigh and leg1 ,i discovered the following appearances3 ,a great part of the fleshy portions of two of the extensor muscles of the leg1 to wit1 the vastus internus1 and crureus1 were destroyed1 with the subjacent periosteum4 ,four of the muscles1 whose uses are to bend the leg1 and which compose the internal and external hamstrings2 to wit1 gracilis1 semitendinosus1 semimembranosus1 and biceps tibi1 together with that adductor and flexor muscle of the leg called sartorius1 were removed at a considerable distance from the thigh-bone on its inferior part1 and from the tibia and fibula on their superior parts2 by which means a large bed or cavity was formed for containing the extravasation1 which consisted partly of a fluid1 and partly of a coagulated blood2 but by far the greatest part of the coagulum had acquired so firm and fibrous a consistence and appearance1 as nearly to resemble brown macerated leather in its colour and texture4 ,the neighbouring muscles appeared livid and lacerated4 ,the os femoris was become carious on its inferior and posterior parts2 and1 at about an inch distance above the condyle of that bone internally1 there arose a considerable exostosis4 ,the capsular ligament of the knee-joint was become much thickened1 and contained about two ounces of a viscid yellow synovia4 ,the femoral artery1 on its inferior part1 just above its division into tibialis antica and postica1 was diseased2 which disease extended four inches upwards4 ,the coats of the artery were considerably thickened1 and lacerated longitudinally4 ,the smallest diameter of the diseased part of the artery was two inches and one quarter3 the largest diameter of the diseased part of the artery was two inches and one half4 ,hatton-,garden1 ,nov4 #ag4 #ageg4 ,,xlv4 ,farther ,experiments for increasing the ,quantity of ,steam in a ,fire-,engine4 ,by ,keane ,fitz-,gerald1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,nov4 #bd1 #ageg4 ,i ,gave a former account to the ,royal ,society of some experiments made for increasing the quantity of steam in a fire-engine1 by blowing air thro' boiling water#aii4 ,the effects then evidently produced left me1 and ,i believe many others1 who came to view the experiments1 no room to doubt the seeming cause4 ,in which error ,i should probably have still remained1 had not farther experiments demonstrated the mistake4 ,whatever apology ,i ought to make this learned ,society1 for having given in that account prematurely1 ,i believe their great regard to truth1 which has always been the basis of their researches for the improvement of natural knowlege1 will require none for this4 ,i shall therefore1 as briefly as ,i can1 relate the further experiments1 that were made1 which evidently demonstrate the error of the former2 and from which some phnomena have occurred1 perhaps hitherto unknown4 ,in order to try what difference the air passing thro' a thinner body of water might occasion1 ,i brought the horizontal pipe1 which 7as mentioned in the former account7 was placed #ab inches under the surface of the water1 to within six inches2 and found1 on setting the engine to work1 that the leaden pipe1 for the conveyance of air from the bellows into the boiler1 became much hotter than ,i had perceived it before2 which could not happen1 if a constant cool air had passed thro'3 and on shutting the cock1 which was fixed in the leaden pipe to hinder the steam from ascending into the bellows before the engine should be set to work1 tho' no air could then possibly pass thro'1 yet the bellows still continued to move with the same regularity as before2 which1 on examination1 was found defective on the inside1 where the middle board1 that divides the two bodies1 was warped and cracked in several places1 thro' which the air passed very regularly from one body to the other at each stroke1 instead of passing thro' the pipe into the boiler1 as imagined4 ,by this1 the cause of deception was evident2 which ,i was still in hopes of remedying1 by having a new pair of bellows made1 somewhat larger1 and much stronger4 ,when this was fixed1 and the engine worked a few strokes1 ,i was surprised to find the bellows did not come down1 but remained fully charged with air1 tho' it had #djj lb4 weight upon it2 and that1 on increasing the weight gradually to #adjj lb4 which was as much as the bellows could support1 the air was not forced thro'4 ,i also made several experiments1 by lowering the horizontal pipe two feet under the surface of the water1 and raising it at different times to within four inches of the surface1 and could not at any depth force the air thro'1 whilst the engine worked2 but on opening the steam-pipe1 which is a pipe for letting the steam pass from the boiler whenever the engine stops1 the bellows could then readily force the air thro'1 tho' the water boiled ever so strong1 and seemingly made a surprising increase of steam4 ,i had the leaden pipe to convey the air from the bellows1 which was first put thro' the top into the boiler1 carried on the outside1 and passed horizontally into it1 about the height the water generally stands1 that by opening a cock1 fixed for the purpose close to the boiler1 ,i could readily discharge all the steam lodged in the pipe2 and by shutting the cock1 and making small holes at three or four inches distance1 ,i could almost find the point1 where the air and steam met in opposition1 cool air being strongly expelled thro' one1 and hot steam thro' the other4 ,it was also perceptible1 that the air was impelled somewhat1 tho' not considerably1 more forward by the addition of each hundred weight on the bellows3 ,that the deeper the horizontal pipe was placed in the water1 the less resistance was made by the steam3 ,that in proportion as the heat of the steam was increased1 by making the water boil more strongly1 the resistance to the pressure of the air by the weight on the bellows became greater4 ,it is a very doubtful matter1 whether air forced thro' boiling water would have answered the purpose intended3 but ,i believe it was never imagined1 that air could not be readily forced thro'1 until proved by the foregoing experiments4 ,the attempt1 tho' it has failed demonstrably in that point1 has produced the same effect from another cause1 as to saving coals1 and throwing up more water4 ,for1 by the constant care1 that was taken during the time of making these experiments1 to measure the coals1 to admit only a proper quantity of fuel to be laid on1 and also to mark the time exactly it took in burning2 the engine then did1 and still continues to require eight bushels of coals less1 in every #bd hours work1 than it did before2 and also1 from the regularity of its stroke1 to throw up more water2 the same care being required from the engineer1 who can have no pretence for consuming more coals now1 than appeared sufficient during the time the experiments were making4 ,tho' some of the properties of steam are well known2 yet the degrees of expansion it is capable of2 whether air be mixed with1 or necessary to1 its formation2 as also how far its power of resistance may reach2 are probably not yet known1 to a proper degree of exactness4 ,niewentit fixes the expansion of a cubical inch of water1 converted into steam1 at #accfe1 ,dr4 ,desaguliers at #adjjj1 and ,mr4 ,payne at #djjj times4 ,the great scope in this subject from a plenum to a vacuum1 if ,i may be allowed the expression1 as also the very useful purposes1 to which it has already been1 and possibly may be still further applied1 will1 ,i hope1 be an inducement to those1 who are much better qualified1 to proceed in so useful an inquiry4 ,,xlvi4 ,observatio ,eclipsis ,lun ,die #bg ,martii1 ,ann4 #agee4 habita ,ulissipone in ,domo ,patrum ,congregationis ,oratorii ,joanne ,chevalier ejusdem ,congregationis ,presbytero1 ,regi ,londinensis ,societatis ,socio1 ,regique ,parisiensis ,scientiarum ,academi correspondente4 ,tubo optico #h pedum peracta est observatio clo sereno1 claroque4 ,read ,dec4 #h1 #ageg4 ,,immersiones4 ,hora postmeridiana temporis veri4 h ' 0 ,initium penumb rdubium #aj #bi #ej ,initium eclipsis dubium #aj #cc #ce ,certe jam incperat #aj #cd #je ,umbra ad mare humorum #aj #dd #jj ,umbra ad ,grimaldum #aj #dd #ec ,grimaldus totus in umbra #aj #dg #eh ,mare humorum totum in umbra #aj #ea #ad ,thico incipit mergi #aj #ec #bi ,thico totus mergitur #aj #ee #ad ,umbra ad ,reinholdum #aa #jh #jd ,umbram ingreditur ,copernicus #aa #ai #bb ,umbra ad mare nectaris #aa #bd #eb ,totum in umbra #aa #cc #ej ,umbra ad mare tranquillitatis #aa #ce #bd ,promontorium acutum in umbra #aa #de #df ,,emersiones4 h ' 0 ,incipit emergere ab umbra ,copernicus #ab #jd #ch ,totus ,copernicus extra umbram #ab #jg #dj ,incipit egredi ,grimaldus #ab #ji #ch ,totus ,grimaldus extra umbram #ab #ab #ch ,incipit emergere mare fcunditatis #ab #ca #cg ,emergit mare humorum #ab #cf #aa ,incipit emergere ,capuanus #ab #ci #dj ,egreditur ,schicardus #ab #dh #cj ,emergit ,thico #ab #ea #dj ,totum mare nectaris egreditur #ab #eh #ji ,finis eclipsis #ac #ac #jb ,finis penumbr dubius #ac #af #ej ,,xlvii4 ,eclipsis ,lun ,die #d ,februarii1 ,ann4 #ageg4 habita ,ulissipone ,joanne ,chevalier ,presbytero ,congregationis ,oratorii1 ,regi ,londinensis ,societatis ,socio1 ,regique ,scientiarum ,parisiensis ,academi correspondente1 et a ,theodoro de ,almeida ejusdem ,congregationis ,presbytero1 ac ,physic publico ,professore4 ,read ,dec4 #h1 #ageg4 ,,hanc observationem peregi tubo optico novem pedes longo1 cujus lens ocularis focum habebat ad #d pollices1 et lineam unam3 adhibui preterea vitrum planum cruleum1 quod oculum inter et ocularem lentem interponebam1 ut ingressum macularum in umbram observarem juxta ea qu in observatione eclipsis lun ann4 #agee4 invenit clarissimus vir ,josephus ,soares de ,barros ex regia ,berolinensi academia4 ,primum igitur vitro cruleo adhibito observabam ingressum macul in umbram1 et tempore notato iterum solo tubo optico ingressum ejusdem macul in umbram observabam1 et differentiam utriusque ingresss notabam4 ,initio eclipsis clum serenum ac clarum fuit1 postea nubilum1 et post maximam obscurationem vapores horizontis et claritas incipientis diei observationem peragere impediere4 ,man4 ,h4 ,m4 ,s4 ,initium penumbr #d #eb #di ,initium dubium eclipsis #d #ee #bi ,certo jam incperat #d #eg #cj ,umbra ad ,aristarchum observata vitro cruleo plano #e #jj #ai ,solo tubo optico adhibito #e #jj #ej ,keplerus umbram ingreditur observatus tubo1 et vitro cruleo plano #e #ac #bj ,observatus solo tubo optico #e #ad #jj ,plato umbram ingreditur observatus tubo1 et vitro cruleo #e #ae #b ---- ,solo tubo #e #ae #dj ,umbra ad ,eudoxum #e #ag #ah ,mare serenitatis incipit mergi #e #cj #aj ,copernicus observatus tubo et vitro cruleo umbram ingreditur #e #cf #dh ---- ,solo tubo #e #cg #bb ,mare ,crisium ingreditur umbram #e #ec #ea ---- ,medium in umbra #e #ei #cj ---- ,totum mergitur #f #e #ba ,mare fcunditatis occultari incipit #f #g #da ,umbra ad promontorium acutum #f #h #cc ,umbra tangit mare nectaris #f #bb #ea ,umbra ad ,langrenum #f #bc #cc ,observationes ,eclipsium ,satellitum ,jovis ,ulissipone habit a ,,joanne ,,chevalier1 c4 ,,anno #ageg telescopio ,gregoriano #g pedum nocte seren1 nullque lunari luce illustrat1 observavi immersionem totalem primi satellitis die #ba ,martii tempore vero postmeridiano #aa #ac' #a0 ,die vero #bb ,martii tempore vero1 et antemeridiano1 observavi immersionem totalem tertii satellitis #j #ac' #cb0 ,,xlviii4 ,observationes ,eclipsium ,satellitum ,jovis ,ulissipone habit ,joanne ,chevalier1 ,presbytero ,congregationis ,oratorii1 ,regique ,londinensis ,societatis ,socio1 ,anno #ageg4 ,read ,dec4 #h1 #ageg4 ,t,elescopio ,gregoriano #g pedum observavi emersionem primi satellitis die #g ,junii cum clum serenum ac clarum esset1 hora postmeridiana temporis veri #aj #bi' #ab0 ,die #h ,junii eodem telescopio observavi emersionem secundi satellitis hora postmeridiana #h #cb' #dh0 clum aliquantum nubilum erat4 ,eadem die observavi emersionem tertii satellitis hora postmeridiana #i #cf' #be0 clo claro4 ,die #ae ,junii clo claro observavi emersionem secundi satellitis hora postmeridiana #aa #f' #ae0 ,sequenti die #af ,junii observavi immersionem tertii satellitis hora matutina temporis veri #j #j' #bi0 ,,xlix4 ,a remarkable ,case of the ,efficacy of the ,bark in a ,mortification4 ,in a ,letter to ,william ,watson1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 from ,mr4 ,richard ,grindall1 ,surgeon to the ,london ,hospital4 ,read ,dec4 #h1 #ageg4 ,austin-,friars1 ,dec4 #gth1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,,the following case being very singular has induced me to lay it before the ,royal ,society1 and beg the favour to do it through your means4 ,although numerous instances are related in the records of medicine1 of the great danger in interrupting nature in her operations1 there is not one 7so far as ,i know71 in which more violent and extraordinary effects have been produced1 than in the following4 ,it may happen also1 that this instance may be of service in ascertaining the virtue of the medicine in intermittents1 when in the hands of men of judgment4 ,on the #bhth of ,june #ageg4 ,mary ,alexander1 aged #ca years1 of the parish of ,whitechapel1 was brought into the ,london hospital1 having a mortification in both hands1 which reached about an inch and half above the wrists4 ,all her toes1 and about an inch of one foot beyond the last joint1 were mortified2 her nose was also intirely destroyed by a mortification2 and all these happened at the same time4 ,upon inquiry into the cause of this misfortune1 ,i found1 that on ,monday the #cjth of ,may she was seized with a quotidian ague1 which usually began about three of the clock in the afternoon1 and lasted near two hours2 which was succeeded by a hot fit1 and then a violent sweat4 ,and in this manner she was afflicted for seven days without any material alteration2 when1 being informed by a neighbour1 of a person1 who had an infallible remedy for the cure of an ague1 she applied to him4 ,he brought her two phials1 containing about an ounce and half each1 of a pale yellowish liquor2 one of which he directed her to take directly1 promising1 that she should have no return of the fit of consequence2 and that1 if she had any small return1 the second bottle should cure her effectually4 ,in consequence of which1 she took one dose1 which was at the time the cold fit had been on about a quarter of an hour3 she had no sooner swallowed it1 but1 as she says1 her stomach was on fire1 and felt as if she had swallowed the strongest dram possible4 ,the cold fit left her instantly2 but she was immediately seized with so violent a fever1 as to make her burn1 and be extremely thirsty1 all the following night2 much more so than ever she had been before1 till the next morning1 when a sweat a little relieved her from the violent heat4 ,when she rose in the morning1 she was much troubled with a great itching in the hands1 feet1 and nose2 and soon after all those parts began to feel numbed1 or1 as she describes it1 as if her hands and feet were asleep2 which she took but little notice of1 till the evening of that day1 when she found the nails of both hands and feet were turning black1 and1 at the same time feeling great pain in both1 as also in her nose1 and that they appeared of a darkish red colour1 like the skin in cold weather4 ,upon which1 at nine o'clock that night she sent for an apothecary1 from whom1 ,i have since been informed1 the person before mentioned had bought the medicine1 which he gave her4 ,the apothecary was not at home2 his journeyman went1 and finding the woman had a difficulty of breathing1 ordered her a mixture with sperma ceti and ammoniacum to be taken occasionally4 ,the apothecary did not see her himself till the #afth of ,june1 when finding her in a very bad condition1 that her hands1 and feet1 and nose1 were intirely black1 and had many vesicles or small bladders upon them1 filled with a blackish bloody water2 he opened them1 and let out the fluid1 and dressed them with yellow basilicon2 and in this manner continued treating her till the #bjth of the same month1 when1 finding no material alteration for the better1 he ordered her a brownish mixture1 of which she was to take four spoonfuls every four hours2 which1 he informed me1 was a decoction of the bark2 and says1 on taking this1 she was better1 as the mortification seemed inclined to stop4 ,but as it was a bad case1 he advised the woman to be carried to an hospital3 and in this condition was she brought in1 when she was immediately put into a course of the bark1 taking a drachm of the powder every four hours2 and in #dh hours taking it there was a perfect separation of all the mortified parts4 ,she was then ordered to take it only three times in #bd hours2 and pursuing this method for eight days1 there was a very good digestion from the parts above the mortification4 ,the mortified part became now so offensive1 that the poor woman pressed me much to take off her hands1 assuring me she would go through the operations with good courage1 being very desirous to live1 though in this miserable condition4 ,on the #abth of ,july ,i took off both her hands3 ,i had very little more to do1 than saw the bones1 nature having stopped the bleeding1 when she stopped the mortification4 ,in a day or two after1 ,i took off all the toes from both feet1 and now discontinued the bark1 the parts appearing in a healthy and healing condition2 which went on so for five weeks1 when1 on a sudden1 the parts began to look livid1 her stomach failed her1 and she was feverish2 but1 upon taking an ounce of the bark1 in #cf hours her sores began again to look well4 ,she was not suffered to leave off the bark so soon this time1 but continued taking it twice a day for a month4 ,she is now almost well3 that part of her face1 from whence the nose mortified1 was healed in seven weeks2 the stumps of both arms are intirely healed2 and both feet are well1 only waiting for one piece of bone scaling off1 which ,i believe will be in a very short time2 and she is now in good health4 ,the person1 who gave her this medicine1 is a ,barber and ,peruke-maker at ,bow4 ,i applied to him several times1 to inform me what it was he had given her4 ,the affair was talked of so much in his neighbourhood1 and the man threatned by the woman's husband1 that for a long time ,i could not get him to tell me1 till ,i told him1 ,i had been informed where he bought the medicines2 and the time of the day1 that he had them1 corresponding with the time of his giving them to the woman1 and that ,i knew it was tincture of myrrh1 he at last told me1 that he had frequently given the above quantity of an ounce and half of it in an ague2 that it had never done any harm2 and hardly ever failed to cure4 ,upon which information1 ,i carried some tincture of myrrh to the woman1 who tasted it1 and is well assured it is the same liquor the barber gave her in her ague-fit4 ,i am1 with respect1 ,your obliged and obedient ,servant4 ,richard ,grindall4 ,l4 ,a ,letter to the ,rev4 ,tho4 ,birch1 ,d4,d4 ,secret4 ,r4,s4 from ,john ,pringle1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 inclosing ,two ,papers communicated to him by ,robert ,whytt1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,dec4 #ae1 #ageg4 ,pallmall-,court1 ,st4 ,james's1 ,dec4 #aj4 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,,about three weeks ago ,i put into your hands an extract of a letter1 ,i had then received from ,dr4 ,whytt1 containing a postscript to his ,observations on ,lord ,walpole's ,case2 and slightly mentioning some doubts he had then about the justness of ,dr4 ,springsfeld's experiments with lime-water1 from some trials he himself had made1 upon reading that gentleman's curious treatise on the extraordinary lithontriptic quality of the waters at ,carlsbad in ,bohemia4 ,within these few ,days1 ,dr4 ,whytt having favoured me with a full account of those experiments1 ,i have herewith sent you his paper1 in order1 if you please1 to lay it before the ,society2 which the author desires may be done1 in case these observations should be judged useful4 ,the other paper inclosed was sent me by the same hand1 to be likewise presented to the ,society1 as a well-attested instance of the electrical power in the cure of a palsy4 ,to the other testimonies ,i have subjoined what ,dr4 ,whytt says in his letter to me1 by way of strengthening the evidence4 ,i shall only add1 that since ,mr4 ,brydone1 the author of this account1 has omitted telling how long the patient has continued in perfect health since the operation1 it appears she must have been well for some months before the date of his paper2 because1 before the end of last summer1 ,dr4 ,whytt transmitted the same case to me1 which ,i then returned1 in order to have it drawn up in a fuller manner1 and with other vouchers besides the gentleman1 who performed the cure4 ,the ,doctor has been so good as to comply with my request1 having procured a more ample account of the circumstances from ,mr4 ,brydone1 and the attestation of two ministers1 besides that of the patient herself4#bjj ,my difficulties being thus removed1 ,i believe ,i may now with freedom offer this very curious case to the attention of the ,society4 ,i am1 ,,sir1 ,your most obedient humble ,servant1 ,john ,pringle4 ,postscript to ,dr4 ,whytt's ,observations on ,lord ,walpole's ,case#bja4 ,read ,dec4 #h1 #ageg4 8,i ,do not know1 if it be worth while to observe1 that lately1 in making some experiments with different calculi1 there was one almost as white as chalk1 but of a less hard substance than the others2 and which was not in the least degree dissolved or softned by being infused #bj days in oystershell lime-water1 but yielded somewhat to a solution of ,spanish soap in common water4 ,from this experiment one may conclude1 that it is better to prescribe both soap and lime-water for the stone1 than any one of them alone2 and that if one of these remedies has failed of giving relief1 the other ought to be tried3 for as the above white calculus1 which yielded a little to the solution of soap1 resisted lime-water2 so there may perhaps be others1 that are readily dissolved by lime-water1 but little affected by soap4 ,dr4 ,springsfeld's experiments with lime-water are somehow not just2 for in several calculi ,i have found the dissolving power of oystershell lime-water above eight times greater than he makes it40 ,some ,observations on the lithontriptic ,virtue of the ,carlsbad ,waters1 ,lime-water1 and ,soap3 ,in a ,letter to ,dr4 ,john ,pringle1 ,f4,r4,s4 from ,dr4 ,robert ,whytt1 ,f4,r4,s4 and ,professor of ,medicine in the ,university of ,edinburgh4 ,read ,dec4 #ae1 #ageg4 ,,sir1 ,,from the experiments related in ,dr4 ,springsfeld's ,commentatio de prrogativa thermarum ,carolinarum1 c4 which you were so good as to send me some time ago1 it appears1 that these waters are not only possessed of a very extraordinary power of dissolving the stone1 but that in this respect they greatly exceed lime-water4 7,a7 ,thus1 ,dr4 ,springsfeld having infused1 for #ad ,days1 in a heat of #if degrees of ,fahrenheit's scale1 three pieces of the same calculus1 each weighing #cj grains1 in eggshell lime-water1 the ,carlsbad water1 and in the urine of one who daily drank this last water1 renewing these several menstruums every day1 he found1 on the #aeth day1 that the calculus in the lime-water had lost #a grain1 the calculus in the ,carlsbad water #f grains1 and that in urine #e grains4 7,b7 ,again1 having divided another calculus into four parts1 each of which was reduced to #hj grains1 he put the first in oystershell lime-water1 the second in ,carlsbad water1 and the third in the urine of a person who drank this water4 ,after #bj days1 during which time the menstruums were renewed every day1 and kept in a heat of #if degrees1 the dried calculi had lost of their weight as follows3 the first #c grains1 the second #ah grains1 and the third #ad grains4 ,altho' ,i make no doubt that ,dr4 ,springsfeld1 who appears to be a man of candour1 as well as learning1 has faithfully related the event of the experiments1 which he made2 yet either the lime-water he used must have been very weak1 or some other mistake must have happened in his experiments3 for in all the numerous trials ,i made1 about #ae years ago1 of lime-water1 as a solvent for the stone1 ,i always found its dissolving power much greater1 than it appears in ,dr4 ,springsfeld's experiments4 ,and as in these trials different urinary stones were used1 it can scarcely be imagined1 that it was owing to the peculiar hardness of ,dr4 ,springfeld's calculi1 that the lime-water made so little impression on them4 ,however1 to be still further satisfied of this matter1 ,i made the following experiments4 #a4 ,i put a piece of a very hard calculus1 which ,i shall call x1 weighing #hj grains1 in oystershell lime-water1 renewing the lime-water every day1 and keeping it in a heat between #ij and #ajf degrees of ,fahrenheit's scale4 ,after #bj days1 ,i took out the calculus2 and having set it by for some days1 till it was become quite dry1 ,i brushed away all the rotten part of it1 which was reduced to a kind of chalky powder1 and found that the undissolved part of it weighed #eg grains4 #b4 ,at the same time a piece of another calculus1 z1 weighing #ae grains1 was1 after a like infusion of #bj days in oystershell lime-water1 reduced to #aj grains4 #c4 ,i put a piece of z1 weighing #ad grains1 in a solution of half an ounce of the internal part of ,spanish soap in nine ounces of water1 and every third day renewed the solution1 which was kept in a heat of about #fj degrees4 ,after #ad days1 ,i found the undissolved part not to exceed #aa grains4 #d4 ,a piece of a white chalky calculus1 y1 weighing #cj grains1 had near #d grains of its substance dissolved1 by being #ad days infused as above in a solution of soap4 ,from ,n4 #a4 above1 compared with ,dr4 ,springsfeld's ,exper4 7,b71 it appears1 that the dissolving power of oystershell lime-water is to that of the ,carlsbad water as #bc to #ah1 supposing the calculi used in these experiments to have been equally easy to dissolve4 ,n4 #c4 compared with ,dr4 ,springsfeld's ,exper4 7,a71 shews1 that the dissolving power of a solution of the inner part of ,spanish soap1 in a heat of #fj degrees1 is to that of the ,carlsbad water1 in a heat of #if degrees1 as #ae to #ad4 ,from ,n4 #d4 compared with 7,a71 the dissolving power of soap is to that of the ,carlsbad water only as #d to #f2 but it is probable1 that had the solution of soap been kept in a heat of #if degrees1 its dissolving power would1 even in this experiment1 have nearly equalled that of the ,carlsbad water4 ,it may1 perhaps1 be worth while to observe1 that a piece of the white chalky calculus of ,n #d4 was not in the smallest degree dissolved by lying in lime-water #bj days4 #e4 ,in ,exper4 #ai4 of my ,essay on the ,virtue of ,lime-water1 a piece of a calculus1 b1 weighing #ca grains1 lost #g grains by being infused #cf hours1 in a heat of above #ajj degrees1 in very strong oistershell lime-water4 ,and in the same water1 of a moderate strength1 another piece of b lost1 in the same time1 #e grains4 ,in this last experiment1 the lithontriptic virtue of lime-water appears to be stronger than in ,n4 #a4 and #b4 above2 and greatly exceeds that of the ,carlsbad water in ,dr4 ,springsfeld's ,exper4 7,a7 and 7,b74 ,but altho'1 from what has been said1 it appears not only that lime-water1 but also a solution of soap1 dissolves the stone in close vessels as fast1 nay faster1 than the therm ,carolin2 yet these last waters1 when the calculi were so placed in open vessels1 that the water from the fountain might constantly flow along them1 effected a much quicker dissolution than lime-water1 or even soap-lye1 or indeed any known menstruum1 except1 perhaps1 strong spirit of nitre3 for1 in the first experiment made by ,dr4 ,springsfeld1 a calculus of two ounces and a half was1 in this manner1 quite dissolved in six days4 ,from this experiment1 compared with that of ,dr4 ,springsfeld mentioned above 7,b71 it will be found1 upon calculation1 that the dissolving power of the ,carlsbad water1 when it is allowed to flow constantly from the fountain along the stone1 is nearly #ci times greater than when it is only poured fresh on the calculus once a day#bjb4 ,what may have been the reason of this surprising difference of the lithontriptic power of the ,carlsbad water in these different circumstances1 ,i will not pretend to say4 ,i think it can scarcely be accounted for from the gentle motion of the water along the surface of the calculus4 ,was it then owing to some very volatile active part1 which the water quickly loses1 after being taken from the fountain8 ,but how great soever the dissolving power of the ,carlsbad waters may be1 when they issue from the bowels of the earth1 yet that they do not communicate a much greater dissolving power to the urine1 than lime-water1 will appear from comparing the two following experiments4 ,in ,dr4 ,springsfeld's ,exper4 7,a7 above1 the urine of a person1 who drank the ,carlsbad waters1 reduced1 in #ad days1 a piece of calculus1 weighing #cj grains1 to #be grains4 ,and in an experiment made by ,dr4 ,newcome1 now ,lord ,bishop of ,llandaff1 who drank four ,english pints of oystershell lime-water daily1 his ,lordship's urine reduced1 in four months1 a piece of calculus1 weighing #ca grains1 to three small bits1 weighing in all #f grains#bjc4 ,whence it follows1 that the dissolving power of his ,lordship's urine must have been to the dissolving power of the urine of the person who drank the ,carlsbad waters nearly as #ce to #febjd4 ,but if we consider1 that the calculus infused in the urine of the person who drank the ,carlsbad waters was kept always in a heat of #if degrees1 while in ,dr4 ,newcome's experiment1 which was made during part of the autumn and winter1 no artificial heat was used1 it will appear probable1 that the dissolving power of his ,lordship's urine was little inferior to that of the person who drank the ,carlsbad waters2 for lime-water1 in a heat of #if degrees1 dissolves the calculus at least twice as fast1 as in the common heat of the air in winter4 ,further1 if it be attended to1 that the quantity of ,carlsbad waters drank every day before dinner is from six to eight lib4 while his ,lordship only drank four lib4 of lime-water in #bd hours1 it will follow1 that whatever the different dissolving powers of the lime-water and ,carlsbad waters may be out of the body1 yet the former seems1 in proportion to the quantity drank1 to communicate at least an equal dissolving power to the urine4 ,but without presuming to decide certainly1 as to the comparative virtue of the ,carlsbad waters and lime-water1 ,i shall conclude with observing1 that tho' the ,carlsbad waters are less disagreeable to the taste1 and may be drank in larger quantity1 than lime-water1 yet this last may be drank equally good in all places1 and at all seasons of the year2 which is not the case with the ,carlsbad waters4 ,november #cj4 #ageg4 ,an ,instance of the ,electrical ,virtue in the ,cure of a ,palsy4 ,by ,mr4 ,patrick ,brydone4 ,read ,dec4 #ae1 #ageg4 ,e,lizabeth ,foster1 aged #cc1 in poor circumstances1 unmarried1 about #ae years ago was seized with a violent nervous fever1 accompanied with an asthma1 and was so ill1 that her life was despaired of4 ,she recovered however from the violence of her distemper1 but the sad effects of it remained4 ,for1 from this time1 she continued in a weakly uncertain state of health till the month of ,july1 #agee1 when she was again taken ill of the same kind of fever2 and after it went off she was troubled with worse nervous symptoms than ever1 ending at last in a paralytic disorder1 which sometimes affected the arm1 sometimes the leg1 of the left side2 in such a manner as that these parts1 tho' deprived of all motion for the time1 yet still retained their sensibility4 ,in this condition she remained till the spring #agef1 when unexpectedly she grew much better2 but not so far as to get quite rid of her paralytic complaints2 which1 in cold weather1 seldom failed to manifest themselves by a numbness1 trembling1 sensation of cold1 and a loss of motion in the left side4 ,this paralytic tendency made her apprehensive of a more violent attack2 which accordingly soon happened3 for1 about the end of ,august1 in the same year1 her symptoms gradually increased1 and in a very short time she lost all motion and sensation in her left side4 ,in this state she continued throughout last winter with the addition of some new complaints2 for now her head shook constantly2 her tongue faltered so much1 when she attempted to speak1 that she could not articulate a word2 her left eye grew so dim1 that she could not distinguish colours with it2 and she was often seized with such an universal coldness and insensibility1 that those who saw her at such times scarce knew whether she was dead or alive4 ,whilst the woman was in this miserable condition1 observing that she had some intermissions1 during which she could converse and use her right leg and arm1 in one of those intervals ,i proposed trying to relieve her by the power of electricity4 ,with this view1 ,i got her supported in such a manner as to receive the shocks standing1 holding the phial in her right hand1 whilst the left was made to touch the gun-barrel4 ,after receiving several very severe shocks1 she found herself in better spirits than usual2 said she felt a heat1 and a prickling pain in her left thigh and leg1 which gradually spread over all that side2 and after undergoing the operation for a few minutes longer1 she cried out1 with great joy1 that she felt her foot on the ground4 ,the electrical machine producing such extraordinary effects1 the action was continued2 and that day the woman patiently submitted to receive above #bjj shocks from it4 ,the consequence was1 that the shaking of her head gradually decreased1 till it intirely ceased2 that she was able at last to stand without any support2 and on leaving the room quite forgot one of her crutches1 and walked to the kitchin with very little assistance from the other4 ,that night she continued to be well and slept better than she had done for several months before1 only about midnight she was seized with a faintishness1 and took notice of a strong sulphureous taste in her mouth2 but both faintness and that taste went off1 upon drinking a little water4 ,next day1 being electrised as before1 her strength sensibly increased during the operation1 and when that was over she walked easily with a stick1 and could lift several pounds weight with her left hand1 which had been so long paralytic before4 ,the experiment was repeated on the third day2 by which time she had received in all upwards of #fjj severe shocks4 ,she then telling us that she had as much power in the side that had been affected as in the other1 we believed it unnecessary to proceed farther as the electricity had already1 to all appearance produced a compleat cure4 ,and indeed the patient continued to be well till the ,sunday following1 viz4 about three days after the last operation2 but upon going that day to church1 she probably catched cold2 for on ,monday she complained of a numbness in her left hand and foot2 but1 upon being again electrised1 every symptom vanished1 and she has been perfectly well ever since4 ,coldingham1 ,nov4 #ageg4 ,patrick ,brydone4 ,that the above is a true and exact account of my case1 and of the late wonderful cure wrought on me1 is attested by ,elizabeth ,foster4 ,i was eye witness to the electrical experiments made by my son on ,elizabeth ,foster1 and saw with pleasure their happy effects4 ,by the blessing of ,god accompanying them1 from a weak1 miserable1 and at sometimes almost an insensible state1 she was1 in a very short time1 restored to health and strength2 of which the above is in every respect a true account4 ,robert ,brydone1 ,minister of ,coldingham4 ,extract of a ,letter from ,dr4 ,whytt to ,dr4 ,pringle1 relating to this ,account3 ,dated ,edinburgh1 #a ,dec4 #ageg4 ,,some days ago ,i had transmitted to me ,mr4 ,brydone's account 7inclosed7 of the success of the electrical shocks in a paralytic patient1 attested by the patient herself1 and by ,mr4 ,brydone's father1 who is minister at ,coldingham1 in the shire of ,berwick4 ,at the same time ,i had a letter from the ,reverend ,mr4 ,allan1 ,minister of ,eymouth 7in the neighbourhood71 informing me1 that he had examined the patient particularly1 and found ,mr4 ,brydone's account to be perfectly true4 ,he further informs me1 that he never observed the electrical shock so strong from any machine1 as from ,mr4 ,brydone's4 ,it seems1 that gentleman has not only applied himself to the study of natural philosophy1 but also of medicine4 ,robert ,whytt4 ,,li4 ,an ,account of some fossile ,fruits1 and other ,bodies1 found in the ,island of ,shepey4 ,by ,james ,parsons1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,to the ,right ,honourable the ,,earl of ,,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,royal ,society4 ,read ,dec4 #ae1 #ageg4 ,sept4 #be1 #ageg4 ,my ,lord1 ,,being ever desirous to promote the business of this learned ,society1 ,i could not lose the opportunity that presented1 of laying before you an account1 and drawings 7,see ,,tab4 ,,xv4 ,,xvi471 of a most curious parcel of fossil fruits1 and some other bodies1 sent me from ,shepey-,island1 by my ingenious friend ,mr4 ,jacob1 of ,faversham1 ,surgeon1 and ,fellow of the ,antiquary ,society4 ,i do not remember1 that fossil seeds1 or fruits1 are recorded in our ,transactions1 tho' many of other kinds have places in them2 nor indeed that the memoirs of other academies have made mention of any such fruits2 and therefore1 as these are chiefly pyritical1 and consequently liable to fall to pieces1 ,i thought it necessary to make drawings of them while in a sound state1 in order for engraving1 if the ,society shall think fit2 lest their being so subject to moulder away might put it out of my power to preserve their forms4 ,however1 ,i have great hopes ,i shall be able to preserve the greater part of them intire till they are shewed to the ,society4 ,in describing these bodies1 we shall be obliged to make the best conjectures we can of some of them only2 for several are sufficiently obvious to every naturalist1 and easily known by comparing them to such recent fruits1 as are frequent enough among us4 ,some of them are absolutely exotics2 and indeed they are all rare and curious1 and1 in my humble opinion1 well worth the notice of the ,royal ,society4 ,doctor ,woodward's catalogue#bje1 which is so ample and full of all kinds of fossil bodies1 has only a very few fruits2 and these are only some hazle nuts found in different places1 a few pine-cones1 and laryxes2 and one fruit1 which was taken for an unripe nutmeg4 ,in this collection before us they are all very different1 and such as have not been seen before4 ,it will not be amiss1 in this place1 to give a short detail of such bodies as are capable of either being petrified themselves1 or of leaving their impressions in stony matter4 ,by being petrified1 is meant being impregnated with stony1 pyritical1 or any other metalline or sparry matter2 for there are inumerable specimens1 wherein all these are apparent4 ,,testaceous and ,,crustaceous ,,animals4 ,the shelly matter of these is of so compact and dry a nature1 that they will endure for ages3 and if in a soil or bed where moisture has access1 they will receive stony matter into their pores1 and become ponderous in proportion to the quantity imbibed4 ,if in a dry place1 they will remain fair and sharp1 suffering very little change by any length of time2 whilst the flesh of these1 being subject to putrifaction1 is soon destroyed2 and yet1 according to circumstances that happen1 some of these may be replaced in due form by stony particles4 ,i have a gryphites1 with the form of the fish in its place1 as is the case in several of the oyster kinds4 ,this may be occasioned by the shells being close1 or nearly so1 and stony matter gradually insinuating into their cavity1 so as to fill up the whole4 ,,wood4 ,the kinds of wood found fossil are very different3 some are of a firmer texture than others3 and this too is according to the places wherein they are deposited4 ,some ,i have seen so highly impregnated with a fine stony and pyritical matter1 as to bear a polish like a pebble2 some1 tho' quite reduced to stone1 yet preserving the fibrous appearance of the original state2 and some which is found in boggy bottoms1 being not at all changed1 except in color3 this is called bog oak1 or bog deal1 well known to country people in many places of these three kingdoms1 who light themselves about their business with slips of this wood1 cut on purpose instead of candles1 as it burns with a clear and durable flame4 ,it is remarkable1 that altho' oak or fir shall lie ages immersed in water under ground1 it shall not putrify2 but acquire such sulphureous particles by lying in steep1 in the bog-water1 as to qualify it for this use4 ,other wood1 deposited in marly ground1 is found incrusted over1 trunk and branches1 with a white crust2 the wood remaining intire within4 ,at other times1 wood thus incrusted shall be eroded by the matter which covers it1 having something acrimonious in its substance4 ,we may add to these1 clusters of the twigs of shrubs1 and small wood1 which we find flakes of1 incrusted with sparry or calcarious matter1 in many places2 parts of which are totally changed into that matter1 whilst others are only inveloped with it4 ,,bones of ,,animals4 ,we see1 by every day's experience1 that the human skeleton moulders to dust in a very few years1 when buried in mould3 so it does even in vaults1 where the coffins are kept dry4 ,in the first case1 the moisture and salts of the earth divide and dissolve the texture of the bones2 in the latter1 those of the air1 which gradually insinuate themselves into them1 and at length destroy them4 ,how long a skeleton whose bones are well dried and prepared1 being totally deprived of its medullary substance1 will last1 as we now order them for anatomical purposes1 we cannot say3 but it may be reasonably conjectured1 that they will undergo the fate of the softer kinds of wood1 such as beech1 which grows rotten in no great number of years2 because their internal substance is spungy and cellular1 and their crust is very thin1 except about the middle of the bones of the arm and thigh1 ,i mean the humerus and fmur4 ,the same destruction would happen1 if bodies were deposited in a sandy soil2 because water finds its way either by dripping downwards1 or by springs underneath4 ,but human skeletons have been found intire within a rock1 where neither moisture nor air could get at them4 ,mr4 ,minors1 an eminent ,surgeon and ,anatomist of the ,middlesex-hospital1 when he was in the ,army1 at ,gibraltar1 saw an intire skeleton1 standing upright1 in a dry rock1 part of which had been blown up with gunpowder1 in carrying on some works in the fortifications1 which left the skeleton quite exposed4 ,indeed1 the bones of ,elephants have been found in ,shepey-,island1 but much destroyed1 several of which ,i have in my ,collection2 an account of which we have in the last volume but one#bjf of our ,transactions2 their size and substance being so considerable1 as to resist for a long time that decay which those of the human could not withstand4 ,to these we may add the horns of large animals1 as the elk1 and others1 which have been found in bogs1 preserved as the bog-oak1 c4 mentioned4 ,,teeth and ,,palates of ,,fishes and other ,animals4 ,these are of so hard and firm a texture1 as to suffer no great change1 wheresoever found2 for we see1 that no erosion appears in them1 their enamel and its polish being intirely preserved2 yet sometimes their roots will be found changed1 especially in the yellow ones1 having no enamel to guard them in their roots4 ,parts of ,,vegetables4 ,the leaves of plants1 whose fibres are firm and dry1 will endure for a long time2 but those of a succulent nature never can1 as they putrify very soon4 ,we see the leaves of ferns of several kinds1 polypodium1 tricomanes1 and other capillary plants1 with nodules of stone formed about them2 flags1 reeds1 rushes1 equisetum1 and many such1 of a firm texture1 are found in slate and stone2 and even the iuli of trees are said to have been found fossil as well as their leaves4 ,,seeds and ,,fruits4 ,all seeds and the stones of fruits1 having a firm texture1 are also capable of being strongly impregnated with stony and pyritical matter2 and ,i make no doubt but that the smaller seeds1 if carefully looked for1 might be found fossil1 as well as these before you2 such1 ,i mean1 as have a firmness in the covering2 but being small1 and mixt with the dirt1 sand1 and the like1 probably is the reason of their being overlooked4 ,fruits of various kinds are found petrified2 but this is only in their green state1 when they are hard enough to endure till they are impregnated with stony or mineral particles4 ,the rudiments of fruits1 when once well formed1 and a little advanced1 are firm and acid3 and the more remote they are from maturity1 the more secure from putrifaction2 and their acid juice is no small help to their preservation from growing soon rotten4 ,but indeed1 when the fruit advances in growth1 the texture grows gradually more lax2 the acid juices are now beginning to be replaced by saccharine or others more soft2 the fibres are driven farther asunder1 and they now arrive at their most ripe state3 and the utmost maturity of fruits is the next step to putrifaction4 ,hence they are destroyed before stony or other particles can have time enough to impregnate them3 and this is exactly the case with the flesh of animals of every kind4 ,the husks and hard calyces of fruits1 as well as their stones1 are also susceptible of petrifaction4 ,if these fruits1 which ,i have the honour to lay before you1 are antediluvian1 one would be apt to imagine they1 in some measure1 point out1 with ,dr4 ,woodward1 the time of year in which the deluge began2 which he thinks was in ,may3 and yet this very opinion is liable to some objections2 because altho' fruits capable of being petrified1 from their green state1 may be pretty well formed in ,may here1 as well as in the same latitude elsewhere1 in favour of this opinion2 yet there are the stones of fruits1 found fossil1 so perfect1 as to make one imagine they were very ripe1 when deposited in the places where they are discovered2 which would induce one to think the deluge happened nearer ,autumn1 unless we could think them the productions of more southern latitudes1 where perhaps their fruits are brought to perfection before ours are well formed4 ,what follows is a catalogue of these fossil fruits c4 before you3 and ,i should be glad1 if any of the gentlemen would take the trouble of examining them1 in order to assist in our conjectures about such of them1 as appear doubtful3 but first beg leave to insert the following remark3 ,i cannot omit an observation of ,doctor ,mason1 ,woodwardian professor1 in this place2 which is well worth notice1 and indeed which ,i never attended to4 ,it regards the impressions of fishes upon slate4 ,now there are several kinds of slate1 which have such impressions upon them3 in some there remains only the bare impression1 without any part of the fish2 in others the scales only1 but retaining the intire form of the animal2 and in others no part adheres to the slate1 but the skeleton1 or part of it1 most commonly the spine4 ,he says that he always observed1 that the bones are never seen but upon the grey or blue slate1 or their impressions2 and that the scales or skin are to be found only upon the black stone or slate2 which makes him conjecture1 that something erosive in the grey slate destroys every part but the bony system2 but that the black1 being of a more soft and unctuous nature1 preserves the scales1 and often the very skin4 ,this1 however1 must be referred to further observation4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xv4 p4 #djc4 ,,ip ,,md4 delin4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,,tab4 ,,xv4 ,fig4 #a1 #c4 ,these two bodies seem to be figs1 petrified when hard and green2 being1 as ,i have just observed1 then capable of receiving the pyritical particles1 with which they are manifestly impregnated4 ,one is more perfect in its form than the other2 and they are now shooting their salts1 and will soon fall to pieces4 ,fig4 #b4 appears to be a ,myrobalan1 distinguished from the other species of that name by its round figure2 and is called the belleric ,myrobalan4 ,it is nearly destroyed by the pyritical matter1 and will not long remain whole4 ,fig4 #d4 seems to be a species of ,phaseolus1 one of those especially distinguished by the fruits4 ,fructibus splendentibus nigris4 ,fig4 #e4 ,another ,phaseolus4 ,fig4 #g4 ,another4 ,see ,fig4 #d4 ,fig4 #h4 ,semen ,cucurbit1 a large species of ,american gourd4 ,fig4 #i4 ,coffee-berries4 ,fig4 #aj1 #aa4 ,two species of ,beans1 very apparent4 ,fig4 #ab4 ,unknown4 ,this1 however1 appears to be a fruit1 with the calyx running up1 and embracing it1 in its hard green state2 being somewhat compressed on the upper part1 as it lay confined in the earth4 ,fig4 #ac4 ,an ,staphilodendri species8 ,the learned and reverend ,dr4 ,hales gave me1 some years ago1 a handful of the recent fruits1 one or two of which are sent with this fossil one1 for your consideration4 ,he had them from ,bengal1 and called them1 in the ,indian name1 ,neermelis2 and said the natives used them to fine down liquors4 ,fig4 #ad4 ,a compressed pod of the ,arachidna1 or ,underground-,pea4 ,the full-grown pods are much larger1 but of various sizes1 as are other kinds4 ,this1 however1 seems to have been1 when deposited where it was found1 not so far advanced4 ,it has the reticulated surface1 the apex on one side1 and every other character of that fruit or seed-pod1 but somewhat compressed4 ,fig4 #ae4 is evidently an ,acorn4 ,we have of this species here1 and in ,america also4 ,fig4 #af4 ,an exotic fruit1 like a small melon2 but uncertain4 ,it is somewhat deformed by compression4 ,fig4 #ag4 ,this ,i took at first for a fruit2 but now ,i rather believe it a ,fungoides of a very pretty kind4 ,fig4 #ah4 ,an ,anguria8 ,i take it for a seed of a species of water-melon4 ,fig4 #ai4 seems a small plumb-stone4 ,fig4 #bj4 ,unknown4 ,the calyx seems to run up and embrace this fruit towards the apex4 ,fig4 #ba4 ,unknown4 ,this resembles an ,american seed1 which ,i have in my collection1 but do not know its name4 ,its apex is inclining to one side2 and it appears to have had a strong pedicle4 ,fig4 #bb4 ,an ,lachryma ,jobi8 ,fig4 #bc4 ,a ,cherry-stone4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xvi4 p4 #djf4 ,,ip ,,md4 delin4 ,j4 ,mynde sc4 ,,tab4 ,,xvi4 ,fig4 #a4 ,an ,euonymi species8 ,if this be an ,euonymus1 it is not so far advanced as to form the seeds3 and is therefore to be considered only in its progress from the flower towards seeding3 which is the case in several of these1 whose calyces appear still upon them1 and hinder us from absolutely determining what they are4 ,fig4 #b4 ,a berry of the ,sapindus1 or ,soap-tree1 of ,america1 being not at all deformed1 only having a little lump of pyrites upon it3 but there is another quite free4 ,fig4 #c4 ,hur ,germen4 ,this is undoubtedly the young ,sand-box1 or fruit of the ,hura1 so well known for its beautiful form to the curious1 who collect specimens of natural history2 and seems to shew the time of the deluge4 ,fig4 #d4 ,this1 ,i think1 is certainly the stone of an eastern ,mango2 such as comes over to us pickled1 and1 the stone being opened on one side1 is generally stuffed with spices4 ,fig4 #e4 ,euonymi latifolii species4 ,this is a large species of ,euonymus1 perhaps of ,clusius4 ,fig4 #f4 ,this body seems to be a ,milleped1 or ,wood-louse4 ,it is turned round1 the two extremities meeting2 which is the attitude assumed by these animals1 upon being in any-wise obstructed in their passage1 or handled4 ,fig4 #g4 ,a small long ,bean1 like our horse-bean2 but longer than any we have in ,england4 ,fig4 #h4 ,unknown to me4 ,fig4 #i4 ,a species of ,horse-chesnut from ,america4 ,fig4 #aj4 ,the external husk of the fruit of the ,sapindus1 or ,soap-tree4 ,fig4 #aa4 ,i cannot determine whether this be an ,olive1 or the yellow ,myrobalan2 but believe it the ,myrobalan4 ,fig4 #ab4 ,a ,palm species8 ,it seems a small ,palma-coco4 ,fig4 #ac1 #ad4 unknown1 as well as fig4 #ae4 ,fig4 #af4 ,unknown4 ,the reason of the four last being not to be distinguished is1 that they seem to be the buds of their several species1 before they were perfectly formed4 ,so that while some of the antediluvian productions are mature1 others appear to be premature2 and consequently one would be inclined to think them the inhabitants of places of different latitudes4 ,fig4 #ag4 ,a species of foreign ,walnut1 injured and compressed4 ,fig4 #ah4 ,a ,plumb-stone4 ,fig4 #ai4 ,the claw of an ,american ,crab2 which1 being on the opposite side of the mass containing the body1 could not come in view with it at the same time4 ,fig4 #bj4 ,the body of the crab1 with other parts1 appearing thro' the stony matter that invelopes it1 which appears to be an induration of yellow clay4 ,fig4 #ba4 seems a long ,american ,phaseolus4 ,part of the petrified husk is upon it4 ,fig4 #bb4 ,an ,american ,echinite of the flat kind1 much resembling that species which ,rumphius calls ,echinus sulcatus primus4 ,fig4 #bc4 ,arista cujusdam ,graminis4 ,this body has all the characteristics of an ear of corn1 or some species of grass1 of which there are many4 ,this has been taken for a spine of an ,echinus3 but1 as we are to consider its nearest resemblance to whatsoever body1 we must conclude it as we have said4 ,i never saw any spine in the least like it2 but an ear of corn1 ripe and dry1 is as susceptible of being petrified1 as a crustaceous animal1 in every respect4 ,indeed the spicul of the ear1 each arising from the grain1 being very slender1 are of course destroyed during the petrifaction2 but the form of the ear is actually preserved1 as much as the nature and circumstances of the thing will allow4 ,fig4 a4 ,a manifest species of ,pediculus ,marinus crumped up4 b4 ,a ,seed-vessel1 given me by ,mr4 ,da ,costa1 found in a clay-pit in ,staffordshire4 c4 ,cocculus ,indicus4 ,,lii4 ,observations upon the ,comet that appeared in the ,months of ,september and ,october #ageg1 made at the ,royal ,observatory by ,ja4 ,bradley1 ,d4,d4 ,astronomer ,royal1 ,f4,r4,s4 and ,member of the ,royal ,academy of ,sciences at ,paris4 ,read ,dec4 #bb1 #ageg4 ,i ,deferred to give an account of my observations upon the ,comet that hath lately appeared1 till ,i could settle the places of the stars with which it had been compared2 several of them not being inserted in the ,british catalogue1 and those which are1 requiring some small corrections1 which ,i have since made from my own observations4 ,when ,i first discovered this ,comet1 it appeared to the naked eye like a dull star of the #eth or #fth magnitude2 but viewing it thro' a seven-foot ,telescope1 ,i could perceive a small ,nucleus 7surrounded1 as usual1 with a nebulous atmosphere71 and a short tail extended in a direction opposite to the sun4 ,some small stars then appearing in the field of the telescope with the ,comet1 ,i measured its distance from them with a ,micrometer2 and on ,september #ab at #af #b' mean time1 ,i found it to be #a #ac' #e distant from a small star1 whose right ascension was afterwards found to be #hi #di' #dj and declination #cf #aa' #cj north3 and near the same time the ,comet was observed to be #dc' #aj from another star1 whose right ascension was #ij #bj' #j and declination #ce #ab' #j north4 ,hence ,i collected1 that the ,comet's right ascension was #hi #bi' #aj8 and its declination #ce #j' #bj north4 ,september #ac #ab #cg' mean time 7which is likewise made use of in the following observations71 the ,comet had the same right ascension with a small star1 whose right ascension was #ic #e' #cj and declination #cd #cf' #dj north2 and it was about two minutes more northerly than the star4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #ic #e' #cj and its declination #cd #ch' #dj north4 ,september #ad #ad #j' the ,comet preceded ,geminorum #a #ca' #ce8 in right ascension1 and was #aa' #ce more southerly4 ,the apparent right ascension of ,geminorum was then #ii #aa' #dj8 and its declination #cd #ac' #be north4 ,hence the right ascension of the ,comet was #ig #dj' #e and its declination #cd #a' #ej north4 ,sept4 #ag #ac #j' a small star 7whose right ascension was #aji #ee' #bj8 and declination #ca #bg' #dj7 preceded the ,comet #dg' #aj in right ascension1 and was #ab' #cj more northerly4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #aaj #db' #dj and its declination #ca #ae' #aj north4 ,sept4 #ai #ae #ag' a star 7whose right ascension was #aah #bi' #dj and declination #bh #i' #de7 preceded the ,comet #a #ad' #j in right ascension1 and was more southerly #ae' #de84 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #aai #dc' #dj and declination #bh #be' #cj north4 ,sept4 #bc #ae #eg' a star 7whose right ascension was #acd #ee' #de and declination #bb #ae' #ee north7 preceded the ,comet #ab' #cj in right ascension1 and was #bi' #j more northerly4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #ace #h' #ae and its declination #ba #df' #ee north4 ,sept4 #bd #ae #ba' the ,comet had the same declination with a small star that preceded it #aj' #ae8 in right ascension4 ,this star's right ascension was afterwards found to be #ach #ac' #de and its declination #bj #e' #bj4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #ach #bd' #j and its declination #bj #e' #bj north4 ,sept4 #bh #af #bb' the ,comet followed ,regulus #a #g' #ab in right ascension1 and was #ad' #de more northerly4 ,the right ascension of ,regulus being then #adh #ea' #ac and its declination #ac #h' #ce north2 the ,comet's right ascension was #adi #eh' #be and its declination #ac #bc' #bj north4 ,sept4 #cj #af #bd' ,leonis 7whose right ascension was #aee #j' #aj and declination #aj #cb' #ec north7 followed the ,comet #ah' #de in right ascension1 and was #g' #ec more northerly4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #aed #da' #be and its declination #aj #be' #j north4 ,october #b #af #dh' the #cgth star ,sextantis4 ,hevel4 in the ,british ,catalogue 7whose right ascension was #aeh #ba' #be and declination #g #ch' #dj north7 preceded the ,comet #cb' #ej in right ascension1 and was #c' #bj more southerly4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #aeh #ed' #ae and its declination #g #db' #j north4 ,october #c #af #de' c ,leonis 7whose right ascension was #afb #b' #ae' and declination #g #bd' #j north7 followed the ,comet #a #ab' #ee in right ascension1 and was #ef' #dj more northerly4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #afj #di' #bj and its declination #f #bg' #bj north4 ,october #d #ag #j' d ,leonis 7whose right ascension was #afb #j' #ae and declination #d #ed' #eg north7 preceded the ,comet #dj' #ae0 in right ascension1 and was more southerly #bj' #ec4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #afb #dj' #cj and its declination #e #ae' #ej north4 ,october #g #af #ed' the #gith ,leonis in the ,british ,catalogue 7whose right ascension was #afg #ec' #cg and declination #b #dd' #ae north7 followed the ,comet #ac' #j in right ascension1 and was more northerly #ch' #ce4 ,hence the ,comet's right ascension was #afg #dj' #cg and its declination #b #e' #dj north4 ,october #h #af #ec' the ,comet preceded v ,leonis #a #ec' #cj in right ascension1 and was #cg' #bj more northerly4 ,the right ascension of this star was #aga #g' #de and its declination #j #cj' #ee north2 therefore the ,comet's right ascension was #afi #ad' #ae and its declination #a #h' #ae north4 ,october #aa #af #eb' the ,comet followed v ,leonis #b #cc' #cj in right ascension1 and appeared #a #ee' #e more southerly2 but it being near the horizon1 the difference of right ascension must have been contracted by refraction about #a' #e1 and the difference of declination about #a' #cj3 so that the corrected right ascension of the ,comet was #agc #db' #bj and its declination #a #be' #dj south4 ,immediately after this observation a fog arose1 which prevented me from repeating it2 and several mornings following proving hazy or cloudy1 ,i could not see the ,comet again till ,october #ahth1 about an hour and a quarter before sun-rising2 when the twilight being strong1 and the ,comet low1 it appeared very faint4 ,however1 ,i was unwilling to omit the opportunity of determining its place1 as near as ,i could1 by a single observation1 in the following manner4 ,at #f #ei' #ed sidereal time1 ,i observed the passage of the ,comet over the perpendicular wire of my equatorial ,sector2 then leaving the instrument in the same position till the next evening1 ,i observed1 that at #bb #h' #ae sidereal time1 the #agth star of ,eridanus in the ,british ,catalogue passed over the same wire 7or horary circle7 #i' #cj more southerly than the ,comet4 ,and at #bc #de' #cf sidereal time the star marked b in ,eridanus passed1 #ai' #ee more northerly than the ,comet4 ,i found that the situation of my instrument was not sensibly altered between the #ahth and #aith of ,october2 for the transits and the difference of declination of the same stars being observed with it again on the #aith of ,october1 they agreed very well with those that were taken the preceding night4 ,it may therefore be supposed1 that the position of the instrument continued the same likewise during the time of the foregoing observations4 ,the right ascension of the #agth star of ,eridanus being #di #ci' #aj and its declination #e #ee' #be south2 and the right ascension of b of ,eridanus being #gc #ei' #ae and its declination #e #be' #aj south2 ,i collected1 that when the ,comet passed the wire 7or horary circle7 which was ,october #ag #ag #ab' mean time1 its right ascension was #ahb #cd' #j and its declination #e #de' #ce south4 ,the last time that ,i saw the ,comet was on the #aith of ,october in the morning2 but it then appeared so faint1 that ,i could not observe its place4 ,its elongation from the sun was then but about #bj degrees2 and from that day to the present it hath always been less2 which is the principal reason why it was invisible to us at the time when it was in its perihelion1 and hath remained so ever since4 ,the elongation will indeed soon become greater1 and yet it is probable that we shall not be able to see the ,comet again2 because its real distance from the sun will be greater than it was when ,i first saw it1 and it will be also four times further from us than it was at that time4 ,the ,comet kept nearly at the same distance from the earth for ten or twelve days together after ,i first saw it2 but its brightness gradually increased then1 because it was going nearer to the sun4 ,afterwards1 when its distance from the earth increased1 altho' it continued to approach the sun1 yet its lustre never much exceeded that of stars of the second magnitude1 and the tail was scarce to be discerned by the naked eye4 ,all the forementioned observations were made with a ,micrometer in a seven-foot ,tube1 excepting those of the #c;d1 #aath1 and #agth days of ,october1 which were taken with a curious ,sector constructed for such purposes by the late ingenious ,mr4 ,george ,graham2 of which ,dr4 ,smith has given a very exact description in his third book of ,optics4 ,supposing the ,trajectory of this ,comet to be parabolic1 ,i collected from the foregoing observations1 that its motion round the sun is direct1 and that it was in its perihelion ,october the #bast1 at #g #ee' mean 7or equated7 time at ,greenwich4 ,that the inclination of the plane of its ,trajectory to the ecliptic is #ab #ej' #bj2 the place of the descending ,node #d #ab' #ej2 the place of the ,perihelion #b #eh' #j2 the distance of the ,perihelion from the descending ,node #hh #de' #aj2 the ,logarithm of the ,perihelion distance #i4ebhcbh2 the ,logarithm of the diurnal motion #j4ffgfcf4 ,from these ,elements 7which are adapted to ,dr4 ,halley's general ,table for the ,motion of ,comets in parabolic ,orbits71 ,i computed the places of this ,comet for the respective times of the foregoing observations1 as in the following table2 which contains likewise the longitudes and latitudes deduced from the observed right ascensions and declinations1 and also the differences between the computed and observed places4 ,these differences 7no-where exceeding #dj7 shew1 that the elements here set down will be sufficient to enable future astronomers to distinguish this ,comet upon another return2 but as they do not correspond with the elements of the orbit of any other ,comet hitherto taken notice of1 we cannot determine at present the period thereof4 ,greenwich1 #ageg4 ,comet4 ,long4 ,mean ,time4 ,observ4 ,latit4 ,observ4 ---------------------------------------- ------- d4 h4 ' ,s4 ' ' ---------------------------------------- ------- ,sept4 #ab #af #b #bi #cd #ac #aa #cb #af ,no4 #ac #ab #cg #b #ce #cd #aa #ab #ac #ad #ad #j #f #bg #de #aj #dd #c ---------------------------------------- ------ #ag #ac #j #ag #di #dj #i #c #ca #ai #ae #ag #bf #f #h #g #cf #di #bc #ae #eg #aa #ai #ah #d #cc #ch ---------------------------------------- ------ #bd #ae #ba #ad #dd #ai #c #di #cg #bh #af #bb #bg #bc #dc #a #c #dd ,no4 #cj #af #bd #b #de #dc #j #e #cj ,so4 ---------------------------------------- ------ ,octob4 #b #af #dh #g #cg #dc #a #e #ej #c #af #de #i #ea #cf #a #cb #bb #d #ag #j #ab #a #d #a #ef #db ---------------------------------------- ------ #g #af #ed #ag #ea #c #b #ef #dh #h #af #ec #ai #ci #de #c #ac #g #aa #af #eb #bd #dg #bb #c #dh #di #ag #ag #ab #d #ch #eh #d #ae #db ,so4 ,greenwich1 #ageg4 ,diff4 ,diff4 ,mean ,time4 ,long4 ,comp4 ,latit4 ,comput4 ,long4 ,latit4 ---------------------------------------- ---------------------- d4 h4 ' ,s4 ' ' ---------------------------------------- ---------------------- ,sept4 #ab #af #b #bi #cd #aa #aa #cb #bj ,no4 -#b #d #ac #ab #cg #b #ce #dg #aa #ab #aa #ac -#b #ad #ad #j #f #bg #db #aj #dc #dc -#c -#bj ---------------------------------------- ---------------------- #ag #ac #j #ag #ej #af #i #c #aa #cf -#bj #ai #ae #ag #bf #e #ej #g #cf #cj -#ah -#ai #bc #ae #eg #aa #ai #d #d #cc #cb -#ad -#f ---------------------------------------- ---------------------- #bd #ae #ba #ad #dd #c #c #di #ci -#af #b #bh #af #bb #bg #bc #cb #a #c #eb ,no4 -#aa #h #cj #af #bd #b #de #ci #j #e #ag ,so4 -#d -#ac ---------------------------------------- ---------------------- ,octob4 #b #af #dh #g #cg #db #a #e #cb -#a -#ah #c #af #de #i #ea #bi #a #ca #ee -#g -#bg #d #ag #j #ab #j #be #a #ef #bc -#ci -#ai ---------------------------------------- --------------------- #g #af #ed #ag #ea #f #b #ef #bd #c -#bd #h #af #ec #ai #ci #cc #c #ab #bh -#ab -#ci #aa #af #eb #bd #dg #dg #c #di #bi #be #dj #ag #ag #ab #d #ch #cf #d #ae #b ,so4 -#bb -#dj ,,liii4 ,the ,resolution of a ,general ,proposition for ,determining the horary ,alteration of the ,position of the ,terrestrial ,equator1 from the ,attraction of the ,sun and ,moon3 ,with some ,remarks on the ,solutions given by other ,authors to that difficult and important ,problem4 ,by ,mr4 ,tho4 ,simpson1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,dec4 #bb1 #ageg4 ,,since the time1 that that excellent ,astronomer1 my much honoured friend ,dr4 ,bradley1 published his observations and discoveries concerning the inequalities of the precession of the equinox1 and of the obliquity of the ecliptic1 depending on the position of the lunar nodes1 mathematicians1 in different parts of ,europe1 have set themselves diligently to compute1 from physical principles1 the effects produced by the sun and moon1 in the position of the terrestrial equator2 and to examine whether these effects do really correspond with the observations4 ,two papers on this subject have already appeared in the ,philosophical ,transactions2 in which the authors have shewn evident marks of skill and penetration4 ,there is1 nevertheless1 one part of the subject1 that seems to have been passed over without a due degree of attention1 as well by both those gentlemen1 as by ,sir ,isaac ,newton himself4 ,this part1 which1 upon account of physical difficulties1 is indeed somewhat slippery and perplexing1 ,i shall make the principal subject of this essay4 ,,general ,,proposition4 ,supposing an homogeneous sphere ,,oabcd 7,fig4 #a47 revolving uniformly about its centre1 to be acted on at the extremity ,a of the radius ,,oa1 in a direction ,,al perpendicular to the plane of the equator ,,abcd1 and parallel to the axis of rotation ,pp1 by a given force1 tending to generate a new motion of rotation at right angles to the former2 ,it is proposed to determine the change1 that will arise in the direction of the rotation in consequence of the said force4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #a4 ,let ,f denote the given force1 whereby the motion about the axis ,pp is disturbed1 supposing f to represent the centrifugal force of a small particle of matter in the circumference of the equator1 arising from the sphere's rotation2 and let the whole number of such particles1 or the content of the sphere1 be denoted by c3 let also the momentum of rotation of the whole sphere1 or of all the particles1 be supposed1 in proportion to the momentum of an equal number of particles1 revolving at the distance ,,oa of the remotest point ,a1 as n is to unity4 ,it is well known1 that the centripetal force1 whereby any body is made to revolve in the circumference of a circle1 is such1 as is sufficient to generate all the motion in the body1 in a time equal to that1 wherein the body describes an arch of the circumference1 equal in length to the radius4 ,therefore1 if we here take the arch ,,ar ,,oa1 and assume m to express the time1 in which that arch would be uniformly described by the point ,a1 the motion of a particle of matter at ,a 7whose central force is represented by f7 will be equal to that1 which might be uniformly generated by the force f1 in the time m2 and the motion of as many particles 7revolving1 all1 at the same distance7 as are expressed by cn 7which1 by hypothesis1 is equal to the momentum of the whole body71 will1 consequently1 be equal to the momentum1 that might be generated by the force f cn1 in the same time m4 ,whence it appears1 that the momentum of the whole body about its axe ,pp is in proportion to the momentum generated in a given particle of time m'1 by the given force ,f in the direction ,,al1 as ncf m is to ,f m'1 or1 as unity to 7,f_/ncf7 7m'_/m7 7because the quantities of motion produced by unequal forces1 in unequal times1 are in the ratio of the forces and of the times1 conjunctly74 ,let1 therefore1 ,,al be taken in proportion to ,,am1 as 7,f_/ncf7 7m'_/m7 is to unity 7supposing ,,am to be a tangent to the circle ,,abcd in ,a71 and let the parallelogram ,,amnl be compleated2 drawing also the diagonal ,,an2 then1 by the composition of forces1 the angle ,,nam 7whose tangent1 to the radius ,,oa1 is expressed by ,,oa 7,f_/ncf7 7m'_/m77 will be the change of the direction of the rotation1 at the end of the aforesaid time 7m'74 ,but1 this angle being exceeding small1 the tangent may be taken to represent the measure of the angle itself2 and1 if ,z be assumed to represent the arch described by ,a1 in the same time 7m'7 about the center ,o1 we shall also have 7m'_/m7 7,z_/,,ar7 7,z_/,,ao71 and consequently ,,oa 7,f_/ncf7 x 7m_/m'7 ,z 7,f_/ncf74 ,from whence it appears1 that the angle expressing the change of the direction of the rotation1 during any small particle of time1 will be in proportion to the angle described about the axe of rotation in the same time1 as ,f_/ncf is to unity4 ,q4,e4,i4 ,altho'1 in the preceding proposition1 the body is supposed to be a perfect sphere1 the solution1 nevertheless1 holds equally true in every other species of figures1 as is manifest from the investigation4 ,it is true1 indeed1 that the value of n will not be the same in these cases1 even supposing those of c1 f and ,f to remain unchanged2 except in the spheroid only1 where1 as well as in the sphere1 n will be 2 the momentum of any spheroid about its axis being #b-eths of the momentum of an equal quantity of matter placed in the circumference of the equator1 as is very easy to demonstrate4 ,but to shew now the use and application of the general proportion here derived1 in determining the regress of the equinoctial points of the terrestrial spheroid1 let ,,aea,f 7,fig4 #b47 be the equator1 and ,pp the axis of the spheroid3 also let ,,hecf represent the plane of the ecliptic1 ,s the place of the sun1 and ,,hapnh the plane of the sun's declination1 making right-angles with the plane of the equator ,,aea,f3 then1 if ,,ak be supposed parallel1 and ,,okm perpendicular1 to ,,os1 and there be assumed ,t and t to express the respective times of the annual and diurnal revolutions of the earth1 it will appear 7from the ,principia1 ,b4 ,,iii4 prop4 xxv47 that the force1 with which a particle of matter at ,a tends to recede from the line ,,om in consequence of the sun's attraction1 will be expressed by 7#ctt_/,,tt7 7,,ak_/,,oa7 f2 f denoting the centrifugal force of the same particle1 arising from the diurnal rotation4 ,hence1 by the resolution of forces1 7#ctt_/,,tt7 7,,ak_/,,oa7 7,,ok_/,,oa7 f will be the effect of that particle1 in a direction perpendicular to ,,oa1 to turn the earth about its center ,o4 ,illustration3 ,,fig4 #b4 ,but it is demonstrated by ,sir ,isaac ,newton1 and by other authors1 that the force of all the particles1 or of all the matter in the whole spheroid ,,ap ap1 to turn it about its center1 is equal to th of the force of a quantity of matter1 placed at ,a1 equal to the excess of the matter in the whole spheroid above that in the inscribed sphere1 whose axis is ,pp4 ,now this excess 7assuming the ratio of to #a1 to express that of the area of a circle to the square of the radius7 will be truly represented by 7#d_/c7 ,,op 7,,oa - ,,op72 and1 consequently1 the force of all the matter in the whole earth1 by 7#ctt_/,,tt7 7,,ak_/,,oa7 7,,ok_/,,oa7 7#d_/ae7 ,,op 7,,oa- ,,op74 ,let1 therefore1 this quantity be now substituted for ,f1 in the general formula ,f_/ncf1 writing1 at the same time1 7#d_/c7 ,,oa ,,op1 and 1 in the place of their equals c and n2 by which means we have 7here7 7,f_/ncf7 7#ctt_/#b,,tt7 77,,oa - ,,op7_/,,oa7 77,,ak ,,ok7_/,,oa74 ,put the given quantity 7#ctt_/#b,,tt7 77,,oa - ,,op7_/,,oa7 k2 and let the angle ,,eae represent the horary alteration of the position of the terrestrial equator1 arising from the force ,f 7here determined71 and let the arch ,ee be the regress of the equinoctial point ,e1 corresponding thereto3 then1 in the triangle ,,eae 7considered as spherical7 it will be sin4 e sin4 ,,ae 7 sin4 ,,eae3 sin4 ,ee7 ,,eae ,ee 7 7sin4 ,,ae x ,,eae7_/sin4 ,e7 k 7sin4 ,,ae_/sin4 ,e7 77,,ak ,,ok7_/,,oa7 k 77sin4 ,,ae cos4 ,,ah sin4 ,,ah7_/sin4 ,e74 ,but in the triangle ,,eha1 right-angled at ,a 7where ,,ha is supposed to represent the sun's declination1 ,,ae his right ascension1 and ,,he his distance from the equinoctial point ,e#bjg7 we have 7per spherics7 sin4 ,,ae #a 7rad47 co-t4 ,e co-t4 ,,ah1 7sin4 ,,ah7 7sin4 ,,eh7 7sin4 ,e7 #a 7rad47 ,from whence we get1 sin4 ,,ae co-t4 ,,ah 7sin4 ,,ah7 7sin4 ,,eh7 co-t4 ,e 7sin4 ,e74 ,but co-t4 ,,ah sin4 ,,ah co-s4 ,,ah #a 7rad471 and co-t4 ,e sin4 ,e co-s4 ,e #a 7rad473 therefore sin4 ,,ae co-s4 ,,ah sin4 ,,ah 7sin4 ,,eh7 co-s4 ,e sin4 ,e2 and1 consequently1 k 7sin4 ,,ae co-s4 ,,ah sin4 ,,ah7_/sin4 ,e k co-s4 ,e 7sin4 ,,eh7 7 ,ee74 ,let1 now1 the sun's longitude ,,eh be denoted by ,z 7considered as a flowing quantity72 then1 7sin4 ,z7 being - co-s4 #b ,z1 we shall have k co-s4 ,e 7sin4 ,,eh7 k co-s4 ,e #a-;co-s4 #b ,z4 ,but the angle described about the axe of rotation ,pp1 in the time that the sun's longitude is augmented by the particle 1 will be 7,t_/t7 4 ,therefore 7by the general proposition7 we have1 as #a3 k co-s4 ,e #a-;co-s4 #b ,z 7,t_/t7 3 k 7,t_/t7 co-s4 ,e - co-s4 #b ,z1 the true regress of the equinoctial point ,e1 during that time3 whose fluent1 k 7,t_/t7 co-s4 ,e 7,z- sin4 #b ,z71 will consequently be the total regress of the point ,e1 in the time that the sun1 by his apparent motion1 describes the arch ,,he or ,z2 which1 on the sun's arrival at the solstice1 becomes barely k 7,t_/t7 co-s4 ,e an arch of #ij3 the quadruple whereof1 or k 7,t_/t7 co-s4 ,e #cfj 7 7#ct_/#d,t7 77,,oa-,,op7_/,,oa7 co-s4 ,e #cfj7 is therefore the whole annual precession of the equinox caused by the sun4 ,this1 in numbers 7taking ,,op_/,,oa #bbi_/bcj7 comes out 7#c_/7d #cff77 7#b_/bcj7 #j4iagagf #cfj #ba #f4 ,the very ingenious ,m4 ,silvabelle1 in his essay on this subject1 inserted in the #dhth volume of the ,philosophical ,transactions1 makes the quantity of the annual precession of the equinox1 caused by the sun1 to be the half1 only1 of what is here determined4 ,but this gentleman appears to have fallen into a twofold mistake4 ,first1 in finding the momenta of rotation of the terrestrial spheroid1 and of a very slender ring1 at the equator thereof2 which momenta he refers to an axis perpendicular to the plane of the sun's declination1 instead of the proper axe of rotation1 standing at right angles to the plane of the equator4 ,the difference1 indeed1 arising from thence1 with respect to the spheroid 7by reason of its near approach to a sphere7 will be inconsiderable2 but1 in the ring1 the case will be quite otherwise2 the equinoctial points thereof being made to recede just twice as fast as they ought to do4 ,this may seem the more strange1 if regard be had to the conclusions1 relating to the nodes of a satellite1 derived from this very assumption4 ,but1 that these conclusions are true1 is owing to a second1 or subsequent mistake1 at ,art4 #bg2 where the measure of the sun's force is taken the half1 only1 of the true value2 by means whereof the motion of the equinoctial points of the ring is reduced to its proper quantity1 and the motion of the equinoctial points of the terrestrial spheroid1 to the half of what it ought to be4 ,that expert geometrician ,m4 ,cha4 ,walmsley1 in his ,essay on the ,precession of the ,equinox1 printed in the last volume of the ,philosophical ,transactions1 has judiciously avoided all mistakes of this last kind1 respecting the sun's force1 by pursuing the method1 pointed out by ,sir ,isaac ,newton2 but1 in determining the effect of that force1 has fallen into others1 not less considerable than those above adverted to4 ,in his third ,lemma1 the momentum of the whole ,earth1 about its diameter1 is computed on a supposition1 that the momentum or force of each particle is proportional to its distance from the axis of motion1 or barely as the quantity of motion in such particle1 considered abstractedly4 ,no regard is1 therefore1 had to the lengths of the unequal levers1 whereby the particles are supposed to receive and communicate their motion3 which1 without doubt1 ought to have been included in the consideration4 ,in his first proposition1 he determines1 in a very ingenious and concise manner1 the true annual motion of the nodes of a ring 7or of a single satellite7 at the earth's equator1 revolving with the earth itself1 about its center1 in the time of one siderial day4 ,this motion he finds to be 7#c;co-s4 #bc #bi_/d rad47 7#cff7 #cfj4 ,then1 in order to infer from thence1 the motion of the equinoctial points of the earth itself1 he1 first1 diminishes that quantity1 in the ratio of #b to #e3 ,because 7as is demonstrated by ,sir ,isaac ,newton in his #b;d ,lemma7 the whole force of all the particles situated without the surface of a sphere1 inscribed in the spheroid1 to turn the body about its center1 will be only #b-eths of the force of an equal number of particles uniformly disposed round the whole circumference of the equator1 in the fashion of a ring4 ,the quantity 77#c;co-s4 #bc #bi_/d rad47 7#cff7 #cfj7 thus arising1 will1 therefore1 express the true motion of the equinoctial points of a ring1 equal in quantity of matter to the excess of the whole earth above the inscribed sphere1 when the force whereby the ring tends to turn about its diameter is supposed equal to the force whereby the earth itself tends to turn about the same diameter1 in consequence of the sun's attraction4 ,thus far our author agrees with ,sir ,isaac ,newton2 but1 in deriving from hence the motion of the equinoctial points of the earth itself1 he differs from him2 and1 in the corollary to his third ,lemma1 assigns the reasons1 why he thinks ,sir ,isaac ,newton1 in this particular1 has wandered a little from the truth4 ,instead of diminishing the quantity above exhibited 7as ,sir ,isaac has done7 in the ratio of all the motion in the ring to the motion in the whole earth1 he diminishes it in the ratio of the motion of all the matter above the surface of the inscribed sphere to the motion of the whole earth3 which matter1 tho' equal to that of the ring1 has nevertheless a different momentum1 arising from the different situation of the particles in respect to the axis of motion4 ,but since the aforesaid quantity1 from whence the motion of the earth's equinox is derived1 as well by this gentleman1 as by ,sir ,isaac ,newton1 expresses truly the annual regress of the equinoctial points of the ring 7and not of the hollow figure formed by the said matter1 which is greater1 in the ratio of #e to #d7 it seems1 at least1 as reasonable to suppose1 that the said quantity1 to obtain from thence the true regress of the equinoctial points of the earth1 ought to be diminished in the former of the two ratios above specified1 as that it should be diminished in the latter4 ,but1 indeed1 both these ways are defective1 even supposing the momenta to have been truly computed2 the ratio1 that ought to be used here1 being that of the momenta of the ring and earth about the proper axe of rotation of the two figures1 standing at right-angles to the plane of the ring and of the equator4 ,now this ratio1 by a very easy computation1 is found to be as #bcj-bbi to of #bcj2 whence the quantity sought comes out 7#c;co-s4 #bc #bi_/d rad47 7#cff7 7#bcj-bbi7_/bcj #cfj #ba #f3 which is the same that we before found it to be1 and the double of what this author makes it4 ,what has been said hitherto1 relates to that part of the motion only1 arising from the force of the sun4 ,it will be but justice to observe here1 that the effect of the moon1 and the inequalities depending on the position of her nodes1 are truly assigned by both the gentlemen above-named2 the ratio of the diameters of the earth1 and the density of the moon being so assumed1 as to give the maxima of those inequalities1 such as the observations require3 in consequence whereof1 and from the law of the increase and decrease 7which is rightly determined by theory1 tho' the absolute quantity is not7 a true solution1 in every other circumstance1 is obtained4 ,the freedom1 with which ,i have expressed myself1 and the liberty ,i have here taken1 to animadvert on the works of men1 who1 in many places1 have given incontestible proofs of skill and genius1 may1 ,i fear1 stand in need of some apology4 ',tis possible ,i may be thought too peremptory4 ,indeed1 ,i might have delivered my sentiments with more caution and address3 but1 had not ,i imagined myself quite clear in what has been advanced1 from a multitude of concurrent reasons1 ,i should have thought it too great a presumption to have said any thing at all here1 on this subject4 ,the great regard ,i have for this ,society1 of which ,i have the honour to be a member1 will1 ,i hope1 be considered as the motive for my having attempted to rectify some oversights1 that have occurred in the works of this learned body4 ,,liv4 ,remarks upon the ,heat of the ,air in ,july #ageg4 in an ,extract of a ,letter from ,john ,huxham1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,william ,watson1 ,m4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 dated at ,plymouth #aith of that ,month4 ,with additional ,remarks by ,dr4 ,watson4 ,read ,dec4 #bb1 #ageg4 8,,from the beginning of ,june last we have had a very dry season1 generally very warm1 and sometimes excessively hot4 ,from the #gth to the #adth of this month the heat was violent2 greater1 indeed1 than has been known here in the memory of man4 ,i have talked with several persons1 who have lived a considerable time in ,jamaica1 ,gibraltar1 and ,minorca2 and they severally assert1 that they never felt such intense heat in any of those places4 ,upon the #aath1 #abth1 and #acth of this month1 ,fahrenheit's thermometer1 in the shade1 about three o'clock in the afternoon1 was at #hg2 nay1 upon the #abth it was even above #hh4 ,abundance of people have suffered very severely from these excessive heats3 putrid1 bilious1 petechial1 nervous fevers1 are exceedingly common every-where4 ,dysenteries1 hmorrhages1 most profuse sweats1 affect not only those in fevers1 but a vast many others4 ,the days and nights were so intolerably hot1 that little or no sleep was to be gotten day or night4 ,the wind we had1 like the ,campsin1 actually blew hot1 tho' strong4 ,upon the #aeth1 about seven at night1 at ,falmouth1 ,penryn1 ,truro1 and thereabouts1 a pretty smart shock of an earthquake was felt1 attended with a hollow rumbling noise1 throwing down pewter1 china-ware1 and such-like4 ,the tinners felt it eighty fathom under ground4 ,no great damage however was done4 ,the day before we had1 about eleven o'clock before noon1 a most violent hurricane1 which lasted five or six minutes1 attended with a heavy shower40 ,thus far ,dr4 ,huxham4 ,the heat of the air at ,london1 during the period above-mentioned1 was much greater than has been usually observed in these high latitudes2 tho' it was never quite so severe here as at ,plymouth4 ,the following table exhibits the degrees of the heat1 taken here upon the respective days1 about four o'clock in the afternoon1 by a ,fahrenheit's thermometer4 ,the instrument was placed in the shade2 and the accuracy of the observer1 who favoured me with his minutes1 is not to be questioned4 #ageg4 ,july #e #ge #f #gh #g #ge #h #gh #aj #hj #aa #hc #ab #hj #ac #hj #ad #he #ae #ha #af #gc ,from hence it appears1 that the air at ,london was1 upon several days1 hotter than it had been observed at ,madeira for ten years together3 for1 by ,dr4 ,thomas ,heberden's observations1 mentioned in the ,philosophical ,transactions1 the heat of the air at ,madeira1 during that period1 was never but once at #hj4 ,william ,watson4 ,,lv4 ,remarks upon the ,letter of ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 to ,philip ,carteret ,webb1 ,esq2 ,f4,r4,s4 printed in the ,philosophical ,transactions1 ,vol4 xlix4 ,part ii4 p4 #hjf4 ,by ,mr4 ,philip ,miller1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,dec4 #ae1 #ageg4 ,,the paper of mine1 which was read before the ,royal ,society on the #hth of ,may #agee1 and afterward printed in the xlixth volume of the ,philosophical ,transactions#bjh1 was written at the request of ,mr4 ,watson2 who informed me1 that a letter from the ,abb ,mazeas to the reverend ,dr4 ,hales had been communicated to the ,royal ,society1 in which it was mentioned1 that the ,abb ,sauvages had made a discovery of the juice of the ,carolina ,toxicodendron staining linen of a permanent black4 ,but ,mr4 ,watson said1 that the letter1 he thought1 required a careful perusal before it was printed2 and he wished ,i would confirm it4 ,i told him1 if the letter was put into my hands1 ,i would look it over1 and deliver my opinion of it4 ,accordingly ,dr4 ,birch delivered the letter to me2 and1 upon reading it1 ,i found1 that tho' this might be a discovery to those two gentlemen2 yet1 as it had been mentioned in several printed books long before1 ,i thought it might not be for the reputation of the ,royal ,society to have it printed as such in their ,transactions4 ,this was my motive for writing that paper3 in which ,i have not endeavoured to depreciate the discovery of the ,abb ,sauvages1 but have only mentioned what had occurred to me in those books of botany1 where that shrub is taken notice of4 ,and as the knowlege of it1 and the method of collecting the varnish1 might be of service to the inhabitants of the ,british colonies in ,america1 ,i took the liberty of adding the account given of it by ,dr4 ,kmpfer4 ,mr4 ,ellis1 in his letter to ,mr4 ,webb1 asserts1 that the ,american ,toxicodendron is not the same with ,kmpfer's ,arbor vernicifera legitima4 ,this assertion of his makes it necessary to lay before the ,society the authorities1 upon which ,i have grounded my belief1 that they are the same4 ,but it may not be amiss first to take notice1 that the shrub mentioned by the ,abb ,sauvages is the same with that1 which the gardeners about ,london call the ,poison-ash4 ,the title of it1 mentioned by the ,abb ,sauvages1 was given by myself to that shrub1 in a catalogue of trees and shrubs1 which was printed in the year #agcj2 before which it had no generical title applied to it4 ,and about the same time ,i sent several of the plants to ,paris and ,holland with that title1 which ,i had raised a few years before from seeds1 which were sent by ,mr4 ,catesby from ,carolina4 ,and altho' this shrub had not been reduced to any genus before1 yet it had been some years growing in the gardens of the ,bishop of ,london at ,fulham1 at ,mr4 ,reynardson's at ,hillenden1 ,mr4 ,darby's at ,hoxton1 and in the ,chelsea garden1 which were raised from seeds sent by ,mr4 ,banister from ,virginia2 two of which were growing at ,chelsea in the year #agbb1 when the care of that ,garden was intrusted to me4 ,the first intimation ,i had of the ,american shrub being the same with ,dr4 ,kmpfer's true varnish-tree1 was from the late ,dr4 ,william ,sherard1 in the year #agbf1 when that gentleman desired me to bring him a specimen of the ,american ,toxicodendron from the ,chelsea garden2 which ,i accordingly did3 and then the ,doctor1 and ,dr4 ,dillenius1 compared it with a dried specimen in the collection of the former1 which was gathered in ,japan1 and which1 if ,i remember right1 he told me he received from ,dr4 ,kmpfer some years before4 ,it appeared to those two gentlemen1 that they were the same2 and their skill in the science of botany was never doubted4 ,about a year after this1 ,i carried a specimen of the ,american ,toxicodendron to an annual meeting of some botanists at ,sir ,hans ,sloane's in ,bloomsbury2 where there were present ,mr4 ,dale of ,braintree1 ,mr4 ,joseph ,miller1 ,mr4 ,rand1 and some others2 which was then compared with ,dr4 ,kmpfer's specimen1 whose collection ,sir ,hans ,sloane had purchased3 and it was the opinion of every one present1 that they were the same4 ,nor has any one doubted of their being so1 who has compared the ,american shrub with ,kmpfer's figure and description of his true varnish-tree1 but ,mr4 ,ellis4 ,and now give me leave to examine his reasons for differing in opinion from every late botanist1 who has mentioned this shrub4 ,he says1 that the midrib1 which supports the lobe leaves1 is quite smooth in the poison-ash1 as is also the under side of the leaves2 whereas ,dr4 ,kmpfer1 in his description of the midrib of the true varnish-tree1 calls it lviter lanuginoso2 and in his description of the lobes or pinn he says1 they are basi inequaliter rotunda2 whereas those of the poison-ash come to a point at their footstalks nearly equal to that at the top4 ,these characters1 ,mr4 ,ellis thinks1 are sufficient to prove1 that they are different plants3 and he blames ,dr4 ,dillenius for having omitted these necessary characters in his description of it2 and supposes this must have misled the accurate ,linnus1 who quotes his synonyma4 ,but as ,dr4 ,linnus is possessed of ,kmpfer's book1 he would little have deserved the appellation of accurate in this particular1 had he not consulted the original1 but trusted to a copy4 ,but this ,i know he has done1 and is as well assured1 that the plants in question are the same1 as ,mr4 ,ellis can be of the contrary4 ,but here ,i must observe1 that the branch1 from which ,dr4 ,kmpfer's figure is taken1 is produced from the lower part of a stem1 which seems to have been cut down1 and not from a flowering branch2 and it is not improbable1 that his description may have been taken from the same branch3 and if this be the case1 it is easy to account for the minute differences mentioned by ,mr4 ,ellis2 for it would not be difficult to produce instances of hundreds of different trees and shrubs1 whose lower and upper branches differ much more in the particulars mentioned by ,mr4 ,ellis1 than the figure and description given by ,kmpfer do from the ,american ,toxicodendron4 ,i will only mention two of the most obvious3 the first is the white poplar1 whose shoots from the lower part of the stem1 and the suckers from the root1 are garnished with leaves very different in form and size from those on the upper branches1 and are covered on both sides in the spring with a woolly down4 ,the next is the willow with smooth leaves1 which1 if a standard1 and the head lopped off1 as is usual1 the young shoots are garnished with leaves much broader1 and of different forms from those on the older branches2 and these have frequently a hairy down on their under surface1 which does not appear on those of the older4 ,so that a person unacquainted with these differences in the same tree would suppose they were different4 ,and the ,american ,toxicodendron has varied in these particulars much more1 in different seasons1 than what ,mr4 ,ellis has mentioned4 ,mr4 ,ellis next says1 that the ,toxicodendron mentioned by ,mr4 ,catesby1 in his ,natural ,history of ,carolina1 is not the same with that1 which is now called by the gardeners poison-ash3 but ,i am very positive of the contrary2 for most of the plants in the nursery-gardens about ,london were first raised from the seeds1 which were sent by ,mr4 ,catesby from ,carolina2 part of which were sent to the late ,dr4 ,sherard1 as is mentioned by him in the ,philosophical ,transactions1 ,n4 #cfg2 and another part came to my hands1 from which ,i raised a great many of the plants1 which were distributed1 and some of them are now growing in the ,chelsea garden4 ,and that this shrub grows naturally in ,carolina1 ,i can have no doubt1 having received the seeds of it two or three times from the late ,dr4 ,dale1 who gathered them in the woods of that country4 ,in my paper above-mentioned ,i likewise observed1 that the seeds1 which were sent to the ,royal ,society by ,father ,d',incarville1 for those of the true varnish-tree1 did not prove to be so2 but the plants1 which were raised from them1 were taken to be referred to the spurious varnish-tree of ,kmpfer2 which ,i believed to be the same1 and own1 that it is yet my opinion1 notwithstanding what ,mr4 ,ellis has said to the contrary3 for the number of lobes or pinn on each leaf1 with their manner of arrangement on the midrib1 are the same4 ,and here we must observe1 that the figure of this given by ,kmpfer is from a flowering branch2 and every gardener or botanist must know1 that the leaves1 which are situated immediately below the flowers of most winged-leaved plants1 have fewer lobes or pinn1 than those on the lower branches3 therefore ,i must suppose it to be the case in this plant2 and from thence1 with some other observations which ,i made on the seeds1 ,i have asserted it to be the wild or spurious varnish-tree of ,kmpfer4 ,but ,mr4 ,ellis is of a contrary opinion1 because the base of the lobes of those plants1 which were raised from ,father ,d',incarville's seeds1 are rounded and indented like two ears4 ,in ,dr4 ,kmpfer's figure and description of the fasi-no-ki1 the leaves are intire1 and come to a point at their base4 ,here ,i think ,mr4 ,ellis is a little too hasty in giving his opinion1 as he has not seen this plant in the state1 that the branch was1 from which ,kmpfer's figure was taken4 ,for as there are often such apparent differences between the leaves on the lower branches of trees1 and those which are at their extremities1 as that in the descriptive titles of the species ,dr4 ,linnus frequently uses them to distinguish one from another2 so in making the same allowance for the plant in question1 ,i cannot help thinking that ,i am in the right1 and must abide by my opinion1 till the plants1 which have been raised from ,father ,d',incarville's seeds1 have flowered1 to convince me of the contrary4 ,however1 ,i cannot help observing1 that ,mr4 ,ellis has given a title to this shrub before he had seen any of the characters1 which are necessary to determine the genus4 ,and ,i have pretty good reason to believe it should not be joined to the ,rhus2 for the three seeds1 which ,i received from the ,royal ,society1 were shaped like a wedge1 being thicker on one edge than the other1 and not unlike those of the beech-tree1 as ,i noted in my catalogue when ,i sowed them2 and1 by their structure1 seemed as if the three seeds had been inclosed in the same capsule4 ,if it proves so1 this will by no means agree with the characters of ,rhus2 especially if the male flowers should grow upon different plants from the fruit1 which is what ,i suspect4 ,nor can ,i agree with ,dr4 ,linnus in this particular of joining all the species of ,toxicodendron to the genus of ,rhus1 many of which have their male flowers growing upon different plants from the fruit2 and therefore would more properly come into his twenty-second class of ,dioecia1 than his fifth of ,pentandria1 into which he ranges the ,rhus4 ,at the bottom of the characters of that genus he has added a note1 to shew the varnish-tree is so4 ,but as there are several other species which agree in this essential character of distinction2 so1 according to the ,linnan system1 they should be separated from the ,rhus1 with another generical title4 ,mr4 ,ellis observes1 upon the poetical description1 which he lays ,kmpfer has given of the leaves of the wild varnish-tree turning red in the autumn1 that he had not found it to be the case of the tree growing in the stove at ,busbridge4 ,how it appeared in that situation1 ,i know not2 but the leaves of all those1 which are growing in the ,chelsea garden1 and stand in the open air1 do constantly change to a purple colour in the autumn1 before they fall off from the shrub3 but those of the true varnish-tree are much more remarkable for the deepness of their colour4 ,mr4 ,ellis says1 he had received a letter from ,dr4 ,sibthorp1 professor of botany at ,oxford1 in which the ,doctor informs him1 that there is no specimen of the true varnish-tree in the ,sherardian collection at ,oxford2 but that there is one of fasi-no-ki1 or spurious varnish-tree of ,kmpfer4 ,how the ,doctor could write so1 ,i cannot conceive2 for ,i am very sure there was no specimen of the latter in that collection while it remained in ,london1 having myself often viewed that part of it3 and sure ,i am1 ,dr4 ,dillenius never added that synonym to the former3 and ,i do believe the latter was no other way known in ,europe1 than by ,kmpfer's figure and description of it1 excepting that specimen of ,kmpfer's now in the ,british ,museum4 ,but1 to confirm what ,i have before said1 of ,dr4 ,sherard's having a specimen of the true varnish-tree1 ,i beg leave to quote what ,dr4 ,dillenius has written in the ,hortus ,elthamensis2 where1 after having described the ,american ,toxicodendron1 he says1 ,ceterum historiam vernicifer arboris ,japoni1 diligenter et accurate more suo exsequutus est laudatus ,kmpferius1 cujus et descriptio et figura1 quin et planta sicca1 qu in ,japonia lecta servatur in phytophylacio ,sherardino1 nostr huic speciei examussim quadrat3 id tantum1 sexus nempe differentia1 prtervisa fuit auctori3 quoniam autem ille liber non in omnium his in locis1 multo minus in ,america1 manibus versatur1 non alienum videtur1 si qui1 quorum interest1 hc legerint1 ut norint1 qu ille de collectione preparatione vernicis illius habet1 hoc loco transcribere4 ,then he goes on transcribing from ,kmpfer the manner1 in which it is collected4 ,after this1 ,i find ,mr4 ,ellis is inclinable to think1 that the poison-ash1 as it is called by the gardeners1 is the same with the fasi-no-ki1 or spurious varnish-tree of ,kmpfer4 ,the difference between these shrubs does not consist in small and minute particulars1 but the most obvious striking marks of distinction appear at first sight2 for the poison-ash has rarely more than three or four pair of lobes to each leaf1 terminated by an odd one3 in which particular it agrees with the true varnish-tree of ,kmpfer2 whereas in the figure1 which ,kmpfer has given of the spurious varnish-tree1 the leaves have seven or eight pair of lobes terminated by an odd one3 and this figure1 as ,i before observed1 is drawn from a flowering branch4 ,every one1 who is the least acquainted with these things1 knows1 that the leaves immediately below the flowers are considerably less than those on the lower part of the branches3 therefore this is a more essential note of distinction than those mentioned by ,mr4 ,ellis4 ,i must also observe1 that ,mr4 ,ellis would suggest1 that ,i supposed these two shrubs were only varieties of each other produced by culture3 whereas it must appear to every one1 who reads my paper1 that my intention in mentioning the spurious varnish-tree was to shew it was different from ,kmpfer's true varnish-tree1 altho' ,kmpfer supposes otherwise4 ,for the satisfaction of the curious1 ,i have added a leaf of each shrub1 which are now growing in the ,chelsea garden1 that if any person has the curiosity1 they may compare them with ,kmpfer's4 ,in my paper ,i took notice1 that one of the best kinds of varnish was collected from the ,anacardium in ,japan2 and recommended it to the inhabitants of the ,british islands in ,america1 to make trial of the occidental ,anacardium1 or ,cashew-nut tree1 which abounds in those islands4 ,this has occasioned ,mr4 ,ellis to take great pains to shew1 that the eastern and western ,anacardium were different trees3 a fact1 which was well known to every botanist before2 and of which ,i could not be ignorant1 having been possessed of both sorts near thirty years4 ,but as ,i was assured1 from many repeated experiments1 that the milky juice1 with which every part of the ,cashew-tree abounds1 would stain linen with as permanent a black as that of the oriental ,anacardium2 so ,i just hinted1 that it was worth the trial4 ,nor was my hint grounded on those experiments only1 but on the informations ,i had received from persons of the best credit1 who had resided long in the ,american islands1 that people are very careful to keep their linen at a distance from those trees1 well knowing1 that if a drop of the juice fell upon it1 they could never wash out the stain4 ,but ,mr4 ,ellis1 in order to prove that this tree has no such quality of staining1 says1 he has made some experiments on the caustic oil1 with which the shell or cover of the ,cashew-nut abounds2 and that he found it was not endued with any staining quality4 ,but surely those experiments cannot be mentioned to prove1 that the milky juice of the tree has not this property3 and ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 in his ,history of ,jamaica1 says1 that the inhabitants of ,jamaica stain their cottons with the bark of the ,cashew-tree4 ,i shall not intrude farther on the patience of the gentlemen1 who may be present when this paper is read2 but humbly crave their pardon for detaining them so long3 nor should ,i have given them this trouble1 had not ,i thought my reputation concerned on the occasion4 ,,lvi4 ,an ,answer to the preceding ,remarks4 ,by ,mr4 ,john ,ellis1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,read ,jan4 #ai1 #ageh4 ,,my letter to ,mr4 ,webb1 which is printed in the second part of the xlixth volume of the ,philosophical ,transactions#bji1 was intended to shew this ,honourable ,society1 that ,mr4 ,miller1 in his reply to the ,abb ,mazeas's letter1 had brought no proofs to lessen the discovery1 which he tells us the ,abb ,sauvages had made1 in attempting to improve the art of painting or staining linens and cottons of a fine durable black colour1 by making use of the juice of the ,carolina pennated ,toxicodendron1 instead of the common method of staining black with gauls and a preparation of iron2 which1 he says1 always turns to a rusty colour when washed4 ,mr4 ,miller1 instead of producing the proper proofs1 to shew that this method of staining cottons and linens of a black colour was known before1 or quoteing the authors in which he says it is mentioned1 contents himself with telling the ,society1 that this ,american ,toxicodendron is the same plant with the true varnish-tree of ,japan2 and that callicuts are painted with the juice of this shrub4 ,in my letter to ,mr4 ,webb1 ,i have endeavoured to shew1 that notwithstanding the authority of ,dr4 ,dillenius1 and the authors that have followed him1 it does not appear1 from ,dr4 ,kmpfer's description of this ,japan plant1 that it can be the same with our ,american one4 ,the design1 then1 of this paper1 is to lay before this ,society some further reasons1 why these plants cannot be the same2 and that even if they were the same1 ,mr4 ,miller has produced no authority to shew1 that this juice was ever made use of for this purpose abroad2 with some remarks on his reply to my letter1 in which he obliges me to be more particular than ,i intended1 in explaining some errors1 which ,i find he has run into4 ,in my letter to ,mr4 ,webb1 ,i have pointed out the exact description1 which ,kmpfer has given us of the leaves of this plant1 shewing how much they differ from our ,american one3 but now ,i shall mention some observations that escaped me before1 and which1 ,i think1 will give us a clearer proof of this matter4 ,kmpfer1 then1 informs us1 that this ,japan varnish-tree1 or ,sitz-dsju1 is a tree1 not a shrub3 and this author 7it is well known7 is remarkably exact in the description of his ,japan plants1 making the necessary distinctions between a shrub1 an arborescent shrub1 and a tree4 ,he then goes on to explain the manner of its growth2 and tells us1 that it grows with long sappy shoots1 very luxuriantly1 to the height of a sallow or willow-tree1 which we may reasonably allow to be from #bj to #cj feet3 whereas this ,carolina pennated ,toxicodendron1 as ,mr4 ,miller tells us in his ,dictionary1 #fth edit4 in folio1 is a shrub1 and seldom rises above five feet high with us3 and many people1 who have been in ,north ,america1 agree1 that it is but a slow grower there1 and is one of the shrubby underwoods of that country3 so that1 allowing it to grow even double the height it does here1 it is still but a shrub1 in companion with the other4 ,further1 while ,dr4 ,dillenius was warm with this supposed discovery1 of our having got the true ,japan varnish-tree in ,america1 attempts were made there1 by intelligent persons under his direction1 to procure this varnish after the manner of ,kmpfer2 but without success1 as ,i am assured by persons of that country now here1 with whom the ,doctor corresponded4 ,let us now consult the growth of the ,carolina and ,virginia ,sumachs1 or ,rhus's1 in our nursery-gardens1 and compare them with this little shrubby ,toxicodendron1 and we shall find1 that even in this cold climate nature keeps her regular proportionable pace in the growth of vegetables of the same country4 ,let us observe the growth of some of these ,rhus's1 and we shall find that great luxuriancy of the shoots1 which ,kmpfer so justly describes in his varnish-tree4 ,one of these ,american ones even seems to promise the same height as the ,japan ,rhus2 whereas this little shrubby ,toxicodendron still preserves the same dwarfish slow-growing habit1 that it has in its native country4 ,this leads me1 in the next place1 to shew1 that these two plants must be of different genus's2 the one a ,rhus1 and the other a ,toxicodendron3 and if so1 according to ,mr4 ,miller1 they ought to be properly distinguished1 and not ranked together1 as ,dr4 ,linnus has done4 ,in order to prove this1 let us then examine ,kmpfer's description of the parts of the flower1 and see whether it does not answer exactly to the genus of ,rhus2 and whether the flowers are not male and female in themselves1 that is1 hermaphrodites1 on the same tree4 ,the original of ,kmpfer is as follows1 p4 #gia of his ,amnitates3 8,flosculos continent pumilos1 et citra coriandri seminis magnitudinem radiantes1 in luteum herbaceos1 pentapetalos1 petalis carnosis nonnihil oblongis et repandis1 staminibus ad petalorum interstitia singulis1 apicatis1 brevissimis1 stylo perbrevi tricipite1 floris turbini insidente2 fructus flosculum excipit gibbosus utcunque in rhomboides figuram compressus40 ,whereas ,dr4 ,dillenius1 and the authors that have copied after him1 say1 that his ,toxicodendron has the male blossoms on one plant1 and the female on the other2 from whence it must evidently be another genus4 ,it appears1 however1 that ,dr4 ,dillenius was not altogether ignorant of this difference of genus in these two plants2 but1 rather than his ,toxicodendron1 which he had made agree exactly in the leaves1 should not agree in the fructification1 he makes the accurate ,kmpfer guilty of an unpardonable oversight1 in not taking notice of the difference of the sexes of this varnish-tree in different plants3 whereas we have just now shewn1 that nothing can be more minutely and judiciously described1 than he has done both the male and female parts of the blossom1 which change into the fruit on the same plant4 ,the original of ,dr4 ,dillenius's remarks on ,dr4 ,kmpfer's specimen runs thus3 8,planta sicca1 qu in ,japonia lecta1 servatur in phytophylacio ,sherardino1 nostr huic specie examussim quadrat1 id tantum sexus nempe differentia prtervisa fuit auctori40 ,hence we find how this error came to spread1 and this false synonym to be adopted by the botanic writers1 who copied after ,dillenius4 ,this shews us what little dependance we can have upon the result of that meeting1 which ,mr4 ,miller mentions he had with his botanic friends2 where1 from the similitude of leaves only1 without the parts of fructification1 they determined these two plants1 so different in their growth1 to be one and the same plant4 ,mr4 ,miller remarks very justly1 that the leaves of the same tree often vary much in shape1 such as those of the poplar1 sallow1 c4 ,but in answer to this1 we may reasonably suppose1 that ,dr4 ,kmpfer1 who was on the spot1 would not choose for his specimens leaves of the most uncommon sorts that were on the tree1 and neglect the most common4 ,this would be carrying the supposition farther than can be allowed1 unless we suppose this author had not the understanding even of a common gardener2 for otherwise1 ,i am persuaded1 ,sir ,hans ,sloane would not have thought his specimens worth purchasing4 ,for another synonym to the true ,japan varnish-tree1 as also to ,dillenius's pennated ,toxicodendron with rhomboidal fruit1 ,mr4 ,miller brings in 7in his answer to the ,abb ,mazeas's letter7 the ,bahama ,toxicodendron foliis alatis fructu purpureo pyriformi sparso of ,catesby's ,nat4 ,hist4 vol4 i4 p4 #dj4 so that he would have all these three different plants one and the same2 and1 in his reply to my letter1 he still insists on it1 that these two ,toxicodendrons are the same4 ,but here ,i must beg the favour of this ,honourable ,society1 when they come more attentively to consider this matter1 to compare his answer to the ,abb ,mazeas's letter1 and his reply to me1 in this particular part4 ,i shall only at present take notice1 that ,catesby says1 this ,toxicodendron1 with the pear-shaped fruit1 grows usually on rocks in ,providence1 ,ilathera1 and other of the ,bahama islands2 and does not mention1 that he ever saw it in ,carolina4 ,i cannot find it described by any author as growing in ,carolina1 or in any other part of the continent of ,north ,america3 nor do ,i believe that there is a plant of it now growing in ,england1 or that it is even the same genus with ,dillenius's rhomboidal-fruited one1 from the different structure both of its leaves as well as fruit4 ,in looking over ,dr4 ,linnus's ,hortus ,cliffortianus1 ,i find he gives this ,bahama ,toxicodendron of ,catesby as a synonym to his ,elemifera foliis pinnatis1 p4 #dhf4 ,i now come to that part of ,mr4 ,miller's reply1 relating to the ,china varnish-tree1 that was raised from seeds sent to the ,royal ,society by ,father ,d',incarville2 where he still insists on it1 that this is the same with the spurious varnish-tree of ,kmpfer4 ,his reasons are1 that notwithstanding the indentation and roundness of the bottom of the lobe-leaves of the ,china varnish-tree1 and tho' the lobe-leaves of the spurious ,japan varnish-tree come to a point at the base1 and are no-way indented1 but quite even on the edges2 yet he says1 because they have an equal number of pinn1 or lobe-leaves1 on the whole leaf of each tree1 they must be the same4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xvii4 p4 #ddg4 ,rhus sinense foliis alates foliolis oblongis ,acuminatis ad basin sultrotundis et dentatis4 ,j4 ,mynde delin et sc4 ,ex ,horto ,betanice ,philippe ,carter4 ,webb4 ,armig4 ,in answer to this1 ,i say their lobe-leaves are not equal2 for ,i have examined both the specimens and drawings of ,dr4 ,kmpfer's spurious varnish-tree1 and ,i don't find that the number of the pinn exceed seven on a side3 whereas ,i have a small specimen of a leaf by me1 that was taken from the top of one of ,d',incarville's ,china varnish-trees1 which is above eight feet high1 and stands in an open exposure2 and this leaf1 tho' but a foot long1 has #ab lobe-leaves1 on a side1 and each lobe indented at the base#baj4 ,at the same time ,i observed1 that the leaves of the young shoots of another tree were a yard long1 as they were this summer at the garden of the ,british ,museum4 ,another thing is remarkable in the leaves of this ,china varnish-tree2 and that is1 the lobes of the leaves1 as they approach to the end1 grow smaller and smaller2 whereas in the spurious ,japan varnish-tree they are rather1 if there is any difference1 larger towards the end4 ,i shall make this further remark1 that tho' these indentations on the lobe-leaves may vary in number in this ,china varnish-tree2 yet1 as ,i observed before1 since they are continued on even in the smaller leaves at the top of the branches of a tree eight feet high in the open ground1 it appears to me1 that this specific character1 besides the form and insertion of the lobe-leaves1 will ever distinguish it as a different species from the ,fasi-no-ki1 or spurious varnish-tree of ,kmpfer4 ,mr4 ,miller now goes on to tell us1 he is confirmed in his belief of their being the same1 by making some observations on the seeds of this ,china varnish-tree2 and therefore asserts1 that they are the same4 ,it is natural to suppose he compared them with the accurate drawings of the seeds of ,kmpfer's ,fasi-no-ki1 p4 #gid4 that being the only place where the seeds of it are described4 ,in the very next paragraph ,mr4 ,miller seems to forget1 that from his own observations on the seeds of the ,china varnish-tree1 he has asserted it to be the ,fasi-no-ki of ,kmpfer2 but now he finds1 in his memorandums1 that those seeds were wedge-shaped1 and like the seeds of the beech-tree2 and that all the three seeds he received seemed to be inclosed in one capsule3 so that now he is at a loss what to call it2 and at the same time says ,i have been too hasty in calling it a ,rhus4 ,mr4 ,miller goes on1 and allows this ,china varnish-tree changes to a purple in the autumn2 but not so deep as the true varnish-tree4 ,i suppose he means1 by this true varnish-tree1 the ,carolina pennated ,toxicodendron2 for ,kmpfer has not told us what colour the true varnish-tree of ,japan changes to in autumn4 ,but this is no certain proof on either side of the question1 only a corroborating circumstance of the species of a tree3 nor should ,i have mentioned it1 but for the manner in which ,kmpfer1 with an imagination truly poetical1 describes the autumnal beauty of his ,fasi-no-ki1 or spurious varnish-tree4 8,rubore suo autumnati qu viridantes sylvas suaviter interpolat1 intuentium oculos e longinquo in se convertit40 ,even this description would make one suspect it is not the same with the ,china varnish-tree1 which1 ,i am informed1 did not turn purplish in the garden of the ,british ,museum till the first frost came on3 whereas it is well known1 that some of the ,rhus's and ,toxicodendrons1 particularly the ,carolina pennated one1 change to a fine scarlet colour in the beginning of a dry autumn1 even before any frost appears4 ,mr4 ,miller seems surprised1 how ,i should think1 that the ,carolina pennated ,toxicodendron1 or poison-ash is like the ,fasi-no-ki of ,kmpfer4 ,i must here acknowledge1 at this time1 not having seen ,doctor ,kmpfer's specimen1 ,i imagined1 from the shape of the lobe-leaves 7as he has described them7 and from the remarkable scarlet colour of both these trees in autumn1 that ,mr4 ,miller might be right in what he has advanced2 for it was from his authority ,i took it1 depending on the information he gives us in his ,dictionary1 fol4 edit4 #f4 under the article ,toxicodendron1 where he takes some pains to assure us1 that they are the very same plants4 ,in the next paragraph ,i find ,mr4 ,miller has intirely mistaken the meaning of one part of my letter to ,mr4 ,webb2 which ,i must recommend to him to read again1 and he will find it exactly agrees with his own sentiments4 ,there he will find my opinion is1 that notwithstanding the change of soil and situation1 this ,sitz-dsju1 or true varnish-tree1 and the ,fasi-no-ki1 or spurious varnish-tree of ,kmpfer1 are distinct species of ,rhus or ,toxicodendron1 and will ever remain so4 ,mr4 ,miller now desires me1 since ,i have seen ,dr4 ,kmpfer's specimens in the ,british ,museum1 to declare1 whether ,i think ,i am mistaken4 ,in answer to this1 and to satisfy ,mr4 ,miller as well as myself1 ,i have been very lately at the ,museum1 and have looked very carefully over ,dr4 ,kmpfer's specimens1 and do sincerely think1 as did other judges at the same time1 that the ,sitz-dsju is not the same with the ,carolina pennated ,toxicodendron1 nor the ,fasi-no-ki the same with ,father ,d',incarville's ,china varnish-tree4 ,mr4 ,miller informs us1 that one of the best kinds of varnishes is collected from the ,anacardium in ,japan4 ,in answer to this1 ,i must beg leave to shew the ,society1 that ,dr4 ,kmpfer does not so much as mention1 that this ,anacardium grows in ,japan2 but that the varnish1 which is collected from it1 is brought to them from ,siam3 and ,i believe it will appear plainly1 from what follows1 that there is not a plant of this kind in the kingdom of ,japan2 for ,siam and ,cambodia1 especially the parts of those kingdoms1 where ,kmpfer informs us this ,anacardium#baa grows1 lie in the latitudes of from #aj to #ae degrees north1 which must be full as hot as our ,west ,indies3 so that it is not probable1 that it would bear the cold of the winters in ,japan2 for ,japan lies from the latitudes of #cc to above #dj degrees north1 which is about the same parallel with our ,north ,american colonies4 ,i shall now beg leave to lay before the ,society that passage of ,dr4 ,kmpfer1 which relates to this dispute1 together with my translation of it1 that it may be compared with ,mr4 ,miller's translation1 which he gives us in his reply to the ,abb ,mazeas's letter1 ,philosoph4 ,trans4 vol4 xlix4 p4 #afd4 #b;d paragraph4 ,dr4 ,kmpfer1 in his ,amnitates1 p4 #gic4 speaking of the true varnish-tree1 says1 8,colitur frequens in provinciis ,tsi-kocko et ,figo1 in quibus inserti agris scapi radices agunt et caudices edunt post triennium vernicem suppeditantes4 ,optima regionis1 quin totius mundi1 vernix perhibetur circa urbem ,jassino colligi4 ,vernicem ceres ,japonica largitur oppido nobilem et pretiosissimam1 sed admodum parcam2 nec pro operibus1 qu regio construit1 sufficeret1 nisi prius cum1 ,nam ,rak1 i4 e4 vernice ignobiliore ex ,siamo invecta1 pro basi illinerentur4 ,siamensis vernix promitur in provincia ,corsama1 et regno ,cambodi ex arbore ,anacardo1 incolis ,tong ,rak1 i4 e4 ,arbor ,rak dicta1 cujus fructus officinis nostris ,anacardium dictus ,luk ,rak1 liquor ,nam ,rak appellatur4 ,perforatus truncus immisso tubulo1 tant copi fundit liquorem ut ,sin1 ,tunquino et ,japoni pro deliniendis utensilibus sufficiat1 quin jam ,bataviam et alia ,indi loca vasis ligneis inclusa appellit40 ,which1 translated into ,english1 appears to me to be thus3 ',this varnish-tree is often cultivated in the provinces of ,tsi-kocko and ,figo3 there they plant the cuttings or truncheons in the fields1 which take root1 and send forth vigorous shoots1 which in three years time yield this varnish4 ',the best varnish of the kingdom1 nay1 of the whole world1 is said to be collected about the city of ,jassino4 ,the produce in ,japan of this most noble and very precious varnish1 is so very little1 that there would not be sufficient for the wares made in the kingdom1 if they did not first lay on a ground with an ordinary kind of varnish1 which they call ,nam ,rak1 and is brought to them from ,siam4 ',this ,siam varnish is collected in the province of ,corsama1 and in the kingdom of ,cambodia1 from the tree ,anacardus1 called by the inhabitants ,tong or ,tree-,rak2 the fruit of which is called in our shops ,anacardium1 or ,luk ,rak1 and the liquor is called ,nam ,rak4 ',to collect this liquor1 they bore a hole in the trunk1 and put in a tube4 ,by this method they get as much of it as is sufficient not only to varnish all the utensils of ,china1 ,tonquin1 and ,japan1 but it is even exported in close wooden vessels to ,batavia1 and other parts of ,india4' ,the original of ,kmpfer1 p4 #gid4 speaking of the true ,japan varnish1 is as follows3 8,prostat non sincera modo1 sed et colorata1 vel cinnabari nativa ,sinensi1 vel terra rubra 7quam ,batavi antea1 nunc ,sineses advehunt7 vel atramenti popularis materi40 ,which ,i apprehend may be read thus in ,english3 ',this varnish is not only sold quite pure1 but likewise coloured1 and that with ,chinese native cinnabar1 and a kind of red earth1 which the ,dutch formerly1 but now the ,chinese1 bring them2 and also with the materials that they make their common 7or ,japan7 ink of4' ,mr4 ,miller translates it thus 7,see p4 #afd4 vol4 xlix4 ,phil4 ,transact473 ',this varnish is used without mixture to stain black3 but the ,chinese mix native cinnabar1 or a red kind of earth1 with it1 to make a different colour4' ,here we may observe1 that ,mr4 ,miller uses the words staining black2 which is not the sense of the author1 who1 by mentioning the materials of ,japan ink1 shews1 that even in varnishing black it was necessary to use this black mixture4 ,further1 ,mr4 ,miller says1 that the ,chinese mix these colouring ingredients with this varnish3 but the original plainly says1 that the ,chinese import them1 and the ,japanese mix them with their varnish for sale4 ,and in a former part of this letter1 p4 #afb4 vol4 xlix4 ,phil4 ,trans4 he says1 speaking of this true varnish-tree1 that callicuts are painted with the juice of this shrub4 ,but this bare assertion of his1 without producing a proper authority1 ,i am persuaded this ,honourable ,society will never admit as a matter of proof to invalidate the discovery of the ,abb ,sauvages4 ,in looking over one of the numbers of ,mr4 ,miller's ,dictionary1 under the title of ,anacardium1 ,i find he quotes a passage from ,dr4 ,grew1 which ,sir ,hans ,sloane has placed among his observations on the ,cashew-tree1 ,hist4 ,jam4 vol4 ii4 p4 #abg4 which is1 that cottons are stained with lime1 and the oil1 or mellaginous succus1 called ,mel ,anacardium 7but for the account of this ,mel ,anacardium ,i shall refer to ,parkinson's ,theat4 p4 #aefh72 and ,mr4 ,miller seems to think it difficult to know which of the ,anacardiums is here meant4 ,one would be apt think1 from this passage1 and another that follows a little after in the same page of the ,hist4 of ,jamaica1 relating to the black dye of the mellago of this nut1 that ,sir ,hans1 at the time his history was published1 thought them1 as ,caspar ,bauhin did1 of the same genus1 but different species2 and therefore he has mixt the observations on both together4 ,for1 immediately after mentioning the staining of cottons with this mellaginous succus1 ,sir ,hans says1 that the gum is1 in faculties and colour1 like gum-arabic2 and that it is given internally in female obstructions2 and that the juice stains linen1 which will not wash out suddenly3 but he says it is false1 that they remain till they flower next year1 as ,du ,tertre asserts4 ,sir ,hans further quotes1 from an anonymous ,brasilian author1 that the apples stain linen2 and that the gum is good to paint and write2 and the bark dyes yarn and vessels serving for pots4 ,and in another place he quotes ,de ,laet1 who compiled a general history of ,america1 and who likewise takes his quotation from an old ,brasilian author1 treating of the trees of ,brasil1 ,that the gum of the ,acajou is used by painters2 the bark is used to dye cotton-yarn and earthen ware4 ,here ,i must remark1 tho' foreign to our present purpose1 that in the original of ,laet1 what relates to the earthen ware runs thus3 8,et a faire de vaisseaux de terre40 ,so that ,i believe it will appear more probable1 that the bark of these trees was used rather to burn earthen ware vessels1 than to dye them1 as we find these earthen vessels were used to boil their victuals in4 ,these two quotations from ,sir ,hans ,sloane confirm the former1 with regard to the use of the gum2 that is1 its being fit1 like gum-arabic1 to be used for water-colours1 and to make ink2 and that it is the juice of the apple that stains1 but this we find is not durable4 ,mr4 ,miller has now only the bark of the ,cashew-tree left to support his argument4 ,this the above-mentioned ,brasilian writers say1 that the native ,indians of ,brasil used to dye their cotton-yarn with2 but of what colour no mention is made4 ,and whether this bark is used to give strength to this yarn1 as we dye and tan our fishing-nets with oak-bark1 or for ornament1 is uncertain2 for a great deal of this yarn was used in the making their net-hammocks1 as well as their coarse garments4 ,mr4 ,miller then introduces ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 in opposition to ,dr4 ,browne1 whose ,history of ,jamaica ,i had quoted1 to prove that the juice of the ,acajou was of the same nature and properties with that of the gum-arabic1 and consequently not fit for varnish3 whereas it plainly appears from the foregoing quotations1 taken from ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 that ,dr4 ,browne is right1 and agrees exactly in opinion with him4 ,he then makes ,sir ,hans say1 that the inhabitants of ,jamaica stain their cottons with the bark of the ,cashew-nut tree4 ,by this1 one would naturally conclude1 that ,mr4 ,miller has been endeavouring to prove1 in opposition to the ,abb ,mazeas's letter1 that the art of painting or staining cottons of a fine deep black colour1 equal to that discovered by the ,abb ,sauvages1 as described in his experiments on the ,carolina ,toxicodendron1 was practised by the ,english forty or fifty years ago in ,jamaica4 ,if this was the case1 it is something surprising1 that1 notwithstanding our great intercourse with that island1 the callico-printers of ,england never got intelligence of this valuable secret4 ,further1 if ,mr4 ,miller will consult ,piso and ,margrave1 writers of the best authority on the ,brasilian plants1 he will find their accounts of the ,acajou exactly correspond with that delivered by ,dr4 ,browne1 in his ,history of ,jamaica1 as well as ,sir ,hans ,sloane's3 for they say1 that the juice of this tree is equal in virtue1 and mechanical uses1 to the best gum-arabic4 ,and if he still doubts1 ,i shall lastly recommend him to go to the ,british ,museum1 and there he may see a most elegant specimen of the ,cashew-gum1 which will put this matter quite out of all doubt4 ,i shall now leave the decision of this controversy1 which ,mr4 ,miller has obliged me so fully to explain in my own vindication1 to the candour and impartiality of this ,honourable ,society4 ,p4,s4 ,since the foregoing paper was read1 ,professor ,sibthorp was so kind to deliver me an exact drawing of the ,fasi-no-ki in the ,sherardian collection at ,oxford1 taken by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,william ,borlase1 ,f4,r4,s4 the title and synonym of which are both in the ,hand-writing of ,dr4 ,dillenius1 as the ,professor assures me4 ,see ,,tab4 ,,xviii4 ,illustration3 ,philos4 ,trans4 ,vol4 ,l4 ,,tab4 ,,xviii4 p4 #def4 ,fasi-noki ,foccicodendron foliis alatis fructu ,rhomboide ,h4 ,elth4 from ,japan4 ,in ,horto situ ,shorards ,oxon4 ,w4 ,borlase delin4 ,j4,m4,sc4 ,,lvii4 ,a ,letter to the ,rev4 ,thomas ,birch1 ,d4 ,d4 ,secr4 ,r4,s4 concerning the ,number of the ,people of ,england2 by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,richard ,forster1 ,rector of ,great ,shefford in ,berkshire4 ,read ,dec4 #bb1 #ageg4 ,shefford1 ,nov4 #i4 #ageg4 ,rev ,sir1 ,since ,i did myself the honour of writing to you in ,july#bab1 my bookseller has sent me part ii4 of vol4 xlix4 of the ,transactions2 in which#bac ,i find another medium advanced to determine the amount of the people in ,england3 and this is the number of houses1 which pay the window-tax1 and which 8amount to about #fij1jjj1 besides cottages1 that pay nothing40 ,to this is added1 that 8tho' the number of cottages be not accurately known1 it appears from the accounts given in1 that they cannot amount to above #bjj1jjj40 ,here ,i cannot but express my concern1 that this very ingenious gentleman has not been a little more explicit1 by informing us1 what these accounts are1 upon which he builds so positive a conclusion4 ,the law requires no such accounts to be delivered in2 and parish-officers cannot be accused of works of supererogation3 besides 7which is more to the purpose7 ,i am very certain no such accounts have been given in from this part of the world4 ,on the other hand1 in all parts of ,england1 which ,i have seen 7and that is1 ,i think1 almost the whole7 the number of cottages greatly exceeds that of all other houses1 except in the middle of towns1 and some villages about ,london4 ,this is agreeable to the general interpretation of that sentence passed upon our original parent1 that he should eat bread by the sweat of his brows2 which is1 that the majority of his descendents should be poor labouring people4 ,this ,i do not mention with design to defend the interpretation1 but only to shew the general sense of mankind4 ,as my notion of the matter differs so widely from that of this worthy gentleman1 ,i did every thing in my power to check any mistake1 which might arise from a fondness of one's own opinion2 and which1 ,i hope1 will vindicate me in the eye of every candid inquirer4 ,in a word1 ,i set myself to count all the houses in several contiguous parishes2 and then examined how many of them paid the window-tax1 or duty upon houses4 ,and here ,i must observe1 that if there be any small mistake1 it can hardly be supposed to be in favour of my own scheme2 because ,i had the whole number of houses1 by counting as ,i rode along2 and some might possibly be missed1 tho' of this ,i took the utmost care3 whereas the number of those1 that pay the window-tax1 ,i had from the collectors rolls4 ,the following table is the fruit of my labours3 ,great ,shefford #ij #ag ,little ,shefford #ab #c ,welford #afb #fb ,chaddleworth #fb #bj ,bright-,walton #gb #ba ,catmore #aj #a ,farmborough #cd #e ,fawley #dg #g ,east ,garston #ii #da ---------- #ehh #agg ,here we see1 that out of #ehh houses only #agg pay the window-tax4 ,now if we say with the philopher ex pede ,herculem1 and suppose1 that #bjj1jjj taxable houses stand in the country1 we shall have the following proportion1 #agg3 #ehh #bjj1jjj3 #ffddjf1 for the whole number of houses that stand in the country1 commonly so called4 ,again1 ,lamborn parish1 in which is a market-town1 contains #dde houses1 of which #bbi pay the window-tax4 ,now if we suppose1 in like manner1 #bjj1jjj taxable houses to stand in country towns 7,i mean of the middling and inferior classes71 we must then say #bbi3 #dde #bjj1jjj3 #chhfdf1 the whole number of houses1 that stand in country towns4 ,the remaining #bij1jjj houses must be placed in cities and flourishing towns2 and must have ,dr4 ,brakenridge's proportion assigned them2 for without all doubt he had some reason for pitching upon such numbers2 and as they could not be taken from country towns or villages1 must be assumed from the present state of some flourishing place4 ,upon this supposition1 we must say #fij1jjj3 #bjj1jjj33 #bij1jjj 3 #hd1jeh4 for the number of cottages in great towns2 which1 if added to the houses that pay1 makes the whole number in large towns to be #cgd1jeh4 ,these three sums added together make the total amount of houses in the nation to be #ffd1djf #chh1fdf #cgd1jeh ---------- #a1dbg1aaj ---------- ,the two former of these numbers should be multiplied by #e1 and the latter by #f4 ,the reason of this difference is the great quantity of servants kept in large towns4 #a1jec1jeb #e #e1bfe1bfj #cgd1jeh #f #b1bdd1cdh ----------- #g1eji1fjh ----------- ,by this way of proceeding it appears1 that the whole number of people now alive in ,england is somewhat more than seven millions and an half4 ,i would not be understood1 as if ,i meant to recommend this as exact2 tho' ,i am in hopes1 that1 upon trial1 it will be found nearer the truth1 than any thing hitherto advanced4 ,neither will ,i lay any stress upon its approaching so near to the numbers advanced in my former letter2 being sensible1 that all the methods ,i have hitherto tried are liable to very great objections4 ,where certainty may be arrived at by a little industry1 all hypothesis should be despised and rejected4 ,the militia act levies #cb1jjj men upon the whole kingdom2 and in the west riding of ,yorkshire #a in #de1 if my intelligence is right1 completed their quota4 ,now if this proportion be applied to the whole nation1 #cb1jjj #de will give #a1ddj1jjj for the number of ballotters2 and this multiplied by #e 7which1 considering the number of persons excepted1 must be under the truth7 will amount to #g1bjj1jjj for the total of our people4 ,but ,i dare not build any thing upon this computation1 as many parts of the nation may have heavier quota's laid upon them than the west riding4 ,whether the kingdom is really in a declining or increasing state1 is1 in like manner1 a problem not to be solved1 ,i think1 by mere calculation4 ,if there happens but a small mistake in the principles1 what is built thereupon will be extremely wide of the truth4 ,if one might take the liberty to guess by appearances1 ,i should think we are greatly increased within these forty years1 or since the accession of the present ,royal ,family4 ,this conjecture ,i found upon the great facility1 with which the government raises men1 compared to the violent methods made use of in ,king ,william's and ,queen ,anne's time4 ,indeed ,i am sensible1 that when the great ease1 with which the government raises money1 and the low interest it pays1 have been urged in the ,house of ,commons1 as evident proofs of a flourishing trade1 and plenty of cash1 it has constantly been answered by a gentleman1 who understands these matters better than any body else1 that they are rather proofs of a want of trade1 and that people do not know what to do with their money4 ,in the same manner it may be answered1 that the great facility1 with which the government raises soldiers1 is not owing so much to the great plenty of men1 as to the want of employment3 which it is possible may really be the case4 ,but where certainty may be had1 it is trifling to talk of appearances and conjectures4 ,for a century now past1 the ,english way of philosophising 7and all the rest of the world is come into it7 is not to sit down in one's study1 and form an hypothesis1 and then strive to wrest all nature to it2 but to look abroad into the world1 and see how nature works2 and then to build upon certain matter of fact4 ,in compliance with this noble method1 ,i have done all in my power3 ,i have examined the registers of several neighbouring parishes1 and send you the substance of three of the most perfect ones4 ,indeed1 ,i could have added several others2 but as they seem to have been now and then neglected1 ,i did not care to trust to them4 ,however1 this ,i can safely deduce from them2 viz4 that what ,i have here sent will be a proper standard for these parts3 and if other gentlemen would take the like pains 7and it is next to nothing7 in four or five parishes in each county1 and in every great town1 we might perceive1 by one cast of the eye1 whether our people are in an ebbing or flowing state4 ,i have not set down the burials1 as that would but have embarrassed the table2 and the increase will appear very well without them4 ,however1 upon an average of all the parishes ,i have examined1 the proportion of the burials to the baptisms is as #hc to #adi1d4 ,lambourn4 ,welford4 ,shefford4 ,total4 ,from #afad to #afbc inclus4 #cbg #fg #fi #dfc #afbd to #afcc ---- #dja #fb #fd #ebg #afcd to #afdc ---- #cia #aai #hf #eif #affb to #afga ---- #dda #adf #ic #fhj #afgb to #afha ---- #chj #acb #ajh #fbj #afhb to #afia ---- #dea #bja #aab #gfd #afib to #agja ---- #cff #acd #hh #ehh #agjb to #agaa ---- #chg #acg #hd #fjh #agab to #agba ---- #dbb #aga #ig #fij #agbb to #agca ---- #dhc #aef #ajf #gde #agcb to #agda ---- #egh #bje #abh #iaa #agdb to #agea ---- #eff #bec #acg #ief #ageb to #agef ---- #cdi #abj #fd #ecc ,this table stands in need of no remarks3 it speaks loud enough of itself1 that our people increase in a very rapid manner4 ,all ,i shall take the liberty of observing from it is1 that all the registers ,i have looked over seem to resent the wretched policy of ,king ,charles ,,ii4 who submitted himself and kingdom too much to a powerful neighbour3 and that our civil war had no effect upon our numbers1 in comparison to our foreign wars4 ,i trust1 that the very ingenious author of the politico-arithmetical letters1 ,i have all along had my eye upon1 will take no offence1 if ,i recommend an article or two advanced by him to be reconsidered2 which1 if pursued1 might perhaps induce some small errors in government4 ,the first is1 ,that all ways to increase our people would be for the public welfare1 even the naturalizeing of foreigners3 whereas1 if ,i remember right1 all political writers lay it down as a maxim1 that numbers of people without employment are a burden and disease to the body politic2 and where there is full employment1 there the people multiply of course4 ,so that we should not measure the happiness of the nation by the number of mouths1 but by the number of hands4 ,nay1 if we were to import a quantity of foreigners we must immediately re-export them1 as we actually did in the case of the ,palatines and ,saltzburghers4 ,indeed1 ,i cannot deny1 but that if the new-comers were to bring new trades with them1 they would be welcome3 tho' ,i apprehend it is not an easy matter to find out many new manufactures4 ,i can at present think of nothing but the cambrick business2 and that1 with a little encouragement1 might be established in either ,scotland or ,ireland1 without the importation of strangers4 ,the next thing ,i propose to be ruminated is the assertion1 ,that our commerce at sea is one cause of the decay of our fencible men3 which sounds in my ear like saying1 that if we had less trade1 we should have more people4 ,and if this is the purport of it1 ,i am afraid it is a paradox1 literally so called4 ,that emigrations to our colonies do lessen our numbers in appearance1 is beyond dispute3 but then it is only in appearance3 for if employment begets people1 the filling our plantations must increase us beyond imagination1 it having been made out1 if ,i misremember not1 that every man rightly occupied in ,america finds employment for three persons in ,old ,england4 ,but then care should be taken1 that the planters were generally employed in raising rough materials2 and that every thing imported there were manufactured by ourselves2 because1 if we settle colonies1 and then supply them with ,east-,india stuffs and foreign linens1 it is neither better nor worse than being at a vast expence to maintain other people's poor4 ,i cannot conclude without begging leave to observe1 that this gentleman's doctrine is1 from beginning to end1 to say the best of it1 ill timed4 ,we are contending with our hereditary enemy1 the most powerful prince in the world1 not for superiority1 but for independence1 pro aris et focis4 ,and1 at such a time as this1 to be told1 that we are but little better than half peopled1 and the few we have dwindling away every day1 is indeed very discourageing3 whereas1 on the contrary1 ,i do not balance one moment to declare it1 as my fixt persuasion1 that we can spare #ajj1jjj brisk young fellows1 and still be the most populous flourishing nation in ,europe4 ,i am1 ,reverend ,sir1 ,your affectionate ,brother1 and very humble ,servant1 ,richard ,forster4 ,,lviii4 ,a ,letter to the ,right ,honourable the ,earl of ,macclesfield1 ,president of the ,royal ,society1 from the ,rev4 ,william ,brakenridge1 ,d4,d4 ,f4,r4,s4 containing an ,answer to the ,account of the ,numbers and ,increase of the ,people of ,england1 by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,forster4 ,read ,mar4 #af1 #ageh4 ,my ,lord1 ,as ,i endeavoured1 at a former meeting of the ,society1 to answer ex-tempore some objections offered by a ,gentleman in the country1 to what ,i have wrote concerning the number of people in ,england2 ,i now presume to send you what ,i said then in writing1 with some farther reflections4 ,and this subject ,i never intended to have meddled with any more2 but as ,i seem to be called upon1 to defend what ,i have formerly wrote1 ,i hope ,i shall be excused if ,i briefly attempt it4 ,your ,lordship1 ,i know1 and our illustrious ,body only desire a fair representation of facts1 which is the ground of all philosophical inquiries2 and therefore ,i shall endeavour to do this1 as far as ,i can1 without regarding any hypothesis4 ,my design1 when ,i first entered on this subject1 was to discover whether our people were in an increasing or decreasing state1 with regard to their numbers2 which ,i thought of great importance to be known1 because of its influence on the affairs of ,government1 in determining our strength1 in settling of taxes1 and directing us in the conomy and imployment of our people4 ,now1 in order to proceed in this inquiry1 it was evident to me1 that if the number of houses were exactly known1 the number of people would be nearly ascertained4 ,and therefore ,i attended to this1 to find out the number of houses1 as the only thing that could with any certainty help us to judge of this matter4 ,and accordingly1 being resolved to depend only upon the most sure1 and general observations1 ,i applied to a public office1 where ,i thought ,i might possibly get at their number4 ,and ,i there found1 that from the last survey that was made1 since the year #agej1 there were #fij1gjj houses in ,england and ,wales that paid the window-tax1 and the two-shilling duty on houses2 besides cottages that paid nothing4 ,by cottages are understood those who neither pay to church or poor1 and are1 by act of parliament in #agdg1 in consideration of the poverty of the people1 declared to be exempted both from the tax and the two-shillings duty1 and they only remain not accurately known1 to ascertain the whole number of houses4 ,however1 they are so far known1 that from all the accounts that are hitherto given in1 they do not appear to be so many as #cjj1jjj2 and from what ,i myself have seen1 in the books of that office1 ,i should think they were not much above #bjj1jjj2 for in some places1 that ,i was perfectly acquainted with1 ,i found many of the day labourers rated to the two-shillings duty1 and there did not appear to be one house in ten omitted4 ,and therefore1 if there are not #cjj1jjj cottages1 as seems plain to me1 there cannot be a million of houses in the whole in ,england and ,wales2 and the rated houses are to the cottages more than two to one2 of both which1 according to the returns made1 there is now about one in seventeen or #eh1hjj empty throughout the kingdom4 ,but if we were to allow1 that there are a million of houses in the whole2 which is more than the ,gentlemen in the above mentioned office believe1 and then deduct those that are empty1 there could not be above #ida1bjj inhabited houses2 and consequently supposing six to a house1 about #e1fdg1bjj people1 or near about five millions and an half2 which at the utmost1 is what ,i insist on to be the real number4 ,but now the ,gentleman1 who objects to my calculations1 thinks1 that ,i have made the number of houses too few1 and that in the whole there are above #a1djj1jjj houses1 of which he imagines there are more than #gjj1jjj cottages2 for he supposes them to be more than the rated houses2 and from thence he infers1 that there are about seven millions and an half of people1 in ,england and ,wales2 which ,i wish1 with all my heart1 was the true number3 ,but ,i am so far from thinking that ,i have under-rated them1 that ,i suspect ,i have rather made them more than they are4 ,however1 this controversy will soon be determined1 there being now orders given1 as ,i am informed1 to all the ,officers concerned in the window-tax1 to make an exact return of all the cottages1 as well as the rated houses1 in each of their several districts4 ,in the mean time1 the ,gentleman and ,i differ in this1 that he supposes above #djj1jjj cottages more than ,i can possibly imagine4 ,let us now see upon what grounds1 and by what method of reasoning he determines his numbers4 ,he makes a division of the #fij1jjj taxed houses into three classes1 placing #bjj1jjj of them in the open country and villages1 and #bjj1jjj in the market and inferior towns1 and the next1 viz4 #bij1jjj1 in the cities and great towns2 for1 which division he has nothing to direct him2 no proof1 nor even probability4 ,and as it is a mere arbitrary supposition1 all reasoning and calculations founded upon it are nothing to the purpose1 and the number of houses or people comptued from thence must be false or uncertain4 ,but yet1 upon this supposition1 as if it was absolutely certain1 he goes on to compute the houses and people in each division4 ,as to the first1 he says he has counted all the houses in nine contiguous parishes in ,berkshire1 in which1 he has found the whole number to be #ehh1 and those charged to the duty to be only #agg2 and therefore the cottages are to the rated houses as #daa to #agg1 or above1 two to one4 ,and from this he assumes1 that the whole number of houses thro' the villages and open country in ,england will be to the cottages nearly in the same proportion4 ,but here ,i am surprised1 that he should reason in so loose and an inaccurate a manner4 ,for1 as there may be #gjjj parishes in the villages and open country1 to infer from the numbers in nine of them that are contiguous1 and that all of them together do not make a very large parish1 many being much larger as to the number of houses1 and where there may be particular circumstances2 ,i say1 to infer from them what the proportion will be in all parishes1 in the villages and open country1 is the same way of reasoning as to say1 because the poor in one parish are in such a proportion1 therefore they are so in #ajjj parishes1 or thro' four or five counties3 whereas it is plain1 that the proportion differs almost in every parish1 and in every county2 and the sum of all must be added together1 before we can know what the real proportion is4 ,and nothing can be inferred from the circumstances of a few parishes1 or even of a ,county1 what the proportion will be in the whole4 ,and yet1 from such precarious and vague reasoning he presumes to compute1 that there are above #dfj1jjj cottages in the villages and open country2 having assumed1 without any hesitation1 that there are #bjj1jjj rated houses in that extent4 ,such reasoning is unusual in philosophical inquiries4 ,in like manner the ,gentleman reasons very inaccurately about his second division1 containing the lesser market and country towns1 having supposed in them #bjj1jjj taxed houses3 ,for from one instance of the market town of ,langborne1 having found the whole number of houses to be to the cottages as #dde to #bbi1 or the rated homes to the cottages as #baf to #bbi1 he supposes the like proportion in all the market towns4 ,that is1 tho' there be perhaps above #cjj market towns in ,england1 he supposes each of them has the same proportion of the poor in it as the single town of ,langborne2 which is unreasonable to imagine4 ,for every one of them may have a different proportion1 according to the various circumstances of their trade and situation4 ,but yet from this strange and uncertain way of reasoning1 without any induction1 and from one instance among #cjj cases at least1 he concludes by proportion1 that there are #chh1fdf houses in the country market towns1 of which there are #ahh1fdf cottages1 besides those in the cities and great towns4 ,in the next place1 as to his third class1 the cities and great towns1 he allows1 that my proportion may be among them1 viz4 that the rated houses are to the cottages as #fij1jjj to #bjj1jjj1 or #fi to #bj3 ,for he thinks1 that it cannot be any-where but in the most flourishing places4 ,and therefore1 as he has arbitrarily placed #bfj1jjj taxed houses in them1 he computes that they must contain #hd1jeh cottages4 ,but he has given no proof1 that my proportion is only in the most flourishing places1 besides these few instances that he has produced2 which are nothing to form any general conclusion upon4 ,for if we were to be directed by a few cases1 we might think that there were much fewer cottages than ,i have allowed4 ,there are some parishes1 in which there are none at all4 ,in the great parishes of ,st4 ,james's and ,st ,george's ,westminster1 in which there are about #gjjj houses1 there are none3 in the country parish of ,chiselherst in ,kent1 where there are above #ajj houses1 there are but three3 and in many parishes there is not one in #bj4 ,so that from particular instances1 there is nothing to be concluded4 ,but in all ,middlesex1 ,london1 ,westminster1 and ,southwark included1 in which the poor are as numerous as in most places in the kingdom1 because of the numbers of labouring people that flock hither for imployment1 there is nearly the same proportion that ,i have assigned4 ,for from a late survey in that district1 as ,i am informed1 there are #hg1fad houses in the whole1 and of these #ai1cbd cottages1 and #dhaj empty4 ,which indeed shews1 that we are not so populous1 in and near the metropolis1 as is commonly supposed1 and much less than ,i had calculated in my first letter3 ,for from this account1 if it be true1 there are not above #ecj1jjj people in that compass2 of which1 within the bills of mortality1 there die about #be1jjj yearly2 that is1 not less than one in #bj4 ,as to what the ,gentleman mentions concerning the militia1 he seems to be much mistaken4 ,for if the proportion be as he says1 that one in #de is levied1 this directly proves the number of people in ,england and ,wales to be about five millions and an half1 according to my calculation2 because the electors or balloters are the fencible men1 or those able to carry arms4 ,and if the whole levy be #cb1jjj1 then #de multiplied by #cb1jjj will give #a1ddj1jjj for all the fencible men in ,england4 ,but ,dr4 ,halley has clearly shewn1 that the fencible men are one quarter of the whole people1 children included2 and therefore1 four times #a1ddj1jjj1 or #e1gfj1jjj1 will be the whole number of the people2 which is nearly what ,i have made them4 ,and thus1 having seen how he has established his numbers in opposition to me1 let us now1 in the next place1 consider what he has said with regard to the increase of our people4 ,he says1 whether the kingdom is really in a declining or increasing state1 is a problem not to be solved by calculation3 ,and yet he himself can guess by appearances1 that it has greatly increased within these #dj years4 ,but1 by his good leave ,i must tell him1 that it is a problem in political arithmetic to be solved from some data1 as well as others4 ,if the number of people be nearly found1 and the general proportion of births to burials1 at an average1 thro' the kingdom be known1 with the annual losses of our fencible men1 at a moderate computation2 from these data1 ,i say1 any one1 who understands numbers1 will easily determine whether we are increasing or decreasing4 ,and accordingly1 ,i have shewn1 that the annual increment of our fencible men is not much above #hjjj1 which number is consumed by our annual losses2 and therefore we are not in an increasing state4 ,for the whole number of people must always be in proportion to the fencible men2 so that1 if there is no increase of them1 there can be none upon the whole4 ,it is true1 ,i am the first who ventured upon a solution of this question2 but when ,i consider what ,i have done1 ,i cannot see but that the principles upon which ,i reasoned are right4 ,the data are1 ,i think1 exact enough to discover our state4 ,and ,dr4 ,halley's rule to compute the fencible men1 where our losses are to be reckoned1 is undoubtedly true4 ,so that if there is any difficulty1 it is in fixing the general proportion between births and burials1 thro' the kingdom1 viz4 #aab to #ajj2 which ,i have taken from ,dr4 ,derham1 who had collected many observations2 being a greater proportion than ,sir ,william ,petty allowed4 ,and which if it is thought too small1 it is to be considered1 that within the bills of mortality the births are much under the burials as #d to #e2 and in some of the great towns there are fewer births than burials1 and in others they are nearly equal2 so that these reduce the proportion that arises from the villages and open country4 ,but if we were to make a calculation from the births and burials1 only in the villages and open country2 which ,dr4 ,derham has found to be at an average as #aag to #ajj1 or nearly as #g to #f2 and suppose this to obtain all over ,britain and ,ireland1 in the towns as well as the country1 which is surely more than the truth2 we shall then find1 that the annual increment cannot be more than #ijjj fencible men2 which corroborates my former estimate4 ,for1 to compute it by the principles ,i have formerly endeavoured to establish2 let the number of our people in ,britain and ,ireland be eight millions and an half1 that is1 five and an half in ,england and three millions in ,scotland and ,ireland2 because some ,irish ,gentlemen have assured me1 from some facts1 that there is half a million more in their country than ,i formerly allowed2 for ,i did not pretend to calculate them2 and then the annual number of the dead1 in ,britain and ,ireland1 being one in #dj1 will be about #bab1ejj2 which will be to the births as1 #ajj to #aag3 ,and therefore the births must be #bdh1fbe1 and the increase #cf1abe2 of which the fourth part is about #ijjj for the fencible men1 which ,i am persuaded is more than the real number4 ,now let any one compute our losses in the moderate way that ,i have done1 and he will easily see1 that they cannot be less than this number2 and consequently we are far from increasing4 ,and indeed it is evident from the number of empty houses thro' the kingdom1 mentioned above1 viz4 one in seventeen1 or #eh1jjj1 and one in twelve of those that are taxed within the bills of mortality4 ,for it is impossible1 if we were increasing1 that there could be so many empty2 ,and therefore the appearance of so much building is only the effect of our luxury1 requiring larger1 more convenient1 and more elegant houses1 and not caused by our increase4 ,however1 the ,gentleman objects to all this1 and says1 that he has examined the ,registers of some neighbouring parishes1 and particularly of three that are perfect2 and he finds1 that the burials are to the baptisms as #hc to #adi2 which may possibly be the case1 as ,i myself have known it in one parish in the ,isle of ,wight1 where the place is healthy1 and people generally marry4 ,but does he imagine that this proportion is general all over ,england8 ,if so1 we should increase in a rapid manner indeed6 for then we should double our people in #ce years1 if it were not for our losses2 which no reasonable man will venture to say4 ,he does not reflect1 that in many country places1 from their bad situation1 there is very little increase1 and in some towns none at all1 and in others a decrease1 continually supplied from the neighbouring country4 ,within the bills of mortality there are annually #ejjj burials more than the births2 and consequently1 to maintain our numbers here1 there must be a yearly supply of #ejjj2 which destroys the whole increase of six or seven counties4 ,and ,dr4 ,derham found1 from the accounts he had of country parishes1 that in general among them the proportion of births to burials was not greater than #aag to #ajj1 as we mentioned above2 so that nothing can be concluded from particular healthy places4 ,the question is1 what is the result upon the whole thro' the kingdom8 what is the general proportion of the births to burials1 from which the increase is to be estimated8 and which ,sir ,william ,petty says is #aaa to #ajj1 and ,dr4 ,derham as #aab to #ajj4 ,see if he can disprove these numbers by putting together all the different accounts from every corner1 among the towns as well as the country2 and if he cannot1 to argue only from a few instances is nothing to the purpose2 for where there is a multitude of different cases1 they must all be considered1 to arrive at the general truth4 ,but even in the particulars he mentions1 he has not completed his argument2 for1 to make it conclusive1 he should have shewn1 that1 within these last forty years1 the time1 he thinks1 of our great increase1 in those parishes the number of houses or people were increased1 in proportion almost as the births were above the burials1 as #adi to #hc3 and if that cannot be made to appear1 it is plain1 that1 for all he has said1 the annual increase may be constantly consumed by our losses4 ,and now the worthy ,gentleman having endeavoured to shew1 from the case of a few parishes in the country1 that we are in an increasing state1 he proceeds to give me his serious advice in two particulars3 ,first1 ,that ,i would reconsider a proposition advanced by me1 ,that all reasonable ways of increasing our people1 even to the naturalizing of foreigners1 would be for the public welfare4 ,in answer to which kind admonition ,i must say1 that ,i have often considered the thing1 as far as ,i can2 and ,i think this may be easily shewn against any political writer4 ,that it is the interest of a government1 when they have powerful and dangerous neighbours1 to increase their people by all reasonable means1 even to the inviting of foreigners1 so far as the natural produce of the country can sustain them2 and that it is the fault or weakness of an administration not to be able to employ them4 ,and in ,britain1 where they can have the assistance of the produce of so many large and fruitful countries of their own in ,america1 ,i will venture to say1 that it is an error in their policy1 not to endeavour to increase their people2 by which they might be more formidable1 and perhaps stronger than their grand ,enemy4 ,the present ,king of ,prussia has shewn the utility of this within his dominions2 by which he has been enabled to make such a figure in ,europe4 ,the second thing he admonishes me to reconsider is1 ,that ,i have supposed our commerce to be one cause of the loss of our fencible men4 ,and who in the world doubts of it1 but himself6 ,do shipwrecks1 the disasters and inclemency of the sea1 the scurvy1 c4 beget people8 ,but he will say1 without these we could not have trade1 which employs great numbers of our people2 and therefore1 what we lose1 we may gain another way4 ,and just so he may say of our wars1 that occasion the destruction of so many of our people1 that they are no loss to us2 for we gain by them in their consequences1 in securing of our liberties and property1 and by which our trade is preserved and promoted4 ,but notwithstanding this1 can it be said1 that war does not diminish our fencible men6 ,the truth is1 trade increases riches1 and gives more of the conveniences of life1 and brings luxury along with it2 but it does not necessarily breed people3 ,for we see in those countries where they have little trade1 the people increase much faster than they do with us1 as appears from the ,bills of mortality in ,prussia2 where the general proportion of the births to the burials is greater than it is here1 viz4 #d to #c2 and by which the people might double in #hd years1 if it were not for their losses4 7,vid4 ,phil4 ,trans4 vol4 xxxvi47 ,which great increase1 by the way1 easily accounts for those vast swarms of people that came from thence and the adjacent countries in former ages1 and over run all ,europe4 ,and therefore it is not so terrible a paradox1 as he imagines1 that possibly where there is much less trade the people may increase faster2 for luxury and other vices1 that come with trade1 do not promote an increase4 ,and now1 as he has been so good as to give me his advice1 ,i will return the favour1 and desire him to reconsider the method of reasoning by induction2 which may possibly help him to escape some paralogisms1 in arguing upon these subjects4 ,and ,i would likewise recommend it to him to inquire diligently1 whether the number of our houses in ,england be increased these last sixty years2 which1 according to his reasoning1 ought at least to be doubled3 ,for if there is no increase of the houses1 there can be none of the people4 ,to conclude3 ,he adds1 that my doctrine1 from beginning to end1 to say the best of it1 is ill-timed1 when we are contending with our hereditary enemy1 pro aris focis4 ,but here his zeal hurries him on1 that he does not look to the dates of my ,letters4 ,for the first three were read before the ,society1 and ordered to be printed1 long before the war was proclaimed2 and as for the last1 it is only a supplement to the rest2 in which ,i have shewn1 that ,france1 by the bad conomy of her people1 is not in an increasing state2 which1 ,i think1 is a comfortable hearing4 ,but supposing they had been all printed during the war3 ,what then8 ,is a fact to be concealed that1 if discovered1 may be useful to prevent errors in government1 and rectify our notions of the conomy of our people8 ,what advantage can our enemies make of such a discovery8 ,will it encourage them to imagine that we shall be easier subdued1 when they know1 by the most moderate computation1 we have at least two millions of fencible men in our ,british islands4 ,enough1 surely1 to resist them in all their attempts6 ,but ,i doubt we are not so deficient in our numbers as in public virtue1 without which the greatest multitude may be easily overcome4 ,and thus1 my ,lord1 ,i have endeavoured to answer what this ,gentleman has wrote in his second ,letter2 for ,i pass over the first1 as it does not seem to contain any more in opposition to me1 than what ,i have here considered4 ,and upon the whole ,i cannot see1 that he has said any thing to invalidate what ,i have formerly advanced4 ,if ,i could discover it1 ,i should be very ready to acknowlege my error4 ,i am sensible ,i have made this reply too long2 but ,i trust your usual benevolence to all our worthy ,members will excuse me1 who shall always esteem it an honour to be1 ,my ,lord1 ,your ,lordship's ,most obedient and faithful ,servant1 ,wm4 ,brakenridge4 ,sion-,college1 ,march #af4 #ageh4 ,,end of ,,part ,i4 ,,vol4 ,l4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,nom4 ,etymol4 ad ,calcem4 ,cat4 ,cant4 p4 #dc4 item ,hist4 ,plant4 p4 #fhj4 #b ,bella-donna dicitur quod imaginationes non injucundas efficiat1 vel ut honeste satis ,plinius1 quod lusum generet4 ,bod4 ,comment4 in ,theophr4 p4 #ehf quod in somnis pulchras ostendat virgines feminasque4 ,ibid4 p4 #ajgh4 #c ,locis citatis4 #d ,oper4 omnia edit ,c4,b4 p4 #gef4 #e ,ruell4 in ,dioscor4 p4 #ecf4 #f ,nomina generica qu ex ,grca vel ,latina lingua radicem non habent rejicienda sunt4 #g ,atropos una furiarum4 ,crit4 ,botan4 p4 #ge4 #h ,see ,lin4 ,syst4 ,natur1 edit4 ,lugd4 ,bat4 #agef4 p4 #ig4 ,no4 #bbb4 #i ,mat4 ,med4 lib4 iv4 cap4 #fi4 #aj ,see ,sennert4 lib4 vi4 par4 #g4 cap4 #i4 #aa ,stirpium ,adversar4 p4 #ajc4 #ab ,oper4 ,omn4 p4 #ged4 #ac ,rerum ,scoticar4 lib4 vii4 #ad ,ger4 em4 p4 #cda4 #ae ,page #ehf4 #af ,quadripart4 ,botan4 p4 #dhh4 #ag ,cicut4 ,aquat4 ,historia et ,nox4 ,basil4 #agaf4 p4 #bbh4 #ah ,histoire de l',academie ,royale4 #agjc4 #ai ,hist4 ,plant4 ,lugd4 ,bat4 ,hort4 p4 #eaj4 #bj ,for ,august and ,september #agdg1 and for ,sept4 #agdh4 #ba ,page #cbi4 #bb ,raii ,hist4 ,plant4 ,i4 p4 #fha4 #bc ,enumerat4 ,stirp4 ,helvet4 p4 #ejg4 #bd ,see ,forestus1 ,etmuller1 and the old chirurgical writers4 #be ,bibliotheque des ,sciences et des beaux ,arts pour les mois ,jan4 ,fevr4 ,mars4 #agee4 #bf ,tiberii ,lambergen ,lectio inauguralis1 sisters ,ephemeriden persanati ,carcinomatis4 ,groning4 #aged4 #bg ,dr4 ,van ,swieten ,comment4 in ,aphor4 ,boerh4 sect4 #dib4 #bh ,hom4 ,iliad4 #bc4 v4 #hh4 #bi ,ut enim----si hoc fingamus1 esse quasi finem----ita jacere talum1 ut rectus assistat2 qui ita talus erit jactus1 ut cadat rectus----,cic4 de ,fin4 ,l4 #c4 4 #af4 ,ed4 ,verb4 #cj ,vid4 ,dacier not4 on ,hor4 ,l4 ii4 ,od4 #g1 v4 #be1 c4 #ca 4 ,jul4 ,pollux4 ,l4 ix4 c4 #g4 #cb ,quatuor tali jacti casu venereum efficiunt4 ,cic4 de ,div4 ,l4 i4 4 #ac4 ,ed4 ,verb4 #cc ,mart4 ,l4 xiv4 epig4 #ad4 #cd ,nec regna vini sortiere talis4 ,l4 i4 od4 #d4 v4 #ah4 #ce ,quem ,venus artbitrum dicet bibendi8 ,l4 ii4 od4 #g4 v4 #be4 ,some think1 that this cast was also named basilicus from the usage here mentioned4 ,sanad4 in ,loc4 #cf ,prop4 ,l4 iv4 el4 #i4 v4 #ah4 #cg ,jul4 ,pollux4 ,l4 ix4 c4 #g4 ,lubin4 on ,pers4 sat4 #c4 v4 #di1 c4 #ch ----,quid dexter senio ferret1 ----,damnosa canicula quantum ,raderet---- ,pers4 sat4 #c4 v4 #dh4 #ci ,dial4 4 #dj ,sueton4 ,c4 ,aug4 4 #ga4 #da ,sat4 #c4 v4 #dh4 ,see ,prat4 not4 in us4 ,delph4 in loc4 #db ,hor4 ,l4 ii4 sat #g4 v4 #ag4 #dc ,mart4 ,l4 xiv4 epig4 #af4 #dd ,germ4 ,ant4 ,mon4 p4 #ch4 #de ,not4 on ,hor4 ,l4 i4 ep4 #bj4 v4 #b4 #df ,mem4 lit4 de l',acad4 des ,inscrip4 ,v4 #i4 #dg ,rerum ,mem4 ,l4 ii4 tit4 #ac4 #dh ,deum ipsum 7,serapidem7 multi sculapium--quidam ,osirim--plerique ,jovem--plurimi ,ditem patrem insignibus1 qu in ipso manifesta1 aut per ambages1 conjectant4 ,tac4 ,his4 ,l4 iv4 1 1 1 ,oraculum ,apollinis apud ,m4,a4 ,caus4 ,museum ,rom4 vol4 ii4 #f4 tab4 #ac4 #di ,antiq4 ,t4 ii4 ,p4 #b4 pl4 #aba1 #abb4 #ej ,porphyr4 apud ,euseb4 ,prp4 ,evang4 ,l4 iv4 c4 #bc4 1 c4 #ea ,suppl4 ,t4 ii4 ,l4 vi4 c4 #aj4 ,tab4 xlviii4 #eb ,montfaucon1 ibid4 #ec ,montfaucon1 ibid4 #ed ,vid4 ,observations sur les ,antiquits d',herculaneum1 c4 par ,mess4 ,cochin ,bellicard1 p4 #hc1 ,paris #agee4 #ee ,within two miles of this place there is a steel ,spaw of good repute for the performance of several extraordinary cures1 which gives the same tincture with galls1 and appears in every respect to be the same with the water1 that flows from this level4 #ef ,the proportions were adjusted according to the carat weights1 as it is by these1 that the fineness of gold is usually expressed3 ,a carat is the twenty-fourth part of the whole compound3 thus gold of so many carats is a composition1 of which so many twenty-fourths are fine gold1 and the rest an inferior metal4 #eg ,observations sur les ,antiquits d',herculaneum1 c4 p4 #hb #eh ,for a more particular account of this statue1 now in the palace at ,portici1 ,i beg leave to refer you to a paper of mine read before the ,royal ,society on ,feb4 #bd1 last4 #ei ,dio4 ,l4 xl4 #fj ,suet4 ,vesp4 c4 #g4 #fa ,for authorities1 see ,middleton's ,germana ,antiq4 ,mon4 p4 #aeb4 #fb ,pliny 7,l4 ix4 ep4 #ci47 acquainting his architect with his purpose to repair a temple of ,ceres1 which was upon his estate1 says1 ,nullum in proximo suffugium aut imbris1 aut solis4 ,videor ergo munifice simul religioseque facturum1 si di1 quam pulcherrimam exstruxero1 addidero porticus3 illam ad usum de1 has ad hominum4 ,that these portico's commonly inclosed the whole site of the ancient temples1 as in this at ,pozzuoli1 seems implied in what follows3 ,quantum ad porticus1 nihil interim occurrit1 quod videatur esse istinc repetendum3 nisi tamen1 ut formam secundum rationem loci scribas2 neque enim possunt circumdari templo3 nam solum templi hinc flumine--hinc vi cingitur4 #fc ,mess4 ,cochin and ,bellicard seem to think this room was intended for another purpose1 by their calling the funnels under the holes in the seats of it1 conduits des fosses d'aisance4 ,which of the two hypothesis's is to be preferred1 ,i submit to the judgment of the learned2 or rather1 whether both of them may not be admitted1 as in no-wise incompatible the one with the other4 #fd ,vitruvius ,lib4 iii4 cap4 #c4 ,gradus in fronte ita constituendi sunt1 uti sint semper impares3 namque cum dextro pede primus gradus ascendatur1 item in templo primus erit ponendus4 #fe ,the learned ,abbate de ,venuti1 ,f4,r4,s4 and ,antiquary to the ,pope at ,rome1 has lately by letter favoured me with an ingenious account of this phnomenon2 tho' he mentions the granite columns only as affected by it4 ,cm column1 qu circumibant templum1 excavarentur e terr1 qu erant partim abrut----minutissim conch1 qu ex testaceorum genere sunt1 atque in saxorum rimulis prope mare reperiuntur1 ideoque a vulgo ,trutti di ,mare appellat1 columnas hasce 7i4 e4 ,thebaicas7 quam spissim perforaverant1 sese componentes1 veluti apes in alveari1 cm essent sejunct integumentis ex ipso lapide subtilissimis4-- #ff ,vid4 p4 #afh4 #fg ,nec alius a sive sole est 1 sive 1 vel 4 ,qu vox 7ut suspicor7 conflata ex ,dutz et ,aretz4 ,quorum prius 7gaudium7 alterum notat 7terram7 ut notat ltitiam terr1 sive mortalium4 ,nam ,liber sive sol ltiti implet mortales1 maturando fruges1 et uvas1 unde de vino sic ,maro1 ,munera ltitiamque ,dei4 n4 i4 ,dusarem ver esse ,arabum numen indicat locus ille ,tertulliani in ,apolog4 c4 #bd4 8,unicuique etiam provinci et civitati suus deus est4 ,ut ,syri ,astartes2 ut ,arabi ,disares40 ,etiam apud ,stephanum sive ,hermolaum ,byzantium---- 4 4 ----,vossius de ,idololat4 ,l4 ii4 c4 #h4 #fh ,nicol4 ,haym ,roman4 ,del4 ,tesor4 ,britan4 ,vol4 ii4 p4 #cf1 #cg4 ,in ,londra1 #agbj4 #fi ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 in ,arsacid4 ,imper4 ,parisiis1 #agbh4 ,numism4 ,antiqu4 ,collect4 a ,thom4 ,pembroch4 et ,montis ,gomer4 ,com4 ,p4 #b4 ,t4 #gf4 ,nicol4 ,haym ,roman4 ubi sup4 p4 #cj-ch4 #gj ,montfauc4 ,palograph4 ,grc4 p4 #abc1 #abd1 #abe4 ,parisiis1 #agjh4 #ga ,idem ibid4 #gb ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ubi sup4 #gc ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ubi sup4 p4 #cce1 #cda4 #gd ,montfauc4 ubi sup4 p4 #aah1 #aai4 ,hadrian4 ,reland4 ,palstin4 ,illustrat4 ,tom4 ii4 p4 #ajad1 #ajae1 #ajee4 ,trajecti ,batavorum1 #agad4 ,i have a ,latin dissertation in the press here1 almost printed off1 containing an explication of a considerable number of coins of ,tyre and ,sidon1 with ,phnician legends upon them4 #ge ,de ,num4 quibusd4 ,sam4 et ,phn4 c4 ,dissert4 p4 #ec-ef4 ,oxon4 #agej4 #gf ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlix4 p4 #eic-fjg4 #gg ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlviii4 p4 #fic4 #gh ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlviii4 p4 #fic1 #gdj4 #gi ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ubi sup4 #hj ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ibid4 #ha ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ubi sup4 p4 #fic1 #gdj4 #hb ,chard4 ,voyages en ,perse1 c4 ,tom4 iii4 p4 #aai4 ,a ,amsterdam #agaa4 ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlix4 p4 99#eig1 99#eih4 #hc ,that the plural termination of ,,padeshah1 or ,,shah1 which1 according to ,khojah ,asdhalo'ddn1 denoted originally the same thing1 was ,,an1 or perhaps ,,ane1 in the days of ,ammianus ,marcellinus1 there is good reason to believe2 the word ,,saansaa1 ,,king ,,of ,,kings1 having been then used by the ,persians1 and handed down to us by that author4 ,the term 1 ,,saa1 equivalent to the ,persic ,,shah1 ,,king1 likewise occurs in ,agathias1 a writer of the sixth century4 ,should my explication of the ,parthian legend of the coin before me meet with the approbation of the learned1 it will perhaps be granted me1 that the plural of ,,padeshah1 or ,,padesha1 amongst the ,parthians was ,,padeshan1 if not ,,padeshane1 in the second century after ,,christ4 ,hyd4 ,hist4 ,rel4 ,vet4 ,pers4 p4 #daf4 ,khojah ,asdhalo'ddn1 ,d',herbel4 ,biblioth4 ,orient4 p4 #gfg4 ,hadr4 ,reland4 ,dissert4 viii4 de ,vet4 ,ling4 ,pers4 p4 #bba1 #bbb4 ,ammian4 ,marcellin4 ,lib4 xix4 cap4 #b4 ,agath4 ,lib4 iv4 p4 #ace1 #acf4 ,parisiis1 #affj4 ,ezech4 ,spanhem4 ,de ,prstant4 et ,us4 ,numism4 ,antiquor4 ,tom4 i4 p4 #dfc-dff4 ,lond4 #agjf4 #hd ,hyd4 ,hist4 ,rel4 ,vet4 ,pers4 p4 #gi4 ,oxon4 #agjj4 #he ,d',herbel4 ,biblioth4 ,orient4 p4 #fii1 #gfg4 ,hyd4 ubi sup4 ,hadr4 ,reland4 ,dissert4 viii4 de ,vet4 ,ling4 ,pers4 p4 #adg4 ,trajecti ad ,rhenum1 #agjg4 #hf ,hyd4 ubi sup4 p4 #cbf4 #hg ,hyd4 ubi sup4 p4 #ah1 #cab4 #hh ,matth4 ,hiller4 ,onomast4 ,sacr4 p4 #fai4 ,hadr4 ,reland4 ubi sup4 p4 #bei-bfb4 #hi ,nicol4 ,haym ,roman4 ubi sup4 p4 #cc4 #ij ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ,nicol4 ,haym ,roman4 ubi sup4 alib4 #ia ,esth4 c4 x4 v4 #a4 #ib ,scalig4 ,prolegom4 in ,lib4 de ,emend4 ,temp4 p4 #da4 ,col4 ,allobrog4 #afbi4 ,can4 ,isag4 s4 #cag4 ,matth4 ,hiller4 ubi sup4 p4 #fai1 #fbj4 #ic ,moses ,chorenens4 ,hist4 ,armen4 ,lib4 ii4 iii4 ,theophil4 ,sigefr4 ,bayer4 ,hist4 ,osrhoen4 c4 p4 #ig4 ,petropoli1 #agcd4 #id ,herodot4 ,lib4 iv4 c4 #hg4 #ie ,epiphan4 ,adv4 ,hr4 ,lib4 ii4 ,tom4 ii4 p4 #fbi4 ,paris4 #afbb4 #if ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ubi sup4 p4 #cci4 #ig ,maffeius1 in ,gall4 ,antiqu4 ,qud4 ,select4 ,epist4 #bb4 p4 #ajf4 ,parisiis1 #agcc4 #ih ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ubi sup4 p4 #ccd1 #cce1 #ccf1 #cci4 #ii ,dio1 ,lib4 lxxi4 p4 #hjb4 ,imperator4 ,romanor4 ,numism4 c4 ,stud4 ,cur4 ,francisc4 ,mediobarb4 ,birag4 p4 #bah4 ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ,can4 ,chronologic4 ,reg4 ,parthor4 p4 #da4 #ajj ,jul4 ,capitolin4 in ,m4 ,antonin4 ,philos4 et in ,ver4 #aja ,imperator4 ,romanor4 ,numism4 c4 ,stud4 ,cur4 ,francisc4 ,mediobarb4 ,birag4 ,s4,r4,i4 ,com4 c4 p4 #bbj4 ,mediolani1 #afhc4 #ajb ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ubi sup4 in ,arsacid4 ,imper4 p4 #cch4 #ajc ,dio1 ,lib4 lxxv4 p4 #hec4 ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 in ,arsacid4 ,imper4 p4 #cef4 in ,can4 ,chronologic4 p4 #db4 ,ludovic4 ,du ,four de ,longuere1 ,ab4 ,s4 ,joan4 de ,jardo ad ,melod4 et ,sept4 ,font4 in ,therasc4 ,annal4 ,arsacidar4 p4 #ea4 ,argentorati1 #agcb4 ,erasm4 ,froelich1 ,s4 ,j4 ,s4 in ,dub4 de ,minnisar4 ,aliorumque ,armen4 ,reg4 ,num4 et ,arsecidar1 ,epoch4 nuper vulgat4 p4 #ff4 ,vienn ,austri1 #aged4 #ajd ,edv4 ,corsin4 ,cl4 ,reg4 ,scholar4 ,piar4 in ,acad4 ,pisan4 ,humanior4 ,litterar4 ,profess4 ,de ,minnisar4 ,aliorumq2 ,armen4 ,reg4 ,num4 et ,arsacid4 ,epoch4 ,dissertat4 p4 #ac-bi4 ,liburni1 #aged4 #aje ,maff4 in ,gall4 ,antiqu4 ,epist4 #bb4 p4 #ajf4 #ajf ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 ubi sup4 p4 #cch4 #ajg ,arrian4 in ,parthic4 apud ,photium1 ,cod4 #eh4 apud ,syncell4 in ,chronograph4 p4 #bbf4 #ajh ,just4 ,lib4 xli4 c4 #d4 #aji ,athen4 ,deipnosoph4 ,lib4 iv4 c4 #ac4 #aaj ,corsin4 ubi sup4 #aaa ,corsin4 ubi sup4 p4 #b4 #aab ,erasm4 ,froel4 ubi sup4 p4 #gb4 #aac ,corsin4 in ,ded4 ,nob4 ,vir4 ,phil4 ,venut4 p4 #e4 #aad ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlviii4 p4 #fic1 #gdj4 #aae ,ptol4 ,tab4 ,urb4 ,insign4 p4 #ci4 ,ed4 ,huds4 ,oxon4 #agab4 #aaf ,j4 ,foy ,vaill4 in ,arsacid4 ,imper4 pass4 #aag ,hamdalla ,ism4 ,abu'lfed4 ,mohammed ,al ,firauzabad4 ,nassr ,al ,tsi1 ,ulugh ,beik1 c4 ,golii not4 ad ,alfragan4 p4 #bjj-bjd4 #aah ,upon inquiry1 ,i find1 that no such thing was taken notice of in ,northumberland2 so it probably has not extended any further to the eastward1 than the skirts of our own county4 #aai ,in an adjoining bleach-yard1 a piece of cloth1 which had been left out all night1 was turned yellow2 and was not without some difficulty washed out again4 ,some also1 which was spread out the next day1 contracted the same colour4 #abj ,the wind was westerly1 and consequently would sweep the ,irish sea4 #aba ,no rain1 or however very little1 during the hurricane4 #abb ,mr4 ,derham1 in his ,physico ,theology4 #abc ,distance about thirty miles4 #abd ,viz4 ,about four feet long1 and one inch square4 #abe ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlvii4 p4 #dh4 and ,essay on the ,virtues of ,lime water1 c4 edit4 #b;d4 p4 #aig4 #abf ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlvii4 p4 #dh and #dgc4 and ,essay on ,lime-water1 p4 #aeg and #bjj4 #abg ,the two stones found in ,lord ,walpole's bladder were of this size1 and weighed one of them #bb and the other #ba grains4 #abh ,philosoph4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlvii4 p4 #dg4 #abi ,the stone found in the beginning of the passage from the bladder was of this size1 and weighed about a grain4 #acj ,it is printed in this volume of the ,philosoph4 ,transactions1 under the #bhth of ,april1 p4 #bba1 seqq4 #aca ,essay on the ,virtues of ,lime-water1 #b;d edit4 p4 #adj4 #acb ,phil4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlvii4 p4 #df4 #acc ,phil4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlvii4 p4 #dgb1 #dgc4 #acd ,essay on ,lime-water1 c4 p4 #bjj1 #bja4 #ace ,physical ,experiments1 p4 #ai4 #acf ,essay on ,lime-water1 c41 #b;d edit4 p4 #aga1 #bja4 #acg ,essay on ,lime-water1 c4 #b;d edit4 p4 #agj4 #ach ,ibid4 p4 #bd1 #be1 #cj #ca4 #aci ,the celebrated ,dr4 ,scheuchzer has arranged the fossile plants botanically1 by ,tournefort's system1 in his folio work1 intituled1 ,herbarium ,diluvianum2 and ,dr4 ,woodward's fossile plants1 ,catalogue ,b1 he informs us1 were botanically considered and arranged by those famous botanists ,dr4 ,plukenet1 and ,mess4 ,doody1 ,buddle1 and ,stonestreet4 #adj ,woodward1 ,catalogue ,b4 p4 #ajd4 specimen q4 #a4 was of #f #a-;half feet in length2 and ,catalogue ,d4 p4 #fj4 specimen h4 #ch4 was a yard long2 et alibi passim4 ,in the collieries at ,swanvich in ,derbyshire1 in #ageb4 a plant of the cane kind was found #ad feet long3 it ended in a point at one end1 and at the root in a large knob1 and in the middle measured nine inches about4 #ada ,ziriz1 qu1 in insula ,scaldi1 secundum ,zelandi oppidum est4 #adb ,dominus ,ellis1 anno #agee4 ,lond4 in #h edidit ,essay on the ,natural ,history of ,corals1 c4 quem librum ,gallice versum in #d recudit ,p4 de ,hond ,hag ,comitum1 sub titulo ,essay sur l',histoire ,naturelle des ,corallines1 c4 par ,j4 ,ellis1 #agef4 #adc ,il y a une sorte de ,lithophyte1 qui veritablement est curieuse1 et bien extraordinaire3 elle n'a point d'ecorce continue1 mais bien quelques fragmens1 par ci par la interrompus d'un glu1 qui fleurit dans l'eau4 ,hist4 de la ,mer4 pag4 #hi4 fig4 #aja4 #agi1 #a4 #add ,bonnet sur l'usage des ,feuilles1 pag4 xviii4 #bhf4 #ade ,id4 ibid4 pag4 #ff4 #adf ,tab4 ,,vii4 fig4 ,i1 ,,ii4 #adg ,ibid4 fig4 ,,iii4 #adh ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,v4 #adi ,vide talem delineatam in ,mem4 de l',acad4 p4 #cid1 anni #agaa4 #aej ,mem4 de l',academie1 #agdb4 #aea ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,,ii1 ,,iv4 #aeb ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,,iv4 #aec ,sic ,d4 ,ellis in una eademque planta diversos1 polypos delineat1 tab4 ,,iv4 fig4 ,c4 tab4 ,v4 fig4 ,a4 tab4 ,,xiv4 fig4 ,a4 ,b4 tab4 ,,xxxviii4 ,f4 ,n4 ,e4 #aed ,tab4 ,,ix4 fig4 ,a1 ,b1 ,c4 #aee ,sic ,clar4 ,ellis eosdem etiam polypos invenit in corallina astaci cornicularum mula ,n4 #ad4 et in corallina setacea instar arundinis geniculara ,n4 #af4 #aef ,tab4 ,,vii4 fig4 ,,vi4 #aeg ,ibid4 fig4 ,,vii4 #aeh ,ibid4 fig4 ,,viii4 #aei ,tab4 ,,ix4 fig4 ,,iv1 ,v1 ,,vi4 #afj ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,,vi4 #afa ,psalm4 civ4 vers4 #af1 #ag1 #ah4 #afb ,memoir4 des ,insect4 tom4 ii4 tab4 iv4 fig4 #f1 #h4 #afc ,id4 ibid4 tab4 iii4 fig4 xv4 #afd ,id4 tom4 iii4 mem4 xi4 tab4 xxxii4 fig4 #a4 #afe ,id4 tom4 v4 mem4 iii4 tab4 xv4 fig4 #a1 #b1 #c4 #aff ,id4 tom4 ii4 mem4 ii4 tab4 iii4 tom4 iv4 tab xxxvii4 fig4 #aa1 #ab1 #ai1 #bj4 #afg ,id4 tom4 iv4 tab4 xliv4 fig4 #h4 #afh ,id4 tom4 ii4 mem4 ii4 pag4 #afc4 tab4 iv4 fig4 #aa1 #ab1 #ac4 ,ellis ,essay1 pag4 #ajj4 tab4 xxxiii4 a ,a4 #afi ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,,vi4 a ,a4 #agj ,ellis passim in figuris1 prsertim tab4 v4 fig4 ,a4 #aga ,mem4 de l',acad4 viii4 pag4 #bec4 tab4 vi4 fig4 #a1 #b1 #c1 #d4 #agb ,lesser1 ,theologie des ,insect4 tom4 ii4 p4 #aab4 #agc ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,,ii4 ,,iv4 #agd ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,,iii4 #age ,tab4 ,,vii4 fig4 ,,iii4 #agf ,idem observat ,cel4 ,jussius1 licet corillinas a polypis tamen fabrifatas autumat4 ,vide ,mem4 de l',acad4 #agdb4 et figuram inspice1 quomodo corporis extremitate corallin insident4 #agg ,tab4 ,,ix4 fig4 ,,ii4 a ,a4 #agh ,tab4 ,,ix4 fig4 ,,ii ,a4 c4 #agi ,ibid4 b4 b4 #ahj ,ibid4 ,a4 c4 #aha ,ibid4 ,b4 #ahb ,ibid4 ,c4 c4 #ahc ,ibid4 fig4 ,,iii4 #ahd ,ibid4 fig4 ,,iii4 #ahe ,ibid4 c4 c4 #ahf ,vionelli nuove luci coperte4 ,linni ,amn4 ,acad4 tom4 iii4 de noctiluca marina4 #ahg ,tab4 ,,viii4 fig4 ,,vii4 #ahh ,tab4 ,x4 fig4 ,i4 #ahi ,ibid4 fig4 #f4 #aij ,ibid4 fig4 #h4 #aia ,tab4 ,x4 fig4 ,,ii4 ,b4 #aib ,ibid4 ,c4 #aic ,ibid4 fig4 ,,iii4 #aid ,see ,phil4 ,transact4 ,vol4 xlix4 ,part #b4 p4 #eji4 #aie ,original ,letters to ,sir ,hans ,sloane1 ,bart4 vol4 ,a-,b4 in the ,british ,museum4 #aif ,journal1 vol4 xi4 p4 #adc4 #aig ,in this treatise1 ,l4 #b4 p4 #hj4 is the following passage3 ,in pago ,rorbachio non procul ,heydelberg1 ,pari etiam relatu1 gemini utriusque sexs obversis tergoribus annexis orti sunt4 #aih ,the two figures shew a fore and back view of this subject4 #aii ,see above1 ,n4 ,x1 p4 #ec4 #bjj ,after this paper was read at the ,society1 ,dr4 ,pringle having acquainted ,dr4 ,whytt1 that ,mr4 ,patrick ,brydone had omitted1 in his account1 the name of the parish1 where the woman lived1 the time when she was cured1 and also that he had not fully dated his paper2 ,dr4 ,whytt some time after wrote to ,dr4 ,pringle1 that having desired ,mr4 ,brydone to furnish him with these particulars1 he had received for answer1 8,that the woman1 on whom the cure was performed1 had lived all her life in the parish of ,coldinghame1 and for the last twelve years in that town3 ,that her father had died of the palsy seven years ago1 after having been subject to that distemper for several years3 ,that the cure was performed in his father's house at ,coldinghame1 on the #dth1 #eth1 #fth1 and #aath of days of ,april #ageg4 a circumstance he had noted down3 ,that as to the date of his paper1 presented to the ,royal ,society1 he only recollects it was written some day in the beginning of ,november last2 but as the woman still continued well1 he hoped the precise day of the month was no material omission40 ,this letter to ,dr4 ,whytt is dated1 ,coldinghame1 ,january #ith1 #ageh4 #bja ,see above1 p4 #bji1 seqq4 #bjb ,vid4 ,essay on the ,virtue of ,lime-water1 #b;d edit4 p4 #agf1 #agg4 #bjc ,essay on ,lime-water1 #b;d edit4 p4 #bjh1 c4 #bjd ,ibid4 p4 #agf and #agg4 #bje ,since my writing this discourse1 ,dr4 ,mason informs me1 that these are found no other than recent nuts and laryxes4 #bjf ,vol4 xlviii4 #bjg ,no error arises from considering the triangles ,e ,a e and ,,aeh1 as being formed on the surface of a sphere1 tho' the earth itself is not accurately such4 ,the angle 7,e ,a a7 representing the effect of the solar force1 is properly referred to the surface of a sphere2 therefore 7after the measure thereof is truly determined7 the figure ,,ap ap is itself taken as a sphere1 in order to avoid the trouble of introducing a new scheme4 #bjh ,part ,i4 p4 #afa4 #bji ,page #hjf4 #baj ,see ,,tab4 ,,xvii4 where this specimen is exactly delineated4 #baa ,this is likewise called the ,malacca ,bean1 from its growing in great plenty on that coast1 near the equinoctial line4 #bab ,see above1 p4 #cef4 #bac ,page #hhg4 ,corrections p4 #bi ,the medicinal virtues of these waters have been been treated ,the medicinal virtues of these waters have been treated p4 #cf which indeed greaty relieved him3 which indeed greatly relieved him3 p4 #he infusion from the eightteenth scruple infusion from the eighteenth scruple ,footnote #bh ,hom4 ,iiad4 #bc4 v4 #hh4 ,hom4 ,iliad4 #bc4 v4 #hh4 ,footnote #fg conflata ex ,dutz et conflata ex ,dutz et p4 #acc in addding too large in adding too large p4 #bjf ,he eat with an appetite ,he ate with an appetite p4 #cfi by any peculiar symptom distinguishable by by the touch1 by any peculiar symptom distinguishable by the touch1 p4 #ddi he will find it exactly agees he will find it exactly agrees p4 #dge for where there there is a multitude of different cases for where there is a multitude of different cases p4 #dec that the ,chinese import them1 and the ,japanese mix them with varnish for sale4 that the ,chinese import them1 and the ,japanese mix them with their varnish for sale4 ,the missing word 8their0 was added according to page #bbj of this edition3 ,,philosophical ,,transactions3 ,,giving ,,some ,,account ,,of ,,the ,present ,undertakings1 ,studies1 and ,labours1 ,,of ,,the ,,ingenious ,,in ,,many ,considerable ,parts of the ,,world1 by ,c4 ,c4 ,d,,rr1 ,printer of the ,university1 #agga p4 #dfh viz4 #bij1jjj1 in the the cities viz4 #bij1jjj1 in the cities